Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700-1900 3030662330, 9783030662332

Citation preview

Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900 Polly Thanailaki

Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900

Polly Thanailaki

Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900

Polly Thanailaki International Hellenic University Glyfada, Greece

ISBN 978-3-030-66233-2    ISBN 978-3-030-66234-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

To my dearest granddaughter Dimitra

Acknowledgments

The present book is based on research that I conducted in the field of gender studies. I have devoted my professional life in studying women’s history. More precisely, my academic interests focus on women’s education and social profile during nineteenth to early twentieth centuries in Southern Europe as the region failed to keep up with the rapid progress of industrialization of Western Europe. In the present monograph I focused my research on women’s financial endeavors. For the purpose, documents, manuscripts, archives, and photographs were put under the magnifying lens of study in order to explore women’s trading activities and to examine why their economic contribution was hushed though it was crucial for the finances of their family as well as their country. For the purpose, I studied private collections for fresh documentation. Thus, material belongings to family collections such as letters and photographs became targets of study. From this position I would like to thank the following people: The staff of the Folklore Museum in Kastoria, Greece (housed in Nerantzis-­Aivazis mansion), for supplying me with useful information and details about the life of the wealthy local people. I also express my thanks to the Assistant Professor, Dr. Francesca Picciaia, of University of Perugia, Italy, for her valuable suggestions and comments from reading part of the present book as well as the useful discussion we had.

vii

viii 

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This monograph has also benefitted from the comments of the anonymous reviewers, whom also I wish to thank. But above all, I owe many thanks to my family, and especially to my husband—Antonis—for his forbearance (once more) in the long hours that I spent on writing this book. Glyfada, 2020

Polly Thanailaki

Contents

1 Introduction  1 References  11 2 Familiocracy in the Greek Business Elite Class: Endogamy and Other Cultural Traits 13 References  50 3 Women and Economic Input in Independent Greece (Nineteenth to Early Twentieth Centuries) 57 References  90 4 Gendered Entrepreneurship and Cottage Industry of the Greek-Speaking Communities in the Ottoman Balkans 95 References 130 5 Women’s Path to Economic Autonomy in Italy139 References 151 6 Rural Women’s Economic Contribution to Agricultural Work in Southern Europe155 References 174 7 Female Entrepreneurship and Guilds in Southern Europe177 References 201 ix

x 

Contents

8 Gendered Prejudices and the Economic Setting in Romania and Bulgaria207 References 226 9 Conclusions229 Index235

About the Author

Polly  Thanailaki holds a PhD in modern history from Democritus University of Thrace, Greece, and was a visiting scholar at Harvard University, USA. She is the author of three books written in Greek, while her recent work includes the English book: Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities During 19th and Early 20th Century: A Historical Perspective (Springer 2018). She has also authored a significant number of papers in peer-­reviewed international journals as well as chapters in collective books. She has also presented numerous papers in international conferences. Thanailaki has given invited talks in Greek and American universities, and she has participated in international women’s forums and workshops. Her works have been cited by many researchers. Her field of research focuses on modern history, where she mainly studies female education and culture as well as gender equality from an international perspective. Thanailaki has lectured in the University of Piraeus, Greece (Department of International and European Studies), from 2010 to 2018. Her current affiliation is the International Hellenic University (IHU; Complex Systems Lab), Kavala campus, Greece.

xi

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The present monograph is a sequel to another book that I wrote focusing on female social status and education in rural southern Europe.1 It was after its publication that I conceived the idea to explore exactly the opposite side: that of the urban elite ladies’ economic contribution to family firms and companies as well as to study women’s economic input of the lower classes who managed small-­scale enterprises including taverns and workshops in regions located in southern Europe. Driven by the paucity of literature relating to the above particular areas—as most part of it is focused on Anglo-­Saxon countries only—I thought it was expedient to shed light on this field that remains unexplored. Therefore, elite women as well as small shop owners, tavern keepers, and female artisans were placed under the magnifying lens of my research that I believe is groundbreaking as it encompasses quite a big number of countries and regions offering not only a panorama of knowledge but also a comparative analysis among them. Driven by the standard notion that women were solely to be engaged with their household chores during the research I saw that women were also involved in business transactions acting as members of family commercial firms. However, their economic contribution was not visible. Having set in the center of the study countries of southern 1  Thanailaki, P., (2018), Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities During 19th and Early 20th Century: A Historical Perspective, Springer.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 P. Thanailaki, Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9_1

1

2 

P. THANAILAKI

Europe—and more specifically—Greece, Italy, a number of countries of the Balkans such as Romania and Bulgaria, as well as a number of areas of France, I saw that women fought hard in order to find their rightful place in the economic agency of their country while their financial contribution was unacknowledged though necessary. This was a fact despite adverse conditions occurring especially in the Balkans as there was always a turbulent atmosphere in this geographical spot because of wars and revolts. In early modern Europe, work was a significant factor in women’s lives, but it was not only that, as capitalism—at the same time—boosted the chances to invest and do the management of their own property which had passed onto their hands through inheritance, or through marriage to rich merchants. In Europe, widows were energetic because they wanted to invest as much as they could in order to increase capital that they later passed on to their children, or in order to rule out the possibility of losing it. In the early sixteenth century, 39 out of nearly 300 members of the Merchants’ Society in Ravensberg, Germany, were women. In the seventeenth and eighteen centuries, mainly widows and single women in northern Europe undertook trading responsibilities. A number of them owned shares through inheritance but they did not exert strong influence in the management of them. However, there were cases where women acted individually by selling and buying shares, or they moved capital from investments on their own. The base of their trading enterprise was mainly their house as women stood little chances of traveling because of social restrictions imposed on them or due to matters of safety.2 Feminist historians of business history have discussed women’s engagement in trade during the nineteenth century in the Anglo-­Saxon countries. The above-­mentioned business ladies, born into wealthy business families, being either daughters who inherited their fathers’ shares and post in the company’s board, or widows who had to maintain the continuity of their husbands’ business ventures, were heiresses of entrepreneurial agency in the European continent. However, female presence is noted not only in the upper-­middle-­class business elite but also in small-­scale enterprises. In them they were recorded as owners and managers of taverns, grocery stores, hat shops, and various other craft shops from which they earned their living and contributed a lot to family income. However, female accomplishment in making and preserving wealth has become 2  Wiesner-­ Hanks, M.E., (20194), Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe: New Approaches to European History, Cambridge University Press, p. 145.

1 INTRODUCTION 

3

unacknowledged. Social factors, local variants, and the industrial revolution were the main reasons for female financial activity that was silent though essential for the accumulation of wealth and growth of production. Moreover, the new work models that were shaped in the last two centuries brought about great changes in family patterns. Especially the development of the factory system made women work out of home. Thus, it is noted for the first time female presence in the declared workforce, and in the public sphere, but also—at the same time—mothers’ separation from their children in order to go out and work. In the case of Greece, women’s social profile and economic agency were associated with national dimensions. In the decade of 1830s, a German traveler, journalist, and historian named Jakob P. Fallmerayer formulated the wrong and non-­historic theory that Hellenism did not originate from the ancient Greeks—as he had formerly described—but modern Greeks were simply ‘albanized’ or ‘slavified’ tribes that bore no blood relations and characteristics with their ancient ancestors. This theory aroused a storm of reactions by influential Greek scholars and business people in Europe who put forward a lot of arguments to refute it mainly aligning themselves with those of the foremost Greek historian K. Paparrigopoulos, who contended that the Greek history is based on the continuity and unity of the Hellenic stock. In this context, the ‘acculturation’ of the different ethnicities inhabiting the Hellenic territory such as Albanians, Vlachs, and Slavs was the bond provided for the purpose. Moreover, Isocrates’ dictum that ‘Greeks are they who partake in Greek education’, became the basis of the irredentist policy during the nineteenth century.3 In 1821, the Greek Revolution of Independence came about, and in 1830 Greece shaped itself as a small, independent state, many regions of which still remained under the rule of the Ottomans. The nascent state suffered a lot of hardships, revolts, and financial difficulties resulting in a series of bankruptcies throughout the nineteenth century, in an effort to synchronize itself with the challenges coming from abroad. However, in most cases, these efforts were not successful. Moreover, 1897 was the marker year of tearing apart the national pride as Greece lost the war with the Turks while the situation was worsened by the international 3  Koliopoulos, J.,-­Veremis, Th., (2002), Greece. The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present, Hurst & Company, London p. 135: (the Greek edition) Veremis, Th., Koliopoulos, J., (2006), Hellas. He sychroni synecheia. Apo to 1821 mechri simera, Kastaniotis (publishers), Athens.

4 

P. THANAILAKI

financial control imposed on the country by its European allies in order to make them pay off their loans. Thus, the ‘Great Idea’ (Megali Idea)—the Greek aspirations of freeing their irredentist brethren who lived in the Ottoman-­occupied Greek regions—was given up. As it has been mentioned above, the Greek national idea suffered a ‘qualitative’ transformation, its cause being not only the issues of national identity and the necessity of freeing the enslaved compatriots, but—most of all—the failure of Greek statesmen as a whole to productively respond to the challenges occurring in the Western world.4 In this context, the feminist movement in this country did not seek to gain ground for women in terms of social recognition, education, employment, and political rights only, but to also awaken women’s conscience to the national mission that was the restoration of national pride. Thus, mothers were destined to take up this task and imbue their children with the idea of loving their country. It was at that time when a number of women who managed feminist newspapers, journals, small industries, and workshops for making handicrafts, or who were engaged with other entrepreneurial ventures, took a bold stance. This time was also a marker period for claiming rights as citizens. An example of an active feminist constitutes the case of Kallirrohe Parren, journalist and manager of the newspaper Ephemeris ton Kyrion (Ladies’ Journal). Other illustrative examples include the cases of Loukia Zygomala and Florentini Kaloutsi, who managed embroidery workshops. In an effort to prove the continuity of Greek nation in line with Paparrigopoulos’ theory, the patterns of their embroideries were inspired by the ancient Greek history. In Greece, at the turn of the nineteenth century, waged female employment was scarce because the country moved toward industrialization at a very slow pace. Greece was mainly an agricultural country with a quasi-­­ subsistence economy while the only hard-­working women inside and outside home were the rural female folks. However, their full-­time occupation was not recognized. On the other side, the urban female citizens did not work while their role was restricted only in acting as guardians of their family as well as in being good spouses and mothers. Head of each household was the father who was automatically perceived as the breadwinner and family provider.5 Thus, waged employment in urban Greek women  Veremis, Th.,Koliopoulos, J., (2006), Hellas He sygchroni synecheia…; ibid., pp. 538–39.  Avdela, E., (1990), Dimosioi ypalliloi genous thylikou: Katamerismos ergasias kata fyla ston dimosio tomea, 1908–1955 [Civil clerks of feminine gender: Gendered labor distribution in the civil sector, 1908–1955], (published by) Idryma Erevnas kai Paideias tis Emporikis Trapezas tis Hellados, Athens, p. 17. 4 5

1 INTRODUCTION 

5

did not practically exist. The first attempts of female work are noted in the lower and poor social strata including the jobs of servants, midwives, teachers, and later—at the beginning of the twentieth century—those of civil clerks and nurses. According to censuses conducted in the decade of 1860s, the Greek industrial sector hired female workers, though the term ‘industrial worker’ was not clearly defined until a later census of 1873–1875 was carried out that fixed the type of female waged employment in factories. However, the working conditions of female workers were harsh, and the danger of risking their health along with the problem of how to protect maternity, became the topics of hot debates. As a result, the necessity for taking urgent measures was raised by feminists and progressive intellectuals of the Greek capital. This bad situation called for application of legislation for the purpose of protecting their rights as most of the women were young girls aged below eighteen.6 Moreover, there was high undeclared employment because many female laborers worked from home and their jobs were not recorded. The same situation applied to the elite ladies’ occupation in family enterprises.7 In the first decades of the twentieth century, the factories that were mainly based in the biggest Greek port of Piraeus were chiefly family-­managed businesses. They employed an average of one to five workers notwithstanding the fact that there were also big firms with high numbers of employees. In the big factories, there was a lot of female working staff and children too. In the decade of 1930s, female employment represented the 78 percent of the workforce in textile industry while half of it consisted of female workers who were under age. Additionally, the two-­thirds of the staff hired in tobacco industry were women. Female laborers usually worked in factories before they got married, as upon marriage, they gave up their job.8 Another reason for the poor girls’ work before marriage was the purpose of saving money in order to make their own dowry. After marriage they were mainly tied to their domestic duties because they were perceived as the sole caretakers of it. Moreover, in the

 Ibid., pp. 20–21.  Salimba, Z., (20021), Gynaikes ergatries stin Helliniki Biomichania kai sti viotecnia (1870–1922) [Women-­workers in the Greek industry and in the small industry (1870–1922)], (published by) Historiko Archeio Hellinikis Neolaias, Athens, pp. 19, 29. 8  Liadakis, S., (2014), He viomichania kai to ergatiko kinima ston Peiraia tou Mesopolemou [The industrial development and the labor movement in the city of Piraeus during the interwar years], Ph.D. Dissertation, Panteio Panepistimio of Athens, Athens, p. 464. 6 7

6 

P. THANAILAKI

course of time working women became more independent as they could financially support themselves. In the Greek historical setting, the topic of female economic agency is an under-­researched topic as there is scant primary source material. Ioanna Pepelasis-­Minoglou (2007)9 explored women’s role in the Greek capitalist environment focusing on the Greek diaspora wealthy families. However, there is an unexplored field in bibliography pertaining to female entrepreneurship in the area of women’s economic agency in the small-­and medium-­sized enterprises in Greece as well as in the Balkans. Thus, the present monograph devotes a number of its chapters to this field. The above entrepreneurial activities comprised the manufacturing of fabrics in small silk craft shops, the weaving of different kinds of materials in small textile enterprises, the management of grocery stores, and small eateries and taverns. Women in southern Europe worked hard in their small shops, taverns, and workshops that they kept. At the same time, they raised their children, cooked, cleaned, grew vegetables in the garden, and took care of their domestic animals. In modern Greece, there were numerous female artisans who received orders commissioned to them by merchants who traded their merchandise. Another category of women who ran small-­or medium-­sized business ventures was those who had looms at home where they wove materials of various types. Women also made fine embroideries. In addition, they managed laundry and ironing stores, and ran stores where they worked as shirt seamstresses.10 A small number of women are encountered as managers of their own firms in distillery products, running their own chocolate factory, and being in charge of enterprises for dying fabrics, or for cleaning them. Female citizens in northern Greece are reported to be fur shop owners, as well.11 During the nineteenth century, in the Balkans and more particularly in the Ottoman-­ruled Greek-­speaking areas, the feminine skill of weaving constituted a good income in rural households. Women worked on their looms at home making fabrics and rugs destined for domestic use while they sold the surplus. Embroidery was another type of female entrepreneurial agency as women were very competent in this field and they 9   Pepelasis-­ Minoglou, I., (2007), ‘Women and Family Capitalism in Greece’, c. 1780–1850’, The Business History Review, 81:3. 10  Hellenis-­ Miniaion Periodikon tou Ethnikou Symvouliou ton Hellenidon Gynaikon, (1928–1931) Athens, p. 32. 11  Ibid., pp. 32–33.

1 INTRODUCTION 

7

managed workshops and stores that employed workers. Tobacco cultivation was another category of hard work done by women in rural Greek areas. Despite its toilsome character, often the tobacco laborers undertook this heavy task of their own free will in order to earn money and financially support their households. With their earnings they rented fields or bought pieces of land in order to cultivate tobacco, running the business themselves. In other cases, by using their diplomacy and persistence, they persuaded their husbands to buy tobacco store houses for the leaf sorting. With the income they received from the store houses, they greatly contributed to the family economy. Another side of their engagement in the laborious tobacco cultivation was the savings that they made with which they were also able to provide their children with proper schooling.12 In Italy, female presence and contribution to small enterprises and to family firms were not observed by men. To the contrary, misogynism was prevailing as almost everywhere in southern Europe. Women were supposed to stay at home and take care of children only. When there was demand for more laborers in industrial employment, sex segregation manifested its presence. Women were supposed to do the big bulk of work and especially the task that demanded unskilled performance. However, there were retail shops and small enterprises that had passed onto female hands with women’s own brand names. At the dawn of the twentieth century, this element was recorded in a survey conducted for the purpose of admitting female voters in the Chambers of Commerce. The data compiled for the purpose, showed that especially women who originated from areas where there was a high index of emigration, a new category of female merchants was traced.13 In both Italy and Greece, family was the core of all trading activities. In Italy, women’s representations in the sphere of economy were tightly tied to family where female status was assigned to an inferior level and their economic contribution was silenced. In Italian society, family acted as a symbol and bore significance in the eyes of people. Additionally, social attempts through organizations along with the Roman Catholic Church, stressed the importance of family that was inextricably linked to societal 12  Aggeli, M., (2007), Ho cosmos tis ergasias: gynaikes kai Andres stin paragogi kai epeksergasia tou kapnou: Agrinio 19os-­20s ai [The world of labor: women and men in the production and processing of tobacco. Agrinio nineteenth and twentieth centuries], Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Ioannina, pp. 181–182. 13  Curli, B., (2002), ‘Women Entrepreneurs and Italian Industrialization: Conjectures and Avenues for Research’, Enterprise and Society, v. 3: 4, (634–656), pp. 643, 645.

8 

P. THANAILAKI

values being a permanent cultural component of Italian capitalist environment. According to Italian women’s testimonies relating to their lives, women were engaged in multiple tasks and functions and they contributed a lot to the economic growth of family business but this assistance was carried out informally and was often recognized only ‘by default’ by the male members of their family circle.14 After the Second World War, new ideas relating to feminization emerged, the results of which were the high index of female attendance in higher studies as well as in universities. More precisely, after the fall of the fascist regime, substantial changes came about. However, until the decade of 1960s, the Catholic Church advocated the view that women should be under the authority of their husbands. Additionally it ‘exhorted’ them not to follow the deceptive way of emancipation. Though the above were sanctioned by the Catholic Church, later they were reviewed by the Second Vatican Council in principle recognizing ‘reciprocity’ in the couple and promoting the idea of women’s advancement and progress. This was due to the fact that the rapid changes occurring in the economy of the country were based on social reclassifications that the new world had brought about.15 The Balkans lagged far behind the great industrial advancement that took place in Europe at the turn of the eighteenth through nineteenth centuries, the reason being that this geographical spot was a contested area and a melting pot of different ethnicities. Despite the wars that took place over the control of the peninsula, the overall tendency in the history of the Balkan countries was the modernization and the peaceful coexistence of the Balkan peoples. The nascent nation-­states shaped in the mid-­­ nineteenth century struggled amidst war periods in order to improve the living standard of their citizens that remained purely agricultural and slow in following the progressive steps of the Western world. The Greek Orthodox merchants were the prevalent business figures who maintained strong ties with the motherland assuming the trade control of the peninsula. Since the Balkan communities had a closed and conservative character, domesticity was tightly linked to private sphere while women were given no significant attachment as freelance traders in case they were engaged in commerce. These social biases that framed women as passive pawns, unavoidably invited reflection on the abuses connected with their 14  Castagnoli, A., (2007b), ‘The female entrepreneur’s point of view and the Italian economy’, Business and Economic History on Line, vol. 15, (1–17), p. 7. 15  Ibid., p. 9.

1 INTRODUCTION 

9

low social profile. However, with their long efforts against social prejudices, they made their own steps toward the male-­dominated public space of commerce by keeping stores, running small-­and medium-­sized family enterprises, and gaining ground toward building a female business model. In southern Europe, female engagement in collective efforts for safeguarding their professional rights as artisans, are observed. However, their participation must be viewed as an indirect involvement—thus—not enjoying full admittance into guilds. In Greece, there was also a small female representation in guilds though women’s right to be granted full membership into them was denied. In France, women were their husbands’ helping hands in many commercial activities. Marriage played a significant role as the French men used to marry their masters’ daughters, or widows, in order to become masters themselves. In southern France, men were considered to be the head of families while female economic input was accounted for as auxiliary. The present pioneering monograph discusses issues that still remain unexplored by feminist historians, pertaining to female entrepreneurship into specific geographical regions of southern Europe for the economy of the topic, including Greece, Italy, as well as a number of areas of the Balkans, and of France. In the case of France, I included parts of the country only, as France shows regional differences being a country that belongs both to the north and to the south of Europe and serves as a bridge between north and south sharing common characteristics with both parts. French women’s practices very much resembled the female business ventures of their counterparts in southern Europe as it is—for instance—the case of Marseille. The present book attempts to study the parallel paths followed by Greek female entrepreneurs and by their European counterparts that have not been studied so far. The methodology of the book is based on the study of original sources such as archives, newspapers, and journals of the period under review as well as of secondary sources of literature. Comparisons, contrasts, and parallel patterns of feminist endeavors are broadly studied and become the main core of research. Furthermore, the present book seeks to explore how female entrepreneurship interlaced in the European historical setting. In this phase I thought that it was expedient to point out similarities and differences of the diverse social backgrounds. The questions that I attempted to answer were the following: How women faced difficulties, hardships, and prejudices in their financial endeavors? Did they differ in their attitudes, or not? Did they gain rights and economic autonomy compared to their peers in northern Europe?

10 

P. THANAILAKI

Chapter 2 emphasizes on female issues of Greek elite families in trade. It attempts to answer the questions whether women’s participation was significant in business entrepreneurship. The firm family foundations shaped the framework of the economic and political setting with geographical variations, though. Familiocracy’s moral code dictated that the family was the center of life and the soul of decision-­taking strategies. Almost all firms were family based and passed onto sons’ hands after their fathers’ retirement, or death. Chapter 3 deals with women’s small business activities in independent Greece. It mainly focuses on female economic agency in the small-­and medium-­sized enterprises, a field that remains unexplored. Moreover, it targets at laying the ground for a more deep analysis of female input in family finances. Chapter 4 studies Greek women’s trading activities in the Ottoman-­ ruled regions of the Balkans. Furthermore, it seeks to explore the existing social biases and the obstacles that impeded female progress. Through cottage industry, mothers and daughters contributed a lot to the financial needs of their families while their services were not acknowledged because they were taken for granted. The topic has not been discussed insofar. The aim of Chap. 5 is to help readers gain insight into Italian female entrepreneurial agency. The study presented here draws on notions of the female presence in terms of domesticity and womanhood that prevailed in Italian society. Chapter 6 discusses extensively women’s input in agricultural labor in a number of regions in southern Europe. The chapter also gives emphasis on female financial contribution through agricultural labor. It also explores how the wet-­nursing practice became an economic activity for peasant women through which they earned their living and contributed to the finances of their household, especially in Greece and France. Chapter 7 studies the artisanal guilds and women’s participation in them by making a comparison between Greece and a number of regions of France and Italy. Regarding the case of Greece, little is known about female engagement in guilds because they were male influenced. However, a small number of female collective attempts existed. The same chapter also sheds light on the particular guild of the soap makers in Trikala that included women only, notwithstanding the fact that female participation in men’s guilds was also observed either directly or indirectly. Chapter 8 addresses the theme of female financial input in two Balkan countries for the economy of the topic: Romania and Bulgaria. It is based on the hypothesis that women were involved in trading transactions despite social biases that impeded their progress.

1 INTRODUCTION 

11

Female representation included multifarious tasks in economy that greatly helped the economy of their country. The gradual enlargement of women’s participation in trade generated criticism and was viewed as a threat to men’s authority and preponderance. Despite the fact that female financial input was very significant and crucial in many cases—especially when the family faced mounting debts—it was ignored and unacknowledged. However, the importance and emphasis of their business ventures should not be underrated as the above women laid the ground for today’s financial setting and women’s prominent position in it.

References Aggeli, M., (2007), Ho cosmos tis ergasias: gynaikes kai Andres stin paragogi kai epeksergasia tou kapnou: Agrinio 19os–20s ai [The world of labor: women and men in the production and processing of tobacco. Agrinio 19th and 20th century], Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Ioannina. Avdela, E., (1990), Dimosioi ypalliloi genous thylikou: Katamerismos ergasias kata fyla ston dimosio tomea, 1908–1955 [Civil clerks of feminine gender: Gendered labor distribution in the civil sector, 1908–1955], (published by) Idryma Erevnas kai Paideias tis Emporikis Trapezas tis Hellados, Athens. Castagnoli, A., (2007), ‘The female entrepreneur’s point of view and the Italian Economy’, Business and Economic History on Line, vol. 15, (1–17). Curli, B. (2002), ‘Women Entrepreneurs and Italian Industrialization: Conjectures and Avenues for Research’, Enterprise and Society, v. 3:4, (634–656). Hellenis-Miniaion Periodikon tou Ethnikou Symvouliou ton Hellenidon Gynaikon (1928–1931), Athens. Koliopoulos, J., Veremis, Th., (2002), Greece. The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present, Hurst &Company, London p. 135: (the Greek edition) Veremis, Th., Koliopoulos, J., (2006), Hellas. He sychroni synecheia. Apo to 1821 mechri simera, Kastaniotis (publishers), Athens. Liadakis, S., (2014), He viomichania kai to ergatiko kinima ston Peiraia tou Mesopolemou [The industrial development and the labour movement in the city of Piraeus during the interwar years], Ph.D. Dissertation, Panteio Panepistimio of Athens, Athens. Pepelasis-Minoglou, I., (2007), ‘Women and Family Capitalism in Greece’, c.1780–1850’, The Business History Review, 81:3 (517–538). Salimba, Z., (20021), Gynaikes ergatries stin Helliniki Biomichania kai sti viotecnia (1870–1922) [Women-workers in the Greek industry and in the small industry (1870–1922)], (published by) HistorikoArcheio Hellinikis Neolaias, Athens.

12 

P. THANAILAKI

Thanailaki, P., (2018),Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities During19th and Early 20th Century: A Historical Perspective, Springer. Veremis, Th., Koliopoulos, J., (2006), Hellas. He sychroni synecheia. Apo to 1821 mechri simera, Kastaniotis (publishers), Athens. Wiesner-Hanks, M.E., (20194), Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe: New Approaches to European History, Cambridge University Press.

CHAPTER 2

Familiocracy in the Greek Business Elite Class: Endogamy and Other Cultural Traits

Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries marked an era of uncertainty in the industrial sector in Europe because the transaction costs for a family were relatively low—and as a result—family capitalism prevailed. Additionally, the last decades of the nineteenth century as well as the interwar period have reinforced this tendency.1 The challenges faced by family firms to remain untouched were further resistant in the event of death of the husband who was the founder of the company. In the absence of male heirs, those who took over the management of the firm were the wives, or the daughters of the deceased. Regarding the case of German female entrepreneurs, bereavement played a major role. However, the core of their motives was to financially stabilize and protect the existence, or the well-­being of their family.2 In England, women thrived in several commercial sectors

1  Coli, A., & Rose, M.B., (1999), ‘Family and Firms: The culture and evolution of family firms in Britain and Italy in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, Scandinavian Economic History Review, 40:1 (24–47). (Published online: December 20th, 2011). 2  Van de Kerkhof, S., (2010), ‘Women Entrepreneurs in the Early Industrialization  -­A Regional Comparison of the Ruhr and Upper Silesia’, Conference Paper, presented at The 8th European Social Science History Conference, (13–16 April), University of Ghent, Belgium.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 P. Thanailaki, Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9_2

13

14 

P. THANAILAKI

such as in retailing, in money lending, and in carrier business.3 Women’s abilities to become successful entrepreneurs were acknowledged after 1970s, as before this decade, their business initiatives were scarce and strictly confined to their family’s trading network. It was after 1970s when female entrepreneurs found easy access to their innovative steps outside family and these steps stimulated the international economic prosperity.4 In Greece, family constituted a solid part in the business networks as the firm family bonds formed the fundamental economic and political base of society. The present state of the art in the field includes the works of Ioanna Pepelasis (2007, 2010)5 who explored family bonds and women’s participation in Greek capitalist milieu.6 Other scholars such as Olympia Selekou (1998)7 and Elpida Vogli (2010),8 studied the business elite families in Greece focusing on their members as a whole. A broad-­scale research has also been conducted on the common characteristics that defined the formation of business networks as well as family bonds of the Greek communities outside Greece. These are the works of Patricia Herlihy (1979),9

3  Gleadle, K., (2001), Social History in Perspective; British Women in the Nineteenth Century, Palgrave Hampshire, p. 62. 4  Coughlin, J.H. & Thomas, A.R., (2002), The Rise of Women Entrepreneurs: People, Process and Global Trends, Greenwood Publishing Group, pp. 5–6. 5  Pepelasis-­Minoglou, I., (2007),‘Women and Family Capitalism in Greece, c.1780–1850’, Business History Review, 81:3, (517–538) (published online by Cambridge University Press: December 13th, 2011): Pepelasis, I., (2010), ‘Entrepreneurial typologies in a young nation state: Evidence from the founding charters of Greek Societe’ Anonymes, 1830–1909’, Discussion Paper No. 200, Department of Economics, Athens University of Economics and Business. 6  On matters of familiocracy on capitalist Greek women that are studied in the present chapter, I relied on Ioanna’s Pepelasis’ research papers (2007, 2010) because they are pioneering in the field and also rigorous and precise. 7  Selekou, O., (1998), He kathimerinotita mias astikis oikogeneias stin Athina: he oikogeneia tou trapeziti Stefanou Fragkiadi, Athina 1891–1908, [The daily routine of a bourgeois family in Athens: the family of the banker Stefanos Fragkiades, Athens 1891–1908], Ph. Dissertation, Panteion University, Athens. 8  Vogli, E., (2010), To gnision Metaxa: He anaptyksi mias oikogeneiakis epicheirisis (mesa 19ou-­mesa 20ou aiona), [The original Metaxas: The development of a family-­based company (mid-­nineteenth until mid-­twentieth centuries)], Livanis (publishers), Athens. 9  Herlihy, P., (1979) ‘Greek merchants in Odessa in the Nineteenth Century’, Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 3:4 (Part 1), (399–420).

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

15

Gelina Harlafti (1993),10 Anna Mandylara (2000)11, and Maria-­Christina Chatziioannou (2009).12 Additionally, Despoina Vlami (2006)13 emphasizes on middle-­class women of the trading clan based in Livorno, probing on their social status and life. What remains under-­researched though is the study of female contribution in family-­managed businesses viewed from a feminist standpoint because female agency faced social constraints, and this side was largely ignored by feminist historians. Also, the real motives behind female economic agency remain unexplored. The present chapter attempts to explore the following issues and questions raised: What was the real female contribution to the Greek capitalist family? Was women’s participation acknowledged, or ignored? How did familiocracy serve commercial plans? How well-­aware were the elite ladies of the significance of their roles as mothers and spouses as well as of their social visibility as business partners? During the first five formative decades (1830s to 1880s) that marked the creation of the Greek state and the appearance of the first feminist movements, the legal status of Greek women did not change much and remained virtually unchallenged. The first collective efforts emerged from the urban petite-­bourgeoisie and professional middle classes—chiefly the schoolteachers—while the Greek feminists struggled for equal opportunities for women’s education and civil rights. In an effort to get synchronized with the challenges of the Western world and in order to expel—at the same time—the Ottoman legacy, the Greek women took up a pivotal role in shaping ethnic identity and national ‘viability’.14 However, a number of authors, journalists, and educators argued that women had to stay 10  Harlafti, G., (1993), ‘Emporio kai Naftilia ton 19o aiona. To epicheirimatiko diktyo ton Hellenon tis Diasporas. H ‘Chiotiki’ phasi (1830–1860)’, [Trade and Shipping in nineteenth century. The business network of the Greek Diaspora. The ‘Chiot’ phase (1830–1860)] Mnimon 15, (69–127). 11  Mandylara, A., (2000) ‘Helleniki Diaspora kai Historiographiki Diaspora. Diadromes, adieksoda, epanektimiseis’, [Greek Diaspora and Historiographical Dispersion: Paths, Impasses, Reevaluations], Mnimon 22, (239–246). 12  Chatziioannou M.,-­Ch., (2009) ‘Nees Proseggiseis sti meleti ton emporikon diktyon tis Diasporas: He elliniki koinotita sto Manchester’, [New Approaches to Diaspora’s Commercial Networks: The Greek Community in Manchester], Research Notebooks 28, (145–167). 13  Vlami, D., (2006), ‘Gynaikes, oikogeneia, koinonia tis emporikis diasporas, 18os–19os ai.’, [Women, family, society of the merchant diaspora, eighteenth to nineteenth centuries], Ta Historika 45, (243–280). 14  Poulos, M., (2003), Arms and the Woman: Just Warriors and Greek Feminist Identity, http://www.gutenberg-­e.org/poulos/chapter2.html

16 

P. THANAILAKI

at home and get busy with their household duties and with the rearing of their children only, while others advocated the view that women should go out and work in order to contribute to the family’s finances. Both sides referred to urban women because villagers always labored hard both in the fields and at home while their contribution was taken for granted. The journalist Vlasis Gavriilides described upper middle-­class Greek women as ‘miserable creatures’. More precisely, he wrote that they lived a ‘false’ life, also ‘hypocritical’, ‘purposeless’, and ‘meaningless’, and that through marriage they sought a goal in life. He contended that they entered into marriage as the representatives of the female gender and not as equal future assistants to men, or as those who had the same ‘capital’ of feelings, senses, work, and individuality as their husbands.15 In the battle for women’s claiming more rights, the feminist journals were the tools in women’s hands to serve the purpose. For instance, Vosporis emphasized on the significance of women’s social contribution, a side of which was exercising charity, while the other was the respectful role in the family that female gender held as mothers and spouses while education was a strong asset for them, too. In this context, Vosporis, reflecting the conservative side of female presence, stressed the point that women should be engaged in jobs that ‘fit to female nature’ only, arguing that they should not claim economic independence and autonomy.16 Evrydiki (1870–1873)—another feminist journal—voiced the arguments of the educated women who argued that education was an imperative demand for women’s emancipation.17 In terms of women’s employment, a common female occupation was that of the maid while literate women were working as schoolteachers at the turn of the nineteenth century. At the dawn of the twentieth century and until mid-­century, the number of waged female employment steadily rose, while the period was marked by women’s entrance in the

15  Ksiradaki, K. (1988), To Feministiko kinima stin Hellada (1830–1936). Protopores Hellenides, [The Feminist Movement in Greece (1830–1936). Pioneering Greek Women], Glaros (publishers), Athens, pp. 68–69. 16  Anagnostopoulou, Ch., (2011–2012), ‘To Gynaikeio Zitima sto periodiko Vosporis’ [Women’s Issue in Vosporis Journal], Mnimon 32, (125–150), p. 142. 17  Varika, E., (1987), (Greek edition), He ekseyersi ton kyrion: He genesi mias feministikis syneidisis stin Hellada 1833–1907, (published by) Idryma Erevnas kai Paideias tis Emporikis Trapezas tis Hellados, Athens, p.  67: Varika, E., (1986), (French edition), La révolte des dames: genèse d’ une conscience XIXème Siècle (1833–1907), Thèse de doctorat en Histoire, Université à Paris 7.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

17

civil sector employed as civil servants.18 However, the hot debates that started since the decade of 1850s and went on until 1930s revealed the slow-­moving and backward character of Greek society. Regarding b ­ usiness, the act of transferring the management of an industrial plant to a female member of a business elite family was complex. It was associated with both the right to family property, which depended on the legislation of that time and gendered perceptions related to bourgeois women’s occupation outside the house. Throughout the nineteenth to early twentieth centuries, the notion that women had to stay at home and look after their kids was deeply seated in the Greek society. Women’s dominion was their household which belonged to the private sphere while there was a firm belief that men were engaged in affairs of the public socioeconomic sphere. The prevailing social tenet viewed home as women’s territory that needed its own economy and management that only women were able to manage and help it reach the height of its great destination. In this context, any external protection and help given by men was fruitless and futile. At home, the more literate mothers and wives were responsible for cultivating high and noble virtues since in the family there was a need for good taste, good psychology, as well as pedagogy and knowledge. Therefore, family was the primary and early stage in the social cell in which the social body was shaped and educated. It was also the core of female expression and the center of action.19 Women of the upper middle classes were not supposed to work. Conversely, the female citizens of the lower classes were active participants in the labor market, being mainly employed as factory workers. In this context and in line with the moral and social code which dictated that the family was the center of all aspects of life and the core of all decision-­taking issues, most of factories and industrial plants in the port of Piraeus, as well as in other Greek regions, were family-­based enterprises. They passed on to sons after the father’s death who was the founder of the company, or after his retirement. What differentiated the priorities of the male successors with the past, was the belief that they first had to study at university and then to take over the management of the firm because in 18  See more on the matter in: Thanailaki, P., (2013), Gynaikeies Martyries stis Selides tis Historias: oi koinonikes prokatalipseis stis Helladikes kai stis Diethneis Koinotites kata to 19o me arches tou 20ou aiona, [Women’s Testimonies on History Pages: Social Prejudices in the Greek and in the International Communities During Nineteenth to Early Twentieth Centuries], Papazissis (publishers), Athens, p. 120. 19  Scrip (newspaper), 28/09/1908, issue, 16161, Athens, p. 3.

18 

P. THANAILAKI

the past years their ancestors became apprentices in their parents’ business without pursuing higher studies. Moreover, male kinship was the beneficiary of family’s legacy for managing the company while nothing seemed to break the chain of these tightly knit family business networks. Some examples of family-­based thriving companies in the Greek principal port were the cases—among others—of iron industry and machining factory that was founded in 1859 (or 1860) by G.  Vasileiades. In 1901 it was taken over by his son V. Vasileiades. As a rule, the senior brothers usually undertook the management of the family firm. For example, in the big textile industry of Retsinas, Alexandros Retsinas became the chairman of the company’s board as he succeeded his elder brother—Theodoros—in 1887. Another similar example constituted the case of Oikonomides enterprise, a company that manufactured paints.20 In case when a firm faced debts and the son, or the sons of the family, was underage, the father appointed executors of his will who were called to settle the pending financial obligations of the firm and to pay off the company’s debts to third parties, being also in charge of providing for the weak family members, namely the wife and daughters.21 The same people were often appointed as agreed guardians for the children. Greek women’s participation in business networks as heiresses of family enterprises is framed in a vague image because of regional, contextual, as well as time variants. Despite these differences, the sanctity of blood ties made the bond trust very strong in business networks where the interests of the kinship were inseparable and intertwined. In the firm belief for keeping family enterprises untouched, the desire of the testator of a will to nominate and appoint a female member of his family circle as executor of his will and as a legitimate person for assuming the full control and management of the firm, was not rare. For instance, Konstantinos Panagiotopoulos, owner of a steam-­operated flour mill based in Piraeus, nominated as successor of his enterprise his adult daughter, Aggeliki, with 20  Petras, Ch., (2006), To Profil ton Peiraioton viomechanon stis arches tou 20ou aiona, [The profile of the industrialists in Piraeus during early twentieth century], Bachelor’s Degree Thesis, University of the Aegean, Mytelene, pp. 32–33: On textile industry in Piraeus, see: Papastefanaki, L., (2011), Ergasia, Technologia kai Fylo stin Helleniki Viomichania tou Peiraia, 1870–1940, [Labor, Technology and Gender in the Greek Industry of Piraeus, 1870–1940], Panepistimiakes Ekdoseis Kritis (publishers), Heraklio. 21  Giannitsiotis, J., (2001), He diamorfosi tis Astikis taksis tou Peiraia, 1860–1909, [The shaping of the middle class in Piraeus, 1860–1909], Ph. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, p. 164.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

19

the explicit command that nobody else but her would assume full responsibility. Additionally, the rest of his children were assigned the roles of shareholders and participants in the management of the company when they would come of age.22 Aggeliki had acquired the know-­how of the running of the family business and was experienced. Her father’s mill was one of the biggest enterprises in the field of flour industry since 1875. It employed about 182 workers.23 In this company there were no guardians or consultants appointed24 because Aggeliki was well experienced as she was involved in business being the elder daughter of Panagiotopoulos family. So, seniority was significant as it often entailed direct engagement in family business affairs in the absence of an adult male member. This also answers the question why Aggeliki seemed to have gained managerial skills and was thought of being a successful business woman. In this case gender discrimination is not visible because what businesspeople counted more as their first priority was the prosperity and solidarity of their family enterprises. When Aggeliki got married she transferred the full control of her company to her husband, Demos Vourvoulis,25 who was owner of another flour mill.26 Another case study of a big company was the firm of Metaxas. The brandy distillery company of Metaxas,27 also based in Piraeus, was founded by Spyridon Metaxas who died in 1909. Spyridon cooperated with two of his brothers: Elias and Alexandros. Later, the younger brother, Georgios, joined the company. Georgios was an educated man with an excellent 22  APA, (Archeion Protodikon Athinon), [Archive of the Athens First Instance Court], D1885/1885, Number 13, as quoted in: Giannitsiotis, I., Diamorfosi astikis taksis…, ibid., p. 164. 23  Pardali-­Lainou, A., (1990), He ekseliksi tou limaniou tou Pirea kai he epidrasi tou stin oikonomiki anaptyksi tis evriteris periochis tou Pirea apo to 1835 eos to 1985, [The evolution of the port city of Pireus and its role in the economic development of the insider area of Pireus from 1835 to 1985], Ph. Dissertation, Panteion University, Athens, p. 88. 24  Giannitsiotis, I., Diamorfosi astikis taksis…, ibid., p. 164. 25  Demos Vourvoulis owned a flour mill that was located in a neighborhood named ‘Maniatika’, in the city center of Piraeus, close to Aghia Sophia Cathedral. He helped his compatriots who originated from Mani by offering them a placement in his mill. Vourvoulis was also an elected member of the municipal council of Piraeus. See more in: Scrip (newspaper), (12/12/1907), issue 10680 Athens, p. 3: www.omorfimani.gr/2015/11/13 26  However, he had been accused of forgery and abuse at the Piraeus Customs House. See more in: Scrip, ibid., (8/10/ 1909) issue 16593, p. 3. 27  For a full account of facts about Metaxas company, see: Vogli, E., (2010), To gnision Metaxa: He anaptyksi mias oikogeneiakis epicheirisis (mesa 19ou-­mesa 20ou aiona), ibid.

20 

P. THANAILAKI

knowledge in business management and a very good command of foreign languages. His contribution to the company was crucial as he helped the firm that faced economic problems survive with capitals supplied by rich relatives of his wife.28 After Spyridon’s death, Elias Metaxas continued the operation of the distillery along with Spyridon’s widow named Despoina Metaxa, who became a limited partner holding part of the industry’s shares until her death in 1920. When Alexandros died, his wife Aggeliki Metaxa took over part of the company. We do not know much about Aggeliki’s life. As for Despoina Metaxa—née Monarchidou—it is known that she originated from the island of Psarra, where she was born in 1892.29 After her death, part of the couple’s money was donated for the purpose of building a hospital in Piraeus for treating patients suffering from cancer. The hospital operates even today under the name ‘Metaxa Cancer Hospital of Piraeus’.30 Despoina’s two daughters, Thiresia and Aggeliki, were also engaged in the industry’s commercial activities.31 Eleni Kakavouli-­Nafpliotou constitutes another case study. Since 1873, her family factory in Piraeus operated with engines of seventeen horsepower (hp) that processed iron, steel, brass, and lead. The factory also produced scales and safes that were either sold in domestic trade or exported to other countries such as Turkey, Egypt, Serbia, Romania, and Albania.32 The enterprise was located at 3 Hephaestus St.33 Its capital cycle came up to forty million drachmas.34 Eleni’s father—K. Kakavoulis—had 28  Vogli, E., (2012), ‘«Mega Ergostasion kataskevis cogniac S. kai E., kai A Metaxa en Peiraiei».Epixeirimatiki organosi kai stratigikes poliseon mias Hellenikis potoviomichanias (1880–1940)’, [‘The big brandy distillery firm owned by S.E., and A., Metaxas in Piraeus’: Business Organization and Strategies of a Greek Proto-­industrial Factory (1880–1940)], in: Petmezas, S., Harlafti, G., et  al., (eds), Theoritikes anazitiseis kai empeirikes erevnes, Alexandreia (publishers), Athens, (171–187), p. 176. 29   Chatziioannou, I., (ed.), (1923), Panhellinion Lefkoma Ethnikis Ekatontaetiridos 1821–1921, He chrysi vivlos tou Hellenismou, (6 vols), Ι. Chatziioannou (publishers), Athens, v.B’, pp. 260–261. 30  Mlp-­blo-­g-­spot.blogspot.gr/2010/11blog-­post_28.html 31  Chatziioannou, I., (ed.), (1923), Panhellinion Lefkoma…, ibid. 32  Gaitanou-­Gianniou, A., (1928–1931), ‘He Ellenida os epicheirimatias kai os viomichaniki Ergatria, [The Greek woman as entrepreneur and as factory worker], Hellenis, Miniaion Periodikon tou Ethnikou Symvouliou ton Hellenidon Gynaikon, Athens, pp. 32–33. 33  [Pireas Piraeus], ‘Ergostasia Peireos apo tin agenta tou etous 1916’, [The factories in Piraeus as drawn from the yearbook of 1916], Pireas-­piraeus.blogspot.com, (published online: 21st January 2012) (186–192), in: Alepoudelis, Th., http://pandektis.ekt.gr/pandektis/handle/10442/65796 34  Hellenis…, ibid., pp. 32–33.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

21

bequeathed her the factory that at first produced scales according to a newspaper advertisement in 1881.35 Konstantinos Kakavoulis was a small artisan who worked first as an iron monger. Because he wanted to escape waged employment he set up a small workshop.36 The trademark of Eleni’s Kakavouli firm was a cross. Her firm prospered. During the first decades of the twentieth century her company manufactured highly sophisticated products such as the unburned type of safes based on the English patent of ‘Milners’. Her safes were also pieces of art because they were decorated with nice and solid metal letters.37 An invoice of 1938 bears the name of the firm, ‘Eleni Kakavouli: Factory of Scales and Safes’ and as a subtitle, ‘Successor: Emmanuel G. Pagkalos, Piraeus’.38 E. Pagkalos is recorded as the owner of a workshop for making scales, while Eleni Kakavouli had a factory of safes, independently of her relative K.  Kakavoulis, who also managed a firm of manufacturing safes in the beginning of the twentieth century.39 Women are reported in modern Greece to also be involved in many other types of business, mainly as heiresses of their husbands’ or fathers’ companies. For example, Maria G. Agathokli was widow of the businessman Georgios P.  Agathoklis who had a joint company along with his brother—Konstantinos—including a number of enterprises. The ‘Agathoklis Brothers’ firm based in the Greek town Stylis, was a multi-­­ purpose plant that comprised a spinner’s enterprise, a flour mill factory, and a pasta workshop.40 ‘The Agathoklis Brothers’ firm also kept business transactions with Piraeus, it being the family’s birth place.41 According to recorded material, in 1892, the ‘K. P. Agathoklis’ firm set up a number of water-­powered mills in Lamia. In 1896, the firm also organized a branch of the company in the same town in order to sell products of the  Neai Ideai-­Efimeris tou Laou (newspaper), 19/09/1881, Athens.  Giannitsiotis, J., (2001), He diamorfosi tis Astikis taksis tou Peiraia, 1860–1909, [The shaping of the middle class in Piraeus, 1860–1909], ibid., p. 95. 37  [T., TH.], (2018), ‘He parousia tis epicherimatia ton arxon tou 20ou ai. Helenis Kakavouli stin Komotini’. [The presence of the entrepreneur Eleni Kakavouli in Komotini], www.paratiritis-­news.gr/article/201707 38  www.paratiritis-­news.gr, ibid. 39  Mayer, K., (1957–1960), Historia tou Hellenikou Typou: Efimerides kai Periodika 1901–1959, [History of the Greek Press: Newspapers and Journals, 1901–1959], (3 vols), vol. 3, p. 23. 40  Giannitsiotis, J., He diamorfosi, ibid., p. 115. 41  On more about the matter, see: Floros, K., (1987), ‘Konstantinos P. Agathoklis kai Sia’, [Konstantinos P. Agathoklis and Co.] Fthiotika Chronika, (8), pp. 34–61. 35 36

22 

P. THANAILAKI

Stylis-­­based plant. In 1897, the factory of the same region used big ovens for baking bread in order to supply the Greek army.42 Konstantinos was the soul of all enterprises.43 He was not married. In 1908, he secretly named his brother, Georgios, as the sole beneficiary in his will.44 After Georgios’ death (1921), all mobile assets that the family possessed, as well as the big landed estate of 8400 acres located in the area named ‘Pazaraki’ in Trikala, passed on to his wife, Maria,45 along with a water-­powered mill for grinding grains in the same town.46 During the years 1923–1924, Maria’s son—M. Agathoklis—undertook the operation of the mill changing the firm’s name to ‘M.G. Agathoklis and Co’.47 Maria seemed to be directly involved in her husband’s business for two years in their Trikala-­ based mill until her son came of age and took over the family’s business that he later sold. The town of Trikala seemed to be their residence and the center of their business ventures as Maria’s husband was an elected member of the Hellenic Parliament of Trikala constituency in 1905.48 In Kalamata—another Greek town—Kleio M. Callicouni was an active and experienced female industrialist as her family factory produced liquor and spirits products such as the Greek ‘masticha’, ‘raki’, and brandy as well as various kinds of other sweet liquors. The firm was awarded with many prizes abroad, the most honorable of which was the prize of the ‘Societé Philomathique’ of Bordeaux in France. The company received orders not only from Greece but also from Europe and the USA.49 It also had a branch in the center of Athens.50 In 1919, when the man in charge of the distillery (N. Callicounis) died, the business passed onto the hands of his wife, Kleio, as well as to his three sisters. The four women managed successfully the distillery that prospered despite the big economic crash of the 42  Balomenos, K., (2017), ‘Konstantinos Pan. Agathoklis: Protoporoi viomichanoi sti Fthiotida’, [Konstantinos Pan. Agathoklis: Pioneering industrialists in Fthiotida], amfiktyon. blogspot.com 43  He also owned a tobacco factory in Piraeus. See: Sotosalexopoulos.blogspot.com 44  Both Konstantinos and Georgios Agathoklis were elected as representatives of the Hellenic Parliament in different constituencies. See: Balomenos, K., (2017), ibid. 45  Sotosalexopoulos.blogspot.com 46  Balomenos, K., (2017), ibid. 47  Mylosmatsopoulou.gr (i-­istoria). 48  [Vouli ton Hellenon], (1822–1935), Mitroon Plireksousion Gerousiaston kai Voulefton, [The Hellenic Parliament (1822–1935), ‘Registry of Proxies for Senators and Members of Parliament’], Athens, pp. 88–89. 49  Scrip (newspaper), 12/07/1900, issue 1759, Athens, p. 4. 50  It was located in Stadiou St., 28, ibid., 7/7/1900, p. 4.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

23

period 1919–1936 and the Asia Minor catastrophe. Later, the four women bequeathed the business to the family’s heir named N. Callicounis who had pursued studies in the Athens University and was mature to take over the factory.51 Here, it is also noted women’s involvement in managing family business as widows, or heiresses of deceased husbands, fathers, or brothers. Similar to Agathoklis’ case, the female members of Callicounis company successfully handled the economic transactions of the family firm albeit temporarily and for a transitional period until the male heirs were ready and mature to take over the business. In Athens, Pavlidis chocolate factory constitutes another case study of industrial activity.52 In 1841, it is noted his first pastry shop in the center of Athens that made sweets in syrup such as ‘baclava’. From 1842 until 1852, Spyridon Pavlidis, an active and energetic man who did not want to remain stagnant in his business ventures, traveled to Italy, where he gained better knowledge in chocolate-­making. During the period 1852–1863, the first chocolate was served in his Athenian ‘Glykismatopoieion’ (pastry shop), first as a hot drink. In 1861, Spyridon Pavlidis imported from Paris the first manually operated machine for making chocolate bars.53 Newspapers wrote that the Athens elite lined up outside his pastry shop in order to buy his famous chocolate. The firm was awarded with twenty gold and silver awards.54 In 1878, his son Dimitrios Pavlidis succeeded the founder of the enterprise. In 1895, Alexandros Pavlidis took over the business. During the first decades of the twentieth century the chocolate factory prospered and more precisely during the years 1920–1924. However, the early death of Alexandros who passed away at the age of fifty-­four, was a big loss for the chocolate factory but not for long, as his widow—Eleni— became in charge of the enterprise in 1924.55 The business owed much of 51  From this position I would like to thank Callicounis company for providing me with information. The business operates until today, see: Charontakis, D., (2008), ‘Oi Kalamatianoi potopoioi’, [The liquor distillers in Kalamata], www.tovima.gr 52  Pavlidis chocolate bars are sold on the market until today. On more on the history of Pavlidis chocolate factory, see: Pikrammenou-­Varfi, D., (1991), ‘Ο Spyridon Pavlidis kai to «Glykismatopoieion» tou-­Ta prota chronia tis protis Helenikis Viomichanias’, [Spyridon Pavlidis and his «Glykismatopoieion»–The early years of the first Hellenic industry], (published by), The Heleniko, Logotechniko kai Historiko, Archeio, [E.L.I.A.], Athens. 53  ToBHMA, [Team], (28/01/2011), ‘Sokolata Ygeias Pavlidi: 150 chronia apolafsis’. [The ‘Ygeias’ chocolate of Pavlidis. 150 years of delight], https://www.tovima.gr 54  Empros (newspaper), 31/12/1897, (no issue-­first page missing), p. 3. 55  Sideri, M., (06/01/2002), ‘He Sofokleous choris tin «chokolata» tis’, [Sofokleous St., without its chocolate], https://www.kathimerini.gr

24 

P. THANAILAKI

its future growth and innovative steps to Eleni’s contribution.56 One such step of improvement in the flavor of the chocolate was taken by her as she added whole almonds that made it even more tasty. Eleni’s economic contribution to the family firm further illustrates the cases of business women that took over family companies and continued their operation successfully, often adding their own touch of taste along with novel ideas. In Piraeus, more cases of female presence in the industrial sector are recorded in the first decades of the twentieth century. In 1910, Eirini Finopoulou57 took over her husband’s management—Efstathios Finopoulos.58 It was a big enterprise that was engaged in the spirits and liquor trade and was named ‘IVI-­Finopoulos’. It traded large-­scale products and was the supplier of the Royal Court. The industry was founded in 1860.59 In 1913 another woman named M. Alexandropoulou held a managerial position in the family firm that manufactured needles and nails. The company’s owner was her male relative Evaggelos Alexandropoulos. In 1915, Eleni Konstantopoulou took over the family-­owned flour industry of Vasileios Konstantopoulos.60 Vasileios died in 1907, and according to his obituary published in the newspaper Empros, Eleni was his wife.61 During the first decades of the twentieth century, wives’ roles of holding managerial posts in their husbands’ firms were not a rare phenomenon as we saw in the lines above. They often received assistance from a male member of their family and they were experienced in the management of a company through their direct or indirect engagement in its operation. At the dawn of the twentieth century, Piraeus played the most significant role in the country’s industrial growth. During the period 1860–1900, it was transformed into a big industrial city being also Greece’s biggest port. The seventy-­six steam-­operated workshops and factories along with the workforce of 7500 workers formed the backbone of national

 To BHMA, Team, (28/01/2011), ibid.  The ending ‘ou’ in the last name denotes female gender according to Greek grammar while the ending ‘os’ indicates male gender. 58  Empros (newspaper), (11/12/1904), issue 2926, Athens, p. 4. 59  The distillery of Efstathios Finopoulos in 1884 operated with a power of 50 horsepower (hp). Its production amounted to the weight measure of 3000 ‘okas’ per day. Thirty-­five employees were working in this distillery. See more in: Pardali-­Lainou, A., ibid., p. 96. 60  Petras, Ch., ibid., p. 34. 61  Empros (newspaper), 10/11/1907, issue 3,974, Athens. 56 57

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

25

production. Moreover, the rapid increase in population62 and the use of cheap raw materials and fuel that facilitated the transportation of the industrial products to the rest of the country and abroad, constituted the main factors which contributed to the modernization of the factories along with the use of steam engines.63 During the years 1870–1922, it was not only Piraeus but also the whole country that doubled the number of its citizens as well as its land. As a consequence, urban population increased by 27% in 1920 which contrasted to that of the year 1879 when the rise stood at only 14%. Urbanization was also the reason for the rise of female employment in the service sector. However, the census did not appear to be complete as a quite large number of female waged workers were not recorded because they worked from home. So, their payment was undeclared as they were not included in the company’s payroll. Most of them earned piecework wages, being not fully employed. This case also applied to employers’ spouses, widows, and daughters, who were also invisible in the payment records and account books.64 This element leads to the assumption that though economic elite ladies managed their family’s business by taking on the position of the strategic decision-­makers, or by chairing the company’s board—as seen above—they served the post unselfishly, viewing these responsibilities as an extension of their duties as heiresses of wealthy fathers and husbands. It seemed that they did not work out of mere ambition in order to build up a career. They simply followed the social norm. Under this contextual framework, social norms along with the rapid pace of urbanization and the growth of industrialization in Greece prompted female members of the merchant elite to take action in various other activities, as well. One of them was philanthropy because the upper-­­ middle-­­class elite women decided to organize and sponsor charity institutions, orphanages, and schools for the poor and destitute. By patronizing charity organizations, they attempted to solve social problems by approaching them as an extension of motherhood and of the civilizing role that  In 1861 the city of Piraeus had 6452 inhabitants. In 1870 the number of the citizens came up to 10,963 and in 1879 it was 21,618. 63  Kotea, M., (1995), He Viomichaniki Zoni tou Peiraia (1860–1900), [The Industrial zone in Piraeus (1860–1900], Ph. Dissertation, Panteion University, Athens, pp.  134 and 206. 64  Salimba, Z., (2004), Gynaikes ergatries stin Helleniki viomechania kai sti viotecnhnia (1870–1922), [Women-­workers in the Greek industry and in the small industry (1870–1922)], (published by) Historiko Archeio Hellenikis Neolaias, (EIE), Athens, pp. 17 and 20. 62

26 

P. THANAILAKI

women had to play. However, one can also see these benevolent initiatives of the bourgeois ladies as a field for exercising social control65 because their actions often aimed at assisting their husbands in their professional and business careers especially when they ran as candidates in order to be elected members of the Hellenic Parliament, or they aimed at running for a post in the municipal elections in order to become mayors. Moreover, the husbands of wealthy business elites often had plans for being elected members of the cabinet of the Greek government. Therefore, spouses collected votes for them. One method was offering help to the poor and needy people.66 The Greek women’s newspaper Ephemeris ton Kyrion [Ladies’ Journal], which was managed and edited by the active feminist journalist Kallirrohe Parren, gives a comprehensive picture of the social life and charity that the elite ladies in Piraeus led and exercised in the early twentieth century.67 In one of her articles entitled ‘He Hellinides eis ta Nosokomeia’ [The Greek Ladies taking action in Hospitals], Parren wrote that though the city of Piraeus was situated very close to Athens, it was viewed as a provincial town not much preferred for residence by the elite of Piraeus as a number of them resided in Athens. Therefore, Piraeus was the home of small artisans, only. One reason was based on the fact that it lacked in culture, and the bourgeois people had to attend the cultural events taking place in the Greek capital. In Athens, the wives of the industrialists of Piraeus did not only get busy with shopping, visiting tailors, and attending social happenings but they also followed the charity model of the Athenian ladies and the way they organized their philanthropic work.68 Later, the wealthy women of Piraeus established their own society for destitute women of the big port, the goal of which was to supply those in need with daily meals. Additionally, they set up a special department in the hospital for the 65  See more on the matter: Thanailaki, P., (2009), ‘Young women at risk: Poverty, malnutrition and philanthropy. The role of charity schools in Greek society, 1830–1899’, in: Christine Mayer, et  al. (eds), Children and Youth at Risk: Historical and International Perspectives, Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main, (195–202). 66  Tsakouris, K., (1996), He Philanthropia stin Hellada ton 19o aiona. He sygkrotisi kai leitourgia. He periptosi tis Athinas kai tou Peiraia. [Philanthropy in nineteenth-­ century Greece. Structure and Function. The case of Athens and Piraeus], Ph. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, p. 147. 67  Ephemeris ton Kyrion, (newspaper), 01/01/ 1913, issue 1029, Athens, p. 2189. 68  On orphanages in Piraeus, see: Theodorou, V., (1992) ‘Philanthropia kai poli: Orfanoi kai astegoi paides ston Piraea gyro sto 1875’, [Philanthropy and the city: Orphan and homeless children in Piraeus, circa. 1875], Mnimon (14), (71–90).

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

27

nursing practice. Another worth-­ mentioning charity society was the Syndesmos Kyrion pros Prostasian tis Ergatidos [Women’s Association for the Protection of the Female Worker] that was set up in Piraeus in 1904. According to its charter, the goal of the association was ‘the ethical and the material protection’ of the class of female workers of Piraeus as well as their basic literacy. The association comprised three different departments: one was that of the Sunday schools, the other was in charge of social care, and the third aimed at providing the poor with daily meals. A woman named A.P. Xanthaki chaired the board. The post of the vice president was held by Eliza Damala. Its secretary was Amalia Perraki, while the position of the association’s bursar was held by Argyro Feraldi.69 In the Syndesmos, the female workers not only received the basics in learning and were supplied with warm daily meals but also received personal care.70 The Sunday school in Piraeus also aimed at shaping female workers’ character akin to the bourgeois model by instructing them on acceptable standards of behavior. The above ladies of charity schools and philanthropic institutions were spouses or daughters of the business elite people who belonged to the merchant-­embedded clan. Hence, the employers also stood great chances in securing for themselves a disciplined working staff for their factories. Moreover, as analyzed in the previous lines, the ladies also cared for their husbands’ political careers and philanthropy adding to the success of their campaigns as the needy people felt grateful—hence—they willingly voted for them. Therefore, the system was based on a clientele-­­ oriented mechanism, in many cases.71 Argyro Feraldi was daughter of the active mayor of Piraeus—Loukas Rallis—who was an industrialist. Rallis was a member of the board of Eleimon Hetaireia [Charity Association], while his office as the head of the municipality of Piraeus lasted from 1855 until 1866.72 Argyro’s husband—F. Feraldis—was also an industrialist who owned a gas factory in Athens that he had set up in 1857.73 Argyro was engaged in benevolent activities in many ways. For example, she was reported to collect clothing for destitute girls along with another elite lady named Rallou Vlagali. Rallou was an upper-­middle-­class woman, wife of Alexandros Vlagalis,  Syndesmos Kyrion pros Prostasian tis Ergatidos, www.elia.prg.gr/Entry Images 5%C1%  Ephemeris ton Kyrion, (newspaper), 01/01/1913, ibid. 71  Salimba, Z., ibid., p. 257. 72  Tsakouris, K., ibid., Tables, entry 55 (n.p.). 73  Sitaras, Th., (2015), ‘Athina, 1835: Apo ta ladofanara sto aeriofos’, [Athens 1835: From oil lamps to the gas], www.protothema.gr, 2/2/2015. 69 70

28 

P. THANAILAKI

who was the manager of the Athens-­Piraeus Railway Company. The couple lived in a mansion in the seaside suburb of Neo Faliro near Piraeus. Rallou seemed to be also an active participant in the public sphere by taking care not only of the poor and destitute women,74 but by also assisting her husband in his office. For example, she assisted him in his effort to persuade passengers to use the new electric train that started its operation at the beginning of the twentieth century. According to her account of facts and due to the fact that people were prejudiced against using electric trains for the fear lest they would be burnt by high voltage, her husband used to take her every day to the train and to commute together from Piraeus to Athens on a round trip. This was her attempt to prove that she was a fearless living example of a train commuter.75 A.P.  Xanthaki was another bourgeois lady who was engaged in the above-­mentioned association. She was related to Paul Xanthakis76 who had been elected as a senior member of Piraeus municipality because he had gained the highest number of votes. During Greece’s difficult period of the ‘National Schism’77 from November 1916 until January 1917, he served as the acting mayor of Piraeus in place of A.  Panagiotopoulos (1860–1939).78 The other  Ephemeris ton Kyrion (newspaper), Athens, 20/03/1888, issue 54, p. 6.   See more: Xenopoulos, Gr., ‘106 chronia apo tote pou kinithike ho Elektrikos Sidirodromos’, [106 years since the Electric Trains started operating], www. somsyntaxiouchon-­isap.gr 76  Most likely she was his wife. 77  The unauthorized embankment of Greece’s Allies in Piraeus and the city’s capture by them took place in November 1916. Greece’s tearing apart by the ‘National Schism’ had its roots in the clash between the Greek Prime Minister E. Venizelos and King Constantine over the country’s foreign policy and diplomacy during the First World War. Venizelos proposed a plan that was based on an alliance between the Greek country and the Triple Entente. To the contrary, the King opted for a neutral position. Venizelos was forced to resign twice while Greece was divided between north and south. In the north, the revolutionary government under Venizelos, along with General Danglis and Admiral Kountouriotis, had its headquarters in Thessaloniki, while in Athens it was stationed at the official government that had been appointed by Royal Decree. See more in: Koliopoulos, J., & Veremis, Th., (2002) Greece: The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present, Hurst & Company, London, pp. 54, 128, 271, 284–285, 363, 366. 78   It was during this period that Athens was fiercely bombarded. The mayor of Piraeus—A. Panagiotopoulos—a Venizelos’ supporter, drove his car around the city during the night in an effort to calm down the worried citizens. See more in: Krasonikolakis, D., (2015), ‘«Noemvriana»—Hoi Galloi katalamvanoun ton Peiraia (epicheirisi «Hellenikos Hesperinos»)’, [The November issue: The French occupied Piraeus: The Operation of ‘Hellenikos Vespers’), dimitriskrasonikolakis.blogspot.gr in: pireorama.blogspot.gr: https:// skolix216.wordpress.com (published online: November 21, 2015). 74 75

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

29

charity lady, Eliza Damala, was the vice president in the association’s board. She was related to Pavlos Damalas who was a doctor and also mayor of Piraeus for the period 1903–1907.79 As mentioned above, the Syndesmos Kyrion pros Prostasian tis Ergatidos was established in 1904, a year that coincided with her husband’s office.80 Eliza was also a relative of the influential family of Loukas Rallis through Pavlos Damalas.81 Amalia Perraki was the secretary of the association. Her family owned an iron factory.82 In 1916, her family also managed a tanneries factory in the Greek port.83 Stylianos Perrakis, of the same family, owned a shipyard.84 Regarding the lady that was referred in the Ephemeris ton Kyrion as member of the Syndesmos under her last name only, (‘Spiliotopoulou’), there is no more information provided. Probably she was also born into a wealthy family as her associates.85 Athina Dilaveri constituted another business elite woman of Piraeus who was engaged in broad-­scale charity work. She was daughter of the flour industrialist, Vasileios Konstantopoulos.86 Her husband, Kriton Dilaveris, took over the tiles company that he inherited through his father. The flourishing tile firm was set up in 1888. Kriton was also elected as a member of the Hellenic Parliament for the constituency of Piraeus for the term 1946–1950. He died in 1972.87 Athina set up the Omilos Kyrion-­­ filon tis Astynomias Peiraios (Ladies’ Society-­Friends of Piraeus Police). 79  Pavlos Damalas contributed a lot to sports being an active member of the subcommittee for the organization of the Olympic Games. Linardos, P., (2013), ‘Ho protoporos Pavlos Damalas’, [The pioneering Pavlos Damalas], https://www.tovima.gr (published online: April 20th, 2013). 80  I speculate that Pavlos was her husband though there is no information supplied on the matter. 81  Pavlos Damalas was son of the mayor of the island of Syros, Amvrosios Damalas, and of Kalliopi Ralli, daughter of Loukas Rallis. See more in: Giannitsiotis, J., ibid., p. 317. 82  [MLP], (2016), ‘Ta palia Michanourgeia tou Peiraia’, [The old machine workshops in Piraeus], https://mlp-­blo-­g-­spot.blogspot.com (published online: January, 23rd, 2016). 83  [Pireas Piraeus], (2012), ‘Ergostasia Peireos–Apo tin ATZENTA tou etous 1916’, [The factories in Piraeus as drawn from the yearbook of 1916], (186–192), Pireas-­piraeus. blogspot.com (published online: January, 21st, 2012). 84  See more in: www.orykta.gr 85  A woman by the name Athina Spiliotopoulou is referred in the Ephemeris ton Kyrion as being a member of the Piraeus department of the ladies’ society ‘Lykeion ton Hellenidon’ where she gave her valuable services to the ‘Lykeion’ along with the other elite ladies such as, Argyro Feraldi and A.P. Xanthaki. See more in: Ephemeris ton Kyrion, (newspaper), 15th June, 1912, issue 1025, Athens, p. 2117. 86  She was also sister of the great Greek actress, Katina Paksinou. 87  Scrip (newspaper), 25/02/1904, issue 8804, Athens, p. 4.

30 

P. THANAILAKI

She created a sick bay of twenty-­five beds for the Piraeus policemen. The society also supplied them with medicine, clothing, and schoolbooks for their children. Additionally, she organized a kids’ summer camp in her husband’s big, leafy, landed estate on the island of Aegina. She died in 1970 having bequeathed considerable assets and relief to the poor and destitute.88 Apart from blood ties there were other types of institutionalized principles that boosted capitalist families’ interests, profits, and relations in their milieu, based on the following main shared values: intermarriage (endogamy), adoption (the practice of being the best man in a marriage, or the godfather in the christening of children, called Koumbaria), and fraternization.89 Endogamy was the key to success in business ventures during the nineteenth century. In the ‘hearths’ (tzakia) of merchants, intermarriage was part of a strategic plan. By having their sons or daughters marry somebody from another powerful merchant house of their clan, it helped the expansion of their business networks.90 This was the recipe for commercial growth. Moreover, intermarriage between Greek Orthodox influential business people secured the building up of steady foundations for a new household as the couple shared common religious affinity, culture, and tradition. An example constitutes the case of the will of a merchant named Stergios Nikolides-­Pindo, in 1843 where the testator, a wealthy businessman of Vienna91 and also a highly respected man, strongly advised his son to get married to a Greek-­Orthodox woman by explicitly explaining why this practice was the right decision. He based his argument on the premise that experience gained from life, shows that the couple’s life who shared different religious beliefs did not lead to happy conjugal and parental relations. Although intermarriage showed irregularity depending on different time periods, it was a firm belief embedded in the merchant clan that marrying somebody of the same home place held better prospects for a successful marriage. This was Pindo’s belief as this  Empros (newspaper), (18/08/1949), issue 1,376, Athens, p. 5.  Petropoulos, J., (1997) (Greek Edition), Politiki kai sygkrotisi kratous sto Helleniko vasileio, 1833–1843, MIET (Publishers), Athens, p.  71: Petropoulos, J., (1968), (English Edition), Politics and Statecraft in the Kingdom of Greece (1833–1843), Princeton University Press. 90  Ibid., (Greek Edition), p. 95. 91  On the common characteristics in the formation of the Greek business networks in Austria-­Hungary Empire and in Great Britain, see: Chatziioannou, M.-­Ch., (2009), ‘Nees Proseggiseis sti meleti ton emporikon diktyon tis Diasporas’, ibid. 88 89

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

31

notion manifested the Greek-­Orthodox families’ refusal to marrying people from a different cultural background for the same reasons as those mentioned above.92 Overall, it expressed resistance to assimilation. But in the course of time, this practice seemed to be given up in many regions. In Vienna—for instance—there was an increasing number of registered marriages between people of different Christian dogmas or religion in the second half of the eighteenth century.93 To the contrary, religious affinity played an important role in Odessa because there were no religious barriers in the indigenous people because Greeks and Russians were both Christian Orthodox. Therefore, nurturing marriage alliances was quite frequent from the late nineteenth century in the areas where there was homogeneity in religion.94 However, in the warm recollection of the ideals and cultural achievements of fatherland, the Greek culture was always present in the arguments put forward by the heads of the Greek communities who were in charge of educational institutions, also serving as centers for preserving the ancient Greek language and civilization.95 Moreover, endogamy was the stepping-­stone of the male members of the market-­­ embedded cliques and business circles in order to climb up high echelons.96 More particularly, large-­lineage intermarriage was largely much preferred. This was common practice especially in the Chiot trading clan. It was also widely practiced by the Greek businessmen who owned firms in England and had accumulated wealth as their companies traded commodities with the Orient and with the Black Sea. Following this pattern, Emmanuel Frangiadis, a Chiot businessman, aged twenty in 1833, got married to Marigo Rodokanachi, sister of his business partner Ioannis Rodokanachis. Following this practice he boosted his economic and social profile.97 Another case was that of Stefanos Frangiadis—the fourth son of Emmanuel G. Frangiadis—who, at the age of thirty, got married to the 92  Seirinidou, V., (2002), Hellenes sti Vienni, 1780–1850, [Greeks in Vienna, 1780–1850], Ph. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, p. 96. 93  Ibid., pp. 94–95. 94  Herlihy, P., (1989), ‘The Greek community in Odessa, 1861–1917’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, v.7, (235–252), p. 247: On the Greek merchants in Odessa, also see: Herlihy, P., (1979), ‘Greek Merchants in Odessa in the Nineteenth Century’, Harvard Ukrainian Studies, (399–420). 95  Herlihy, P., ‘The Greek community…’, ibid., p. 247. 96   Pepelasis-­ Minoglou, I., (2007), ‘Women and Family Capitalism in Greece, c. 1780–1850’, The Business History Review, 81:3, (517–538), p. 522. 97  Selekou, O., (1998), He kathimerinotita mias astikis oikogeneias stin Athina: he oikogeneia tou trapeziti Stefanou Frangkiadi, Athina, 1891–1908, [The daily routine of a bourgeois

32 

P. THANAILAKI

twenty-­ nine-­ year-­ old Despoina, daughter of the wealthy tradesman Ioannis Skaramangas from Rostov of South Russia, in 1875. Skaramangas was a close business partner of Stefanos’ father. Moreover, Stefanos’ sister—Elisabeth Frangiadis—got married to Ioannis who was George Skaramangas’ senior brother. Stefanos’ marriage to Despoina had been arranged by their parents who had them betrothed at a very young age.98 Female role was passive in these premarital agreements, and women acted like pawns with some exceptions. They were married at the very early age of fourteen or fifteen in order to give birth to many children. Intermarriage was a social practice followed by Greek Orthodox business networks despite the fact that the young sons and daughters of the elites were grown up in an international surrounding, had fostered Western ideas, and led a cosmopolitan life. In line with the customary law of the Chiot business circles, endogamy was a social practice that was never to be given up because it was believed that the consequences would be serious on the grounds that marrying a member from their own milieu would secure better trading prospects in favor of their firms’ expansion and prosperity.99 Therefore, the long child betrothal was a personal vow, a commitment in effect while there was no thought of failing it. The marriage between Stefanos and Despoina took place in Russia, the bride’s birthplace.100 The reason why the couple chose Russia was based on Frangiadis’ project according to which he thought expedient to examine on site the local conditions in trade and see for himself if he could broaden his scale of enterprises with his in-­laws.101 Assuming from the methods followed, there was not only women’s passive role in the intermarriage process but also men’s blind obedience to their parents’ plans as the main aim was the expansion and prosperity of their business ventures. Researchers assume that the full control of an enterprise, along with the commercial branches that had to be well-­represented abroad, was the goal which was sought for by merchants, and intermarriage served the purpose perfectly. Additionally, because there were no other means of exchanging information apart from postal mail, the practice of having blood relatives, or compatriots to represent their firms abroad, secured trustworthiness. family in Athens: The family of the banker Stefanos Frangkiadis, Athens 1891–1908], Ph. Dissertation, Panteion University, Athens, p. 24. 98  Selekou, O., ibid., p. 29. 99  Ibid., p. 29. 100  Ibid., p. 30. 101  Ibid., p. 30.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

33

Moreover, it facilitated the exchange of reliable information on the operation of the business and on the prospects of commercial expansion. Hence, these family-­based international trading networks functioned as closed clubs where outsiders were denied access.102 The Chiots owed their power and influence to a high degree to their discipline as determined by the hierarchy and coherence of the families.103 Behind the marital or premarital contracts and engagements, there was a full-­scale strategic plan that comprised two parts: one was related to the way of how companies were organized, and the other was associated with the method of trading. Collectiveness was the usual legal frame in the Chiot business ventures. Moreover, the main plan of the firms’ strategy was laid in the headquarters, while the rest of the branches of the network followed the policy of the nerve center. The business partners held managerial positions. The most competent member of the board assumed responsibilities in the management of the head offices as the headquarters were attested with the nationality label of the company. Another organizational scheme was the legal autonomy that the branches enjoyed while—at the same time—they equally shared the profits.104 Under this frame of operation, endogamy fit better as social practice. Anna Mandylara poses the question whether the arranged intermarriage among the Chiot families in the French port city of Marseille rested on the couple’s common place of origin, or it happened so because they belonged to the same social class.105 It is true that endogamy went through different stages with spatial and temporal variants and implications. During the eighteenth to nineteenth centuries, intermarriage had regional characteristics defined by blood, or marriage relations. Blood ties were attached with more significance. However, in the mid-­­ nineteenth century endogamy had been attested with different criteria in the well-­presented Greek community of Marseille for instance, where the groom’s high level of education was much appreciated. If he had pursued higher studies, he was considered as an open-­minded man with cultivated personality and fine manners. As a result, what weighted more for a successful marriage of the Chiots’ clan in the French port, was capital  Harlafti, G., (1993), ‘Emporio kai Naftilia ton 19o aiona. To epicheirimatiko diktyo ton Hellenon tis Diasporas. He «Chiotiki» phasi (1830–1860)’, ibid., p. 91. 103  Ibid., p. 91. 104  Ibid., p. 90. 105  Mandylara, A., (2000), ‘Helleniki Diaspora kai Historiographiki Diaspora. Diadromes, adieksoda, epanektimiseis’, [Greek Diaspora and Historiographical Dispersion: Paths, Impasses, Reevaluations], Mnimon 22, (239–246). 102

34 

P. THANAILAKI

possession as well as a good level of education more than the common place of origin, though the latter was much preferred. In the early twentieth century, it is evident that within this new context in social status, there was a convergence of practices in the projects’ planning, according to which superiority in the level of intellectuality was highly rated.106 In the autobiographical novel Loukis Laras (1879) written by Demetrios Vikelas—son of an influential Greek Chiot capitalist family—there are explicitly referred reasons for intermarriage in the Chiot clan. Vikelas wrote that each business elite family planned to marry their sons and daughters with members of their own social business circles because the number of those who were born into wealthy families was limited. Due to this fact, the efforts of the elite for procuring good marriages for their off springs started early. The narrow Chiot circle and the restricted number of wealthy families necessitated marriages between close relatives in many cases. Their argument was based on the proven success of this practice. Since early childhood and in line with this social norm, future young couples were nurtured with the idea of getting married to each other. Vikelas also added that there was a long period of social contacts that came after the betrothal period. Though the young couple did not have the heart’s ‘stirrings’, as it happened when somebody was married for love, it secured them a quiet life without ‘violent’ turbulences. This tradition was maintained for the sake of ‘material interests and calculations’ and for the benefit of receiving a good amount of cash for dowry that was granted to the young woman by her parents.107 Following this practice, they built the steady foundations that secured their marriage with harmony and unity, these also being the assets with which the family became powerful. Consequently, intermarriage was an effective means through which the Chiots based their prosperity because in their social circle—as it was written in the previous pages—marriage was used as a tool for increasing business profits, for boosting their commercial profile, and for setting up fresh projects for their new enterprises. The following example drawn from Loukis Laras further illustrates this case. In the book, the hero’s two sisters had been married to two of the author’s friends who the family had agreed 106  In line with these new social perceptions and broad-­ scale practices, the marriage between the Greek affluent manufacturer by the last name ‘Zarifis’ and the daughter of a French manufacturer, named ‘Terrin’, was not a breaking up of the social norm. Ibid., pp. 245–246. 107  Vikelas,D., (1879), Loukis Laras, (Chapter 8), https://el.wikisource.org/ Λουκής_Λάρας

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

35

on setting up business relations with.108 Very often, striking a bargain over the size of the dowry before fixing the marriage was common practice. The groom weighted with precision the premarital donation that he was going to receive. However, Penelope Delta—a well-­known author of children’s books and daughter of a rich cotton merchant of Alexandria, Egypt—wrote that she started protesting with indignation on this bargaining of women’s dowry. Nevertheless, this was a usual method for procuring a good match. Delta expressed herself openly and against the type of a man who weighted the cash of dowry in order to decide which girl constituted the most gainful marriage case for him. In Delta’s social circle, money was highly esteemed while people’s social recognition and respect were based on how much wealth they had accumulated. In line with this social rule, the writer’s mother used to tell her daughters that dignity counted a lot, but a young woman had to possess a good share of income in order to marry somebody she wanted.109 She also added that what was valued more in their social circle was the amount of cash that girls received by their parents upon marriage. Otherwise, brides had to make compromises and not to expect much. In most cases, the biggest sum of the initial capital that merchants used for their trading activities, was drawn from their spouses’ dowry.110 In this context, the possession of dowry was a big asset in women’s hands as it granted them with the power to influence their husbands’ decision-­­ making policy on financial affairs. Moreover, the higher the amount of cash dowry they received, the more chances it stood for wealthy young brides to have their own final say in the match that their parents arranged for them. For example, in Kastoria111 the customary law dictated that the brides, daughters of wealthy merchants, decided themselves about their future husbands by expressing their own opinion about the man that  Ibid.  Delta, P.S., (1991), Anamniseis 1899, [Memories 1899], P.A. Zannas & et al. (eds), Ermis (publishers), Athens, p. 265. 110  Chapman, S., (2005), The Rise of Merchant Banking, Taylor & Francis, p. 95. 111  Kastoria, a flourishing town in northern Greece and famous for its picturesque lake, was a busy area during eighteenth century. This was due to the fact that its inhabitants were mainly engaged in the small-­scale industry of fur processing. See more in: Theocharidou, K., (1979), ‘To Archontiko tou Basara stin Kastoria kai he emporiki drastiriotita tis oikogeneias to a’ miso tou 19ou aiona’, [Basara’s mansion in Kastoria and the family’s trading activities in the first half of nineteenth century], Makedonika 19(1), Society for Macedonian Studies, Thessaloniki, (298–327). 108 109

36 

P. THANAILAKI

their parents had proposed them to marry. For this reason the groom—to be—visited the mansion house112 of his future wife along with his relatives. The room where they sat in order to strike the deal and to fix the amount of cash for dowry, was located in the ladies’ quarters.113 At the mezzanine floor of the mansion where one could find the family’s bedrooms, there was a small opening kind of window—to the young woman’s bedroom. From this small opening, the bride-­to-­be took a secret look at her future husband and decided whether she liked him or not.114 On this mezzanine floor, there was also a small entrance door through which the mother entered in her daughter’s bedroom in order to hear about her decision.115 If the young woman liked the man, then her mother made sweet coffee to treat her guests but if the bride-­to-­be disapproved of the groom, then the served coffee was bitter. As a general rule, because marriages between sons and daughters of wealthy families were a product of good trading bargains, and social bonds facilitated commercial plans and trading projects, the final deal was usually struck at the main reception room of the mansion. In this room there were also given big receptions for feast days, engagements, or marriages.116 In Kastoria, the above social tenet according to which young wealthy women freely expressed their preference or, disapproval of, their future husbands, indicates that female members in the above rich families did not hold an inferior position since they had their own say and decided about their future themselves.117 As mentioned above, blood-­relation practices and endogamy strategies were the main broadly used instruments for procuring successful marriage alliances and for planning good business projects in capitalist families while women’s contribution to this practice was sound in a number of cases. The following example further illustrates these methods. The businessman— Alexandros Mavros—had a large-­ scale lineage who worked for his 112  On the architecture and the use of the rooms of the mansions in Kastoria, see: Theocharidou, K., ‘To Archontiko tou Basara stin Kastoria’, ibid., (298–327). 113  From this position I would like to thank the staff of the ‘Laografiko Mouseio Kastorias’ for supplying me with the above information and for showing me the room. 114   See more on the matter in: museumfinder.gr/item/laografiko-­moyseio-­kastorias­neratzi-­aivazi 115  Ibid. 116  Ibid. 117  In the same town we also encounter rich ladies and their husbands being donors to the church for charity purposes. For example, according to number 2754 ecclesiastical codex of the Archbishop of Kastoria, lady Elaia—spouse of Chrysos Betlis—and also lady Kseno—wife of Georgios Betlis—as well as the lord K. Betlis, had been donors to the above church. See more in: Theocharidou, K., ibid., p. 324, footnote 1.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

37

company. In this particular firm, Efrosyni—the wife of the founder of Mavros’ trading firm—exerted pressure on her husband in favor of her own relatives and she succeeded in carrying out her plan.118 It goes without saying that by taking advantage of her husband’s powerful position in the company, Efrosyni appointed her two brothers and her two brothers-­­ in-­­law as representatives of the branches of Mavros’ business networks in Marseille, Livorno, and Taganrog.119 London constitutes another example where the system of mutual kinship120 played its significant role, too.121 When the spouses of the Greek Orthodox merchants secured their position in family lineage and became more mature with age, they also exerted pressure on their husbands in favor of their own relatives for the purpose of finding them a placement in the family companies especially if their relatives were economically weak. More particularly, kinship networks worked in the best of the way in the cases of Rallis Brothers and Rodokanachis family firms as they were pioneers in establishing enterprises that were organized on a multinational level by cooperating with their relatives and compatriots who represented them abroad.122 Another example illustrates the case of Melas family, ancestors of D. Vikelas. Georgios Melas was married to Eleni—daughter of Mihail Vassiliou—in Constantinople. The marriage connected him closely with the influential Constantinople-­ based family of Sevastopoulos, parental home of Mihail Vassiliou’s wife.123 Lending money to relatives, or offering financial assistance to their compatriots, was another side of practice followed by the Greek native and diaspora business networks. In Odessa124—for instance—in 1789, when  Vikelas, D., Loukis Laras, ibid., p. 189.  Vikelas, D., (1908), He Zoe mou: Paidikai Anamniseis-­Neanikoi Chronoi, [My life: Childhood Memories  -­YouthTimes], (published by) Syllogos pros Diadosin Ofelimon Vivlion, Athens, p. 47. 120  In London, during eighteenth century, many Greek merchants married British women as they held slim chances of finding Greek ladies to marry. See more in: Tziovas, D., (ed.), (2016), Greek Diaspora and Migration Since 1700: Society, Politics and Culture, Routledge, London &New York, p. 37. 121  Vikelas, D., Loukis Laras, ibid., p. 214. 122  Kardases, V., (2001), Diaspora Merchants in the Black Sea: The Greeks in Southern Russia, 1775–1861, Lexington Books, New York, p. 162. 123  The firm of Marco Sevastopoulo(s) was based in Odessa and it traded grain. The Constantinople-­based firm was probably a branch. See more in: Herlihy, P., (1989), ‘The Greek Community in Odessa, 1861–1917’, ibid., p. 244. 124  In Odessa, the middle-­class women as well as those of the lower classes, formed the majority of the Greek female workforce at the turn of the nineteenth century. Their inclusion 118 119

38 

P. THANAILAKI

the port had not reached the peak of its commercial growth yet, the Greek tradesmen borrowed money from their family members or compatriots, at a very high interest rate.125 The example of the firm of ‘A. Avgerinos and Son’ further clarifies it. In 1803, A. Avgerinos and his son had set up a company in Odessa, with capital that their uncle had lent them.126 From the above cases it is deduced that the systems of mutual kinship, of familial cooperation, and of the relations of the trade-­embedded clan, worked successfully in the capitalist families and also in the Chiot families, in many ways.127 The same practice also applied to the commercial firms based in Taganrog which were engaged in diverse business activities and not only in trading grain. In fact, the first merchants who settled in Azov, traded commodities much consumed in Russia such as alcoholic beverages which ‘Vernardakis House’ dealt with, or fish products that the same company also did business with.128 Another key element that helps us explore better how interfamilial relations of the economic elite contributed to the augmentation of the Greek business networks was children’s christening, or being the best men in the wedding ceremonies of their own milieu. Penelope Delta—for instance— was the godmother of her nephew, son of her sister Alexandra and wife of an Englishman named Tom Davies. This was common practice in the closely knit community of the Vlachs in Vienna, too. The Vlachs were a tightly interrelated ethnic group with various customs and traditions that defined the Vlach cultural background. The Vlachs were also reproduced through endogamy and they exerted their influence by means of god parenthood (koumbaria) that entailed the christening of children of their community, or being the best men in wedding ceremonies. One such example constitutes the case of a merchant named Konstantinos Moschas who had baptized fifteen children of the Vlach commercial-­embedded clan in Vienna. In this christening practice, women held their own share. For instance, Aikaterini Tzetiri, along with her husband and other family or noninclusion in the labor market depended on the finances of their family and more especially on the ability of male breadwinners to financially support them, or not. See more in: Sifneos, E., (2010), ‘Rentiers, teachers and workers: Greek women in late nineteenth-­century Odessa’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 34:2 (182–200), (published online: July 18th, 2013). 125  The interest rate reached at 30–35 percent. See: Kardases, V., ibid., p. 93. 126  Their uncle, Theodoros Avgerinos, had been appointed as the Russian consul in Smyrna. See: Kardases, V., ibid., p. 93. 127  Vikelas, D., He Zoe mou, ibid., p. 169. 128  Kardases, V., ibid., p. 170.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

39

members was the godmother of twenty-­ two children. Additionally, Konstantinos Moschas had been the best man in the wedding ceremony of Konstantinos Tzetiris129 and Eleftheria Adami.130 In a nutshell, the christening of children, or being the best man in wedding ceremonies, were two sides of social practices that cemented the foundations of business networks. The above social norms and cultural traits also added to the extension of land business ventures of the Vlachs who were mainly engaged in the trading of agricultural products that they imported in Budapest and Vienna from the Balkans mainland. Adoption was another social tenet and cultural characteristic traced everywhere in both prerevolutionary and postrevolutionary Greece as well as in the dispersed Greek communities outside the Greek borders. In line with this practice, orphan children, or kids whose parents suffered from extreme poverty, were adopted by childless couples. The act of adoption was secured by written documents signed by both parties—the biological couple and the foster parents—in the presence of witnesses and with the Church’s blessings.131 According to John A. Petropoulos, extreme poverty was a factor that facilitated the building up of these clientele-­based relations between foster parents and biological mothers and fathers, or between the kinship of the adopted child. Adoption also served as an official mechanism with which the chieftains exerted influence and bound their chief and brave soldiers (pallhikaria) so as to remain fully dependent on them.132 Adoption also constituted a shared value for Greek diaspora merchants. In this context, it was not used in its strict meaning only, but in the broad context of protecting their employees as if they were members of their own family. Indicative case was that of Rallis’ business firms the clerks of which worked with loyalty while later the chance was given to a number of them who were highly motivated to set up their own business companies. According to Stephanos Rallis, his employees were diligent and hardworking. Moreover, as a rule, he always employed Greeks, judging not ‘out of mere patriotism’, only, but because of the fact that the Greeks were ‘competent and loyal’.133 129  The names ‘Tzetiris’ and ‘Tzetiri’ refer to the same family and to the same name. The first has got the masculine ending ‘s’, while the second has the feminine ending that takes no ‘s’, according to the Greek grammar. 130  Chatziioannou, M.,-­Ch., Nees prosegiseis… ibid., p. 153. 131  Maurer, G.L., (1834), Das Griechische Volk in o ̈ffentlicher Kirchlicher und privatrechtlicher Bezierhung, (2 vols), vol. I, p. 133, vol. II, pp. 432–433. 132  Petropoulos, J.A., Politiki…, ibid., p. 72. 133  Vikelas, D., He Zoe mou…, ibid., pp. 328–329.

40 

P. THANAILAKI

Blood brotherhood (adelfopoiisi) was another type of social practice that asserted its long presence in the Balkans which the Greek Orthodox Church blessed. Its main purpose was to assist the male members of the cast. The Albanian-­speaking population of the Greek communities called the members of the blood brotherhood ‘vlamides’. The Greek historic society named ‘Society of Friends’ (Philiki Etaireia) used the term ‘vlamides’ or ‘adelfopoiitoi’ that was the first of the seven degrees of initiation.134 Fraternizing was common practice between Christians and Muslims, too.135 Over the centuries, the Greek communities that were dispersed in the diverse European regions used this form of fraternity. It functioned in line with their social rules and local conditions. In Transylvania, brotherhood had been observed since the seventeenth century where the merchants were organized in guilds, the core of which was the common Ottoman citizenship. Another characteristic was the trading of Ottoman commodities that made Christian merchants valuable to the economy of their area. As a reward, these traders enjoyed safety and protection granted to them by the Ottoman local authorities.136 In the class of merchants, fraternities included different types of cliques that put together their agencies in order to gain more profits. Moreover, it served commercial profit, mercantile privileges, or the maintaining of religious and national identity. Unlike the general rule of fraternizing, in the nineteenth-­­century Greek community of London, fraternity constituted a different case as it served as an urban agglomeration with the building of a Greek Orthodox parish that catered for the needs of the community’s religious practices. The fraternity in London built a Greek Orthodox cemetery for the same purpose, and it also set up a school named the ‘Greek College’, where young generations were taught the principles of Greek education.137 134  Trikoupis, S., (1853), Historia tis Hellenikis Epanastateos [History of the Greek Revolution], vol. A’, Aggelidou (publishers), London, p. 23. 135  Anemodoura, M., (2008), ‘Filiki Etaireia’, Encyclopedia of the Hellenic World, Black Sea, footnote 13, http://www.ehw.gr/I.asx?id=11106 136  Katsiardi-­Hering, O., (2007), ‘Adelfotita, compania, koinotita. Gia mia typologia ton Hellenikon koinotiton tis kentrikis Evropis, me aformi to agnosto katastatiko tou Miskolc (1801)’, [Confraternity, ‘Company’, community. At a typology of the Greek communities in central Europe, on the occasion of the unknown statutes of Miskolc (1801)], Eoa kai Esperia 7, (247–310), p. 267. 137  Galani, K., (2016), ‘He Helleniki koinotita tou Londinou ton 19o aiona. Mia koinoniki kai oikonomiki proseggisi’, [The Greek community based in London. A social and economic approach], Ta Historika (63), pp. 60–61.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

41

The shared cultural trait of speaking the same language was another type of cohesive bond amid the dispersed Greek merchants. The Greek language was commonly spoken in the Greek communities of the Black Sea where spouses, mothers, or grandmothers of the mercantile diaspora clan played the role of the guardian of Greek civilization, in an attempt to maintain Greek tradition and customs. In the case of Odessa’s organized community, they sponsored educational institutions including a high school for girls, and another one for boys. Theodora Rodokanachi funded a girls’ school named after her because she was its benefactor. In the same area, the female members were highly respected because they were considered to be the vehicles for promulgating the Greek language and culture to the next generations since they were assigned with the task of rearing their children and of managing their households.138 In the early diaspora generations, the Greek language was used in their conversations along with the French language as second language. The Russian language was spoken as a third option. Because of the frequent marriages between Russians and Greeks the Greek language lost its preponderance, in the course of time, another reason was the lack of Greek-­speaking nurses, governesses, or servants. Because of these factors, the descendants did not retain ‘the full panoply of linguistic equipment’. In case when there was a Greek-­ Russian marriage, grandmothers were in charge of maintaining Greek customs. For example, one of their duties was to take their grandchildren to the Greek cathedral on Sundays and on various festive occasions.139 Furthermore, the Greek-­speaking domestic staff of the opulent diaspora households also served as the guardians of traditions of motherland and as those who cared for the family’s welfare and safety. In the book Loukis Laras, Andrianna—the loyal chief servant of the family—cared for the family’s true welfare serving them selflessly. She unselfishly offered her services to the mother and children taking personal care of everything and always finding time to perform all of her duties.140 By contrast, in other Greek communities, the Greek cultural traits were not maintained. In Alexandria, for instance, in the late nineteenth century, the upper bourgeoisie favored foreign private schooling or tutoring for children because parents wished to provide them with a high level of education, and the Greek schools of the community were not considered  Herhily, P., ‘The Greek Community…’, ibid., p. 246.  Ibid., 248. 140  Vikelas, D., Loukis Laras, ibid., Chapter 4. 138 139

42 

P. THANAILAKI

efficient because they functioned in line with the Greek state mechanism with teachers appointed by the Greek state. Consequently, the wealthy merchants preferred their daughters and sons to attend foreign schools. In this context, homeschooling and tutoring were used as alternative ways of providing them with education.141 As a rule, women had the upper hand in children’s raising and education being those who decided on what school their offsprings should be sent. Another example is that of the Greek community in London. The families of the Greek merchants who resided in the English capital, did not rear their kids according to Greek culture. Having experienced the calamity of their fatherland because of the Greek people’s slaughtering by the Turks in the 1821 Revolution for Independence, the early generations who settled in Great Britain sought a shelter in London where they planned to start a new life. The English aristocracy with its refined manners impressed them. They soon realized that it was very difficult for them to be admitted to the upper English trading class. The English brokers, or employees who worked for the Greek business firms, were viewed as the representatives of this culture and the traders desired to instill the English values in the future Greek generations. For this purpose, they hired English nannies to raise their children. The young people used to spend the whole day with their governesses and to have English conversation with them in order to practice the language in the native speakers’ English accent. The reason was based on the fact that the Greek parents—and especially mothers—were afraid lest they sound rude in their foreign accent with no ‘refined English manners’, and this would count as negative in the eyes of their domestic staff. This practice was applied in almost all households of London Greeks.142 However, not all of business elite women were so lucky as to receive proper schooling. Very often family firms faced bankruptcy and—as a result—education was set as a second priority. D. Vikelas writes about his mother’s love for learning in hard financial times. He often wondered how his mother managed to satisfy her desire for education and how she managed to learn and speak French. His mother had been raised in a period of financial difficulties of her family, and education required money that her 141  Orfanou, A., (2015),‘The Upper Bourgeoisie Education of the Greek Diaspora in Egypt in the Late Nineteenth Century Through Penelope Delta’s (1874–1941) Literature’, Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, vol. 4:1, MCSER Publishing, Rome, pp. 17–18. 142  Vikelas, D., He zoe mou…, ibid., p. 337.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

43

parents could not afford. The tutors came in and out from her house as it was the case later with her own children. Moreover, the frequent relocations from place to place and then to the island of Syros, along with the domestic duties that she had taken on in order to help her mother and the old maid, did not leave space for study. However, despite these setbacks, her education stood on a high level thanks to the contribution of her brothers. Vikelas recollected that in the afternoons the plain dining room of his parental house was transformed into a study. Different subjects of school knowledge were given and enthusiasm was growing for everything that was useful. There, drills were corrected, poems were recited, and poets were expounded.143 Piano lessons and the French language were tutored to the young elite girls as part of their schooling. Penelope Delta recollected that she was ten when her father hired a French tutor from Paris to teach the language to her.144 As a rule, piano lessons and the French language were taught to the young elite girls as part of their schooling. However, according to Penelope’s mother who reflected the ideas of her milieu, schooling was ‘rather harmful’ than useful for a girl.145 Therefore, education served only the purpose of qualifying the girls with a good marriage as its role was decorative. Moreover, in the Greek community of Alexandria the relationship between parents and children was cold and distant. Kids were instructed to fully respect their parents and to behave according to the rules that a decent family of the upper middle classes was supposed to follow. But—at the same time—they did not receive attention from them as fathers were out of the house most of the day, and mothers were busy with outings in order to attend social events such as theater performances and parties. As a consequence, they did not have spare time to look after their children who were left to the hands of nannies. Because of this indifference and aloofness, the kids addressed to their governesses who turned an easy ear to listen to them. Indicative of this practice was Delta’s accounts of facts that she recalled that she had never seen her mother cajole her, nor encourage her to talk with her about her problems. The same applied to her father. They were both seen as two deities that the children worshipped. Parents were awe-­inspiring and preferred to stay away from them. Penelope Delta’s mother was tall and beautiful, always elegant and—at the  Vikelas, D., He zoe mou, ibid., pp. 65–67.  Delta, P., Anamniseis, ibid., p. 6. 145  Ibid., p. 12. 143 144

44 

P. THANAILAKI

same time—plainly dressed. She was accessible and friendly to everybody except for her children as she remained aloof as much as their father.146 In general terms, the mothers of the capitalist families were strict, authoritative, despotic, and commanding. They often punished their kids as they had assumed the full responsibility of their rearing and nurturing. They also had the upper hand in the management of their household and the full command of the servants. The elite ladies’ tasks also entailed checking on the kitchen and the cook. They were also in charge of the management of money they needed to run the house.147 Family ties were also strong in the case of single women. In the dispersed Greek merchants’ clan, unmarried women’s social position varied, depending on the social norms of the city where they had settled. In Vienna—for instance—at the turn of the eighteenth century, and because of its industrial growth, there were a lot of unmarried female workers who had relocated to the Austrian capital in order to find a placement in the factories of the nearby regions. These women stayed with families with whom they did not have any blood relations but they were only live-­in. In the Greek Orthodox households there were no unmarried women that stayed with other families because the Greek community had fostered a ‘patriarchal-­paternalistic’ attitude to this practice and the fact that they did not work outside their home, made them being dependent on their parental house.148 The more affluent families resided in bigger edifices than the less privileged ones. However, it was quite a common practice for Greek merchants to be away for a long time as they had to attend or to assume responsibilities in a branch of their firm abroad. In Vienna, 14 percent of the Orthodox households lived separately from fathers and husbands.149 D. Vikelas recalls that when he was very young, his family resided for a certain time period in Syros while his father and grandfather relocated abroad because they had to attend their firms. His father’s residence was in Constantinople and his grandfather’s in Taganrog. This was the norm because Vikelas’ father had to deal with the setting up of a firm in 146  Georgopoulos, D., (2015), To Gynaikeio fylo sta logotechnika kai aftobiografika keimena tis Penelopes Delta: Gynaikeioi logotechnikoi charactires kai emfyles apotyposeis tous. [Gender in literary and autobiographic texts of Penelope Delta: feminine literary characters and gendered presentations], Ph. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, pp. 79–80. 147  Delta, P., Anamniseis, ibid., p. 420. 148  Seirinidou, V., ibid., pp. 102–103. 149  Ibid., p. 104. By contrast, in Vienna the Jews who lived separately from their families were only the 1.4 percent.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

45

Constantinople and to make it running. Later, he called his spouse and children to go and stay with him. The same applied to his grandfather.150 Another example was that of Katerina Betli, a married woman who lived in her parental home in Vienna as her husband—a Greek merchant—had settled in a region of the Ottoman Empire in order to closely attend his business ventures. However, he had not visited her for ten years.151 Katerina’s father, named Nikolaos Dimodoras, was a wealthy merchant. Katerina’s example illustrates the case of the spouse who shows full obedience, loyalty, and submissiveness to her husband. It also shows her compliance with his plans no matter how hard that might be. By contrast, a different case constitutes that of another married woman named Alexandra Martyri. In 1823, Alexandra left her husband and son and moved to a house that her lover—Theodore Rallis—had rented for her. Alexandra’s new residence was located in the neighborhood of Innenstadt in Vienna, close to her parental home as well as to her husband’s.152 Though these cases are different, they shared a common characteristic being that of married women living separately from their husbands for different reasons. It also explains the way people treated her. Alexandra’s story can be interpreted as an escape from her marital situation that signaled—at the same time—a violent breaking up of the moral code, hence, initiating a scandal. Her unlawful act called for punishment and—as a consequence—Anastasios Margaritis who was Alexandra’s father, disinherited her.153 We do not fully know-­how the Greek community reacted to this incident but the element that two of Alexandra’s highly respected Greek friends in Vienna (Katerina Patsani and Zoes Charamis) publicly expressed and confirmed her wish that in the event of her death, her jewels be donated to her lover— Theodore Rallis—shows that the community was—in a way—tolerant of wealthy people’s lifestyle and scandals. We must also take into consideration the fact that the other person involved in the scandal was also very rich and influential154 managing family-­based thriving companies that were very well represented in many countries. So, wealth and influence counted

 Vikelas, D., He zoe mou, ibid., pp. 20–21.  Seirinidou, V., ibid., p. 104. 152  Ibid., p. 104. 153  Ibid., p. 105. 154  Ibid., p. 105. 150 151

46 

P. THANAILAKI

a lot in the Greek merchant communities and shaped new social norms.155 Apart from the power and size of the capital, the cultural background and the generation gap were significant factors as traced in Alexandra’s case. Seirinidou assumes that the act of Alexandra’s father in disinheriting her of the parental mobile and immobile assets, reflected an old-­fashioned mentality and frame of ideas that did not exist in the younger generations. Additionally, it mirrored different attitudes among the trading clans that originated from diverse ethnic cultural background. Rallis’ origin was from Chios, while Margaritis originated from Epirus, an area in the Greek mainland. The Chiot communities were more open and adaptable to a new environment and to social challenges. By contrast, the Vlachs from Epirus were more reserved and less open. They believed that noncompliance with moral rules had to end up in punishment. However, the Chiots constituted a small community in Vienna compared to the Vlach merchants who outnumbered them.156 The Greek banker and great benefactor, Andreas Syggros, in his Memoirs described the Austrian capital as a cosmopolitan city with elegant and attractive women.157 The beautiful museums, the magnificent theaters, and the restaurants that served food of fine taste impressed him.158 It goes without saying that this lifestyle had been adopted by a lot of affluent diaspora Greek traders. The city’s international character that had been shaped accordingly due to the diversity of ethnic groups residing there was the reason for people’s more open systems of normative behavior, their ability to be more receptive and adaptive to novel ideas, and more apt to easily assimilate the diverse types of culture. This assimilation made Vienna a melting pot of multinational ethnicities of different backgrounds. Thus, the younger generations of the Greek merchants were more tolerant of a scandalous behavior than in other regions. 155  In London—for instance—the social stratification was formulated in the merchants’ clan according to the size of the wealth and the capital they possessed. An example is the annual catalog that was published by the Greek fraternity including a call for assembly and the subsequent election of new wardens of the Greek church. The list did not include the members’ names in an alphabetical order, but it was based on the principle of how big was the size of their business firm. The capitalist family who occupied the top positions in the catalog was Rallis family. See more in: Vikelas, D., He zoe mou, ibid., pp. 330–331. 156  Seirinidou, V., ibid., p. 105. 157  Syggros, A., (1908), Apomnimonevmata [Memoirs], 3 vols., Estia (publishers) Athens, vol. A’, p. 302. 158  Ibid., p. 302.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

47

In line with Greek ethics, family patterns dictated that fathers were the head of the household, a tradition that was rarely broken in Greek communities. An exception was the case of widows who constituted the only category in the family system as heads of households that were not under parental guardianship. But even in this case there were limits.159 The Greek merchants’ spouses who relocated within the Habsburg Empire, where their husbands had settled in order to attend their business ventures, had to adapt to the new conditions. They adjusted themselves to their new country by maintaining traditions and values of their home. In Pest, for instance, the merchants’ wives kept friendly relations with other women who originated from the Balkans. This practice secured a firm surrounding for them by acting supportively either by means of giving, or by receiving assistance. In this context, these women succeeded in combining the shared values with which they had been imbued in their home, with the new social code that they had to follow in their new place of relocation.160 By 1770s, women usually were left behind with their children but later there was observed a tendency to relocate with their husbands to their new home. Moving to a new place was not an easy decision for women. There were cases in which husbands had to relocate in order to start over something new as they faced bankruptcy and debts at home. The relocation of the husband only in his new land secured him with more autonomy and gave him the free hand to act on his own without being burdened with family duties and expenses. The communication was not frequent, or even nonexistent in many cases. Often the wives who were left behind, did not receive financial support for themselves and for their children from their husbands. Indicative example of this situation was the case of a woman named Petzina Pondika. In 1767, Petzina decided to mortgage her house and travel to Pest in order to meet her husband, Triantafyllos. At the same time, she had in mind of claiming her financial share from him as she faced very hard economic problems.161 It was very usual for the wives like  According to a sample of twenty-­nine widows, fourteen were heads of their family, while the rest lived with their blood relations or their son or son-­in-­law who was in charge of the management of the household. However, the young widows returned to their parental home after their husband’s death. See more in: Seirinidou, V., ibid., p. 106. 160  Papakonstantinou, K., (2002), Hellenikes emporikes epicheiriseis stin kentriki Evropi to deftero miso tou 18ou aiona: He oikogeneia Pondika, [Greek commercial firms in central Europe in the second half of eighteenth century: The Pondikas family], Ph. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, p. 233. 161  Ibid., p. 234. 159

48 

P. THANAILAKI

Petzina to be in hard financial situation as they did not receive economic assistance from their husbands because the latter had relocated in order to cope with their own mounting debts. Petzina decided to mortgage her belongings and go and meet her husband as the debts had left her without any other choice. Her difficult decision to go to Pest was dictated by pure financial character and by ‘sentimental deprivation’.162 Her decision was not easy as her relatives saw this initiative as ‘just a caprice’ that provoked their contempt. It also revealed the couple’s bad relations.163 As we can deduce from Petzina’s example, women had to face not only mounting debts because of their husbands’ unsuccessful trading activities and poor management but also loneliness and despair as they were left behind with no financial support, or even communication. Moreover, they had to come to terms with the existing social prejudices that dictated a certain mode of behavior and in case the subjects of social contempt did not follow the social norm, then they became—at least—the target of gossip in their family circle. In conclusion, the family ties of Greek dispersed merchants were very strong because family as a social institution attached great significance to shared values and traditions. Despite the fact that the Greek traders became naturalized by taking up the citizenship of the foreign country where they had relocated, they clung to their own identities and cultures. Moreover, they used to live in compact neighborhoods that consisted of residents of their own ethnicity and they did not mingle with the locals.164 According to E. Sifneos, women in particular—proved stronger than business differences. Family bonds cemented blood relations, and the branches of their companies were staffed with the kinship of the merchant-­ founder. Additionally, marital strategies held the main role in the expansion of the company.165 Women offered a considerable part of their dowry as a financial contribution—especially in cases when the family business faced bankruptcy—or when the male members planned to expand their business network. In this case, familiness was important as grandfathers kept their son’s children and wife under the roof of their own house for some time  Ibid., p. 234.  Ibid., p. 234. 164  Lee, R., (2011), ‘Commerce and Culture: A Critical Assessment of the Role of Cultural Factors in Commerce and Trade from 1750 to the Early Twentieth Century’, in: Lee, R., (ed.), Commerce and Culture: Nineteenth Century Elites, Franham Ashgate, p. 21. 165  Sifneos, E., (2013),‘Family firms in the Azov Sea Region, 1850–1917’, Business History Review, 87:02, (279–308), p. 303. 162 163

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

49

period until they set up their new business venture and settled in the new land.166 Moreover, we saw that the mothers of capitalist households were willing to sell their jewels and personal assets if their family was in a hard financial situation.167 However, there was also a negative side: that of the young ‘Don Juan’ dowry-­hunters (προικοθήρες). These men mainly sought to marry rich girls who possessed a big size of dowry that they all squandered in entertainment and parties. On this case, Andreas Syggros wrote in his Memoirs168 that he always pitied those young men whose main and foremost term of marriage was the amount of cash that they would receive as he had seen bad consequences because of this practice. He experienced wives’ enslavement, marital quarrels, and eventually the squandering of their premarital donations. And when these marriages failed, women became miserable, especially those who were used to living in luxury during the first years of married life and later they became destitute at a young age ending up in shameful acts because they were forced to do so for survival. Women often seemed to respond passively to family business practices. No matter if they financially contributed to their husbands’ business projects, they were imbued with the idea of being their husband’s passive pawns. As a reward, most of them led a carefree life following the pattern of the social norm of their milieu. However, behind the scene, many of them exerted pressure on their spouses in order to help their blood relatives, especially if the latter were financially weak. Viewing it from a feminist perspective we can see that the Greek elite women of the capitalist trading class did not seem willing to take part in the feminist movements that had started gaining ground in Europe and in the USA during the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. To the contrary, they followed the standard social norms of their business social circles. They did not seem to take advantage of their social standing in the family circle especially when their endowment became a crucial part in their husbands’ business ventures. The only initiative they took, was to act as the unvoiced  Vikelas, D., He zoe mou, ibid., p. 60.  Ibid., p. 5. 168  Syggros, A., Apomnimonevmata… ibid., v.A’, p. 1. In this point we note the completely different view of the Russian Law that was first published in 1832 dictating that the ‘husband shall not acquire, through marriage, the right to use his wife’s property’. With this legislative decree women became independent in managing their dowries and in handling property matters. See: Ulianova, G., (2010), ‘Female entrepreneurial elite in nineteenth-­ century Russia: «noble» and «merchant» patterns’, Conference Paper presented at the Eighth European Social Science History Conference, University of Ghent, Belgium, 13–16 April. 166 167

50 

P. THANAILAKI

contributors to their husbands’ prosperity in business by working silently and remaining in the shadow. One method—as mentioned above—was to offer their dowry for the setting up or for the expansion of family business networks. The other was their engagement in charity so as to boost their husbands’ profile in business, as well as in their political career that a number of them pursued.

References Anagnostopoulou, Ch., (2011–2012), ‘To Gynaikeio Zitima sto periodiko Vosporis’ [Women’s Issue in Vosporis Journal], Mnimon 32, (125–150). APA, (Archeion Protodikon Athinon], [Archive of the Athens First Instance Court], D1885/1885, Number 13. Chapman, S., (2005), The Rise of Merchant Banking, Taylor & Francis. Chatziioannou, I., (ed.), (1923), Panhellinion Lefkoma Ethnikis Ekatontaetiridos 1821–1921, He chrysi vivlos tou Hellenismou, I.  Chatziioannou (Publishers), Athens, (6 vols). Chatziioannou M.-Ch., (2009) ‘Nees Proseggiseis sti meleti ton emporikon Diktyontis Diasporas: He elliniki koinotitasto Manchester’, [New Approaches to Diaspora’s Commercial Networks: The Greek community in Manchester], Research Notebooks 28, (145–167). Coli, A., & Rose, M.B., (1999), ‘Family and Firms: The culture and evolution of family firms in Britain and Italy in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, Scandinavian Economic History Review, 40:1 (24–47). (Published on line: December 20th, 2011). Coughlin, J.H. & Thomas, A.R., (2002), The Rise of Women Entrepreneurs: People, Processes and Global Trends, Greenwood Publishing Group. Delta, P.S., (1999), Anamniseis 1899, [Memories 1899], P.A.  Zannas & et  al. (eds), Ermis (publishers), Athens. Empros (newspaper), 31/12/1897 (no issue-first page missing), Athens. ———, 11/12/1904, issue 2,926, Athens. ———, 10/11/1907, issue 3,974, Athens. ———, 18/08/1949, issue 1,376, Athens. Ephemeris ton Kyrion, (newspaper), 20th March 1888, issue 54, Athens. ———, 15 June, 1912, issue 1025, Athens. ———, 1st January 1913, issue 1029, Athens. Floros, K., (1987), ‘Konstantinos P. Agathoklis kai Sia’, [Konstantinos P. Agathoklis and Co.], Fthiotika Chronika, (8), (34–61). Gaitanou-Gianniou, A., (1928–1931), ‘He Ellenida os epicheirimatias kai os viomichaniki Ergatria’, [The Greek woman as entrepreneur and as factory worker], Hellenis, Miniaion Periodikon tou Ethnikou Symvouliou ton Hellenidon Gynaikon, Athens.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

51

Galani, K., (2016), ‘He Helleniki koinotita tou Londinou ton 19o aiona. Mia koinoniki kai oikonomiki proseggisi’, [The Greek community based in London. A social and economic approach], Ta Historika (63), (43–68). Georgopoulos, D., (2015), To Gynaikeio fylo sta logotechnika kai aftobiografika keimena tis Penelopes Delta: Gynaikeioi logotechnikoi charactires kai emfyles apotyposeis tous. [Gender in literary and autobiographic texts of Penelope Delta: feminine literary characters and gendered presentations], Ph. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Giannitsiotis, J., (2001), He diamorfosi tis Astikis taksis tou Peiraia, 1860–1909, [The shaping of the middle class in Piraeus, 1860–1909], Ph. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. Gleadle, K., (2001), Social History in Perspective; British Women in the Nineteenth Century, PALGRAVE Hampshire. Harlafti, G., (1993), ‘Emporio kai Naftilia ton 19o aiona. To epicheirimatiko diktyo ton Hellenon tis Diasporas. H ‘Chiotiki’ phasi (1830–1860)’, [Trade and Shipping in nineteenth century. The business network of the Greek Diaspora. The ‘Chiot’ phase (1830–1860)] Mnimon 15, (69–127). Herlihy, P., (1979) ‘Greek merchants in Odessa in the Nineteenth Century’, Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 3:4 (Part 1), (399–420). Herlihy, P., (1989), ‘The Greek community in Odessa, 1861–1917’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, v.7, (235–252). Kardases, V., (2001), Diaspora Merchants in the Black Sea: The Greeks in Southern Russia, 1775–1861, Lexington Books, New York. Katsiardi-Hering, O., (2007), ‘Adelfotita, compania, koinotita. Gia mia typologia ton Hellenikon koinotiton tis kentrikis Evropis, me aformi to agnosto katastatiko tou Miskolc (1801)’, [Confraternity, ‘Company’, community. At a typology of the Greek communities in central Europe, on the occasion of the unknown statutes of Miskolc (1801)], Eoa kai Esperia 7, (247–310). Koliopoulos, J., & Veremis, Th., (2002) Greece: The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present, Hurst & Company, London. Kotea, M., (1995), He Viomichaniki Zoni tou Peiraia (1860–1900), [The Industrial zone in Piraeus (1860–1900), Ph. Dissertation, Panteio University, Athens. Ksiradaki, K. (1988), To Feministiko kinima stin Hellada (1830–1936). Protopores Hellenides, [The Feminist Movement in Greece (1830–1936). Pioneering Greek Women], Glaros (publishers), Athens. Lee, R., (2011), ‘Commerce and Culture: A critical assessment of the Role of Cultural Factors in Commerce and Trade from 1750 to the Early Twentieth Century’, in: Lee, R., (ed.), Commerce and Culture: Nineteenth Century Elites, Franham Ashgate. Mandylara, A., (2000) ‘Helleniki Diaspora kai Historiographiki Diaspora. Diadromes, adieksoda, epanektimiseis’, [Greek Diaspora and Historiographical Dispersion: Paths, impasses, reevaluations], Mnimon 22, (239–246).

52 

P. THANAILAKI

Maurer, G.L., (1834), Das Griechische Volk in of̈ fentlicher Kirchlicher und privatrechtlicher Bezierhung, (2 vols). Mayer, K., (1957–1960), Historia tou Hellenikou Typou: Efimerides kai Periodika 1901–1959, [History of the Greek Press: Newspapers and Journals, 1901–1959], 3 vols., p. 23. Neai Ideai-Efimeris tou Laou (newspaper), 19/09/1881, Athens. Orfanou, A., (2015), ‘The Upper bourgeoisie Education of the Greek Diaspora in Egypt in the Late nineteenth century Through Penelope Delta’s (1874–1941) Literature’, Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, vol. 4:1, MCSER Publishing, Rome (13–26). Papakonstantinou, K., (2002), Hellenikes emporikes epicheiriseis stin kentriki Evropi to deftero miso tou 18ou aiona: He oikogeneia Pondika, [Greek commercial firms in central Europe in the second half of eighteenth century: The Pondikas family], Ph. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. Papastefanaki, L., (2011), Ergasia, Technologia kai Fylo stin Helleniki Viomichania tou Peiraia, 1870–1940, [Labor, Technology and Gender in the Greek Industry of Piraeus, 1870–1940], Panepistimiakes Ekdoseis Kritis (publishers), Heraklio. Pardali-Lainou, A., (1990), He ekseliksi tou limaniou tou Pirea kai he epidrasi tou stin oikonomiki anaptyksi tis evriteris periochis tou Pirea apo to 1835 eos to 1985, [The evolution of the port city of Pireus and its role in the economic development of the insider Pireus area from 1835 to 1985], Ph. Dissertation, Panteion University, Athens. Pepelasis-Minoglou, I., (2007), ‘Women and Family Capitalism in Greece, c.1780–1850’, Business History Review, 81:3, (517–538). Pepelasis, I., (2010), ‘Entrepreneurial typologies in a young nation state: Evidence from the founding charters of Greek Societe’ Anonymes, 1830–1909’, Discussion Paper No. 200, Department of Economics, Athens University of Economics and Business. Petras, Ch., (2006), To Profil ton Peiraioton viomechanon stis arches tou 20ou aiona, [The profile of the industrialists in Piraeus during the early twentieth century], Bachelor’s Degree Thesis, University of the Aegean, Mytelene. Petropoulos, J., (1968), Politics and Statecraft in the Kingdom of Greece (1833–1843), Princeton University Press. Petropoulos, J., (1997) Politiki kai sygkrotisi kratous sto Helleniko vasileio, 1833–1843, MIET (publishers), Athens. Pikrammenou-Varfi, D., (1991), ‘Ο Spyridon Pavlidis kai to «Glykismatopoieion» tou-Ta prota chronia tis protis Helenikis Viomichanias’, [Spyridon Pavlidis and his «Glykismatopoieion»–The early years of the first Hellenic industry], (published by), The Heleniko, Logotechniko kai Historiko, Archeio, [E.L.I.A.], Athens. Salimba, Z., (2004), Gynaikes ergatries stin Helleniki viomechania kai sti viotecnhnia (1870–1922), [Women-workers in the Greek industry and in the small industry (1870–1922)], (published by) Historiko Archeio Hellenikis Neolaias, (EIE), Athens.

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

53

Scrip (newspaper), 7/7/1900, issue 1754, Athens. ———, 12/07/1900, issue 1759, Athens. ———, 25/02/1904, issue 8804, Athens. ———, 12/12/1907, issue 10680, Athens. ———, 28/09/1908, issue 16161, Athens. ———, 08/10/1909, issue 16593, Athens. Seirinidou, V., (2002), Hellenes sti Vienni, 1780–1850, [Greeks in Vienna, 1780–1850], Ph. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. Selekou, O., (1998), He kathimerinotita mias astikis oikogeneias stin Athina: he oikogeneia tou trapeziti Stefanou Fragkiadi, Athina 1891–1908, [The daily routine of a bourgeois family in Athens: the family of the banker Stefanos Fragkiades, Athens 1891–1908], Ph. Dissertation, Panteion University, Athens. Sifneos, E., (2010), ‘Rentiers, teachers and workers: Greek women in ate nineteenth-­century Odessa’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 34:2 (182–200). Sifneos, E., (2013), ‘Family firms in the Azov Sea Region, 1850–1917’, Business History Review, 87:02, (279–308). Syggros, A., (1908), Apomnimonevmata [Memoirs], 3 vols., Estia (publishers) Athens. Thanailaki, P., (2009), ‘Young women at risk: Poverty, malnutrition and philanthropy. The role of charity schools in Greek society, 1830–1899’, in: Christine Mayer, et al. (eds), Children and Youth at Risk: Historical and International Perspectives, Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main, (195–202). Thanailaki, P., (2013), Gynaikeies Martyries stis Selides tis Historias: oi koinonikes prokatalipseis stis Helladikes kai stis Diethneis Koinotites kata to 19o me arches tou 20ou aiona, [Women’s Testimonies on History pages: Social prejudices in the Greek and in the International Communities during nineteenth to early twentieth centuries], Papazissis (publishers), Athens. Theocharidou, K., (1979), ‘To Archontiko tou Basara stin Kastoria kai he emporiki drastiriotita tis oikogeneias to a’ miso tou 19ou aiona’, [Basara’s mansion in Kastoria and the family’s trading activities in the first half of nineteenth century], Makedonika 19(1), Society for Macedonian Studies, Thessaloniki, (298–327). Theodorou, V., (1992) ‘Philanthropia kai poli: Orfanoi kai astegoi paides ston Piraea gyro sto 1875’, [Philanthropy and the city: Orphan and homeless children in Piraeus, circa. 1875], Mnimon (14), (71–90). Trikoupis, S., (1853), Historia tis Hellenikis Epanastateos [History of the Greek Revolution], Aggelidou (publishers), London. Tsakouris, K., (1996), He Philanthropia stin Hellada ton 19o aiona. He sygkrotisi kai leitourgia. He periptosi tis Athinas kai tou Peiraia. [Philanthropy in nineteenth-­century Greece. Structure and Function. The case of Athens and Piraeus], Ph. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki.

54 

P. THANAILAKI

Tziovas, D., (ed.), (2016), Greek Diaspora and Migration since 1700: Society, Politics and Culture, Routledge, London & New York. Ulianova, G., (2010), ‘Female entrepreneurial elite in nineteenth-century Russia: «noble» and «merchant» patterns’, Conference Paper presented at the Eighth European Social Science History Conference, University of Ghent, Belgium, 13–16 April. Van de Kerkhof, S., (2010), ‘Women Entrepreneurs in the Early Industrialization–A regional Comparison of the Ruhr and Upper Silesia’, Conference Paper, The 8th European Social Science History Conference, (13–16 April), University of Ghent, Belgium. Varika, E., (1986), [French edition], La révolte des dames: genèse d’ une conscience XIXème Siècle (1833–1907), Thèse de doctorat en Histoire, Université à Paris 7. Varika, E., (1987), [Greek edition], He ekseyersi ton kyrion: He genesi mias feministikis syneidisis stin Hellada 1833–1907, (published by) Idryma Erevnas kai Paideias tis Emporikis Trapezas tis Hellados, Athens. Vikelas, D., (1908), He Zoe mou: Paidikai Anamniseis-Neanikoi Chronoi, [My life: Childhood Memories-Youth Times], (published by) Syllogos pros Diadosin Ofelimon Vivlion, Athens. Vlami, D., (2006), ‘Gynaikes, oikogeneia, koinonia tis emporikis diasporas, 18os–19os ai.’, [Women, family, society of the merchant diaspora, eighteenth to nineteenth centuries], Ta Historika 45, (243–280). Vogli, E., (2010), To gnision Metaxa: He anaptyksi mias oikogeneiakis epicheirisis (mesa 19ou-mesa 20ou aiona), [The original Metaxas: The development of a family-based company (mid-nineteenth until mid-twentieth centuries)], Livanis (publishers), Athens. Vogli, E., (2012), ‘«Mega Ergostasion kataskevis cogniac S. kai E., kai A., Metaxa en Peiraiei». Epixeirimatiki organosi kai stratigikes poliseon mias Hellenikis potoviomichanias (1880–1940)’, [‘The big brandy distillery firm owned by S.E., and A., Metaxas in Piraeus’: Business Organization and Strategies of a Greek proto-industrial factory (1880–1940)], in: Petmezas, S., Harlafti, G., et al., (eds), Theoritikes anazitiseis kai empeirikes erevnes, Alexandreia (publishers), Athens, (171–187). [Vouli ton Hellenon], (1822–1935), Mitroon Plireksousion Gerousiaston kai Voulefton, [The Hellenic Parliament (1822–1935), ‘Registry of Proxies for Senators and Members of Parliament’], Athens.

Electronic Sites Anemodoura, M., (2008), ‘Filiki Etaireia’, Encyclopedia of the Hellenic World, Black Sea, http://www.ehw.gr/I.asx?id=11106 Balomenos, K., (2017), ‘Konstantinos Pan. Agathoklis: Protoporoi viomichanoi sti Fthiotida’, [Konstantinos Pan. Agathoklis: Pioneering industrialists in Fthiotida], amfiktyon.blogspot.com

2  FAMILIOCRACY IN THE GREEK BUSINESS ELITE CLASS… 

55

Charontakis, D., (2008), ‘Oi Kalamatianoi potopoioi’, [The liquor distillers in Kalamata], www.tovima.gr Krasonikolakis, D., (2015), ‘«Noemvriana»-Hoi Galloi katalamvanoun ton Peiraia (epicheirisi «Hellenikos Hesperinos»’, [‘The November issue’: The French occupied Piraeus: The Operation of ‘Hellenikos Vespers’] dimitriskrasonikolakis.blogspot.gr in: pireorama.blogspot.gr: https://skolix216.wordpress.com Linardos, P., (2013), ‘Ho protoporos Pavlos Damalas’, [The pioneering Pavlos Damalas], https://www.tovima.gr [MLP], (2016), ‘Ta palia Michanourgeia tou Peiraia’, [The old machine workshops in Piraeus], https://mlp-­blo-­g-­spot.blogspot.com Mlp-­blo-­g-­spot.blogspot.gr/2010/11blog-­post_28.html Museumfinder.gr/item/laografiko-­moyseio-­kastorias-­neratzi-­aivazi Mylosmatsopoulou.gr [Pireas Piraeus], ‘Ergostasia Peireos apo tin agenta tou etous 1916’, [The factories in Piraeus as drawn from the yearbook of 1916], (186–192) Pireas-­piraeus. blogspot.com, (published on line: 21st January 2012) in: Alepoudelis, Th., http://pandektis.ekt.gr/pandektis/handle/10442/65796 Poulos, M., (2003), Arms and the Woman: Just Warriors and Greek feminist identity, http://www.gutenberg-­e.org/poulos/chapter2.html Sideri, M., (06/01/2002), ‘He Sofokleous choris tin «chokolata»tis’, [Sofokleous St., without her chocolate], https://www.kathimerini.gr Sitaras, Th., (2015), ‘Athina, 1835: Apo ta ladofanara sto aeriofos’, [Athens 1835: From oil lamps to the gas], www.protothema.gr, 2/2/2015 Sotosalexopoulos.blogspot.com Syndesmos Kyrion pros Prostasian tis Ergatidos, www.elia.prg.gr/Entry Images 5%C1% [T., TH.], (2018), ‘He parousia tis epicherimatia ton arxon tou 20ou ai. Helenis Kakavouli stin Komotini’. [The presence of the entrepreneur Eleni Kakavouli in Komotini], www.paratiritis-­news.gr/article/201707 ToBHMA, [Team], (28/01/2011), ‘Sokolata Ygeias Pavlidi: 150 chronia apolafsis’. [The ‘Ygeias’ chocolate of Pavlidis. 150 years of delight], https://www. tovima.gr www.omorfimani.gr/2015/11/13 www.orykta.gr Vikelas, D., Loukis Laras, https://wikisource.org Xenopoulos, Gr., ‘106 chronia apo tote pou kinithike ho Elektrikos Sidirodromos’, [106 years since the Electric Trains started operating], www. somsytnaxiouchon-­isap.gr

CHAPTER 3

Women and Economic Input in Independent Greece (Nineteenth to Early Twentieth Centuries)

The invisibility and marginality of female labor in the Western world remained an issue in the past three centuries. A direct response to the above social characteristics is the book written by L.A. Tilly and J.W. Scott ((19781)1 that discusses the changing roles and social position of women at work in England and France from 1750 to the present. The book remains a classic in the field. In terms of Greece, literature pertaining to the early efforts of industrialization of the country includes the study of Christine Agriantoni (1984).2 Additionally, Efi Avdela (1987)3 explored women’s first steps in waged employment mostly emphasizing on the public sector while Zizi Salimba4 studied women laborers in factories and

1  Tilly, L.A. & Scott, J.W. (19781), Women, Work and Family, Routledge, London & New York. 2  Agriantoni, Ch., (1984), Les débuts de l’industrialisation en Grèce. (Les anées 1870 et 1880), Universite′ de Paris X-­Nanterre, Thèse pour le Doctorat de 3ème cycle, Paris. 3  Avdela, E.,(1987),‘Misthotes scheseis kai fyletikos katamerismos tis ergasias: oi gynaikes dimosioi ypalliloi stin Hellada, sto proto miso tou 20ou aiona’ [Waged employment and gendered work distribution: the women-­civil clerks in Greece during the first half of twentieth century], Mnimon, 11, (234–246). 4  Salimba, Z., (20042), Gynaikes ergatries stin Helleniki viomechania kai sti viotecnhnia (1870–1922) [Women-­workers in the Greek industry and in the small industry (1870–1922)], (published by) Historiko Archeio Hellenikis Neolaias, (EIE), Athens.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 P. Thanailaki, Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9_3

57

58 

P. THANAILAKI

industries. Additionally, Nikos Potamianos (2018)5 focused on female clerks, or shopkeepers, in the retailing trade in Athens at the dawn of the twentieth century. However, there is scant literature pertaining to an overall framework in small-­ scale business ventures owned or managed by women during the nineteenth to early twentieth centuries in independent Greece. The present chapter mainly aims at filling this gap. Hence, female artisans, craftswomen managing their own workshops, or women running their small industries, as well as shopkeepers, or tavern keepers, constitute the core of it. Additionally, an attempt is made to lay the groundwork for a profound study of female financial contribution to Greek family economy during the period under study. In Europe, at the turn of the eighteenth and the dawn of nineteenth centuries, women predominated in weaving industry. More precisely, in Belgium and in the areas of Bruges, Brussels, and Ghent, female workers were the main producers of lace-­ making where most of these artisan industries were totally organized by them. The business people who signed trading contracts with skilled women supplied them with the appropriate materials. In France, women-­traders from Lyons employed the leveuses— the women who collected the silk products from villages and transported them to the city. That was a small-­scale trading venture usually organized by married women. This was also common practice in the linen manufacturing in Belfast and in Bretagne where the business was factually done through ‘the back door’.6 Spouses of skilled craftsmen worked at home usually being of great assistance to them sharing the same room, if not the same bench or table. A wife’s ordinary duty was the preparation of the materials, or the finishing of the product that her husband had worked on. Women’s task also included spinning, polishing metal for cutlery, sewing button-­holes for tailors, and the waxing of shoes for shoemakers. Spouses were the main helping-­hands in their husbands’ crafts, ready to substitute for them in the event of illness, or death.7

5  Potamianos, N., (2018), ‘He ergasia ton gynaikon sto lianiko emporio stin Athina stis arches tou eikostou aiona’,[Women’s labor in the retailing trade in Athens in the beginning of twentieth century], Ta Historika, 67, (155–172). 6  Hufton, O., (2003), He Historia ton Gynaikon stin Evropi 1500–1800 [Greek edition] (translated by E. Chrysochoou), Nefeli (publishers), Athens, p. 202: [The English edition], Hufton, O., (1998), The Prospect Before Her: A History of Women in Western Europe, 1500–1800, First Vintage publishers, New York. 7  Tilly, L., & Scott, J.W., (19781), Women, Work and Family, ibid., p. 47.

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

59

The Greek country started its economic transitional period from the state of being a poor land of peasants to gradually coming to respond to the challenges—though unsuccessfully—of the Western world that had come about as a result of the industrial revolution. During the formative decades 1830–1880, the Greek state launched its own economic attempts for growth, experiencing the contradictions brought on by urbanization. In the course of time, the path to economy was asymptote while advancement differed by region depending on spatial variants.8 Moreover, in towns and cities, women gave their own share in small family-­based commercial, or craft enterprises without receiving any payment. According to G.B.  Dertilis, there is superficial knowledge on the ‘miracle-­ making’ Greek family. On the surface of it, there was the male domination as only men’s achievements were acknowledged. By contrast, women’s presence was silenced and rarely noticed while their desires and plans were ignored and their contribution was not visible.9 Additionally, female employment was not recorded in statistics though women’s presence in cottage industry and family business was significant as they really contributed to family companies often running small-­scale business themselves as we will see in the present chapter. For instance, in the field where women did very well, was textile industry where their performance demonstrated progressive and inventive spirit as well as a high level of skill. During the period between 1847 and 1870, the first timid steps were taken in the cities of Piraeus, Hermoupolis, Levadia, and Patras, where the establishment of silk factories, spinning mills, dyeing factories, cotton ginners, spinners, and textile workshops are noted.10 In Greece, women entered at first the public sphere through waged employment as maids, schoolteachers, and nurses. In a later phase, young 8  Thanailaki, P., (2013), Gynaikeies Martyries stis Selides tis Historias: hoi koinonikes prokatalipseis stis Helladikes kai stis Diethneis Koinotites kata to 19o me arches tou 20ou aiona [Women’s Testimonies on History pages: Social prejudices in the Greek and in the International Communities during nineteenth to early twentieth centuries], Papazissis (publishers), Athens, p. 109. 9  Dertilis, G.B., (20053), Historia tou Hellenikou Kratous 1830–1920 [History of the Greek State 1830–1920]. (2 vols) v. A’, Estia (publishers), Athens, p. 21. 10  Kantaraki, M., (2001),Gynaikes kai ergasiakes sxeseis sti Viomichaniki Yfantourgia. Epidraseis stin taksiki diamorfosi: fylo kai taksi mesa apo tis ergasiakes sxeseis kai ton Syndikalismo ton Viomichanikon ergatrion tou kladou tis klostoyfantourgias [Women and Labor relations in industrial textiles. Influences on class shaping: gender and class as seen through labor relations and trade unionism of the industrial textile female workers in the textile industry], PhD Dissertation, Panteio University, Athens, p. 92.

60 

P. THANAILAKI

women worked as clerks in retail shops as—for instance—in textile stores, or in big groceries. One reason for legitimation of female work in stores was women’s virtue for tidiness and cleanliness in the place where they worked. At least, this was the argument put forward by the owner of a big grocery store in Athens who sought for young women to hire. Mainly young women appeared to work in waged employment as the asked payment was low because running and owning a store presupposed cash capital acquired after they had worked firstly as employees, they had saved money, and they had gained experience. However, a barrier that women faced in their waged employment, or in their professional career, was marriage and maternity that virtually counted negatively. Maternity was one significant reason for giving up their jobs.11 Regarding female engagement in small-­scale enterprises, the reasons behind women’s active roles in business were chiefly two: one was the assistance they offered to their husbands’ trading activities, and the other was their economic survival especially in case of widowhood, or when they were not married. In terms of women’s engagement in a family business, the data below show the following. It was in 1849 when women-­founding shareholders were recorded for the first time in Greece. However, out of a total of about 280 joint stock companies set up between 1849 and 1910, female participation applied only to 45 cases. As for figures relating to founding shareholders, out of a total of over 5000 founding shareholders, female involvement amounted to only 200.12 Furthermore, until 1910, out of the forty-­five firms in which there was a female interest, twenty-­nine were founded prior to 1870, namely, at a time when few joint stock companies were set up while a great number of startups were phantom companies, or had a short life span.13 In these firms nearly half of the total number of female participation was involved in insurance companies and had a rather small nominal capital. Additionally, according to a census carried out in 1938 by the Traders’ Insurance Fund, women-­owners, or managers of small enterprises constituted only the 1.78 percent of its members while in the manufacturing sector the female percentage appeared to be a little higher standing at 3.5–4 percent, mostly in the small industries making 11  Potamianos, N., (2018), ‘He ergasia ton gynaikon sto lianiko emporio stin Athina stis arches tou eikostou aiona’, ibid., pp. 164–165. 12  Minoglou-­Pepelasis, I., (2004), ‘Gender and Business History in Greece: From the state of the art towards new explorations’. (First Draft), Gender and Business Panel. European Business History Association, Barcelona, 16–18 September, p. 7. 13  Ibid., p. 7.

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

61

yarns and fabrics according to a census conducted in 1930.14 Moreover, approximately 40 percent of them were based in Patras, a city with a busy port.15 The port of Patras was a hub of sea trade where ships carried cargos to and from Europe. It was also the exclusive port for the export of raisin to London and for the import of wheat from Russia, or from Iaṣi, a town situated in the Balkan mainland in today’s Romania.16The women-­ members of boards of joint stock companies were socially high profiled.17 The majority of them had been born into wealthy business elite families,18 or they were members of political, or scholarly social circles. Despite their engagement in trade, most of them identified themselves as having ‘no occupation’, and only few as landowners, teachers, and midwives, in this order of ranking. In the same category we also encounter one lawyer19 and one nun.20 This can be explained by the fact that the majority of female participation in the board of a company was strictly associated with blood relationship and more specifically through their male relatives. The female members of the board of a firm were either wives, or daughters, or nieces of male factory owners. Women were usually the passive suppliers of capital as widows, or daughters, or mothers. In this case their main role was to assist, or to enlarge the capital base of their relatives, or to serve as a ‘cover’ for their spouse, or for other male relatives, assuming that their participation was secondary as they did not take on responsibilities in the firm.21 Therefore, women’s initiation in the big companies does not appear to be part of their personal ambitions and their participation was driven by the obligation they felt to support their family22 acting mainly in the

14  Potamianos, N., (ed), (2019), 100 Chronia GSEVEE, 1919–2019 [100 years of GSEVEE, 1919–2009] (published by) GSEVEE, Athens, p. 76. 15  Ibid., p. 8. 16  Dertilis, G.B., Historia tou Hellenikou Kratous 1830–1920, ibid., v. A’, pp. 180–181. 17  Pepelasis, I., (2010) ‘Entrepreneurial typologies in a young nation state: Evidence from the founding charters of Greek Societe’ Anonymes, 1830–1909’, Discussion Paper No. 200, Department of Economics, Athens University of Economics and Business. 18  On the ‘familiocracy’ in the Greek business networks, see: Chap. 2 in the present book. 19  Minoglou-­Pepelasis, I., ‘Gender and Business History in Greece: From the state of the art towards new explorations’, ibid., pp. 8–9. 20  She was called Eftalia Leonardou and was engaged in the company named ‘He Stafili’ that was a spirits/winery firm in 1909. See more: Minoglou-­Pepelasis, I., ‘Gender and Business History in Greece’, ibid., p. 9. 21  Ibid., pp. 9–10. See more on the matter in Chap. 2 of the present book. 22  Minoglou-­Pepelasis, I., ‘Women and Family Capitalism….’; ibid., p. 535.

62 

P. THANAILAKI

interest of their family companies.23 The statistics and data analyzed above draw on notions of female presence in stock companies. To the contrary, small-­scale enterprises24 constituted different cases where women’s profile is not framed in the same way. In the female-­led workshops of making embroideries, of sewing, as well as of small industries, women were the mere breadwinners as they worked in order to earn a living and contribute to their families’ finances. In independent Greece, during the first quarter of the twentieth century, women were noted as owners and/or managers of small eateries called ‘tavernas’, (taverns). Moreover, those who had a handloom at home wove textile products on demand, thus shaping another category of cottage industry and female trading. Another class of small artisans constituted the type of skilled women that practiced needlework25 who made trousseau that they sold to the young ladies of wealthy families during the nineteenth century. Their pieces of art were customized and highly artistic because the elite families used to decorate their houses with them.26 The work was undeclared and not officially recorded because the craft enterprises were mostly home-­based adding a lot to family economy. Therefore, the small artisan workshops of this category must be considered as significant contributing factors that boosted domestic finances while the skilled women must be studied as a separate subject of research in this context. Throughout the nineteenth century and until the dawn of the twentieth century, women’s dominion was associated with the female household tasks such as sewing, making embroideries, and cooking that they performed for earning a living, as mentioned earlier. However, at the beginning of the twentieth century the use of machines—especially in Athens—displaced female labor in making handicrafts, thus marking the  Pepelasis, I., ‘Entrepreneurial typologies in a young nation state….’; ibid., p. 5.  On the role of family in the small-­scale enterprises of the petite bourgeoisie especially in Athens, see: Potamianos, N., (2011), He Paradosiaki mikroastiki taksi tis Athinas: magazatores kai viotechnes 1880–1925 [The traditional petite-­bourgeoisie in Athens; shopkeepers and small industrialists 1880–1925] PhD Dissertation, University of Crete, Rethymno, p. 569. 25  Needlework was instructed as a separate subject in charity schools in Greece because it provided poor women with a skill that helped them earn their living. See more in: Bakalaki, A., (1994),‘Gender-­ Related Discourses and Representations of Cultural Specificity in Nineteenth-­Century Greece’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 12:1, (75–112), p. 86. 26  The names given to the various kinds of embroidery derived from the French language. These were the ‘σεμέν’ (chemin/ rectangle), the ‘καρρέ’ (carre′/ square piece), the ‘ατραντές’ (a strip of lace sewn entre deux pieces of cloth), and the crochet pieces. See more in: Bakalaki, A., ‘Gender-­Related Discourses….’; ibid., p. 94. 23 24

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

63

beginning of men’s entry in a field that was traditionally thought of as women’s province, before. Thus, male cooks and male tailors appeared to be exclusively professionals in the market. For example, female employment in ironing was given up because of the use of machines that men were in charge of their operation. Therefore, women went out to work in order to feed their families doing various types of hard work. The newspaper Ephemeris ton Kyrion wrote about a woman peddler being a greengrocer who went from place to place in Athens in order to sell vegetables and fruit. Men did not prefer the peddler-­greengrocer’s job because it was very tiring as they had to wake up at four o’clock in the morning and work for at least sixteen hours per day.27 The Ephemeris ton Kyrion noted that the superstitions relating to women’s ethics were dissolved in this case and nobody seemed to care on the matter. The newspaper also wrote that nobody reacted negatively—despite social biases about women working out of home—and nobody spoke against this ‘novelty’. The article also commented that nobody saw that her virtue was put at risk because of the fact that this type of woman-­greengrocer went about the streets from early in the morning until late in the evening, going from door to door, and trading with all kinds of people. The article praised the woman and characterized her as ‘emancipated’ who dared to go against conservative attitudes. However, the only reason hidden behind her initiative was her drive to survive.28 Textile workshops remained women’s dominion throughout the nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. Small textile artisan workshops, or small industries, were one of female domains where Greek women were very competent and had the full command of them. An example constitutes the case of Panayota Chatzopoulou whose aptitude in weaving was widely known according to the Ephemeris ton Kyrion.29 Piraeus was the sanctuary for Cretan people who fled from their island and went to the city in order to escape the hostilities of the Turks on the island because during the years 1867–1868 the local people rebelled against them. In the Greek port, the Cretan people set up their own community called ‘Ta Kritika’. The Cretan women were very skilled in the domestic art of weaving and they easily found a placement. For instance, the Cretan industrialist Athanasios Volonakis who had established a textile factory in 1868  in  Ephemeris ton Kyrion (newspaper), 15th May, 1912, issue 1023, Athens, pp. 2041–42.  Ibid., p. 2041. 29  Ephemeris ton Kyrion (newspaper) 28th February 1888, issue 51, Athens, p. 3. 27 28

64 

P. THANAILAKI

Piraeus, employed female weavers from Crete. Volonakis was also a member of the committee in charge of Cretan refugee’s care. Demos Koumantaros was another example of a businessman, owner of a spinning and weaving industry, who also employed girls and women from the island, especially young women who were skilled in weaving. Later, Cretan women-­tailors set up their own workshops in Athens and Piraeus that manufactured materials of fine quality.30 One of them was a woman named Maria Dramatinou.31 Maria was also a Cretan refugee who became a widow at a young age and had small children. Because she knew the art of weaving she started practicing it for a living. In the small room where her family lived, she first started weaving cloths of fine silk material that she sold at very low prices. Later, she set up her own workshop and shop. Her small weaving industry was located in Athens, in 24 Philellinon Street. The Ephemeris ton Kyrion wrote about the high quality of her silk merchandise and also the reasonable prices she offered.32 Another female skilled textile manufacturer was Sparte Karastamati— neé Kokkinaki—who ran at first (1860) a small enterprise for weaving silk fabrics. She was only twenty years old when she started her business ventures. She originated from Kalamata—in Peloponnese—where her mother—Theodouli—managed her own small workshop for making silk stuff. She instructed the art to the nuns of a nearby monastery. In 1858, Sparte was married to G. Karastamatis, and the couple settled in Athens, where she set up her small workshop having six handlooms.33 Later, in 1892, she expanded her business by establishing a silk factory in Piraeus using state funds.34 She employed fifty female workers giving jobs to poor women. By that time, Sparte Karastamati had housed her small enterprise 30  Salimba, Z., (20042), Gynaikes ergatries stin Helleniki viomechania kai sti viotecnhnia (1870–1922) [Women-­workers in the Greek industry and in the small industry (1870–1922)], (published by) Historiko Archeio Hellenikis Neolaias, EIE, Athens, p. 44. 31  In other texts she is referred as ‘Dramitinou’. 32  Ephemeris ton Kyrion (newspaper), 19th January, 1903, issue 733, Athens, p. 8. 33  Gaitanou-­Gianniou, A., (1928–1931), ‘He Ellenida os epicheirimatias kai os viomichaniki Ergatria [The Greek woman as entrepreneur and as factory worker], Hellenis, Miniaion Periodikon tou Ethnikou Symvouliou ton Hellenidon Gynaikon, pp. 32–33. On the nuns and their expertise in silk production, see more in the following pages. 34  ‘Factories’ were called all small-­or medium-­sized industries. But in real terms, out of the workshops and industries that operated in Piraeus, only the silk factory of Loukas Rallis can be characterized as such. See about it in the following pages. Kotea, M., (1995), He viomichaniki Zoni tou Peiraia (1860–1900) [The industrial zone in Piraeus 1860–1900], PhD Dissertation, Panteio Panepistimio, p. 80.

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

65

in a two-­roomed small building in Piraeus, where the cycle of her business was very limited. Because there was no window-­shop in her workshop so as to display her products, she used to put her merchandise in a bag that she took around in the fairs of the cities, or of towns and villages in the countryside in order to sell.35 The Ephemeris ton Kyrion expressed its admiration of her skill because she crafted sophisticated pieces of fine material on the surface of which there appeared patterns of golden rain, shining stars, as well as birds and flowers. Karastamati was awarded with prizes when her widely admired pieces of craft, dubbed as ‘masterpieces’, were exhibited in the fairs of European cities such as Paris, Venice, as well as Athens. Particularly in Paris, she was awarded with a prize for a silk headscarf she had crafted.36 The Queen of Greece herself was a regular customer in her small shop who advised her to extend her activities to Russia, which Sparte declined. Sparte was also asked to teach the skill in the Workshop for Destitute Women based in Athens, but she rejected the project as she had plans for setting up a big factory. She was characterized as a ‘magician’ because she used her shuttle as ‘a magic tool’.37 Karastamati prospered in her new ventures and set up not only a textile factory but also a department for crafting silk pieces where over thirty women-­workers were working. Moreover, the aim of the department was to make silk materials more affordable to a wider range of women-­customers. Sparte Karastamati trained her female workers in such a way that they became professionals. Her fame spread far beyond the Greek boundaries to the European royal courts from where she also received orders.38 In ‘Karastamati Materials Firm’—the trade mark of her business—the Queen of Spain was a good customer, too.39 Sparte Karastamati, along with her daughter Vassiliki, later undertook the task of teaching the art of weaving

 Ephemeris ton Kyrion, ibid., 25th October 1892, issue 278, Athens, p. 6.  On silk farming and industry in Lakonia and Messinia, see: Agriantoni, Ch., (1984), Les debuts de l’industrialisation en Grece. (Les anees 1870 et 1880); ibid., p. 14 (and other pages): Agriantoni, Ch., (2010), (Greek edition), Oi Aparches tis ekviomichanisis stin Helada ton 19o aiona [The beginning of industrialization in Greece during nineteenth century], Katarti (publishers), Athens. 37  Kairofylas, Kostas, (2013), He epanastasi ton gynaikon stin Athina tis Belle Epoque [Women’s revolt in the ‘Belle Epoque’ Athens], Kastaniotis (publishers), Athens, (n.p.). 38  Ephemeris ton Kyrion, 21st October 1890, issue 184, Athens, p. 7. 39  Ephemeris, ibid., 16th December 1890, issue 192, p. 7. 35 36

66 

P. THANAILAKI

for free40 to girls’ orphanages.41 Although Sparte faced hardships, she never gave up. On the contrary, her zeal for making fine silk material was enthusiastically transmitted to her daughter who was considered to be one of the best skilled experts in the Orient—especially—in dying the silk stuff and in producing solid colors. Vassiliki was also distinguished for her inventive spirit of weaving fabrics that had been crafted with golden fibers and had become renowned in the European royal courts.42 In her new factory in Piraeus, Sparte Karastamati used a complete series of steam— working machines that produced different types of silk material. Later, the mother and daughter opened a spacious shop in the center of Athens where big windows displayed the merchandise.43 The two women’s business flourished in the course of time. Because of the high level of their workers’ skill, prizes were awarded not only to the two female owners of the factory but also to their employees. For example, a woman worker named Marousa Vovolini was awarded with a prize in the international exhibition fair in Chicago for her excellent skill.44 These fairs were of national and of international character, and they generated opportunities for women to define their own role in the economic and cultural setting. They were also associated with bourgeois femininity in its broader sense. The first efforts for promoting women’s talent in handicrafts became systematic and gave boost to the national economy45 as female entrepreneurship and craftsmanship were influenced by political factors and they were connected with the national pride that in periods of war defeats came up onto the surface. Especially, at the turn of the nineteenth century, Greek patriotism took a negative turn, the roots of which can be mainly traced in the inability of the Greek state and society to adapt to the new era of modernization and ideology. Therefore, Greek aspirations for freeing their  Ephemeris, ibid., 15th March 1892, issue 251, p. 4.  On charity schools and their contribution to the Greek society as well as the social control exerted on them by the elite ladies, see: Thanailaki, P., (2009), ‘Young women at risk: Poverty, malnutrition and philanthropy. The role of charity schools in Greek society, 1830–1899’, in: Christine Mayer, Ingrid Lohmann et al. (eds), Children and Youth at Risk. Historical and International Perspectives, Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main, (195–202). 42  Ephemeris…, 25th October, 1892, ibid. 43  Ibid., 25th October, 1892, pp. 6–7. 44  Ibid., 10th September, 1895, issue 409, p. 7. 45   Bounia, A., (August 2014), ‘Exhibiting Women’s Handicrafts: Arts and Crafts Exhibitions in Greece at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century’, Gender & History, 26:2, (287–312), pp. 290 and 307. From this position I would like to thank the author for supplying me with this paper. 40 41

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

67

irredentist brethren living in the occupied Ottoman-­ruled Balkan regions, was given up. However, the most important factor was the year 1897 that marked the termination of the Greek goal because of the country’s humiliating defeat in the Greek-­Turkish war. In this context, women’s role in the restoration of the national pride became more visible. And it was not only the feminists Kallirrhoe Parren and Roza Imbriotou who tried to re-­ establish the national ideal through their writings. They were also women-­ artists and craftswomen that boosted it through their pieces of art crafted in their small workshops that displayed them at various exhibitions home and abroad. Compared to the written discourse, these fairs exercised more impact as they reached larger audiences. Additionally, the exhibited pieces of art gave way to an easier access of visualization of the past in a more concrete, significant, and complete way. One such example constitutes the case of Loukia Zygomala (1866–1947). She was fond of instructing the skill of making embroideries of fine quality, the patterns of which were inspired by the Greek history and civilization. Loukia sold her merchandise acting as entrepreneur on the one hand, while on the other she financially supported the embroidery schools that she directed using the profits she gained. Born into a wealthy bourgeois family of Athens, she was married to an influential man, Antonios Zygomalas, a Greek diplomat and statesman. Apart from her embroidery schools where young poor girls were instructed the skill, Loukia kept a shop in Athens, at 7 Voulis St., from where she sold her crafts.46 The young graduates of her school worked mainly at home. They brought the embroidery pieces to the shop and after Loukia had inspected them thoroughly and carefully in order to see if they represented a perfect piece of craft, she sold them. She was restless and always present at her schools that operated in the countryside of Attika, not very distant from Athens. In 1936, her exhibition room, as well as her shop, suspended their operation because she could not afford keeping them any longer. Nowadays, in the village of Avlona—located in the prefecture of Attika—there is a museum dedicated to her memory that was Zygomalas’ former summer residence.47 46  The woman who was in charge of the exhibition room that served also as a shop, was called Eirini Bletsa. 47  More on the Museum and the exhibits, see: Stergiou, S.I., (2008), Ta Kentimata tou Mouseiou Zygomala. Mia eikastiki paremvasi [The embroideries of the Zygomala museum: An art mediated intervention], Ph.D.  Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, pp. 21–22, 37.

68 

P. THANAILAKI

Florentini Kaloutsi—nee’ Skouloudi—constitutes a similar case to that of Loukia Zygomala. Florentini originated from Crete where she was born in 1890 in the town of Rethymno. Being raised in an educated and well-­ off family surrounding, she went off to London where she received courses on painting.48 In 1911, she settled in Chania, Crete, and three years later she set up a workshop in the center of the town where she painted and instructed the art to her students. She was married to a shipping agent named Georgis Kaloutsis.49 Her home in Chania became the center of Greek intellectualism, where in her parlor the elite held social gatherings and exchanged views on political and cultural matters. During that period the island of Crete struggled for its independence while efforts were made to be united with the rest of the country.50 Moreover, the period witnessed the historic excavations of the renowned English archaeologist—Sir Arthur John Evans—who brought to light the Minoan civilization.51 Florentini was inspired by the matriarchal character of the Minoan culture and conceived the idea of depicting it in her handicrafts and especially in weaving. Like Zygomala, Florentini attempted to prove the continuity of the Greek race dating from the ancient times to the modern period through her pieces of art and handicrafts. In Florentini’s workshop, local women wove different kinds of pieces. An old man who was expert at weaving, offered his assistance. However, it required a lot of patience and skill to instruct the peasant women. These tough, rural women knew solely how to do the ordinary rough household chores and the toil in the fields. Therefore, they were not apt in the skill of weaving on fine wool yarns and on making complex motifs copied from the Knossos Museum

48  Florentini attended the Royal Academy of Arts. Her teacher was the famous artist named Sickert. 49  On more about Florentini Kaloutsi see: Mitsotaki, Z., (1999), Florentini Kaloutsi kai he techni tis Kritis [Florentini Kaloutsi and the art of Crete], (published by) Mouseio Benaki. 50  Veremis, Th., & Koliopoulos, J., (2006), (the Greek edition), Hellas he synchroni synecheia: Apo to 1821 mecrhi simera, Kastaniotis (publishers), Athens, p. 328: Koliopoulos, J., & Veremis, Th., (2002), (The English edition), Greece: The Modern Sequel, Hurst & Company, London. 51  More on the matter, see: Schoep, I., (2018), ‘Building the Labyrinth: Arthur Evans and the Construction of Minoan Civilization’ American Journal of Archaeology, 122(1), (5–32).

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

69

exhibitions.52 Contrary to Fallmerayer’s theory,53 Florentini herself expressed her patriotism in 1934 by making real efforts to prove the originality of Greek race through the pieces of art produced in her workshop. The love for her country, as well as her feminist views and her desire to instruct the skill to her poor illiterate female compatriots in Crete, is expressed in an excerpt from a letter that she sent to her friend Aggeliki Chatzimichali. In it she wrote that she lived in this ‘small corner’ of the Greek territory from where she worked and continuously tried to create new patterns and new kinds in order to develop a modern type of Greek art. She said that she tried to emulate the high quality of the old ancient Minoan civilization and wished she could achieve it. She had collected old embroideries and had created new patterns. She made 250 different patterns, the motifs of which were inspired from the old Cretan history, folklore, and Minoan civilization. She attempted in combining the ‘beautiful’ with the ‘useful’. She also wrote that the craftswomen received the yarns from her workshop; they were given instructions and worked at home so that they could take care of their children and earn a living, at the same time.54 Her workshop employed about 200 women and had 150 looms. Florentini is considered to be pioneering in this field as she set up one of the most organized home industries in Greece.55 Moreover, the practice of feminine arts such as weaving, or needlework, was considered to be significant assets for girls’ upbringing in general because they framed them as future good housewives and spouses. Additionally, the values and ideals of womanhood envisioned by notable educators of the time reinforced the view that the preparation of girls’ trousseau was an asset for them. In this 52  Papoutsaki, V., (2017), ‘«Ergazetai apeiros thetikotera yper tis eleftherias tis Hellinidos gynaikos, apo kathe koinoniologousan feministrian»’ [She works in a much more positive way for the Greek women’s emancipation, more than any other sociology-­minded feminist], IScreta.gr (uploaded March 07, 2017). 53   In the decade of 1830s, a German traveler, journalist, and historian—Jakob P. Fallmerayer—formulated the wrong and non-­historic theory that Hellenism did not originate from the ancient Greeks—as he had formerly described—but modern Greeks were simply ‘albanized’ or ‘slavified’ tribes that bore no blood relations and characteristics with the ancient Greeks. This theory was refuted by the foremost Greek historian K. Paparrigopoulos who wrote a history book that consisted of a wide range of volumes dating from the ancient times to the modern. See more on the matter in the Introduction chapter of the present book. 54  Papoutsaki, V., (2017), ibid. 55  Mitsotaki, Z., (2012), ‘Eisfora tis Florentinis Kaloutsi sti diadromi tou nimatos’ [The contribution of Florentini Kaloutsi to the thread path], p. 5, www.panoreon.gr.

70 

P. THANAILAKI

sense, the practice of needlework, or weaving, was considered a good qualification for them instead of walking aimlessly about in the streets as feminine arts bore moral implications, as well.56 As we saw in the previous pages, women were able to earn a regular income through handicrafts that they crafted and sold. Other initiatives for promoting women’s handicrafts constituted the collective effort made by Lady Egerton, wife of the British ambassador to Greece, who set up the ‘Hellenic Royal School of Handicrafts’ after the 1897 Greco-­Turkish war. The attempt aimed at supporting the production of all domestic handicrafts and also at giving young women jobs that secured them a decent income. The school flourished and employed 130 female students at the dawn of the twentieth century. Additionally, it extended its activities by setting up branches in other areas of Greece such as in Agia, Aigina, Volos, Korinthos, and Koropi, while its products gained good reputation and attracted the attention of the European markets.57 Another side of women’s aptitude was pottery. In the first years of the twentieth century, a Greek talented woman—Stavroula Pierrakou—set up a pottery workshop the crafts of which were inspired by the ancient Greek civilization. A pot made by Pierrakou was displayed in the ‘Zappeion Megaron’ exhibition building during the Athens International Exhibition Fair in 1903. A few years later (1908), Pierrakou participated with her pieces of art in the association ‘Proodos’58 that exhibited women’s art models.59 Women also managed numerous other types of small enterprises. For example, in 1907, Margaro N. Metaxa set up a dying and cleaning enterprise that operated with electric power. She managed four shops in Athens. One of her stores was located in number 201 Aiolou St., one of the central market streets of the Greek capital.60 On the same busy market street, it is also reported that a workshop was managed by another woman named Foteini Polydouri, who manufactured linen. Her business was located in 178 Aiolou St.61 Though the above examples illustrate the case of women managing their own small-­or medium-­sized enterprises in Athens, it is not clear  Bakalaki, A., (1994), ibid., pp. 88, 91.  Bounia, A., ibid., p. 295. 58   See more in Ephemeris ton Kyrion (newspaper) 15th March, 1908, issue 944, Athens, p. 141. 59  Bounia, A., ibid., p. 295. 60  https://www.taathinaika.gr/i-­odos-­aiolou-­ton-­athinon-­kata-­to-­1910. 61  Ibid. 56 57

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

71

whether some of them who ran shops were the owners or only managers of them, or they served as the helping-­hands of their husbands or fathers. Research has revealed that in many cases, many women seemed to appear as managers but in reality they served as their husbands’ or fathers’ assistants. A journalist of the Athenian newspaper Acropolis found out during a survey that he conducted by interviewing shopkeepers in the neighborhood of Psyrri in the city center that most of the bakeries that he visited were run by women. Likewise, a doctor in a poor neighborhood of Athens took for granted the fact that a baker’s spouse or a grocer’s wife was not the owner but they served as their husbands’ helping-­hands.62 Most female jobs seemed to be undeclared since they did not appear as registered in the commercial records and city guides of that time. According to the law, women had to obtain their husbands’ consent in order to set up their own business.63 Additionally, the employment projects laid by the Greek state were male centered. As the Ephemeris ton Kyrion noted, in a male-­ dominated society all political reforms that the Greek state was willing to implement and carry out targeted at men’s progress. For instance, commercial and technical schools that were scheduled to be established, athletic centers that were to be set up, as well as normal schools for training schoolteachers were planned for men. And the newspaper questioned about female participation in them arguing that half of the Greek population were women who were ignored in these projects. The newspaper argued that though women labored hard, they were unprotected by law despite the fact that they were often engaged in very hard manual work— as for instance—paving the railway tracks with pebbles.64 From 1847 until 1870, the first timid steps were observed in silk manufacturing, fiber-­making, dyeing factories, and cotton ginners, along with the operation of weaving industries in the cities of Piraeus, Hermoupolis, Leivadia, Patras, and elsewhere. The silk industry seemed to exist long before the above established enterprises were set up in Greece. One such silk industry operated on the island of Chios. The island was known as one of the most important textile silk hubs during the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries. Chios, being a textile center, rivaled the markets of 62  It is assumed, here, that the journalist called on the bakeries during the siesta time when the male owners were taking a nap while their spouses had taken over the shift in bakery store. Potamianos, N., (2018), ibid., pp. 167–168. 63  Ibid., p. 169. 64  Ephemeris ton Kyrion (newspaper), 20th January, 1902, issue 692, Athens, pp. 1–2.

72 

P. THANAILAKI

Istanbul, Bursa, and Bithynia, which were the largest markets of silk and textile in the empire. Of the silk fabrics of Chios, the ‘Kamouchades’— known in Europe as ‘Ottoman’—as well as the brocade and the satin fabrics, were the most preferred types of material in the courtyard of the Ottomans and of the titled noblemen as it was the main stuff for tailoring men’s caftans, women’s dresses, and also used for the decoration of their mansions.65 The great Greek benefactor—Andreas Syggros—wrote in his Apomnimonevmata (Memoirs) that his grandmother was engaged in silk trade in Chios after her husband’s death. He wrote that in those times (the eighteenth century) the island had a flourishing economy in the silk sector because they produced the silk gaitania (artistically braided cords with three or four silk threads) with which they decorated the bottom of sleeves as well as the hem of women’s and men’s clothes. Syggros speculated that his grandmother had gained great profits in trade judging by the fact that when her daughter was engaged to be married, she was endowed with a big sum of cash for dowry that amounted to 100,000 ‘piastre’.66 As the customary law dictated, parents who possessed land property granted their daughters with a smaller share of land and cash as the biggest part was saved for the sons. Driven by the customary law and social prejudices, Syggros wrote that he thought impossible for his mother to have inherited so much cash for dowry through her father as he had sons by his first marriage and—as a rule—he should have conferred the titles of his property and cash to them.67 Soufli, in Northern Greece, appears to be an important sericulture center, according to consular reports. Since early 1800s, silk production was the common occupation of its inhabitants. In the first years of the twentieth century, the first special buildings for silkworm rearing were built while the first silk mill was founded in 1903 by ‘Azariah Brothers’.68 Until 1960s, almost all inhabitants of Soufli were engaged in the silkworm  http://www.patridamou.gr/?page_id=386.  A kind of Ottoman currency that was broadly used in the markets of the Orient. See more on the matter: Liata, E., (1996), Floria Dekatessera stenoun grosia saranta: He kykloforia ton nomismaton ston Helleniko choro [Floria Dekatessera stenoun grosia saranta: The circulation of the coins in the Greek lands], (published by) The Center for Hellenic Research, Athens, p. 51, 177, 181. 67  As a social practice that is observed in Greece until today in a small number of regions. See: Syggros, A., (1908), Apomnimonevmata [Memoirs], (3 vols.), Estia (publishers) Athens, vol. A’., pp. 12–13. 68  http://www.patridamou.gr/?page_id+386. 65 66

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

73

breeding business as it was a totally family-­based enterprise. Nuclear or extended families were the main production units, while work allocation was based on gender and age. For instance, production was women’s task while trading was men’s sector. Merchants owned silkworm rearing houses, the cocoon houses, called bitziklikia. They were quite big measuring about 500 square meters and catered for large-­scale sericulture. They were built by local builders who used traditional materials such as wood, stone, and brick. These buildings also constituted the architectural asset of Soufli.69 For example, a cocoon house owned by a man named ‘Kalesis’ was one of the biggest edifices that served as a storehouse of dried cocoons that were dried in special ovens and then they were sold. The building had big wood-­framed windows so that it could have the appropriate daylight. There was also a thick outside wall that secured constant temperature.70 Women-­workers dyed the silk threads and fabrics using mainly plant and animal fibers.71 The company of ‘Tzivre Brothers’ predominated the silk industry of Soufli. The firm bought a factory in 1920s. It produced 75,000 meters of fabric that was exported to Milan and Lyons. The female workers were very young, aged from eleven to sixteen years, and earned wages ranging from eighteen to thirty-­five drachmas, being a very low payment compared to the earnings of male workers who were paid forty to fifty drachmas. Moreover, the working conditions were unhealthy, and the laborers’ living standards were poor. Both the above elements were the main reasons for the workers’ suffering from tuberculosis.72 The unhealthy conditions at work primarily affected the female laborers as they constituted the majority of those engaged in silk processing. The women worked in big rooms and in stuffy atmosphere because of the heat and the vapor that was produced by the big boilers. They usually labored for ten hours per day.73 ‘The Siriki Etaireia tis Hellados’ [The Silk Company of Greece] was founded in Athens on August 6, 1854, the main shareholder of which was

 Konstantinidou, M., (2015),‘Sirotrofia-­Metaksourgia’, https://prezi.com/tgbvn8lfiz.  http://www.e-­thraki.gr/cgs.cfm?areaid=1&id-­124. 71  The weavers or the embroiderers produced colors by using leaves, roots, fruit, and the skin of the trunks of local trees and plants, according to traditional recipes. Konstantinidou, M., ibid. 72  Konstantinidou, M., ibid. 73  Agriantoni, Ch., ibid., p. 97. 69 70

74 

P. THANAILAKI

Athanasios Douroutis.74 One of the company’s shareholders was Michael Iatros,75 whose daughter Florentia (1832–1930)76 was married to A.  Douroutis.77 M.  Iatros’ wife—Magdalini—née (Chatzi) Nikolaou Sekeri was a good manager of their estate property.78 She died in Argos in 1871.79 In the building of ‘The Siriki Etaireia tis Hellados’ the main space in a rectangular room situated in the western side of the big building, was for silk processing. It had thirty-­six windows that faced Kerameikou St., as well as twenty-­eight windows that faced the courtyard of the building complex. Along the two long sides, there were two arrays of brass benches having cast iron bases on the top surface of which the basins were built in. Each bench was fifteen to sixteen meters long, and had twenty-­four basins. In each array there were five benches, namely 120 basins on each side, and 240, in total. The work space corresponding to each basin was sixty-­three to sixty-­five centimeters wide. Judging from the narrow space it can be deduced that the female laborers were sitting very close to each other. They looked at the center of the room having their basins in front of them and the spinning wheels at their back. This pattern facilitated labor as the main corridor was left clear for the easy supplying of the basins with cocoons which a separate group of young female workers provided the senior skilled women. Additionally, it facilitated the job of the women-­ inspectors. The workers’ seats were rotating so as to check better on the silk reeling (the process of getting the thread of raw silk yarn out from the 74  Athanasios Douroutis was born into a wealthy family of merchants with vast business networks in Adriatic Sea. See more in: Chatziioannou, M.,-­Ch.,(1995), ‘ He ekseliksi mias paradosiakis epicheirisis sto a’ miso tou 19ou aiona: To systima ton antallagon tis Adriatikis’ [The evolution of a traditional firm in the first half of nineteenth century: The exchange system in the Adriatic Sea], in: Agriantoni, Ch., & Chatziioannou, M.,-­ Ch., (eds), To Metaksourgeio tis Athinas (Collective book), (17–41), p. 38, helios-­eie.ekt.gr. 75  On Michael Iatros see: Liata, E., (2013), ‘Michael Iatros (1779–1868): Mia polydiastati prosopikotita tis Nafpliakis Koinonias’ [Michael Iatros (1779–1868): A multidimensional personality of the society in Nafplion], in: Analekta VII, Minutes of a Scientific Symposium, helios-­eie.ekt.gr/EIE/bitstream/10442/14513/2/INR_Liata_13_01pdf. 76  In 1830 Florentia’s son, Ioannis Douroutis, donated 10,000 drachmas to the Fillologikos Syllogos Parnassos (an Association of Arts and Civilization named ‘Parnassos’), in memoriam to his mother’s death. See: Epetiris tou Fillologikou Syllogou Parnassos (for the years 1930–1936), (Yearbook), 3rd Period, Athens 1937, R. Vidoris (publishers), p. 199. 77   Chatziioannou, M.-­ Ch., (1995), ‘ He ekseliksi mias paradosiakis epicheirisis….’ ibid., p. 38. 78  More on her activities, see in the following pages. 79  www.argolikivivliothiki.gr.

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

75

cocoon).80 However, little is known about the working staff of ‘The Siriki Hetaireia’. It is certain though that women constituted the ‘silent protagonists’ of the industrial production line as it was the case in other companies, as well. The male laborers were few and were employed only in cases when hard physical work was required such as reeling on manually operated tools. The company of Douroutis employed a large number of women in the first years of its operation while later—in 1874—it had 140 women of whom only 2 were literate.81 In the same year, the male workers were only three and one of them knew how to read and write. Female wages ranged from half a drachma to one point seventy drachmas while the men’s earnings were ranging from two and a half drachmas to three drachmas82 documenting once more female disparity in the waged employment despite the fact that the female silk processors were specially trained for the skill. In the company, the young female workers were instructed the silk processing by French women-­specialists.83 Soufli in Greece and Lyons in France constituted two similar model regions of family-­based silk production where women’s role was the most significant—if not the principal one—during the whole eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to the first decade of the twentieth. The French silk craftsmen paid a fairly big sum of money in order to be admitted to the guild. It was difficult for an apprentice to have such a sizeable amount of money to pay as it amounted to 200 livres. In the Greek and French regions that were engaged with silk breeding and fabric production, the above trading activities were women’s domain.84 In Lyons, usually, the daughters of the silk craftsmen chose their husbands outside their milieu. The reason was that they did not own a sizeable amount of money for dowry compared to skilled rural women who earned high wages due to 80  Agriantoni, Ch., (1995), ‘«Siriki Hetaireia tis Hellados»: Prosarmogi kai afomoiosi mias megalis viomichanikis epicheirisis’ [The Silk Company of Greece: Adaptation and Adjustment of a Big Industrial Venture], in: To Metaksourgeio tis Athinas, ibid., (83–136), pp. 93–95. 81  Ibid., p. 97. 82  Agriantoni, Ch., ‘«Siriki Hetaireia»’,ibid., pp. 97–98. 83  Agriantoni, Ch., ‘«Siriki Hetaireia tis Hellados», ibid., p. 98. Footnote 53. 84  The Greek factory of George Fafoutis in Evoia employed between fifteen and twenty-­ two people who were all girls. See more in: Sakki, K., (April-­May 2015) ‘To Ergostasio Metaksourgias ton Andronianon.Anapinistirio Metaksis Georgiou Fafouti: Historiki Katagrafi’ [The silk factory in Adronianoi: The silk processing enterprise of George Fafoutis: A Historical register], He foni ton Andronianon (newspaper), issue 95, p. 4., www.andronianoi.gr.

76 

P. THANAILAKI

their expertise in the opening of the warp on the handlooms. If the silk craftsman did not need his spouse in the job, then the young French woman found a placement in her father’s or brother’s silk enterprise, or she worked at home and was paid by piece. Her wages were low. If she worked in her husband’s job then she was not paid at all. She usually took up the task of superintending the girls who reeled the silk being a female task for those who worked on the warp on the loops. The girls were usually the craftsmen’s relatives who came from neighboring villages. They were provided with food and lodgings.85 In the first decades of 1900s, the silk factory ‘Chrysalis’—one of its units was in Goumenissa, Northern Greece—employed about 450 skilled women, and only a small number of men.86 In Kalamata, a city renowned for its silk factories, the female workers constituted the majority of the skilled staff. In 1890s only one factory out of six in total employed male craftsmen.87 In Piraeus, the silk factory owned by Loukas Rallis was highly recognized as a big enterprise in the area. In 1852, the factory employed forty women and six men. The female laborers were trained in the cleaning of the cocoons, in their grouping into different qualities, and in the silk reeling. The male workers were in charge of the manual operation of the reels. The female workers were paid one drachma and twenty ‘lepta’.88 The apprentices earned forty ‘lepta’ per day until they became fully skilled. In the summer time, the workers labored for eleven hours a day and in winter for ten.89 A few years later, in 1859, the silk factory employed a work force ranging from sixty to eighty workers while the women and girls constituted the majority of the staff. The technicians were men and their earnings ranged from one drachma to one and a half drachmas. The male workers’ wages varied from two drachmas to two and a half drachmas.

 Hufton, O., He Historia, ibid., p. 201.  Iefimerida.gr/news/281717, 4/01/2017. 87  More precisely: The steam-­operating silk factory of Danasis employed 120 female workers, the silk company of Maravas Brothers had 120 women workers while the factories of Stasinopolos and Stamateas employed 60 women laborers. Papadopoulos silk enterprises had 70 female workers and Mamaloukas industry employed 50 women workers. See more in: Plakonouri, D., et al., (2009), Xoros apo Metaksi [Dance of Silk], (publishedby) http://kpekal.mes.sch.gr/wp/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Metaxi.pdf (published on line: November, 4, 2016), pp. 36–37. 88  A Greek currency unit. One drachma was subdivided into 100 ‘lepta’. 89  Kotea, M., Viomichaniki Zoni tou Pireaia…; ibid., p. 82. 85 86

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

77

Female labor was paid one drachma to one-­ drachma-­ and-­ twenty-­ five ‘lepta’, denoting once more the inequality in payment.90 Similar to Greece, in Cyprus, the silk enterprises were family-­run ventures and women’s lot of expertise, as well. More precisely, in the provinces of Lapithos and Karavas, Cyprus,91 silk-­weaving constituted the main occupation of the local women. This was also due to the fact that the region was rich in the production of raw materials required for weaving such as cotton and flax. In the mountainous areas, cotton weaving was the inhabitants’ common occupation. In the lowlands, silk was the usual material used on the looms. Moreover, silk-­weaving served as a good means for supplementing the families’ income. Every home in Lapithos and Karavas was a silk craft workshop with work allocation. For example, a number of female weavers were in charge of the production line, another team was responsible for the processing of the product, while weaving constituted another type of allotted task. Above all, silk-­weaving was popular in many types of trade as it covered various needs. For instance, it was useful for the making of the trousseau that were part of girls’ dowry that the young women received by their parents when they were of marriageable age. Silk-­weaving was a means of economic supplement income because it contributed to the family’s finances as the female weavers produced and bought silk goods on demand.92 Sericulture was a popular field of agriculture in the above-­mentioned areas93 being mainly women’s domain. Its patron saint was St. Catherine. On the saint’s name-­day (November 25), the wives used to make dumplings in order to ask for the saint’s blessings and have a good silk production. Additionally, silk-­­weaving was considered to be a very delicate skill that only women’s slim and nimble fingers could perform. Weaving and making fine products were much closely associated with the domain of feminine art in the peasants’ minds to the effect that if a man in Karavas practiced the above skills he was scornfully labeled as ‘effeminate’. Silk-­weaving was also part of wealthy ladies’ pass time and hobby in Nicosia, especially the weaving of pure silk fabrics.  Ibid., pp. 82, 84.  In the northern area of the island. 92  Papadimitriou, H., (1990), He Metaksourgia stis koinotites Lapithou kai Karava tis Kyprou [The silk industries in the communities of Lapithos and Karavas in Cyprus], PhD Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, p. 25. 93  There was also a number of men-­weavers in the mountainous areas who were expert in weaving, mainly in making cotton goods, and more especially coarse materials. See: Papadimitriou, H., He Metaksourgia…; ibid., p. 27. 90 91

78 

P. THANAILAKI

However, the well-­off spouses did not sell their pieces of craft as this counted negatively in their social status.94 Overall, the silk-­weaving skill in Lapithos and Karavas was mainly practiced for the purpose of earning money for a living. The above financial agency constituted a regular source of income for the non-­elites who practiced the above skill, and they owed it to the wealthy ladies of the region of Lapithos who had instructed them the art.95The professional female weavers received orders from their customers but in case when the order was not placed directly to the female weavers, there were the intermediaries who received it. The intermediary was usually a man called the prachtis. There were women-­prachtis, too. The male expert in the silk production was the metaksas who was skilled in taking the silk out of the cocoons, but—even in this case—we should not exclude women who were expert, as well. The latter expertise was a kind of familial clandestine method that passed on from male generation to male generation, also including daughters, in some cases.96 In the region of Karavas, there were well-­known female silk weavers. They were Amalia Christoforou (1865–1930) and her daughters Anastasia Christoforou-­Metsiani (1885–1963), Heleni Christoforou (1890–1936)— dubbed as the ‘teacher’—and Olga Christoforou-­Kyriakou (1894–1980). There were also women-­traders of silk fabrics traveling from place to place in order to sell their merchandise. One such traveling tradeswoman was Maritsa Manoli-­Plousiou.97 Another family of weavers that deserves special mention was the ‘Chatzittofari’ sisters who originated from Lapithos. They were renowned for their expertise in silk processing as well as in its weaving. The elder sister was born in 1898, and the younger in 1906. They had been instructed the skill by their mother Efrosyni Tasiakki-­ Chatzittofari who was a competent weaver. Efrosyni wove materials destined for home use, and for the market on demand, using her own silk materials. Efrosyni died very early. The Chatzittofari sisters had a long family tradition in this expertise as their grandmother was a very competent weaver.98 The sisters eked out a living, also financially supporting their younger sister and their brother who studied in order to become teachers. The sisters were also skilled in making thin and thick silk fibers. For their  Ibid., p. 28.  Ibid., p. 29. 96  Ibid., p. 30. 97   Papadimitriou, H., (2013), ‘HoKaravas:TexneskaiTexnites’,www.Karavas.org.cy/ images/users/1/ karavas_texnes_texnites pdf (published online on: December 10th, 2013). 98  Papadimitriou, H., He Metaksourgia…; ibid., p. 141. 94 95

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

79

expertise, they were paid from ten to twenty shillings for every ‘oka’99 that they produced. The work was very hard because they labored for twenty hours a day. Their loom was working continuously day and night and the sisters were taking shifts. For example, one weaver worked on the loom from four o’clock in the morning until noon while the next shift started in the midday and lasted until midnight. During this time period the weaver who had completed her shift continued working on the silk processing and on the spinning using an oil lamp.100 Two of the sisters—Eirini and Agathi—were considered the most competent weavers, and they excelled. Eirini also did the trading of the product, being in charge of the commercial transactions. She used to visit Nicosia where their best client was a big silk trader who gave the sisters a regular job and a steady income all year round by placing orders to them. His preference for them was based on the fact that the sisters constituted a quite good number of working hands, they were well organized, and they produced a big quantity of merchandise covering the demand of the market.101 In Evoia, Greece, the couple of Giannis and Zoe Fafoutis brought the first silk seeds and started their cultivation in the area of Andronianoi. They instructed their fellow villagers how to breed silk moths.102 The couple did the silk breeding at home as an auxiliary occupation. One of their children, George—born in 1897—founded a silk factory in Andronianoi that operated on steam engines that he had brought from Italy. His wife Eleni—daughter of a priest—was actively involved in this business, being the soul of it.103 As mentioned above, silk production was a female domain. This is also documented by a photo taken from ‘Fafoutis’ factory showing female workers, only, though there were few men employed, mainly working as machine operators.104 At the turn of the nineteenth century, Kalamata was renowned for its long tradition and high reputation in silk production, as mentioned above.105 The founder of one such small industry named ‘Gonou Enterprises’ was the grandmother named Aggeliki Gonou. Her grandson,  A metric unit of mass: one oka = 1282 grams.  Papadimitriou, H., He Metaksourgia…; ibid., p. 142. 101  Ibid., p. 143. The sisters worked until the decade of1950s when they gave up their craft. 102  The silk moths were fed on green mulberry leaves, abundant in many Greek regions. 103  She was active in charities, too. See: Sakki, K., (2015),‘To Ergostasio Metaksourgias’, ibid., pp. 1 and 4. 104  Sakki, K., He Foni ton Andronianon, ibid., p. 4. 105  See more about it in: Choros apo Metaksi, ibid. 99

100

80 

P. THANAILAKI

Giannis Gonos,106 recalled that at the outset of their business venture there was a home-­based workshop. His grandmother’s initial craft workshop was engaged with a specific part of production that other enterprises in Greece did not deal with. The ‘Gonou’ factory bought the cocoon from the breeders, they made it into thread, and then they produced the fabric. Until that time, the rest of silk factories were engaged in one of these three trading activities only. They either bred the cocoon or bought the dried cocoon and then they produced the thread, or they bought the ready-­ made threads and manufactured the fabric. ‘Gonou’ enterprise performed the latter two types of production on its own. The company went through three different phases: the first stage was its setting up in 1895. In 1920, it set out a more systematic and well-­organized operation and that was phase two. Later, in 1950, it started operating on very highly sophisticated looms. That was the third phase.107 Kalamata was one of the pioneer cities in silk production in Greece since the Ottoman period. The legend has it that nine nuns who were confined in Constantinople and later got free by the Ottomans went to Kalamata. The nuns were experts in this art. After the creation of the Greek state (1830), the silk production flourished in the area while the nunnery of ‘Saints Constantine and Helen’ became the hub of silk craft production. The above religious women instructed the craft to the local women. At the turn of the nineteenth century, 80 nuns of the convent had taught the art to about 100 female apprentices. The convent was renowned especially for its silk scarves and handkerchiefs.108 Moreover, the famous Kalamata silk scarves that were made by the nuns were exhibited in the international fair in London in 1851. In the following years (1855, 1857, 1868, 1875, and 1878) the nuns were awarded with international prizes for their silk artistry.109 However, it was not only agricultural or crafts production with which women were engaged as the Greek merchants’ spouses were also busy with other tasks such as the management of their property land as it applies to the case of Michael Iatros’ spouse. Iatros was involved in multifarious business ventures. As he was a flexible and a bold businessman, he invested in multiple types of business, one of them being the sea-­fare ventures. As 106  Ibid. The endings ‘ou’ and ‘os’ denote the female and male genders respectively, in the Greek grammar. 107  Choros apo Metaksi, ibid., p. 38. 108  Ibid., p. 39. 109  Ibid., p. 40.

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

81

mentioned in the previous pages, he also owned big landed estates and possessed other assets such as shares in factories and banks. Moreover, he was owner of bakery shops, inns, warehouses, eight water mills, and a fish farm. He was also engaged—though unsuccessfully—with the silk industry along with his son-­ in-­ law and business partner named Athanasios Douroutis.110 Michael Iatros kept the commercial property holdings of the above enterprises to himself and had bestowed the management to his family members and to friends that he trusted111 as it was common practice with the nineteenth-­century business trading elite. His wife—Magdalini— was mainly in charge of a big landed estate they possessed in Kiveri, Argolidas, where she checked on everything including the everyday routine of the raisin cultivation. She was assisted by the janitor of the estate. The couple was sentimentally attached to the above seaside landed estate in the Peloponnese where they kept a house and spent their summer vacations. In 1845, on the eve of the vine harvesting, Magdalini wrote a letter from the nearby city of Nafplion to her husband in Athens, expressing her concerns about the bad weather conditions as it was very windy and hot— and as a consequence—it damaged the production. She also reported the problem of the scarce of irrigation water sounding determined in finding a solution. She also informed her husband of the conflicts over the water supply and that the serfs used water illegally for the irrigation of the fields they cultivated to the detriment of the other cultivators. She intended to visit the senior member of the local town council who was in charge of water supply. She sounded resolute in raising the issue and in filing complaints in order to solve the problem. In the course of time her determination seemed to have brought fruit because in another letter of hers, she wrote that finally the raisin cultivation was spared and was of good quality. The whole family planned to be there as the raisin harvest coincided with their summer holidays. Magdalini was scheduled to be present and to superintend the summer harvesting.112 M. Iatros was in Nafplion and was going to join them.113 The above account of facts portrays Magdalini as a 110  Liata, E., (2013), ‘Michael Iatros (1779–1868). Mia polydiastati prosopikotita tis Nafpliakis koinonias’, ibid., p. 376. 111  Ibid., p. 373. 112  Archeion tou Michael Iatrou (1802–1893) (thereafter referred as AMI), (compiled by) Spiliotakis, K.K., (1893) [The Archive of Michael Iatrou], in: Tetradia Ergasias, (published by) Kentron Neoellinikon Erevnon Ethnikou Idrymatos Erevnon, Athens, vol. VII, number 755. 113  AMI, ibid., vol., XI, number 1369, pp. 40–41.

82 

P. THANAILAKI

strong-­minded woman, daring, and bold, being always ready to exercise her civil rights and to manage successfully her family’s interests as well as to safeguard them. Magdalini also seemed to handle the finances of her household wisely as she was a woman who led a frugal and thrifty life with her husband.114 However, their children did not follow this practice. They liked buying expensive and luxurious things and Magdalini satisfied their desires. She tried to keep a balance between the elder and the younger children maintaining the order of seniority in their preferences. Additionally, Magdalini was strict and critical of her husband’s indifference, and she often expressed her feelings. Indicative example is the case of an order that Magdalini had placed to the care of her husband. In this order she had asked him to buy for her a piece of a dress fabric from Athens. In her letter she sounded irritated. The reason was that she had received the wrong type of fabric that was also of very poor quality. She wrote to him saying that the fabric was good only for keeping and using it for his tsipouro115 that he produced in the family winery in Chaidari.116 Magdalini was a caring type of woman acting as a protector of the underprivileged too. This is documented in another letter written to her husband about a prisoner. She asked him to exercise his influence and make a plea to the local officer in Nafplion who was in charge of the justice department of the province about him. In the letter Magdalini urged her husband to act immediately so that the man named Velitziotis be released from prison five days earlier than it was due in order to spare the judicial expenses as the poor man was ‘done’ and he had been robbed of everything.117 M. Iatros had political connections in the area of Nafplion and he was elected as a proxy representing the province of Nafplion for the September 3, 1843 national elections.118 Because of the fact that she mentioned the prisoner’s last name only, giving no more details about him, it is assumed that the man in jail was a person that her husband knew and that his case was familiar to both of them. In fact, a man by the first name  AMI, ibid., Vol. VII, number 725, p. 42.  A strong alcoholic beverage. 116  Chaidari was a village in the province of Nafplion. 117  Liata, E., (2013), ‘Michael Iatros (1779–1868), ibid., p. 376, footnote 20. 118  The local elections served the purpose of electing the proxies and electors-­representatives of the provinces of Argos, Korinthos, and Nafplion. The elected men were to take part in the National Assembly assigned for the preparation and adoption of the Constitution of 1844. See more in: Argolikivivliothiki.gr/2016/06/13/ekloges-­1843. 114 115

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

83

‘Andreas’, middle name ‘Ioannou’ (probably his father’s name), and last name ‘Velitziotis’ was recorded as one of the inhabitants of the village Avdibei in the province of Nafplion, who validated with his signature the election of Iatros as a lawful elector. Therefore, Iatros was—in a way— indebted to him as there was a lobbying between these two men and Iatros was offered political support by him.119 In the nineteenth to early twentieth centuries, it was not only female craftsmanship and the wise management of land property that women were assigned. Wives, daughters, and spouses were also busy with keeping shops, or with running small eateries and taverns. Small grocery stores in Greece that first appeared at the turn of the nineteenth century and suspended their operation at about the end of 1960s were inextricably linked to local communities and more particularly to neighborhoods. They served as the nucleus of a bigger family as well as centers for sociability of their residents. The stores were also women’s meeting places, where they exchanged the news of the day, gossiped, talked about their daily routine, or expressed their concerns or anxiety. These stores were also associated with the Greek traditional products such as home-­made wine, virgin olive oil, or the ‘feta’ cheese. The commodities were sold by the ‘oka’ as there was no packaging. A very familiar image of the grocery stores—particularly those of the big cities such as in Athens120—was the store’s delivery boy who ran errands all day long, wearing a long striped apron. Errand boys were young and their task was to deliver groceries to the well-­off families of neighboring areas. As for the less-­privileged households, the grocer often sold groceries to them on credit, entering the customers’ name and the credit sum they owed on a list called tefteri.121 Moreover a number of the above-­mentioned stores also functioned as small eateries. Though not spacious, they had a few tables where regular customers were  This was common practice in Greece.  Later they were replaced by the supermarkets in most Greek cities. The most well-­ known grocery stores in the 1960s in the Athenian neighborhoods were: Kikizas’ grocery shop in the district of Kolonos, Gountoufass in the area of Sepolia, Oikonomou in the neighborhood of Gyzi, Gartzos in the suburb of Kallithea, Mavrommatis in the area of Academia Platonos, Koutsia in the central area of Kolonaki, Tambakiotis in Patission St., and Bakas in the area of Pagkrati. See more in: Pleksousakis, F., (2016), To paradosiako Pantopoleio sto Diadiktyo: Mia Meleti Periptosis stin Helleniki Pragmatikotita [The traditional type of a grocer’s store in the network. A case study in the Greek reality], Diploma Dissertation, TEI Peiraia, Peiraeus, p. 7. 121  Ibid., p. 8. 119 120

84 

P. THANAILAKI

served with various types of appetizers to go with ouzo or wine if the store stocked these products. The eateries and stores were mainly managed by men. Apart from those that sold traditional goods, the big grocery stores stocked also delicatessen goods that catered for the eating habits of the upper middle classes such as caviar, butter of a fine quality, and other such commodities. The Greek writer Alexandros Papadiamantis (1851–1911) was a regular customer. His sharp and critical observations on the Greek society constitute a wealth of information as he gave his readers an insight of the realism of the Athenian neighborhood. Papadiamantis wrote about his personal experience in his short story entitled Patera sto spiti (1895). Every evening the author used to sit in a small store located at the west end of Athens for about half an hour or longer, talking with friends who were also drinking and having a bit of an appetizer. Papadiamantis used to take his everyday frugal dinner there. He vividly described the young boys and girls of the neighborhood who visited the small grocery store in order to buy commodities that their mother had asked them. Mothers, more usually, sent their five-­, six-­, or seven-­year-­old daughters to do the shopping. Because of the fact that the owner of the grocery store cared for the safety of these young customers, he used to have one of his delivery boys escort them as far as the door of their home in order to make sure that they got there safely. Often the young girl forgot what to buy and mixed up her mother’s shopping list. Then, Papadiamantis vividly wrote about mothers’ talking back to the grocer who was always held responsible for the wrong delivery while never was the child.122 In the above groceries spouses were usually their husbands’ helping-­ hands. However, we encounter women grocery owners in many urban areas especially in the first decades of the twentieth century. For example, in the city of Lamia, in mainland Greece, it is noted a big grocery store— among others—that a woman named Kalliopi owned and managed. The woman was the shop’s soul. She supplied her customers with a wide range of commodities including different types of cheese and wine. Kalliopi was not married. Her full name was Kalliopi Doukaki, but everybody called her ‘Malamou’.123 Kalliopi’s father was a 1922 Greek refugee, most likely 122  This fiction story belongs to Papadiamantis’ collection entitled ‘Athinaika’ that is centered around the author’s life in Athens. See more in: Papadiamantis.net. 123  She was attached with this appellation because her sister’s son-­in-­law was called Vasileios Malamos who people mostly knew. Balomenos, K.A., (2001), ‘Dromoi, Katastimata kai Idioktisies tis propolemikis Lamias’ [Streets, Stores and Properties in pre-­ war Lamia’, Fthiotika Chronika, v. 22, (61–108), Lamia.

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

85

coming from Asia Minor because he wore the traditional vraka (a pair of wide pants) that the people of this region used to wear.124 In the Cyclades complex of islands and more precisely in Thira (Santorini), there were a few big grocery stores in the town of Pyrgos. They remained in full operation until the decade of 1950s when they suspended their trading activities when many of its inhabitants moved to Athens and the small food manufacturing industries of the island were relocated to the Greek capital. Under these circumstances, the grocers could not sell their local products such as their renowned high-­quality wine, their tomato paste, and their ‘fava’.125 Only one of the grocery stores that continued its operation on the island was the ‘Karamolegkos-­Glezos’ trading enterprise of groceries that was managed by the owner’s daughter, whose name was Kalliopi, too.126 It was a standard social practice in Pyrgos according to which women ran most of the grocery stores as men were mainly engaged with agriculture, or they were busy with carrying out orders of their store as well as with running various trading transactions. In Pyrgos, the women of grocery stores displayed feminine taste in the decoration of the shop as well as in the way the products were placed on the shelves. In ‘Aga’s grocery store’ the co-­manager was the owner’s wife. She used to sit on the front desk taking up the cashier’s position while at the back of the store one could see the ‘boss’, her husband, who kept the store’s accounts. One of the interviewees on the ‘Aga’s store recounted that Evgenia, the owner’s spouse, was a woman of the lower classes who possessed a genuine commercial skill and vigor being well above the average. On the one hand Evgenia was a soft-­hearted person that kindly served the customers, and on the other, she was a shrewd businesswoman who gave the impression that she knew well how to make her accounts with a commercial skill. Evgenia was remembered carrying a big straw bag in which she had put various groceries to be carried home. One could see the sense of feeling of 124  Balomenos, K.A., (2015), ‘Katastimata trofimon (Pantopoleia) tis propolemikis Lamias’ [Grocery stores in the pre-­war Lamia], amfictyon.blogspot.gr/2015/07/blog-­post_6.html: www.kaliterilamia.gr. 125  A type of bean also called as ‘broad bean’. 126  Chryssou-­Karatza, K., (2013), ‘Ta pantopoleia tou Pyrgou Santorinis kata ton 20 kai 21o aiona. Leitourgia kai metaschimatismos’ [Operation and transformation of grocery stores in the town of Pyrgos-­Santorini during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries], in: M.  Tsianikas, N.  Maadad, et  al., (eds.), ‘Greek Research in Australia: Proceedings of the Biennial International Conference of Greek Studies, Flinders University, June 2011’, Flinders University, Department of Language Studies-­Modern Greek, Adelaide, (318–333), p. 323.

86 

P. THANAILAKI

superiority that the woman had. The interviewee also recalled herself being jealous of her because Evgenia could afford taking so many groceries home that nobody else could afford having. Evgenia’s job was socially acceptable in the local society.127 In ‘Aga’s grocery store, there was also another strong female figure. It was Evgenia’s mother-­in-­law—named Margariti—who, though being a loving and caring woman in essence, looked awe-­inspiring and bossy. Her husband was a nice, weak-­willed person.128 Evgenia and Margariti constituted exceptional cases, as in many other instances, the grocers’ wives or daughters were framed as low-­ profiled women who equally contributed to the small enterprise of their families. Female contribution, as a norm, was silent and it was recognized by family members. Often husbands, fathers, brothers, or brothers-­in-­law who were the owners of grocery stores, were away traveling in order to buy supplies. It was in these cases when women’s assistance was more valued. Often compassion was equally embedded in the shaping of grocers’ profile because both men and women working in the grocery store had to show a sympathetic face in times of extreme poverty. An example constitutes the case of a woman named Anna Tzimou-­Patrona whose father-­in-­ law ran a grocery store in the town of Siatista, Northern Greece. Anna recollected that one of their female customers visited the store carrying a small oil jug in order to buy a small quantity of oil. Then she noticed the fresh eels packed in a sack that the grocer had bought from Kozani (a neighboring Greek town) in order to supply his store with. While Anna’s father-­in-­law was filling the customer’s jug with oil, she caught a glimpse of the female customer grabbing an eel and quickly hiding it with one hand under her coarse woolen apron. Both Anna and her father-­in-­law pretended as nothing had happened. Anna attributed the customer’s wrongful act to people’s extreme poverty and hunger and the people who ran grocery stores often had to show a compassionate face.129 In Andritsaina (Peloponnese) another case of a woman who managed a grocery store is reported. In this region there was a fairly big number of grocery stores in operation as the town was vibrant being the hub of commercial activities of the greater area. Another woman who also ran a

 Ibid., p. 327.  Ibid., p. 327. 129  www.siatistanews.gr/epagelmata/04.pdf, p. 7. 127 128

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

87

grocery store in this town was named Stella Makri.130 A similar case is encountered in Piraeus where there was a small grocery store managed by a woman who was given the appellation ‘Sotiria, the widow’. The store still operates until today and sells the most renowned ‘feta’ cheese in the area. Sotiria inherited a small cheese store through her husband. She originated from Villia Attikis. The store was very small—only ten square meters—comprising a small room that was the cheese store, and another room that served as the family’s residence. Her grandson described her as a bold and strong-­willed woman. Despite the hardships she suffered, she became a very successful businesswoman being both kind with the customers and competent with trade. Determined to cope with her hard life she decided to carry on with the traditional dairy products that her husband produced. She sold ‘feta’ cheese and other types of cheese, as well as yogurt. Her business was known as the ‘Widow’s Feta Cheese Store’. Later, she bestowed the small enterprise to her son while in the following years the shop passed on to her grandson. Sotiria, aged ninety-­six a few years ago, never stopped taking an interest in the trading activities of her son and grandson.131 Tavern-­keeping was another side of women’s contribution to the family earnings, usually supplementing the family’s meager income. The tavern keepers, also being women of the lower classes, either worked with their husbands and children or ran the tavern by themselves. Contrasted to taverns and inns operating in central Europe and in England, the above eateries served ‘meze’ and main meals that always went with local wine, or ouzo, and not with beer. In Greece, the taverns of the nineteenth to early twentieth centuries were very small, usually being part of a grocer’s store— often located underground—where men and only men visited them regularly for drinking wine and for having some appetizers. Taverns differed from place to place but their main style remained the same as they were the venues for conviviality, for exchanging the news of the day, also being the centers of fermentation of politics especially during the pre-­electoral

130  We are not supplied with more information. Anagnostopoulou A., (2015), He Politistiki Klironomia enos topou kai he apichisi tis stous neous-­He periptosi tis Andritsainas [The cultural heritage of a place and its impact on the young people -­The case of Andritsaina], Bachelor’s Degree Thesis, Harokopio University of Athens, p.  83. Estia.hua.gr/file/lib/default/ data/16502/theFile. 131  Alexiou, S.,(2014), ‘He feta tis chiras ston Pirea pou trellainei oli tin Attiki’ [The widow’s feta cheese that made all Attika people crazy about it], in: https://m.propaganda.gr.

88 

P. THANAILAKI

period. In them, influential politicians, authors,132 businesspeople, as well as common people who were tavern revelers enjoying heavy drinking and card playing frequented there. In Athens, in the decade of 1890s, the taverns were small places where traditional food133 cooked by the women-­ owners, or the wives of the men who ran the tavern, was mainly served to working people and to the city’s newcomers. In 1900s, Athens was a fast-­ growing city. As a consequence of its progress, a lot of taverns opened in many neighborhoods134 of the city in order to serve lunch to public clerks and to those employed in the private sector, also to university students, to tradesmen, to artisans, to shopkeepers, as well as to visitors. The taverns were not only eateries that served food and wine, but also the place where one could enjoy musicians playing.135 This came about as a result of the presence of the Asia Minor Greek refugees who flooded Greece in 1922 because they had been wildly chased by the Turks during the war. The refugees who survived settled in Athens, or in Piraeus, as well as in many other Greek areas. They used to entertain themselves and to hold family gatherings in the taverns136 because their houses in the new land was too small to host their guests. In the Athenian taverns women were usually the helping-­hands of their sons or husbands and not the managers because their main duty was to stay at home and be in charge of their children’s rearing. However, as a general rule, women were always ready to manage family business by themselves when they became widows, or when the 132  As mentioned above, the author Alexandros Papadiamantis was a regular customer in a particular Athenian tavern named ‘Kachrimanis’ in the district of Psyrri while many of his literary works focused on these underground taverns. For example, his short story entitled ‘The Christmas of the Lazy Man’ published in 1896 in the newspaper Acropolis, gives a vivid picture of the atmosphere of such a tavern. 133  Papadiamantis’ favorite food was a cheap dish that was served in most Greek taverns consisting of fried picarels. On the role of food and drink in Papadiamantis’ works see: Apostolidou, M., Vakalopoulos, G., et al., (2016), (Research Project): Trofi kai Poto sto ergo tou Papadiamanti [Food and Drink in Papadiamantis’s works], (published by) Hetereia Papadiamantikon Spoudon, Athens. 134  ‘Plaka’ is a neighborhood in central Athens where there are many traditional taverns that operate until today. It is the most popular touristic area in the Greek capital. 135  In other literary works of Papadiamantis such as in He Fonissa, Ta dyo Terata, Gyni Pleousa—to name a number of them—very stunning scenes of the life in a tavern are described, where there was not only food but also gambling and heavy drinking. See more in: Politou-­ Marmarinou, H., (2017), ‘Papadiamantis, Maupassant kai Chekhov: Apo ti Skiatho stin Evropi’ [Papadiamantis, Maupassant and Chekhov: From Skiathos to Europe], Sygkrisi 7, (30–58), p. 32. 136  Therefore the taverns evolved into family restaurants in the following decades.

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

89

husband had another occupation. Widowhood was the main reason for fulltime female engagement in running a store, or in tavern-­keeping. For example, in Florina (northern Greece) there was a woman who owned a tavern that people knew as ‘The Widow’s Tavern’ because it was managed by a widow called ‘Kyra-­Vaggeli’ [Mrs. Vaggeli] and her children. ‘Kyra-­ Vaggeli’ was remembered standing in front of a big grill holding the pliers with which she grilled the meat. She was always clad in black. Her tired feet—because of the long standing—were at all times covered with thick black socks during the winter and thinner ones during the summer. She wore a black headscarf that she used to make straight when it became loose. Her daughter, Xanthippi, was busy in the kitchen preparing her potato salad while the son helped his mother with the grilled steaks. This was a type of a family tavern where people used to go and taste good meat. It was not only widows but also single women in Greece who used to keep taverns in some cases.137 Sayings and idioms in the Greek language constitute a source of information asserting the presence of women as tavern-­ keepers in early nineteenth-­century Greece. For example, the Greek saying ‘Chrostaei tis Michalous’ [He owes money to Michalou] is used derogatively when one emphasizes on somebody else’s heavy debts.138 This saying is based on the story of a female tavern-­keeper whose name was Michalou. The lore has it that the particular woman ran a tavern in Nafplion in the 1830s, the then Greek capital that was located in a small street of the town. The story— though not historically documented—described Michalou as a ruthless and pitiless tavern-­keeper who humiliated her customers who owed her money. In order to further disgrace them she used to write their names on a board that she put up on the wall of her tavern so that they could be seen and read in public.139 Thus, the name ‘Michalou’ was branded in a socially derogative sense. Concluding, women in independent Greece contributed a lot to family earnings by managing their own small-­sized business despite the deeply entrenched prejudices and difficulties they faced. Their share in family economy was particularly significant. The category of small artisans gives us more clues as to women’s position and contribution to the economic 137   Vagourdi, E., (2016), ‘HetavernatischerasstiFlorina’, gr/?p=3440. 138  In particular he owes a lot of money. 139  https://argolikivivliothiki.gr/2014/12/03/michalou.

www.florinapast.mysch.

90 

P. THANAILAKI

life of late nineteenth to early twentieth-­ century Greece. Moreover, women are encountered as shopkeepers, or tavern keepers especially in cases of widowhood, or when they were single. In all cases, they were a sound example of fighting their own battle in life managing their small enterprises—often by themselves—and financially supporting their home. Their contribution was silent and taken for granted though their small-­ scale business engagement was crucial for the finances of their family.

References Agriantoni, Ch., (1984), Les débuts de l’industrialisation en Grèce. (Les anées 1870 et 1880), Universite′ de Paris X-Nanterre, Thèse pour le Doctorat de 3ème cycle, Paris. Agriantoni, Ch., (1995), ‘«Siriki Hetaireia tis Hellados»: Prosarmogi kai afomoiosi mias megalis viomichanikis epicheirisis’ [The Silk Company of Greece: Adaptation and Adjustment of a big industrial venture], (Book Chapter), in: Agriantoni, Ch. & Chatziioannou, M.-Ch., (eds), To Metaksourgeio tis Athinas, (Collective book), (83–136), helios-eie.ekt.gr. Agriantoni, Ch., (2010), (Greek edition), Oi Aparches tis ekviomichanisis stin Helada ton 19o aiona [The beginning of industrialization in Greece during nineteenth century], Katarti (publishers), Athens. AMI, Archeion tou Michael Iatrou (1802–1893) (compiled by) Spiliotakis, K.K., (1893) [The Archive of Michael Iatrou], in: Tetradia Ergasias (published by) Kentron Neoellinikon Erevnon Ethnikou Idrymatos Erevnon, Athens, vol. VII, no. 755. AMI, vol., XI, number 1369. AMI, vol. VII, number 725. Anagnostopoulou A., (2015), He Politistiki Klironomia enos topou kai he apichisi tis stous neous-He periptosi tis Andritsainas [The cultural heritage of a place and its impact on the young people.-The case of Andritsaina], Bachelor’s Degree Thesis, Harokopio University of Athens. Apostolidou, M., Vakalopoulos, G., et  al., (2016), (Research Project): Trofi kai Poto sto ergo tou Papadiamanti [Food and Drink in Papadiamantis’s works], (published by) Hetereia Papadiamantikon Spoudon, Athens. Avdela, E., (1987), ‘Misthotes scheseis kai fyletikos katamerismos tis ergasias: oi gynaikes dimosioi ypalliloi stin Hellada, sto proto miso tou 20ou aiona’ [Waged employment and gendered work distribution: the women- civil clerks in Greece during the first half of twentieth century], Mnimon, 11, (234–246). Bakalaki, A., (1994), ‘Gender-Related Discourses and Representations of Cultural Specificity in Nineteenth-Century Greece’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 12:1, (75–112).

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

91

Balomenos, K.A., (2001), ‘Dromoi, Katastimata kai Idioktisies tis propolemikis Lamias’ [Streets, Stores and Properties in pre-war Lamia], Fthiotika Chronika, v. 22, (61–108), Lamia. Bounia, A., (2014), ‘Exhibiting Women’s Handicrafts: Arts and Crafts Exhibitions in Greece at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century’, Gender& History, 26:2, (287–312). Chatziioannou, M.-Ch., (1995), ‘He ekseliksi mias paradosiakis epicheirisis sto A’miso tou 19ou aiona: To systima ton antallagon tis Adriatikis’ [The evolution of a traditional firm in the first half of nineteenth century: the exchange system in the Adriatic Sea], in: Agriantoni, Ch. & Chatziioannou, M.-Ch., (eds), To Metaksourgeio tis Athinas (Collective book), (17–41), helios-eie.ekt.gr Chryssou-Karatza, K., (2013), ‘Ta pantopoleia tou Pyrgou Santorinis kata ton 20 kai 21o aiona. Leitourgia kai metaschimatismos’ [Operation and transformation of grocery stores in the town of Pyrgos-Santorini during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries], in: M.  Tsianikas, N.  Maadad, et  al. (eds.), ‘Greek Research in Australia: Proceedings of the Biennial International Conference of Greek Studies, Flinders University, June 2011’, Flinders University, Department of Language Studies-Modern Greek, Adelaide, (318–333). Dertilis, G.B., (20053), Historia tou Hellenikou Kratous 1830–1920 [History of the Greek State 1830–1920] (2 vols), Estia (publishers), Athens. Epetiris tou Fillologikou Syllogou Parnassos (for the years 1930–1936), (Yearbook), 3rd Period, Athens 1937, R. Vidoris (publishers). Ephemeris ton Kyrion (newspaper), 28th February 1888, issue 51; 21st October, 1890, issue 184; 16th December, 1890, issue 192; 20th January, 1902, issue 692; 15th March, 1892, issue 251; 25th October, 1892, issue 278; 10th September, 1895, issue 409; 15th March, 1908, issue 944; 19th January, 1903, issue 733; 15th May, 1912, issue 1023. Gaitanou-Gianniou, A., (1928–1931), ‘He Ellenida os epicheirimatias kai os viomichaniki Ergatria [The Greek woman as entrepreneur and as factory worker], Hellenis, Miniaion Periodikon tou Ethnikou Symvouliou ton Hellenidon Gynaikon, Athens. Hufton, O., (1998), The Prospect Before Her: A History of Women in Western Europe, 1500–1800, First Vintage publishers, New York. Hufton, O., (2003), He Historia ton Gynaikon stin Evropi 1500–1800 (translated by E. Chrysochoou), Nefeli (publishers), Athens. Kairofylas, Kostas, (2013), He epanastasi ton gynaikon stin Athina tis Belle Epoque [Women’s revolt in the ‘Belle Epoque’ Athens], Kastaniotis (publishers), Athens. Kantaraki, M., (2001), Gynaikes kai ergasiakes sxeseis sti Viomichaniki Yfantourgia. Epidraseis stin taksiki diamorfosi: fylo kai taksi mesa apo tis ergasiakes sxeseis kai ton Syndikalismo ton Viomichanikon ergatrion tou kladou tis klostoyfantourgias [Women and Labor relations in industrial textiles. Influences on class shaping:

92 

P. THANAILAKI

gender and class as seen through labor relations and trade unionism of the industrial textile female workers in the textile industry], Ph.D.  Dissertation, Panteio University, Athens. Kotea, M., (1995), He viomichaniki Zoni tou Peiraia (1860–1900) [The industrial zone in Piraeus 1860–1900], Ph.D. Dissertation, Panteion Panepistimio. Koliopoulos, J., & Veremis, Th., (2002), Greece: The Modern Sequel, Hurst & Company, London. Liata, E., (1996), Floria Dekatessera stenoun grosia saranta: He kykloforia ton nomismaton ston Helleniko choro [Floria Dekatessera stenoun grosia saranta: The circulation of the coins in the Greek lands], (published by) The Center for Hellenic Research, Athens. Minoglou-Pepelasis, I., (2004), ‘Gender and Business History in Greece: From the state of the art towards new explorations’. (First Draft), Gender and Business Panel. European Business History Association, Barcelona, 16–18 September. Mitsotaki, Z., (1999), Florentini Kaloutsi kai he techni tis Kritis [Florentini Kaloutsi and the art of Crete], (published by) Mouseio Benaki. Papadimitriou, H., (1990), He Metaksourgia stis koinotites Lapithou kai Karava tis Kyprou [The silk industries in the communities of Lapithos and Karavas in Cyprus], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Pepelasis-Minoglou, I. (2007), ‘Women and Family Capitalism in Greece, c.1780–1850’, The Business History Review, 81:3, (517–538). Pepelasis, I., (2010) ‘Entrepreneurial typologies in a young nation state: Evidence from the founding charters of Greek Societe’ Anonymes, 1830–1909’, Discussion Paper No. 200, Department of Economics, Athens University of Economics and Business, (1–23). Pleksousakis, F., (2016), To paradosiako Pantopoleio sto Diadiktyo: Mia Meleti Periptosis stin Helleniki Pragmatikotita [The traditional type of a grocer’s store in the network. A case study in the Greek reality], Diploma Dissertation, TEI Peiraia, Athens. Politou-Marmarinou, H., (2017), ‘Papadiamantis, Maupassant kai Chekhov: Apo ti Skiatho stin Evropi’ [Papadiamantis, Maupassant and Chekhov: From Skiathos to Europe], Sygkrisi 7, (30–58). Potamianos, N., (2011), He Paradosiaki mikroastiki taksi tis Athinas: magazatores kai viotechnes 1880–1925 [The traditional petite-bourgeoisie in Athens; shopkeepers and small industrialists 1880–1925] Ph.D.  University of Crete, Rethymno. Potamianos, N., (2018), ‘He ergasia ton gynaikon sto lianiko emporio stin Athina stis arches tou eikostou aiona’ [Women’s labor in the retailing trade in Athens in the beginning of twentieth century], Ta Historika, 67, (155–172). Potamianos, N., (ed), (2019), 100 Chronia GSEVEE, 1919–2019 [100 years of GSEVEE, 1919–2009], (published by) GSEVEE, Athens.

3  WOMEN AND ECONOMIC INPUT IN INDEPENDENT GREECE… 

93

Salimba, Z., (20042), Gynaikes ergatries stin Helleniki viomechania kai sti viotecnhnia (1870–1922) [Women-workers in the Greek industry and in the small industry (1870–1922)], (published by) Historiko Archeio Hellenikis Neolaias, (EIE), Athens. Schoep, I., (2018), ‘Building the Labyrinth: Arthur Evans and the Construction of Minoan Civilization’ American Journal of Archaeology, 122(1), (5–32). Stergiou, S.I., (2008), Ta Kentimata tou Mouseiou Zygomala. Mia eikastiki paremvasi [The embroideries of the Zygomala museum: An art mediated intervention], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Syggros, A., (1908), Apomnimonevmata [Memoirs], 3 vols., Estia (publishers) Athens. Thanailaki, P., (2009), ‘Young women at risk: Poverty, malnutrition and philanthropy. The role of charity schools in Greek society, 1830–1899’, in: Christine Mayer, Ingrid Lohmann et al. (eds), Children and Youth at Risk. Historical and International Perspectives, Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main, (195–202). Thanailaki, P., (2013), Gynaikeies Martyries stis Selides tis Historias: hoi koinonikes prokatalipseis stis Helladikes kai stis Diethneis Koinotites kata to 19o me arches tou 20ou aiona [Women’s Testimonies on History pages: Social prejudices in the Greek and in the International Communities during nineteenth to early twentieth centuries], Papazissis (publishers), Athens. Tilly, L., & Scott, J.W., (19781), Women, Work and Family, Routledge, London, New York. Veremis, Th., & Koliopoulos, J., (2006), (the Greek edition), Hellas he synchroni synecheia: Apo to 1821 mecrhi simera, Kastaniotis (publishers), Athens.

Electronic Sites Alexiou, S., (2014), ‘He feta tis chiras ston Pirea pou trellainei oli tin Attiki’ [The widow’s feta cheese that made all Attika people crazy about it], in: https://m. propaganda.gr; www.argolikivivliothiki.gr. Balomenos, K.A., (2015), ‘Katastimata trofimon (Pantopoleia) tis propolemikis Lamias’ [Grocery stores in the pre-war Lamia], http://www.amfictyon. blogspot.gr/2015/07/blog-­post_6.html. http://www.e-­thraki.gr/cgs.cfm?areaid=1&id-­124. https://www.iefimerida.gr/news/281717/, 4/01/2017. Konstantinidou, M., (2015), ‘Sirotrofia-Metaksourgia’ https://prezi.com/ tgbvn8lfiz. Liata, E., (2013), ‘Michael Iatros (1779–1868): Mia polydiastati prosopikotita tis Nafpliakis Koinonias’, (361–382) [Michael Iatros (1779–1868): A multidimensional personality of the society in Nafplion], Analekta VIII, Minutes of Scientific Symposium, http://helios-­eie.ekt.gr/EIE/bitstream/10442/14513/2/INR_ Liata_13_01.pdf.

94 

P. THANAILAKI

Mitsotaki, Z., (2012), ‘Eisfora tis Florentinis Kaloutsi sti diadromi tou nimatos’ [The contribution of Florentini Kaloutsi to the thread path], www.panoreon.gr. www.Papadiamantis.net. Papadimitriou, H., (2013), ‘HoKaravas:TexneskaiTexnites’, www.Karavas.org.cy. Papoutsaki, V., (2017), “Ergazetai apeiros thetikotera yper tis eleftherias tis Hellinidos gynaikos, apo kathe koinoniologousan feministrian” […She works in a much more positive way for the Greek women’s emancipation, more than any other sociology-minded feminist], IScreta.gr. http://www.patridamou.gr/?page_id=386. Plakonouri, D., et al., (2009), Xoros apo Metaksi [Dance of Silk], (publishedby) http://kpe-kal.mes.sch.gr/wp/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Metaxi.pdf (published online: November, 4, 2016). Sakki, K., (2015), ‘To Ergostasio Metaksourgias ton Andronianon.Anapinistirio Metaksis Georgiou Fafouti: Historiki Katagrafi’ [The silk factory in Adronianoi: The silk processing enterprise of George Fafoutis: A Historical register], He foni ton Andronianon (newspaper), issue 95, www.andronianoi.gr. www.kaliterilamia.gr. www.siatistanews.gr/epagelmata/04.pdf. https://www.taathinaika.gr/i-­odos-­aiolou-­ton-­athinon-­kata-­to-­1910/. Vagourdi, E., (2016), ‘HetavernatischerasstiFlorina’. www.florinapast.mysch. gr/?p=3440.

CHAPTER 4

Gendered Entrepreneurship and Cottage Industry of the Greek-Speaking Communities in the Ottoman Balkans

Abundance of scholarship has been produced since 1980s exploring women’s social standing in the Ottoman premodern society. The fact that female spouses and daughters were deprived of their civil rights as citizens has become a popular belief supported by Orientalists. However, these arguments were strongly refuted by a number of scholars as—for instance— by Ronald Jennings (1975)1 and Haim Gerber(1980),2 who studied two particular regions in Anatolia (Kayseri and Bursa) during the seventeenth to twentieth centuries, concluding that especially Muslim women appeared freely before courts and sued male members of their kinship on family issues relating to their rights as property owners. Yet, we do not fully know as to what extent the Islamic courts’ judgments in favor of women’s cases were fully applied to real life. Moreover, Sophia Laiou (2007)3 argued that 1  Jennings, R.C., (1975), ‘Women in Early Seventeenth Century Ottoman Judicial Records: The Sharia Court of Anatolian Kayseri’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 18, (53–114). 2  Gerber, H., (1980), ‘Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa (1600–1700)’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 12, Cambridge University Press, (231–244). 3  Laiou, S., (2007), ‘Christian Women in an Ottoman World: Interpersonal and Family Cases Brought Before the Sharia Courts During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Cases Involving the Greek Community), in: A. Buturovic-­I. Cemil Schick (eds.), Women in

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 P. Thanailaki, Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9_4

95

96 

P. THANAILAKI

there was public space given to female spouses during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, while the Christian women in the Ottoman Empire addressed to whichever court that was advantageous for them for exercising their civil rights on marriage issues and for articulating their role associated with their status in their family as spouses and mothers. Evdoxios Doxiadis (2007)4 concluded that the Christian women in the Ottoman-­ ruled Greek lands had been able to defend their significant rights on their property while after 1830 and upon the formation of the independent Greek state, women had to be represented in the judicial courts by male members of their family circle, or lawyers, despite the fact that their rights by themselves were not yet affected. In the field of employment and economic support, Donald Quataert (2002)5 explored women’s employment in the factories of the Ottoman Empire as well as their contribution to the output of the production which was previously thought to be solely men’s lot. Moreover, cottage industry that was women’s province, greatly contributed to family’s finances as wives and daughters practiced the crafts of weaving and embroidery. According to a recent work by Suraiya Faroqui (2019),6 scholars’ assumptions that women embroidered for their homes and families while the work for the market was men’s dominion, are given up, as in the liturgical veils and vestments used for the Greek Orthodox services, there are many women’s names encountered in the craftsmanship. Ecclesiastical embroidery was broadly practiced in the making of embroidered robes and vestments for the Greek Orthodox clergy. In Constantinople, there were female-­ managed embroidery schools and workshops where the intriguing work of the craftswomen remained indisputable. The study of E. Papastavrou and D. Filiou (2015)7 gives evidence on the Constantinopolitan school of Embroidery on the matter. Whatever the different assumptions of this voluminous scholarship on the theme, the Ottoman Balkans: Gender, Culture and History, Library of Ottoman Studies 15, New York. 4  Doxiadis, E., (2007), ‘Standing in their Place: The Exclusion of Women from the Judicial System in the First Decades of the Modern Greek State, 1821–1850’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 25:1, John Hopkins University Press, (75–97). 5  Quataert, D., (2002), Ottoman Manufacturing in the Age of the Industrial Revolution, Cambridge Middle East Library(30), Cambridge University Press. 6  Faroqui, S., (2019), The Ottoman and the Mughal Empires: Social History on the Early Modern World, I.B. Tauris, London, N. York, Oxford. 7  Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (2015), ‘On the beginnings of the Constantinopolitan school of Embroidery’, Zograf 39, (161–176).

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

97

the new studies formed a critical mass providing a new platform for discussion. The present chapter addresses the issue of the Greek-­speaking women’s economic potential in commerce and trade in the Balkans. Its literature includes a unique set of data part which is drawn from archives relating to Christian female entrepreneurship in the Ottoman-­occupied lands of the Balkans starting from the late eighteenth century, covering the whole nineteenth century until the beginning of the twentieth. Additionally, the reader gains insight into women’s involvement and input in trading activities as well as into the existing social prejudices that they faced. Moreover, it explores female assertiveness in contributing to their families’ economic needs through cottage industry in terms of practicing the feminine arts of weaving and making embroideries as little is known about their economic input in the field. It also sheds light on women’s exercising legal rights through their proprietorship. During the eighteenth century, for the first time a shift of Europe’s economic activities from the European continent to Asia Minor ports and towns was observed. During the previous century, French traders took hold of the great commercial hubs of the East, the most important of them being Aleppo and Smyrna. At the turn of the seventeenth century and until the dawn of the eighteenth, the ‘anarchy’ that reigned in many Ottoman regions because of revolts of the local governments in the provinces—especially in the most distant ones—and the constant wars in the East resulted in changes of the trading routes. This made commerce almost impossible. As a consequence, the merchants were obliged to seek other trading centers that were more stable and at peace. The Ottoman Empire’s wars against Persia (1723–1747), and the subsequent period of lawlessness (1715–1761) aggravated Persia’s commercial drive. Furthermore, the Russian and the English tradesmen directed Persian commodities to Russia. Whatever was left of the trading activities between Persia and Europe was transported via the Ottoman lands and especially through Smyrna that was the safest route for caravans. As a consequence, Smyrna became the most significant commercial hub in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea during the eighteenth century.8 Additionally, Asia Minor, as well as other regions in the Ottoman Empire, became the 8  Svoronos N., (1991), ‘He Synepeies tis Oikonomikis drastiriotitas ton Hellenon tis Balkanikis Xersonisou sto Dekato Ogdoo aiona’ [The Consequences of the economic activities of the Greeks in the Balkan Peninsula during eighteenth century], in: G.B. Dertilis &

98 

P. THANAILAKI

­ ooling commercial centers where new trading towns and ports were crep ated. For instance, Moreas—called ‘Peloponnese’ in today’s terms— became a flourishing trading hub especially after the Turko-­Venetian wars and after the 1770s, also Heraklion and Chania in Crete, as well as the islands of the Aegean. Moreover, French traders organized their business efforts in Ioannina and Arta in Epirus at the dawn of the eighteenth century, also in Avlona in 1758, in Dyrrachio (1699) (both towns in today’s Albania), Sarajevo in Bosnia (1750), and Raguza in 1740. Similarly, Thessaloniki became the busiest port of all, mainly at the dawn of the eighteenth century.9 In the same century, the European trade in the Black Sea jealously made its way, as until then, it was blocked by the Turks. Especially after the Küçük Kaynarca Treaty (1774), the Turks ceded to the Russians and Austrians rights of navigation in the Black Sea which the rest of the Europeans also took advantage of. In this point it is noted the significant role of the ‘Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’ who made bridges between the Balkans and the West in order to connect these two big geographical regions in the period between 1718 and 1815.10 The Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca facilitated the sea trade of the Greeks and of other Europeans by sailing their ships with a Russian flag. More precisely it took place after the Treaty of Passarowitz (1718) that was signed by the Ottoman Empire from one side, and the Habsburg Monarchy of Austria, and the Republic of Venice, from the other. As a result, Greek merchants became trade protagonists. Moreover, the French Revolution and the subsequent wars became the landmarks in this historic period as during these years a big part of the French commerce passed onto Greek hands. Studying the consular reports of Thessaloniki, research has found out that after 1792, the Greek merchants were gradually involved in the majority of trading activities and more precisely in the trade of the big French commercial port of Marseille.11 The Greeks, as well as the other Balkan merchants, were Ottoman, Habsburg, or Russian subjects whose main commercial activities included the transportation of commodities into and out of the borders of the Ottoman Empire.12 In Europe, this came about K.  Kostis (eds), Themata Neohellenikis Istorias (eighteenth-­twentieth century), Sakkoulas (publishers), Athens, pp. 73–74. 9  Ibid., p. 74. 10  Stoianovich, T., (1960), ‘The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’, The Journal of Economic History, (20), (234–313), p. 313. 11  Svoronos, N., ibid. p. 77. 12  Stoianovich, T., ‘The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’, ibid. p. 313.

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

99

as a consequence of the fall of the medieval Christian noble classes. In the Balkans, the native Greek Balkan merchants were the people who left their unquestionable imprints on cultural and political developments.13 Eventually, they gave way to artists and scholars while their contribution to the free flow of fresh ideas influenced by the French enlightenment, was indisputable.14 Meanwhile, the Ottoman Empire was declining. In the mid-­ nineteenth century and until the Ottoman Empire’s default that came about in 1876, the Ottoman government received inflows of foreign capital through state borrowing and direct investments. This led to its heavy borrowing under unfavorable terms in the financial markets of Europe, thus, shaking its robust position in the world capitalist economy. Moreover, during the last quarter of the same century, the fall of British hegemony and the emergence of a global rivalry between Britain, France, and Germany were observed. In the Ottoman state, rivalry became intense, and the British capitalists could not survive under these terms as they received less support from the state system. Within the context of the above brief sketch of the political and economic setting after the 1870s, investments ceased to exist in the Ottoman Empire as a consequence of the above economic and political situation. However, Britain retained the advantage of being the largest shareholder in the Ottoman foreign trade until World War I.15 During the decade of 1890s, the feminine craft of weaving predominated in the rural Ottoman households. In the greater region of Smyrna, spouses and daughters wove most of the clothing that they wore, and they sold the surplus. Also, in the Sivas region, work at home produced the weaving of a coarse cloth made of yarn that they spun themselves or had received from the British trade.16 Out of the rural women’s contribution to the output of factories in the period between the nineteenth to early twentieth centuries, we conclude that female labor was always present and it greatly added to the Ottoman trade. Although it is argued that women’s role was passive in this process and female workers were recruited and organized by factory entrepreneurs, it should be taken into consideration 13  Koliopoulos, J.S.,-­Veremis, Th.M., (2002), Greece. The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present, Hurst & Company, London, p. 3. 14  Stoianovich, T., ibid., p. 313. 15  Pamuk, S., (1987), The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism, 1820–1913: Trade, investment and production, Cambridge, New York, pp. 12–15. 16  Quataert, D., (2002), Ottoman Manufacturing in the Age of the Industrial Revolution, ibid., p. 82.

100 

P. THANAILAKI

the fact that they personally decided, or gave their personal consent to work in factories away from home, for the purpose of financially supporting their homes. Moreover, they experienced new social and economic challenges, and they adopted new modes of behavior, one of them being the strikes that they went on occasionally.17 According to G.B.  Dertilis, the Greek family constituted ‘a peculiar’ financial consortium, being the most productive nucleus of the Greek state economy both before and after the 1821 Greek Revolution for Independence where women held their own share. Family played the role of an ‘interpretative’ historical tool that has almost been ignored to date, with few exceptions. And ignorance is the root cause of prejudice.18 Chapter 3 of the present book studies women’s contribution to domestic economy as well as their share in the economy of independent Greece after 1830s when the country gained its freedom from the Ottoman rule and shaped itself as an independent state. However, women’s labor in the Greek Orthodox communities of the Balkans before 1830s and during the period of the Ottoman rule, remains unexplored. Therefore, the present chapter makes an attempt to fill this gap. Because of the fact that the nuclear family and female labor were interlaced especially in cottage industry during this period, it is expedient to explore the case of Ambelakia in Thessaly, as it constituted a sound example of family’s consortium that was called Syntrofies fabricas19 (brotherhoods or associations), the economy of which flourished during the Ottoman period and declined at the dawn of the nineteenth century. Ambelakia is a town situated on the slopes of the mountain of Ossa (Kissavos) at an altitude of 500 meters. John Murray, in his book entitled A Handbook for Travellers in the Ionian Islands, Greece, Turkey, Asia Minor and Constantinople (1845), wrote that ‘every arm’ in Ambelakia, even those of the children, worked in the factories. While men 17  Ianeva, S., (2016), ‘Female actors, Producers and Money Makers in Ottoman Public Space: The case of the Late Ottoman Balkans’, in: E.  Boyar & K.  Fleet (eds), Ottoman Women in Public Space, Brill, Leiden/Boston, pp. 63–64. 18  Dertilis, G.B., (20053), Historia tou Hellenikou Kratous 1830–1920 [History of the Greek State 1830–1920]. (2 vols), Hestia (publishers), Athens, v. A’, pp. 19–20. 19  Katsiardi-­Hering, O., (2005), ‘Metanasteusi kai metafora technikon stin Kentriki Evropi (Mesa 18ou-­Arches 19ou aiona): He Ambelakiotiki Syntrofia (1805)’ [Migration and Techniques transferring in central Europe (mid eighteenth to the beginning of nineteenth centuries): The Ambelakiotiki brotherhood], in: M., Stasinopoulou,& Ch.,Chatziioannou, (eds.), Diaspora-­Diktya –Diafotismos (Tetradia Ergasias Series 28), (published by ) Kentro Neoellinikon Spoudon, Athens, p. 120.

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

101

dyed the cotton, women prepared and spun it. There were twenty-­four factories which had a yearly turnout of 6138 hundredweight (Cwts)20 of cotton yarn. This yarn took its route to Germany, as well as to Buda, Vienna, Leipzig, Dresden, and Bayreuth.21 Ambelakia was renowned for its red yarn merchandise and craftsmanship. The popular Greek author Zacharias Papantoniou (1877–1940) wrote in one of his newspaper articles that 6000 ‘Rums’ [Greeks], men, women, and children were the founders and partners of the earliest and most perfect cooperative association.22 The inhabitants of the town were known as the masters in the art of yarn-­dying though they had not received any professional advice as this skill was instructed at home by elder women factually by the kitchen hearth, as it constituted an integral part of the family’s everyday routine.23 It is also worth mentioning the fact that the high quality of the ruby red color24 was much recognized as it could not be produced in the English factories.25 Moreover, the recipe for this stark red-­dyeing technique26 was kept clandestine in the European dyeing industry until the turn of the

 A unit of weight measurement.  Murray, J., (1845), A Handbook for Travellers in the Ionian Islands, Greece, Turkey, Asia Minor and Constantinople, vol. 1, London, p. 244. 22  Papantoniou, Z., (1937), ‘Ta Ambelakia’ [Ambelakia], Eleftheron Vima (newspaper), issue of 29 November. 23   Nikolopoulos, E. (1987), Koinonikooikonomikes Domes kai Politikoi Thesmoi stin Tourkokratia. Ta Thessalika Ampelakia (1770–1820) [Social Economic Structures and Political Forms During the Turkish Occupation: Thessalian Ampelakia 1770–1820)], PhD Dissertation, Panteion University, Athens, p. 173. 24  In the Tempi valley of Thessaly, as well as in the district of Ambelakia, it grew an evergreen perennial plant that was called ‘Rubia tinctorum’. It was destined for the dyeing process. In its wild form, the plant was collected by villagers who later cultivated it—possibly—for mass production. In Greek it was called ‘Erythodanon to vafikon’ and it was commonly called ‘Rizari’. See more in: Karamane, E., (2005), Ambelakia Thessalias: Historia kai Synetairismos Ambelakion [Ambelakia in Thessaly: The History and Association of Ambelakia], Bachelor’s Degree Thesis, University of Thessaly, Volos, p. 55. 25  Nikolopoulos, E., ibid., p. 173. 26  On dyeing recipes and on a physiochemical study of dyes, see: Mikropoulou, E., (2008), Kodikopoiisi, Synthetiki anaparagogi, Physicochemiki Meleti kai Aksiologisi ton dynatotiton anavioseos Chrostikon kai Methodon vafis pou chrisimipoiithikan stin yfantourgia tou 19ou kai proimou 20ou aiona [Codification, re-­creation, physicochemical study and evaluation of dyes and dyeing recipes of nineteenth and early twentieth centuries], PhD Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, pp. 41–55. 20 21

102 

P. THANAILAKI

eighteenth century.27 In Ambelakia, the red-­yarn manufacturing was organized on a family-­basis unit and functioned on a labor-­distribution structure according to which there were appropriating tasks. Following this work allocation, women were mainly assigned with the cotton-­making processes and more specifically with the tasks of carding, twiddling, and spinning. The spinning was done with the distaff and the twiddling with the spinner. The spinning work was carried out at home. On this female task, the French consul F. Beaujour in Thessaloniki commented that it was nice to see local women holding a spindle and chatting all together sitting in front of their fence doors.28 From the above data it is deduced that cotton processing was exclusively women’s province. As a general rule, cottage industry in Thessaly was widely practiced by women while their role was very significant. In the region named ‘Porta’ in Agrafa mountains, women manufactured cotton fabrics using a variety of colors. They not only wove, spun, and knitted but also sold their merchandise themselves at a lower price than men.29 However, the processing part was not complete at this stage, as after spinning, the women prepared the cotton for the dyeing process of the yarns, and this task was performed by male craftsmen in workshops.30 This was a difficult and complex skill because it required a lot of attention and precision in the handling and dosing of about fifteen different substances that they used. The whole operation took almost a month and the yarn-­dyeing process required experienced persons. From the above data we conclude that spinning and dyeing in Ambelakia were carried out according to traditional techniques of cottage industry.31 Supplementary to the above-­mentioned foreign travelers’ views on female duties is a report of a Greek inhabitant of Ambelakia named Drosos Drosinos, who wrote in his Memoirs that women and children 27  Gekas, A., (2007), A Global History of Ottoman Cotton Textiles, 1600–1850, p. 13. www. Cadmus-­eui-­eu. 28  Nikolopoulos, E., ibid., p. 175. 29  Kotsiari, A., (2017), Trikala: He poleodomiki ekseliksi apo to 1880 eos to 1940: Apo tin othomaniki periodo sto Helleniko kratos [Trikala: the city planning evolution from 1880 till 1940: from the Ottoman period to the Greek state], PhD Dissertation, Ethniko Metsoveio Polytechneio (EMP), Athens, p. 48, footnote 189. 30  Female workers were paid according to the quantity they delivered. On details of cotton-­ processing and spinning, see: Arathymou, S., (2009), Ta Helenika viomechanika Archeia: Katagrafi, elektroniki tekmiriosi,kai aksiopoiisi tous [The Greek Industrial Archives: Registration, Electronic Documentation, Utilization], PhD Dissertation, University of the Aegean, Mytilene, pp. 182–188. 31  Nikolopoulos, E., ibid., pp. 174–176.

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

103

were also burdened with the tasks of bleaching, being part of the dyeing process of the cotton, as well as with its packaging as the men’s main occupation was field work.32 Moreover, F. Beaujour reported that it was also women’s task and skill to extract the cotton from its capsule with their fingers by using a very simple tool with which they separated the fluff from the seed. This process presupposed a very delicate skill that only female slim fingers could perform and spouses and daughters of each household were the most suitable persons for this craft. The task was carried out during the evening after they had finished with the household chores of the day.33 The above documented once more women’s non-­stop labor from early in the morning until late in the evening as they were burdened with all the above onerous duties. Eventually, the ‘Companies’ [Kompanies] or ‘Associations’ of Ambelakia did not meet the new challenges that occurred in textile manufacturing as a result of the industrial revolution that occurred at the turn of the eighteenth century. As a concomitant effect, family production began to lose its hold over market production. It was at this point when the region found itself in an embarrassing and critical state because it was very difficult to compete with the English textile industry during the period 1780–1815.34 Especially after France’s defeat by the British in the Battle of Waterloo (1815), and as from 1816 onward, the economy of Ambelakia declined, thus giving space to the English yarn market that predominated in the global industry.35 Despite the economic crisis in Ambelakia as a result of the use of machines that were a breakthrough in the textile manufacturing, female workers still persisted in claiming higher wages36 as girls and women comprised the dominant laborers of the cotton and wool yarn-­ spinning workforce.37 The new steam-­operated mills appeared for the first time in the late nineteenth century.  Ibid., pp. 175–176, footnote 143.  Ibid., p. 174, footnote 137. 34  Ibid., p. 326. 35  Ibid., p. 246. 36  Ibid., p. 352. 37  For example, in Thessaloniki as well as in Smyrna, Adana, and Constantinople, it was observed the concentration of female skill in the above domestic art. At the turn of the nineteenth century, almost every household in Asia Minor had a handloom at home as poverty was the reason for the Ottoman spouses and daughters to spin cotton yarn that they used for domestic use, or for sale. See more in: Quataert, D., (2004), ‘Ottoman Women, Households, and Textile Manufacturing, 1800–1914’, in: A.  Hourani et  al. (eds), The Modern Middle East: A Reader, I.B. Tauris, London-­New York (first published 1993), pp. 260–262. 32 33

104 

P. THANAILAKI

The recipe of the red yarn-­dyeing was also known on the Greek island of Amorgos (of the Cyclades complex of islands) during the Ottoman period and later when these islands became independent and part of the newly shaped Greek state. Since the last decades of the eighteenth century and until the beginning of the nineteenth, Amorgos had signed trading contracts with the West. The main core of the island’s commercial enterprises was its competence in the red-­yarn dyeing manufacturing that was a family economic agency. The local people used a type of lichen called ‘orseille d’herbe ou d’Afrique’, which was a composite organism that was found in abundance on the rocks of Amorgos, as well as on other islands.38 The inhabitants of Amorgos collected it themselves, which they later sold to the English textile manufacturers. There is also a piece of documented information on the economic transactions that the islands did with Venice. The production of this high-­quality red dye is associated with cottage industry. And it is not only the red dye but also the cotton and silk products which are evidenced as the main articles of production. The women in Amorgos were also busy with the weaving of linen material that was made out of the fibers of the flax plant. Moreover, the practice of this female domestic skill is documented through the toponyms of the region, through the folklore tradition, as well as through the existing relics of a weaving workshop that manufactured the above type of linen and is located in an area of Amorgos named Kolofana. Cotton processing was women’s main skill on the island of Santorini, as well. Its female inhabitants were well known for their skill of weaving specific types of material called ‘dimita’ and ‘eksamita’ (‘dimites et d’ escamites’), which being their main export commodities. They were made at home by the peasant women.39 By and large, the yarn-­dyeing manufacturing sector was flourishing in many Greek regions during the last phase of the Ottoman reign until 1830 when a number of Greek lands became part of the nascent state. This small-­scale sector of textile manufacturing that mainly specialized in spinning and weaving was an integral part of cottage industry in many Greek villages.40 38  Dendrinou-­Karakosta, E., (1989), He laiki kentitiki stin Amorgo (apo ta misa tou 19ou aiona eos tin periodo tou Mesopolemou) [The folk embroidery in Amorgos (from mid-­ nineteenth century until the Interwar period)], Ph.D. Dissertation, Panteion University of Athens, p. 41. 39  Ibid., pp. 43–44. 40  Lekka, G., (2006), He ekseliksi tou hellenikou yfasmatos-­Aigaio: He epirroi tis tecnhnologias yfansis sto sxediasmo(design) yfasmatos [The evolution of Greek textiles-­Aegean: Textile

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

105

At the turn of the nineteenth century, the Balkan Peninsula was still a turbulent area. The large geographical regions of Epirus, Thessaly, Macedonia, Thrace, and Crete were not annexed to the Greek kingdom until the turn of the nineteenth and the dawn of twentieth centuries. In 1864, the first-­order administrative divisions or provinces called ‘vilayets’ were enacted by Ottoman law. As the nineteenth century drew to its end, and more precisely during the decade 1880–1890, the concretization of a more organized form of administration was applied. Apart from the vilayets of Thessaloniki and Monastir, in the area of Macedonia there were annexed the vilayet of Kosovo (most of its part) and the ‘sandzak’ of Serbia. The vilayets were subdivided into ‘sandzaks’, while the latter were further divided into minor provinces, called ‘kazas’.41 Thessaloniki had been a significant administrative center since the early fifth century, its key geographical position being a strategic junction for sea and land transportation as well as an important intersection for trading relations with Wallachia (today’s Romania), Moldavia, Bosnia Herzegovina, Egypt, Syria, the Aegean islands, Cyprus, and Western Europe.42 Additionally, Thessaloniki had rich mainland with wealthy resources such as fertile soil, vast pastures, salt pans, ores, and logging.43 The city was also a hub of technology’s influence on textile design], Ph.D.  Dissertation, University of the Aegean, Mytilene, pp. 65 and 68. 41  Because in the following paragraphs I will refer to many ‘kazas’ in different regions, I thought it was better to refer to each of them separately by omitting their forename ‘Kaza’ in the main text for the ease of the reference. As for the vilayets’ names they were the following: The vilayet of Thessaloniki that comprised the following sandzaks: That of Drama encompassing the provinces (kazas) of Drama, Pravio, Sarisaban (today is named Chrysoupoli), Kavala, Thassos: The sandzak of Serres, including the provinces (Kazas) of Ano Tzoumagia, Razlog, Nevrokopi, Petritsi, Demir Isar (today’s name is Siderokastron), and Serres. The sandzak of Thessaloniki encompassed the provinces (kazas) of Stromnitsa, Kafantar, Doerani, Gevgeli, Giannitsa, Avret Isar, Lagkadas, Bodena (today’s Edessa), Veroia, Katerini, Kassandreia, Agio Oros, Thessaloniki. See more in: Vacharoglou, E., (2002), Ta sxoleia tis protovathmias ekpaidefseos ston kaza Thessalonikis kai ston kaza Lagkada (1850–1912) [The schools of primary education in the region of Thessaloniki and the region of Lagadas, 1850–1912], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, p. 5. 42  Athanasiadou, M., (2000), Emporikes scheseis Thessalonikis-­Venetias kata ton 18o aiona [Trading relations between Thessaloniki and Venice during eighteenth century], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, p. 12. 43  Shariat-­Panahi, S., (2010), Opseis tis koinonias tis Thessalonikis stin evryteri periodo tis Roso-­Othomanikis sygkrousis 1768–1774: Me vasi tis Othomanikes piges [Aspects of the society of Thessaloniki in the broader period of the Russian-­Ottoman conflict 1768–1774: Based on Ottoman sources], Ph.D. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, vol. A’, p. 314.

106 

P. THANAILAKI

operation of textile workshops of various types, the workforce of which included female workers mainly drawn from local population. Despite the fact that they were paid less money than men and although they were employed whenever that was possible, they greatly contributed to the textile manufacturing. Each workshop hired about eight to ten women. Jews formed the main core of the workforce of the city’s cotton spinning mills during the 1880s that amounted to 800  in number; this contrasted to other regions where the workers were mainly Greek-­speaking Christians imbued with the Greek-­Orthodox religious sentiment. The mills of Edessa (Vodena) was an exception, as in this region, Bulgarian-­speaking girls were mainly employed. In terms of numbers, three-­quarters of the local mill workers were women aged from twelve to eighteen years. Their starting wages were a full 50 percent less than men’s earnings. The women labored from sunrise until sunset all year round. Their day shift lasted for fifteen hours in summer and ten hours in winter. For dinner they took a thirty-­ five-­minute break, but they did not receive any time off for breakfast. The girls labored in the spinning mills in order to make a satisfactory amount of cash for their dowry. They mainly worked until they got married. The Jewish girls of Thessaloniki usually gave up their job at the age of fifteen.44 In Arnaia, a town in the broader area of Chalkidiki being part of the sandzak of Thessaloniki, weaving was a popular feminine craft of cottage industry that proved women’s expertise and taste while handlooms constituted the necessary equipment in almost all households of the town. Liarigova (this was the Slav name of Arnaia) was praised in a book written by the French council of Thessaloniki, E. Cousinery (1793), in which he described it as a rich area. Cousinery noted that the prosperity of its inhabitants did not stem from the cultivation of their fields only, but also from the weaving of Kilimia (a type of coarse woolen carpet) that was a common trading commodity. The consul also observed that almost all families were engaged in this craft and that they sold their weaving pieces even to distant markets as well as to monasteries. In fact, weaving was the chief asset of the town, and the inhabitants of Arnaia had gained a good reputation since many centuries ago because the designs and patterns used were unique. The ‘Liarigova’s woven material’—as they were known—served as a trademark denoting their exclusiveness in the making and originality of 44  Quataert, D., (2004), ‘The industrial Working class of Salonica, 1850–1912’, in: A., Levy, (ed), Jews, Turks, Ottomans: A Shared History Through the Twentieth Century, Syracuse University Press, pp. 206–207.

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

107

the patterns. And it was not only the non-­elite households that used woven items for decoration but also the wealthy families as the woven pieces constituted the necessary articles of girls’ trousseau, too. The weaving crafts of Arnaia were mainly intended for private use in almost all homes. They were principally used for carpeting, and for bed clothing, one type being the blankets for the cold winter nights. The craft in this town was inextricably linked to local people’s cultural heritage while the weaving tools such as the shuttle or the warp had also become the legendary words associated with the local tradition. The unique woven trousseau of Arnaia was praised by folklorists.45 Another aspect of women’s expertise in cottage industry was wool processing that was performed in many areas of Macedonia, as for example, in Grevena. This was due to the fact that there was extensive livestock breeding in the region. The first stage of the process was the cleaning and washing of the wool, and this was performed by the villagers. Then, there followed the stage of selecting it into short and long wool stuff. The next processing phases were the carding and the spinning of the material into the hose reel while the last phase was the production of the thread that was used for the warp and weft of the loom. For more ease, the female villagers dyed the wool after it had been turned into yarn. Many of the woven fabrics were sold in the market as they constituted the main trading commodity in almost all areas of the province.46 In another region of Macedonia, in Vermio, the hydraulic energy sources had been utilized for the benefit of factories since the turn of the nineteenth century. Thus, the waterfalls of the area gave energy to textile industry in the towns of Veroia (Karaferye), Nausa (Niausta), and Edessa (Vodena). More particularly, Nausa alone was the hub of three spinning factories, one textile workshop, and one wool-­reeling enterprise employing 1000 skilled workers in total.47 Women 45  Karastergios, A., (2011), ‘Ho Argaleios kai he Yfantiki techni stin Arnaia. To Neo Mouseio Yfantikis’ [The Loom and Weaving in Arnaia. The New Weaving Museum], Panchalkidikos Logos (Periodical of the Panchalkidikos Society in Thessaloniki, ‘ARISTOTELIS’), (issue of January-­March), p. 3. 46  Papadimitriou, Ap. (2016), Selides Historias Grevenon [History pages of Grevena], (3 vols)., v. 3, pp. 22–23, https://www.scribd.com (published online: October 13, 2016). 47  Dagkas, A., (1998), Symvoli stin Erevna gia tin oikonomiki kai koinoniki ekseliksi sti Thessaloniki: Oikonomiki domi kai koinonikos katamerismos tis ergasias 1912–1940 [A contribution to the research of the economic and social evolution in Thessaloniki: Economic structure and social labor distribution 1912–1940], users.auth.gr/adagkas/Texts 2 Contribution 1.pdf, (np).

108 

P. THANAILAKI

formed the backbone of the workforce in the first mill of Nausa that was set up in the 1870s.48 Most of the female workers were unmarried. They slept in dormitories that had been provided to them, and they were separated from the men’s lodgings. A high number of the female population in Arnaia, Nausa, Veroia, and Edessa worked at home on their handlooms weaving fabrics, clothes, or rugs, intended for private use. In the town of Siatista, the women’s skills on weaving, crocheting, and embroidery were very sophisticated and widely spread. Most of Siatista women practiced the above crafts for their own households, while the female weavers who traded them produced them on demand and on orders that the wealthy Siatista ladies had commissioned to them.49 Weaving had been a broad-­scale commercial activity in Macedonia and Thrace satisfying the needs of the international trade of woven fabrics especially during the eighteenth century. This was due to the well-­ organized guilds of woven materials that traded the product. In Thrace, there was a type of coarse woolen stuff called abas.50 It was traded in the markets of Syria, Asia Minor, Bosnia, and Austria through guilds based in Pilippopolis (Plovdiv). In Thessaloniki, gaza was another kind of thin silk fabric that was good for the tailoring of shirts. It was manufactured in Thessaloniki and was exported in big quantities. This product was also of high quality compared to the equivalent silk material that was woven in Bursa, Turkey. Moreover, the soft and fluffy bath towels known as machramades and pestimalia were the well-­known woven products of Veroia and Nausa, while the alatzas, a poor-­quality cotton fabric, was woven in the towns of Kozani and Nigrita situated in western and eastern Macedonia, respectively. In the city of Serres, another type of cotton fabric was produced that was exported to Turkey. The island of Chios also imported cotton that was woven in the above areas.51 All these commodities were  Ianeva, S., ‘Female Actors….’, ibid., p. 64.  Zygouris, Ph., (2010),’Historika simeiomata peri Siatistis kai laografika aftis’ [Historical notes on Siatista and its folklore characteristics], p.  154, www.siatistanews.gr/Zugouris/ olo.pdf. 50  Abatzis was called the abas trader and also the abas tailor. Because it required a special skill for its tailoring, the tailor was sewing it while sitting on his knees. For more details see: Deligiannis, B., (1935–1936), ‘To abatziliki sti Thraki’ [The abas trade in Thrace], Archeion tou Thrakikou laografikou kai glossikou thisavtou (3 vols), Athens, www.adrianou125. blogspot-­com/2016/02/1_18html?.m=0 (published online: February 18, 2016). 51  Maha-­ Bizoumi, N., (2011), Ta Ptychota «foustania» tis Chiou (160s-­ arches 20ou). Polytypa kai Parallages: Symboli sti Meleti tis Historikotitas ton endymatologikon systimaton tou Aigaiou [The pleated «foustania» of Chios (sixteenth to ­early twentieth centuries): multiple forms and variations: A contribution to the study of the historicity of the dress systems of the Aegean], Ph.D. Dissertation, Democritus University of Thrace, Komotini, p. 127. 48 49

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

109

woven in handlooms, being exclusively women’s pieces of manufacturing. Conversely, men were the main traders of the merchandise because they were organized in guilds. They bought the fabrics straight from the local female weavers, or from the urban weaving workshops. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, in the city of Ioannina, the guilds that traded capes (a type of cloaks that shepherds wore during cold winter days) included forty members who rivaled the corresponding guilds of the neighboring areas of Metsovo, Syrrako, and Kalarrytes. The guilds for trading capes of Syrrako exemplify an organized effort of collectiveness at the turn of the eighteenth century having their own characteristics that reached its peak in the nineteenth century. Additionally, in the islands of Zakynthos, Cefalonia, and Corfu,52 which were not occupied by the Ottomans, there were weaving workshops in full operation. In these workshops, the weavers fabricated this coarse woolen material with which they tailored the capes. In Italy, there were shops that sold them.53 Across the Ottoman Empire, the low-­skilled, poor daughters and spouses of the Greek-­speaking population worked in textile industry and more specifically on wool while the high-­skilled females wove silk fabrics. During weaving women used to sing as this labor took a long part of their day. Moreover, the work on the loom required great physical strength and coordination of movements—the weaver simultaneously moved arms and feet—which made the craft painful. The loom was usually assembled and  Corfu and the Ionian islands were under the dominion of the Angevin Kingdom of Naples (1237–1386) when the ‘violent’ imposition of Catholicism was attempted. Then, the Kingdom of Naples ceded the islands to the Venetian Republic for almost 400 years (1386–1797). The Venetian rule was the longest in the history of Corfu. Then the islands were ceded to the French Republic for two years (1797–1799) followed by the Russian-­ Turkish occupation when it was formed the Septinsular Republic (1800–1807). The period of the small Greek-­speaking independent republic lasted for only seven years, as with the Treaty of Tilsit (1807), the islands were ceded to France again, this time under the Emperor Napoleon (1807–1814). The period under the French Empire was also short-­lived. The islands became a British protectorate for fifty years (1814–1864). Eventually, the Ionian Islands were annexed to the Greek Kingdom in 1864. See more in: Thanailaki, P., (2013), Gynaikeies Martyries stis Selides tis Historias: hoi koinonikes prokatalipseis stis Helladikes kai stis Diethneis Koinotites kata to 19o me arches tou 20ou aiona [Women’s Testimonies on History pages: Social prejudices in the Greek and in the International Communities during nineteenth to early twentieth centuries], Papazissis (publishers), Athens, pp. 141–142, footnote 1. 53  Maha-­Bizoumi, N., (n.d.), ‘Morfes Organosis tou chorou kai tis ergasias. Technognosia, Technikes’ [Forms of Organization of space and work. Theknowhotechniques] https:// eclass.duth.gr/modules/document/file.php/ΚΟΜΟ03230/2.2.7-­8Morfes_organosis_B. pdf, p. 4. 52

110 

P. THANAILAKI

set up in the basement of the households, or it was placed under a shed54 as most women sought for some coolness in the hot summer days. The art of weaving was considered a social asset on which girls were evaluated as competent or non-­competent future wives. Daughters-­in-­law were also highly appreciated and rated to a high standard by their in-­laws if they excelled at it. The local communities also assessed their skill and elevated them to a higher ranking, accordingly. If young women figured out prominently, then they were characterized as ‘magical hands’ (chrysocheres),55 and efficient housewives. Since young age, the girls were instructed in the skill because traditionally they wove their trousseau56 themselves while the choice of the patterns, colors, as well as the density of the woven fabric proved each woman’s passion, housewifery, taste, and diligence.57 The professional weavers worked on looms all year round laboring intensively in order to meet the deadlines of orders commissioned to them, while their job was not only tiring, as mentioned above, but also complex. They were paid in kind rather than in cash. Conversely, those who practiced the craft of weaving for private use, they set up their looms only during the period when they were not busy with agricultural, or farming labor. But overall, the trade of textile industry was a very profitable agency and women were the principal contributors in it. Moreover, they were the main skilled weavers. They selected the patterns and colors themselves thus adding their own personal taste to the final quality of the product. Embroidery was another type of domestic art mainly practiced by women. The Muslims used embroidered textiles both in their daily life as well as on festive periods, attaching them great significance. The instruction of embroideries constituted a significant part in girls’ rearing as they were expected to become high-­ skilled while a number of them later became professionals, thus earning money out of it. Domestic embroidery was intended either for personal use, or for sale. Moreover, it was not only women’s craft but also men’s, the latter working on expensive stuff that  See more in: www.kepaam.gr/index.php?option=com_content&viwe...id.  Literally, ‘gold-­thread hands’. 56  On the exhibition of trousseau and its symbolism, see: Thanailaki, P., (2018), Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities During 19th and Early 20th century: A Historical Perspective, Springer, pp. 56–57. 57  Athanasopoulou. E., (2004), Erotikos Logos kai paganismos stin Papadiamantiki ergografia: He ermineutiki tou gynaikeiou protypou [Erotikos Logos and paganism in the works of Papadiamantis: The interpretation of the female type], Master Thesis, Rand Africaans University, Johanessburg, p. 43, footnote 82. 54 55

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

111

they decorated with pearls, gold-­thread, or semiprecious stones in workshops. Men usually embroidered heavy fabrics that required physical strength. Embroidery was also practiced by Muslim women in order to pass time as they were confined in their home quarters (haremliks).58 In the Christian communities of the Ottoman Empire, embroidery played a significant part in textile production as it was used not only for home decoration and for young women’s dowries, but also for embellishing the traditional costumes of folk people and particularly the costumes that they wore on festive occasions. Additionally, ecclesiastical embroidery was broadly practiced in the making of robes and vestments for the clerics of the Greek Orthodox Church, especially the garments of bishops. They were lavishly and heavily decorated with gold-­thread embroidery. During the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries, there were women embroiderers who practiced the craft and were renowned for their high artistic competence on ecclesiastical art of embroidery. A renowned female artisan in Constantinople was Despoineta (1682–1723), who used innovative characteristics in the style of her ecclesiastical handicrafts, being also a businesswoman as she managed her own workshop having her own apprentices.59 Despoineta was also called ‘Despoineta Argiraia’. She lived in the Constantinople area of Beşiktaş. Pieces of her artistry are traced in Ankara, far away from her residence, as well as in the distant area of today’s Kemaliye, in eastern Anatolia.60 In the same area of Beşiktaş, we encounter more workshops managed by female Christian women, as we will see in the following pages. It seems that Beşiktaş, now part of the center of Constantinople, was a hub of commercial activities in embroidery. Inscriptions on the embroidered material give information of the maker as well as of its donor. On such an embroidered inscription of 1723 there are mentions of the names both of the donor and of the artisan. However, there were cases where only one female name appeared on the inscription, and we cannot rule out this possibility that it was the donor’s name. However, the research assuming that the female renowned embroiderers of costly vestments enjoyed the privilege of signing their creations is an  https://www2.gwu.edu/~textile/fsg/teachers/otmn_embrdry-­firmset.html.  See more on the matter in the following studies of: Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (2015), ‘On the beginnings of the Constantinopolitan school of Embroidery’, Zograf 39, (161–176): Prepis, A., (2005), ‘Architecture et art dans les Balkans pendant la periode Ottomaine’, Cahiers Pierre Belon 12, (85–128). 60  Faroqui, S., (2019), The Ottoman and the Mughal Empires, ibid., p. 242. 58 59

112 

P. THANAILAKI

ongoing one.61 Another eighteenth-­century, widely known, female-­led workshop was managed by Theodosia of Kasymbouri.62 She was a pupil of Despoineta. Theodosia was well known for her ‘individualized’ style.63 In the first half of the eighteenth century, there was another highly estimated woman embroiderer who bore the appellation of ‘He Kokkona tou Ioannou’ [John’s Daughter]. She introduced a novel style in her handicrafts, the main feature of which was the adoption of a number of stylish details drawn from the Western religious tradition and mainly inspired by the ecclesiastical art of the Catholic Church. However, she did not change the spirit of the Greek Orthodox ecclesiastical liturgy.64 The scene of her Epitaphios65 combined elements of the liturgical style with those of ‘narrative’ and ‘historical’ type. The representation of the sacrificed Lamb including angels and the Lamentation with all the usual mourning figures, bear high symbolism. Moreover, ‘He Kokkona tou Ioannou’ slightly blended the Byzantine art with the Western art more particularly in the portraits and clothing of some figures, as well as in the rules of perspective.66 A known creation of hers that is preserved until today represents an ecclesiastical vestment with a dedicatory inscription appearing at the lower edge border mentioning that it is a creation crafted by Kokkona tou Ioannou (1743).67 As a general characteristic it can be said that the workshops of the female embroiderers of ecclesiastical art in Constantinople successfully blended the liturgical with the historical elements in the theme of each of their crafts, a style that was also adopted by  Ibid., p. 242.  Xyggopoulos, A., (1953) Evgenias Vei-­Chatzidaki, Mouseion Benaki, Ecclesaistika kentimata, Athens, (Book review), p.  347, https://media.ems.gr/ekdoseis/elinika_13_2 ekd_ peel_13_2_bookreviews.pdf. 63   Gurdus, L., (1969), ‘The newly discovered Epitaphios designed by Christopher Zefarovic’, Bulletin of The Needle and Bobbin Club, v. 52, (1&2), (3–26), p. 13. 64  Pazaras, N.,& Doulgkeri, E., (2008), ‘Kentitos Epitafios tis Kokkonas tou Ioannou sti Thessaloniki’ [An Embroidered «Epitaphios» of the Constantinopolitan Artisan «Kokkona tou Ioannou» at Thessaloniki], Makedonika 37, (89–104), https://doi.org/10.12681/ makedonika.48. 65  The Epitaphios is a sacred veil used on Good Friday in the Greek Orthodox ritual. It is a ritual vestment that has acquired a funeral symbolism. See: LIFOTEAM, (2019), ‘Kentitoi epitaphioi tou 18ou kai 19ou aiona sto Mouseio Argyrotechnias sta Ioannina’ [Embroidered Epitaphs of eighteenth and nineteenth centuries exhibited at the Silversmithing Museum at Ioannina], www.lifo.gr (uploaded on 26/04/2019). 66  Pazaras, N., & Doulgkeri, E., (2008), ibid., p. 98. 67  Ibid., p. 90. 61 62

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

113

many other female embroiderers of the regions within the Ottoman Empire, and in different time periods. This was a common practice since the end of the seventeenth century and thereafter, proving the innovative style that was used. Most of the female embroiderers of Constantinople signed their creations as they were fully conscious of their value as well as of the social distinction that they enjoyed.68 Apart from the secular ecclesiastical embroiderers, there were also a number of nuns engaged in the skill of the gold-­thread embroidery in the ecclesiastical dresses. The exhibition of such crafts, a creation of which belonged to the nun Theodosia (eighteenth century),69 is displayed in the monastery of Leimonos on the island of Lesvos documenting the existence of embroidery workshops in the area. Another well-­known secular female embroiderer of the same century was Mariora (1723–1758) who instructed a great number of women in the art. Her apprentices were her daughter, Sophia, and the nuns named Sofronia, Areti, Eirene, Agathi, and Maria. Mariora adopted Western characteristics in her handicrafts. Another woman embroiderer in Constantinople was Efsevia (1723–1735), who mainly crafted small-­ sized embroidered ecclesiastical garments.70 Moreover, there were male embroiderers skilled in the ecclesiastical vestments. For example, Antonios was engaged in this ecclesiastical art. One of his pieces of artistry is exhibited in the Monastery of Proussos in the province of Evrytania, in mainland Greece. His creations can be traced elsewhere, too.71 In the Meteora monastery, the monk Arsenios was also well-­known for his artistic talent in gold-­thread embroidery.72 Regarding female embroiderers who lived during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, we encounter another widely known craftswoman  Ibid., p. 92.  Varvounis, M.,& Maha-­Bizoumi, N., (2014), ‘Synecheies kai Asynecheies stin helleniki paradosi ton ieratikon amfion (19os–20os aionas)’ [Continuities and discontinuities in the Greek tradition of the ecclesiastical vestments (nineteenth-­twentieth centuries)], in: K.A., Dimadis, (ed), Proceedings of the 5th European Congress of Modern Greek Studies, Thessaloniki, 2–5 October, p. 4. 70  www.elpenor.org/athos/gr/g218ck01.asp. 71  See more in: Vokotopoulos, P.L., (1966), ‘Meseonika Aitoloakarnanias-­Evrytanias:To skevofylakion tis Monis Proussou. (A.Zografiki, B.  Metallotechnia & Xylotechnia, C.  Iera Amphia, (pin. 273–288)’ [The Medieval art of Aitoloakarnania-­Evrytania: The sacristy of Proussos Monastery. (A. Painting, B. Metalworking & Woodcuts, C. Ecclesiastical Vestments (Tables 273–288)], Archaiologikon Deltion: Chronika (21), (265–283), p. 275. 72  Varvounis, M., & Maha-­Bizoumi, N., (2014), ‘Synecheies kai Asynecheies stin helleniki paradosi ton ieratikon amfion (19os–20os aionas)’, ibid. 68 69

114 

P. THANAILAKI

who bore the appellation of ‘Kokkona tou Rologa’ [The Watchmaker’s Daughter], who had crafted highly artistic ecclesiastical dresses, too.73 She most likely practiced her skill at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Unlike other professional female embroiderers of her time, she signed all her creations. For example, on her Epitaphios she embroidered her name at the bottom of the scene of Lamentation by using metal thread.74 The same creator also crafted another masterpiece representing the Hypapante of Jesus Christ75 embroidered on a beautiful ‘sakkos’, a type of ecclesiastical garment.76 Like her professional counterparts in the past centuries, she introduced innovative features in her creations being inspired by the silversmiths of her time, particularly in the way she crafted the bodies, and in the rendering of the persons’ dramatic expressions—thus—showing direct influences from the naturalistic iconography of the Western and of the Russian art.77 On another fine ecclesiastical craft of ‘Kokkona tou Rologa’ entitled the Chrysokentito Petasma Oraias Pylis (Gold-­thread Embroidered Sanctuary Door Hanging), the embroiderer inscribed her name in the place of the artisan’s signature78 mentioning that it was crafted by her with

73  Theochari, M., (1965), ‘Chrysokentita Amfia tis Monis Taksiarchon Aigialeias’ [Gold-­ Embroidered Vestments of Taksiarches Aigialeias Monastery], pp. 12–13. www.ir.lib.uth.gr. 74  Karydis, Ch., (2011), ‘The Gold Embroidered Epitaphios of Kokkona of Rologa displayed at the Orthodox Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople’, Conference Paper presented at the 22nd International Congress Byzantium without Borders, 22–27 August, Sofia. 75  More on the matter, see: Myrtsioti, G., (2015), ‘Anektimitoi thesavroi sta cheria idioton’ [Priceless treasures in private hands], www.kathimerini.gr (published online: June 7, 2015). 76  The ecclesiastical ‘sakkos’ was primarily a dress worn by the emperors. After the fall of Constantinople the Orthodox bishops used to wear it. It symbolizes the red gown that Jesus Christ’s torturers put on Him in order to crucify Him. 77  Chatziantoniou, K., (2006), ‘Katanoontas tous Epitaphious tis Orthodoxis Ekklisias: Analysi kai katigoriopoiisi ton ylikon kai technikon enos Metavyzantinou Epitaphiou tis Kokkonas tou Rologa (Contantinoupoli, 1829?) me skopon tin epistimonikos orthi syntirisi tou’ [Understanding the Epitaphioi of the Orthodox Church: Analysis and categorization of the materials and techniques used in a Post-­Byzantine Epitaphios by Kokkona of Rologas, with the aim to its scientifically-­ correct preservation], Enimerotiko Deltio, hoi filoi tou Mouseiou Benaki, v. A’, p. 15, www.filoibenaki.gr. 78  According to Korre-­Zografou, K., the first Orthodox artisans started signing their crafts in the sixteenth century, and in the following centuries this practice became more usual. See: Korre-­Zografou, K., (n.d.), ‘To atomo mesa apo tis ergocheires kentites ypografes ton Metavyzantinon kai Neohellenikon chronon’ [The Individual Through the Hand-­ made Embroidered and Woven Signatures of the Post-­byzantine and Modern Greek Period], p. 40, www.eclass.teiion.gr.

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

115

the use of her own needle.79 Because of the awkward wording and the wrong phrasing, it can be deduced that she was not literate.80 Experts on this kind of art conclude that the above pieces of craft were embroidered in well-­organized workshops which closely watched the advancement of the art of their time.81 ‘Kokkona tou Rologa’ was a proliferative artisan and one of the best-­known craftswomen as attested by the big amount of her signed works, and also evidenced by bibliography. According to researchers, two documents that came to light, supply us with information relating to the organization and operation of the female-­managed workshops of this craft. One document is a letter written by the administrator of the Holy Virgin’s pilgrimage of Tenos island that is directly addressed to ‘Kokkona tou Rologa’. The letter was penned by Chatzi-­Georgios, Siotos82 from Constantinople on December 2, 1831, according to which Siotos was assigned with many tasks regarding his trip to Constantinople. One of them was the search for an embroiderer who could craft a liturgical veil for the Tenos pilgrimage. Following the recommendation of one of his colleagues, he met ‘Kokkona tou Rologa’ who lived with her daughter in the area of Beşiktaş. The initial sum of money asked for the veil, amounted to 7000 gurush (Ottoman currency) that Siotos could not afford paying as he was not authorized by the ecclesiastical board of Tenos pilgrimage to pay so much money. Because the embroiderer was a pious woman, she reduced her fee to 4000 gurush. Moreover, she assured Siotos that the veil’s decoration pattern would be of fine quality like the one that 79  The inscription mentioned that the tapestry had been ordered for the purpose of decorating the monastery of Hypapante, also including a long list of donors’ names. 80  Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (2010),‘Chrysokentito petasma Oraias Pylis tis Kokkonas tou Rologa tou Vyzantinou kai Christianikou Mouseiou (no. 21055)’ [Gold-­Embroidered Sanctuary Door Hanging by Kokkona of Rologas exhibited in the Byzantine and Christian Museum (no. 21055)] in: The Minutes of the 2nd Epistimoniko Symposio Neohellenikis kai Ekklesiastikis Technis (Vyzantino kai Christianiko Mouseio), November 26–27, p.  2. (uploaded in: https://www.academia.edu/10456259. 81  Ibid., p. 7. 82  Sakelionos, N.G.,& Philippidou S.N., (1928), Historia tou en Teno Ierou Naou kai Idrymatos tis Evvagelistrias proskynimatos ton apantachou Orthodokson apo evreseos tis thavmatourgou eikonos mechri simeron [History of the Holy Church and Foundation of Tenos Pilgrimage of all Christians since the discovery of the miracle-­making icon until today], Hermoupolis Syros, pp. 158–159, quoted in: Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (n.d.), ‘Church embroidery in Constantinople during the nineteenth century. Putting a veil by Kokkona of Rologa in Contest’ (An article of a pre-­publication from the catalogue raisonné in preparation), (543–551), uploaded in www.academia.edu.

116 

P. THANAILAKI

she had crafted for a Russian order.83 The inscription that was embroidered on the finished piece of craft mentioned that it was made for the Epitaphios of Tenos and that was the creation of both ‘Kokkona tou Rologa’ and of her daughter ‘Gregoria of Kosta Papa’, dated on February 4, 1833.84 The above data lead to a number of observations. First, the long fifteen-­month period that took ‘Kokkona tou Rologa’ to complete the veil shows that the agreed sum of 4000 gurush was low and did not compensate for her long and tiring work, not covering even the expenses of buying the materials.85 Based on the above, it seems that ‘Kokkona tou Rologa’ was a very pious woman and wanted to make this craft as the order commissioned to her was considered honorary for the reputation of her workshop as it was destined for the prestigious Holy Virgin’s pilgrimage of Tenos. Second, the two women’s workshop received orders from all over the Christian Orthodox world, a fact that documents their good reputation in the international market.86 Third, the two women struck a direct deal with Siotos without the interference of any intermediaries which proves that Kokkona and her daughter had the full management of their workshop.87 Another talented woman that crafted ecclesiastical embroideries was named ‘Gregoria of Kosta Papa’.88 One of her fine pieces of art was Virgin Mary’s Epitaphios that was crafted in 1847 and is exhibited at the museum of the Monastery of Kykkos, in Cyprus.89 Another distinguished female embroiderer in the early twentieth century was Dorothea Tsardaka. In 1907 she made something innovative. She crafted a view of the Athos Simonopetra Monastery that had been copied from a copper engraving.90

 Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., ‘Church embroidery…’, ibid., p. 548.  Ibid., 548. 85  The epitaphs were crafted with precious fabrics such as satin, velvet, or silk. For their decoration the embroiderers used gold-­plated threads, sequins, semiprecious stones, pearls, silver gilt, and wires. See: www.lifo.gr, ibid. 86  Offering gold-­thread embroidered robes to temples and monasteries gave prestige to the donors. www.lifo.gr, ibid. 87  Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, ibid., p. 549. 88  Chatzopoulos, V., (2015), ‘Kentimata apo tin Poli sto Byzantino Mouseio Athinon’ [Embroideries from Constantinople-­An exhibition of the Byzantine Museum of Athens], www.pontos-­news.gr (published online: December 12, 2015). 89  www.kykkos.org.cy. 90  However, we do not know whether she managed her own workshop, or she worked for somebody else. www.Elpenor.org/athos/gr/g218ck01.asp. 83 84

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

117

In hard financial times when households faced economic difficulties, middle-­ class women constituted another category of entrepreneurs in Constantinople as a number of them earned their living by making embroideries. One such example constitutes the case of Aikaterini Tricoupi (1800–1871), née Mavrokordatou. Her daughter, Sophia Tricoupi, wrote a book about her mother in which she described her life. Aikaterini was born into a wealthy Phanariot91 family of Constantinople. During the 1821 Greek Revolution for Independence, the Mavrokordatos family lost their fortune when the father fought for Greek Independence. However, the family managed to survive thanks to Aikaterini’s aptitude in embroidery. She and her sisters, along with their maid, kept a clandestine embroidery workshop in Constantinople where they crafted fine pieces of laces and embroidery that they sold to embassies and to harems. They worked day and night delivering their merchandise to their customers covertly.92 Their pieces of craft were of such fine quality that retailers who commissioned orders to them, sold them very fast though they were expensive. Sophia mentions that a floral decoration of a dress bordure was priced 12,000 gurush being a big amount of money. From the above data it is deduced that there were female-­ led workshops in full operation in Constantinople, where there was also labor distribution in them.93These female artisans worked hard in order to earn their living and support the finances of their family. Not only in Constantinople, but also in the greater area of Asia Minor, there are testimonies that evidence the existence of professional female embroiderers, as well as of weavers.94 An example is based on a folk tale95 of the Greek community of the town Kios, in Asia 91  The secular gentry of the Phanariots lived in the area of Phanari in Constantinople. It was a neighborhood where well-­off Greek Orthodox people resided and enjoyed economic power within the Ottoman Empire. 92  Tricoupi, S., (2012), He meter mas Aikaterini Tricoupi, to genos Nikolaou Mavrokordatou (1800–1871) [Our mother Aikaterini Tricoupi, née Mavrokordatou (1800–1871)], (published by) Vivliothiki tis Voulis ton Hellenon, Athens, pp. 9–10. 93  Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., ‘Church embroidery in Constantinople…’, ibid., p. 550. 94  During the last centuries of the Byzantine Empire, women were very active in business largely contributing to the economy of the Empire, either working on their own, or they were employed in workshops. See more in: Nystazopoulou-­Pelekidou, M., (2001–2003), ‘He symmetochi tis gynaikas stin oikonomia tou ysterou Mesaiona. (He periptosi tis Servidas klostrias)’ [Women’s participation in economy during the post-­Medieval period. (The case of the Serbian needle worker)], Eoa & Hesperia 5, (147–177). 95  The making up and the narration of folktales was common practice in the workrooms of craftswomen who span and wove yarns. See more in: Constas, N., (2003), ‘The Purple

118 

P. THANAILAKI

Minor, a hub of silk industry and of workshops in various kinds of crafts.96 According to this folk tale, Giavrouda, a skilled woman embroiderer, employed female apprentices in her workshop where she instructed them in how to decorate textiles with several embroidered decorations.97 All the above women managed fairly big workshops that received orders from many different regions from home and abroad, and they were well-­known craftswomen. They embroidered their name on their creations with modesty,98 also crafting an inscription mentioning that the embroidered piece was handmade.99 During the Ottoman rule, this kind of craftsmanship was popular because the gift-­offering of embroidered ecclesiastical textiles was common practice among Christian lords and primates who used to offer a gold-­thread embroidered piece to churches or monasteries as voting offerings. Also, the Muslim dignitaries of the court of Ali Pasha in Ioannina often followed this gift-­offering practice that was a social norm.100 However, during the nineteenth century, the production of this kind of gold-­thread embroidery pieces of art subsided in favor of European handicrafts mainly imported from Budapest and Vienna.101 In the Greek-­speaking Christian communities of the Ottoman Empire, the pieces of embroidery that were crafted at home fell into two main categories: in the first category there were the pieces destined for domestic use such as pillow cases, bedspreads, and the similar types while the second category included the embroidered pieces that decorated women’s costumes, to exclude the ecclesiastical category of embroidery that is already discussed.102 Embroidery was a common feminine art practiced by women thread and the veil of flesh: Symbols of weaving in the sermons of Proclus’, in: Proclus of Constantinople and the Cult of the Virgin in Late Antiquity, Brill, vol. 66 (351–358), p. 350. 96  Papatheodorou, I., (2005), Laografika kai Historika stoicheia tis Neas Kiou Argolidos [Folklore and Historical elements from Nea Kios of Argolida] Graduate Paper, University of Thessaly, Trikala, p. 36. 97   Korre-­ Zografou, K., ‘To atomo mesa apo tis ergocheires kentites ypografes…’, ibid., pp. 42. 98  Korre-­Zografou notes that though the embroiderers signed their creations with modesty, we cannot rule out the fact that their main purpose was to put their stamp in order to make known their existence in the field, and gain ‘immortality’. Ibid., 43. 99  Ibid., pp. 40–41. 100  Ibid., p. 40. 101  Xyggopoulos, A., ibid., p. 347. 102  Wace, A.J.B., (1914), Catalogue of a Collection of Old Embroideries of the Greek Islands and Turkey, Burlington Fine Arts Club, http://library.si.edu/digital-­library/book/catalogueofcolle01burl, p. 14.

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

119

of the Greek islands as according to the social rule, every girl who could hold a needle, made her own frocks and the bed linen stuff that were part of her dowry. Girls were instructed in the local traditional pattern of stitches that was used in their home place. In the Cyclades complex of islands—for instance—the minimum number of embroidered crafts made by young women included at least two frocks depending on the local customs. One of these frocks was to be worn as a bridal dress, and thereafter as a Sunday best, while the other was used for everyday wear. Moreover, the marriageable girl also sewed a bed curtain, a pair of valances, at least two pillow cases, and a number of towels. The number and splendor of the embroideries constituted the measure according to which she was worth as a bride as it was also the case with weavers.103 When the young women were at a marriageable age, they were expected to have crafted a sizeable number of embroidered pieces. The use of the stitch was a means through which femininity was codified. Moreover, girls inherited part of their mothers’ pieces of embroidery. In case their husbands had no sisters, the young brides received a share of their mothers-­in-­law’s embroidered pieces of craft.104 Additionally, there were professional embroiderers who created a wide range of fine embroidery pieces on orders commissioned to them by female customers such as women’s chemises or various types of home decoration. These embroiderers worked professionally in order to earn money and supplement their family income.105 In Attica,106 the richness of the art of embroidery on a chemise denoted women’s social ranking. The most plain patterns of embroidery of the chemises was destined for the everyday use, and they were made at home by women themselves. By contrast, the lavishly decorated embroidered chemises were worn on festive days, or women wore them as wedding dresses. The latter category was crafted by professional embroiderers who embroidered for a living as they were usually women who did not hold any mobile or immobile property.107 What must be noted is the economic transaction that was dealt 103  Hauser, W., (1943), ‘Greek Island Embroideries’, The Metropolitan Museum of Modern Art Bulletin, metmuseum.org, p. 258. 104  Wace, A.J.B., ibid., p. 15. 105  Welters, L., (2010), Embroidery on Greek Women’s Chemises in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Introduction), Lightning Source, New York. 106  Attica is a prefecture of Greece that includes Athens which is the capital city of the country. 107  Gasouka, M., & Arvanitidou, Z., (2011), ‘Me Ochema tis arvanitikes paradosiakes endymasies tis Attikis: Yliki drastiriotita, «taksikes» diaireseis kai emfyles scheseis’ [Using as a

120 

P. THANAILAKI

among women as the more well-­off spouses allotted part of their feminine duties to the underprivileged women, thus making an allocation of resources from them to the less privileged. In this way, the first secured the second with good income as professional embroiderers were very well paid for their skill. At the dawn of the twentieth century, the fee charged by the head-­ embroiderer who was a specialist in the colored silk material, amounted to 100 drachmas. The same sum of money was paid to a professional craftswoman who was skilled in the gold-­thread embroidery. The above amount of money was very high. The reason for the high cost was attributed to the fact that each embroidered piece took long time to finish, which is also tiring for eyes.108 Apart from the social ranking that the embroidered local costumes symbolized, the kind of cloths that women wore also signified age discrimination. For instance, the young unmarried girls109 were not supposed to wear richly embroidered attires so as not to attract men’s eyes, and be sexually desired by male population as this was against the moral code.110 Additionally, embroidery was a craft that paid well, thus providing women with a regular income. In many cases, the professional female embroiderers were so highly skilled that their pieces of craft were considered to be an outstanding work of artistry. However, in line with the Christian teaching, they had to show modesty as they believed that ‘only God is perfect’. This fact is evidenced by the practice followed by female embroiderers in Epirus—and in contrast to the Constantinople school of embroiderers—who used to leave an imperfect stitch on their creation in order to appear human because it was believed as sinful for human beings to replace God’s perfect hand.111 In conclusion, embroidery was mainly a feminine craft through which women demonstrated their skill, fine taste, as well as creativity. The professional embroiderers vehicle the traditional ‘Arvanitika’ costumes of Attica: Material activity, ‘class’ divisions and gendered relationships], 10th Symposio Historias-­Laographias Attikis (20–23 October), p. 144, https://eleftherovima.files.wordpress.com/2011/pdf (published online: September 29, 2014). 108  Ibid., p. 146. 109  In the art of the chemises, the young girls were equally skilled, compared to the professional embroiderers. During the adolescent period the girls remained indoors. In line with the ethical code, they embroidered their trousseau competing among them, often to the detriment of their health. Ibid. p. 146. 110  Ibid., p. 144. 111  Demetriou, S., (2005), Ta oporofora tis Athinas, aphegema [The fruit trees in Athens: A narrative], Patakis (publishers), Athens.

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

121

earned a living through the craft and they ran workshops that they successfully managed themselves. Another type of female entrepreneurship was fur trade, which is observed in Kastoria, a town of wealthy merchants in Macedonia who were mainly engaged in the fur trade inside and outside of the Ottoman Empire. Such an example illustrates the case of a competent businesswoman named Heleni Delinanou, who managed her own fur business enjoying very good reputation for the fine quality of her merchandise. Helen owned stores not only in Kastoria but also in Athens and Paris. She also exported her fur merchandise to the USA.112 In early 1900s, the firm is reported to maintain a store in Springfield, Ohio, which was advertised in the local press. The advertisement prompted the customers to buy furs ‘directly’ from the maker. The store also repaired and remodeled furs.113 As explored in Chap. 2 of the present book, endogamy played a significant role in business transactions of the Greek merchants in the Balkans. Following this practice, Konstantinos Takiatzis, a trader from Kozani, was engaged in fur trade along with other business activities he dealt with, such as agricultural commodities. He originated from Kozani—a town close to Kastoria—and he was involved in wholesale fur trade because he was married to Anastasia Theofylaktou, originating from Kastoria. In this case, Anastasia is indirectly engaged in fur trade.114 Takiatzis also maintained business relations with another woman from Kastoria named Aikaterini Neratzi who was daughter of a wealthy merchant from the same town. Her correspondence with Takiatzis during the years 1850–1856, documents that she acquired an expertise in commerce and that she knew very well how to gain profit out of it. Takiatzis intended in transporting and selling big quantities of grain to a big fair in the region of Mavrovo, outside Kastoria. Aikaterini Neratzi updated him on the current prices of 112  Gaitanou-­Gianniou, A., (1928–1931), ‘He Ellenida os epicheirimatias kai os viomichaniki Ergatria [The Greek woman as entrepreneur and as factory worker], Hellenis, Miniaion Periodikon tou Ethnikou Symvouliou ton Hellenidon Gynaikon, Athens, p. 33. 113  The Cedarville Herald, (1921), March 4, p.  2, FTJS NO-­ digitalcommons.cedarville.edu. 114  Alevras, G., (2017), Ho Kozanitis emporos Konstantinos D. Takiatzis (1812–1896): Hoi oikonomikes drastiriotites tou tin period 1840–1855 symfona me anekdota eggrafa apo to Archeio Takiatzi [The merchant from Kozani named Konstantinos D. Takiatzis (1812–1896): His economic activities during the period 1840–1855 based on unpublished documents drawn from Takiatzis Archives], (published by) Hetereia Dytikomakedonikon Meleton, Kozani, p. 107.

122 

P. THANAILAKI

grain trade because they were business partners. She also advised him against transporting the grain from Kozani to Kastoria because it would cost him a lot of money and it would not yield him profit. In one of her letters, Aikaterini also kindly reminded him of a sum of money that Takiatzis owed her. She asked him to send it to her with a trustworthy person.115 In another letter dated August 28, 1855, she persistently asked him to send her the sum of gurush that he owed her because it was absolutely necessary for her as she faced financial difficulties. Additionally, she wrote to him to send her a quantity of grain so that Aikaterini could sell it herself in Kastoria.116 Aikaterini’s case further reinforces the view that a number of women were involved directly, or directly, in various kinds of trading activities. Marriage and the subsequent dowry that was a type of premarital donation given by the Christian parents to their daughters was a firmly established social tenet in the Greek communities of the Balkans. After the fall of Constantinople and during the reign of the Ottoman Empire, the Orthodox Church exerted the exclusive jurisdiction over marriage and family law. As a result, marriage and divorce matters of the Orthodox Christians were left on circulars of related documents (veratia) validating the benefits granted to the Orthodox people. The Orthodox priests judged family-­law issues according to official canons based on the Christian righteousness, as the Sultans had granted the Constantinople-­ based Ecumenical Patriarch with considerable rights and influence. Moreover, ecclesiastical courts issued decrees based on the Exabiblos according to the Roman Byzantine law. Exabiblos was a collection of laws compiled by Armenopoulos, a fourteenth-­century scholar.117 The local Bishops were also granted with the right to oversee justice over the Christian flock. Thus, during the Ottoman rule, the Orthodox Church was the indisputable arbitrator of family law.118 The Ottoman Empire functioned on a decentralized form of administration. All Ottoman inhabitants had the choice to appeal to the Islamic courts that administered justice according to the Islamic law of Shari’a, including Christian people who could also  Ibid., p. 121.  Ibid., pp. 123–24. 117  Doxiadis, E., ibid., p. 78. 118  Liolios, G., (2013), Ekklisia kai Dikaio stin Tourkokratoumeni Hellada kata ton Gustav Geib [Church and Law in Turkish-­occupied Greece according to Gustav Geib], Master Thesis, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, p. 49. 115 116

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

123

seek judicial recourse there.119 However, this applied to the first-­degree marriage issues only.120 Throughout the period under study, out of the three existing different types of marriage,121 the conditional marriage (known as ‘kibin’, or ‘kipinion’), was common practice. According to this type of marriage, Muslim men married Christian women on a ‘lease’ base that financially secured them with a sizeable sum of money being a type of dowry that women kept in the event of expulsion, or abandonment.122 Civil marriages took place in front of the Kadi (Muslim judge) and usually lasted for a specific duration of time that was fixed in advance. Needless to say that the Greek Orthodox Church completely disapproved of it and the children of the above marriages were pronounced illegitimate. To the contrary, according to the Ottoman law, the children were legitimate. The aim of this marriage yielded significant benefits to women such as cash, as mentioned above. Husbands had also agreed on giving them divorce in the event of dissolution of marriage and this legal obligation was set in writing. Husbands were also obliged to grant their wives with indemnity, the ‘kibin’.123 The Greek Orthodox Church imposed sanctions and aphorisms on all above marriages.124 Despite different types of marriage among Greek Orthodox female spouses, women retained their financial independence in most regions of the Ottoman Balkans though there were existing differences that varied from place to place due to different versions of the customary law. During the Ottoman rule, in the Greek-­speaking regions of the Balkans, there was the custom of giving dowry.125 This practice is observed since the eleventh century when women took on paid work in order to earn a living. They entered trade, or they managed their own stores using the money they earned, or property assets that they had

 Doxiadis, E., ibid., p. 78.  Tourtoglou, M., (1980–81), ‘He Nomologia ton kritirion tis Mykonou (17os–19os ai.)’ [Law and Criteria in Myconos (seventeenth-­nineteenth centuries)], Epetiris tou Kentrou Erevnon tis Historias tou Hellenikou Dikaiou, vols. 27–28, (3–18), pp. 4–5. www.repository. academyofathers.gr/document/125702. 121  One type out of three was the permanent marriage between two Muslims, the other was the conditional marriage (known as ‘kibin’ or ‘kipinion’), and the third type was the state of cohabitation between a female slave and a Muslim man that was considered as a legitimate ‘concubinage’. 122  Liolios, G., Ekklisia kai Dikaio…, ibid., pp. 55–56. 123  Ibid., p. 56. 124  Ibid., p. 57. 125  Liolios, G., Ekklisia kai Dikaio, ibid., pp. 61–62. 119 120

124 

P. THANAILAKI

mainly inherited through dowries.126 In line with the customary law,127 daughters received their dowry but they were not entitled to any more rights on the paternal property after marriage.128 In Mani, an area located in the Peloponnese—a poor and rough mountainous region where the Turks did not reach as it was inaccessible to them—women maintained their property rights obtained through dowry. Spouses also held the right to cultivate their own small pieces of land, the so-­called ‘lagouna’, and manage the field production themselves despite other existing prejudices that ranked them to a lower social status than men.129 In mainland Greece, and more specifically in Sterea Hellas as well as in the Peloponnese, women gave up their right to parental inheritance upon receiving their premarital donation. In the event of becoming widows, and in case they were in great need, their brothers financially supported them. The same case applied to unmarried sisters.130 In accordance with the customary law applied, widows were not entitled to inheritance law in principle, as it was dictated by the civil law, but they were granted with the right to the usufruct of all of their husbands’ property assets provided that they did not have a second marriage.131 Widows had also the free hand to sell land, houses, or crops, to rent pieces of land for cultivation, while rarely did they purchase any 126  Vrettou-­Souli, M., (2006), He thesi tis gynaikas stin paradosiaki koinonia ton Kykladon (190s–20os aionas). Systemata syggeneias-­koinonikooikonomikes sxeseis [The social position of women in the traditional society of the islands of Cyclades (nineteenth to twentieth centuries). Kinship, social and financial conditions], Ph.D. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, p. 356. 127  According to Gustav Geib, the main legal system was based on the Byzantine-­Roman law. Parallel to this system there was a form of customary law that differed from place to place, targeting at covering cases that the Armenopoulos law compilation did not include. This customary law was mainly applicable to the Greek islands where the inhabitants had been granted with privileges by the Ottoman administration thus being in a more advantageous position compared to the Turks of the region. Another reason for the general Greek prevalence in the islands was the fact that the Greeks had been well-­organized in communities. The above factors became the main components that contributed to the expansion of commerce. This gave the Greek islanders the privilege of traveling and thus gaining knowledge and experience. The latter two characteristics formed the base for the application of the existing customary law. As a result, many significant local habits had been recorded though not appearing in print. In some areas the customary law dealt with specific issues though its provisions did not negate the written law. See more in: Liolios, G., ibid., pp. 46–47. 128  Liolios, G., ibid., p. 83. 129  Vrettou-­Souli, M., (2006), He thesi tis gynaikas…, ibid., p. 357. 130  Liolios, G., Ekklisia kai Dikaio, ibid, p. 83. 131  Ibid., p. 84.

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

125

other property assets.132 As a general rule, dowry was part of women’s assets that they could manage themselves, and they were not transferrable. Husbands were involved in its management—in many cases—though there was never conjugal partnership in the gains of property. Husbands assumed the obligation to protect their wives’ property rights during its management in addition to their engagement to assume protection for all material needs of their family. Women actively participated in its management and often filed suits against their male partners for mismanaging it often seeking to take on the control of their property by themselves,133 as it was explored in the above cases. Besides, there were regional variations. During the Ottoman period, in the local communities of the Cyclades islands—for instance—married women were entitled to more legal rights in terms of financial management of their dowry if compared to their peers in mainland Greece. In addition to this characteristic that was indisputable and to which husbands did not hold any rights, women were also the principal managers in the family’s finances, if not the sole ones.134 Moreover, female spouses were granted with the right to be the only contracting parties in notary acts when they sold part of their own property as it is evidenced through notary documentation.135 For example, on the island of Milos, women entered into contracts when selling or buying properties. In the seventeenth century, notary deeds document the case of a woman named Xanthi who lived in the area of the ‘Upper Castle’. The woman sold a piece of land to one of her relatives.136 Another example was that of Anna Nikolaou Fragkouli,137 who sold a piece of land to one of her fellow villagers, and they agreed on the selling price of twenty-­three silver regalis.138 Couples  Doxiadis, E., ibid., p. 92 (footnote 5).  Doxiadis, E., (2016), ‘Women and Law in Nineteenth Century Greece: The Impact of the Modern State’, in: Eva Schandevyl (ed), Women in Law and Lawmaking in Nineteenth and Twentieth-­Century Europe, Routledge London and New York, pp. 156–157. 134   Vrettou-­Souli, M., He thesi tis gynaikas, ibid., p. 353. 135  Ibid., p. 351. 136  Chatzidakis, I., (1994), He Istoria tis nisou Milou [The History of Milos island], (published by) Enosis Milion, Athens, p. 344. 137  Ibid., p. 346. 138  A kind of currency [European silver regalis]. Many of the silver or gold coins that were used in the Orient and were cut in Europe, were fake. See more on the matter: Liata, E., (1996), Floria Dekatessera stenoun grosia saranta: He kykloforia ton nomismaton ston Helleniko choro [‘Floria Dekatessera stenoun grosia saranta’: The circulation of the coins in the Greek lands], (published by) The Center for Hellenic Research, Athens, pp. 220–222. 132 133

126 

P. THANAILAKI

maintained their financial independence and each person managed their property assets independently while they often lent out each other on the standard interest. In Mykonos, the same spirit governed family law. In a document handed to Ottoman officials and signed in 1819 by the local people, it was confirmed that they ‘abide by the firmly established customary law’ based on the local criteria relating to premarital agreement contracts and wills. In line with the customary law of the same island, for whatever expenses husbands made for their spouses’ edifices or other works, they could not claim anything back as their property. One such example illustrates the case of a deceased woman named Annouso Kounoumbieti, wife of Ieronymos Korinthios. When Annouso was alive, she left a signed will in the presence of witnesses stating that her husband had no right to repeal it.139 Another side of women’s autonomy in handling economic affairs was their involvement in settling financial disputes on property matters. For instance, Greek wives and daughters appeared before courts to resolve a debt as their consent was necessary while husbands were present in the court only in order to accompany them.140 Similar economic autonomy is evidenced in other Ottoman lands in the nineteenth century, as—for instance—in letters sent from Samokov (in today’s Bulgaria), or from Smyrna in Asia Minor, or from Thessaloniki that were exchanged between family-­relatives. In these letters women’s entering into selling or buying property as well as their sharing of responsibilities in the family’s economic burdens are documented. The letters below further evidence this practice. For example, in a letter written by a Bulgarian woman named Archelaa to her brother Konstantin Fotinov—a trader and a writer in Smyrna—where he was notified of their mother’s unlawful intention to sell their paternal house, being an arbitrary decision. In the same letter, dated July 10, 1834, Archelaa wrote to her brother Kostantin Fotinov that their father passed away in the period of Lent when Kostantin had left after the visit he paid to the parental house. To her surprise, she found out that their old mother intended to sell their house though from his deathbed their father had made known to them that he had sold the house to Konstantin and that he had given Archelaa the property titles to keep. Archelaa told her brother to act according to what he thought it right, strongly advising him to visit Samokov and see about

 Tourtoglou, M., ibid., p. 7.  Doxiadis, E., (2007), ibid., pp. 80 and 92 (footnote 4).

139 140

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

127

it.141 Another case documenting that women developed a vexed interest in their property rights and maintenance, is a letter written from Syros by a woman named Eleni Kyriakou on January 30, 1842, also addressed to Konstantin Fotinov in Smyrna. The woman lived in Syros and owned a house in Smyrna. She had agreed with Fotinov to inspect some of its repairs in place of her. A striking element noted in this case is that no one else of her family circle seemed to have been involved in this repair business. Eleni wrote to Konstantin that she was very grateful to him for the pain he had taken regarding the building of a fence wall.142 Usually women took care of handling repair works by having a friend, or relative in charge if they lived far away. Women did not only manage their own financial matters themselves but they were often involved in their sons’ trading transactions. One aspect of this interest reflected their wish to make acquaintances with experienced businesspeople so that the people of trade could give their sons valuable advice on trading endeavors. The above practice proves mothers’ love and care but also overprotection to their sons. An illustrative example constitutes the case of the same woman—Eleni Kyriakou— who wrote to Fotinov in relation to a male member of her family named Giankos (probably her son), suggesting to give his useful piece of advice to him when the two men met and to also care for him.143 In other cases, mothers are encountered in serving as treasurers of their son’s commercial gains as it is concluded from a letter dated 30 October 1825, sent from Smyrna and penned by Ioannis Iovanoglou. The letter addressed to Ioannis Demetriades in Thessaloniki in which Iovanoglou agreed with his business partner to collect for him the sum of 408 gurush and hand it to his mother. He also wrote to him that in case he needed money and this money was committed to the bank, he should not hesitate to ask for it 141  Danova, N. (ed), (2004), Archeio tou Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, Helleniki allilografia, Anagnosi, metafrasi sta voulgarika, scholia kai eisagogi Nadia Danova [The Archive of Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, Correspondence in Greek, Compilation, Translation in the Bulgarian language, Comments and Introduction by Nadia Danova], v. A’, Guttenberg (publishers), Sofia: Letter No. 5, (July 10, 1834. Samokov. From Archelaa to Kostantin Fotinov, Smyrna), p. 54. 142  However, she did not know whether Konstantin had taken care of building another fence wall round the well in the garden. Because of the fact that she wanted it built, she requested him to attend to the matter and to take the initiative to have it constructed acting on her behalf. Ibid., Letter No. 103, (January 30, 1842. Syros. From Eleni Kyriakou to Kostantin Fotinov, Smyrna), pp. 227–228. 143  Ibid., Letter No. 103.

128 

P. THANAILAKI

from his mother who could give him the requested amount. Demetriades could pay it off to him in Smyrna.144 Another aspect of mothers’ involvement in money issues was the contribution to their daughters’ or to their fostered daughters’ dowry. Mothers’ financial support to dowry was sound and as applicable as that of fathers. In church records, we encounter wives to be often one of the contracting parties to a pro forma dowry contract in which the contracting parties were strongly committed to it while no violation was ever recorded. For instance, the case of a woman named Anastasia Megdani, who lived in Kozani in the 1880s, provides us with evidence on this legal practice. In line with customary law, Anastasia dictated in her will that with the money acquired from the sale of her workshop, she intended to paying off her husband’s debts and in granting her adopted daughter—Chryso—with dowry ‘in recognition’ for her services. In the event of her death, a fact which could not render her capable of granting her with dowry, her biological daughters were appointed to assume this obligation.145 In the mid-­ nineteenth century and in the same area, women appeared themselves before courts and fixed the selling or buying transactions of their property, in contrast to the past when husbands appeared before the ecclesiastical court representing their wives, invoking their consent. In 1864, and in two similar legal cases, two women appeared in person before the ecclesiastical court. In 1868, a woman named Vassiliki defined a male person of her family as her proxy in order to sell or exchange a garden which was part of her dowry. In another legal case, a man turned to court filing charges against his brother-­in-­law in order to claim back the property assets of his deceased sister. In the court it was proved that the woman had sold them when she was alive. Likewise, in 1890, Anna Vogiatzi claimed the transfer of the ownership of her workshop to her name because it was piece of her dowry.146 The above examples further document the fact that women exercised legal rights over their property. Moreover, they appeared before courts and defended their rights. Regarding female spouses, they 144  Ibid., Letter No. 406, (October 30, 1825. Smyrna. From Panayotis Iovanoglou to Ioannis Demetriades, Thessaloniki). 145  Diafa-­ Kampouridou, V., (2006), Mnisteia kai gamilies paroches sti Nomologia ton Dikastirion tis Ieras Mitropoleos Servion kai Kozanis (18os–20os ai.) [Engagement and marriage allowances in the case of Ecclesiastical courts of the Holy Metropolis of Servia and Kozani (eighteenth–twentieth century)], Ph.D.  Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, (2 vols.), vol. A’, p. 288. 146  Diafa-­Kampouridou V.,…ibid., p. 301.

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

129

also claimed rights in their dowries, while they managed their properties the way they thought it was expedient to them. Indicative of this fact constitutes another case. Maria—a widow—sold two pieces of land of her property, and with the money received she bought a house for her husband when he was alive.147 Another legal document illustrates the case of Vassiliki Zisi-­Pagouni, who appeared before the ecclesiastical court and ‘confessed voluntarily and invariably’ that she donated a piece of land that she owned as part of her dowry, to her granddaughter who was going to get married.148 Often, women donated pieces of property to their relatives not only as presents but also as tokens of gratitude for paying off services to them. For instance, Anastasia Tsiompanou appeared before the Episcopal court and in the presence of witnesses she donated her house to her nephew, Nikolaos, who—in his turn—undertook the obligation to take care of her when she became old, and to attend to her funeral, too.149 However, there were court cases where daughters filed charges against their fathers on matters of injustice in property assets. For example, Anna Kakouli turned to court against her father as dowry giver, asking the court to grant her the right as third-­party beneficiary, equal to the share of one-­ third of a mill that was not included in her premarital agreement. She petitioned the court for the share to be titled to her name invoking an unwritten dowry agreement.150 In the present chapter an attempt was made to study cottage industry and gendered entrepreneurship as portrayed in the Greek-­ speaking Christian communities located in the turbulent Balkans during the Ottoman reign. Because of the nature of this region—the Balkan people experienced a lot of revolts and national risings along with a new identification and claims for independence of the local Orthodox Churches—it is not easy to form a comprehensive and precise image of female entrepreneurship or of female artisans because of the above stated reasons. The Balkans region was a melting pot of different ethnicities. In this geographical spot, women tried to stamp their mark in a business surrounding driven by a number of various causes. However, feminism or other ways of gendered ideology were not embedded in their upbringing. The core of  Ibid., p. 303.  Kodix Episkopis 1875–1889 [Episcopal Codex 1875–1889], ‘Charistirion’, 17.01.1886 (leaf 238), as quoted in: Diafa-­Kampouridou V., ibid., Vol. B’, p. 329. 149  Ibid., p. 329. 150  Ibid., p. 264. 147 148

130 

P. THANAILAKI

their commercial endeavors was centered around their economic survival. The findings of the present research indicated that women greatly contributed to the finances of their households by practicing domestic skills such as wool processing, weaving, and making embroideries, while the concomitant transformation of local societies in the course of time did not obstruct them from leaving their own imprint on the economic history, in many ways. Through their personal skill and labor, or through the making of their dowries, they always fought on the front line though their contribution was silent and most of the times not acknowledgeable. With their timid work, spouses and daughters overcame a number of external societal barriers imposed on them and removed a number of restrictions set for them because their main target was to give real economic support to their family. Despite the fact that needlework and embroideries were the symbols and instruments of feminine art that stood for subordination, obedience, and loyalty to their husbands, they—at the same time—became the tools in women’s hands for economic boosting of their finances. Additionally, many of them became businesswomen managing their own small-­or medium-­sized workshops. Despite barriers, women fought hard and took up their own small space in a new economic framework that promised to pave the way for the future generations by overcoming the remaining obstacles. The findings of the search also showed that women could not go beyond these narrow limits of a small-­sized, female-­led workshop, as the eighteenth-­and nineteenth-­century Greek Orthodox Balkan women were unable to greatly modify business mentality and capacity as their contribution was restricted to economic survival. Overall, women greatly contributed to family and to local finance often traversing obscure boundaries, sharing the labor in the farm, or in the agricultural work, signing tenancies and dowry contracts, or operating in partnership with the male members of their family circle. Women also did the main bulk of work because this was coded as female while men’s part was related to masculine attributes that included strength, skill, or control.

References Alevras, G., (2017), Ho Kozanitis emporos Konstantinos D. Takiatzis (1812–1896): Hoi oikonomikes drastiriotites tou tin period 1840–1855 symfona me anekdota eggrafa apo to Archeio Takiatzi [The merchant from Kozani-named Konstantinos D.  Takiatzis (1812–1896): His Economic activities during the period 1840–1855 based on unpublished documents drawn from Takiatzis Archives], (published by) Hetereia Dytikomakedonikon Meleton, Kozani.

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

131

Arathymou, S., (2009), Ta Helenika viomechanika Archeia: Katagrafi, elektroniki tekmiriosi,kai aksiopoiisi tous [The Greek Industrial Archives: Registration, Electronic Documentation, Utilization], Ph.D. Dissertation, University of the Aegean, Mytilene. Athanasiadou, M., (2000), Emporikes scheseis Thessalonikis-Venetias kata ton 18o aiona [Trading relations between Thessaloniki and Venice during eighteenth century], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Athanasopoulou, E., (2004), Erotikos Logos kai paganismos stin Papadiamantiki ergografia: He ermineutiki tou gynaikeiou protypou [Erotikos Logos and paganism in the works of Papadiamantis: The interpretation of the female type], Master Thesis, Rand Africaans University, Johanessburg. Chatzidakis, I., (1994), He Istoria tis nisou Milou [The History of Milos island], (published by) Enosis Milion, Athens. Constas, N., (2003), ‘The Purple thread and the veil of flesh: Symbols of weaving in the sermons of Proclus’, in: Proclus of Constantinople and the Cult of the Virgin in Late Antiquity, Brill, vol. 66 (351–358). Danova, N. (ed), (2004), Archeio tou Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, Helleniki allilografia, Anagnosi, metafrasi sta voulgarika, scholia kai eisagogi Nadia Danova [The Archive of Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, Correspondence in Greek, Compilation, Translation in the Bulgarian language, Comments and Introduction by Nadia Danova], (2vols.), Guttenberg (publishers),Sofia. Demetriou, S., (2005), Ta oporofora tis Athinas, aphegema [The fruit trees in Athens: A narrative], Patakis (publishers), Athens. Dendrinou-Karakosta, E., (1989), He laiki kentitiki stin Amorgo (apo ta misa tou 19ou aiona eos tin periodo tou Mesopolemou) [The folk embroidery in Amorgos (from mid-nineteenth century until the Interwar period)], Ph.D. Dissertation, Panteion University of Athens. Dertilis, G.B., (20053), Historia tou Hellenikou Kratous 1830–1920 [History of the Greek State 1830–1920]. (2 vols), Hestia (publishers), Athens. Diafa-Kampouridou, V., (2006), Mnisteia kai gamilies paroches sti Nomologia ton Dikastirion tis Ieras Mitropoleos Servion kai Kozanis (18os-20os(ai) [Engagement and marriage allowances in the case of Ecclesiastical courts of the Holy Metropolis of Servia and Kozani(eighteenth-twentieth century)], Ph. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, (2 vols.) Doxiadis, E., (2007), ‘Standing in their Place: The Exclusion of Women from the Judicial System in the First Decades of the Modern Greek State, 1821–1850’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 25:1, John Hopkins University press, (75–97). Doxiadis, E., (2016), ‘Women and Law in Nineteenth Century Greece: The Impact of the Modern State’, in: Eva Schandevyl (ed), Women in Law and Lawmaking in Nineteenth and Twentieth-Century Europe, Routledge London and New York.

132 

P. THANAILAKI

Faroqui, S., (2019), The Ottoman and the Mughal Empires: Social History on the Early Modern World, I.B. Tauris, London, N. York, Oxford. Gaitanou-Gianniou, A., (1928–1931), ‘He Ellenida os epicheirimatias kai os viomichaniki Ergatria [The Greek woman as entrepreneur and as factory worker], Hellenis, Miniaion Periodikon tou Ethnikou Symvouliou ton Hellenidon Gynaikon, Athens. Gerber, H., (1980), ‘Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa (1600–1700)’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 12, Cambridge University Press, (231–244). Gurdus, L., (1969), ‘The newly discovered Epitaphios designed by Christopher Zefarovic’, Bulletin of The Needle and Bobbin Club, v. 52, (1&2), (3–26). Ianeva, S., (2016), ‘Female actors, Producers and Money Makers in Ottoman Public Space: The case of the Late Ottoman Balkans’, in: E. Boyar & K. Fleet (eds), Ottoman Women in Public Space, Brill, Leiden/Boston. Jennings, R.C., (1975), ‘Women in Early seventeenth Century Ottoman Judicial Records: The Sharia Court of Anatolian Kayseri’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 18, (53–114). Karamane, E., (2005), Ambelakia Thessalias: Historia kai Synetairismos Ambelakion [Ambelakia in Thessaly: The History and Association of Ambelakia], Bachelor’s Degree Thesis, University of Thessaly, Volos. Karastergios, A., (2011), ‘Ho Argaleios kai he Yfantiki techni stin Arnaia. To Neo Mouseio Yfantikis’ [The Loom and Weaving in Arnaia. The New Weaving Museum], Panchalkidikos Logos, (Periodical of the Panchalkidikos Society in Thessaloniki, ‘ARISTOTELIS’), (issues of January-March). Karydis, Ch., (2011), ‘The Gold-thread Embroidered Epitaphios of Kokona of Rologa Displayed at the Orthodox Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople’, Conference Paper presented at the 22nd International Congress Byzantium without Borders, 22–27 August, Sofia. Katsiardi-Hering, O., (2005), ‘Metanasteusi kai metafora technikon stin Kentriki Evropi (Mesa 18ou- Arches 19ou aiona): He Ambelakiotiki Syntrofia (1805)’ [Migration and Techniques transferring in central Europe (mid eighteenth to the beginning of nineteenth centuries): The Ambelakiotiki brotherhood], in: M. Stasinopoulou & Ch. Chatziioannou, (eds.), Diaspora-Diktya –Diafotismos (Tetradia Ergasias Series 28), (published by) Kentro Neoellinikon Spoudon, Athens. Kodix Episkopis 1875–1889 [Episcopal Codex 1875–1889], ‘Charistirion’, 17.01.1886, (leaf 238). Koliopoulos, J.S., Veremis, Th.M., (2002), Greece. The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present, Hurst &Company, London. Kotsiari, A., (2017), Trikala: He poleodomiki ekseliksi apo to 1880 eos to 1940: Apo tin othomaniki periodo sto Helleniko kratos [Trikala: the city planning evolution

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

133

from 1880 till 1940: from the Ottoman period to the Greek state], Ph.D. Dissertation, Ethniko Metsoveio Polytechneio (EMP), Athens. Laiou, S., (2007), ‘Christian Women in an Ottoman World: Interpersonal and Family Cases Brought Before the Sharia Courts During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Cases Involving the Greek Community), in: A. Buturovic- I. Cemil Schick (eds.), Women in the Ottoman Balkans: Gender, Culture and History, Library of Ottoman Studies 15, New York. Lekka, G., (2006), He ekseliksi tou hellenikou yfasmatos-Aigaio: He epirroi tis tecnhnologias yfansis sto sxediasmo(design) yfasmatos [The evolution of Greek textiles-Aegean: Textile technology’s influence on textile design], Ph.D. Dissertation, University of the Aegean, Mytilene. Liata, E., (1996), Floria Dekatessera stenoun grosia saranta: He kykloforia ton nomismaton ston Helleniko choro [‘Floria Dekatessera stenoun grosia saranta’:The circulation of the coins in the Greek lands], (published by) The Center for Hellenic Research, Athens. Liolios, G., (2013), Ekklisia kai Dikaio stin Tourkokratoumeni Hellada kata ton Gustav Geib [Church and Law in Turkish-occupied Greece according to Gustav Geib], Master Thesis, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Maha-Bizoumi, N., (2011), Ta Ptychota «foustania» tis Chiou (160s–arches 20ou). Polytypa kai Parallages: Symboli sti Meleti tis Historikotitas ton endymatologikon systimaton tou Aigaiou [The pleated «foustania» of Chios (sixteenth to early twentieth centuries):multiple forms and variations: A contribution to the study of the historicity of the dress systems of the Aegean], Ph.D.  Dissertation, Democritus University of Thrace, Komotini. Mikropoulou, E., (2008), Kodikopoiisi, Synthetiki anaparagogi, Physicochemiki Meleti kai Aksiologisi ton dynatotiton anavioseos Chrostikon kai Methodon vafis pou chrisimipoiithikan stin yfantourgia tou 19ou kai proimou 20ou aiona [Codification, re-creation, physicochemical study and evaluation of dyes and dyeing recipes of nineteenth and early twentieth centuries], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Murray, J., (1845), A Handbook for Travellers in the Ionian Islands, Greece, Turkey, Asia Minor and Constantinople, London. Nikolopoulos, E., (1987), Koinonikooikonomikes Domes kai Politikoi Thesmoi stin Tourkokratia. Ta Thessalika Ampelakia (1770–1820) [Social Economic Structure and Political Forms during the Turkish Occupation: Thessalian Ampelakia 1770–1820)], Ph.D. Dissertation, Panteion University, Athens. Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, M., (2001–2003), ‘He symmetochi tis gynaikas stin oikonomia tou ysterou Mesaiona. (He periptosi tis Servidas klostrias)’ [Women’s participation in economy during the post-Medieval period. (The case of the Serbian needle worker)], Eoa & Hesperia 5, (147–177). Pamuk, S., (1987), The Ottoman empire and European Capitalism, 1820–1913: Trade, investment and production, (12), Cambridge University Press.

134 

P. THANAILAKI

Papantoniou, Z., (1937), ‘Ta Ambelakia’ [Ambelakia], Eleftheron Vima (newspaper), issue of 29th November. Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (2015), ‘On the beginnings of the Constantinopolitan school of Embroidery’, Zograf 39, (161–176). Papatheodorou, I., (2005), Laografika kai Historika stoicheia tis Neas Kiou Argolidos [Folklore and Historical elements from Nea Kios of Argolida], Graduate Paper, University of Thessaly, Trikala. Pazaras, N., Doulgkeri, E., (2008), ‘Kentitos Epitafios tis Kokkonas tou Ioannou sti Thessaloniki’ [An Embroidered «Epitaphios» of the Constantinopolitan Artisan «Kokkona tou Ioannou» at Thessaloniki], Makedonika 37, (89–104), https://doi.org/10.12681/makedonika.48. Prepis, A., (2005), ‘Architecture et art dans les Balkans pendant la periode Ottomaine’, Cahiers Pierre Belon 12, (85–128). Quataert, D., (2002), Ottoman Manufacturing in the Age of the Industrial Revolution, Cambridge Middle East Library (30), Cambridge University Press. Quataert, D., (2004a), ‘Ottoman women, Households, and Textile Manufacturing, 1800–1914’, in: A. Hourani et al. (eds), The Modern Middle East: A Reader, I.B. Tauris, London-New York. Quataert, D., (2004b), ‘The industrial Working class of Salonica, 1850–1912’, in: A. Levy, (ed), Jews, Turks, Ottomans: A Shared History Through the Twentieth Century, Syracuse University Press. Sakelionos, N.G., & Philippidou S.N., (1928), Historia tou en Teno Ierou Naou kai Idrymatos tis Evvagelistrias proskynimatos ton apantachou Orthodokson apo evreseos tis thavmatourgou eikonos mechri simeron [History of the Holy Church and Foundation of Tenos Pilgrimage of all Christians since the discovery of the miracle-making icon until today], Hermoupolis, Syros. Shariat-Panahi, S., (2010), Opseis tis koinonias tis Thessalonikis stin evryteri periodo tis Roso-Othomanikis sygkrousis 1768–1774: Me vasi tis Othomanikes piges [Aspects of the society of Thessaloniki in the broader period of the Russian-­ Ottoman conflict 1768–1774: Based on Ottoman sources], Ph.D. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. Stoianovich, T., (1960), ‘The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’, The Journal of Economic History, (20), (234–313). Svoronos N., (1991), ‘He Synepeies tis Oikonomikis drastiriotitas ton Hellenon tis Balkanikis Xersonisou sto Dekato Ogdoo aiona’ [The Consequences of the economic activities of the Greeks in the Balkan Peninsula during eighteenth century], in: G.B.  Dertilis & K.  Kostis (eds), Themata Neohellenikis Istorias (eighteenth-twentieth century), Sakkoulas (publishers), Athens. Thanailaki, P., (2013), Gynaikeies Martyries stis Selides tis Historias: hoi koinonikes prokatalipseis stis Helladikes kai stis Diethneis Koinotites kata to 19o me arches tou 20ou aiona [Women’s Testimonies on History pages: Social prejudices in the

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

135

Greek and in the International Communities during nineteenth to early twentieth centuries], Papazissis (publishers), Athens. Thanailaki, P., (2018), Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities During 19th and Early 20th century: A Historical Perspective, Springer. Tricoupi, S., (2012), He meter mas Aikaterini Tricoupi, to genos Nikolaou Mavrokordatou (1800–1871) [Our mother Aikaterini Tricoupi, née Mavrokordatou (1800–1871)], (published by)Vivliothiki tis Voulis ton Hellenon, Athens. Vacharoglou, E., (2002), Ta sxoleia tis protovathmias ekpaidefseos ston kaza Thessalonikis kai ston kaza Lagkada (1850–1912) [The schools of primary education in the region of Thessaloniki and the region of Lagadas, 1850–1912], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Varvounis, M., & Maha-Bizoumi, N., (2014), ‘Synecheies kai Asynecheies stin helleniki paradosi ton ieratikon amfion (19os -20os aionas)’ [Continuities and discontinuities in the Greek tradition of the ecclesiastical vestments (nineteenth-­ twentieth centuries)], in: K.A., Dimadis, (ed), Proceedings of the 5th European Congress of Modern Greek Studies, Thessaloniki, 2–5 October. Vokotopoulos, P.L., (1966), ‘Meseonika Aitoloakarnanias-Evrytanias: To skevofylakion tis Monis Proussou. (A.Zografiki, B.  Metallotechnia & Xylotechnia, C.  Iera Amphia, (pin. 273–288)’ [The Medieval art of Aitoloakarnania-­ Evrytania: The sacristy of Proussos Monastery. (A. Painting, B. Metalworking & Woodcuts, C.  Ecclesiastical Vestments (Tables 273–288)], Archaiologikon Deltion (21), (265–283). Vrettou-Souli, M., (2006), He thesi tis gynaikas stin paradosiaki koinonia ton Kykladon (190s-20os aionas). Systemata syggeneias-koinonikooikonomikes sxeseis [The social position of women in the traditional society of the islands of Cyclades (nineteenth to twentieth centuries). Kinship, social and financial conditions], Ph. D. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. Welters, L., (2010), Embroidery on Greek Women’s Chemises in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Lightening Source, New York.

Electronic Sites Chatziantoniou, K., (2006), ‘Katanoontas tous Epitaphious tis Orthodoxis Ekklisias: Analysi kai katigoriopoiisi ton ylikon kai technikon enos Metavyzantinou Epitaphiou tis Kokonas tou Rologa (Contantinoupoli, 1829?) me skopon tin epistimonikos orthi syntirisi tou’ [Understanding the Epitaphioi of the Orthodox Church: Analysis and categorization of the materials and techniques used in a Post-Byzantine Epitaphios by Kokona of Rologas, with the aim to its scientifically-correct preservation], Enimerotiko Deltio, hoi filoi tou Mouseiou Benaki, v. A’, www.filoibenaki.gr.

136 

P. THANAILAKI

Chatzopoulos, V., (2015), ‘Kentimata apo tin Poli sto Byzantino Mouseio Athinon’ [Embroideries from Constantinople-An exhibition of the Byzantine Museum of Athens], www.pontos-­news.gr. Dagkas, A., (1998), Symvoli stin Erevna gia tin oikonomiki kai koinoniki ekseliksi sti Thessaloniki: Oikonomiki domi kai koinonikos katamerismos tis ergasias 1912–1940 [A contribution to the research of the economic and social evolution in Thessaloniki: Economic structure and social labor distribution 1912–1940], users.auth.gr. Deligiannis, B., (1935–36), ‘To abatziliki sti Thraki’ [The abas trade in Thrace], Archeion tou Thrakikou laografikou kai glossikou thisavtou, (3vols), Athens, www.adrianou125.blogspot-­com. www.elpenor.org/athos/gr/g218ck01.asp. Gasouka, M., & Arvanitidou, Z., (2011), ‘Me Ochema tis arvanitikes paradosiakes endymasies tis Attikis: Yliki drastiriotita, «taksikes» diaireseis kai emfyles scheseis’ [Using as a vehicle the traditional ‘Arvanitika’ costumes of Attica: Material activity, ‘class’ divisions and gendered relationships], 10th Symposio Historias Laographias Attikis (20–23 October), https://eleftherovima.files.wordpress. com/2011/pdf. Gekas, A., (2007), A Global History of Ottoman Cotton Textiles, 1600–1850, Cadmus-eui-eu. Hauser, W., (1943), ‘Greek Island Embroideries’, The Metropolitan Museum of Modern Art Bulletin, metmuseum.org. www.kepaam.gr. Korre-Zografou, K., (n.d.), ‘To atomo mesa apo tis ergocheires kentites ypografes ton Metavyzantinon kai Neohellenikon chronon’ [The Individual Through the Hand-made Embroidered and Woven Signatures of the Post-byzantine and Modern Greek Period], www.eclass.teiion.gr. www.kykkos.org.cy. LIFOTEAM, (2019), ‘Kentitoi epitaphioi tou 18ou kai 19ou aiona sto Mouseio Argyrotechnias sta Ioannina’ [Embroidered Epitaphs of eighteenth and nineteenth centuries exhibited at the Silversmithing Museum at Ioannina], www. lifo.gr. Maha-Bizoumi, N., (n.d.), ‘Morfes Organosis tou chorou kai tis ergasias. Technognosia, Technikes’ [Forms of Organization of space and work. Theknowhotechniques] https://eclass.duth.gr/modules/document/file. php/ΚΟΜΟ03230/2.2.7-­8Morfes_organosis_B.pdf. Myrtsioti, G., (2015), ‘Anektimitoi thesavroi sta cheria idioton’ [Priceless treasures in private hands], www.kathimerini.gr. Papadimitriou, Ap. (2016), Selides Historias Grevenon [History pages of Grevena], (3vols.), https://www.scribd.com. Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (2010), ‘Chrysokentito petasma Oraias Pylis tis Kokonas tou Rologa tou Vyzantinou kai Christianikou Mouseiou (no. 21055)’

4  GENDERED ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND COTTAGE INDUSTRY… 

137

[Gold-thread-Embroidered Sanctuary Door Hanging by Kokona of Rologas exhibited in the Byzantine and Christian Museum (no. 21055)] in: The Minutes of the 2nd Epistimoniko Symposio Neohellenikis kai Ekklesiastikis Technis (Vyzantino kai Christianiko Mouseio), November 26–27, uploaded in: https:// www.academia.edu/10456259. Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (n.d.), ‘Church embroidery in Constantinople during the nineteenth century. Putting a veil by Kokona of Rologa in Contest’ (An article of a pre-publication from the catalogue raisonné in preparation), (543–551), uploaded in: www.academia.edu. The Cedarville Herald, (1921), March 4, FTJS NO-digitalcommons.cedarville.edu. Theochari, M., (1965), ‘Chrysokentita Amfia tis Monis Taksiarchon Aigialeias’ [Gold-thread-Embroidered Vestments of Taksiarches Aigialeias Monastery], https://ir.lib.uth.gr. Tourtoglou M., (1980–1981), ‘He Nomologia ton kritirion tis Mykonou (17os–19os ai)’ [Law and Criteria in Myconos (seventeenth-nineteenth centuries)], Epetiris tou Kentrou Erevnon tis Historias tou Hellenikou Dikaiou vols. 27–28, (3–18), https://repository.academyofathers.gr/document/125702. https://www2.gwu.edu/~textile/fsg/teachers/otmn_embrdry-­firmset.html. Wace, A.J.B, (1914), Catalogue of a Collection of old embroideries of the Greek Islands and Turkey, Burlington Fine Arts Club http://library.si.edu/digital-­ library/book/catalogueofcolle01burl. Xyggopoulos, A., (1953) Evgenias Vei-Chatzidaki, Mouseion Benaki, Ecclesaistika kentimata, https://media.ems.gr/ekdoseis/elinika_13_2ekd_peel_13_2_ bookreviews.pdf. Zygouris, Ph., (2010),’Historika simeiomata peri Siatistis kai laografika aftis’ [Historical notes on Siatista and its folklore characteristics], p. 154, www.siatistanews.gr/Zugouris/olo.pdf.

CHAPTER 5

Women’s Path to Economic Autonomy in Italy

The topic of the traditional artisanship in Italy has been discussed by B.  Curli (2002),1 while A.  Groppi (2002)2 has extensively studied the theme of women’s work in Papal Rome. Other historians such as J.C. Brown and J. Goodman (1980)3 studied the period from the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries in Florence focusing on women’s role in  local economy. S.  Licini (2011)4 studied Italian women’s wealth and inheritance rights. During the Renaissance period as well as during the Counter-­­ Reformation years, book trade in Italy was a commercial activity characterized by the existence of a number of female printers and publishers. However, bibliographers and historians have not focused on the history of their labors. To the contrary, this side has been ignored.5 1  Curli, B., (2002), ‘Women Entrepreneurs and Italian Industrialization: Conjectures and Avenues for Research’, Enterprise and Society, vol. 3:4, (634–656). 2  Groppi, A., (2002), ‘A matter of Fact rather than Principle: Women, Work and Property in papal Rome (eighteenth-­nineteenth centuries)’, Journal of Modern Italian Studies 7:1, (37–55). 3  Brown, J.C., & Goodman, J., (1980), ‘Women and industry in Florence’, Journal of Economic. History, 40:1, (73–80). 4  Licini, S., (2011), ‘Assessing female wealth in nineteenth century Milan, Italy’, Accounting History 16:1, (35–54). 5  Parker, D., (1996), ‘Women in the Book Trade in Italy, 1475–1620’, Renaissance Quarterly 49:3, (509–541), p. 509.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 P. Thanailaki, Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9_5

139

140 

P. THANAILAKI

And it was not only the printing and publishing sector where female presence was not visible. This was also common practice in the tailors’ guilds where the conflict against Italian women’s participation in local economy was—in many ways—similar to the case of the Jews. As the Minutes of September 1737 congregation testify, master tailors and journeymen united their efforts in a petition to the Pontiff. Though the two groups were in a permanent conflict, they together filed complaints against women of the city of Rome who were employed as seamstresses. The reason was that they worked to the detriment of tailors.6 Misogynism was a widespread universal social phenomenon and Italy was no exception. Women were considered as second-­class citizens and weaker than men. According to Paolo da Gertaldo, a collector of proverbial wisdom in Tuscany, women were ‘empty-­headed’ and ‘easily-­swayed’. Additionally, men’s guardianship over female members of their family was deeply rooted in the notion that male authority was practiced on them and directed their activities.7 In Florence during the Middle Ages as well as during the Renaissance period, women—undoubtedly—had assumed important economic and social roles.8 Florence and Tuscany prospered in the production of high-­quality silk and woolen fabrics that they exported to the Ottoman Empire.9 In this region, women constituted the majority of the employed people mainly engaged in the craft of weaving that had been men’s dominion in the past. Similarly, in Bologna, women weavers predominated in the silk industry because they were excluded from other artisanal trades, another reason also being the element that the production of these factories included plain materials that required little skill, or capital.10 K. Honeyman and J. Goodman make a contrast between the regions of Bologna and Florence to the areas of Lyons, Genoa, and Venice. In the latter two cities, the vast majority of the weaving workforce was men 6  Groppi, A., (1998), ‘Jews, Women, Soldiers and Neophytes: The Practice of Trade Under Exclusions and Privileges (Rome from Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries), in: Alberto Guenzi, et  al. (eds.), Guilds, Markets and Work Regulations in Italy, sixteenth-­ nineteenth centuries, Ashgate, p. 381. 7  Kuehn, Th., (1991), Law, Family and Women: Toward a legal anthropology of Renaissance Italy. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, pp. 221, 233, and 235. 8  More on Florence and women’s contribution in the local economy, see: Brown, J., & Goodman, J., (1980), ‘Women and industry in Florence’, ibid. 9  Iida, M., (2012), ‘Florence Textiles for the Ottoman Empire in the Seventeenth Century’, Mediterranean World 21, (179–196). 10  Honeyman, K., & Goodman, J., (1991), ‘Women’s work, gender, conflict and labour markets in Europe, 1500–1900’, Economic History Review, 44:4, (608–628), p. 613.

5  WOMEN’S PATH TO ECONOMIC AUTONOMY IN ITALY 

141

because silk industry ­produced rich and complicated patterns.11 In the present chapter an attempt is made to give readers an overview of female labor and craftsmanship in urban Italy12 mainly during the nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. The analysis presented here draws on notions of women’s role in the Italian society in terms of womanhood and domesticity that dominated during the above period. Rome was annexed to the Kingdom of Italy in 1870 and it was after its annexation that Roman women obtained equality of hereditary rights, as expressed in the Italian civil code of 1865. During the period between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Rome experienced deep socioeconomic and political changes. The conflict over free exchange and protectionism was one of the issues along with the crisis of the corporate system which was given up between 1801 and 1804 as well as the symbolic political breaches that the two French invasions (The Roman Republic of 1798–1799, and the Napoleonic domination between 1808 and 1814) brought about. Based on the 1827 survey of trading activities that were carried out in 6000 enterprises by the police in Rome, almost all women’s employment opportunities were related to inferior positions, chiefly the jobs that could be done at home. This phenomenon was also common in the rest of European regions. A high percentage of Italian female laborers was employed in the wool, cotton, and silk textile industries as well as in the clothing sector. In Rome, the female paid work came up to 20.6 percent of the total amount, while women owners of commercial enterprises constituted only the 13.3 percent.13 In the latter case, women became proprietors of enterprises through hereditary rights, and not as autonomous skilled workers. As A. Groppi notes, in Rome the majority of female proprietors were widows by 49.4 percent, compared to 34.6 percent who were married women, and 16 percent that were single. According to the above figures, women mainly inherited an enterprise after their husband’s death.14 According to research probated in the city of Milan (1862–1900), which was the economic capital of the country, the fiscal sources based on estate and income tax returns showed that two out of five well-­off citizens  Ibid., p. 613.  In Chaps. 6 and 7 of the present book I discuss Italian women’s economic contribution focusing on agriculture as well as on their participation in the guilds respectively by making comparisons with other countries. 13  Groppi, A., (2002), ‘A matter of Fact rather than Principle: Women, Work and Property in Papal Rome (eighteen-­nineteen centuries)’, ibid., pp. 39–40. 14  Ibid., p. 40. 11 12

142 

P. THANAILAKI

were women though poorer than men. Women barely possessed one-­­ quarter of the urban fortunes.15 Inheritance was the main source of their wealth while the young female members of a family were discriminated against because sons were more favored.16 Additionally, through dowries, the Florentine women exercised economic rights and authority. When occasions called for immediate action in the absence of the husband, or of a male relative, women entered into the public sphere but only in the company of a male mundualdus.17 This element leads to the conclusion that women could exercise their economic rights only within the limited space left to them by men.18 After 1830 and upon the formation of the newly shaped Greek state this social practice was also applied to the case of Greek women who presented themselves to courts in order to defend their property rights but only in the presence of a male member of the family, or of a lawyer.19 In Sicily, women’s position and roles in property matters formed at least three types of family grouping, connected to a number of different forms of economy and settlement. Similar to other Italian regions, the social mechanism of inheritance and dowry granted privileges to men, and this system was associated with a number of parameters. One parameter was based on the premise that male members of the family were in charge of more complex resources. The other parameter originated from the notion that related to women’s contribution to the building up of the family economy through their own work, or through their value as spouses. A third parameter was the lower degree in demographic pressure while the fourth was connected to the marriage at an older age and the proportion of unmarried persons. The above data related to the more well-­off inhabitants of Sicily. By contrast, regarding the underprivileged people of the region, there existed a considerable proportion in equality of inheritance 15  Licini, S., (2006), Women, wealth and finance (nineteenth century Italy), [Draft], IEHC-­ Helsinki, www.helsinki.fi/ehc2006/papers3 16  Licini, S., (2011), ‘Assessing female wealth…’, ibid. 17  A mundualdus was a legal guardian assigned with the task of validating a woman’s (usually a female relative’s) legal activities. The mundualdo system came out of the Lombard law and was in force in all Italian regions apart from the places that adhered to Roman law. These were Venice, Treviso, Friuli, Belluno, Genoa, Verona, Vicenza, and Rome. In the above regions researchers found out that women were ‘free of the mundualdus’. See more in: King, C., (1998), Renaissance Women Patrons: Wives and Widows in Italy, c. 1300–1550, Manchester University Press, pp. 77–78. 18  Kuehn, Th., ibid., p. 233. 19  See more about it in Chap. 4 of the present book.

5  WOMEN’S PATH TO ECONOMIC AUTONOMY IN ITALY 

143

between sons and daughters as family houses passed on to daughters through dowries that they received upon marriage. Additionally, families were often nuclear and smaller. People were married at a younger age while single people showed smaller indexes. Moreover, the roles shared in economy were gendered-­based.20 Overall, women’s contribution in paid work as wage-­earners or entrepreneurs was neglected though their commercial activities were visible since the seventeenth century. In Rome, for instance, according to the 1644 registered figures, women had a strong presence in the urban economy of the Italian capital despite corporate regulations that set limits to their autonomy and created a negative idea that obstructed official recognition to female commercial activities.21 In the parish registers of Rome, women were mostly identified as mothers, daughters, wives, and widows—thus—omitting their occupations. This was also commonplace in the case when a woman worked in family business with her husband.22 However, quite early—since the seventeenth century—in Rome women’s economic contribution is noted as food retail traders while they were also organized in guilds. Women also ran inns for the pilgrims who visited Rome. Likewise, they were engaged in numerous crafts such as lace-­­ making and weaving.23 Therefore, women contributed to the financial well-­being of their households. Skilled work in the papal Rome required female presence as it is documented in the parish registers. Based on this data, a priest of S. Salvatore stated on May 29, 1777, that a man named Francesco Balbiani, who was sixty years old and was residing in the parish for a period of more than ten years, worked as a tailor from his home receiving the assistance of his spouse. According to the priest’s statement and because of the fact that the man was old and had poor eyesight, his wife’s assistance was necessary.24 This element that reinforces the prevailing view according to which women acted in parallel lines and as complementary in the husbands’ 20  Fazio, I., (2004), ‘The family, honour and gender in Sicily: models and new research’, Modern Italy, 9:2, (263–280), p. 267. 21  On seventeenth-­century female enterprises in Rome, see: Canepari, E., (2013), ‘Women on Their Way: Employment Opportunities in Cosmopolitan Rome’, in: Simonton, D., & Montenach, A., (eds.), Female Agency in the Urban Economy: Gender in European Towns, 1640–1830, Routledge, London & New York, (Chapter 12). 22  Groppi, A., (2002), ‘A matter of Fact rather than Principle: ibid., p. 48. 23  Canepari, E., ‘Women on Their Way: Employment Opportunities…’, ibid. 24  Groppi, A., (2002), ‘A matter of Fact…’, ibid., p. 49.

144 

P. THANAILAKI

t­rading activities, is also evidenced in the case of another eighteenth-­ century female entrepreneur named Maria Mondelli. Maria was married to Angelo Luci, a textile entrepreneur, who originated from Todi, Umbria. Maria is encountered in Rome in 1784, working in the company of Giovanni Cristiano De Miller, who was the ‘Pope’s Banker’, playing a significant role in Rome’s economy.25 Maria took part in an experimental function of a new machine that had fourteen spindles which had been invented by a Frenchman. The new method produced a better-­­quality yarn. For example, a Neapolitan spinner, Antonia Cardamona, spun for an hour and a quarter using the old style machine with which she produced the yarn that was good, but a bit thick. To the contrary, Maria, who used the new model, made a product of a finer quality that was more beautiful. The repetition of the experiment took place on August 4 when Maria spun at a machine that had thirty spindles.26 In Italy, as well as in Greece, the instruction of the skill of spinning and weaving in girls’ orphanages was common practice as we can see from the cases of Sparte Karastamati27 and Maria Mondelli, who instructed orphan girls though there is a big time gap between the two women’s activities. Maria taught in a girls’ orphan school named the ‘Conservatori of Divine Providence’, in Civitavecchia, where she relocated along with her husband and her brother.28 They returned to Rome on March 14, 1785, where they received a stipend of 100 ‘scudi’ for the lessons that Maria had given in the female orphanage using the new type of machines.29 By contrast, Sparte and her daughter, instructed the orphan girls without asking for any remuneration fee.30 Maria used her art of spinning as a good means for earning money because later she was paid as a professional craftswoman at the Monastery of the Orsoline. During the years 1786–1788 Maria received six ‘scudi’ per month from the Apostolic Chamber as a salary for undertaking the task of instructing the craft in Rome while a number of her former pupils taught

25  See more about him in the following books: Cross, H., (1990), Rome in the Age of Enlightenment: The Post Tridentine Syndrome and the Ancient Regime, Cambridge University Press: Felisini, D., (2017), Alessandro Torlonia: The Pope’s Banker, Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, Switzerland. 26  Groppi, A., (2002), ‘A matter of Fact…’, ibid., p. 49. 27  See about her in Chap. 3 in the present book. 28  Groppi, A., (2002), ‘A matter of Fact…’, ibid., p. 49. 29  Ibid., p. 49. 30  Ephemeris ton Kyrion, (newspaper), 15th March 1892, issue 251, Athens, p. 4.

5  WOMEN’S PATH TO ECONOMIC AUTONOMY IN ITALY 

145

in other regions of the Papal States, too.31 Maria was recognized as a high-­ skilled woman. Her successful professional vocation was a key factor for her husband’s prosperous business. Later, her husband received a monthly pension of eight ‘scudi’ bestowed to him by the Apostolic Chamber. Maria died young, at the age of thirty-­three, probably during childbirth, and Angelo married another woman—Maria Bocchini—also a skilled spinner and weaver, aged twenty-­two. It seems that Angelo desperately needed a female expert spinner and weaver for his trading endeavors. Gender was a significant factor in the transmission of knowledge in this specific field of domestic art because only females could teach the girls who were cloistered in religious groups and communities.32 Besides, weaving had long passed onto women’s hands in Italy because since the mid-­seventeenth century to 1712, the majority (by 90 percent) of those who received the master’s qualifications were women, mainly originating from the countryside.33 Therefore, Maria Mondelli’s case was not unique. In line with Pope Pius’ VI economy policy and based on the fact that women’s contribution to a new economic era was important, the ‘Reverenda Camera Apostolica’ sent in 1787 six Roman weavers to Turin. The purpose of their business trip was to acquire the know-­how of the operation of the Dutch looms that were used recently in the region. Two of the weavers were Filippo Scalvanti and his spouse Caterina, who was a certified weaver. A year later, the couple came back and started touring the Papal States along with another man skilled in weaving, named Benedetto Cristiani. Their task was the instruction of the art that they had been taught in Turin. For this assignment they were paid by the Camera Apostolica. In 1794, the couple of Filippo and Caterina relocated in Rieti in order to work at the loom factory that the Marquis Potenziani owned. Caterina’s assignment was to instruct ‘regular weaving on fine looms’. Anna Bini, another weaving teacher who was Maria Nondelli’s pupil, also taught there.34 In the southern parts of Italy and similar to the Greek case, domestic needlework constituted the basic components upon which femininity was codified. Thus, embroidery and lace crafts were the basic skills for the  Groppi, A., (2002), ‘A matter of Fact…’, ibid., p. 49.  Ibid., p. 50. 33  Guenzi, A., et al. (eds.), (2016), Guilds, Markets and Work Regulations in Italy, Sixteenth to Nineteenth Centuries, Routledge, London & New York. 34  Groppi, A., (2002), ‘A matter of Fact…’, ibid., p. 50. 31 32

146 

P. THANAILAKI

non-­elite women and girls to identify themselves and to mark their social status notwithstanding the fact that in many cases the products of the Italian women’s needlework that were mainly destined for girls’ trousseau were sold in times of extreme poverty, or for the purpose of earning money in order to emigrate.35 The practice of this type of domestic craft was done by Italian peasant and artisan women of the south throughout the nineteenth to the first half of twentieth centuries. The trousseau such as tablecloths, towels, and bed coverings was hand-­embroidered and lace-­trimmed. The significance of making trousseau elevated women’s social status as it served as an integral part of the gendered roles assigned to them in both Greek and Italian societies. In the case of Italy, village girls started learning the craft of needlework at the age of seven. In Greece, girls started practicing the craft as soon as ‘they could hold a needle’ which normally happened at a similar age. In the same country, as aforementioned, the number and finery of the needlework crafts made by young peasant girls served as a means for measuring the future bride’s value. Accordingly, in Italy, the case was similar. Moreover, following the social pattern that dictated different ways of expressing these modes of behavior, the Italian girls often practiced needlework in the public space sitting outside their courtyard, or in the neighborhood, in order to demonstrate their diligence and their proper training in this domestic craft.36 With the course of time, embroidery and needlework in Italy started shaping themselves as professional skills with which women earned money. Guiseppina Morelli (1875–1960)— for instance—along with other women started instructing the local girls in the craft in the region of Casalguidi, providing them with the economic means to support themselves by making trousseau items, household linen, and the like.37 G. Morelli and Camilla Amari set up a workshop that served as a school in the region where they systematized the Casalguidi stitch that took its final form in combining the rural and the Romanesque art.38 According to the 1911 industrial census, only the 5.3 percent of the women were owners, bosses, or managers. Women showed higher indexes in the classification as members of families that were property holders by 23 percent. In the overall evaluation, women who were listed as owners of 35  Giunta, E., & Sciorra, J., (eds.) (2014), Embroidered Stories: Interpreting Women’s Domestic Needlework from the Italian Diaspora, University Press of Mississippi, (n.p.). 36  Giunta, E., & Sciorra, J., (eds.), (2014), Embroidered Stories…, ibid. 37  Italian-­needlework.blogspot.com/2010 38  www.discoverpistoia.it/en/topics/arte/836-­17-­15.magicalhands.html

5  WOMEN’S PATH TO ECONOMIC AUTONOMY IN ITALY 

147

properties, or as members of families with property, made up the 7.8 percent of the total female workforce. Those women who owned small enterprises outnumbered men, while female presence in family businesses seemed to be independent of the size of the firm.39 According to data drawn from different Italian regions, in Lombardy—for instance—one-­­ third of female entrepreneurs were engaged in the clothing sector while an almost equal representation was recorded in other areas of Italy40 as—for example—in Piedmont, the Veneto, Latium, Campania, and Sicily. Likewise, food industry constituted a good example of female economic contribution. Lombardy was—once more—the region that held the leading role in women’s engagement in this branch of commerce followed by Piedmont and Emilia.41 A very sound example of female entrepreneurship in clothing business as well as in the food industry during the above-­mentioned period constitutes the case of Luisa Spagnoli (1877–1935). Luisa was a Perugia-­born woman and a brave and rare type of female initiative in commerce as she founded the well-­known chocolate factory Perugina and the women’s clothing factory that bears her name. Both her companies are still recognized as symbols of Italian style and quality to the present.42 Luisa’s first entrepreneurial attempts were made in Perugia where she set up a small firm with Francesco Buitoni and Leone Ascoli, employing fifteen persons. Before her partnership with Francesco Buitoni, Luisa had set up a small confectionary workshop in Perugia with her husband Annibale Spagnoli originating from Assisi where they produced the ‘dragées’. Their small business thrived. It was then when Buitoni, of the pasta company, proposed them to become partners in a project as he planned to establish a structured firm and produce chocolates and sweets. Buitoni did not ask for any initial financial capital from the couple because he only needed their expertise as well as their own workshop. The couple entered this new entrepreneurial activity on November 30, 1907.43 However, Luisa’s name did not appear in the new firm as the establishers’ names were Leone  Curli, B., (2002), ‘Women Entrepreneurs …, ibid., p. 648.  On women entrepreneurs in Umbria, see: Curli, B., (ed.), (2003), Donne imprenditrici nella storia dell’ Umbria: Ipotesi e percorsi di ricerca, FrancoAngeli, Milano. 41  Curli, B., (2002), ibid., p. 649. 42  h t t p : / / w w w. n s t l e . c o m / a b o u t u s / h i s t o r y / n e s t l e -­c o m p a n y -­h i s t o r y / luisa-­spagnoli-­baci-­perugina 43  Picciaia, F., (2017), ‘“In spite of everything?” Female entrepreneurship from a historical perspective: The Italian businesswoman Luisa Spagnoli (1877–1935)’, Journal of Management History, 23:4, (436–451), p. 441. https://doi.org/10.1108/JMH-­02-­2017-­0004 39 40

148 

P. THANAILAKI

Ascoli, Annibale Spagnoli, and Francesco Buitoni. The new company that bore the name ‘Confectionary Company of Perugia’ (in its English translation), started its operation in January 1908  in a building located at a central spot of Perugia. The managerial positions given to the founders of the new firm mainly included that of the manager, and the post of the administrative director. Both were undertaken by F.  Buitoni whereas A.  Spagnoli became the technical director for his experience. Luisa was scheduled to act solely as her husband’s assistant.44 This can be explained by the fact that Italian women in the early twentieth century did not enjoy privileges and were not considered equal to men.45 Moreover, women were excluded from ‘official and institutional valorization’. The Italian Family Code of 1865 did not grant any rights to mothers regarding their children, and female citizens—as a general rule—were excluded from holding public office. Moreover, all married women were under ‘marital authorization’. Therefore, wives were disqualified from being active in the trading and entrepreneurial sectors unless they received their husbands’ consent. This legal rule was repealed as late as in 1919.46 Throughout the longest part of the twentieth century, the situation of the Italian working women was not any better despite the fact that the feminist union movements addressed women’s problem. However, they did not deal with it in its essence as they looked more for ‘legitimation’ rather than its solution.47 As F. Picciaia puts it, the Italian public opinion viewed female emancipation and economic participation in trade as a ‘threat’ that could shake and destabilize the foundations of the family and of society itself.48 The 1902 law gave provisions to mothers to take a rest for a compulsory period of one month after giving birth but it did not grant them with any resting period before.49 As a general rule, women were employed in small-­sized enterprises and in jobs mostly relating to agriculture, textile industry, and domestic service, or they were housewives. But when Italy entered the First World War and after the men’s enlistment in the army in order to  Ibid., pp. 441–442.  Valsangiacomo, N., & Lorenzetti, l., (eds.) (2010), Donne e Lavoro:Prospettive per una storia delle montagne europee XVIII–XX secc., (Introduction), FrancoAngeli, Milano. 46  Picciaia, F., ibid., p. 441. 47  Beccalli, B., (1985), ‘Le politiche del lavoro femminile in Italia; donne, sindacati e stato tra il 1974 e il 1984’, Stato mercate 15:3, (423–459). 48  Picciaia, F., ibid., p. 441. 49  Caldwell, L., (1991), Italian Family Matters: Women, Politics and Legal Reform, Springer, pp. 103–104. 44 45

5  WOMEN’S PATH TO ECONOMIC AUTONOMY IN ITALY 

149

fight in the war front, women became the chief contributors in commercial firms and in agriculture sustaining the country’s economy. However, with the spread and supremacy of the fascist movement, female submissiveness became further emphasized because women were—once more— framed as those destined to undertake solely the role of spouses and mothers. The regime prevented all women from offering their services to the waged sector and from receiving education because their sole goal was perceived as child bearers as well as the main citizens responsible for the growth of the population.50 The outbreak of the First World War found Luisa alone with two of her three sons to manage the business as the men had left for the war front. However, Luisa was an exception. She was not only a breadwinner. She was a very competent business woman. At the end of the war, her business prospered while in her factory there were employed more than 100 employees.51 Furthermore, Luisa became the chief person in charge of the company taking a number of initiatives for boosting the turnover and the sales of confectionaries and chocolates though she did not hold any official position. Another project that she carried out was the creation of a family-­­ friendly environment in the factory where the staff could be monitored and could feel safe.52 The years 1922 and 1923 marked her successful stint in the business venture of making the chocolates called Baci (kisses) that remain popular worldwide until today.53 However, because of in-­house frictions, her husband Annibale Spagnoli left the company. Then Luisa became a member in the board of the firm’s directors and worked out her plan in building social welfare buildings in order to improve the life of the staff. Luisa’s plan included the building of terraced houses for the workers’ housing. These houses were situated near their workplace and had a swimming pool. Moreover, Luisa also took special care of the female laborers.54 Her official recognition in the company can be attributed to the repeal of the 1919 law about ‘marital authorization’ as before and according to the  Picciaia, F., ibid., p. 441.  https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luisa_Spagnioli 52  Bellucci, A., Mari, L.M., & Picciaia, F., (2016), ‘The Her story of the «Società Anonima per Azioni Perugina»: The Role of Luisa Spagnoli in the Development of the Italian Chocolate Industry in the First 30 Years of the Twentieth Century’, in: Sargiacomo, M., et  al. (eds.), Accounting and Food: Some Italian Experience, Routledge, London & New York, p. 173. 53  Ibid., p. 173. 54  http://www.nstle.com, ibid. 50 51

150 

P. THANAILAKI

Civil Code of 1865 married women in Italy were allowed to be engaged in trade only after their husbands’ consent, as explained in the previous lines.55 Luisa’s private life was turbulent.56 At the end of the First World War she launched another business venture. She started the breeding of poultry and rabbits for angora wool, taking care—at the same time—not to mistreat the rabbits as they were not killed, not even shorn, but only ‘lovingly combed’ in order to get the angora wool for the yarns.57 Luisa decided to raise these animals in order to use their fine wool in the clothes production following the model of Great Britain.58 Unfortunately, she was not lucky enough to see the real rapid progress of her firm that started about four years later under the management of her son Mario because she was diagnosed with throat cancer. Her lover, Giovanni Buitoni, took her to Paris in order to guarantee the best medical treatment and care for her. He stayed with her until she died in 1935 at the age of fifty-­eight.59 She was an open-­minded woman who knew very well the challenges of her days. Apart from the other welfare buildings that she established, she also set up a nursery school in the Perugina factory with which she gave the chance to her female employees to have their babies near their job while working. This was a facility of vital importance as work was absolutely essential for the sustenance of their families that time because the men had left for the war front.60 Spagnoli’s attempt was very successful in breaking the patriarchal model by building up strong relationships and good conditions for the staff of her company.61 Concluding, the present chapter attempted to provide an overview of historical analysis of the Italian female businesspersons. It also sought to study their role in the Italian society and explore the social prejudices that stood as an obstacle for them. Breaking the patriarchal model was not an easy attempt. Fear as well as possible criticism, pressurized women

 Bellucci, A., Mari, L.M., & Picciaia, F., ibid., p. 173.  Upon Annibales’ withdrawal from the company, Luisa was engaged in a love affair with the son of her business partner, Giovanni Buitoni. The couple had a deep and affectionate relationship but they never lived together according to testimonies and memories of people who were very close to them. See: https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luisa_Spagnioli 57  https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luisa_Spagnioli 58  Picciaia, F., ibid., p. 443. 59  Ibid. 60  http://www.nstle.com, ibid. 61  Bellucci, A., ibid., p. 179. 55 56

5  WOMEN’S PATH TO ECONOMIC AUTONOMY IN ITALY 

151

entrepreneurs not to expose themselves excessively in their business ventures.62 At the same time, kinship was important for women’s entering business but it was also a ‘constraint’ not to be underrated, or ignored.63 The model of female entrepreneurship that tended to cluster in family companies seems to remain the same throughout the period under study. Recent research on Italian female entrepreneurship from the mid-­twentieth century until 2016 brought onto the surface the above-­ mentioned characteristics.

References Bassoli, M., & Caldaro M., (2003), Essere imprenditrici: Fenomenologia di storie femminili d’ impresa, FrancoAngeli, Milano. Beccalli, B., (1985), ‘Le politiche del lavoro femminile in Italia; donne, sindacati e stato tra il 1974 e il 1984’, Stato mercate 15:3, (423–459). Bellucci, A., Mari, L.M., & Picciaia, F., (2016), ‘The Her story of the «Società Anonima per Azioni Perugina»: The Role of Luisa Spagnoli in the Development of the Italian Chocolate Industry in the First 30 Years of the Twentieth Century’, in: Sargiacomo, M., et al. (eds.), Accounting and Food: Some Italian Experience, Routledge, London & New York. Brown, J.C., & Goodman, J., (1980), ‘Women and industry in Florence’, Journal of Economic History, 40:1, (73–80). Caldwell, L., (1991), Italian Family Matters: Women, Politics and Legal Reform, Springer. Canepari, E., (2013), ‘Women on their way: Employment Opportunities in Cosmopolitan Rome’ in: Simonton, D., & Montenach, A., (eds.), Female Agency in the Urban Economy: Gender in European Towns, 1640–1830, Routledge, London & New York. Cross, H., (1990), Rome in the Age of Enlightenment: The Post Tridentine Syndrome and the ancient regime, Cambridge University Press. Curli, B., (2002), ‘Women Entrepreneurs and Italian Industrialization: Conjectures and Avenues for Research’, Enterprise and Society, vol. 3:4, (634–656). Curli, B., (ed.), (2003), Donne imprenditrici nella storia dell’ Umbria: Ipotesi e percorsi di ricerca, FrancoAngeli, Milano. Ephemeris ton Kyrion, (newspaper), 15th March 1892, issue 251, Athens. 62  Bassoli, M., & Caldaro, M., (2003), Essere imprenditrici: Fenomenologia di storie femminili d’ impresa, FrancoAngeli, Milano, p. 95. 63  Pescarolo, A., (2007), ‘Fra impresa marginale e società di famiglia: le imprenditrici toscane nel quadro italiano, in Fondazione ASSI’ Annali di storia dell’ impresa, 18/2007, Padova, Marsilio, (171–208).

152 

P. THANAILAKI

Fazio, I., (2004), ‘The family, honour and gender in Sicily: models and new Research’, Modern Italy, 9:2, (263–280). Felisini, D., (2017), Alessandro Torlonia: The Pope’s Banker, Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, Switzerland. Giunta, E., & Sciorra, J., (eds.), (2014), Embroidered Stories: Interpreting Women’s Domestic Needlwork from the Italian Diaspora, University Press of Mississippi. Gozzini, G., (1984), ‘Matrimonio e Mobilita sociale nella Firenze di Primo Ottocento’, Quaderni Storici, 19: 57(3), (907–939). Groppi, A., (1998), ‘Jews, Women, Soldiers and Neophytes: The practice of Trade under Exclusions and Privileges (Rome from Seventeenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries), in: Alberto Guenzi, et al. (eds.), Guilds, Markets and Work Regulations in Italy, sixteenth-nineteenth centuries, Ashgate. Groppi, A., (2002), ‘A matter of Fact rather than Principle: Women, Work and Property in papal Rome (eighteenth-nineteenth centuries)’, Journal of Modern Italian Studies 7:1, (37–55). Guenzi, A., et al. (eds.), (2016), Guilds, Markets and Work Regulations in Italy, sixteenth to nineteenth Centuries, Routledge, London & New York. Honeyman, K., and Goodman, J., (1991), ‘Women’s work, gender, conflict and labour markets in Europe, 1500–1900’, Economic History Review, 44:4, (608–628). King, C., (1998), Renaissance Women Patrons: Wives and Widows in Italy, c. 1300–1550, Manchester University Press. Kuehn, Th., (1991), Law, Family and Women: Toward a legal anthropology of Renaissance Italy. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London. Licini, S., (2011), ‘Assessing female wealth in nineteenth century Milan, Italy’, Accounting History 16:1, (35–54). Lida, M., (2012), ‘Florence Textiles for the Ottoman empire in the Seventeenth Century’, Mediterranean World 21, (179–196). Parker, D., (1996), ‘Women in the Book Trade in Italy, 1475–1620’, Renaissance Quarterly 49:3, (509–541). Pescarolo, A., (2007), ‘Fra impresa marginale e società di famiglia: le imprenditrici toscane nel quadro italiano, in Fondazione ASSI’, Annali di storia dell’ impressa, 18/2007, Padova, Marsilio, (171–208). Valsangiacomo, N., & Lorenzetti, l., (eds.) (2010), Donne e Lavoro. Prospettive per una storia delle montagne europee XVIII–XX secc., FrancoAngeli, Milano.

Electronic Sites https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luisa_Spagnioli h t t p : / / w w w. n s t l e . c o m / a b o u t u s / h i s t o r y / n e s t l e -­c o m p a n y -­h i s t o r y / luisa-­spagnoli-­baci-­perugina www.discoverpistoia.it/en/topics/arte/836-­17-­15.magicalhands.html

5  WOMEN’S PATH TO ECONOMIC AUTONOMY IN ITALY 

153

Italian-­needlework.blogspot.com/2010 Licini, S., (2006), Women, wealth and finance (nineteenth century Italy), [Draft], IEHC-Helsinki, www.helsinki.fi/ehc2006/papers3 Picciaia, F., (2017), ‘«In spite of everything?». Female entrepreneurship from a historical perspective: The Italian businesswoman Luisa Spagnoli (1877–1935)’, Journal of Management History, 23:4, (436–451), https://doi.org/10.1108/ JMH-­02-­2017-­0004

CHAPTER 6

Rural Women’s Economic Contribution to Agricultural Work in Southern Europe

The author of the present book has explored the subject of rural women’s social status in a number of areas of southern Europe in her book entitled Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities During Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century: A Historical Perspective (2018),1 mostly focusing on women’s social standing and on the prevalent societal prejudices existing in rural communities. Olwen Hufton (2003)2 gives an overview of the different aspects relating to women’s life in Europe until 1800s. The gendered division of labor during the harvest period has been studied by M. Roberts (1979).3 Additionally, Merry E. Wiesner (1998)4 has explored female work in rural regions arguing that the shared agricultural labor was highly gendered though not completely gender specific. Moreover, a study of women’s labor in the English setting has been  Thanailaki, P., (2018), Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities During Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century: A Historical Perspective, Springer. 2  Hufton, O., (2003), (the Greek edition), Historia ton Gynaikon stin Europi 1500–1800, Nefeli (publishers), Athens: Hufton, O., (1996), (The English edition), The Prospect Before Her: A History in Western Europe 1500–1800, Vintage Books, New York. 3  Roberts, M., (1979), ‘Sickels and Scythes: Women’s Work and Men’s Work at Harvest Time’, History Workshop Journal, 7:1, (3–28). 4  Wiesner, M.E., (1998), ‘Spinning out Capital. Women’s work in Preindustrial Europe, 1350–1750’, in: Bridenthal, R., et al. (eds), Becoming Visible: Women in European History, New York: Houghton Mifflin, (Chapter 8). 1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 P. Thanailaki, Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9_6

155

156 

P. THANAILAKI

published in Maxine Berg’s book (1994).5 However, most of research that has explored the eighteenth-­, nineteenth-­, and early twentieth-­century female employment and trading activities is focused on Britain and on regions of central and northern Europe only, thus leaving unexplored the southern and southeastern European areas, or partly studied. Hence, the aim of the present chapter is to fill this vacuum and study women’s economic contribution to agriculture in the above areas. The chapter also looks into the alternative ways used by peasant women for supplementing their family income, one of them being wet-­nursing, which, in France— for example—was common practice. The French country is studied here as a special case because it belongs to both the north and south of Europe adopting social policies pertaining to these geographical areas. Moreover, the present chapter attempts to compare the working conditions in agriculture between Italy and Greece. In almost all regions of Europe, women were practically engaged in all types of work. During the eighteenth century they operated in a familial surrounding being their husbands’ helping hands. In this context, women helped in the running of small enterprises, or they worked in workshops, they offered their services as servants in farms, or they were burdened with domestic and industrial labor. Also, they were busy with cottage industry such as spinning, or making small items that they sold in the market. Women kept small stores, too. One side of their small-­scale trading activity was the preparation and the selling of food. Along with the work outside home, rural spouses were responsible for their children’s rearing being also in charge of all of the rest of domestic duties including household chores such as cooking, washing, and ironing. Besides, women in the countryside kept an eye on the cellar while they were also busy with the rearing of cattle, pigs, and poultry. Additionally, they took care of the fabrication and the making of clothing and linen as well as brewing, baking, washing, sewing, spinning, weaving, and carrying out various tasks associated with wool and flax. The above duties constituted the embedded characteristics in female household chores that shaped the feminine rural profile.6 Due to the fact that travel in eighteenth-­century Europe was not easy and the transportation of products by road, by sea, or by rivers took 5  Berg, M., (1994), The Age of Manufacturers, 1700–1820. Industry, Innovation and Work in Britain, Routledge, London & New York. 6  Simonton, D., (ed.), (2006), The Routledge History of Women in Europe since 1700, Routledge, London & New York, pp. 139–140.

6  RURAL WOMEN’S ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURAL WORK… 

157

up a lot of time and was painstaking, commodities were mainly consumed locally. As a consequence, artisans made shoes, barrels, plows, bricks, and furniture that they sold in the local market. During the ‘dead’ season of agriculture, peasant families were chiefly engaged in farming and in manufacturing various kinds of goods in order to sell in the nearby markets. Additionally, with the wool that they had from their own sheep the women made woolen cloths, or they wove linen or flax collected from their plants. Alternatively, the peasants received the raw materials from the merchants as they worked in the putting-­out system.7 Other types of raw materials such as fibers, or spun thread, or yarn, were supplied to them from the nearby regions, or from distant places. All over Europe, the high-­quality woolen products that female weavers made, originated from Spain’s merino sheep. European weavers made silk materials mainly using silk that was produced in the Rhone Valley, where local people grew mulberry trees and bred silkworms. Cotton spinners and weavers used cotton that was imported from the Orient and from the New World.8 In the Lyonnais and Stephanois silk workshops and factories, urban workers carried out the most highly skilled part of manufacturing while rural weavers wove the less sophisticated type of products. Most of the above goods were mainly made by women.9 Yet, there were no clear boundaries between the work of the rural folk and of the urban people, or between male and female domestic and agricultural engagements. In general terms, European women were burdened with many tasks that most of the times was shared with the rest of the family that was also engaged with the production process in which there was task allocation. For example, the children and women of the rural households were busy with the preparatory stage of raw stuff, while the final stage of production rested in men’s hands.10 In the French rural regions where cottage industry was mostly encountered, female labor in agriculture was carried out along with the domestic trades. In the villages, the tasks were more gendered-­specific though not in its complete sense. However, the proper operation of a household in the European countryside required task allocation which in reality made both male and female participation essential. In this type of labor distribution, 7  Gullickson, G., (2002), The Spinners and Weavers of Auffay: Rural Industry and the Sexual Division of Labor in a French Village, Cambridge University Press, (Introduction). 8  Gullickson, G., ibid., p. 1. 9  Lehning, J.R., (1995), Peasant and French: Cultural contact in rural France during the nineteenth century, Cambridge University Press, pp. 121–122. 10  Gullickson, G., ibid., p. 1.

158 

P. THANAILAKI

peasant women were the usual caretakers of the work closely associated with the house, both inside and outside. In some areas of Europe as—for example—in Portugal, or in the Basque areas of Spain, women did well in all farming toil in the period when men went off fishing.11 A common task of women and children was gleaning or the picking of grains from the ground when the harvest was over. This was absolutely necessary as gleaning was good enough to supplement the households’ income by one-­­ eighth, especially in those rural areas where employment was low.12 In Italy, during the first decades of the twentieth century, the shared roles in the peasant households were gender specific. Men were principally engaged in fieldwork. The female duties encompassed the housework chores such as cleaning, washing, and cooking, and also the keeping of small farming industries as—for example—handicraft-­making, or poultry farming, also dairying, keeping rabbits, raising silkworms, bee-­keeping, or growing vegetables in the garden. However, in practice, women carried out a lot more tasks depending on various factors such as the size of their landholdings, local customs, as well as their age. They worked day and night. However, their ceaseless labor in the fields and at home was not highly recognized officially and legally. This was the norm in southern Europe. In the Italian rural setting, in most cases, women were valued as merely men’s help and defined as worth only a fraction of men’s labor. However, female contribution was essential to the family economic sustenance. Additionally, the female role was not visible while it was dismissively labeled as ‘housework’, either it was done out in the fields, or it was carried out at home. Besides, female economic input was crucial for the sustenance of the sharecropping households. In this category of households women wisely managed the expenses of the family, also contributing to the income of their family by selling eggs and rabbits, and toiling in the fields being always ready to offer their flexible work when it was required. Furthermore, the Italian peasant women extended their economic assistance and contribution by being employed in seasonal work as working as laborers in big productions. Harvesting was mainly the period when they did waged work along with the olive-­picking period. Additionally, they were hired to labor in the picking of citrus fruits, almonds, tobacco, apples, and jasmine. In cases where households possessed small land holdings, the Italian women of the southern areas did the farm work. But, in general  Wiesner, M., ibid. p. 211.  Wiesner, M., ibid., p. 211.

11 12

6  RURAL WOMEN’S ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURAL WORK… 

159

terms, the southern Italian women seemed to labor less than the female agricultural laborers in the north of the country.13 In the early twentieth-­century Greek areas, women had entered many types of waged agricultural employment like their Italian peers including olive-­picking, collecting citrus fruit, as well as toiling in the tobacco cultivation and production.14 Female agricultural labor was socially accepted especially in the areas with tobacco production as—for instance—in the region of Agrinio. Women toiled in the tobacco field often to the detriment of their health particularly during the harvesting period.15 Along with the toil in the tobacco fields that was tough, Greek female peasants were also burdened with their housekeeping chores and with all the rest of the household duties including the making of the dough for the family bread that they prepared and baked in the oven once a week and every week all year round. Children’s raising was another side of their assignment, too. In the tobacco cultivation rural women continued to work hard in the fields even when they were in mature pregnancy. There was labor allocation as they did the planting of the tobacco seeds, the harvesting of the tobacco leaves, and the stacking of the product. Often mothers took their babies out in the fields with them when the infants were in the breast-­feeding period.16 Men were mainly in charge of the cultivation of the tobacco production that required the use of animals for the plowing of the soil along with the use of tools while later animals were replaced by machines. Women’s share in the tobacco labor was mainly the planting and the growing of the tobacco seeds as well as everything relating to manual work while their contribution to the production process was flexible. The flexibility in the sharing of the duties existed for the sake of the economy and for the good performance. The only exception to the 13  Wilson, P., (2002), Peasant Women and Politics in Fascist Italy: The Massaie Rurali, Routledge, London & New York, pp. 16–19. 14  On the tobacco production in the northern regions of Greece, see: Kaffe-­Gidarakou, I., (1980) Meleti tis Symvolis tou kapnou sti georgiki anaptyksi tvn kapnoparagogikon koinotiton ton nomon Xanthis, Rodopis, Evrou, Kavalas, Dramas [Study of the contribution in agricultural production of the tobacco-­producing communities in Xanthi, Rodopi, Evros, Kavala, Drama], Ph.D. Dissertation, Geoponiko University of Athens. 15  Aggeli, M., (2007), Ho cosmos tis ergasias: gynaikes kai Andres stin paragogi kai epeksergasia tou kapnou: Agrinio 19os-­20s ai. [The world of labor: women and men in the production and processing of tobacco. Agrinio nineteenth and twentieth centuries], Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Ioannina, p. 87. 16  Ibid., p. 88.

160 

P. THANAILAKI

rule was the plowing-­toil that was indisputably men’s task. In case when there were no male members in the family to carry it out—and this happened in the event of widowhood, or of migration, or of absence—the family hired a male laborer to do it on payment, or male workers offered their services according to the rules of the sharecropping system.17 Plowing was considered to fit better in the male model because it required much physical strength that women lacked. What is strange though was the existing prejudice dictating that the bending of this rule was considered a disgrace for a family.18 In the Greek rural setting, gleaning also served as a means of supplementing the meager means of existence. In many of Alexandros Papadiamantis’ works—the great Greek writer of the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries—the character of rural female breadwinners in the Greek countryside was portrayed. His heroes were mostly peasant women that carried the social biases and the economic burdens placed on them by society and by the economic difficulties as these women were thought to be the victims of human misery. In his 1889 story entitled Stachomazochtra [The Gleaner], he very vividly depicted the misery and the economic burdens imposed on a poor village woman called Aunt Achtitsa, the story’s main character. Aunt Achtitsa lost all of her land to ‘rapacious’ creditors because of the tragedies that plagued her family as her husband and her elder son died in a shipwreck, her daughter lost her life in childbirth, and her younger son had migrated to America. As a consequence, she was left alone to eke out a living, having to raise her two young grandchildren. In order to supplement their small income, she used to pick up wild herbs and gather grass that was sold in the market. Aunt Achtitsa was not only engaged with the gleaning and the gathering of wild herbs but she also worked as a seasonal laborer during harvest period. The food in her home was very poor consisting only of one piece of bread and some soup. For supper, the only variety that they could afford was the addition of black olives, or salad, or fruit of the season. Meat was very scarce and was served only once a year mainly during the feast of Easter.19 As we can see from the lines above, the Greek rural women—like their European counterparts—had taken up gendered roles in and out of the family. There was flexibility in the task distribution despite the fact  Ibid., p. 91.  Ibid., p. 91, Footnote 11. 19  Gallant, T.W., (2015), The Edinburgh History of the Greeks, 1768 to 1913. The Long Nineteenth Century, Edinburgh University Press Ltd. (n.p). 17 18

6  RURAL WOMEN’S ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURAL WORK… 

161

that—in many cases—they had taken on heavier undertakings in the absence of male hands. Overall, Greek peasant women’s life in the tobacco villages as well as in all rural areas of the Greek countryside extending from the north to the south, and from the west to the east, was a ceaseless labor. By contrast, men had the chance to identify themselves, to rest, and to gain recognition in two different ways: through their work and through the village café which was not accessible to women. In the village cafés men spent their free time with friends and fellow villagers talking business, playing cards, or having a cup of coffee. To the contrary, women led no social life. They stayed at home extending their working day as they were engaged with their household chores that kept them busy until late at night. And when they had finished with the tobacco cultivation, the harvesting, and the drying of tobacco leaves, and in case they had some spare time, they devoted it to weaving, sewing, or making embroideries in order to sell the pieces of their craftsmanship and supplement the family income.20 This was common practice all over the Greek countryside. Italy has its own story to tell about rural women’s labor in the fields. In the late nineteenth century and for a period of seventeen years (1861–1878), the country’s industrial setting did not share any characteristics similar to those of northern Europe and America as the knowledge of the ruling ‘patriarchal’ elite, the members of which were professionals or landowners, was very limited. Textile manufacturing was the only sector with some governmental influence but—even in this case—it was very much close to cottage industry. Moreover, it was strictly linked to home-­weaving and to the subcontracting system of work that fit very well with peasant society. Additionally, there were concerns that industrialization would tip the balance of this patronizing character in the dealings of textile industry that would act to the detriment of the textile industrial ruling class.21 Female employment rose with the advent of industrialization according to Italy’s census figures. During mass migration, Italy was mainly an agricultural country and female wages mirrored the real conditions. According to data based on census conducted before 1921, a rough number of 60 percent of laboring women were employed in agricultural work, while only after 1931 did the number of women working in the service and in industry exceed the number of those who were busy in agriculture. The regions of the north and of central Italy showed high indexes in women’s  Ibid., p. 91.  King, R., (2015), The Industrial Geography of Italy, Routledge Library Editions, p. 35.

20 21

162 

P. THANAILAKI

employment.22 To the opposite, the Italian south indicated lower figures of female representation in agricultural work while in Sicily the cultural biases were stronger. This was due to the expansion of the commercial agriculture that tipped the balance thus obliging women to give up their place to men as harvest workers. In the same country, the female economic contribution to rural family income had been unacknowledged not only during the nineteenth century but also in the first decades of the twentieth century though peasant Italian women had greatly added to the country’s economy during the interwar period. This parameter was underrated by censuses. One reason was female laborers’ employment as seasonal workers. Moreover, in the regions where waged laborers were given small pieces of land to cultivate—in line with sharecropping system—it was only the wives or spouses that appeared in the contracted project. The reason was that they preferred to substitute for their husbands in order to give them the free hand to work elsewhere so as to earn more money from other resources.23 The long hours of labor both out in the fields and in the house was the routine for female villagers. In Ancona—for instance—women labored for 1700 hours in agriculture per year while their yearly domestic work amounted to 1500 hours.24 In the early twentieth century women still worked hard as artisans, domestic servants, or animal tenders being busy—at the same time—with the seasonal field work. Additionally, their household duties constituted a major responsibility that made work harder because of lack of electricity and plumbing in the house. However, cooking was not an easy task as it entailed—among others—the cleaning of the hearth and the making of the fire in order to cook the food. Before this stage, the rural housewives had to haul water from the nearby well or spring, and to also gather small sticks for firewood. Washing clothes was another major task that they did twice a month and took the whole day. Household chores occupied most of their time during the off-­season agricultural period. Apart from the above tasks they had to tend their orchard garden, to grow tomatoes, lentils, and caper, and to raise chicken. In the harvesting period, they were the main helping hands of their husbands, often toiling on the 22  Tirabassi, M., (2002), ‘Bourgeois Men, Peasant Women: Rethinking Domestic Work and Morality in Italy’, (Translated by Scardellato, G.,) in: Gabaccia, D., and Iacovetta, F., (eds.), Women, Gender and Transnational Lives: Italian Workers of the World, University of Toronto Press, pp. 110–111. 23  Wilson, R.P., (2002), Peasant Women and Politics in Fascist Italy; ibid., p. 17. 24  Ibid., p. 17.

6  RURAL WOMEN’S ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURAL WORK… 

163

soil themselves. In their spare time—if there was any—they braided straw and did clothes mending.25 In Italy women’s labor—especially in the rice belt—was absolutely necessary as families relied on their earnings during the weeding season.26 The economic benefits from their labor greatly contributed to the wealth of rice farming. At the end of each spring and for a period of forty days, large numbers of female laborers moved to the north and stepped into the fields where rice was cultivated. Rice production was one of the most prosperous sectors in Italian agriculture since the turn of the eighteenth century, chiefly in the western part of the Po valley, also being one of the costliest crops. As this work was gendered, and the labor division was defined accordingly, the weeding part that was the most strenuous task was assigned to women.27 Female workers were underpaid compared to men while they had to strictly adapt themselves to the terms and conditions dictated by their male bosses. For instance, they had to comply with the rules based on certain modes of behavior in terms of discipline, authority, and belief.28 Toil in the rice fields was one of the most strenuous, outdoor agricultural labors for Italian rural women. Moreover, the female laborers were displaced from their familial surrounding, leaving their home and families behind and migrating to other regions of the country in order to work in the rice production. They usually reached the rice fields in mass numbers in order to work in this type of seasonal occupation. Judged by the fixed prevailing standards, they were not accounted for as a regular working force because they were seasonal laborers. According to Laura Ruberto, this was the reason why they were not included in the lists of the chronicles of Italy’s history.29 Moreover, people thought that they did not fit in the traditional model of exemplary spouses and mothers as we will see in the following lines.30 The majority of these women originated from the villages of Emilia-­Romagna, Lombardy, Piemonte, and the Veneto, 25  De Grazia, V., (1992), How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922–1945, University of California Press, pp. 181–182. 26  Zappi, E.G., (1991), If Eight Hours Seem Too Few: Mobilization of Women Workers in the Italian Rice Fields, State University of New York Press, Albany, p. xii. 27  Ibid., p. xi. 28  Zappi, E.G., ibid., p. 279. 29  Ruberto, L., (2007), Gramsci, Migration, and the Representation of Women’s Work in Italy and the U.S., Lexington Books (A Division of Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, INC), Lanham, p. 36. 30  Wilson, R.P., ibid., p. 17.

164 

P. THANAILAKI

and they differed in age and marital status. Their schooling level also varied. In order to find a placement in the rice production a number of them traveled alone, or with relatives such as sisters or cousins, while they occasionally brought their young children with them.31 Often the bitter price that they had to pay for leaving their homes behind was infant mortality that showed high indexes. However, their economic contribution was essential for the subsistence of their households though their work was not recognized and they were often reprimanded for not complying with the standard models of being good housewives and mothers. Though they were unfairly judged in this case, their labor in the rice field was a significant contribution to their finances. Later, and due to the fact that there were many female rice laborers who greatly added to the rice production of the country, their presence became highly visible and attempts were made on the part of the Socialist party to involve them into politics and to persuade them to join strikes claiming better wages.32 The life of mondine (seasonal rice paddy workers, in agricultural terms) who mainly labored in the rice fields in the northern parts of the country during the first decades of 1900s was very hard as it was portrayed in the lines above. Their life was described in the lyrics of Italian songs and more particularly through the song ‘Bella ciao’. In this song the very strenuous work of the young female laborers in the rice fields is expressed. Women workers labored hard being bent over in front of a strict inspector who held a rod standing behind their backs, denoting—at the same time—a ‘phallocratic’ attitude that symbolized power and often violence.33 The harsh conditions inherent in their labor stemmed from their poverty that obliged them to toil in the fields. So, the compelling economic necessity was the chief reason for taking on agricultural work. Italian peasant women had a long history in undertaking onerous labor duties in agriculture outside home by entering unfair and burdensome terms of contracts.34 By the time of Mussolini’s march on the Italian capital, 80 to 95 percent of all mondine were women. Moreover, the party line terms of the National Rice Board and the women’s narratives document that economic necessity was the main cause for their employment in the rice fields. In fact, women  Ruberto, L., ibid., p. 36.  Ruberto, L., ibid., p. 36. 33  Garvin, D., (2016), ‘Singing Truth to Power: Melodic Resistance and Bodily Revolt in Italy’s Rice Fields’, Annali d’ Italianistica, vol. 34, p. (373–400), p. 2. 34  Garvin, D., ibid., p. 7. 31 32

6  RURAL WOMEN’S ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURAL WORK… 

165

were more preferred because they were relatively valued less than men. As a result, their wages were half or two-­thirds lower than those of the male laborers’ (braccianti) earnings for doing the same type of work.35 More precisely, the male workers were paid 1038 lire per year in 1938.36 The female rice laborers earned 220 lire for forty days of toil according to an account given by a woman laborer named Ermina Confortini. Another female worker—Ermanna Chiozzi—recalled that their daily earning was 16 lire in the first decades of 1900s. Additionally, natural characteristics and biological arguments were put forward ‘ad hoc’ by the National Rice Board in order to explain why they hired women more than men. They contended that female patience was an asset for the weeding toil while another reason was their physical characteristic as their bodies were lighter and more swift to carry out the task. Another asset that women had was the characteristic that female fingers were slimmer and they did not cause damage to the sprouts because they treated them gently.37 At the dawn of the twentieth century, Francesco Pezza’s argument38 was based on the belief that women served the purpose of doing this strenuous work very adequately because they had flexible backbones.39 Their bosses also argued that they were ‘flexible’ workers.40 Therefore, flexibility counted much either as a natural characteristic, or as a gender trait. In Greece, women’s physical characteristics were also the main reason for identifying tobacco production as women’s field of predominance. In the early twentieth century, female nature was a significant factor in gendered labor division of tobacco production where women were exploited, too. In fact, people kept tobacco seeds in their garden and they transplanted them in the fields when they became sprouts. At this stage, the work was delicate and because of this delicacy women only could perform the task often receiving the aid of the rest of female family members that were skillful, too. The transplanting of tobacco sprouts required patience, light and gentle fingers, and experience so as not to harm them.41 As a consequence, the tobacco production was predominantly female family business. Greek women’s toil in the tobacco villages started from early  Ibid., p. 7.  The cost of 1 kilogram of rice was nearly 2 lire at that time: Garvin, D., ibid., p. 7. 37  Ibid., p. 7. 38  A public health officer in Mortara. 39  Zappi, E.G., bid., p. 13. 40  Wilson, R.P., ibid., p. 17. 41  Aggeli, M., (2007), Ho cosmos tis ergasias…, ibid, pp. 125, 128. 35 36

166 

P. THANAILAKI

daybreak and lasted until sunset. The heat was scorching them and their hands were often bleeding because of the very dry soil.42 The tobacco cultivation period was long. It began in February and went on until August. As a result, women’s labor in the fields was long and hard.43 A number of female workers recalled that during lunch break they literally ‘put on wings on their feet’—metaphorically expressing in the Greek language the need to run as fast as they could like flying birds—in order to breastfeed their babies as until the mid-­twentieth century there were not any law provisions enacted to provide beneficiary regulations for working mothers.44 In the tobacco fields and barns the working conditions were far from being ideal, as apart from the bossy inspector standing behind their backs—as it was the case with their Italian counterparts in the rice fields— the Greek female workers experienced embarrassing incidents of sexual harassment.45 Despite the gender-­specific job segregation that the Italian public officials invoked in order to validate the sex-­related segregation in the agricultural labor, Italian female workers were very much conscious of their own value and contribution to the income of their household. They contended that in the rice cultivation women made up the majority of the Italian working force because they were tougher though less paid than their male colleagues.46 Similarly, the Greek female tobacco laborers were much aware of their usefulness. With the money they earned, they made savings in order to rear their children and to provide them with proper schooling, to build their own house, and also to buy more pieces of land for cultivation.47 Therefore, both the Italian and the Greek workers were conscious of their usefulness refuting the arguments on gender segregation and putting forward their own line of reasoning in practice. In nineteenth-­century Italy, women’s employment and exploitation is also traced in the silk-­industry sector. During this period, silk manufacturing had been by definition the proto-­industrial branch par excellence in this country as it combined agriculture and industry. In Lombardy, the landowners had taken advantage of women laborers at three different levels. On a first level, women had been exploited by them as members of the  Ibid., p. 126.  Ibid., p. 165. 44  Aggeli, M., ibid., p.143. 45  Ibid., p. 165. 46  Garvin, D., ibid., p. 7. 47  Aggeli, M., ibid., p. 284. 42 43

6  RURAL WOMEN’S ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURAL WORK… 

167

rural family. On a second, the factory owners used them as workers in their factories. On the third, the male family members pushed them to work outside in order to limit their own degree of exploitation.48 In the same period, there was also wide disparity between urban people and rural folk in terms of their living standards in housing, in the way they were dressed, in the schooling they received, as well as in their entertainment.49 Moreover, silk manufacturing was developing very well in the geographical district of Como only, being the sole area that prospered because during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Italy experienced adverse economic conditions and saw industrial failure instead of progress. Additionally, events occurring in the political scene followed by wars as well as unfavorable conditions such as silkworm diseases were the main reasons behind industrial decline at the beginning of the nineteenth century. However, in the same century, silk industry grew again mainly concentrating on the northern parts of Italy, such as Piedmont, Lombardy, and Veneto, while Como was still the most significant commercial center. The industrial people mostly drew on workers from village people who labored seasonally in small mills that were spread out in the countryside of the northern regions.50 Furthermore, urban laborers were part of the workforce in the artisan industry including cotton crafts, while the entrepreneurs also hired peasant female workers for the spinning and the bleaching process.51 In the same country, women’s work out of home became a platform for debate at the turn of the nineteenth century when the Catholic Church strongly disapproved and bitterly criticized female employment. Pope Leo XIII expressed the dogmatic view that women are the only most suitable persons to work at home, destined to ‘preserve their modesty’ and also to care for the good upbringing of their children.52 Similarly, according to the Greek Orthodox moral principles, women’s goal was to stay at home in order to raise the children as family was a strong social bond that made society’s foundations steady while its ethical decomposition led to

48  Bull, C.A., (1991), ‘The Lombard Silk-­spinners in the Nineteenth Century: An Industrial Workforce in a Rural Setting’, in: Baranski, Z.G., & Vinall, S.W., (eds.), Women and Italy: Essays on Gender, Culture and History, Palgrave Macmillan, p. 36. 49  De Grazia, V., (1992), ibid., p. 182. 50  King, R., (2015), The Industrial Geography of Italy, ibid., p. 182. 51  Ibid., p. 145. 52  King, R., (2015), The Industrial Geography of Italy, ibid, p. 92.

168 

P. THANAILAKI

deterioration of morality.53 However, real life was different in both countries. Though Mussolini in the first decade of the twentieth century manifested his propaganda declaring that rurality makes the woman ‘queen’ in her home and family, real life proved to be completely different. Village women were both busy with the harsh agricultural labor and housework due to the fact that there was mass immigration of the rural male population. During the interwar period, women’s wages in farm work dropped. In terms of female labor, a general estimation based on signed agricultural contracts showed that female employment stood at 60 percent if it is compared to that of ‘able bodied’ men’s. This was concluded from the data formulated by A. Serpieri in early 1900s who was the principal agricultural expert of the Fascist regime. Women’s exploitation was more visible in the sharecropping system, where female labor was disproportioned if compared to men’s. A number of cases from the Tuscan farms further illustrate this discrepancy. For example, the cases of three male workers named Giuseppe, Egisto, and Faustine revealed the following characteristics. The working hours per year for the first-­mentioned man stood at the number 2926, for the second at 2834, and for the third the working hours were 2487. By contrast, their wives showed higher indexes of laboring hours for the same time period. To put it more clearly, Lucia worked for 3290 hours during the year, Virginia labored for 3001 hours, while Maria was busy for 3655 hours. Additionally, women’s labor was not easy while the working conditions were adverse due to the stricter terms of farm contracts. Moreover, the amounting debts of households placed heavy burdens on them. Additionally, remittances from the family persons who went abroad in order to work, fell off while the earnings from the silk manufacturing and other types of cottage industry dropped, too.54 Wet-­ nursing was another type of female employment where rural women were the protagonists. In France, wet-­ nursing was a business aspect of rural life that was characterized as a ‘peculiarly French institution’ and throve during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.55 The case of France is interesting in this field because the French wet-­nursing system is extensively studied as researchers drew on much information 53  Heliopoulos, D.E., (1885), ‘He Gyni en to Dikaio’ [Woman in the Law], Parnassos, Syggramma Periodikon Kata mina Ekdidomenon, vol. 10th, Athens, (501–520), p. 518. 54  De Grazia, V., (1992), ibid., p. 182. 55  Sussman, G.D., (1976–1977) ‘Parisian Infants and Norman Wet Nurses in the Early Nineteenth Century: A Statistical Study’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History VII:4 (637–653), p. 637.

6  RURAL WOMEN’S ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURAL WORK… 

169

from parish registers and from the records of the urban agencies. However, both types of archival sources are incomplete. The parish registers provide scholars with details on the study of wet-­nursing of babies of urban families that were placed with wet-­nurses. The above registers lack in direct evidence as to the length of time that these infants stayed with rural families, though. Moreover, they do not supply with data as to the exact rates of mortality of the women who breastfed them. The urban agencies include the records of the babies placed with foster mothers who played the role of wet-­nurses in the French countryside. Though they are richer in information they have a weak side that they mainly registered infants of orphanages only.56 Foster mothers engaged in the wet-­nursing business, eked out a living, while their practice constituted a significant support in the local economy especially in the areas close to Paris.57 The reason for placing infants with rural women in order to breastfeed them lies in the fact that the urban working mothers were prevented from feeding them by their bosses. Therefore, they used wet-­nurses for the purpose, usually paying them on a monthly basis.58 The infant’s breastfeeding period lasted for about one year, and the babies who stayed with their foster mothers were normally one-­year old. The explanation given by researchers on this social phenomenon that sounds very alien in today’s terms is attributed to three main reasons. Firstly, wet-­nursing was the result of certain conditions and attitudes toward children. Secondly, it came as a consequence because the French female workforce massively relocated to Paris in order to seek for a placement. Thirdly, there was no pasteurization of milk those years due to lack of technology.59 However, the quality of care given by the breastfeeding foster mothers was very poor in many regions of northern and southern France. As it has been explored in the previous lines, women had to follow this practice because they went out to work. At the dawn of the twentieth century, the French women workers held the second highest proportion in female employment among seventeen countries in Europe  Sussman, G.D., (1976–1977), ‘ Parisian Infants…’, ibid., p. 637.  Anderson, M.S., (20033), The Ascendancy of Europe: 1815–1914, Routledge, London & New York, p. 189. 58  Sussman, G.D., (1976–1977), ‘Parisian Infants…’, ibid., p. 637. 59  Sussman, G.B., (1980), ‘The End of the Wet-­Nursing Business in France, 1874–1914’, in: Wheaton, R., & Hareven, T.K., (eds.), Family and Sexuality in French History, University of Pennsylvania Press, pp. 222–226: (also) Sussman, G.B., (1977), ‘The End of the Wet-­ Nursing Business in France, 1874–1914’, Journal of Family History, v. 2:3 (237–258). 56 57

170 

P. THANAILAKI

and in North America. This explains the fact why wet-­nursing was so important and necessary.60 In many cases, the babies were partly fed artificially, or they were dry-­nursed. As dry-­nursing was cheaper, parents later employed dry-­nurses more often than wet-­nurses, and the babies were hand-­fed.61 Due to the fact that the rural women who became foster mothers were poor, their payment was modest while they often struck a deal with the biological parents.62 In other cases, foster mothers went to Paris looking for babies to breastfeed. The registers of the ‘Direction or Bureau of Wet Nurses of the City of Paris’ provide researchers with fresh data on the wet-­nursing practice in the French capital. The Municipal Bureau that was established in 1769 and suspended its operation in 1876 was legally entitled until 1825 to provide these women with lodging and also serve as a hiring center for those rural women who went to Paris in search of infants to breastfeed. Their customers were artisans or shopkeepers. They visited this center in order to choose a wet-­nurse and to negotiate the payment.63 The census conducted in France in 1872 gives evidence of a category of a significant number of children who were nursed outside their home in Paris, Lyon, and Marseille. However, the data are untrustworthy as in this census the number of children was underrated.64 In nineteenth-­century Greece, wet-­nursing was common practice too. In the Greek case, the demand for having wet-­nurses was mainly created for the purpose of feeding the illegitimate children of poor young women who could not raise them. For a period of about 100 years, wet-­nursing was a broad-­scale social practice. When Athens became the capital of the newly shaped Greek Kingdom (1830), the city was plagued with beggars and destitute people along with soldiers, Bavarian officers, and civil clerks who settled in the city in order to serve the King during the reign of the Bavarian prince Otto, who became the first King of Greece. During this period, there was an increasing demand for feeding the illegitimate and abandoned children in order to survive. Wet-­nurses who were peasant women, were employed for the purpose of feeding not only the above destitute infants but also the orphans whose fathers had been killed during  Sussman, G.B., (1980), ‘The End of the Wet-­Nursing Business in France, ibid., p. 227.   Stuart-­ Macadam, P., & Dettwyler K.A., (eds.), (2017), Breastfeeding: Bicultural Perspectives, Routledge, London & New York, n.p. 62  Sussman, G.B., (1980), ‘The End of the Wet-­Nursing Business in France, ibid., p. 226. 63  Sussman, G.D., (1976–1977) ‘Parisian Infants…’, ibid., p. 637. 64  Van de Walle, E., (2015), The Female Population of France in the Nineteenth Century: A Reconstruction of 82 Departments, Princeton University Press, p. 93. 60 61

6  RURAL WOMEN’S ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURAL WORK… 

171

the Greek Revolution for Independence (1821–1828). By the end of the reign of King Otto (1862), the Municipal Nursery that the Municipality of Athens was in charge of its operation set out systematic endeavors for hiring wet-­nurses. The Municipal Nursery had been established with funds donated by diaspora Greek benefactors. The search for employing wet-­­ nurses from the nearby villages of Athens was not very successful at the outset of this attempt as the female villagers were not willing to breastfeed abandoned infants as they were prejudiced against them.65 Then, the Nursery officials sought for the assistance of the Bishop of Athens who asked—in his turn—the local parish priests to persuade village women to act as wet-­nurses for destitute babies and to ‘perform their Christian duty’.66 In the Municipal Nursery, infants were given medical care by doctors who visited the premises that hosted the babies. They examined them, and they prescribed the food that wet-­nurses had to take. However, the wet-­nurses often did not take into consideration the medical advice, while failure in following the doctors’ dietary guidelines was one of the reasons for the high rates of infant mortality.67 Because of the extreme poverty, it was common practice for destitute young mothers to leave their babies outside the Municipal Nursery and later to show up and identify themselves as wet-­nurses. In this way, the poor mothers stayed with their own children and they breastfed them. At the same time, they earned a small income as wet-­nurses.68 In mid-­1860s, the search for hiring wet-­nurses proved to be a quite good money-­making agency for a number of people who worked for the state. For instance, the police used to receive bonus for every strong and healthy wet-­ nurse that they could provide the Municipal Nursery. Additionally, those breastfeeders who had healthy children of their own were paid higher wages. These women mainly originated from the Cyclades complex of islands such as Tinos, Andros, Naxos, and Kea. Later, by the end of the nineteenth century hiring a wet-­nurse became a fashion trend of the urban ladies of the middle classes. These 65  Skiadas, E., (2016), ‘Paramanes kai vyzaxhtres stin Athina’ [Governesses and Wet-­nurses in Athens], Mikros Romios, electroniki Efimerida gia tin Athina tou Mouseiou tis poleos ton Athinon-­Idrymatos Vourou-­Eftaxia, http://mikros-­romios.gr/paramanes. 66  Ibid. 67  Korasidou, M., (1996), Hoi Athlioi ton Athinon kai oi therapeutes tous: Ftocheia kai filanthropia stin Helliniki protevousa ton 19o aiona [The Miserable People of Athens and Their Therapists: Poverty and Philanthropy in the Greek capital in nineteenth century], (published by) Historiko Archeio Hellenikis Neolaias, Athens, pp. 117, 125. 68  Ibid., p. 129.

172 

P. THANAILAKI

mothers from well-­off families preferred especially the strong and stout women originating from mountainous villages such as from Arachova, or from the nearby villages of Athens—as for example—Kiourka. However it was hard to find healthy, rosy-­cheeked mountaineering women to employ as foster mothers. In the course of time, a number of young women in Athens were willing to do this job in order to earn a living and be economically independent. Wet-­nursing was also a popular type of waged labor for the daughters of the laundry women69 in the Greek capital who were paid fifteen drachmas per month.70 The earnings of those employed in the elite households as live-­in were much higher ranging from 80 to 100 drachmas per month, being a very satisfactory sum of money. Moreover, a number of them enjoyed privileges. For example, the peasant woman who breastfed Prince Konstantine of Greece and originated from the area of Arachova was privileged as she was later granted with a small pension for having offered her services to the future King. Moreover, the wet-­nurses’ working conditions in the opulent homes were very good. They followed a nutritious diet in order to be well-­fed, and they wore fashionable clothes. However, reports and descriptions given by the Athenian newspapers referring to the class of wet-­nurses in Athens, portrayed them as fat women who were ‘unsmiling and grim’.71 Similar characteristics were given by the German press to the German wet-­nurses, who were described by them as ‘quarrelsome, vulgar-­minded, and superstitious’. The majority of the homes—especially in the district of Hamburg— employed them as live-­in.72 The Greek feminist journal Ephemeris ton Kyrion published a lot of articles on wet-­nurses. Professionals, such as doctors, regularly wrote articles emphasizing on the significance of having a good wet-­nurse at home to feed the family’s infant. An article on this topic focused on the advice that foster mothers had to be healthy, cheerful, and affectionate toward the children. Their age should range between twenty and thirty years. The writer of the article also added that only after two months of giving birth to their own child were foster mothers eligible to be employed as wet-­­ nurses. Additionally, they had to have plenty of milk, to be in a good 69  The laundry women constituted a very low social class that was very poor. Their job was used derogatively in order to signify the low social ranking. 70  Skiadas, E., ibid. 71  They were also characterized as having ‘golden tits’. See: Skiadas, E., ibid. 72  Lindermann, M., (1981), ‘Love for Hire: The Regulation of the Wet-­Nursing Business in Eighteenth-­Century Hamburg’, Journal of Family History, v.6:4, (379–395), p. 379.

6  RURAL WOMEN’S ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURAL WORK… 

173

physical state, and to take regular medical tests because a possible infectious disease could be transmitted to the wet-­nursing baby. Moreover, their nursing milk should not be older than six months because this would do harm to the breastfeeding infant.73 Maria Neva, the medical doctor who wrote the above article in the Ephemeris ton Kyrion, advised wet-­­ nurses to eat plenty of healthy food too. Moreover, she suggested them not to take any medication without the doctor’s prescription and to avoid drinking alcohol. She advised them to take long walks in order to breathe fresh air.74 Moreover, biological mothers and foster mothers were advised to be in friendly terms. Infants’ mothers were also advised to instruct the wet-­nurses and to be kind with them while foster mothers had to show willingness to learn.75 The female readers of Ephemeris ton Kyrion were also given advice on the wet-­nurses’ room. The article suggested that it was better for the room to be located next to the mothers’ bedroom but wet-­nurses should never take the infant on their own bed so as not to become very intimate with the baby. Often mothers were jealous of wet-­­ nurses as their baby loved them more because the infant felt closer to them.76 Overall, wet-­nursing was broadly practiced during nineteenth to early-­twentieth century Greece because of extreme poverty. The purpose of wet-­nursing was twofold: firstly, it covered the need of destitute female persons to earn a living and survive, and secondly, it satisfied the elite ladies’ desire to keep themselves slim and elegant and attractive. No matter how this practice served the real purpose, wet-­nursing economically contributed to poor Greek peasant women as it supplemented their income. To sum up, rural women’s multifarious undertakings indicated similar characteristics in almost all southern European regions under study. In the agricultural sector, the tasks were gendered-­oriented. However, the proper operation of a household required task allocation where women were the protagonists. In this type of labor distribution, peasant women were the usual caretakers of their households. Additionally, female labor in the fields was absolutely necessary as households were economically supported by their earnings especially when they faced mounting debts. Although female agricultural workers were underpaid compared to men, they were much conscious of their usefulness and aware of their economic input in  Ephemeris ton Kyrion (1892) (newspaper), November 8th, issue 280, Athens, p. 5.  Ibid., p. 6. 75  Ephemeris ton Kyrion (1899), ibid., May 23rd, issue 577, pp. 6–7. 76  Ephemeris ton Kyrion (1899), ibid., June 6th, issue 579, p. 7. 73 74

174 

P. THANAILAKI

the family economy. Women contended that with the money they earned from their labor, they raised their children, built a house, bought more plots for cultivation, or made the dowry of their daughters. No matter how hard their daily routine was, they endured a hard life always being ready to stand by their husbands in order to offer their economic assistance.

References Aggeli, M., (2007), Ho cosmos tis ergasias: gynaikes kai Andres stin paragogi kai epeksergasia tou kapnou: Agrinio 19os–20s ai. [The world of labor: women and men in the production and processing of tobacco. Agrinio nineteenth and twentieth centuries], Ph.D Dissertation, University of Ioannina. Anderson, M.S., (20033), The Ascendancy of Europe: 1815–1914, Routledge, London &New York. Berg, M., (1994), The Age of Manufacturers, 1700–1820. Industry, Innovation and Work in Britain, Routledge, London & New York. Bull, C.A., (1991), ‘The Lombard Silk-spinners in the Nineteenth Century: An Industrial Workforce in a Rural Setting’, in: Baranski, Z.G., & Vinall, S.W., (eds.), Women and Italy: Essays on Gender, Culture and History, Palgrave Macmillan. De Grazia, V., (1992), How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922–1945, University of California Press. Ephemeris ton Kyrion, (newspaper), 8th November 1892, issue 280, Athens, 23rd May1899, issue 577, Athens, 6th June, 1899, issue 579, Athens. Gallant, T.W., (2015), The Edinburgh History of the Greeks, 1768 to 1913.The Long Nineteenth Century, Edinburgh UniversityPress Ltd. Garvin, D., (2016), ‘Singing Truth to Power: Melodic Resistance and Bodily Revolt in Italy’s Rice Fields’, Annali d’ Italianistica, vol. 34, (373–400). Gullickson, G., (2002), The Spinners and Weavers of Auffay: Rural Industry and the Sexual Division of labor in a French Village, Cambridge University Press. Heliopoulos, D.E., (1885), ‘He Gyni en to Dikaio’ [Woman in the Law], Parnassos, Syggramma Periodikon Kata mina Ekdidomenon, vol. 10th, Athens, (501–520). Hufton, O., (1996), The Prospect Before Her: A History in Western Europe 1500–1800, Vintage Books, New York. Hufton, O., (2003), (Greek edition), Historia ton Gynaikon stin Europi 1500–1800, Nefeli (publishers), Athens. Kaffe-Gidarakou, I., (1980), Meleti tis Symvolis tou kapnou sti georgiki anaptyksi tvn kapnoparagogikon koinotiton ton nomon Xanthis, Rodopis, Evrou, Kavalas,

6  RURAL WOMEN’S ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURAL WORK… 

175

Dramas [Study of the contribution in agricultural production of the ­tobacco-­producing communities in Xanthi, Rodopi, Evros, Kavala, Drama], Ph.D. Dissertation, Geoponiko University of Athens. King, R., (2015), The Industrial Geography of Italy, Routledge Library Editions. Korasidou, M., (1996), Hoi Athlioi ton Athinon kai oi therapeutes tous: Ftocheia kai filanthropia stin Helliniki protevousa ton 19o aiona [The Miserable people of Athens and their therapists: Poverty and Philanthropy in the Greek capital in nineteenth century], (published by) Historiko Archeio Hellenikis Neolaias, Athens. Lehning, J.R., (1995), Peasant and French: Cultural contact in rural France during the nineteenth century, Cambridge University Press. Lindermann, M., (1981), ‘Love for Hire: The Regulation of the Wet-Nursing Business in Eighteenth-Century Hamburg’, Journal of Family History, v.6:4. Roberts, M., (1979), ‘Sickels and Scythes: Women’s Work and Men’s Work at Harvest Time’, History Workshop Journal, 7:1, (3–28). Ruberto, L., (2007), Gramsci, Migration, and the Representation of Women’s Work in Italy and the U.S., Lexington Books, (A Division of Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, INC), Lanham. Simonton, D., (ed.), (2006), The Routledge History of Women in Europe since 1700, Routledge, London & New York. Stuart-Macadam, P., & Dettwyler K.A., (eds.), (2017), Breastfeeding: Bicultural Perspectives, Routledge, London & New York. Sussman, G.D., (1976–1977), ‘Parisian Infants And Norman Wet Nurses in the Early Nineteenth Century: A Statistical Study’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History VII: 4 (637–653). Sussman, G.D., (1977), ‘The End of the Wet-Nursing Business in France, 1874–1914’, Journal of Family History, v.2:3 (237–258). Sussman, G.D., (1980), ‘The End of the Wet-Nursing Business in France, 1874–1914’, in: Wheaton, R., & Hareven, T.K., (eds.), Family and Sexuality in French History, University of Pennsylvania Press. Thanailaki, P., (2018), Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities during nineteenth and early twentieth century: A Historical Perspective, Springer. Tirabassi, M., (2002), ‘Bourgeois Men, Peasant Women: Rethinking Domestic Work and Morality in Italy’, (Translated by Scardellato, G.) in: Gabaccia, D., and Iacovetta, F., (eds.), Women, Gender and Transnational Lives: Italian Workers of the World, University of Toronto Press. Van de Walle, E., (2015), The Female Population of France in the nineteenth century: A Reconstruction of 82 departments, Princeton University Press. Wiesner, M.E., (1998), ‘Spinning out Capital. Women’s work in Preindustrial Europe, 1350–1750’, in: Bridenthal, R., et al. (eds), Becoming visible: Women in European History, New York: Houghton Mifflin.

176 

P. THANAILAKI

Wilson, P., (2002), Peasant Women and Politics in Fascist Italy: The Massaie Rurali, Routledge, London & New York. Zappi, E.G., (1991), If Eight Hours Seem Too Few: Mobilization of Women Workers in the Italian Rice fields, State University of New York Press, Albany.

Electronic Sites Skiadas, E., (2016), ‘Paramanes kai vyzaxhtres stin Athina’ [Governesses and Wet-­ nurses in Athens], Mikros Romios, electroniki Efimerida gia tin Athina tou Mouseiou tis poleos ton Athinon-Idrymatos Vourou-Eftaxia, http://mikros-­ romios.gr/paramanes.

CHAPTER 7

Female Entrepreneurship and Guilds in Southern Europe

Most of the part of bibliography relating to French1 guilds and female workforce is heavily concentrated long before the nineteenth century. In fact, guilds principally had their heyday long time before the period of Middle Ages in most European regions.2 Yet, a contextual study of the nineteenth-­century female self-­employment in France along with a comparative analysis between the French and the Greek cases in the feminine crafts and trade is under-­explored awaiting further research. Classic literature concerning France during the eighteenth century as well as in the period before it includes the works of Emile Levasseur (1901, 1981),3 Emile Coornaert (1968),4 F. Olivier-­Martin (1938),5 and Etienne Martin

1  As referred in the previous chapters of the present book, France is geographically located in both north and south of Europe showing characteristics in female entrepreneurship and guilds that resemble to those of the southern and south-­eastern European areas. Therefore, I found it useful to compare and contrast its case with Greece as well as with Italy. 2  Ogilvie, S., (2011), Institutions and European Trade: Merchant Guilds, 1000–1800, Cambridge University Press, p. 20. 3  Levasseur, E., (1901), Histoire des classes ouvrières et de l’ industrie en France avant 1789, (2 vols), A. Rousseau Publishers, Paris. 4  Coornaert, E., (1968), Les corporations en France avant 1789, Les Editions ouvrières, Paris. 5  Olivier-­Martin, F., (1938), L’Organisation corporative de la France d’ Ancien Régime, libtrairie du Recueil, Sirey, Paris.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 P. Thanailaki, Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9_7

177

178 

P. THANAILAKI

Saint-­Léon (1922).6 Another interesting study—among others—includes the work of Judith G. Coffin (1994),7 who explores female work and the way guilds were structured. Additionally, Clare Crowston (2008)8 discusses new approaches on women and gender in guilds. W. Sewell (1985)9 analyzes in his study the case of the big French Mediterranean port of Marseille in terms of its workforce. Similarly, the Greek bibliography that explores the guilds existing in the Ottoman-­ruled Greek Orthodox communities includes the studies of K.A.  Vakalopoulos (1978),10 G.  Papageorgiou, (1982),11 and more recently the PhD Dissertation of D.G. Ierapetritis (2006).12 The above mainly focus on guilds’ operation and targets. However, they do not yield information on Greek women’s presence in them except for some scarce mentions. The present chapter attempts to fill this vacuum. It is also centered round the debate of European women’s initiatives in business and craftsmanship. Additionally, its purpose is to study the difficulties that lay behind these enterprises which they encountered in the past because of their gender. Thus, female entrepreneurship, artisanal guilds, and female economic agency constitute its fundamental axles. Additionally, the chapter offers an overview to the reader regarding female economic activities in France and Italy, in comparison to Greek women’s financial contribution through guilds from the late eighteenth to early twentieth centuries. 6  Martin Saint-­Léon, E., (1922), Histoire des corporations de métiers. Depuis leurs origins jusqu’à leur suppression en 1791, Librairie Felix Alcan, Paris. 7  Coffin, J.G., (1994), ‘Gender and the Guild Order: The Garment Trades in Eighteenth-­ Century Paris’, The Journal of Economic History, 54:4, (768–793). 8  Crowston, C., (2008), ‘Women, Gender, and Guilds in Early Modern Europe: An Overview of Research’, International Review of Social History, 53, (Supplement), (19–44). 9  Sewell, W., (1985), Structure and Mobility: The Men and Women of Marseille, 1820–1870, Cambridge and Paris: Cambridge University Press and Editions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme. 10  Vakalopoulos, K.A., (1978), ‘Christianikes Synoikies, Syntechnies kai epaggelmata tis Thessalonikis sta mesa tou 19ou aiona’, [The Christian Neighborhoods, Guilds, and Trades in Mid-­nineteenth Century-­Thessaloniki], Makedonika (18), (103–142). 11  Papageorgiou, G., (1982) Oi Syntechnies sta Giannena kata ton 19o kai tis arches tou 20ou aiona (Arches 19ou aiona eos 1912), [The Guilds in Ioannina during nineteenth to early twentieth century. (Beginning of nineteenth century until 1912)], Ph.D.  Dissertation, University of Ioannina. 12  Ierapetritis, D.G., (2006), He Symvoli tis topikis Organosis ton Mastichochorion Chiou sti diacheirisi tou chorou kata tin period 1566–1866 tis Othomanikis Kyriarcheias, [The effect of local administration of the mastic villages of Chios on spatial management during the Ottoman occupation 1566–1866], Ph.D. Dissertation, University of the Aegean, Mytelene.

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

179

The term ‘guild’ in the Western world denotes a cooperative community network of artisans for the purpose of safeguarding their own professional rights and privileges, regulating the market, and setting the quality of the products manufactured by them. Moreover, the artisans did not only share a trade or skill but also a set of well-­kept secrets of their craftsmanship. The guild was an urban phenomenon and thrived in the regions where there was growth in production and commerce. In the Ottoman-­­ ruled Greek communities, it was a joint effort of the enslaved ethnic Greeks to cooperate and defend their rights against the arbitrary Ottoman ruler. Similar to the model of Western Europe, the Greek craft guilds prospered in urban areas especially in those that served as the crossroads of trading activities being the routes of transportation with other countries abroad.13 The structure of each Greek guild mainly included the master, the master’s assistant, and the apprentices. The man-­in-­chief of each guild was an elected representative assigned to act as an intermediary between the Ottoman administration and the Christian Orthodox craftsmen. One of his numerous duties was to act as the tax collector for the community. Additionally, he was assigned to sign the artisans’ contracts. Furthermore, he was in charge of setting the employees’ wages, of supplying the workshops with raw materials from the regions where they were produced, and to be responsible for their fair distribution.14 The guilds in the Greek communities manifested strong presence amidst the enslaved people since the early period of Greece’s 400-­year Ottoman rule (1453–1821). The boards of the guilds did not only safeguard the professional rights of their artisanship but they also observed the Greek Orthodox religious practices and maintained the common cultural heritage of their ethnicity. Additionally, they made efforts to mitigate Greek people’s oppression under the Ottoman ruler. The elected members of the guilds boards were in charge of the business affairs of the guilds, while the Ottoman administration did not interfere except only to sanction their acts.15 Scholars named these cooperative communities of artisans isnafi or synafi, the etymology  Ierapetritis, D.G., (2006), ibid., p. 45.  Mpakalis, T., (2011), Ho rolos ton syntechnion stin Hellada kai he syneisfora tous stin anaptyksi kai antagonistikotita tis choras kai ton epicheiriseon, [The role of the guilds in Greece and their contribution to the growth and competitiveness of the country and of the enterprises], Graduate Paper, Technologiko Ekpaideutiko Idryma Kavalas (TEI), Kavala, p. 7. 15  Hantzimichali, A., (1953), ‘Morfes apo ti somateiaki organosi ton Hellenon stin Othomaniki Aftokratoria: Oi syntechnies-­Ta Isnafia’, [Aspects from the Unions’ Organization 13

14

180 

P. THANAILAKI

deriving from the Arabic-­ Persian and Turkish languages, respectively. They were also called roufeti—the stem word originated from the Arabic language denoting the meaning of ‘association’, ‘cooperative community’, or ‘brotherhood’,16 as their members called each other ‘brother’.17 Because the Ottomans were not engaged in commerce, trade rested in the hands of the Orthodox Christians.18 As a consequence, the number of artisans’ craft workshops rose and got organized into guilds in Greek communities.19 These cooperatives were spread all over the regions of today’s Greece. They were chiefly observed in the cities, or towns with ports, or they served as land transportation junctions from where the artisans of the countryside transported their pieces of craftsmanship and sold them in the urban markets. More precisely, in the Peloponnese towns, there were guilds covering almost all kinds of artisanship. On the Greek islands—as, for example—in Crete, Rhodes, Chios, Lesvos, Samos, Hydra, Spetses, and Sifnos, as well as in Cyprus, the craftsmen were organized in broad-­­ scale synafi(a). More particularly, in Cyprus and Chios, there are encountered big workshops for weaving fabrics, for making embroideries as well as for manufacturing stamped material. In Epirus, the local people were skilled in the making of pieces of folklore art. In Kastoria, the inhabitants of the Greeks in the Ottoman Empire: The Guilds-­The Isnafia] L’ Hellenisme Contemporain, Athens, http://www.myriobiblos.gr/texts/greek/hantzimichali_syntechnies.html 16  The ‘Brotherhoods’ and the ‘guilds’ differed. The ‘guilds’ operated on a closely knit operational structure that consisted of the board, the members’ registers, and its charter. The board was also in charge of setting and inspecting the apprenticeship period during which the trainee was trained. After the training period he was assessed in order to become a journeyman and be admitted to the guild. To the contrary, the ‘Brotherhood’ operated on the basis of the customary law, only. See more in: Alevras, G., (2017), Ho Kozanitis emporos konstantinos D. Takiatzis (1812–1896). Oikonomikes drastiriotites tou tin period 1840–1855 symfona me anekdota eggrafa apo to Archeio Takiatzi, [The merchant from Kozani named Konstantinos D. Takiatzis (1812–1896). His Economic activities during the period 1840–1855 based on unpublished documents drawn from Takiatzis Archive], (published by) Etaireia Dytikomakedonikon Meleton, Kozani, p. 71, Footnote 127. 17  Hantzimichali, A., ibid. 18  On the matter, see the classic work of Stoianovich, Tr., (1960), ‘The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’, Journal of Economic History, v. 20, (243–313). 19  In the artisans’ workshops that were members of a ‘brotherhood’ or of a ‘guild’, the internal hierarchy was the same. The apprentice was ranked in the lowest position and was called tsiraki, the word stemming from the Turkish term çirak. In the middle position stood the assistant to the head artisan who was called kalfas, and in the upper echelon stood the mastoras being the head craftsman and owner of the workshop. See: Alevras, G., Ho Kozanitis emporos konstantinos D. Takiatzis (1812–1896), ibid., p. 71, Footnote 128.

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

181

were mainly engaged in fur trade. In many towns of Thrace, the art of pottery was the specialized field of artisanship, while in the region of Pontos—in today’s Turkey—the Greek inhabitants were expert in the silk industry as well as in jewelry.20 In Zakynthos, an Ionian island that was under the Venetian rule, a mention of a pottery guild is made as early as in 1573. In 1681, on the same island, the bakers set up their own association while the cooperative company of the grocers was formed earlier in 1634.21 This joint effort of the guilds continued their operation during the Ottoman rule throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries22 being organized and structured in such a way so as to produce and manufacture products that were sold in international markets.23 Regarding the terms regulating the internal structure of the guild, throughout the eighteenth century the customary law controlled the members’ rights and duties, while at the turn of the century it is noted the appearance of new corporate statutes that regulated the members’ duties. According to the new articles of the corporative organizations, the main goal of the members of each guild did not include only the safeguarding of their professional and trading rights but also to focus on how to maintain the unity among them.24 In the course of time, guilds gained more financial strength. They donated money to the enslaved Greeks for the nation’s spiritual awakening and for triggering the subsequent revolution for independence.25 Another aspect of their operation was the endorsement of projects of social care as, for instance, fundraising for setting up schools for the destitute Christian  Hantzimichali, A., ibid.  Varsamidis, A., (2004), Oikonomikos Vios kai Epaggelmatiki Kinisi tis periochis Boiou (19os-­arches 20ou aiona), [Economic Life and Trading Activities of the Boion Region (Nineteenth-­Early Twentieth Century)] Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Ioannina, p. 279, Footnote 2. 22  For rich bibliography on the topic in the early nineteenth century-­guilds in Greece, see: Arnaoutoglou, El., (2002), ‘He idea apokatastaseos ton synafion…–Enas diorganismos synafion tou 1831’, [The idea of organizing guilds… A manual on organizing guilds of the year 1831], Epetiris tou Kentrou Erevnis tis Istorias tou Ellinikou Dikaiou (E.K.E.I.E.D), (36), ejournas.lib.auth.gr, pp. 205–281. 23  Ierapetritis, D.G., (2017), ‘Guilds and Cooperative Community Networks in the Eastern Mediterranean: Evidence from Greece Under Ottoman Occupation’, Journal of the Knowledge Economy, Springer, (1–19). 24  Ierapetritis, D.G., He Symvoli, ibid., p. 46. 25  Giannouchou, E., (2017) Oikonomiki kai koinoniki katastasi sti Dytiki Thessalia apo ta teli tou 18ou aiona os to 1821, [The economic and social situation in western Thessaly from the turn of eighteenth century to 1821], Master thesis, University of Ioannina, pp. 61–62. 20 21

182 

P. THANAILAKI

children as well as for building orphanages. As was explored in the lines above, their relationship to economic history of Greece was not only job related but also had a national and charitable tinge.26 Therefore, guilds contributed to the unity of Greek ethnicity and served the purpose of being the core of revolutionary movements for freedom. Yet, the main supporter of the above initiatives was the Greek Orthodox Church. According to the customary law of the Greek communities in the Ottoman Empire, the Greek Orthodox Church was granted with civic and judicial rights by the Sultan and the clerics were the arbitrators in the affairs of the Christian flock. The local Ottoman governors charged the civilians with penalties in case they were accused of committing unlawful acts. The Church patronized the guilds by acting as the supporter of the Greek Orthodox working people.27 Moreover, each cooperative of craftsmen had its own patron saint28 whose icon representation appeared on its professional seal. The Orthodox Church also blessed the fairs that were organized by the guilds.29 In medieval Paris, women’s guilds existed as independent collective female efforts in trade. But if we look at this case more closely, we will see that in reality this independence was not practically in effect as their statutes included men’s involvement in them.30 In late Middle Ages there is evidence of female representation in guilds while women’s removal from the ranks of the collective efforts came about in the proto-­industrial period when competition became stronger and the new forms of manufacturing became a threat to the existence of guilds themselves. More specifically in the Old Regime France (1675–1791), artisans were organized into guilds which were composed of the masters, the artisanal employers, and the journeymen workers. The members of guilds did not cooperate only in trading activities holding a set of well-­kept trade secrets but they also  Giannouchou, E., ibid., pp. 61–62.  Ibid., p. 61. 28  On the patron saint of each guild, see: Kallinderis, M., (1973), Hai syntechniai kai he Ekklisia epi Tourkokratias, [The Guilds and the Church During the Period Under the Ottoman Rule] Ekdoseis Apostolikis Diakonias (publishers), Athens. 29  Bambounis, Ch. & Mouzakis, S., (2009), ‘Christianikes Koinotites kai adelfotites sti M. Asia stis arches tou 20ou aiona. Apo ton kodika Alikarnassou–Boudroum’, [The Christian Communities and Brotherhoods in Asia Minor in Early Twentieth Century. Based on Alikarnassos–Boudroum codex], Conference Proceedings, 4th Symposium of the ‘Kentro Spoudis kai Anadeiksis Mikrasiatikou Politismou’, (KE.MI.PO), (27–29 November), (49–76). 30  Though later there was observed a change. Crowston, C., ibid., p. 26. 26 27

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

183

shared common cultural heritage. Later, these corporations lost influence because of the legislation of the French Revolution. However, the chief nineteenth-­century brotherhoods upheld many corporate traditions similar to the Greeks. This is explained by the fact that the members of the dominant guilds also observed religious practices, celebrated their patron saints’ day, and provided aid to their members.31 During the same period of the Old Regime, most women and children were denied access to guilds as journeymen and members though they played a significant role in handicraft and putting-­out production in the French rural areas. In mid-­­ nineteenth-­­ century France, there was observed a growth of factory production while the putting-­out system became urbanized—thus—causing crisis in handicraft production. These new conditions minimized the exercising of collective control of workers over the conditions of production.32 In early nineteenth-­ century France, the only existing forms of guilds were the compagnonnages that included solely journeymen in their ranks excluding master artisans.33 In the case of France as well as in the Greek setting, the members of the guilds shared common cultural characteristics and maintained traditions and religious observances, as mentioned above. The difference between these two countries lies in the fact that in the Greek case it was the Greek Orthodox Church that regulated most of the above traditions because it was an established and influential institution which played a key role in the efforts of the enslaved Orthodox peoples of the Balkans to struggle in order to gain their freedom. However, the Church was—in many cases— blamed for being oppressive to guilds because it demanded high amounts of money as commissions received from trading transactions. An example was observed in Larisa (Thessaly) where the Greek Orthodox Church’s interference in the guild’s affairs is documented by the fact that the Church itself owned workshops.34 At the turn of the eighteenth century, for instance, the parish of Aghia Paraskevi in Trikala, Thessaly, had bought a workshop for making tsarouchia (a type of peasants’ shoes) that was 31  Aminzade, R., (1981), Class, Politics and Early Industrial Capitalism. A Study of Mid-­ nineteenth Century Toulouse, France, State University of New York Press, New York, p. 70. 32  Ibid., p. 13. 33  Aminzade, R, ibid., p. 70. 34  See more in: Aggelomati-­Tsougkaraki, E., (1990), ‘Symvoli stin historia tis oikonomikis, koinonikis kai ekpaideutikis zois tis Larisas kata tin Tourkokratia’, [Contribution to the history of financial, social, and educational life in Larisa during the period of the Ottoman rule], Mesaionika kai Nea Hellenika, (3), (255–332), p. 268.

184 

P. THANAILAKI

­ urchased for 120 gurush (a type of Ottoman currency). Another example p of the clericals’ interference in the local trade is evidenced by the following incidence. The bishop of the same region advised the local grocers to supply their stores with only the local type of wine in order to sell, and not buy wine from other regions. The reason was that the grocers often bought wine from other areas and—as a consequence—the local wine did not sell well. In fact, the Church reprimanded those grocers who failed to keep their agreement by denying them access to its religious services.35 In the Greek-­ speaking Ottoman-­ ruled regions of southern Europe women—as a general rule—were excluded from the guilds’ corporate statutes despite the fact that many of them managed their own workshops, or they owned a small-­scale enterprise through inheritance. However, some scant information refers to the existence of a number of cases where women held their own share directly or indirectly in guilds. One example was a guild that had its seat in the region of ‘Edirne Kapou’ in Constantinople that manufactured wooden artifacts of fine quality where both men and women were members.36 In Ampelakia, during the eighteenth century, a type of family consortium is observed being a kind of brotherhood, or association where women were active members. Their main task was the production and the processing of the product. The earnings were distributed on the net profit basis depending on the number of wages they had as well as on the ranking of their skill.37 The Ampelakia case was an example of a proto-­corporation, or family consortium—as it was previously explored in the present book—and not of a guild because the two categories differed. The guild was perceived as a more official type having its own statutes, charter, members, and board. It also included a training period for its apprentices in order to be certified in the craft. This had nothing in common with a family consortium, the latter being more based on the customary law similar to brotherhood.38 However, by no means does this difference underrate women’s status and usefulness in these family consortiums. Additionally, their contribution was welcomed  Giannouchou, E., ibid., p. 61.  Pissa, H., (2006), He Nomiki Thesi tis Gynaikas tin Periodo tis Tourkokratias stin periochi tis Thessalias, [The legal status of women in the Ottoman period in the area of Thessaly], Graduate Paper, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, p. 44. 37  Pissa, H., ibid., p. 45. 38   Papageorgiou, G., (1986), He Mathiteia sta epaggelmata (16os–20os ai.), [The Apprenticeship in Trades], (published by) Historiko Archeio Hellenikis Neolaias, Athens, p. 14. 35 36

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

185

by men because the female members greatly added to the household finances. In the Greek folklore culture, an early form of a female collective effort relating to domestic duties is traced. It was a type of mutual aid and solidarity. An example of this group effort was the burning of wood-­fired ovens located in the backyard of rural houses that were used for baking bread and/or for cooking savory dinner meals. In Thrace, this practice was called ortakliki. In this collective baking, housewives used to engrave a sign on each of their loaves so that they could identify them after the baking process. On the island of Limnos the woman-­baker received a loaf of bread as a means of payment. On the Greek island of Kos, the spouses who baked their bread in another woman’s oven gave her ‘half a pie’ or a small piece of bread in order to pay for her services. In the region of Kefalos, on the same island, a number of five to six women were organized in the baking of their bread loaves in the same oven keeping line priority. The first woman in the line who was to bake her bread paid more money for the wood according to the customary law. The reason was that the starting process being the heating of the oven required more wood in order to become hot and to bake well. The advantage that this woman enjoyed was saving time as she finished earlier than the others, thus she had more time available to carry out the rest of her household chores. Customarily, women did the bread baking on Saturdays.39 Women did not work collectively in their household chores only, but in other agricultural tasks as well. For instance, in sericulture, they shared the cost of buying the mulberry leaves, or they shared the feeding of silkworms as well as the profit.40 Women also worked collectively in the process of making cheese, called mitato, in Crete. Similarly, they collaborated in the wool processing and in the chickens’ incubation.41 Though there are not any written accounts, or signed contracts to document the above practices, we do observe the customary law that defines the terms of their collective efforts that facilitated labor and eased women’s onerous duties.

39  Petropoulos, D.A., (1943–1944), ‘Ethima Synergasias kai Allilovoitheias tou Hellenikou Laou’, [Customs of cooperation and mutual aid of the Greek people], Epetiris Laografikou Archeiou, vols. 5 & 6, p. 66. 40  Ibid., p. 67. 41  Megas, G.A., (1939), ‘Zitimata Laografias’, [Folklore Themes], Epetiris Laografikou Archeiou, v1, (110–120), p. 116.

186 

P. THANAILAKI

In the following case we will see an official form of female collective attempt organized as a guild in the eighteenth century. This was the guild of the soap-­makers in Trikala. The above effort showed that the soap-­­ making craftsmanship had passed into women’s hands. The provisions to the articles of this guild refer to the female collective effort of soap-­makers in ‘Trikke’42 (1738) as sanctioned by the Bishop of Trikala.43 According to its charter, a number of women who participated in the guild of soap-­­ makers—their names being ‘Stamoulo’, ‘Vassiliki’, ‘Margarona’, ‘Archonto’, ‘Veneto’, ‘Aggelo’, ‘Pagona’, ‘Triantafyllia’, ‘Chaido’, and ‘Aikaterina’—presented themselves in front of the bishop of the area who acted as chairman. They also appeared in front of the clerics and dignitaries of the Metropolis of Trikke declaring that it was an old custom that no men would participate in this guild, or practice this art. Thus, they—in accord—agreed and begged the clerics and dignitaries to ratify this agreement and enter it in the sacred codices; if in the future one of them wanted to enroll her daughter in the guild, or her daughter-­in-­law, in order to work in soap-­making, she had to pay to the guild the fee of five gurush, as it was a fixed fee in other guilds, too. In the case of a woman’s death, no one should be granted with the permission to take the tools of the trade which could be dispensed only by the female members of the guild. Moreover, if any outsider made an attempt to practice the trade acting without permission granted by the women-­members of the guild, and in violation of the agreement and of the decree of the Church, they were ‘liable to punishment’ by both the Church and the [Ottoman] Turkish authorities. Moreover, the members of the guild had to pay ten gurush to the guild and fifteen gurush to the Church. The women designated this guild as free of men. However, it was agreed that the guild would be under the ‘care and assistance’ of the clerics and dignitaries according to its terms. The document of the female guild of soap-­makers was drafted and confirmed by the bishop, witnessed by the clerics and dignitaries of the Metropolis of Trikke, and entered in the sacred codex on July 27, 1738.44 The charter also made clear that any violation of the articles of this  The old name of Trikala.  See the translated charter from the Greek language into English in: Hunt, M., (2014), Women in Eighteenth-­Century Europe, Routledge, London and New York, p. 180. 44  See the original Greek text in: Pavlides, G., (1965), ‘Selides apo tin Thessalikin Historian: Ai Epaggelmatikai Organoseis epi Tourkokratias’, [Pages from the History of Thessaly: The Trading Organizations During the Period Under the Turkish Rule], ir.lib.uth.gr/bitstream/ handle/11615/25173/article.pdf?sequence=1, pp. 350–351. 42 43

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

187

charter was charged with a sizeable sum of money as penalty.45 Additionally, the male offenders of this agreement faced conformity measures as according to its terms, for any violator of this covenant and for non-­compliance with the ecclesiastical decision, ecclesiastical and lay correctional education was imposed.46 Moreover, in case a female member wished her daughter, or daughter-­in-­law to enter the trade of soap-­making, she had to pay a registration fee to the craft guild. In the event of death, nobody else was entitled to use the tools of the deceased without the guild’s consent, as mentioned above.47 Sofia Laiou notes that the female guild of soap-­makers was not officially recorded because women and children were excluded from the poll tax according to the Ottoman law.48 In Trikala, in 1714, it is also observed another case of female participation in guilds where women’s names were registered along with the names of their male peers. For example, the grocer’s guild included thirty-­nine members, six of them being women and especially widows, or daughters.49 This is an element which allows us to conclude that male guilds were not totally inaccessible to women in the event of death—possibly of husband, or father, as the widow, or the daughter of the deceased were granted with concessions for admittance in the guild. In the Ottoman-­occupied Thessaly50 the existence of female-­owned workshops is not documented with evidence. So, we do not know whether women themselves had set up and managed their own workshops, or they owned them through inheritance.51 The latter possibility is most likely to exist as it is indirectly evidenced by the case of a woman named Chatzianthitza—widow of the deceased Dimitrios Bararas—who donated to Church two workshops that manufactured fabrics. The widow owned them through the will of her late husband.52 Another example constitutes the case of another woman named Chryssanthi  Pavlides, G., (1965), ibid., p. 350.  Kalinderis, M., (1973), Ai Syntecniai kai he Ekklisia epi Tourkokratias, [The Guilds and the Church During the Ottoman rule], EkdoseisAnatolikisDiakonias (publishers), Athens, www.myriobiblos.gr/texts/greek/kalinderis_8.html 47  Pavlides, G., ibid., p. 351. 48  Laiou, S., (2006–2007), ‘Ta Trikala sta teli tou 17ou aiona me vasi dyo katasticha kefalikou forou’, [The town of Trikala at the end of the seventeenth century on the basis of two Ottoman cizye registers], Mnimon, 28, (9–30), p. 22. 49  Giannouchou, E., (2017), ibid., p. 60. 50  Thessaly’s annexation to the Greek territory came about in 1881. 51  With the exception of that of the soap makers. See, Pissa, H., ibid., p. 45. 52  Ibid., p. 45, Footnote 218. 45 46

188 

P. THANAILAKI

Kalochairetaina, who donated her two workshops to the Church.53 According to the customary law of the region, spouses and daughters entered trading companies holding their own share in them, which was called kentikio (gedik). Kentikio was a legal document with which they were granted with the privilege of practicing the craft.54 Widows or daughters of the deceased artisans could inherit the Kentikio but—in this case— the above category of women was not entitled to manage the workshop as they were authorized to its sale only or to its usufruct.55 A different aspect of female involvement in male guilds is noted in the case of wealthy ladies who appeared as moneylenders lending out cash to guilds with interest payments.56 Similarly, in other geographical Greek regions female participation in guilds was reported either as being full members, or mainly as assistants of members in the craft. For example, in the brotherhood of the tanners in Ioannina—a city located in western mainland Greece—spouses assisted in the dying process of leather that was performed during the night, following a clandestine recipe.57 There are also references documenting that women were active in the tanners’ guild, or they were the helping hands in the family company along with their brothers-­in-­law and/or their sons. An example of the above practice constitutes the case of a will signed by a male tanner named Vasileios Meourkos in Ioannina in 1877 whose mother-­in-­law, Margarita, was an expert in tanning, working with her son and son-­in-­law.58 Another reference of women’s entering guilds is made in the early twentieth century in Asia Minor. Ecclesiastical documents drawn from the Bishop of Alikarnassos archives evidence that there is a recorded entry in 1913 under the female name Xeni Makrogianni, who paid an ‘optional’ subscription of 42:20 gurush.59 As it is noted in the above lines, female hereditary succession was ensured in guilds under the condition that daughters or daughters-­in-­law paid enrolment fees. One can consider the fact that in many cases and in different time periods female entrants  One of them made shoes. Pissa, H., ibid., p. 45, Footnote 218.  Ibid., p. 46. 55  Aggelomati–Tsougkaraki, ibid., p. 287. 56  Yiangou, A., Kazamias G., et al., (eds), (2016), The Greeks and the British in the Levant, 1800–1960s: Between Empires and Nations, Routledge, London & New York, (n. p). 57  Papageorgiou, G., (1982) Oi Syntechnies sta Giannena kata ton 19o kai tis arches tou 20ou aiona (Arches 19ou aiona eos 1912), ibid., p. 35. 58  Papageorgiou, G., Oi Syntechnies…, ibid., p. 368. 59  Bambounis, Ch. & Mouzakis, S., ibid., p. 19. 53 54

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

189

were registered in guilds mainly in the event of a death of a male member, and only after they had received the consent of the cooperative community.60 Another form of indirect female participation in guilds’ registers is the entry of female names after men’s names. This is documented in an eighteenth-­century ecclesiastical codex of Saint Stephanos Monastery of Meteora, in which the male members of each guild of the area of Thessaly— also including those of Thessaloniki—were registered in the following order: first, the full name of the male member was written and then followed the name of his wife, along with the names of his children and parents. The practice of using the names in this order is observed throughout the whole sacred codex.61 Based on the above data it is deduced that in the artisans’ guilds women were officially admitted, along with the rest of the family into them on paper. This fact seemed to secure wives’ hereditary rights within the guild in the event of the husband’s death. A different type of female contribution to family trading companies is traced in Mani, in the province of Laconia (Peloponnese), where family bond was the main component in this informal type of collective effort, being a closed brotherhood. It consisted of skilled persons whose main target was to exert influence and maintain the continuity of tradition and of the hereditary rights of the local wealthy families by building stone edifices for them that mainly were towers serving as fortification castles. In the northern part of Mani, the towers were built with the contribution of almost all inhabitants including women who were paid for the job. The above skilled workers were called petrofaoi (stone workers). They passed on their expertise to the next generations and were viewed as the people who had undertaken the role of the bearers of the traditional architecture.62 Women’s and children’s participation in them is also observed. Children were instructed the skill from early childhood.63 The members of the above type of brotherhood respected the builder-­in-­chief, called the ‘boss’, who served as their exemplar, while support and protection to each  Bambounis, Ch. & Mouzakis, S., ibid., p. 19, Footnote 44.  Spanos, K., (1987), ‘Ta onomata ton pantopolon kai ton abatzidon tis Thessalonikis ston Kodika 8 tis Monis «Agios Stephanos» ton Meteoron (1714–1725)’, [The names of the grocers and tailors of Thessaloniki in codex 8 of the Saint Stephan monastery in Meteora, 1714–1725], Makedonika 26, (230–241). 62  Theodorakakou-­Varelidou, P., (2001), ‘«Maniates Petrofaoi»: Hoi syntechnies kai he Organosi Ergasias tous’, [The Maniot ‘Petrofaoi’: Their guilds and labor organization], Applied Research Review, Institute of Pireus, VI:1, (193–201), p. 197. 63  Ibid., pp. 194–195. 60 61

190 

P. THANAILAKI

other were the main principles of the clan. Moreover, in this particular region, women held a privileged position in family hierarchy because they were entitled not only to receiving dowry but to also claiming hereditary rights.64 Therefore, Greek women were partly, or wholly, accommodated in the productive sphere, by taking part in craft guilds, and in collective efforts where they were needed. As a concluding remark it can be argued that the operation of Greek artisanal corporations was growing unevenly, depending on local conditions and on time variants while inclusion or exclusion of female members was dictated by the customary law of each region. In France, by the early seventeenth century, there were chiefly two existing female guilds: one of the linen drapers and the other of the hemp merchants. There was also one guild of the small grain dealers that included both men and women. During the early period of modern history, women were denied access to independent and skilled trades.65 According to Olwen Hufton, the French censuses of the years 1794 and 1797 indicated that the majority of the wives of carters, farriers, wheelwrights, smiths, building workers, gardeners, shoe clog makers, and tanners were not involved in their husbands’ business. It was most probable that female spouses were mostly employed in the textile piece-­work. Taking as a criterion the size of the enterprise, the guilds varied. As a rule, the wealthier the member of the guild, the less possible it was for his wife to work in her husband’s trade. In this case, women’s only economic contribution to family was the dowry they received upon marriage.66 To the contrary, in the small enterprises women were mainly busy in the workshop of their husbands while the residence of the family was often located over the store, or the small workshop that they kept. Additionally, in the guilds that traded food production and distribution, women held the main role, offering their services while bearing and rearing their children at the same time. Because of their multifarious tasks, the daily program was flexible. If the food business prospered, then there was a need for hiring extra women to employ such as maids while the heavy work rested on the shoulders of servants. However, the key role in this type of enterprise was held by the spouses who were also in charge of cooking, shopping, as well as carrying  Ibid., p. 199.  Crowston, C., (2008), ‘Women, Gender…’, ibid., p. 26. 66  Hufton, O., (2003), (Greek edition), Historia ton Gynaikon stin Europi 1500–1800, Nefeli (publishers), Athens, p. 196. 64 65

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

191

water for the household chores. The above duties were performed along with the business management that they had undertaken because the enterprise was home based.67 Another branch of food business where women assisted their husbands by undertaking various tasks was the selling of cooked meat, the rôttiseurs, charcutiers. But this category excluded the spouses of butchers, bakers, confectioners, or restaurant owners who preferred more to stay at home, breastfeed their babies, and raise their children than being busy with the family enterprise.68 Additionally, the wives of the French small artisans were the main persons in charge of meal preparation for the staff of the store, or for the workshop that their husband owned. Another category was that of the women who sold the products of their small manufacturing enterprises in the open markets. These street vendors were self-­employed, did not hire other persons, and did not possess capital of their own.69 As stated above, women’s initiation in their husbands’ trade, along with the multifarious duties they performed, was of great help to them while the cooking task for the staff of the family workshop was one of them too. Wives were also the decision-makers meals only but they were also the decision-­makers for labor division out of the store or the workshop. For example, they decided on who would run errands, who would deliver supplies from the rear door of the opulent household, or who was to order the raw materials. In the open markets, behind the benches the female traders sold the family products themselves though the rent for the bench was registered under the name of the husband, and this was common practice in all Europe.70 Regarding grain trade, in France there was a legal system since the sixteenth century, defining the terms and conditions under which the merchants and millers had to trade their products to a designated market. Yet, with the course of time the whole transaction ended in the hands of male and female intermediaries who negotiated the price with the cultivators. Moreover, the female flour suppliers of the French capital were most likely born into families of corn producers.71 Setting up female guilds in the major European cites in early modern history served as a defense system to women’s subordination and to their  Hufton, O., Historia ton Gynaikon, ibid., p. 197.  Ibid., p. 197. 69  Aminzade, R., ibid., p. 30. 70  Hufton, O., Historia…, ibid., p. 199. 71  Kaplan, S.L., (1984), Provisioning Paris: Merchants and Millers in the Grain and Flour Trade During the Eighteenth Century, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, pp. 189, 321–329. 67 68

192 

P. THANAILAKI

inferior labor status. Hence, organized efforts to set up female guilds became necessary for safeguarding their rights. Most of these collective attempts were invariably connected to textile-­related crafts. However, the above guilds were poor and of low social profile.72 In Rouen, a sizeable number of the city’s seventy guilds belonged to women and were associated with the crafts of the hand-­knitters, of the elegant plume-­makers, of the embroiderers of religious vestments, and of the linen drapers.73 The contribution of tailors’ spouses and daughters to the trading branch of making clothes was fundamental, in France. Guilds had granted them the work permit to labor on their husbands’ side. Apart from being certified with a license, they were also entitled to the legal right to make kids’ clothing but only for those under the age of eight. In the event of the husband’s death, the widow could keep the family’s trade. The guild’s preponderance was present in all aspects but the articles of the charter strictly limited widows’ rights by not allowing them to employ more than one journeyman. This was a negative term that in effect obliged them to marry again somebody from the same trade. Therefore, on the one hand, the craft guilds gave widows the free hand to get on with their late husbands’ enterprise, but on the other, they minimized their potential to expand trading activities obliging them to exercise restricted patriarchal or guild control in their husband’s name only for a limited time period.74 Tailors relied more on family. The majority of those who became masters were sons of masters, or they had married the daughter of a master, or a master’s widow. Therefore, marriage was the most significant asset for reproducing the tailors’ professional association representing 40 percent of the total.75 The above figures document the significance of female presence and influence in the artisans’ corporation of tailors though indirectly. In eighteenth-­century Paris, daughters stood more chances to practice their fathers’ trades than their mothers because marrying a tailor’s daughter or widow, the tailor was given a corporate status he may otherwise 72  Farr, R.J., (2000), Artisans in Europe 1300–1914: New Approaches to European History, Cambridge University Press, pp. 40–41. 73  Farr, R.J., ibid., p. 113. 74  Coffin, J.G., (1994), ‘Gender and the Guild Order’, ibid., p. 773. 75  During the period between September 1735 and February 1776, of the 2681 masters, 22 percent were sons of masters; 14 percent were apprentices who had completed their apprenticeship; 31 percent had married the daughter of the master, and 8 percent had married the widow of the master. See more in: Crowston, C., (2008), ‘Women, Gender, and Guilds’, ibid., p. 40.

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

193

never have acquired. The daughter had grown up in the trade practice of her father, and she had acquired substantial technical skills and a strong grasp of trading methods and guild politics. Moreover, she had a deep knowledge of the clients and credit suppliers as she had gained personal experience that her husband did not possess but he hoped that his spouse would pass it to him.76 The seamstress guilds in Paris seemed to get the majority of preference for joining guilds, compared to other Parisian artisans’ corporations. Seamstresses counted on their families in order to get the apprenticeship and to pay guild entrance fees.77 Nearly in all French regions, widows were granted with the permission to continue their husbands’ enterprises though statutory restrictions were applicable often scaling down their trading activities.78 These statutory limitations applied to men, too.79 The seamstresses who were called couturiers had set up a guild in 1675  in the French capital. In accordance with the statutes of their society, they were entitled with the license of sewing and selling clothing for women and for small kids. They served as apprentices for three years then they worked with a two-­year provisional license in order to obtain apprenticeship on condition that they were at least of the age of twenty-­­ two.80 In Lyons, the female weavers had to pay fees for entering a guild that amounted to the sum of over 200 livres.81 Nantes constitutes a special case as increased access to guilds from women’s side was a widespread phenomenon that was not limited in the tailoring trade alone. During the eighteenth century, the women in Nantes started purchasing their guild status rather than inheriting it. The above obtained right constituted an important modification of their legal position in the area because after 1700s a number of corporations made amendments for accommodating women-­artisans. The list included tailors, butchers, dyers, and wigmakers. However, there were restrictions because women could not enter these artisanal associations as mistresses in the full sense of the word because a separate section was added to their  Ibid., p. 41.  Crowston, C., (2008), ‘Women, Gender, and Guilds’, ibid., p. 40. 78  Farr, R.J., Artisans in Europe, ibid., p. 113. 79  Even if a male applicant met all formal prerequisites, a number of guilds imposed extra ‘catch-­up clauses’. One of the required personal traits and criteria were good fame and the ‘collective approval’. See more in: Ogilvie, S., ibid., p. 61. 80  Farr, R.J., Artisans in Europe, ibid., pp. 40–41. 81  Hufton, O., (1998), The Prospect Before Her: A History of Women in Western Europe 1500–1800, First Vintage Books Edition, n.p. 76 77

194 

P. THANAILAKI

case in each corporation regulating and fixing the organization structure of each guild. The growing economic development was the reason behind women’s entrance in the guilds in Nantes.82 Despite the fact that women appeared to have been given broad access to guilds—still—in the eighteenth century, their profile was socially low as female mistresses were not granted the same advantages as those that their male peers enjoyed. In the case of the tailors’ trade in 1728, women were not entitled to open a shop though amendments were made in their statutes in order to allow female mistresses into them. The restrictions lay on women’s undertaking custom-­­ made or made-­to-­order work. Additionally, they could not hire journeymen. According to researchers, the tailors opened up their guild to women because there was a big demand for female clothing that outstripped the male tailors’ capacity to meet this huge bulk of orders.83 In southern France and more particularly in Marseille, economy kept the old traditional pattern throughout the nineteenth century despite industrialization and the subsequent social changes created by rapid urban growth and political revolutionary movements.84 The city’s working people had to labor hard in order to earn their meager living in contrast to its wealthy inhabitants who were amply offered the services of their numerous servants.85 In nineteenth-­century Marseille, women’s presence in the workforce was not negligible at all as it constituted a considerable module in it. However, they were framed as persons attached with subordinate social significance while their involvement in economy was not visible or— at least—different if compared to men’s share in work. In fact, it was the male occupation that counted for a family’s income as men were the head of the household, while female economic contribution to it was viewed as auxiliary.86 This disparity was clear in female wage rates. In the mid-­­ century, the money that women earned from their job barely reached the amount of one point twenty-­ five (1.25) francs a day even for skilled employment. To the contrary, unskilled men were paid with at least two francs a day while the trained male workers earned no less than three francs. Moreover, women did not usually work after marriage unless there 82  Crowston, C., (2008), ‘Women, Gender, and Guilds in Early Modern Europe, ibid., pp. 38–39. 83  Farr, R.J., (2000), Artisans in Europe, ibid., pp. 40–41. 84  On political historical events in Marseille, see: Masson, P., (ed.), (1929), Les Bouches-­du-­ Rhône: La vie Politique et administrative, vol. 5, Paris and Marseilles. 85  Sewell, W., H, Jr, (1985), Structure and Mobility, ibid., p. 73. 86  Ibid., p. 52.

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

195

was a compelling economic necessity.87 Because of the reasons mentioned above, women’s employment was not fully included in the censuses. The only recorded data that contained female occupations were the census of 1851 and the marriage registers of 1846–1851, as well as that of 1869 which adequately informed and described female employment also dividing them in distinct types.88 One such example of female involvement in the economic setting was the category of the rentières89 whose income was drawn from rents. This class of women belonged to wealthy families and possessed property that had been bestowed to them either by their fathers or by their late husband in case of widowhood. On the marriage lists they were also referred as propriétaires, or in rare cases as pensionaires. However, their economic status varied. One can encounter the case of a proud and wealthy female proprietor on the one side, while on the other the case of a poor woman and widow eking out her way of living on a small pension.90 Businesswomen and professionals constituted another category of women in Marseille who worked in order to earn their living being either married or single. A small number of them was involved in occupations mainly of ‘bourgeois character’ while the professionals constituted the class of teachers, actresses, nurses, and mid-­wives.91 Recent studies have shown that those women of the big French port of the Mediterranean Sea, who were active in trade and commerce throughout the nineteenth century, were not closely linked to the so-­ called ‘feminine’ trades. Moreover, they entered the ‘world’ of business only after the family consent and this ‘world’ in the past was perceived solely as male dominion.92 Another class of working female persons was called négociantes in the French language, being a small number of women involved in wholesale trading activities.93 A different category was that of the small business women who were simply the counterparts of the male shopkeepers while some of them possessed the store through their husbands’ will. The most  Ibid., p. 52.  Sewell, W., H, Jr, (1985), Structure and Mobility, ibid., p. 52. 89  On more information regarding different categories of female occupation in Marseille, see: Consolat, M., (ed.), (1835), Le choléra à Marseille 1834–1835, Mille Et Senés, publishers, Marseille, p. 69. 90  Sewell, W., H, Jr, (1985), Structure and Mobility, ibid., p. 52. 91  Ibid., p. 52. 92  Craig, B., (2016), Female Enterprise Behind the Discursive Veil in Nineteenth-­Century Northern France, Palgrave Macmillan, p. 10. 93  Ibid., p. 53. 87 88

196 

P. THANAILAKI

usual sectors of retailing trade for women were food and cloth, along with the keeping of cafés, restaurants, inns, and lodging houses. One example of female preponderance in food trade constitutes the trading sector of fish-­selling. Until the mid-­nineteenth century, women monopolized the wholesale of fish market. They bought from men the products that they resold to other female fishmongers who kept benches in the fish market of Marseille.94 In the small-­business sector, a number of women were sellers while another category constituted that of the self-­employed dealers who traveled about selling goods, not being employees of a large firm. Especially the female sellers in food retailing possessed no capital. However, there was a category of few quite comfortable shop owners who were more heavily capitalized that they differed from men in gender only.95 The needle-­­trade workers constituted another large female working class in the French port, and they were labeled as couturiers. This category encompassed seamstresses, also tailors, waistcoat makers, lingerie makers, milliners, and embroiderers.96 Needle-­trade workers monopolized women’s clothing sector since Louis XIV, who considered as fair and right to allow women to exercise the control of the practice of this occupation.97 Similar to the case of Greece,98 the majority of these women worked at home, either on their own account or on the putting-­out system, or they carried on their skilled work in small workshops.99 Another category of working women included those who worked as cigar makers, straw plaiters, and lace makers.100 The above types of labor were considered pure feminine trades through which women gave a financial boost to family earnings. Moreover, single women plaiters earned money in order to make their dowries.101 Additionally, women in Marseille worked as washerwomen and pressers from home. Being a laundress was exclusively female job. Domestic servants constituted another category of female occupation. Another class  Richard, E., (2006), ‘Des Marseillaises en affaires’, Annales du Midi, (85–102), p. 94.  Sewell, W., H, Jr, (1985), Structure and Mobility…, ibid., p. 53. 96  Ibid., p. 53. 97  On more about seventeenth-­century France, see: Bély, L., (2009), La France au XVIIe siècle: Puissance de l’ Etat, Contrôle de la Société, Presses Universitaires de France. 98  For more on the matter, see Chap. 3 in this book. 99  Sewell, W., H, Jr, (1985), Structure and Mobility…, ibid., p. 53. 100  Ibid., p. 53. 101  In some counties of southern England, straw-­plaiting was women’s and children’s craft, as well. See more about it in: Sharpe, P., (1994), ‘The Women’s Harvest: Straw Plaiting and the Representation of Labouring Women’s Employment, c 1793–1885’, Rural History, vol. 2:2, (129–142). 94 95

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

197

of unskilled workers included those women who were hired as day laborers and cultivators, or who did miscellaneous jobs.102 During the second half of the nineteenth century and at the dawn of the twentieth, attempts were made in Italy and Greece for an organized promotion of women’s crafts in the market. Until then, female craftsmanship had been marginal. With the encouragement of collective efforts through exhibitions and collaborations, female artistry in Italy shifted to a more professional character while women ceased to be mere workers and simple tools of production.103 In Italy, the organized professional communities brought together women’s skills under the supervision of elite women who promoted their pieces of art. Moreover, they gave impetus to Italian women’s emancipation.104 These cooperatives were mainly set up at the beginning of the twentieth century. The biggest society was Le Industrie Femminili Italiane, the founders of which had set up branches in almost all regions of the country. Its exhibits were displayed in industrial exhibitions featuring embroideries, lace, precious fabrics, and upholstery.105 Its goal was to open international avenues for Italian female products and to supply girls with more sophisticated training. Moreover, it aimed at making a collective effort for setting up an organization that could promote female laborers’ craft products by clearing them out of the intermediaries who illegally profited from women’s timid work.106 A central committee with the patronage of twenty-­four ladies oversaw the artistic movement of this social enterprise and directed it through personal counseling and through models and inspections.107 With this collective effort, member companies reached new markets, including firms abroad. The above attempt was made feasible thanks to the competence of the Countess Cora di Brazzà Savorgnan, who chaired the board of the directors. The Countess, in 1893, exhibited the laces of her firm at the Universal  Sewell, W., H, Jr, (1985), Structure and Mobility, ibid., p. 54.  Soldi, M., (2015), ‘Esporre il femminile. L’ Esposizione Beautrice (Firenze, 1890)’, Ricerche di S/Confine, VI:1, www.ricerchedisconfine.info 104   Rinaldi, A., & Tagliazucchi, G., (2017), ‘Women Entrepreneurs in Italy: A Prosopographic Study’, Conference Paper presented at the European Business History Association 21st Annual Congress (with the theme): Transformation in Business and Society: A Historical Approach, Vienna University of Economics and Business, (24–26 August). 105  Cooperativa Nazionale Sede Centrale, (2014), Le Industrie Femminili Italiane, Milano (1906), p. 11. https://archive.org (digitalized by the Internet Archives in 2014). 106  Cooperativa Nazionale, ibid., p. 11. 107  Ibid., p. 12. 102 103

198 

P. THANAILAKI

Exhibition in Chicago. Her efforts became fruitful as in 1903 Le Industrie Femminili Italiane (IFI) had five warehouses in the United States.108 In Greece, a similar case constituted the collective effort of the ‘Lyceum Club of Greek Women’ (Lykeion ton Hellenidon) that was established in 1911 by the active journalist Kallirrohe Parren—manager and editor of the successful feminist newspaper Ephemeris ton Kyrion (Ladies’ Journal)— in Athens. The Club’s purpose was to raise women’s issues in the Greek society and to also provide a stimulus in handicraft production for making commercially profitable products.109 Through Greek women’s organized attempts for setting up exhibitions on female art crafts, or through participating in international fairs with their own pavilion, the prime goal of the Greek elite ladies in charge of these collective efforts was the restoration of national pride as the purpose of promoting female emancipation came as second priority. Resetting the national dignity was an initiative of vital importance because during the decades 1880s and 1890s there occurred major changes that bore national characteristics of great significance for Greece. More precisely, the annexation of the productive plains of Thessaly in 1881 and in the aftermath of the Berlin Congress to the Greek Kingdom eased the country’s heavy loans and financial burdens and added a very good source of revenue to the country. However, a new revolt of the people of Crete against the Ottoman occupation for the purpose of being annexed to the Greek state ended up in the 1897 war between the Greeks and the Ottomans that resulted in a humiliating defeat on the Greek side. Under these adverse conditions, the Greek state was forced to accept an international control commission to ensure that the country paid a large war indemnity.110 As a result, the Greeks were obliged to accept the new reality, while the national enthusiasm over the revival of the Olympic Games that seemed to unite the glorious past with the present, faded.111 Moreover, nationalism in the northern borders of the country started 108  Picciaia, F., & Terzani, S., (2019) ‘Female Entrepreneurial Networks in a Historical Perspective: The Case of Industrie Femminili Italiane (I.F.I.) at the Beginning of 20th century’, in: Paolini, P., et al. (eds), Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Gender Research, Roma Tre University, ICGR 11–12 April, p. 492. 109  See more about the ‘Lyceum’ in: Bounia, A., (2014), ‘Exhibiting Women’s Handicrafts: Arts and Crafts Exhibitions in Greece at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century’, Gender & History, 26:2, (287–312), pp. 298–304. 110  Koliopoulos, J., & Veremis, Th., (2002), Greece. The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present. Hurst & Company, London, p. 279. 111  Bounia, A., ibid., p. 293.

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

199

t­ aking roots as Bulgaria and Serbia aimed at claiming lands of the collapsing Ottoman Empire. Therefore, the political setting had changed at the beginning of the twentieth century. Additionally, the ‘Illiden’s Movement’ had successfully made known to a large audience Bulgaria’s standpoint on the ‘Macedonian Cause’, while its main target was to make Bulgarians the contenders of a broader geographical region in Macedonia who were beyond any dispute.112 The Balkan Wars (1912–1913), the First World War (1914–1918), and the fall of the Ottoman Empire ended with both positive and negative results for Greece.113 Hence, the restoration of national self-­confidence and the designation of the Greek women’s role as the guardians of the nation in this historical background were of vital importance. As a result, female participation in the international public sphere through craft exhibitions was considered as a tool in their hands for the purpose of reestablishing national pride and dignity. By contrast, in Italy, the cooperatives functioned on a different basis. The case of Italian female collective corporations served as the tools of emancipation and autonomy, and the targets of job creation—between necessity and ideas. Overall, in the Italian historical setting, cooperatives included small enterprises that served as vehicles for new needs of existence and more specifically as endeavors to supplement a welfare system that over the history had been based against the weak people.114 Therefore, at the turn of the nineteenth century, these female collective attempts had welfare characteristics until the setting up of female organizations after the Second World War, and through the legal framework that gave privileges of credit access to war widows and to the prosperity of modern female cooperatives in the 1970s. Historically, these attempts have counted as an ‘interlocutor’ of state welfare and of the flaws in Italian society.115 Moreover, the establishment of a welfare system for the needy people, along with the autonomy and promotion of women’s work through the dozens of small female-­ managed workshops, constituted the main building materials of Italian women’s exhibitions of handicrafts. 112  Gounaris, V., (1993–1994), ‘Hoi Slavofonoi tis Makedonias: He poreia tis ensomatosis sto Helleniko ethniko kratos, 1870–1940’, [The Slavophones of Macedonia. The course of integration into the Greek nation-­state, 1870–1940], Makedonika, Syggramma Periodikon tis Hetaireias Makedonikon Spoudon, v. 29th, Thessaloniki, (209–218), pp. 218, 222–223. 113  Bounia, A., ibid., p. 294. 114  Curli, B., (2002), ‘Women Entrepreneurs and Italian Industrialization: Conjectures and Avenues for Research’, Enterprise and Society, vol. 3:4, (634–656), p. 647. 115  Curli, B., (2002), ibid., p. 647.

200 

P. THANAILAKI

Concluding, it can be noted that in the Greek setting the predominant nineteenth-­to early twentieth-­century deep-­seated notion that women were destined to stay at home and deal with the management of their household being—at the same time—in charge of their children’s rearing only seems to give space to a sound female contribution, though silent, to family’s finances through trade and craftsmanship. In cases where women were called to financially assist their husbands, they joined guilds, or they formed their own collective corporations in order to defend their rights in the labor sector. This was more common in families with low income because wealthy ladies led a carefree life sometimes using their hereditary rights and exerting influence through them often in theory and not in practice. Moreover, female engagement in craftsmanship and in entering guilds was not easy for Greek women as the meaning of virility116 was closely connected to men’s undisputable leadership and role as chief breadwinners. In the rural Greek households the male space was clearly discerned from the female area of control despite the fact that home was perceived in general as women’s dominion. According to customary law, rural female spouses were not supposed to interfere in men’s business affairs as a part of them was dealt in a clandestine way and women were supposed to keep out of them. Sometimes this was done because women held the fear lest an ‘unpleasant, unpredictable’ situation would be in store for them117 regarding their husbands. In France, female contribution to trade fluctuated according to regional specificities as the country shows differences in the north and south, and different cases are applied according to different time periods and size of the enterprise. Women were not denied access to guilds—as a general rule—but their admittance into them was conditional. Where female skilled persons were needed, the system allowed their participation in them. For example, tailors opened their guilds to women because the big demand of the market for female clothing made almost impossible for them to meet. Moreover, the poorer the woman, the most compelling was the necessity to contribute to the family income. Similar to Greece, in France, the traditional gender role division 116  For more on ‘virility’ and ‘manhood’ in the Greek rural areas, see: Thanailaki, P., (2018), Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities During 19th and Early 20th Century: A Historical Perspective, Springer, (especially) Chapter 5. 117  Astrinaki, O., (2002), Ho andras kanei ti genia h he genia ton andra? Taftotites, Via, Historia stin Oreini Dytiki Krete, [The Man makes the generation or the generation makes the Man? Identities, Violence, History of the Mountainous Western Crete], Ph.D. Dissertation, Panteio Panepistimio, Athens, p. 422.

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

201

dictated that men were supposed to participate more in the public, or in the professional arena. In Italy, the organized promotion of female crafts paved the way for women’s emancipation. Women predominantly remained the caretakers of the private, familial, and domestic sphere. However, in the course of time female share in family economy was significant as it gave the final boost to the welfare of their beloved persons.

References Aggelomati-Tsougkaraki, E., (1990), ‘Symvoli stin historia tis oikonomikis, koinonikis kai ekpaideutikis zois tis Larisas kata tin Tourkokratia’, [Contribution to the History of financial, social and educational life in Larisa during the period of the Ottoman rule], Mesaionika kai Nea Hellenika, (3), (255–332). Alevras, G., (2017), Ho Kozanitis emporos konstantinos D. Takiatzis (1812–1896). Oikonomikes drastiriotites tou tin period 1840–1855 symfona me anekdota eggrafa apo to Archeio Takiatzi, [The merchant from Kozani named Konstantinos D.  Takiatzis (1812–1896). His Economic activities during the period 1840–1855 based on unpublished documents drawn from Takiatzis Archive] (published by) Etaireia Dytikomakedonikon Meleton, Kozani. Aminzade, R., (1981), Class, politics and early industrial capitalism. A Study of Mid-nineteenth century Toulouse, France, State University of New  York Press, New York. Astrinaki, O., (2002), Ho andras kanei ti genia h he genia ton andra? Taftotites, Via, Historia stin Oreini Dytiki Krete, [The Man makes the generation or the generation makes the Man? Identities, Violence, History of the Mountainous Western Crete], Ph.D. Dissertation, Panteio Panepistimio, Athens. Bambounis, Ch. & Mouzakis, S., (2009), ‘Christianikes Koinotites kai adelfotites sti M. Asia stis arches tou 20ou aiona. Apo ton kodika Alikarnassou–Boudroum’, [The Christian Communities and Brotherhoods in Asia Minor in early twentieth century. Based on Alikarnassos–Boudroum codex], Conference Proceedings, 4th Symposium of the ‘Kentro Spoudis kai Anadeiksis Mikrasiatikou Politismou’ (KE.MI.PO), (27–29 November). Bély, L., (2009), La France au XVIIe siècle: Puissance de l’ Etat, Contrôle de la Société, Presses Universitaires de France. Bounia, A., (2014), ‘Exhibiting Women’s Handicrafts: Arts and Crafts Exhibitions in Greece at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century’, Gender& History, 26:2, (287–312). Coffin, J.G., (1994), ‘Gender and the Guild Order: The Garment Trades in Eighteenth-Century Paris’, The Journal of Economic History, 54:4, (768–793). Consolat, M., (ed.), (1835), Le choléra à Marseille 1834–1835, Mille Et Senés, publishers, Marseille.

202 

P. THANAILAKI

Coornaert, E., (1968), Les corporations en France avant 1789, Les Editions ouvrières, Paris. Craig, B., (2016), Female Enterprise Behind the Discursive Veil in Nineteenth-­ Century Northern France, Palgrave Macmillan. Crowston, C., (2008), ‘Women, Gender, and Guilds in Early Modern Europe: An Overview of Research’, International Review of Social History, 53, (Supplement), (19–44). Curli, B., (2002), ‘Women Entrepreneurs and Italian Industrialization: Conjectures and Avenues for Research’, Enterprise and Society, vol. 3:4, (634–656). Farr, R.J., (2000), Artisans in Europe 1300–1914: New approaches to economic history, Cambridge University Press. Giannouchou, E., (2017) Oikonomiki kai koinoniki katastasi sti Dytiki Thessalia apo ta teli tou 18ou aiona os to 1821, [The economic and social situation in western Thessaly from the turn of eighteenth century to 1821], Master thesis, University of Ioannina. Gounaris, V., (1993–1994), ‘Hoi Slavofonoi tis Makedonias: He poreia tis ensomatosis sto Helleniko ethniko kratos, 1870–1940’, [The Slavophones of Macedonia. The course of integration into the Greek nation-state, 1870–1940], Makedonika, Syggramma Periodikon tis Hetaireias Makedonikon Spoudon, v. 29th, Thessaloniki (209–218). Hufton, O., (1998), The Prospect Before Her: A History of Women in Western Europe 1500–1800, First Vintage Books Edition. Hufton, O., (2003), (Greek edition), Historia ton Gynaikon stin Europi 1500–1800, Nefeli (publishers), Athens. Hunt, M., (2014), Women in Eighteenth-Century Europe, Routledge, London and New York. Ierapetritis, D.G., (2006), He Symvoli tis topikis Organosis ton Mastichochorion Chiou sti diacheirisi tou chorou kata tin period 1566–1866 tis Othomanikis Kyriarcheias, [The effect of local administration of the mastic villages of Chios on spatial management during the ottoman occupation 1566–1866], Ph.D. Dissertation, University of the Aegean, Mytelene. Ierapetritis, D.G., (2017), ‘Guilds and Cooperative Community Networks in the Eastern Mediterranean: Evidence from Greece under Ottoman Occupation’, Journal of the Knowledge Economy, Springer, (1–19). Kallinderis, M., (1973), Hai syntechniai kai he Ekklisia epi Tourkokratias, [The Guilds and the Church during the Ottoman Rule], Ekdoseis Apostolikis Diakonias (publishers), Athens. Kaplan, S.L., (1984), Provisioning Paris: Merchants and Millers in the Grain and Flour Trade During the Eighteenth Century, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London. Koliopoulos, J., & Veremis, Th., (2002), Greece. The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present. Hurst & Company, London.

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

203

Laiou, S., (2006–2007), ‘Ta Trikala sta teli tou 17ou aiona me vasi dyo katasticha kefalikou forou’, [The town of Trikala at the end of the seventeenth century on the basis of two Ottoman cizye registers], Mnimon 28, (9–30). Levasseur, E., (1901), Histoire des classes ouvrières et de l’ industrie en France avant 1789, (2 vols), A. Rousseau Publishers, Paris. Martin Saint-Léon, E., (1922), Histoire des corporations de métiers. Depuis leurs origins jusqu’à leur suppression en 1791, Librairie Felix Alcan, Paris. Masson, P., (ed.), (1929), Les Bouches-du-Rhône: La vie Politique et administrative, vol. 5, Paris and Marseille. Megas, G.A., (1939), ‘Zitimata Laografias’, [Folklore Themes], Epetiris Laografikou Archeiou, v1, (110–120). Mpakalis, T., (2011), Ho rolos ton syntechnion stin Hellada kai he syneisfora tous stin anaptyksi kai antagonistikotita tis choras kai ton epicheiriseon, [The role of the guilds in Greece and their contribution to the growth and competitiveness of the country and of the enterprises], Graduate Paper, Technologiko Ekpaideutiko Idryma Kavalas (TEI), Kavala. Ogilvie, S., (2011), Institutions and European Trade: Merchant Guilds, 1000–1800, Cambridge University Press. Olivier-Martin, F., (1938), L’Organisation corporative de la France d’ Ancien Régime, libtrairie du Recueil, Sirey, Paris. Papageorgiou, G., (1982) Oi Syntechnies sta Giannena kata ton 19o kai tis arches tou 20ou aiona (Arches 19ou aiona eos 1912), [The Guilds in Ioannina during nineteenth to early twentieth century. (Beginning of nineteenth century until 1912)], Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Ioannina. Papageorgiou, G., (1986), He Mathiteia sta epaggelmata (16os–20os ai.), [The Apprenticeship in Trades], (published by) Historiko Archeio Hellenikis Neolaias, Athens. Petropoulos, D.A., (1943–1944), ‘Ethima Synergasias kai Allilovoitheias tou Hellenikou Laou’, [Customs of cooperation and mutual aid of the Greek people], Epetiris Laografikou Archeiou, vols. 5&6. Picciaia, F., & Terzani, S., (2019) ‘Female Entrepreneurial Networks in a Historical Perspective: The Case of Industrie Femminili Italiane (I.F.I.) at the Beginning of 20th century’, in: Paolini, P., et al. (eds), Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference On Gender Research, Roma Tre University, ICGR 11–12 April. Pissa, H., (2006), He Nomiki Thesi tis Gynaikas tin Periodo tis Tourkokratias stin periochi tis Thessalias, [The legal status of women in the Ottoman period in the area of Thessaly], Graduate Paper, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Richard, E., (2006), ‘Des Marseillaises en affaires’, Annales du Midi, (85–102). Rinaldi, A., & Tagliazucchi, G., (2017), ‘Women entrepreneurs in Italy: A Prosopographic Study’, Conference Paper presented at the European Business History Association 21st Annual Congress (with the theme) Transformation in

204 

P. THANAILAKI

Business and Society: A Historical Approach, Vienna University of Economics and Business, (24–26 August). Sewell, W., (1985), Structure and Mobility: The Men and Women of Marseille, 1820–1870, Cambridge and Paris: Cambridge University Press and Editions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme. Sharpe, P., (1994), ‘The Women’s Harvest: Straw Plaiting and the Representation of Labouring Women’s Employment, c 1793–1885’, Rural History, vol. 2:2, (129–142). Spanos, K., (1987), ‘Ta onomata ton pantopolon kai ton abatzidon tis Thessalonikis ston Kodika 8 tis Monis «Agios Stephanos» ton Meteoron (1714–1725)’, [The names of the grocers and tailors of Thessaloniki in codex 8 of the Saint Stephan monastery in Meteora, 1714–1725], Makedonika 26, (230–241). Stoianovich, Tr., (1960), ‘The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’, Journal of Economic History, v. 20, (243–313). Thanailaki, P., (2018), Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities During 19th and Early 20th Century: A Historical Perspective, Springer. Theodorakakou-Varelidou, P., (2001), ‘«Maniates Petrofaoi»: Hoi syntechnies kai he Organosi Ergasias tous’, [The Maniot ‘Petrofaoi’: Their guilds and laborganization], Applied Research Review-, Institute of Pireus, VI:1, (193–201). Vakalopoulos, K.A., (1978), ‘Christianikes Synoikies, Syntechnies kai epaggelmata tis Thessalonikis sta mesa tou 19ou aiona’, [The Christian neighborhoods, Guilds and Trades in mid-nineteenth century-Thessaloniki], Makedonika (18), (103–142). Varsamidis, A., (2004), Oikonomikos Vios kai Epaggelmatiki Kinisi tis periochis Boiou (19os-arches 20ou aiona), [Economic Life and Trading activities of the Boion region (nineteenth-early twentieth century)] Ph.D.  Dissertation, University of Ioannina. Yiangou, A., Kazamias G., et al., (eds), (2016), The Greeks and the British in the Levant, 1800–1960s: Between Empires and Nations, Routledge, London & New York.

Electronic Sites Arnaoutoglou, El., (2002), ‘He idea apokatastaseos ton synafion…–Enas diorganismos synafion tou 1831’, [The idea of organizing guilds… A manual on organizing guilds of the year 1831], Epetiris tou Kentrou Erevnis tis Istorias tou Ellinikou Dikaiou (E.K.E.I.E.D), (36), ejournas.lib.auth.gr Cooperativa Nazionale Sede Centrale, (2014), Le Industrie Femminili Italiane, Milano (1906), https://archive.org Hantzimichali, A., (1953), ‘Morfes apo ti somateiaki organosi ton Hellenon stin Othomaniki Aftokratoria: Oi syntechnies-Ta Isnafia’, [Aspects from the Unions’ Organization of the Greeks in the Ottoman empire: The Guilds-TheIsnafia]

7  FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND GUILDS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE 

205

L’HellenismeContemporain, Athens, http://www.myriobiblos.gr/texts/ greek/hantzimichali_syntechnies.html Kalinderis, M., (1973), Ai Syntecniai kai he Ekklisia epi Tourkokratias, [The Guilds and the Church], EkdoseisAnatolikisDiakonias (publishers), Athens, www. myriobiblos.gr/texts/greek/kalinderis_8.html Pavlides, G., (1965), ‘Selides apo tin Thessalikin Historian: Ai Epaggelmatikai Organoseis epi Tourkokratias’, [Pages from the History of Thessaly: The Trading Organizations during the period under the Turkish Rule], ir.lib.uth. gr/bitstream/handle/11615/25173/article.pdf?sequence=1 Soldi, M., (2015), ‘Esporre il femminile. L’ Esposizione Beautrice (Firenze, 1890)’, Ricerche di S/Confine, VI:1, www.ricerchedisconfine.info

CHAPTER 8

Gendered Prejudices and the Economic Setting in Romania and Bulgaria

The voluminous scholarship on the theme of commerce in the Balkans mainly studies the case of the Greek Orthodox merchants who predominated in the trade of the peninsula within the lands of the Ottoman Empire. The work of Traian Stoianovich (1960)1 remains a classic study in the field.2 Additionally, the backwardness of the Balkans because of  Stoianovich, T., (1960), ‘The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’, The Journal of Economic History, vol. 20, (234–313). 2  For more studies on the same field, see: Tsourka-­Papastathi, D., (1989), Syllogikotita kai Aftonomia stis Oikonomikes Syssomatoseis: He Helleniki kompania tou Simbiou Transylvanias, 1636–1848, [Collective Action and Autonomy in Economic Associations: The Greek Merchant Company of Sibium in Transylvania, 1636–1848], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki: Seirinidou, V., (2009), ‘Valkanioi Emporoi stin Hambsvourgiki Monarchia (18os-­ mesa 19ou aiona). Ethnotikes taftotites kai erevnitikes amichanies’, [Balkan Merchants in the Habsburg Monarchy (eighteenth century to mid-nineteenth century). Ethnic Identities and Difficulties of Research], in Maria, A., Stasinopoulou, Maria-­ Christina Chatziioannou (eds.), Tetradia Ergasias 28, (published by) Kentro Hellenikon Erevnon, Ethniko Idryma Erevnon, Athens: Kontogeorgis, D., (2012), He Helleniki Diaspora sti Roumania: He periptosi tis Hellenikis paroikias tis Vrailas (per.1820–1914), [Greek Diaspora in Romania: The Case Study of the Greek ‘paroikia’ of Braila (c.1820–1914)], Ph.D.  Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens: Konstantinou, F., (2013), He Oikonomiki parousia ton Hellenon sti Roumania apo ton Crimaiko mechri ton Proto Pagkosmio Polemo, [Greek Economic Presence in Romania from the Crimean War Until the First World War], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. 1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 P. Thanailaki, Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9_8

207

208 

P. THANAILAKI

political subordination and a chaotic situation was the reason that caused old ‘cyclical’ patterns which did not allow for more progress and advancement. The roots of this lack of advancement are extensively discussed in the book of Daniel Chirot (1989)3 where it is concluded that this backwardness originated from the Ottoman Empire’s control over the peninsula that was limited only to economic measures imposed. Moreover, the warfare on the borders that took place in the lands ruled by the Habsburgs and the Ottomans had a negative effect on the peace and economic advancement of the Balkans, where women were not visible while little is known about their economic agency. Therefore, the paucity of literature relating to female economic activities in the Balkans became the stimulus for writing the present chapter that addresses the theme of female economic entrepreneurship in two of the Balkan countries for the economy of the topic. These are Romania and Bulgaria. More precisely, I explore Romanian and Bulgarian women’s economic input focusing on the obstacles erected for them because of social biases and their low social profile. However, a number of women, despite social norms and prevailing societal constraints, were involved in trading activities while their contribution was not acknowledged, being conspicuously absent. Gradually, the wars between the two Empires became less intense at the turn of the seventeenth and until the beginning of eighteenth centuries while land borders were well defined following the signed peace treaties.4 3  Chirot, D., (ed.), (1989), The Origins of Backwardness in the Eastern Europe: Economics and Politics from the Middle Ages Until the Early Twentieth Century, University of California Press. 4  Following the Karlowitz Peace Treaty (1699) that concluded the Austro-­Ottoman War, the area of Transylvania was ceded to the Austro-­Hungarian Empire while the Ottomans kept their sovereignty in the province of Banat. The Treaty of Passarowitz (1718) sanctioned the defeat of the Ottomans who lost a number of regions to the north of the Balkans in favor of the Habsburg Monarchy—thus—giving up their claims for acquiring more European lands. As a consequence, the Ottomans ceded Belgrade, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Oltenia—a historical province and geographical region in western Walachia—and the castle of Timişoara (Temeswar). The Treaty of Belgrade (1739) ended the hostilities of the Austro-­Turkish War (1737–1739) while the Habsburgs ceded to the Ottomans the Kingdom of Serbia with Belgrade, the southern part of the Banat of Timişoara, and northern Bosnia. Oltenia was ceded to Wallachia that was an Ottoman subject, setting—in this way—the demarcation line to the rivers of Sava and Danube. See more on the matter: Miliou, Th., (2017), Koinotites ton Hellenon sta Balkania. Oikistiko, mnimeiako apothema stin periochi tou Vanatou kai tis Transylvanias [Communities of Greeks in the Balkans: ekistic and monumental reserve in Banat and Transylvania regions (Romania)], Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, p. 246.

8  GENDERED PREJUDICES AND THE ECONOMIC SETTING IN ROMANIA… 

209

The Austrian Emperors Maria Teresa (1717–1780) and Joseph II (1741–1790) passed laws in 1777 and 1783 that lifted the prohibitions against the Balkan merchants. As a result, Greek traders who lived in the Ottoman lands became Austrian subjects, especially those residing in Braşov and Sibiu. This act facilitated their commercial enterprises because they were granted with free trade advantages and protection.5 Additionally, a large number of them set up their enterprises in central Europe while their spouses and children remained at home though some of them relocated to their new residence.6 During the nineteenth to early twentieth centuries, the trading companies in Romania were set up along the Danube River, where traders were able to transport their merchandise to Bucharest and regions along it. In Moldavia, the center of commercial activities had passed onto the hands of Jews who had migrated from Russia after 1870s, mainly being engaged in the renting of big estates for the purpose of cultivating agricultural products. At the dawn of the twentieth century, they monopolized the export of cereal commodities. The Jews of Moldavia had a powerful presence in the banking sector, too. In the course of time, the Moldavia diaspora had been integrated and fully assimilated in their new home place.7 By and large, political conditions and relations between the Ottoman Empire and the Austrian Empire played a significant role in the traders’ business and relocations from the Balkans toward central Europe. With the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699) the region of Transylvania8 was ceded 5  Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families, Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, in: Vintilă-­Ghiţulescu, C., (ed.), Women, Consumption and the Circulation of Ideas in South-­Eastern Europe, 17th-­19th Centuries, Brill, pp. 170–173. 6  For the Greek traders’ families and the case of their wives’ remaining at home, see: Papakonstantinou, K., (2002), Hellenikes emporikes epicheiriseis stin Kentriki Evropi sto b’ miso tou 18ou aiona: He oikogeneia Pondika, [The Greek entrepreneurial activities in Central Europe during the second half of eighteenth century: The Ponsikas family], Ph.D. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, pp. 233–249. 7  Konstantinou, F., (2013), ibid., p. 367. 8  During eighteenth century, the region of Transylvania was under Austrian sovereignty while its political system that dated back to late Middle Ages included three different politically shaped classes and ethnicities. These classes were: The Hungarian noble men, the Seklers, and the Saxons. However, the above political status quo excluded the numerous Romanians—mostly peasants—who were the main inhabitants of the region that did not enjoy any privileges. In 1791 a number of distinguished Romanian scholars along with representatives of the Church, submitted a memorandum to the Emperor Leopold II requesting on behalf of the Romanians of Transylvania to be granted with equal rights with the other ethnicities. In an effort to avoid a clash with the above classes, the Emperor brought the memorandum to the Transylvanian Senate that rejected it. See more in: Mourgeskou, M.L., & Koulouri, Ch., (eds.), (2006), Ethni kai Krati sti Notioanatoliki Evropi [Nations and

210 

P. THANAILAKI

to the Austrian Empire while the Ottomans kept their sovereignty over the region of Banat.9 The special privileges that the Balkan merchants had gained as Ottoman subjects who—concomitantly and according to the Austrian law—could move freely in its territory while the customs house charged them with a one-­off fee of 3 percent tax on the merchandise were part of Emperor Leopold I’s (1658–1705) scheme. This project targeted at the monopoly of the Austrian commerce in the Balkan Peninsula and in the Levant, an advantage that came to its end with the Treaty of Edirne (1829). These political measures and the above-­mentioned trading activities and monopolies across the Danube and the city of Bucharest, helped the emergence of a local Romanian business class that became active through their integration in the Balkan trading network.10 Gradually, the Romanian commerce rose through the economy of handicrafts that was exported, along with other commodities, to the Ottoman Empire—thus— giving up its marginal place in trade. In the region of Transylvania, the Romanian traders migrated to and from the province but this migration did not follow a regular influx as it greatly depended on political conditions. Additionally, an increasing number of merchandise that was produced in Transylvania was exported from the lands of the Ottoman Empire into the neighboring principality of Wallachia.11 Similarly, the same principality exported silk and wool, the latter commodity being also produced in Serbia.12 As a consequence, the terms and the spirit pertaining to the commercial contracts of the Balkan traders authorized them to be engaged in trading activities in and out of the Empires and into central Europe since the borders between the Habsburg Monarchy13 and the Ottoman Empire became, once more, distinct. For example, in the town of Timişoara—in today’s Romania—as well as in other regions, the Greek Orthodox merchants States in Southeastern Europe], Workbook 2, Thessaloniki, (published by) Kentro gia ti Dimocratia kai ti Symfiliosi sti Notioanatoliki Evropi, (CDRSEE), Thessaloniki, www.cdrsee. org, p. 31. 9  Miliou, Th., (2017), ibid., p. 246. 10  Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families, Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, ibid., p. 170. 11  Ibid., p. 171. 12  Lee, R., (ed.), (2011), Commerce and Culture: Nineteenth-­Century Business Elites, Ashgate, p. 159. 13  On the Balkan Orthodox merchants in the Habsburg Empire, see: Seirinidou, V., (2009), ‘Balkanioi emporoi,’ ibid.

8  GENDERED PREJUDICES AND THE ECONOMIC SETTING IN ROMANIA… 

211

who were the chief trading agents of the Balkans, mainly chose their business partners from their own milieu, chiefly from relatives, or friends. Selecting persons from their clan who shared common cultural determinants such as religious beliefs, language, and culture, secured their business profits because they trusted each other more.14 The Greeks predominated in the transit trade with the Ottoman lands. Because of this fact, the name ‘Greek’ had become synonymous with the word ‘merchant’ at the end of the seventeenth century in Transylvania.15 Additionally, intermarriages among Greek Orthodox merchants were the norm for the reasons stated earlier, thus making women partly involved in financial affairs as they inherited property that they managed after the death of their husband or of a male relative.16 On the other hand, and because of the fact that the merchants traded by investing capital on a high risk, they did not hesitate to change the above pattern and to pick up their commercial collaborators outside their family, or social circle.17 According to scholarship on the nineteenth-­century Romanian women, the political and economic situation did not encourage visible female representation in business and trade. Romania which became unified in 1859 incorporating the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, and transforming itself into the Kingdom of Romania in 1866, made great efforts to become more European oriented. Despite its great attempt to shake off the appellation of ‘Orient’ and take the place it deserved amongst the European nations,18 women’s path to economic autonomy failed to follow these steps. According to recent studies on Romanian women, life in the Ottoman provinces did not encourage social advancement and progress as the local bourgeoisie was still nascent. This process of development did not entail trading enterprises where the business elites could stand the chance of being engaged in it. Lacking legislation was another factor that  For a thorough study on the matter, see Chap. 2 in the present book.  Pakucs, M., (2017–2018), ‘«Τhis is their profession». Greek Merchants in Transylvania and their Networks at the End of the Seventeenth Century’, Cromohs-­Cyber Review of Modern Hstoriography 21, (36–54), pp. 39–40. 16  For instance, the Timişoara merchant Naum Toma Makry, a wealthy merchant originating from Kastoria, married his daughter—Iulia—to the son of another merchant from Siatista, a nearby town of Kastoria, named Funduka. In line with the family’s will Iulia Makry inherited assets as well as the house that belonged to Funduka family. See more in: Miliou, T., ibid., p. 250. 17  Papakonstantinou, K., (2002), ibid., p. 115. 18  Buturović, A., & Schick, I., (eds.), (2007), Women in the Ottoman Balkans: Gender, Culture and History, I.B. Tauris, London and New York, p. 217. 14 15

212 

P. THANAILAKI

acted negatively, while trade was mainly monopolized by foreigners. Despite the above adverse social conditions, women contributed silently having an invisible economic presence. The main reason that kept them in obscurity was the broadly accepted notion of domesticity.19 Until the late nineteenth century, motherhood was the main building material with which the pattern was built for constructing the feminine model. Thus, motherhood predominated in the feminine pattern while there was a division between public and private spheres.20 However, women in many cases, contributed to their households’ income following their own survival strategies and operating in the family background.21 Gradually, toward the mid-­nineteenth century, the Romanian society started taking steps in fostering more liberal ideas and attitudes for women in line with which education and culture played a major role in the elite circles rather than wearing dresses and using flamboyant ornaments. As a consequence of the above-­stated transformations, the culture of appearances changed in the period between 1780s and 1850s, giving its place to the establishment of a new firm footing that reinforced the creation of a new understanding in the influence of culture and in the shaping of identities that consequently reshaped politics.22 In Romania, at the dawn of the twentieth century, a very ‘fragile’ middle class appeared, while the majority of people (by three-­ quarters) were still engaged in agriculture.23 According to the Romanian historian and philosopher Alexandru D. Xenopol, the country had to exit the poverty line and get industrialized. Xenopol believed that only in this way could the local middle class of merchants be shaped and be given the chance to receive education in order to become more advanced and sophisticated. Therefore, the above targets could be feasible through education reforms. Additionally, he  Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families, Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, ibid., p. 173. 20  Bălut ̧ă, I., (2015), ‘Women and the Family in the Late Nineteenth-­Century Romanian Feminist Press: Defining Alternative Gender Roles’, Journal of Family History, https://doi. org/10.1177/0363199015617474 21   Moring, B., (ed.), (2016), Female Economic Strategies in the Modern World, (Introduction), Routledge, London & New York, pp. 2–9. 22  Buturović, A., & Schick, I., (eds.), (2007), ibid., p. 221. 23  More than 10,000 entrepreneurs of the country were the main taxpayers followed by the class of the lawyers (1300), engineers (150), and bankers (42). Moreover, small shopkeepers, people who ran inns, and those who lent out money to villagers composed the petite bourgeoisie. See more in: Berend, I.T., (2003), History Derailed: Central and Eastern Europe in the Long Nineteenth Century, University of California Press, p. 198. 19

8  GENDERED PREJUDICES AND THE ECONOMIC SETTING IN ROMANIA… 

213

depicted Romanian peasant women as very pathetic in laboring in the fields and—at the same time—having to nurse their babies in a state of tension, breastfeeding them ‘death instead of life’.24 During the nineteenth century, families in Romania remained large and the head of the household was the father or the husband. However, all able family members contributed to the household’s economy. Additionally, peasantry was the dominating social class, while unification did not alter this cultural pattern that stood firm against any wave of modernity. Throughout the same century, Romania was divided between peasantry and nobility. The Jews had taken advantage over the wholesale trade, being also small merchants. Thus, the country still swayed between the exploitation of the peasants, its nascent aristocracy, and the emerging middle classes, the latter not consisting of native people but mainly of Greeks, Armenians, and Jews.25 In the countryside, the patriarchal model was maintained and women were expected to be obedient and submissive while their main task was the children’s raising and the attending of household chores.26 For a man who sought to become a recognized subject of the Austrian Empire, marrying a merchant’s daughter was beneficial as this practice was an unwritten term for being admitted into the business clan serving as a very good means for also penetrating in the broader European community. Moreover, through this kind of marriage, he managed to gain high economic profile. To the contrary, a merchant’s daughter did not enjoy privileges through her marriage while in the event of her husband’s death, she had to live in her maiden house and take care of her brother’s, or father’s household, in most cases, while her relatives were assigned to manage her property.27 Dowry was a social system that was broadly practiced in Romania. The more well-­off the family, the more stuff for the new household was provided to the future bride. Thus, the shop keepers’ daughters were not only 24  Hiemstra, P.A., (1987), Alexandru D.  Xenopol and the Development of Romanian Historiography, Routledge, London & New York, p. 95. 25  Oldson, W.O., (1991), ‘A Providential Anti-­ Semitism: Nationalism and Polity in Nineteenth-­Century Romania’, The American Philosophical Society, v. 193, p. 58. 26  Regarding the sphere in economy, they were granted with the right to work without their husbands’ permission in 1929, see: Aslanbeigui, N., et al. (eds.), (1994), Women in the Age of Economic Transformation: Gender Impact of Reforms in Post-­socialist and Developing Countries, Routledge, London & New York, pp. 45–46. 27  Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families: Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, ibid., p. 177.

214 

P. THANAILAKI

given considerable amounts of cash as dowry but also precious goods and items from their fathers’ shop. According to the customary law, after marriage, young women were not entitled to the right to claim share from their parental inheritance especially if there were sons in the family. However, the wealthy merchants often broke this rule because they did not consider the marriage of their daughters as the end of their parental duties. So, they included them in their will.28 As a general rule, male members got married after their sisters’ marriages. Additionally, they took on the family economic burdens as—for instance—to pay off debts, in case there were. Romanians lacked the capital and experience to be economically on the same level with foreign traders who were the main suppliers of markets enjoying special privileges. This situation explains why the native merchants’ enterprises remained relatively small during the nineteenth century while the Romanian middle class progressed slowly in shaping itself.29 In this transitional stage, most of commercial activities were performed in the house, or in a small shop that they kept. Wives proved to be very good in the management of the family business when their husbands were away, or they were deceased. Female talent in taking the right decisions on the sales of their products was exercised in the best of the way. Moreover, spouses were gradually trained by men to perform good trading activities.30 The fact that most of small artisans owned stores that sold common household items, facilitated the ability for female spouses to carry out their trading dealings successfully. Their merchandise mostly included pots, candles, and soap destined for broader consumption.31 Women traded products of their own landed estates32 and bought products that were not expensive such as food, or coarse textile destined for house use. The first level in women’s business training was the stage of assisting their husbands. The second was their engagement in low-­risk business deals. Later, when they felt quite confident, they acted by themselves and that was the third level. However, despite the fact that women were apt in being engaged in trading activities and skilled in managing family business, they  Ibid., p. 178.  Hitchins, K., (1996), The Romanians, 1774–1866, Clarendon Press, Oxford, p. 107. 30  Roman, N., ibid., p. 182. 31  The traders were also millers, smiths, painters, and tailors who worked on specific orders. See more in: Hitchins, K., (1996), The Romanians…, ibid., p. 96. 32  Direcţia Judeţeană a Archivelor Naţionale Braşov (hereafter DJAN Braşov), Acte Diverse, 47, 354, as quoted in: Roman, N., (2017), ibid., p. 182. 28 29

8  GENDERED PREJUDICES AND THE ECONOMIC SETTING IN ROMANIA… 

215

were always officially initiated into them by a male member of their home in order to gain recognition because commerce was thought of as men’s domain only.33 Since women were strictly linked to the domestic sphere, people attached little importance to them as freelance traders. However, mothers and daughters took their own steps in economic agency that was slowly changing—thus—giving them the opportunity to gain ground toward modernity. For instance, in the regions of Wallachia and Transylvania, female weavers produced custom-­made products that were sold in the market in large quantities by them.34 The Romanians mainly imported luxury goods while female workers were employed in household industry, an agency that was broadly practiced. The most usual products were country cloth and homemade linen.35 In the mid-­ nineteenth century, the woolen cloths were still fabricated by women in Wallachia.36 Hemp and flax were vastly cultivated in rural areas covering the needs of home fabrics while the surplus was sold either as fabric, or as yarn. The above commodities made up the essential components of men’s and women’s attires, while wool and cotton were used as decoration for their garments.37 Since the early eighteenth century, in Braşov—an area located in Transylvania— local merchants and authorities agreed on employing poor people, widows, and children for manufacturing goods. Their wages were fixed according to data provided by archival material and in accordance with their financial state. In line with documents based on the merchants’ act of Braşov in 1819, the white and black twill cloth was fabricated by widows and poor citizens.38 During the eighteenth century, in the Romanian principalities both native and foreigners who were engaged in trade were organized into guilds the number of which rose during the above century.39 33  Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families, Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, ibid., p. 182. 34  Ibid., p. 178. 35  Ibid., p. 182. 36  Ellis, R., (1851), Official Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue of the Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations, vol. III, Spicer Brothers, Wholesale Stationers; W. Glowes and Sons, Printers, London, p. 1393. 37  Ioannides, M., et  al. (eds.), (2016), ‘Digital Heritage: Progress in Cultural Heritage: Documentation, Preservation, and Protection’, Proceedings, Part II, 6th International Conference, EuroMed Nicosia, Cyprus, (October 31–November 5), Springer, p. 152. 38  DJAN Braşov, Acte administrativene neinregistrate, 27/1817, as quoted in: Roman, N., (2017), p. 181. 39  Hitchins, K., (1996), The Romanians, 1774–1866, ibid., p. 107.

216 

P. THANAILAKI

Guilds were open to anyone, by principle, provided they fulfilled the conditions and terms as set down in the charters. Women were also admitted into them, usually those who were skilled in clothes making. Widows were accepted as members in case their husbands had acquired membership. Overall, female admittance or refusal into them was a resolution made by the general assembly of each guild.40 Spouses took over the full management of their husbands’ business only when they faced exceptional difficult situations, having agreed on a tacit acknowledgment on behalf of the members of the guild.41 Women of deceased husbands knew how to claim their rights and struggled in order to survive by appealing to courts, or to the municipal authorities. According to a record traced in the municipal registers of the city of Lugoj (1803), the widow of a man named Dima Rosu, filed a petition to the authorities referring to the hard financial situation that she faced and requesting the lifting of a number of restrictions imposed on her family as they heavily affected her, and made her unable to secure her weekly food supplies.42 In the Greek-­owned guilds of Sibiu, women’s position was almost equal to men’s.43 However, in Romania at the dawn of the nineteenth century, there are noted a small number of cases of native trading women who were fully engaged in business. For example, the couple David and Eva Lupu ran a joint business often with the aid of spouses of other merchants acting as partners. Eva did not manage business with her husband only, but she was also engaged with the trading of big quantities of grocery products such as fish, Turkish tobacco, lemon juice, caviar, oil, raisins, figs, olives, and various other commodities that she traded herself.44 Romanians used their own native language in their business operations.45 Apart from Eva Lupu, there was another Romanian woman, the wife of the Greek merchant Mihail Ţumbru, who did very well in the trade of cow leather and mackerel,  Ibid., p. 98.  Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families, Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, ibid., p. 182. 42  Miliou, Th., ibid., p. 206. 43  Karathanasis, A., (1996), ‘Despoina-­Eirini, Tsourka-­Papastathi: He Helleniki emporiki compania tou Sibiou Transylvanias, 1636–1848: Organosi kai Dikaio’, [The Greek trading company of Sibiu, Transylvania 1636–1848. Organization and Law: by Despoina.-­Eirini, Tsourka], [Book review], Makedonika 30, (345–349). 44  Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families, Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, ibid., p. 182. 45  Columbeanu, S., (1973), ‘Research Prospects in Rumanian Historiography (Wallachia 1770–1830)’, Rumanian Studies. An International Annual of the Humanities and Social Sciences, vol. II, Leiden, E.J. Brill, (131–142), p. 142. 40 41

8  GENDERED PREJUDICES AND THE ECONOMIC SETTING IN ROMANIA… 

217

emulating her husband in business profits.46 Mihail Ţumbru (circa 1753–1805)47 started his business activities at a very young age, first in Thessaly, in continental Greece. He was a very wealthy merchant who managed to expand his family business dealings as he had obtained the Austrian citizenship and had taken advantage of it. He originated from Siatista, a town in Macedonia, northern Greece. In 1782, he settled down in Braşov where he married Paraschiva, a Romanian woman, daughter of a native wealthy merchant named I.  Boghici.48 Because Paraschiva was born into a wealthy family of merchants, she was experienced in commercial dealings and had acquired the knowledge of how to strike a successful deal and make a good profit. Paraschiva’s husband was an enthusiastic and active compatriot who used his vast commercial network in Vienna for the national purpose of Greece’s independence.49 In this frame of collective efforts and because of the rise of national aspirations in the Balkans, the native traders in Braşov participated in a joint project for the Romanian nation-­building process. The growth of trade and the flow of goods and ideas that permeated the social web of Braşov through trade routes helped these initiatives because they prospered as they traded good in and out of their region. Hence, in a town where commerce thrived and the free flow of ideas was infused in the society’s web, female active participation in trade either as business partners in their husbands’ companies or as individual shareholders of their own business firms was exercised and came as no surprise. Though being limited to a narrow circle of the commercial elite, the women of the trading clan were successful in the family business dealings. Additionally, the local female elites were active members in women’s societies that targeted at claiming rights for their gender, and also at advocating the ideas of education and philanthropy as social practices.50  Ibid., p. 182.  ‘Tsoumbros’ in Greek. 48  For Paraschiva’s marriage, her father—I.  Boghici—ordered the finest velvet materials and the best golden ornaments from Vienna. See more in: Limona, D., (2016), Negustorii ‘greci’ şi arhivele lor comerciale [The ‘Greek’ merchants and their commercial archives], University Publishing House ‘Alexandru Ioan Cuza’, Iaşi, pp. 101–102. 49  For more on him and his patriotic aspirations, see: Karathanasis, A., (1978), ‘Mia Helleniki Martyria apo ti Vienni gia tis protes syllipseis ton synergaton tou Riga tou Velestinli’, [A Greek testimony from Vienna on the first arrests of Rigas Velestinlis’ followers], Makedonika, vol. V., (92–102), p. 93, ejournals.publishing.ekt.gr 50  For example, Sevastia Nicolau (1824–1879), daughter of a rich merchant in Braşov, was an active member of the Romanian women’s association in Braşov. Her mother, Maria 46 47

218 

P. THANAILAKI

At that time, the Principalities exported large quantities of wheat, corn, rye, rice, meat, beans, cheese, wine, and timber, the latter used for constructions. Additionally, they sold honey, wax, animal skins, wool, and salt abroad. Via the ports of Brăila and Galat ̧i these goods mainly took the route to Constantinople, Britain, France, Austria, Livorno, Marseille, Sardinia, Corfu, and Russia.51 Many women of the merchant elite were engaged in the trading of the above commodities. An example constitutes the case of Trandafir Zofiya, wife of the wealthy merchant Gheorge Trandafir, who traded products from the Orient to Transylvania and Banat. After Gheorge’s death, Zofiya was in charge of signing contracts for the distribution of their products and of making trade agreements together with Demeter, a male member of the family. Another woman of Trandafir family, named Maria, was married to a merchant with the last name OtnitzJanos. Maria and her husband addressed to the town council of Cluj where they resided, on May 21, 1841. In their petition they asked the sum of 14,130 guilders that Trandafir Demeter owed to them to be paid off. Another document dated July 7, 1841, referring to Maria’s Trandafir business dealings, gives data according to which Maria addressed to the town council regarding the delivery of the merchandise that the Trandafir’s trading company had imported.52 However, the distribution of goods in and out of the Principalities was not an easy task during war time. Very often the merchandise was kept hidden, and women were part of this plan, as, for example, in the 1788 war when the Ottomans raided the borders of both the Austrian Empire and the Romanian Principalities. Because of this unsteady political situation, many merchants and their families left the area in search of a shelter, migrating to places where they could feel safer leaving their merchandise behind stored in warehouses. However, because of war, a large number of stores and warehouses were destroyed causing a heavy financial loss to the traders. As a result, the owners of the Nicolau, served as the first president of the same association. See more in: Păltineanu, O.S., (2012), Calling the Nation. Romanian Nationalism in a Local Context: Braşov During the Dual Monarchy, Ph.D.  Dissertation, Central European University, Budapest, Hungary, pp. 62, 72. 51  In 1837, the overall bulk of exports in agricultural products grew from 230,000 steelyards to 1,837,000 in 1847. The increase was eight times higher in a decade. See more in: Floros, K., (2013), He oikonomiki parousia ton Hellenon sti Roumania apo ton Krimaiko mecrhi ton Proto Pagkosmio Polemo [Greek Economic Presence in Romania from the Crimean Until the First World War], PhD Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, p. 116. 52  Miliou, Th., (2017), ibid., pp. 230–231.

8  GENDERED PREJUDICES AND THE ECONOMIC SETTING IN ROMANIA… 

219

warehouses were often accused of the loss of the merchandise by the merchants who rented them. Safta Tudoraia was the caretaker of a warehouse of this kind. She testified in the court that all products that she was in charge of storage, had been destroyed by fire including the glassware that Dimitru Lazăr possessed. Safta originated from a town of the county of Bacău (Moldavia), and she was assisted by the local priest and other merchants who defended her. She also had another supporter for her case, the customs officer, who confirmed her testimonial evidence.53 Additionally, women knew how to trade in hard times when prices rose and fell irregularly. These daily uncertain situations in the prices of the commodities equipped women traders with enough experience to protect themselves from any kind of fraud.54 Another example that further documents it constitutes the case of a widow of a Romanian merchant named Zinca Tiyupoleos. In 1832, Zinca brought the business partner of her deceased husband to the court of Constantinople in order to defend herself and her company against the fraudulent trade committed by him. She claimed that the ledger did not comply with the rules pertaining to the principles of trading products and did not follow the procedure in the proper way. In the four-­page legal document that she brought to the court, she argued in every detail that the commodities were not transported to the place that were destined (Turkish Middle East), but to other ports in Western Europe. She also claimed that the day and the month written on the ledger were impossible to read as well as the name of the ship and the sum of the paid rent. Moreover, neither the price, nor the person to whom the merchandise was sold, appeared on the document. Another illegal point was the omission of the daily sold quantity.55 The fact that in Romania the financial sector was not developed and as—a consequence—there were no public banks, smooth commercial transactions in the Principalities during the decade of 1830s were impeded. As a ­consequence, the Greeks, the Jews, and the Austrians acted as private bankers—especially in the Wallachia Principality—because people were incapable of covering the sum of cash needed for trading transactions abroad. In Brăila, for instance, there were only a small number of brokers 53  DJAN Braşov, Actele Magistratului, 1582/1789 and 1657/1792, as quoted in: Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families, Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, ibid., p. 183. 54  Ibid., p. 183. 55  Ibid., pp. 183–184.

220 

P. THANAILAKI

(zaraf) who dealt with economic dealings. The absence of banks resulted in lack of cash and in the delay of transactions.56 In the light of the above difficult conditions in the banking system, women were also reported as active citizens in the financial loan network. They lent out merchants while spouses represented their husbands in a loan contract, or they acted independently.57 As everywhere in Europe, economic influence and power were much associated with proprietorship while inheritance functioned as the best means for families to exert authority and adopt decision-­making policies in business.58 Moreover, endogamy served as the best means for the merchants’ widows in reproducing practices that secured the financial succession of their property.59 Like other European widows, the Romanian spouses of merchants mourned their deceased husband but they also assumed responsibility to manage his business. In cases when the merchant family was ranked in a low financial standing, the wife inherited half of the fortune because she had contributed to it. Often this term was stipulated in the will of her deceased husband. Inheritance always entailed a woman’s presence as she was assigned with the role of the head of the household while after her retirement, the children granted her a share from the profits of the business in recognition of her work in it and for the purpose of making her life more comfortable.60 The same rule applied to the Greek diaspora merchants’ families in central Europe according to which widows, being the heiresses of their late husbands’ business, decided on the distribution and continuity of the propriety only when the cycle of their economic life had ended.61 Thus, widowhood served as a good means of women’s involvement in business and also of their participation in economic agency though temporarily. Another example that further illustrates the above, is the case of a Greek diaspora merchant in Sibiu, named Teodor 56  As a result, the traders of Brăila had to go to the neighboring town of Galati̧ where there was a banking network system: See more in: Kontogeorgis, D., (2012), He Helleniki Diaspora sti Roumania, ibid., p. 347. 57  Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families, Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, ibid., p. 184. 58  Ulianova, G., (2009), Female Entrepreneurs in Nineteenth-­Century Russia, Pickering & Chatto (publishers Ltd), n.p. 59  Papakonstantinou, K., (2002), ibid., p. 246. 60  Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families, Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, ibid., p. 185. 61  Papakonstantinou, K., (2002), ibid., p. 248.

8  GENDERED PREJUDICES AND THE ECONOMIC SETTING IN ROMANIA… 

221

Michai. His widow, Zafiriţa, remarried in 1803,62 and introduced her new husband—Constantin Bălan—as member of her company. Her new husband originated from Ioannina. Her line of reasoning was based on her argument that Constantin was able to further expand their business dealings.63 As analyzed in Chap. 2 of the present book, the business elite in Greece practiced large-­lineage intermarriage during the nineteenth century. However, introducing a new husband into business and appointing him as a new member of the company was not the norm. Regarding the Romanian entrepreneurial surrounding, widows constituted a considerable human resource in business and they acted on an equal basis with their male relatives until their sons took hold of the family’s company.64 In Bulgaria, at the turn of the nineteenth century, women’s input in economic agency was barely visible because the traditional roles and approaches on masculine superiority still dominated. The types of female model in the above country consisted of three categories: one was that of wife, the other was that of the mother, and the third was the type of the woman dubbed as a ‘domestic laborer’. Moreover, the creation of the independent Bulgarian state became the reason for a change in nature and quality of female contribution in the public sphere. According to scholars of feminist Bulgarian studies, data reveal that women’s active input in the principally domestic economy in a society of a patriarchal character continued though it was observed a stepping-­up in the collapse of this traditional model. Additionally, a movement for fostering modernity versions and capitalism practices was accelerated.65 Still, the country fell behind growth, its agricultural character had the lead, while the land-­owning patterns were ruled by small-­and medium-­sized family farming. At the dawn of the twentieth century, women constituted the 28 percent of the industrial workforce while their share in the production model rose to over 44 62  On marriage strategies in eighteenth-­ century Romania, see: Vintilă-­Ghit ̧ulescu, C., (2009), ‘Marriage Strategies, Women’s Dowries and Conflicts Between Relatives in Romanian Society (eighteenth century)’, in: Duraes, M., et al. (eds.), The Transmission of Well-­Being: Gendered Marriage Strategies and Inheritance System in Europe (seventeenth-­ twentieth centuries). Peter Lang, Bern, pp. 123–142. 63  Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families, Women in Trade, in Mid-­nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, ibid., p. 186. 64  Ibid., p. 195. 65  Nestorova, T., (1996), ‘Between tradition and modernity: Bulgarian women during the development of modern statehood and society, 1878–1945’, Women’s History Review, 5:4, Taylor & Francis, (513–524), p. 516.

222 

P. THANAILAKI

percent by 1939. Furthermore, women were the main workers in the sectors of textile and tobacco as well as in the food processing industries.66 In the same country, a number of traders combined trade with education targeting at the diffusion of knowledge to local people. Many contributed to the process of the shaping of the middle class in their country, as well.67 Primary sources, though scattered, concluded that women were more experienced in business transactions than it was thought before, especially in property transactions.68 Additionally, there was another category of women who owned workshops, or small industries acting as managers of their own enterprises. For example, Mariika Petrova, originating from Gabrovo, was the owner of a workshop that produced a type of woolen cloth (Shaiak). Evidence on her trading transactions since 1860s revealed that she had business dealings with a merchant named Stefan Karagiozov of Tarnovo. Karagiozov commissioned her regularly with orders of woolen cloth which he exported—in his turn—to distant markets. So, Mariika was engaged in a trade of a proto-­industrial network.69 Moreover, the scale of her business was quite significant. In one of her letters she mentioned that at that time she stocked fabric of value of over 2500 gurush while in another written correspondence of hers she wrote that her profit amounted to nearly 2000 gurush. From her letters it is deduced that Mariika was literate, also possessing a good command of entrepreneurial skills.70 Researchers argue that Bulgarian women mainly remained in the background acting as their husbands’ helping hands most of the times, while their specific roles could not be easily traced in archival material. For instance, Michail Madjarov’s narrative, who was born in the mid-­­ nineteenth century, referred to his grandfather’s memories. His grandfather recollected that his own mother, Michail’s great-­grandmother, was  Ibid., p. 517.  Danova, N., (ed.), (2004), Archeio tou Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, Helleniki allilografia, Anagnosi, metafrasi sta voulgarika, scholia kai eisagogi Nadia Danova, [The Archive of Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, Correspondence in Greek, Compilation, Translation in the Bulgarian language, Comments and Introduction by Nadia Danova], Guttenberg (publishers), V.A. Sofia, (Preface), pp. 24–42. 68  Davidova, E., (2013), Balkan Transitions to Modernity and Nation – States: Through the Eyes of Three Generations of Merchants (1780s–1890s), Leiden, E.J. Brill, p. 102. 69  Ianeva, S., (2016), ‘Female Actors, Producers and Money Makers in Ottoman Public Space: The Case of the Late Ottoman Balkans’, In: Boyar, E., & Fleet, K., (eds.), Ottoman Women in Public Space, Leiden, E.J. Brill, p. 66. 70  Ibid. 66 67

8  GENDERED PREJUDICES AND THE ECONOMIC SETTING IN ROMANIA… 

223

the wife of a small merchant. The couple lived in Koprivshtitsa and had business dealings with the cities of Serres and Thessaloniki from where they imported cotton. The couple’s main business was the manufacturing of towels. According to the account of facts, Michail’s great-­grandmother, unlike her husband, was the main person in charge as she was full of energy and had gained experience in trade. She was the type of woman who managed the family capital on her own, also giving advice to her husband on what to sell and on what to buy, and also at what price. She ran their workshop herself when her husband was away on business. Moreover, following the traditional model of her time (most probably at the turn of the eighteenth century), she chose to remain in the background.71 Modesty shown by women involved in trade is also expressed in one of K. Fotinov’s letters, a Bulgarian tradesman and an intellectual, in which he wrote that his mother was much engaged with the book trade that was part of his enterprise. He also wrote that she cared much about female literacy in her country and she never showed arrogance.72 Another illustrative example of a more direct female engagement in entrepreneurship constitutes the case of a Bulgarian woman who lived in the second half of the nineteenth century. She was the spouse of a business partner of Madjarov’s father, being a wealthy merchant himself who exported woolen cloths and socks from Koprivshtitsa. The woman was more literate and more open minded than her husband who has always been present at the conclusion of trading dealings where she gave her final consent. The following incident is indicative of her determination. Because for a single time that she was not present in the bargain which her husband had struck, she returned the money that had been received as an advance payment to Madjarov as she thought that the deal was not successful. She insisted on striking a new bargain while she refused to deliver the stock.73 A reason for her reaction above was her success in convincing the merchant for having a better price. The new deal was concluded a few days later. In the lines above, we saw that a number of women were directly involved in business contracts though the above female entrepreneurs were not referred openly by their names but only mentioned as ‘the wife of…’ as it is noted in Madjarov’s memoirs.  Ibid., p. 66.  Danova, N. (ed.), (2004), Archeio tou Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, ibid., Letter No. 1, July 3rd, 1846, pp. 43–44. 73  Ianeva, S., (2016), ‘Female Actors, Producers and Money Makers in Ottoman Public Space, ibid., p. 67. 71 72

224 

P. THANAILAKI

This element further reinforces the view that women accepted their subordination to men according to the prevailing social norm.74 In Koprivshtitsa, there seemed to be a movement for intellectual progress as documented through the correspondence of Fotinov’s business partners regarding the dispatch of geography books to a local teacher. The book trade targeted at the intellectual awakening of their ‘dormant’ compatriots.75 However, book tradesmen seemed to be dissatisfied in the selling of books and expressed their discontent for their compatriots’ reluctance to acquire a good command of the Bulgarian language because most of them were in favor of the Greek letters and culture.76 The anxiety of the Bulgarian book traders and intellectuals in their long-­lasting struggle to create a national Bulgarian frame structure through the dissemination of books translated from the Greek into the Bulgarian native language is justified because the knowledge of the Greek language and the attendance of Greek schools entailed urbanization as well as a higher social status that was much preferred. For this reason, many ambitious Bulgarians penetrated into Greek business milieu through intermarriage practices in order to assimilate themselves and to participate in their fathers-­in-­law trading activities. In this way, they did not have to migrate far away from the place they were born in. Therefore, young Bulgarians entered into advanced business networks of a local, ‘interregional’, and international character. Additionally, intermarriage worked both ways. Not only poor Bulgarian men got married to wealthy daughters of the Greek merchant clan but rich Greek women became spouses to wealthy Bulgarian traders, too. For example, Elena, wife of the trader Nikolai Toshkov, based in Odessa, originated from the Greek family of Skarlati. Elena acquired a very good command of the Bulgarian language.77 Widowhood in Bulgaria also played a significant role in the management of family capital, as it is noted in other countries too. An illustrative example constitutes the case of Doda Georgova of Kalofer. Her husband was a local tailor of aba cloths who also kept a tavern in the same city. He  Ibid., p. 67.  Danova, N., (ed.), (2004), Archeio tou Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, ibid., (Letter No. 262, March 21st, 1846, Letter No. 263, May 9th, 1846, Letter No. 264, July 25th, 1846), pp. 555–558. 76  Ibid. 77  Davidova, E., (2012), ‘«Graecomans» into Bulgarians: Shifting Perceptions of Greek– Bulgarian Interethnic Marriages in the Nineteenth Century’, Balkanologie: Revue d’ études pluradisciplinaires, vol. XI: 1–2. 74 75

8  GENDERED PREJUDICES AND THE ECONOMIC SETTING IN ROMANIA… 

225

traded aba in Constantinople and Izmit. Doda went to Izmit after her husband’s death to resolve the bad economic situation in which her husband was implicated by paying off his debts and by collecting the unsold merchandise.78 Doda gave to her older sons, Stoian and Hristo, half of the capital that the family possessed and persuaded them to get on with the family’s trade of aba under her supervision by closely checking on every detail and overseeing whether her sons had put all profits to the initial capital. Four years later, she transferred three-­quarters of the family capital to them, and after the period of two more years, she finally consigned to her sons the whole capital. In eight years the family capital grew to 25,732 gurush.79 Based on the above lines, the concluding remarks rest on the following assumptions. The nineteenth-­century Romanians were mainly peasants who lacked the opportunity of trading as foreign merchants possessed the capital that enabled them to be engaged with it. The Romanian bourgeois progressed slowly in transforming itself throughout the nineteenth century, and in this stage of transition, the only trading activities that locals dealt with was cottage industry or keeping a small store. Although women were not highly estimated in the trading endeavors of their husbands, they demonstrated skill and expertise in carrying them out when husbands were away on business, or when they died. This was the first level of training. In the second, they were involved in low-­risk type of business while in the third, women took up the full control of it when they felt confident. Nonetheless, commerce was considered to be a male dominion where women were initiated only by men into it. In Bulgaria, during the same period, women’s presence in the economic setting was barely acknowledged as they were also attached with little significance in their pursuits. The reason was that they had to play the traditional roles as good spouses and mothers. However, there were cases when women excelled at the commercial sector especially when they owned property. They also knew very well how to claim their legal rights. From the nineteenth century to the present, the road to female emancipation in trade was long and tiring, withholding them from progress most of the times. However, women tried hard in order to find their rightful place in a male-­dominated society while the fruit of their efforts are visible in the modern female business world.  Ianeva, S., ibid., p. 67.  Ibid.

78 79

226 

P. THANAILAKI

References Aslanbeigui, N., et al. (eds.), (1994), Women in the Age of Economic Transformation: gender impact of reforms in post-socialist and developing countries, Routledge, London & New York. Berend, I.T., (2003), History derailed: Central and Eastern Europe in the long Nineteenth Century, University of California Press. Buturović, A., & Schick, I., (eds.), (2007), Women in the Ottoman Balkans: Gender, Culture and History, I.B. Tauris, London and New York. Chirot, D., (ed.), (1989), The Origins of Backwardness in the Eastern Europe: Economics and Politics from the Middle Ages until the Early Twentieth Century, University of California Press. Columbeanu, S., (1973), ‘Research Prospects in Rumanian Historiography (Wallachia 1770–1830)’, Rumanian Studies. An International Annual of the Humanities and Social Sciences, vol. II, Leiden, E.J. Brill. Danova, N., (ed.), (2004), Archeio tou Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, Helleniki allilografia, Anagnosi, metafrasi sta voulgarika, scholia kai eisagogi Nadia Danova, [The Archive of Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, Correspondence in Greek, Compilation, Translation in the Bulgarian language, Comments and Introduction by Nadia Danova], Guttenberg (publishers), 2 vols., Sofia. Davidova, E., (2012), ‘«Graecomans» into Bulgarians: Shifting Perceptions of Greek—Bulgarian Interethnic Marriages in the Nineteenth Century’, Balkanologie: Revue d’ études pluradisciplinaires, vol. XI: 1–2. Davidova, E., (2013), Balkan Transitions to Modernity and Nation  – States: through the Eyes of Three Generations of Merchants (1780s–1890s), Leiden, E.J. Brill. Direct ̧ia Judet ̧eană a Archivelor Nati̧ onale Braşov, (DJAN Braşov), Acte Diverse, 47, 354. DJAN Braşov, Acte administrativene neinregistrate, 27/1817. DJAN Braşov, Actele Magistratului, 1582/1789 and 1657/1792. Ellis, R., (1851), Official Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue of the Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of all nations, vol. III, Spicer Brothers, Wholesale Stationers; W. Glowes and Sons, Printers, London. Floros, K., (2013), He oikonomiki parousia ton Hellenon sti Roumania apo ton Krimaiko mecrhi ton Proto Pagkosmio Polemo [Greek economic Presence In Romania from the Crimean until the First World War], Ph. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Hiemstra, P.A., (1987), Alexandru D. Xenopol and the Development of Romanian Historiography, Routledge, London & New York. Hitchins, K., (1996), The Romanians, 1774–1866, Clarendon Press, Oxford. Ianeva, S., (2016), ‘Female Actors, Producers and Money Makers in Ottoman Public Space: The Case of the Late Ottoman Balkans’, In: Boyar, E., & Fleet, K., (eds.), Ottoman Women in Public Space, Brill, Leiden: Boston.

8  GENDERED PREJUDICES AND THE ECONOMIC SETTING IN ROMANIA… 

227

Ioannides, M., et  al. (eds.), (2016), ‘Digital Heritage: Progress in Cultural Heritage: Documentation, Preservation, and Protection’, Proceedings, Part II, 6th International Conference, EuroMed Nicosia, Cyprus, (October 31– November 5), Springer. Karathanasis, A., (1996), ‘Despoina- Eirini, Tsourka- Papastathi: He Helleniki emporiki compania tou Sibiou Transylvanias, 1636–1848: Organosi kai Dikaio’, [The Greek trading company of Sibiu, Transylvania 1636–1848. Organization and Law: by Despoina.- Eirini, Tsourka], Makedonika 30, [Book review], (345–349). Konstantinou, F., (2013), He Oikonomiki parousia ton Hellenon sti Roumania apo ton Crimaiko mechri ton Proto Pagkosmio Polemo, [Greek Economic Presence in Romania from the Crimean War until the First World War], Ph. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Kontogeorgis, D., (2012), He Helleniki Diaspora sti Roumania: He periptosi tis Hellenikis paroikias tis Vrailas (per.1820–1914), [Greek Diaspora in Romania: the case study of the Greek ‘paroikia’ of Braila (c.1820–1914)], Ph. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. Lee, R., (ed.), (2011), Commerce and culture: Nineteenth-Century Business Elites, Ashgate. Limona, D., (2016), Negustorii ‘greci’ şi arhivele lor comerciale (The ‘Greek’ merchants and their commercial archives) University Publishing House ‘Alexandru Ioan Cuza’, Iaşi. Miliou, Th., (2017), Koinotites ton Hellenon sta Balkania. Oikistiko, mnimeiako apothema stin periochi tou Vanatou kai tis Transylvanias [Communities of Greeks in the Balkans: ekistic and monumental reserve in Banat and Transylvania regions (Romania)], Ph. Dissertation, University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki. Moring, B., (ed.), (2016), Female Economic Strategies in the Modern World, Routledge, London & New York. Nestorova, T., (1996), ‘Between Tradition and Modernity: Bulgarian women during the development of modern statehood and society, 1878–1945’, Women’s History Review, 5:4, Taylor & Francis, (513–524). Oldson, W.O., (1991), ‘A Providential Anti-Semitism: Nationalism and Polity in Nineteenth-Century Romania’, The American Philosophical Society, v. 193. Pakucs, M., (2017–2018), ‘«Τhis is their profession». Greek merchants in Transylvania and their Networks at the End of the seventeenth century’, Cromohs- Cyber Review of Modern Historiography 21, (36–54). Păltineanu, O.S., (2012), Calling the Nation. Romanian Nationalism in a Local Context: Braşov during the Dual Monarchy, Ph. Dissertation, Central European University, Budapest, Hungary. Papakonstantinou, K., (2002), Hellenikes emporikes epicheiriseis stin Kentriki Evropi sto b’ miso tou 18ou aiona: He oikogeneia Pondika, [The Greek entrepreneurial activities in Central Europe during the second half of eighteenth

228 

P. THANAILAKI

c­entury: The Ponsikas family], Ph. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. Roman, N., (2017), ‘Women in Merchant Families: Women in Trade, in Mid-­ nineteenth Century Romanian Countries’, in: Vintilă-Ghitu̧ lescu, C., (ed.), Women, Consumption and the Circulation of ideas in South-Eastern Europe, 17-nineteenth Centuries, Brill. Seirinidou, V., (2009), ‘Valkanioi Emporoi stin Hambsouvrgiki Monarchia (18os-­ mesa19ou aiona). Ethnotikes taftotites kai erevnitikes amichanies’, [Balkan merchants in the Habsburg Monarchy (eighteenth century to mid-nineteenth century). Ethnic Identities and Difficulties of Research], in: Maria, A., Stasinopoulou, Maria-­Christina Chatziioannou (eds.), Tetradia Ergasias 28, (published by) Kentro Hellenikon Erevnon, Ethniko Idryma Erevnon, Athens. Stoianovich, T., (1960), ‘The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’, The Journal of Economic History, vol. 20, (234–313). Tsourka-Papastathi, D., (1989), Syllogikotita kai Aftonomia stis Oikonomikes Syssomatoseis: He Helleniki kompania tou Simbiou Transylvanias, 1636–1848, [Collective Action and Autonomy in Economic Associations: The Greek Merchant Company of Sibium in Transylvania, 1636–1848], Ph. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Ulianova, G., (2009), Female Entrepreneurs in Nineteenth-Century Russia, Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Ltd. Vintilă-Ghit ̧ulescu, C., (2009), ‘Marriage Strategies, Women’s Dowries and Conflicts between Relatives in Romanian Society (eighteenth century)’, in: Duraes, M., et  al. (eds.), The Transmission of Well-being: Gendered Marriage Strategies and Inheritance System in Europe (seventeenth-twentieth centuries). Peter Lang, Bern.

Electronic Sites Băluţă, I., (2015), ‘Women and the Family in the Late Nineteenth-Century Romanian Feminist Press: Defining Alternative Gender Roles’, Journal of Family History: https://doi.org/10.1177/0363199015617474 Karathanasis, A., (1978), ‘Mia Helleniki Martyria apo ti Vienni gia tis protes syllipseis ton synergaton tou Riga tou Velestinli’, [A Greek Testimony from Vienna on the first arrests of Rigas Velestinlis’ followers], Makedonika, vol. V., (92–102), ejournals.publishing.ekt.gr Mourgeskou, M.L., & Koulouri, Ch., (eds.), (2006), Ethni kai Krati sti Notioanatoliki Evropi [Nations and States in Southeastern Europe], Workbook 2, Thessaloniki, (published by) Kentro gia ti Dimocratia kai ti Symfiliosi sti Notioanatoliki Evropi, (CDRSEE), Thessaloniki, www.cdrsee.org

CHAPTER 9

Conclusions

In the present monograph an attempt was made to explore women’s economic ventures viewing it from a feminist standpoint. For the purpose the business enterprises of the elites as well as of the small artisans became the magnifying lenses through which female representation and contribution were studied. For this endeavor, time and space became the two crucial axles. In the late eighteenth century an industrial advancement in western and central Europe is noted that was set as the starting point of an international economic growth. However, the industrial revolution brought about an ‘anomaly’ in the economy of the continent because female accomplishment in making and maintaining wealth has gone unacknowledged. Factories changed the work patterns in a drastic way heavily affecting women’s labor. Because of this fact, women had to be removed from their workplace that was their home and work outside. This caused the separation of children from mothers, thus, putting a strain on them. The ‘long’ nineteenth century and more precisely the decade of 1860s, witnessed the era of a new economic progress. The present study revealed that female participation in family business endeavors was strong though hushed in most cases. However, the reason why women silently contributed to the economy of their family and why this contribution was thought of as a social norm that was taken for granted without expecting any credit,

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 P. Thanailaki, Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9_9

229

230 

P. THANAILAKI

became one of the targets in the present study. Thus, the debate over men’s indisputable authority over women’s lives and their unquestionable role assigned by society as the only breadwinners of their family were set as the central targets. Additionally, the social prejudices due to which women were destined to be assigned a marginal place in family and society were put under the magnifying lens of my research. Regarding time factor, the eighteenth century defined women’s position in society in a different way as—until then—there were no feminist voices raised in order to defend or to claim rights for their gender. In the nineteenth century, when the first capitalist steps became steadier and women’s contribution to economy steadily grew due to the need of workers’ helping hands in factories, women became an essential part. Time factor showed different variants in many European regions depending on the economic growth of each place. For example, during the Old Regime France (1675–1791), women played an important role in handicraft and putting-­ out system in a number of French rural areas. In the mid-­­ nineteenth century, there was also noted a growth in factory production while the putting-­out system became urban. In the Balkans, revolutionary movements of people’s breaking free from the Ottoman rule as well as subsequent attempts of creating new nation-­ states were noted in the nineteenth century. However, despite efforts to improve citizens’ living standards, the above geographical area remained purely agricultural while it failed to keep up with the challenges of the advanced new Western world. In Italy, after the fall of the fascist regime, significant changes occurred concerning the improvement of women’s image in society. However, until 1960s, the Catholic Church advocated the view that women had to be under their husbands’ authority. To the contrary, in England, women thrived in commerce as—for instance—in the retailing sector, in money lending, and in carrier business. However, in Europe it was after 1970s when female successful participation in business was acknowledged as before this time their economic contribution was strictly attached to family’s business ventures. After this decade, female entrepreneurship found an easy way outside family and onto public space while their innovative steps stimulated international economic growth. In the case of Greece, I attempted to unravel the threads that were woven around familiocracy in the business elite families proving that women participated in the boards of family firms but only few of them held managerial positions. By contrast, in the small–scale trading

9 CONCLUSIONS 

231

enterprises female presence was stronger. This can be explained by the fact that economic survival was the driving force behind it. By and large, the existing nuclei of power dictated norms that were male-­centered and, consequently, they did not allow for much space to women. One the one hand, men tried to quell any revolts of women’s economic emancipation while, on the other, female economic contribution was always welcome especially when men faced financial difficulties. Women seemed to be the passive pawns in these social practices. More particularly, the business elite women accepted their inactive roles in the management of family companies. The only exception to the rule was widowhood where female presence was strongly and clearly pronounced. In the Greek-­speaking Christian communities of the Balkans, women were involved in trading endeavors for the sake of their economic survival only, as no ambitions were traced in the present research because feminism, or other facets of gendered ideology, were not embedded in their upbringing. Greek women’s main economic contribution was centered around the practicing of domestic skills such as weaving and making embroideries. However, in the course of time, the concomitant social transformations in the local societies did not impede them from leaving their own imprint on economic history, in many ways. In Italy, according to women’s life testimonies, women were engaged in commerce in multiple tasks and functions. They offered their assistance for the economic development of their country through family business. However, this assistance was offered in silence and was perceived by men as ‘by default’. In my attempt to compare and contrast female input in the production of the two countries (Italy and Greece), I found out that female labor and assistance to family enterprises was hushed and taken for granted by all male members of their family circle in both countries. Family in Italy acted as a symbol and bore significance in the eyes of people. The same was believed in Greece. In nineteenth-­century Romania, family was the main component in the social web, while fathers were the head of this social unit as the character was patriarchal. All able members contributed to the finances of their family. Moreover, motherhood was the principal characteristic attributed to the female gender. In the same century, Romania lived on a subsistence economy and the trading activities were performed in the house, or in a small shop that the family kept. However, despite social biases, women were very good in taking over the commercial tasks assigned to them. When husbands were away on business, spouses turned out to be very

232 

P. THANAILAKI

good as managers of small-­scale enterprises. Additionally, wives proved to be good at taking the correct decisions on the sales of goods that they traded. Most of the small artisans and businesspeople ran shops that sold common household items, and this element facilitated successful female involvement as women were familiar with this type of products. Women were trained in how to deal with economic transactions by passing through different levels for acquiring the skill. In the first level of their training, they offered assistance to their husbands, while in the second stage they started being engaged in low-­risk trading transactions. Later, when they felt more mature and experienced, they acted by themselves. Officially, they were coached by a male member of the family and in this way they gained high esteem and recognition as business persons because trade was mainly perceived as men’s lot. Bulgaria constitutes another case where female representation in the economic surrounding was barely visible at the turn of the nineteenth century. Masculine high status dominated in the Bulgarian society while men’s role and economic contribution to the finances of their family was indisputable. In the above country, female character was shaped in three different models, being the wife, the mother, and that of the domestic laborer. This old-­style pattern continued long after Bulgaria’s shaping as an independent nation-­state. Moreover, steps were taken toward modernization, but overall, this was performed at a low pace. Despite the fact that women were attached with barely no significance in their pursuits to carry out various tasks and traditional roles with which they were assigned, their economic contribution was crucial. In France, in the small artisans’ trading ventures—especially in tailors’ craftsmanship—women played an important role through marriage. In most cases, men used to marry the daughters of their master, or their widows, in order to become masters themselves. Therefore, marriage was important in the tailors’ craft serving as a useful tool for them. In Paris, seamstresses were granted with work permit to sew and sell cloths for women and kids. The seamstresses in the French capital were called couturières and had set up a guild in 1675 in the French capital. In southern France, and more particularly in Marseille, the old economic pattern seemed to exist despite industrial growth and the following societal urban transformations that occurred during the nineteenth century. Life kept its own slow traditional style while the city’s working people—and especially women—labored hard in order to supplement their family’s meager earnings thus sharing common characteristics with their counterparts of

9 CONCLUSIONS 

233

southeastern Europe. By contrast, rich people were abundantly offered their servants’ services. In this big French port, female share in the workforce was significant though women were framed with low social profile and—as a consequence—their contribution was not acknowledgeable. Parallel to social tenets in other European countries, the male members were accounted as the head of the family while female economic participation was thought of as auxiliary. Female financial contribution to world economy seems to depend on many factors regarding time and space. Time had its own characteristics defined by economic as well as political reasons that geographically varied. Time and space factors heavily influenced financial growth and development. Western Europe enjoyed more economic stability than southern and southeastern Europe. The turbulent Balkans—for instance—lagged far behind in economic advancement compared to Western countries due to the various political troubles occurring in the area. Politics were the main causes of backwardness in the Balkans. In southeastern Europe the social status with which women were framed was low—and as a consequence—female input in the overall production was ignored. However, women acted not only as assistants to men’s trading activities but also as managers in case of widowhood, or when circumstances called for it. Women much contributed to economy’s growth while men destructed it through wars. We cannot say exactly whether female input in economic growth must be scaled on a higher degree, or rule out this possibility. But what is certain is the fact that women were the main caretakers of their homes, and they successfully managed family enterprises, acting—at the same time—as the guardians of culture and traditions.

Index1

A Ambelakia, 100–103, 101n24 Artisans, 1, 6, 9, 21, 26, 58, 62, 63, 88, 89, 111, 114, 114n78, 115, 117, 129, 146, 157, 162, 167, 170, 179, 180, 180n19, 182, 183, 188, 189, 191–193, 214, 229, 232

Craftsmanship, 66, 83, 96, 101, 118, 141, 161, 178–180, 186, 197, 200, 232 Cyprus, 77, 105, 116, 180

B Bourgeois, 14n7, 17, 26–28, 66, 67, 195, 225

E Endogamy, 13–50, 121, 220 Entrepreneurship, 6, 9, 10, 66, 95–130, 147, 151, 177–201, 208, 223, 230

C Consortium, 100, 184 Cottage industry, 10, 59, 62, 95–130, 156, 157, 161, 168, 225

D Despoineta, 111, 112

F Femininity, 66, 119, 145

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 P. Thanailaki, Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700–1900, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9

235

236 

INDEX

K Kastoria, 35, 35n111, 36, 36n112, 36n117, 121, 122, 180, 211n16 Kokkona, 116 Koprivshtitsa, 223, 224 M Marseille, 9, 33, 37, 98, 170, 178, 194–196, 218, 232

S Sicily, 142, 147, 162 Soap-makers, 10, 186, 187 Soufli, 72, 73, 75 Spagnoli, L., 147–150 Syggros, A., 46, 49, 72

N Needlework, 62, 62n25, 69, 70, 130, 145, 146

T Trikala, 10, 22, 183, 186, 187, 187n48 Trousseau, 62, 69, 77, 107, 110, 110n56, 120n109, 146

O Orphanages, 25, 26n68, 66, 144, 169, 182

V Vikelas, D., 34, 37, 42–44

P Paparrigopoulos, K., 3, 4, 69n53 Parren, K., 4, 26, 67, 198

W Wet-nursing, 10, 156, 168–173

R Rural women, 68, 75, 99, 155–174

X Xenopol, A., 212