Gender and the Liberal Democrats: Representing women 9781847794116

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Gender and the Liberal Democrats

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Gender and the Liberal Democrats Representing women?

Elizabeth Evans

Manchester University Press Manchester and New York Distributed in the United States exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan

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Copyright © Elizabeth Evans 2011 The right of Elizabeth Evans to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Published by Manchester University Press Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9NR, UK and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk Distributed in the United States exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA Distributed in Canada exclusively by UBC Press, University of British Columbia, 2029 West Mall, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z2 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for

ISBN 978 0 7190 8347 1 hardback First published 2011 The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Typeset by 4word Ltd, Bristol, UK Printed in Great Britain by CPI Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham, Wiltshire

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In loving memory of my father, who always made political discussions lively

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Contents

List of tables List of abbreviations Acknowledgements Foreword by Lesley Abdela 1

page viii x xi xiii

Gender and the Liberal Democrats: national and international context

1

2

The Liberal Democrats: ideology and organisation

25

3

Feminist presence and women’s descriptive representation

47

4

Supply and demand: the political recruitment of women

74

5

Women’s substantive representation: ‘for women’ but not by women

105

The symbolic representation of women: tokens or role models?

128

Conclusions: representing women?

146

6 7

Appendices

155

1 2

Research methods A chronology of women’s representation and the Liberal Democrats

157

Bibliography Index

162 171

160

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List of tables

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 2.1 2.2 2.3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14

British general elections of 1997, 2001, 2005 and 2010 Share of the vote and seats won by region, 1997–2010 Women MPs 1983–2010 by party Women Assembley Members 1999–2007 as a percentage of their party Women MSPs 1999–2007 as a percentage of their party Women MEPs 1999–2009 as a percentage of their party Parties of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Membership of federal committees by sex Staff of MP by sex and job type Influence of women’s groups on the selection process Identification as feminist – women on the approved list Identification as feminist – interviewees Attitudes towards women in Parliament – women on the approved list Attitudes towards women in Parliament – interviewees Attitudes to women in Parliament – 2005 BRS Attitudes towards parity of representation – women on the approved list Attitudes towards parity of representation – interviewees Attitudes to reserved seats – 2005 BRS Attitudes towards AWS – women on the approved list Attitudes towards AWS – by feminist identification Attitudes towards AWS – interviewees Attitudes to AWS – 2005 BRS Attitudes towards requiring political parties to ensure gender balance – women on the approved list Attitudes towards requiring political parties to ensure gender balance – interviewees

2 4 7 10 11 12 14 31 35 42 48 48 51 51 52 52 53 54 55 55 56 57 58 58

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List of tables

3.15 Attitudes towards the Liberal Democrats commitment to improving women’s representation – women on the approved list 3.16 Attitudes towards the Liberal Democrats commitment to improving women’s representation – interviewees 3.17 Models of party responsiveness to feminism 3.18 Feminisation and party types 4.1 Supply or demand side explanations – interviewees 4.2 MPs, PPCs and approved candidates by sex 4.3 Regional breakdown of the approved list by sex 4.4 Number of women looking for seats 4.5 Regional breakdown of seats and women approved 4.6 Selection figures by sex and region 4.7 Women candidates fielded by three main parties 1992–2010 4.8 Selection of women in winnable and target seats 4.9 2005 Liberal Democrat women MPs and their seats 4.10 2010 Liberal Democrat women MPs and their seats 5.1 Attitudes to whether women MPs act on behalf of women – interviewees 5.2 Attitudes to whether women are best able to represent women – interviewees 5.3 Attitudes to whether women are best able to represent women – women on the approved list 5.4 The 1997 increase of women MPs has improved the image of Parliament – responses of women on the approved list 5.5 Attitudes to Liberal Democrat policies for women – interviewees 5.6 Attitudes towards the emphasis on women’s issues – women on the approved list 5.7 There is too much emphasis on women’s issues by feminist identification 6.1 Identification of role models A1.1 Number of interviews conducted

ix

60 60 70 71 87 88 89 89 91 91 92 93 94 94 107 108 109 111 121 123 123 140 157

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List of abbreviations

ALDE AM AWS CGB COG FCC FE FFAC FPC FPTP GBTF MMP MSP PPC SAO SDP STV TRS WLD WLF WO

Alliance for Liberals and Democrats in Europe Assembly Member (Welsh) All-women shortlist Campaign for Gender Balance (formerly GBTF) Chief Officer’s Group Federal Conference Committee Federal Executive Federal Finance and Administration Committee Federal Policy Committee First past the post Gender Balance Taskforce (now CGB) Mixed Member Proportional Member of the Scottish Parliament Prospective parliamentary candidate, for the 2010 general election Specified Associated Organisation Social Democrat Party Single Transferable Vote Two Round System Women Liberal Democrats Women’s Liberal Federation Women’s organisation

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the ESRC for supporting this research project (PTA026-27-2232), the Department of Politics at the University of Bristol for hosting my post-doctoral fellowship, and Goldsmiths, University of London for funding the original PhD that this book is based upon. The book could not have been produced without the generosity of people within the Liberal Democrats who gave up their time to provide data, answer queries and to participate in the research. I am especially grateful to the women who engaged so honestly and candidly with the project, which made for such a fulfilling and rewarding study. My thanks go to Chris Rennard and the Women Liberal Democrats (WLD) for providing access to minutes and archive material and for their encouragement throughout the entire research process. Specific thanks must go to Richard Grayson who was an enthusiastic supporter of my research and an encouraging and sympathetic PhD supervisor. Sarah Childs has been both an official and unofficial mentor, and I am hugely grateful for the advice she has given me. Her interest, experience and insight have been invaluable to this research, which was inspired by her critical work on the Labour Party. I would also like to thank Joni Lovenduski and Andrew Russell for their supportive comments and suggestions, during what was a surprisingly enjoyable viva. I greatly appreciate the comments I have received on papers that I have presented at various conferences, especially at the Elections, Parties and Public Opinion (EPOP) annual conference. Additionally, several people kindly read various drafts of this book, making helpful suggestions; in particular I would like to thank the following: Ellie Cumbo, Rekha Diwaker, Chrissie Eason, Francesca Gains, Lisa Harrison, Rainbow Murray, Nirmala Rao and Kristi Winters. I am also grateful to the Women and Politics PSA group for providing a supportive network. I would also like to thank the anonymous referee for comments on the draft of this book.

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Acknowledgments

An earlier version of Chapter 4 appeared as ‘Supply or Demand? Women Candidates and the Liberal Democrats’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol.10 No.4, pp. 590–606 (2008), copyright Wiley-Blackwell. I am grateful to my parents for their encouragement, and to my brother Matt proofreading numerous drafts. Finally, I’d like to thank Gareth for his love and for putting up with me throughout this lengthy process.

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Foreword

Elizabeth Evans’ express purpose is to explore why the Liberal Democrats have so few women MPs. Her answers are vital to the future of the Liberal Democrats as a major force in British politics. This is a well-timed and exceptional feat of research. It looks in depth at a particular aspect of a political party, a party which was at one time a colossus on the British political stage, redolent with figures like Gladstone and Lloyd George, giants who passed through Downing Street. Then, abruptly, in the early part of the twentieth century, it all but collapsed, not least because for too long it had disdained the demand by millions of people – women – for the right to vote. Ask any voters past or present where the Liberals (and now the Liberal Democrats) rank in the advance of women, in the expression and concentration and prioritising of women’s issues, and they will stare at you in bemusement. The honest answer is it doesn’t rank at all. It would simply not cross anyone’s mind that women should flock to it as their champion. Remedies lie in this work. It wasn’t until Elizabeth Shields unexpectedly won the Ryedale byelection with a massive swing in 1987 that the first Liberal female MP since Megan Lloyd George in 1945 entered the House of Commons. This dismal record has not improved much. This is no way to set out your stall to become a governing party once again. One look around the world shows that in politics, no actions, let alone exhortation, to advance women in Parliaments will succeed without some form of quota. To this end, quotas are endorsed by the United Nations, under the title Temporary Special Measures. Countries with more than a threshold level of 30 percent women in parliament share two things in common: their electoral system uses some form of proportional representation, and they use quotas. The Welsh Assembly and the European Parliament are two parliamentary legislatures in which Liberal Democrats can hold their heads

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high. In these arenas they look modern, democratic and progressive, with a good track-record on women’s parliamentary participation. Of the three major UK parties, Liberal Democrats have the highest percentage of women MEPs. This is mainly due to the use in 1999 of the gender-balance quota system of ‘zipping’ alternate women and men’s names on the PR list of candidates. In subsequent elections the party dropped the use of the zipper, despite protests from gender equality campaigners. It’s a tangled web. It is much easier to introduce gender-balance quotas with PR electoral systems than with first past the post. Labour were only able to use twinning for the first elections to the Scottish Parliament because there were no sitting incumbents. Pretty much the only option left after that in the UK’s present ‘winner takes all’ voting system is the women-only shortlist. The conundrum for the Liberal Democrats is which should come first, PR or women-only short-lists? The author covers a serious impediment to a cohesive programme for women’s advance to senior ranks in the party, namely a generational divide among the party’s female membership. Older, more experienced women have argued for years for temporary special measures, measures recommended openly in the UN Convention against all forms of Discrimination against Women. The young women give the same arguments against quotas I myself gave when I started out as a political virgin in the heady days of the All-Party 300 Group Campaign, thirty years ago. In those days I too naively believed training and raising the profile of potential female candidates would be sufficient for women to get selected for winnable seats on merit. I soon came to realise that in politics such theories are Darwinian – they will take centuries. There was then and still is an urgent need for a fast-track approach, rather than an ‘organic’, incremental approach. A national breakthrough came when one major party – New Labour – showed the way by introducing all-women shortlists in half the winnable constituencies. Thanks to leadership efforts of women, the Labour Party’s courageous experiment resulted in a quite incredible leap at the 1997 election in numbers of women in their Parliamentary ranks, putting all other major parties to shame. Trying to bring about an advance similar to Labour’s for women in the Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties feels like dragging an elephant on a piece of elastic. After 20 years’ hard lobbying alongside many other valiant women campaigners – some of whom now sit in the Upper Chamber – my own last throw of the die for the Liberal Democrats was at the infamous 2001 Conference, where the party threw away a

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once-in-a-generation chance of becoming a truly representative political party. The delegates included hundreds of ambitious younger men and their supportive female partners – and ‘the young women in T-shirts’. Between them they slammed the door on balanced representation by voting against the introduction of gender-based quotas in the candidate selection system. To try to compensate for this disaster, party activists upped the amount of training and encouragement for budding women politicians. They targeted extra cash and resources at constituencies with female candidates. Predictably, the results have not been encouraging. Baffling contradictions clearly lie at the very heart of the Liberal Democrats. Read this work for vital remedies. If the Liberal Democrats continue to operate as a men’s club they will trundle along for yet more decades as ‘the third party’ in British politics: always the bridesmaid, never the bride. Lesley Abdela FRSA Senior Partner Shevolution Consultancy [email protected]

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Gender and the Liberal Democrats: national and international context

The under-representation of women in public life is a result not just of direct and indirect discrimination, but also of the enormous social, cultural and economic pressures on women. Liberal Democrats, ‘Equal Citizens’ policy paper (1994)

The Liberal Democrats are the UK’s third party at Westminster: they currently have fifty-seven MPs, less than 10 percent of the House of Commons. Despite the fact that they are currently in coalition government with the Conservatives, their third party status is reflected in the relative lack of attention paid to the party, hence less is known about the party’s organisation, policies and personnel compared to the Labour and the Conservative parties. The representation of women by the Liberal Democrats is further marginalised in extant studies and commentary. Following the 2010 general election, men made up 87.7 percent of the Parliamentary party. Whilst previous research has noted that the vast majority of their MPs were male (Childs, 2008a; Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005) a detailed institutional analysis of why this should be the case is lacking. Of course, with so few MPs of either sex, a poor track record on women’s representation may appear to be a somewhat minor concern. However, the question of women’s representation matters for the Liberal Democrats, not least because of their status as coalition partners in government. The party itself recognises that women’s representation is a problem, although their attempts to redress the imbalance have been slow and hesitant, and their record sits uneasily alongside their claim to be a ‘pro-women party’ (Harrison, 2009b). This introductory chapter establishes both the national and international context within which the themes of this book – the descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation of women by the Liberal Democrats – are examined. As such, it addresses five key areas: it provides a brief overview of the Liberal Democrats in respect of

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contemporary electoral politics in the UK; considers inter-party comparisons of women’s representation; situates this research within an international context by comparing the number and percentage of women Liberal Democrat MPs with other European Liberal parties; outlines the main contentions of the research; and finally explores the various approaches to the concept of representation that underpin this study. The Liberal Democrats The 2010 general election proved a decisive turning point for the party. Despite a reduction in the overall number of MPs returned, the party were in the position of helping determine the make-up of the next government. Following detailed negotiations, the party entered a coalition government with the Conservatives which saw Liberal Democrats take up five positions in the Cabinet, with Nick Clegg as Deputy Prime Minister. Notwithstanding their position as coalition partners and securing their highest national share of the vote (23 percent) in the 2010 general election, the Liberal Democrats are still struggling to make the electoral breakthrough that many have long anticipated (Dorey and Denham, 2007). The televised leaders’ debates offered a new and important opportunity for the third party to compete on a level playing field during the 2010 general election. Nick Clegg’s success during the debates, which at its peak resulted in opinion polling of over 30 percent for the party, was not eventually translated into seats. Although the party managed to secure the support of the Observer and Guardian, the Table 1.1 British general elections of 1997, 2001, 2005 and 2010 Party

1997 vote (%) seats

Cons. 30.7 Labour 43.2 LD 16.8 SNP 2.0 PC 0.5 Others 6.8 Majority Turnout

165 419 46 6 4 19 L 179 71.4%

2001 vote (%) seats

31.7 40.7 18.3 1.8 0.7 3.9

166 413 52 5 4 19 L 167 59.4%

2005 vote (%) seats

32.4 35.2 22.1 1.5 0.6 5.8

198 355 62 6 3 19 L 64 61.4%

Source: updated and amended from Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005, p. 3.

2010 vote (%) seats

36.9 29.7 23.6 1.7 0.3 9.9

305 258 57 6 3 16 Hung 65.1%

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Conservative-supporting press, notably the Sun, launched a series of personal attacks on the party leader. Despite a modest increase in their share of the vote, the number of Liberal Democrat seats actually went down. Whilst the party won four seats each from Labour and the Conservatives, and won two of the newly created seats, they lost thirteen seats: eleven to the Conservatives and two to Labour. In the run-up to the 2010 general election, and with a resurgent Conservative Party, Nick Clegg had switched the Liberal Democrat campaign to target the top fifty Labour marginal seats. It is clear that this strategy did not in the end prove successful. Likewise, during the 2005 election the Liberal Democrats had failed to make much headway against the Conservatives, in spite of the much-flaunted ‘decapitation’ strategy, which targeted senior Conservative politicians (Curtice, 2007; Russell, 2005). Post-2005 therefore, there was a perception, both internally and externally, that the party had missed an important opportunity to make a significant electoral breakthrough, despite popular flagship policies, such as their opposition to the war in Iraq and the pledge to scrap student tuition fees (Fieldhouse and Cutts, 2005). This feeling was reinforced by the party’s performance at the 2010 election, despite their role in the coalition government. The distribution of their electoral support in a majoritarian electoral system which produces a disparity between the percentage of votes won and the percentage of seats won disadvantages the Liberal Democrats (Denver, 2007); and as the third and smaller party they also have fewer material resources. These disadvantages have been compounded by organisational upheaval, internal disputes with regards policy, and wider challenges facing the successful marketing of the party to the electorate. Support for the Liberal Democrats has traditionally been viewed in terms of geographical strongholds, with the party building clusters of seats in certain regions such as the South West and Scotland (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005, p. 143). These geographical trends have their historical roots in patterns of support for the Liberal party, which is partially a result of the entrenched north-south divide that has characterised Labour and Conservative support. The Liberal’s ability to appeal to rural areas which had rejected socialism became key for the party, and remains important to the Liberal Democrats today (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005, p. 148). The Liberal Democrats have not substantially increased their number of seats outside of their heartlands; as shown in Table 1.2, indeed it is clear that the South West and Scotland remain particular strongholds.

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Table 1.2 Share of the vote and seats won by region, 1997–2010 Region Eastern E Mids London Nth East Nth West Scotland Sth East Sth West Wales W Mids Y&H Total

1997 seats vote (%)

1 0 6 1 2 10 7 14 2 1 2 46

17.1 13.6 14.6 12.6 14.5 13.0 23.3 31.3 12.3 13.8 16.0 16.8

2001 seats vote (%)

2 1 6 1 3 10 8 15 2 2 2 52

17.5 15.4 17.5 16.7 16.7 16.3 23.7 31.2 13.8 13.8 17.1 18.3

2005 seats vote (%)

3 1 8 1 6 11 6 16 4 3 3 62

21.8 18.5 21.9 23.3 21.4 22.6 25.4 32.5 18.4 18.8 20.7 22.1

Source: updated from Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005 and Denver, 2005.

2010 seats vote (%)

4 0 7 2 6 11 4 15 3 2 3 57

24.0 20.8 22.1 23.6 21.6 18.9 26.2 34.7 20.1 20.5 22.9 23.6

The increase in their share of the vote in the East Midlands relative to the number of seats won illustrates the inequity of the electoral system. The geographical unevenness of the Liberal Democrats’ seats also make it harder for the party to sell themselves as a ‘credible’ option to voters nationwide, something which Russell and Fieldhouse identify as being critical to any future breakthrough (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005). The party’s capacity to appeal to all British regions is hindered by the lasting purchase of the ‘wasted vote syndrome’, which kept them out of second place electorally despite being the second choice for many voters (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005).1 One way in which the Liberal Democrats have tried to be more electorally competitive is by making the party organisation run more efficiently, with more direction from party headquarters (Cowley Street). The noted professionalisation of the Liberal Democrats has been a key development within the party and has aided their attempts to present a credible image; investment in opinion research and the steadily increasing influence of the party leadership are two important ways in which the party has attempted to strengthen its position in British politics (Webb, 2000; Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005; Russell et al., 2007; Whiteley, Seyd and Billinghurst, 2006). This professionalisation has, in part, further exacerbated tensions between the core (national) and periphery (local) party, with local parties determined not to cede further power to Cowley Street (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005).

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The holding of two leadership elections in quick succession generated a degree of instability within the Liberal Democrats. The rapid change of personnel at the top of the party, coupled with a raft of damaging headlines regarding the personal lives of senior politicians, made ‘selling’ the party a much harder task (Hurst, 2006). Whilst research has noted the increased cohesion amongst the parliamentary party (Cole, 2009), recent internal debates over the renewal of the Trident nuclear weapon and tuition fees have highlighted current divisions within the wider party. These divisions are partially a result of the party’s constitution, which allows grass-roots activists a degree of influence over the leadership and ideological positioning of the party (Evans, 2007). Furthermore, ideological differences based upon a social-classical Liberal divide also aggravate tensions. This is illustrated by the publication of two very different ideologically motivated books by parliamentarians and senior party activists: the economically liberal Orange Book (Marshall and Laws, 2004) and the socially liberal Reinventing the State (Brack, Grayson and Howarth, 2007). Since becoming leader, Nick Clegg made it clear that Labour are the Liberal Democrats’ primary target, despite suggestions, both before and after the 2010 general election, that Labour and the Liberal Democrats have much to co-operate on (see for example New Statesman 29.1.2009; Observer 9.5.2010). In his recently published pamphlet The Liberal Moment (2009), Clegg argues that the time has come for progressives to ‘regroup under a new banner.’ Whilst some suggested prior to the 2010 general election that this perceived shift to the left would make it difficult for the party in the South of England, Clegg is clear that the Liberal Democrats alone constitute the progressive face of British politics and therefore have more to gain by targeting disillusioned Labour voters. During the 2010 election the party sought to emphasise, with varying degrees of success, the growing gap between the rich and poor, the environment and radical electoral and political reform, this was driven by a desire on the part of the Liberal Democrats to simultaneously appeal to Labour voters whilst defending seats against the Conservatives. Of course the result of the 2010 general election provided a dilemma for the Liberal Democrats, but despite some reservations on the part of some senior Liberal Democrat activists (see for example Guardian 10.5.2010), Nick Clegg managed to secure a number of key concessions from the Conservatives during the coalition negotiations, including a referendum on electoral reform. Moreover, at a specially arranged conference for Liberal Democrat activists, the grassroots endorsed his decision to enter into coalition with the Conservatives.

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Women’s representation and the Liberal Democrats The under-representation of women in British politics means that the legislature does not accurately reflect the social make-up of society; women constitute fifty two percent of the population, but just over twenty percent of the House of Commons. This disparity is a continuing reminder of the gendered inequalities underpinning political institutions. Whilst the Liberal Democrats can boast the highest percentage of women councillors in the three major parties, at thirty two percent (IDeA, 2006), there are only seven women Liberal Democrat MPs out of a Parliamentary party of fifty-seven. Indeed, the low number of women MPs has been a persistent feature of the Parliamentary party. In order to contextualise these figures, a brief overview of the types of strategies parties adopt to increase the number of women is provided. Gender and politics scholars are in broad agreement that it is the responsibility of political parties to ensure that a sufficient number of women candidates are selected and, more specifically, that women are selected to fight winnable seats (Childs et al., 2005; Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). Furthermore, there is a consensus that there are enough women seeking selection on behalf of all major political parties. In short there is not a problem with the supply of women candidates, but rather there is a problem with the demand for women candidates (Childs, 2008a). One explanation as to why women remain descriptively under-represented in British politics is because of the ‘institutionally sexist’ culture evident within British political parties (Lovenduski, 2005, pp. 57–58). Sexism is identified in parties where an ingrained discrimination or bias against women or femininity exists. The discrimination is based upon a culture and code of practices that was, and continues to be, created, recreated and defined by men (Lovenduski, 2005, p. 58). Institutional sexism has implications for political recruitment: the selection processes are underpinned by formal rules and informal values, which serve to privilege men and masculine traits. Therefore, in order for political parties to overcome these inherent discriminatory biases, a strategic and interventionist approach to candidate selection must be adopted. Lovenduski identified three strategic approaches which political parties could adopt to increase the number of women MPs: equality rhetoric, equality promotion and equality guarantees (Lovenduski, 2005, p. 90). Equality rhetoric is the public acknowledgment of the need to do something about increasing the numbers of women who come forward; this can be identified in campaign literature and speeches. Equality

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promotion offers a more tangible approach through the provision of targeted training or financial help, and it can also include the setting of internal party quotas. Lastly, equality guarantees recognise that a direct intervention in the selection mechanism is vital to ensure the selection and election of more women MPs; examples of these measures include: all women shortlists (AWS), where only women can apply for designated local seats; zipping, where men and women are placed alternately on a list of candidates; and twinning, where a male and female candidate are selected for a pair of twinned constituencies (Lovenduski, 2005). In the run-up to the 2010 general election the three main parties adopted a variety of strategies to try and increase the number of women MPs. The 2002 Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act allowed political parties to use positive discrimination in the selection of their parliamentary candidates. However, not all parties took advantage of this change in legislation. As Table 1.3 indicates, there are obvious inter-party differences with regards women’s representation. That women’s presence in the House of Commons continues to rely overwhelmingly on one political party is distinctly problematic (Mackay, 2001, p. 2). Despite the swing away from Labour at the 2010 election, the data in Table 1.3 highlight some interesting inter-party comparisons: although Labour lost seventeen women MPs, their percentage of women actually increased; both the number and percentage of Liberal Democrat women decreased; and both the number and percentage of Conservative women increased. Labour has been the only party willing to use equality guarantees in the selection of women candidates for Westminster elections. In the run-up to the 2010 general election Labour opted once again to use Table 1.3 Women MPs 1983–2010 by party Election 2010 2005 2001 1997 1992 1987 1983

Women 48 17 14 13 20 17 13

Cons % of total 15.7 8.6 8.4 7.9 6.0 4.5 3.3

Lab Women % of total 81 98 95 101 37 21 10

31.4 27.7 23.1 24.2 13.7 9.2 4.8

Lib Dem Women % of total 7 10 6 3 2 1 0

12.3 16.1 11.3 6.5 10.0 4.5 0.0

Source: amended and updated from Childs et al., 2005, p. 19.This excludes the Thirsk and Malton election.

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AWS to ensure the selection of women in thirty seats, including twentyfour existing Labour seats. This was a successful strategy, with twentyfour of the thirty newly elected women selected on an AWS. Moreover, Labour also adopted equality promotion strategies. For example Emily’s List, established in 1993 to give financial help to Labour women seeking selection, gave a total of eighteen grants to women seeking selection and also gave a grant of £1,000 to the Labour Women’s Network to run a weekend residential course for women thinking of going into public life. Although the actual number of Labour women MPs decreased by seventeen (the swing in 2010 was against Labour) the party also fielded a higher percentage and number of women candidates in 2010 (up 4 percent to 30 percent; an increase of twenty-four candidates from 166 to 190). With strong internal opposition to the use of positive discrimination, the Conservatives under the leadership of David Cameron introduced a number of different initiatives to try and increase their number of women MPs. The first of these reforms was the establishment of the ‘A’ or priority list of 100 candidates which was gender balanced. The second strategy was to hold open primaries, a selection process in which all constituents, regardless of party affiliation, have the opportunity to vote for the candidate. They also introduced sex-balanced quotas at each stage of the selection process. Finally, from January 2010 onwards, by-election rules were introduced in the selection process whereby a shortlist of three candidates would be drawn up for either the local association or the local electorate through an open primary to select from (Campbell and Childs, 2010). The party also fielded a higher percentage and number of women candidates in 2010 (up 6 percent to 25 percent; an increase of forty-three candidates to 161). The Liberal Democrats also rejected the use of equality guarantees and specifically AWS (discussed in further detail in Chapters 2 and 3). For the 2010 general election the party made use of both rhetorical and promotional strategies that they had used in previous elections. In 2001 the party established a Gender Balance Taskforce (GBTF, now the Campaign for Gender Balance, or CGB) which aimed to raise the number of women on the approved list to 500 and to ensure, through training and promotion, that women were selected in at least 40 percent of seats requiring a swing to win of 7.5 percent or less (Evans, 2008). The internal women’s organisation Women Liberal Democrats (WLD) also sought to encourage women to stand at the election by contacting all women on the party’s list of approved candidates not yet selected and encouraging them to apply for seats. Additionally, the party also used

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quotas at the point of shortlisting, requiring that on a shortlist of three there is at least one candidate of each sex. The party fielded a slightly lower percentage and number of women candidates in 2010 (down 1 percent to 22 percent; a decrease of six candidates to 134). The record number of MPs retiring at the 2010 general election, 149, provided an opportunity for the parties to increase their number of women MPs. Whilst the two largest parties used a variety of strategies to ensure women were selected for these newly vacant seats, as discussed above, the Liberal Democrats continued to use existing strategies: Labour selected women in 46 percent of their 102 seats; Conservatives selected women in 26 percent of their thirty-eight seats; and the Liberal Democrats selected women in 57 percent of their seven newly vacant seats. The Liberal Democrats selected the largest percentage of women in their vacant seats; however, it is important to note that this is on much smaller numbers, and, following the election, the party has the lowest percentage of women MPs. The Liberal Democrats are lagging behind in terms of women’s representation, and are far short of anything close to parity. Despite sporadic attempts made on behalf of the Liberal Democrat leadership to offer direction in the candidate selection process, the autonomy of local parties to select their own candidate is jealously guarded; indeed, selecting prospective parliamentary candidates is frequently perceived to be one of the few areas of influence left for local activists of any party. However, the small size of the Parliamentary party, and specific institutional and ideological factors, have proved influential upon the party’s response to women’s representation. The feminisation of political parties, that is the insertion and integration of women into all levels of the party, is a key idea that scholars can use to assess how responsive the parties are to the issue of women’s representation (Lovenduski, 2005). As Childs notes, the process of feminisation depends partly upon exogenous factors, including the anticipated benefit that may accompany the feminisation process, as parties seek to widen their electoral appeal (Childs, 2008a). Thus, the pressure on Labour and the Conservatives to ‘feminise’ their parties is in part driven by a calculation that more women candidates and policies targeted at women will attract women voters. Therefore, recognising the specific position that the Liberal Democrats hold in British electoral politics is vital to any consideration of the feminisation of the party. Prior to the 2010 general election it was thought highly unlikely that the Liberal Democrats would form the next government, therefore, gender equality activists have tended to focus their attention on the two

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Gender and the Liberal Democrats

main parties. Of course the Liberal Democrats have been criticised by women’s civil society organisations for their poor track record on women’s representation; but given their low number of MPs, overall they have not faced the same internal and external pressures as the other two parties to address the situation (Childs, 2008a). The party has rejected the use of positive discrimination, and traditionally has insisted that there is a problem with the supply of women candidates. In order to explore the extent to which this is specifically a Westminster problem for the party, the following section offers a brief comparative overview of the Liberal Democrats’ record on women’s descriptive representation in the devolved parliaments and in the European context. The establishment of the Welsh Assembly and Scottish Parliament provided a ‘window of opportunity’ for gender equality activists to ensure that the new legislatures had a gender balance amongst their representatives (Mackay, 2006). For Wales, the mixed member system allows parties to use equality guarantees such as zipping and twinning in order to ensure gender balance on lists and to overcome the barriers of the first past the post (FPTP) electoral system. The Conservatives have consistently returned a strikingly low number and percentage of women Assembly Members (AMs). The Labour Party made use of twinning, an equality guarantee, in the selection of their constituency candidates. This, as the data in Table 1.4 highlight, has clearly been successful, with women making up the majority of Labour’s AMs. Plaid Cymru adopted the most robust form of equality guarantee, through their policy of reserving the top place on each list for a woman. The use of such quotas is not without its opponents in the party, however, and the policy may be vulnerable to challenge in the future (Electoral Reform Society, 2007). The Liberal Democrats have secured an equal number of men and women in the Welsh Assembly since its formation in 1999. They have achieved this through the use of equality rhetoric and promotion. Noteworthy is the fact that the Welsh Table 1.4 Women Assembly Members 1999–2007 as a percentage of their party Election 2007 2003 1999

Cons. Women % of total 1 2 0

8.0 18.0 0.0

Lab. Women % of total 16 19 15

62.0 63.5 53.5

Source: National Assembly for Wales, 2007.

L.Dem Plaid Cymru Women % of total Women % of total 3 3 3

50.0 50.0 50.0

7 6 6

46.0 50.0 35.0

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Liberal Democrats elected Kirsty Williams as their leader, the first female party leader in Wales. Turning to the Scottish Parliament, Labour were the only party who took advantage of the unique opportunity that a fresh legislature offered in terms of achieving gender balance, by initially using twinning to select their candidates. Additionally, they took into account how winnable the seats where, when pairing the seats, to ensure that men were not disproportionately selected to fight the more winnable of the seats. Although the Labour Party dropped their use of equality guarantees in the selection of women candidates for the 2007 election, the continuing impact of the policy is still in evidence with many of the women Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) having been first selected under the use of twinning (Kenny, 2007). Despite recognising the importance of gender equality, none of the other main parties adopted any equality guarantees. Instead, the three parties relied upon equality rhetoric and promotion. For example, ahead of the Scottish elections, the Conservative campaign group Women2Win held a successful event at the 2006 Scottish party conference ahead of the Scottish elections where David Cameron urged more women to get involved with the party. Meanwhile Scottish Women Liberal Democrats held a women-only training event with the national Campaign for Gender Balance in early 2007 and the SNP held womenonly training sessions for their candidates (Kenny, 2007). The data from the Welsh and Scottish elections highlight the Liberal Democrats’ mixed record when it comes to women’s representation in the devolved institutions. Whilst the party has been able to ensure an equal number of men and women in the Welsh Assembly through the use of equality rhetoric and promotion, this has not been replicated in Scotland. Why there should be this disparity in terms of the percentage of women Liberal Democrats is unclear, given that equality promotion and rhetoric were employed in both instances. One explanation for the lower proportion of women MSPs may lie in the electoral geography of Table 1.5 Women MSPs 1999–2007 as a percentage of their party Election 2007 2003 1999

Cons. Women % of total 5 4 3

29.4 19.0 16.6

Lab. Women % of total 23 28 28

Source: Scottish Parliament, 2007.

50.0 56.0 50.0

L.Dem SNP Women % of total Women % of total 2 2 2

12.5 13.0 13.0

12 9 15

25.5 36.0 42.8

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Liberal Democrat support. As Table 1.2 highlights, whilst the number of seats may not have increased in Scotland, this remains one of the party’s heartlands. Of the twelve Scottish Westminster seats currently held by the party, only one is held by a woman MP. Comparatively, the party has not fared well in Wales; this could suggest that women are less likely to be elected where the party does well, even at a devolved level. Conversely, where the party has low levels of support, women may be more likely to be selected for seats. These regional variations are important and are discussed in further detail in Chapter 4. Turning to Europe, again there is inter-party disparity in terms of the proportion of women. European elections are held using a closed regional list system; this form of proportional representation means that the onus is on the political parties to ensure that women are placed near the top of the list. The degree to which the parties are willing to do this varies (Harrison, 2009a). Of the three main British parties, the Liberal Democrats have the highest percentage of women MEPs. The Conservatives have made significant increases since 2004, and whilst the number of women Labour MEPs has dropped, they have conversely increased their percentage of women by increments. The Liberal Democrats’ success is largely because of the use of zipping in 1999. This, as Table 1.6 indicates, was successful in guaranteeing an equal number of men and women MEPs. The party used zipping as a one-off measure, and despite protestations from gender equality activists, has relied on incumbency at subsequent elections. Although this has not reduced the number of women elected, it may prove to be problematic, given that the overall number of women candidates fielded by the Liberal Democrats dropped sharply from 49 percent in 1999 to 29 percent in 2009 (Harrison, 2009a). Together, what the data from Tables 1.4, 1.5 and 1.6 highlight is that the Liberal Democrats can achieve a good proportion of women amongst their elected representatives, although this appears to be limited to institutions where the party has low numbers. Women have done Table 1.6 Women MEPs 1999–2009 as a percentage of their party Election 2009 2004 1999

Conservatives Women % of total 6 2 3

Source: Harrison, 2009a.

24.0 7.0 18.0

Labour Women % of total 5 7 10

38.0 37.0 34.0

Lib Dem Women % of total 6 6 5

55.0 50.0 50.0

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well in Europe thanks to the party’s use of zipping in 1999, and have also had electoral success in Wales, but not in Scotland where traditionally the party has fared well. The extent to which there is a negative correlation between the party’s regional support and women’s electoral success is unclear. The regional variations are important and could suggest the existence of particularly challenging areas for women candidates in the party. Furthermore, the Liberal Democrats’ low percentage of women in the Scottish Parliament also reinforces the idea that whilst proportional representation may help women’s representation, it in no way guarantees it (Childs, 2008a). European comparison Whilst this book focuses on the specific institutional and ideological factors that have influenced the Liberal Democrats’ response to women’s representation, a comparative analysis with other liberal parties helps situate the research within a wider international context. Comparing European liberal parties reflects the specific wider European approach to equality that has been enshrined in EU law. (Maier and Klausen, 2001).2 Indeed, the European Union Treaty of 1999 included a call for member states to promote equality between the sexes, and many European nations amended their constitutions to allow for affirmative action and positive discrimination to increase the numbers of women elected. Despite this it is striking how few of the European liberal parties have adopted party political quotas. Hence, a comparison is made with the other members of the European grouping to which the Liberal Democrats belong, the Alliance for Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). In Table 1.7, the number of seats held by the parties and the number and percentage of women are based upon the most recent elections and refer only to the lower house. Where two parties from one country are members of ALDE, only the party with the largest number of members elected in the lower house is referred to. The quotas column in the table refers to whether or not the party identified has used quotas at the candidate selection, rather than at the aspirant stage. Of course different national electoral and party systems influence not only the size of the parties, but also the context within which parties might adopt quotas. As the data in Table 1.7 indicate, there is a great deal of disparity in the sizes of the liberal parliamentary parties; the largest is Ireland’s Fianna Fail and the smallest is France’s Democratic Movement, the latter of which was only formed relatively recently and was unable to field

Movement for Reform Movement for Rights and Freedom Liberal Party (Venstre) Reform Party Centre Party (KESK) Democratic Movement Free Democratic Party Fianna Fail Italy of Values (IV-LDP) LPP/LC Liberals Movement Democrat Party People’s Party VVD National Liberal Party People’s Party (LS-HZDS) ‘For Real New Politics’ Convergence and Union Centre Party Liberal Democrats

Belgium Bulgaria Denmark Estonia Finland France Germany Ireland Italy Latvia Lithuania Luxemburg Netherlands Romania Slovakia Slovenia Spain Sweden UK

23 (15.3) 38 (15.8) 46 (25.6) 31 (30.6) 51 (25.5) 3 (0.51) 93 (14.9) 78 (46.9) 26 (4.60) 10 (10.0) 11 (9.2) 9 (15.0) 22 (14.6) 65 (19.4) 15 (10.0) 9 (10.0) 10 (2.8) 29 (8.3) 57 (8.7)

Seats (% total) 6 (26.0) 4 (10.5) 16 (34.7) 6 (19.3) 15 (29.4) 0 (0.0) 23 (24.7) 8 (10.2) 2 (7.6) 3 (30.0) 2 (7.8) 2 (22.2) 8 (36.3) 5 (7.6) 4 (26.6) 1 (11.1) 2 (20.0) 11 (37.9) 7 (12.3)

Women (% total) Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No No No

Party quota? List PR List PR List PR List PR List PR TRS MMP STV List PR List PR Parallel List PR List PR List PR List PR List PR List PR List PR FPTP

Electoral system

53 (35.3) 50 (20.8) 68 (38.0) 21 (20.8) 83 (41.5) 105 (18.2) 204 (32.8) 22 (13.3) 134 (21.3) 20 (20.0) 25 (17.7) 12 (20.0) 61 (41.3) 38 (11.4) 29 (19.3) 12 (13.3) 127 (36.3) 164 (47.0) 143 (22.0)

Women in Parliament (% total)

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Sources: Inter-Parliamentary Union (2009); Centre for the Advancement of Women in Politics; International IDEA and Stockholm University (2009); official statistics. Changes after the election are not included. Electoral systems: MMP=Mixed Member Proportional.TRS = Two Round System. STV=Single Transferable Vote.

Party

Country

Table 1.7 Parties of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe

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a full slate of candidates at the most recent election. Similarly to the UK, most of the nations have legislated for voluntary political party quotas for electoral candidates but, as Table 1.7 highlights, few of the Liberal Democrats’ European partners have adopted them. Indeed it is striking that almost none of the parties used quotas for the selection of their candidates at the last elections. Ranking the parties in terms of size, proportion of the lower house and the percentage of women in their parliamentary parties, shows that out of the nineteen parties, the Liberal Democrats: have the fifth largest number of MPs; are the fourth smallest party as a proportion of the legislature; and are mid-table as regards the percentage of women representatives. Thus, as one of the larger parties, the Liberal Democrats’ low number of women MPs is even more stark when compared with European parties. Moreover, when looking at the proportion of women elected to a Parliament as a whole, the UK ranks twelfth out of nineteen. Turning to other liberal parties of comparable size allows us to put into context the low percentage of UK Liberal Democrat women MPs. Although the Swedish Centre Party has roughly half the number of MPs, their party makes up a similar proportion of their lower house. Looking at the proportion of women elected, the Centre Party has more than double the percentage of women in their Parliamentary party than the Liberal Democrats. Of course the extant literature finds a higher proportion of women representatives in the Nordic countries (see Freidenvall et al., 2005). Indeed, there is a cultural awareness that they are ‘on top’ with regards gender equality (Freidenvall et al., 2005, p. 56). Subsequently, this awareness may have influenced the proportion of women MPs amongst those parties which have not adopted quotas; indeed the Centre Party, whilst not using quotas, has set parity targets. The Romanian National Liberal Party has a similar number of MPs to the Liberal Democrats, although the former makes up a larger proportion of the lower house. However, the Liberal Democrats have a higher percentage of women in their Parliamentary party. Again, the Irish party Fianna Fail have a higher number of MPs but a lower proportion of women. As both Irish and Romanian elections are held using a list system, this underscores the idea that PR alone is no panacea to women’s descriptive under-representation. Opposition to quotas would appear, from the data in Table 1.7, to be a stance common amongst smaller liberal parties. Liberal arguments against the introduction of quotas at the point of selection are based

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upon the ‘gender-blind’ constitutions they have advocated, which privilege the individual and the individual’s freedom from discrimination, in any form (Maier and Klausen, 2001). The UK Liberal Democrats’ ideological opposition to quotas will be discussed in further detail in Chapter 2. Approaches to the concept of representation Political representation is frequently understood as signifying ideological or geographical representation, based upon an accepted relationship between the represented and the representative (Childs, 2008a, p. 93). A call for more women MPs challenges this assumption as sex replaces ideology or geography as the most important basis for representation. Demands for representation based upon sex remain surprisingly controversial in the UK, especially given the constituency-based electoral system and the continued dominance of the political parties in the legislature. And yet women’s representation does not necessarily negate ideological or geographical representation: women are still elected on behalf of a party and a geographical constituency. Feminists have sought to demonstrate that calls for women’s increased presence are a key part of legitimising, rather than undermining, the existing democratic process. The concept of representation is central to this book, therefore a brief overview of the approaches to the term is provided below. Theoretical arguments for women’s increased presence are discussed with reference to the work of Hanna Pitkin, Anne Phillips and Iris Marion Young. These theorists provide an important starting point for an exploration of women’s representation because of the important and lasting influence their ideas have had upon conceptual and empirical feminist research. Hanna Pitkin Pitkin’s work is widely recognised as one of the key theoretical sources on representation. Highlighting the complexity of the concept, she notes that representation is the ‘continuing tension between ideal and achievement’ (Pitkin, 1967, p. 240). This search for a suitable definition of representation is a leitmotif throughout her work. Tracing the etymological origins of the concept, Pitkin argues that to represent someone, or something, is to essentially make present something that is not there. This emphasises the dual purpose of the concept: to simultaneously signify that something is not present, whilst conveying that it is being made present (Pitkin, 1967). In some respects Pitkin’s work raises

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more questions than it answers; however, her four-part typology of representation provides a useful starting point for discussion: Formalistic representation Formalistic representation has two dimensions, authorization and accountability. Authorisation representation refers to the idea that a representative has been authorised to act by the electorate; therefore the represented is responsible for the actions undertaken by the representative as if they had acted themselves (Pitkin, 1967, p. 39). Pitkin considers this view of representation to be problematic because it places too much emphasis on the role of the representative. Furthermore, she argues there is no such thing as representing well or badly; you either represent or you do not, so there is no way of judging the actions of the representative. Accountability representation denotes the importance of elections in holding the representative to account. Pitkin argues that this form of representation places too much weight on the ‘formalities’ of the relationship between the represented and representative. Again, there is no opportunity to assess how well a representative has behaved – only how responsive they are to the represented. Whilst Childs observes that formalistic representation has ‘little to offer’ those seeking to explore women’s political representation (Childs, 2008, p. 96), scholars wishing to study the gendered ways in which constituents respond to representatives might find accountability and authorisation representation useful concepts to consider. Adopting a microcosmic view, we might also find the authorisation aspect of formalistic representation to be useful when analysing the formalised roles which exist within Parliamentary parties, for example by exploring the remit and perceptions of the women and equality spokesperson who is authorised to act on behalf of their Parliamentary colleagues and also the wider party. Descriptive representation Descriptive representation indicates the extent to which the representative resembles the represented (Pitkin, 1967, p. 60). Thus a normative approach would argue that the legislature should be reflective of the society which it is elected to represent. Pitkin identifies several problems with descriptive representation. First, whilst the electorate might welcome the opportunity to be represented by someone who shares similar characteristics, this does not mean a representative who is not of the same sex or race would satisfy them less. Second, people have different ideas regarding the type of representative they want; for example

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sometimes they might seek someone who is ‘typical’ or ‘average’, whilst sometimes they might want ‘the very best’. Finally, descriptive representation negates the opportunity for leadership and innovation from the representatives because their sole priority is reflecting the constituents (Pitkin, 1967). Pitkin’s key criticism of descriptive representation is that the focus is on the representative’s characteristics; essentially it is about being something rather than doing something. This, she argues, undermines the importance of accountability between the represented and the representative, and will lead to the representative being judged by their descriptiveness rather than by their actions (Pitkin, 1967, p. 90). Pitkin’s suspicion of descriptive representation is based upon an assumption that this type of representation is by virtue of shared characteristics alone, which renders it inadequate. Whilst Pitkin concedes that descriptive representation is an important part of political life, she argues that it is only a ‘partial view’ of the concept (Pitkin, 1967, p. 89). Symbolic representation Symbolic representation refers to the ways in which a representative ‘stands for’ the represented. Viewing representation as a matter of ‘existential fact’, Pitkin highlights the sometimes arbitrary nature of the relationship between the symbol and what it is intended to stand for (Pitkin, 1967, p. 92). One aspect of symbolic representation is the meaning that the representative conveys to the represented, and how the latter responds to the former. Pitkin considers this interpretation unconvincing, perceiving it to rely too heavily on the idea of the represented feeling represented based upon ‘irrational beliefs’ (Pitkin, 1967, p. 100). Describing all representation as a form of symbolisation, Pitkin acknowledges that symbolic representation is an instance of representation, but argues that it is far from being the only type (Pitkin, 1967, p. 111). This theory is important for those interested in exploring what women politicians symbolically represent to other women. Despite the fact that perceptions of the representative may be based upon irrational and unrealistic expectations of women politicians, the symbolic value of women MPs is important – especially considering the impact they could have on encouraging other women to seek a political career, as this chapter discusses in further detail below. Substantive representation3 Substantive representation signifies the actions taken by the representative as either being on behalf of, in the interests of, or as a substitute

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for the represented; in short it is as if the represented is ‘present’ in the actions of the representative (Pitkin, 1967). Despite this the representative must act independently and use their own judgement, whilst not being found persistently at odds with the wishes of the represented. Arguably, this is a difficult route for representatives to navigate. Substantive representation involves the representative making judgements about what action should be taken based upon facts that the represented is unaware of. This point is key to Pitkin’s argument that the representative must have the freedom of judgement to make independent decisions. This has to be acknowledged by the represented, and should inform their decision when considering whom to vote for, i.e. they vote for the candidate who best shares their values and commitments. Pitkin’s exploration of representatives ‘acting for’ the represented has proven particularly relevant for feminists keen to study the links between women’s descriptive and substantive representation (Childs, 2008a, p. 97). However, Pitkin does highlight several problems with the concept. First, if a representative is acting for an entire constituency, then some constituents will inevitably oppose any given action. Second, assessing the representative will be determined solely by an analysis of their voting record, which constitutes a small part of parliamentary work. Finally, people act differently and reach different decisions when acting on behalf of others (Pitkin, 1967). Moreover, Pitkin further problematises substantive representation by distinguishing between mandate representation and independence representation. She constructs this as a clash between wishes and welfare; in other words, you either do what the represented wants you to do, or you do what is best for the represented (Pitkin, 1967). Pitkin posits that the representative be ‘logically prior’, which creates a potential dilemma in deciding a course of action. On the one hand the opinion of the representative should be privileged, but as their opinion should be in harmony with the wishes of the represented, the action should also be responsive to the represented. For example, this means that a representative’s decision to vote in a certain way should not only reflect their own opinion, but that of the represented. This is a difficult ideal to realise, even when decisions are taken on minor issues where there is broad consensus. Pitkin’s thorough and complex discussion of representation highlights the multi-faceted nature of the concept. The complexity of the theory means that it is critical to understand the context within which it is being used. The interconnectivity of representation is central to this

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book, in particular, the impact that descriptive representation can have upon the symbolic and substantive representation of women. In order to reflect upon Pitkin’s critique of descriptive representation we need to briefly consider the work of feminist political theorists who have sought to advance the case for women’s presence. The feminist case for descriptive representation Anne Phillips’ work provides a conceptual framework for women’s descriptive presence, arguing that the politics of ideas is inadequate within the context of group under-representation and alienation from the political process (Phillips, 1995). However, Phillips does not suggest that a politics of presence, which relies on notions of collective identity and group representation, can be sustained as the sole means of representation. Whilst Pitkin argued that descriptive representation would place a disproportionate emphasis on the characteristics of the representative, on who they are rather than what they do, Phillips argues for a combination of the two, rejecting the idea that they are mutually exclusive. Phillips highlights that UK voters know little about the candidate, and so vote by shorthand for a party that best shares their views. This, she argues, is inadequate for dealing with political exclusion (Phillips, 1995).4 The basis for Phillips’ argument in favour of descriptive representation is based upon the politics of presence, which is predicated on four key ideas (Phillips, 1995): 1. 2. 3. 4.

Women in politics will act as role models and so inspire and encourage other women to put themselves forward. A notion of justice highlights the unfairness brought about by one sex dominating the legislature. There are specific women’s interests that cannot be represented by men. Women will essentially ‘do’ politics in a different way thereby changing and improving the standard of politics.

Role models In considering these four arguments Phillips immediately dismisses the first as too general, arguing that it has no direct connections with politics and democracy. Whilst Phillips dismisses the value of role models, it is an important area for re-consideration. Arguably, without women role models, the job of politician will continue to be coded as male (Lovenduski, 2005). The idea of role models also taps into Pitkin’s

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idea of symbolic representation. If a political party has a low number of women MPs then a symbolic message, that the party is not an organisation in which women can achieve electoral success, might be conveyed to women and to the wider party. Accordingly, women’s presence has a symbolic value and constitutes part of the legitimisation process for political parties, especially those claiming to be pro-equality and pro-women. Justice There should be more women representatives because it is not fair for one sex to dominate the legislature: this is the argument in favour of descriptive representation that Phillips finds most compelling. Highlighting justice as the single most important aspect of political philosophy, Young identifies the innate gender bias of meritocratic liberal democracies. She criticises the underlying assumption that all people have an equal moral and political worth for failing to recognise the inherent societal discrimination against women, which has formed the sexual division of labour (Young, 1990, p. 3).5 Substantive impact The final two arguments for women’s descriptive representation are perhaps the most complex and also the most difficult to demonstrate: the substantive impact that women MPs have on issues of specific interest to women, and the way in which women’s presence will improve the quality of political life. Whilst being uneasy about essentialist assumptions, Phillips does make the link between the descriptive and substantive representation of women. She observes that whilst men might be able to stand in for women on some issues, in other substantive issues of specific concern to women, such as abortion, particular health concerns and more broadly gender inequalities, men cannot hope to represent women, especially when the representation of women is the issue (Phillips, 1995). Although arguments suggesting men cannot successfully act for women have proved difficult to substantiate (Childs, 2004), Phillips identifies the specific issue of representation of women as an issue where we cannot assume that male representatives will adopt a feminist or pro-women stance, either out of fear of losing their own seats or because of an inherent desire to retain male dominance within the UK political system. Finally, in her desire for a more deliberative form of democracy, Phillips suggests that society itself needs to shift the way in which it does politics. Political parties should give a greater precedence to opening up

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routes into political activity encouraging more people to contribute to the democratic process (Phillips, 1995). Phillips argues that equal access and equal participation in political parties, pressure groups and political activity would ultimately result in equality of representation. However, this is problematic, as this research demonstrates that an equal number of members in a political party does not necessarily result in parity of representation; so far it has only been through the Labour Party’s adoption of all-women shortlists that the number of women MPs in Westminster has significantly increased (Childs, 2008a; Childs et al., 2005; Mackay, 2001). Research aims To explore why the Liberal Democrats have so few women MPs, and to assess how responsive the party is to ‘acting for women’, the research for the book was based upon four key questions: does the ideology and organisation of the Liberal Democrats reinforce masculine norms and values? Is the party suffering from demand-side rather than supply-side problems in recruiting women candidates? With so few women MPs, can the Liberal Democrats substantively represent women? And are there sufficient critical actors working to feminise the party? The generation of the questions was driven chiefly by a desire to explore what Lovenduski calls the ‘puzzling’ response of the Liberal Democrats to calls for women’s increased descriptive presence (Lovenduski, 2005, p. 62). Initially this resulted in a focus on political recruitment and selection and election data. However, additional questions quickly emerged as it became clear that the low number of women MPs impinged upon other facets of women’s representation. This was particularly true in the consideration of the substantive representation of women: in short, can a party claim to act on behalf of women when they have such a poor track record on women’s representation? And further, if they can, then what are the implications of that for future party strategies to increase women’s presence? These questions speak to broader conceptual debates regarding the inter-connected nature of representation; indeed, is the substantive representation of women perceived to be a substitute for the descriptive representation of women? To understand the party’s response to women’s representation, there needs to be more than just an analysis of political recruitment. Indeed, there is a wider need to assess the ideology and culture of the institution, both of which are inextricably linked to issues of women’s representation (Lovenduski, 2005).

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The research questions were directed from a normative feminist position, which sees the election of greater numbers of women as a ‘good thing’. This perspective helped shape the research questions which cover a wide range of integral and inter-connected themes. The research was conducted between 2005 and 2009, but also includes analysis of the 2010 general election campaign and results. The book provides a feminist analysis of the ideology, structure and organisation of the party, a consideration of the presence of feminists, and analysis of the party’s descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation of women. In doing so the book puts forward six main contentions: (1) that the number of women present matters; (2) that the Liberal Democrats have failed to address seriously the issue of women’s descriptive representation; (3) that a dominant masculine bias underpins much of the ideology, organisation and culture of the party; (4) that the party’s claim to act on behalf of women is undermined by a lack of women MPs; (5) that male critical actors substantively representing women can be no substitute for women’s presence. These contentions, which have both conceptual and empirical foundations, contribute to wider research which understands political parties as gendered institutions. Whilst the specific details regarding ideology and organisation may be specific to the Liberal Democrats, the wider findings may be applicable to other UK and European political parties. This book is based upon both qualitative and quantitative data gathered from in-depth interviews with a range of women in the party (including MPs, peers, PPCs and employees) and a survey of aspirant candidates. The research methods are outlined in Appendix 1. The research draws upon ideas from a growing body of work bringing together some of the key elements of gender and politics scholarship and new institutionalism (Kenny, 2007b; Mackay and Meier, 2003). This research analyses formal rules and informal practices that impact upon the various aspects of women’s representation, through the creation and reinforcement of traditional masculine norms and values. Awareness of institutional context is vital to exploring a political party’s approach towards women’s representation, and it is especially important considering the liberal emphasis on equality of opportunity that has been identified as critical to understanding the Liberal Democrats’ stance on women’s representation, not least in respect of quotas (Lovenduski, 2005, p. 62). Of course it is important to stress that whilst ideological and institutional factors are often related they can have independent effects. The Liberal Democrats’ opposition to AWS, grounded in both ideological and institutional factors, illustrates this. The party emphasises the

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importance of individualism and equal opportunity for all, which means that it instinctively rejects calls for the use of positive discrimination. Compounding the ideological opposition to AWS are institutional factors, such as the importance attached to the autonomy of local parties in the selection of Parliamentary candidates. The opposition to AWS shows how ideology and institution are distinct yet inter-related factors, and when considered together often reinforce each other in determining the party’s approach to specific issues. The next chapter explores the extent to which the Liberal Democrats’ response to women’s representation has been influenced by ideology, organisation and culture. Chapter 3 establishes the presence of feminists within the party, assesses feminist attitudes towards representation and explores the interviewees’ interpretations of feminism. Chapters 4 to 6 explore the Liberal Democrats’ descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation of women, stressing the interconnected nature of representation. Finally the conclusion draws together some of the key empirical findings from the research to highlight the implications of the research for the future study of women’s representation as well as the study of British political parties. Notes 1 At the 2010 general election the party increased the number of seats in which it came second from 188 to 242. 2 In comparison to the USA, debates concerning quotas in European countries have not produced the same degree of hostility, even when ‘classical individualistic liberalism’ has been used to argue against their implementation (Maier and Klausen, 2001, p. 4). 3 Whilst Pitkin does not use the term substantive representation, she does define the activity of acting for as ‘substantive acting for’ (Pitkin, 1967 p. 113). For the purpose of this research, and in order to maintain continuity, the term substantive representation will be used to explore her analysis of ‘acting for’ representation. 4 This chimes with Iris Marion Young’s interpretation of political representation as being both inclusive and exclusive for specific social groups. Young argues that in order to address alienation, a diverse electorate should be represented by diverse representatives (Young, 1990). 5 The sexual division of labour refers to the allocation of work based upon sex. It is a theory well rehearsed in many academic texts, and it is a testament to its impact that it continues to be cited as a defining part of feminist debates. For a full discussion see Lister, 1997; Kiss, 1998; Jagger and Young, 1998; Somerville, 2000; Oakley, 2005.

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The Liberal Democrats: ideology and organisation

The party’s persistent refusal to adopt politically correct ‘women-only short-lists’ for parliamentary selection processes also shows that the bright light of personal liberalism – judging people on the content of their character, not by the category they appear to fit into – burns brightly. Long may it do so. David Laws MP, The Orange Book (2004)

To understand the Liberal Democrats’ response to women’s descriptive representation one must also understand the ideology and organisation of the party. Analysis of these institutional factors will allow us to assess the extent to which a masculine ethos pervades formal rules and informal values. This is important, because party rules and values help determine the party’s response to women’s lack of descriptive representation (Lovenduski, 2005). This chapter establishes the milieu within which women and feminists can seek to influence debates surrounding women’s descriptive representation within the Liberal Democrats. Three key arguments are explored: ideological tensions between Liberalism and feminism regarding the concept of equality have influenced the way in which the party approaches the issue of women’s descriptive representation; the structure and organisation of the party are such that few women reach senior levels within the party; and lastly that the women’s organisation WLD has limited opportunities to influence the party leadership. Tensions between Liberalism and feminism Both Liberalism and feminism have a range of meanings depending on the context and there are identifiable strands of thought within both. This analysis is concerned with the body of thought most closely associated with Mill, Hobhouse and Rawls, but also with Conrad Russell and

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the recent writings of Liberal Democrat MPs. This can be described as capital ‘L’ Liberalism as distinct from small ‘l’ liberalism. Throughout this study ‘Liberalism’ refers to the ideology of the Liberal Party or Liberal Democrats. Mill’s focus on equality, freedom and liberty are the foundations for contemporary Liberal Democrat thinking. These themes are also articulated in the constitution of the Liberal Democrats.1 Although feminism also encompasses a wide variety of approaches, its unifying purpose is a combination of intellectual commitment and political action to seek justice for women and the elimination of all forms of sexism (Humm, 1992). For the purposes of this research a feminist is defined as one who recognises that society and institutions are underpinned by an unequal relationship between men and women, one which recreates itself through established patterns of discrimination and cultural norms which privilege men and masculine traits. In addition to recognising this inherent inequality between the sexes, a feminist will also seek to draw attention to and challenge these assumptions regarding constructed gendered identities. The relationship between Liberal and feminist ideology has been historically complex. Early feminist ideas promoting the extension of the rights of men to women, set forth by Mary Wollstonecraft in A Vindication of the Rights of Women (1792), were adopted and championed by a number of leading Liberals who argued that the refusal to accord women the same basic rights of equality and liberty was tyrannical (Brugger and Stokes, 1983). Indeed, J.S. Mill’s important work The Subjection of Women (1869) provided a critical appraisal of women’s oppression, applying principles of justice and liberty to the condition of women’s lives. However, political Liberalism and feminism have, at times, been diametrically opposed, for example the Liberal party’s division over women’s suffrage led many feminists to desert the party in favour of the newly formed Women’s Social and Political Union and the Labour party (Morgan, 1975). More recently, the use of equality guarantees, or quotas, to increase the number of women MPs, has highlighted divisions in opinion, both within the Liberal Democrats and between the party and feminist organisations such as the Fawcett Society. Today, on equality issues, such as women’s right to vote, to be educated, and to work for equal pay, Liberalism and feminism are now in accord. However, within western twenty-first century politics, these are ideas that are matters of consensus rather than controversial feminist demands, and few mainstream political ideologies would be at odds with feminism on such issues (Bryson, 1999; Squires, 2007).

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A focus on equality of opportunity for all is what drives much of the thinking behind contemporary Liberal thinking. Writing in the late twentieth century, Conrad Russell defined the Liberal approach to equality as being, ‘first and foremost a form of non-discrimination’ (Russell, 1999, p. 47). The Liberal emphasis on equality of opportunity is reaffirmed through the commitment to the ‘doctrine’ of a ‘level playing field’ (Russell, 1999, p. 47). This is problematic for feminists who argue that given the predominant cultural and societal bias against women, positive discrimination is needed in order to establish a level playing field (Young, 1990). The case of women’s descriptive representation is the obvious example to illustrate this point. A Liberal approach to equality in society is fundamentally flawed for feminists because it seeks to extend existing principles without recognising that the principles are based upon male values (Bryson, 1999). This assessment provides a context within which to consider the party’s response to the issue of women’s representation. Liberal conceptions of equality are essentially limited by their emphasis on equality of opportunity over equality of outcome. This narrow view of equality fails to recognise sex discrimination as a form of oppression (Kymlicka, 2001). Liberals want women to be free to compete equally for selection. However, given that previous research has highlighted instances of discrimination from local selectors, and taking into account societal and material inequalities, then for many women intervention in the selection process is necessary in order to make the field level. Equality strategies could be adopted through the provision of funds or additional training exclusively for women, or through the introduction of quotas at the point of selection; both of these forms of positive discrimination are unacceptable to Liberals who claim that they undermine equality and meritocracy. Reflecting upon the case for positive discrimination, Russell concludes: ‘the case for discriminating in terms of race, gender, social origin or sexual orientation is non-existent’ (Russell, 1999, p. 54). Given this clear rejection of positive discrimination, it would be difficult for feminists to believe that the Liberal idea of a level playing field is possible, because of the pervasive inequality based upon sex and gender. Feminising the Liberal Democrats as an institution Feminising political parties is, according to Lovenduski, partially about the ‘insertion and integration’ of women into political organisations (Lovenduski, 2005, p. 13). Because of the relatively recent formation of

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the party, and the federal and egalitarian nature of the Liberal Democrats, four interrelated themes are explored: the role women played during the merger negotiations; the presence and influence of women on federal committees; the impact that women can have at Federal Conference; and an analysis of the experiences of women who are, or who have been, employed by the Liberal Democrats. These four issues provide a chance to explore the intersection between formal and informal locations of power within the party and the extent to which they are dominated by one sex. The merger Fiona Mackay has identified that the creation of new institutions constitutes a window of opportunity for feminists to ensure that formal and informal structures take account of gender: ‘Innovation is difficult in existing institutions, yet periods of institutional restructuring can open up spaces for the contestation of rules and underlying norms, values and ideas, including gender norms’ (Mackay, 2006, p. 172). The merger talks between the SDP and Liberal Party and the eventual creation of the Liberal Democrats provided one such window of opportunity for women. There were a number of leading feminists at the centre of the SDP pushing for the prioritisation of issues such as women’s representation. Indeed, the SDP were the first political party to introduce quotas at the point of shortlisting, and it has been argued that the party only adopted this strategy because feminists such as Polly Toynbee and Sue Slipman were influential in the new party (Coote and Pattullo, 1990, p. 204). The strategic presence of critical feminist actors in shaping the SDP helped ensure that women’s concerns were an integral part of revitalising politics, an overarching aim of the new party (Stephenson, 1982). Of course, many women involved with the newly formed SDP had been active in the Labour Party, which had a stronger tradition of feminist involvement than the Liberals. This is particularly noteworthy when considering the ways in which the two parties, prior to the merger, approached women’s interests and women’s representation. Typically the SDP were more engaged and pro-active than the Liberals in their approach to women’s representation and women’s interests. The SDP commitment to women’s interests was emphasised by the production of a policy paper for women, a substantial exploration of specific policies for women which stated that: ‘In all our present and future policy-making we must ensure that the needs of women are not cast aside by other priorities’ (Policy for Women, 1984). The SDP also

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stressed the importance of increasing the participation of women in public life. Interviews with those involved in the SDP highlighted the momentum behind the campaign to get more women elected, which was bolstered by the establishment of the 300 Group:2 Lesley [Abdela] at that time was very influential in ensuring that the SDP built in positive action into its constitution for committees and for shortlisting. There were some quite exceptional women involved at that time and I listened to a great deal of what was said and was persuaded and impressed by them. (Peer)

As the above quotation highlights, the work of individuals combined with a party-wide commitment to gender equality ensured that the SDP promoted and encouraged women to seek representation at all levels. Conversely, the Women’s Liberal Federation (WLF) were on the fringes of the Liberal party, often by-passed by ambitious high-flyers who did not consider them to be part of the party elite (Coote and Pattullo, 1990). Despite the existence of high-profile women within the Liberals, there was little evidence to suggest that these women were working to secure the greater representation of women, as articulated by two peers: ‘There have always been forceful women in the party, we had an outstanding woman President in Baroness Seear, so women were around but they were in secondary positions. We didn’t have women MPs’; ‘There just weren’t many women in our party. No one encouraged me to stand. They wanted women to do back room stuff.’ Those interviewees, who had been members of the Liberal Party, were aware of the lack of women in senior positions. Many sought to defend the party’s record by citing the influence of high profile-women, particularly Nancy Seear. Moreover, some interviewees were also keen to stress the small size of the Parliamentary party as a partial explanation for the absence of women MPs. The difference in approach to the issue of women’s representation between the SDP and Liberals inevitably led to tense merger negotiations, which saw talks between the representatives from each women’s organisation discussing the aims and objectives of the new party. One interviewee who had been heavily involved in the merger discussions highlighted the frustration that she and many of her SDP colleagues felt at the Liberals’ track record on women’s representation: I found it extremely difficult in those merger negotiations to persuade some of my female Liberal counterparts that we actually needed to build in measures. It is so much more difficult to argue when you have women

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Gender and the Liberal Democrats opposing you. There was a woman on the opposite side from me trying to block shortlisting for women saying it was tokenism. (Peer)

In addition to ideological divergences on how best to secure the greater representation of women, tensions between women of the two parties were augmented by the fact that the SDP women were more high-profile within their party and were more likely to be middle class professional women based in the South East, as opposed to the Liberal women who represented a broader base (Coote and Pattullo, 1990). Following the merger, quotas at the point of shortlisting became a part of the new constitution; this was buttressed by the adoption of equality promotion tactics such as specific training events and extra financial aid for women candidates. To some extent the tensions between the two women’s organisations during the time of the merger are still in evidence today with regards the debate over equality guarantees. However, it would be simplistic to suggest that the current divisions over AWS could be mapped directly onto whether women had belonged to either the SDP or Liberal Party, particularly given the number of young women members who have taken an active interest in women’s representation. Comparisons with other parties reinforce the strategic opportunities that internal renewal and modernisation processes can offer women. Indeed, recent research has stressed the important role played by leading women and feminists in helping feminise both Labour and the Conservative parties (Childs, 2008; Russell, 2005). For the Liberal Democrats this experience has thus far been limited to the merger period. As the party continues to grow and professionalise, it could be expected that a similar feminisation process could occur; however, the federal structure of the party provides both opportunities and limitations regarding the extent to which women can seek to influence the party’s agenda. Federal committees The federal nature of the Liberal Democrats is a result of the party’s commitment to community politics (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005). In theory the federal structure of the Liberal Democrats allows for a more grassroots and democratic decision-making process through the election of party activists to federal bodies. Hence, according to the party constitution, policy, elections and fundraising, as they apply specifically to England, Scotland and Wales, are the responsibility of the state

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parties. Federal structures deal with federal matters such as funding for party groups, and overseeing internal party elections. Additionally, there are four directly elected UK-wide federal committees: the Federal Executive (FE) directs, organises and implements the work of the Federal party; the Federal Conference Committee (FCC) organises the two annual conferences; the Federal Finance and Administration Committee (FFAC) is responsible for the Federal party budget and accounting; and the Federal Policy Committee (FPC) oversees the party policy framework. A breakdown of the membership of these committees by sex reveals that despite women constituting on average a third of the committees, they still remain under-represented. Perhaps of most importance is the make-up of the FPC, which Russell and Fieldhouse observe is ‘possibly the most influential body within the party’ (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005, p. 58). Despite a recent increase in the number of women on the FPC, that women constitute less than 40 percent of the FPC is significant because of the important role the committee plays in shaping the direction, agenda and policies of the party. This influence was highlighted recently when the FPC sent a letter to The Guardian reaffirming the party’s opposition to tuition fees, contra to suggestions made by the party leadership that the policy would not be included in the next election manifesto. The Liberal Democrats’ policy-making process is unlike those of either the Labour or Conservative parties, in that all party policy has to be approved and can be amended by voting delegates at one of the two annual party conferences. The FPC, an elected body, determines the initiation of most policy development through establishing working groups which produce policy papers. However, local parties, Specified Associated Organisations (SAO), or ten or more conference representatives acting Table 2.1 Membership of federal committees by sex Committee FE FCC FFAC FPC Total

Female No. % 9 8 5 11 33

27.2 33.3 23.8 37.9 30.8

Male No. 24 16 16 18 74

%

73.8 66.7 76.2 62.1 69.2

Source: data available from Liberal Democrat website www.libdems.org.uk [accessed 1 October 2009].

Total 33 24 21 29 107

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together can also initiate policy by proposing motions to conference. It is up to Federal Conference Committee (FCC) to determine which of these motions should be debated, whereas formal policy papers automatically go to conference. Women Liberal Democrats (WLD) has made efforts to encourage its members to apply to be on policy working committees to ensure that women’s voices are heard (WLD, Summer and Autumn Newsletters, 2008). WLD highlights the importance of having more women on the FPC and the working groups they establish, citing the benefits of networking and name recognition within the party, alongside the importance of having women’s views represented. Additionally, the federal committees are described as being a ‘neglected battleground in the battle to achieve equal representation’ (WLD, Autumn Newsletter, 2008). As the federal committees are partially elected bodies (with reserved places for MPs), they have a gender balance quota of 30 percent; however, this only applies when women apply for 60 percent of the positions available. For example, on a committee of fifteen, applications from nine women are needed for the quota to be enacted. Interviews with senior party officials revealed that the number of women applying for committee positions meant that the quota was not frequently used. This does tend to suggest a problem with supply in the number of women coming forward for election to the Federal Committees; however, the 60 percent threshold required to trigger the quota is arguably both arbitrary and too high. One senior party official observed that whilst the party has lots of grassroots women activists, they are noticeably under-represented at strategic federal committees: The women do much of the work within the party. I go to a lot of election campaigns where the workers are more or less fifty-fifty men and women. I go to a lot of national party meetings or local party meetings where representation is as low as twenty percent, at a national it’s sometimes a third of women. Women do the work but aren’t represented at the decisionmaking level. (Senior party official)

This appears to signify a prevailing cultural division of labour within the party, whereby women undertake specific duties whilst men are more likely to determine the strategic direction and vision for the party. This is illustrated by the gendered hierarchical positioning within the parliamentary party, where (to date) all leaders, deputy leaders and the three key policy spokespeople (treasury, home affairs and foreign

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affairs) have been men.3 This was reinforced during the coalition discussions with the Conservatives, an all-male affair, which resulted in none of the five Liberal Democrat Cabinet positions going to women. The exception to this is the directly elected role of party President, a position previously held by Baroness Nancy Seear, to which Baroness Ros Scott has been elected. The remit of the role of the party President is somewhat unclear. The party constitution states that the President will be ‘the principal public representative of the Party’, in practical terms the President chairs the FE, and can, according to a senior party official, prove influential in helping steer the FE. Following Nick Clegg’s election as party leader in 2007, he commissioned a review of the party’s internal organisation which led to the establishment of the Chief Officer’s Group (COG). The function of the group is to manage, coordinate and direct the work of the party; power has been ceded by the FE to this newly centralised group. Baroness Scott’s election as President is critical in terms of women’s presence in elite levels of the party, given that up until her election, all eleven members of the committee were men.4 Research on the Liberal Democrats has highlighted the tensions between the centre (Cowley Street) and local parties (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005). Given that much emphasis is placed on the power of the Parliamentary party and party headquarters, the low number of women on the committees is significant. In short, there are few women present at elite levels of the party, which is where the power lies, despite the federal nature of the party. Although neither Labour nor the Conservatives have a federal structure, it is worthwhile looking at the make-up of their ultimate decision bodies. Whilst the Conservative’s Board does not deal with party policy, it is responsible for all operational matters, including funding, membership and candidates. The Board’s membership is intended to reflect the political, professional and voluntary wings of the party; it has eighteen members, three of whom are women (16.6 percent). Labour’s NEC oversees both the policy and operational aspects of the party and is intended to represent all stakeholders in the party. The NEC is much larger than the Conservative’s Board: it has thirty-two members, fifteen of whom are women (46.8 percent).5 The average percentage of women on Liberal Democrat federal committees is 30.8 percent. Whilst this compares favourably with the Conservatives’ 16.6 percent, Labour, in addition to having the largest percentage of women MPs, have the greatest proportion of women on their committee. Labour have achieved this through setting an internal

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quota of 40 percent women for all party bodies (Russell, 2005, p. 105). Despite not setting their internal quota for women at 50 percent, it is clear that Labour’s introduction of this system has had more effect that the Liberal Democrats’ target of 30 percent, with a required number of women applicants to trigger the quota. Federal conference Whilst men may dominate the strategic committees, conference in theory should provide an opportunity for women to influence the agenda by making speeches on policy. However, one senior party official, who identified a male bias in the voting delegate list, raised concerns about this apparent opportunity for gender parity. He argued that greater attention needed to be paid to the composition of delegates: ‘If you look at the voting delegates you’ll find a male bias. One of the things we should be looking at is that local parties should always be sending a gender-balanced delegation to conference.’6 Despite this concern, there was no plan to try and redress the imbalance. The make-up of the voting delegates at party conference is of significance because they are not congruent with the profile of the membership. This is key, because the Liberal Democrats claim to be the only party that allows its members to determine policy. If those conference representatives are disproportionately older, white and male, as the interviewee went on to note, then that clearly has an impact on the types of policies adopted by the party. It is important to note that despite conference passing a policy, there is no guarantee that it will be included in the party’s election manifesto. The lack of diversity amongst the conference representatives also, according to a senior party official, affected the type of policies that could be debated: ‘It’s much harder to consider anything radical like all women shortlists because of the profile of the delegates.’ This is critical and signifies a possible limitation on the future discussion of women’s representation at conference. Length, cost and timing, were thought to have a distinct impact upon the number of women attending conference, particularly those with children. The research did not find evidence of critical feminist actors campaigning to change the structure of conference despite the fact that it limited opportunities for women seeking to further their networks within the party, which many identified as invaluable when seeking selection in winnable seats. The Liberal Democrats as an employer In order to explore any possible gendered patterns with regards the Liberal Democrats as an employer, women working as parliamentary

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researchers were interviewed for this research. Additionally, ten of the thirty-seven PPCs interviewed had worked or interned for the party. The role of parliamentary researcher is a hugely prized goal for graduates seeking a political career; indeed many undertake the work for no payment as part of an internship. Each MP typically has at least one researcher and one staff member based in the constituency. In terms of furthering a political career and developing contacts, the post of researcher is widely regarded as being of most use; moreover, it has regularly been cited as a brokerage career in terms of future electoral opportunities (Lawless and Fox, 2005; Norris, 1997a). As such it is worthwhile assessing whether or not there is any sex disparity in terms of staff members working for Liberal Democrat MPs. As the figures in Table 2.2 highlight, there is no significant relationship between sex and the position of parliamentary researcher; conversely, the data show that the role of constituency caseworker is overwhelmingly dominated by one sex, some 87 percent being female. Interviews with present and former researchers highlighted the diverse nature of tasks MPs expected their researchers to carry out. Some researchers suspected that this was dependent on sex: ‘I have noticed that there are more female researchers than male ones. Maybe it’s the element of diary management that means boys don’t stay around for long’; ‘Some MPs, whilst they employ women as researchers, don’t give them any of the policy work to do, they really are just there to manage diaries and run around after the MP. It’s different for some of the male researchers.’ This hints at a gendered division of labour, which sees women undertaking more menial and routine administrative work, whilst men undertake more policy and politically oriented work. This was not a perception shared by all researchers, and many discussed how their MPs allowed them the freedom to take on more challenging and creative tasks. There was a suggestion that some MPs only hired staff of a certain sex, as articulated by one researcher: ‘I’ve been here for ten months and Table 2.2 Staff of MP by sex and job type7 Sex

Female Male Total

Parliamentary researcher 30 29 59

Constituency caseworker 55 8 63

Source: Data obtained from Liberal Democrat headquarters [September 2007].

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I’ve heard three or four people say that so and so will not hire a male or female researcher.’ Another researcher also expressed this suspicion: ‘A lot of MPs have egos and they like the idea of having a young attractive researcher.’ Furthermore, one researcher recounted how both she and her boyfriend had written to apply for a position with a male MP. The MP had immediately emailed her boyfriend to inform him there were no jobs, then had contacted her to ask if she wanted to meet up to discuss the position. She felt that her application had been viewed in a certain way because of her sex. More seriously, one former researcher spoke about how she had been the victim of sexual harassment by an MP she had worked for: After I left university I went to work for an MP … He was a complete bastard, I was completely shocked. I was coming into this amazing place with all these aspirations and it completely killed it because I saw politics for what it was when he harassed me. (PPC and former researcher)

When asked whether she had felt able to complain about the behaviour of her employer, she said that she had been to see another female researcher, who had taken her to the Chief Whip. She felt that they were more concerned with preserving the individual MP’s reputation than acting to discipline him, and she concluded: ‘the party just swept it under the carpet, it’s disturbing.’ The lack of a formal complaints structure indicates a reluctance to seriously tackle issues of sex discrimination and harassment, an assessment that one PPC agreed with: I just worry that the way the party behaves as an employer does not reflect our policies, I seethe about it. It’s a wider cultural thing and a couple of senior people at the top don’t think there’s a problem but there is. There is a major problem. That’s obvious to anyone who sees Cowley Street close up. (PPC)

Problems with equal opportunity policies within the party were raised by a couple of interviewees who felt that there was a cultural problem with sexism both within the Parliamentary and federal party. However, it is important to stress that whilst these incidents may indicate a wider cultural problem, experience of sexual harassment was not widespread amongst those who had worked for the party. Turning to the management team at Cowley Street, four out of the five members of the senior team are men, additionally ten of the fourteen-member management team are men.8 Given the emphasis on the power of Cowley Street, the gender disparity in senior management

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positions is important. In addition to the low number of women in senior positions in the party, those who had worked for the party also noted the long hours culture and the expectation that employees will go ‘above and beyond’ for the party, including campaigning in their spare time. There was a feeling amongst some that the party culture was best suited to those without families who could dedicate themselves fully to the party, as one researcher argued: ‘You see people who have worked for the party for ever and it’s their life. They don’t have children or anything else it’s all about the party and I think that’s quite off-putting for some women.’ Because of the party’s relative lack of resources, there is an expectation that those who work for the party do not treat it as a nine to five job. Indeed, during elections, employees are regularly asked to go and stay in constituencies to help campaign. The working practices are clearly not conducive with caring responsibilities, something a senior party official acknowledged: Our campaigns officers are largely male and virtually nobody has young families because being a campaigns officer is so much a weekend and evening job. There’s a real issue with the numbers of women in those sorts of jobs I think we have addressed that now somewhat. We have a great young woman campaigns officer in the North and the Director of Campaigns is female although her only child is at university so it’s easier for her to give every hour to politics. (Senior party official)

As the above quotation illustrates, although the party have tried to address the issue by recruiting more women, the expectation remains that those who work for the party will give ‘every hour to politics’. This is clearly incompatible for women with caring responsibilities. Having assessed women’s presence in the federal organisation and the prevailing culture of the party it is evident that women are underrepresented in senior and influential positions in the party. Moreover, there is an acknowledged problem with regards the type of women who are able, and seek, to undertake campaigning roles. This is compounded by a noticeable long hours culture within the party, and a perception amongst some interviewees that the party does not adhere to its own equal opportunities rhetoric. In order to understand the potential for women as a group to influence the party, analysis of the women’s groups within the party is necessary.

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Women Liberal Democrats (WLD)9 The process of creating a united women’s organisation in the merged party proved difficult in terms of reconciling differences of opinion, particularly vis-à-vis women’s representation. The influence wielded by women involved with the creation of the SDP was something that was never re-created by the subsequent organisation WLD or by the Campaign for Gender Balance (CGB). The following section argues that limited funds, perceptions of WLD, and its role in the controversial AWS debate, have to a certain extent restricted the organisation’s ability to influence the leadership and the wider party. Aims WLD is the official women’s organisation within the party, and receives around £4,000 per annum from the FFAC to help to cover costs such as the employment of a part-time Head of Office, the production of quarterly magazines and the organisation of seminars. Remaining costs and overheads are met by the subscriptions of the WLD membership and from donations. Membership of WLD costs a minimum of seven pounds per year and the current membership is around 500, which as Childs notes, is a fraction of the party membership (Childs, 2008a, p. 39). Part of the problem identified by those involved with WLD is that women who join the party automatically think they are members of WLD; such is not the case. Conversely, any member of the party under twenty-six years of age automatically becomes a member of the Liberal Youth. According to its website, WLD has five key aims: to organise seminars; to encourage women to join and become active within the party; to support women candidates; to put policy motions to conference; and to campaign on issues which affect women’s lives (see WLD website for details: www.wld.org.uk). The extent to which WLD meets these five aims is explored below. At party conference, WLD hosts fringe meetings with outside organisations on a diverse range of issues. Recent meetings include: a 2008 meeting with Amnesty International discussing the Government’s record on tackling violence against women; a 2007 round table with Girlguiding UK exploring how to engage young women in politics; and a 2006 meeting with the Fawcett Society and the Equal Opportunities Commission on women’s representation. These fringe meetings indicate the range of organisations that WLD works with and the kinds of issues its members seek to discuss. WLD executive members spoke about the importance of choosing topical subjects for fringe events, which would

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attract good audiences and also ensure a greater chance of getting front bench spokespeople to speak at the meetings. This was felt to be important with regards raising the profile of the organisation. The training element of WLD’s remit has to a certain extent been overshadowed by CGB; accordingly since 2001 WLD has not sought to run training sessions for women. However, in 2008, WLD organised a training event in Bath for its members to discuss the promotion of women’s activism. An overall objective of the day was to ensure that the Liberal Democrats were promoting the fact that they ‘genuinely value women’ (www.wld.org.uk).10 It is difficult to assess the extent to which WLD encourages women to become and remain active within the party, as its membership can only be expanded within the existing wider party membership and it cannot recruit externally. Moreover, unlike Liberal Youth, there is no obvious place for WLD to recruit new members outside of the party; this view was outlined by one WLD executive member: ‘It’s very difficult really. I mean we can’t recruit from outside the party and we have such limited funds that it’s hard to recruit from within the party too.’ WLD seeks to support women candidates through initiatives such as the Women in Target Seats campaign (WITS). During elections, WLD arranges for their members to go and campaign on behalf of women standing in target seats. This is a strategic part of WLD’s annual bid for funding from the FFAC, as it highlights a practical way in which WLD contributes to the overall objective of the party, to increase the number of MPs. Those involved with WLD view this as an important initiative, but also recognise its limitations, as during election campaigns WLD members tended to be heavily involved with their local election campaigns, as highlighted by one WLD executive committee member: ‘I think the WITS activity days can be great but it depends on the region really. A lot of our members are active in their local parties and so aren’t necessarily willing to travel around the country to canvass and campaign.’ WLD is keen to stress that despite the existence of CGB, it is still firmly committed to increasing the party’s number of elected women at all levels. However, it acknowledged that many women in the party were confused about the specific remits of WLD and CGB, especially with regards supporting women through the approval, selection and election processes. One of the key ways in which WLD seeks to influence the party is through the submission of policy motions to Federal conference. In the past few years, examples of successful motions have included calls for gender equality pay audits and for the low rape conviction rate to

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be addressed. Putting motions to conference was considered to be a ‘vital’ part of WLD’s work, offering a chance to influence the party’s policy and to raise issues that affect women. Moreover, submitting motions to conference ensures that at least two women delegates are guaranteed the opportunity to deliver speeches at conference, something one WLD member highlighted as key: ‘By having our own motions we get to nominate someone to propose and to summate, which is helpful to getting more and new women to speak.’ WLD’s claim to actively campaign on issues that affect women can be illustrated through recent campaigns on women in prisons and rape conviction rates. The campaigns involve the production of resource packs including relevant statistical data, Liberal Democrat policies and statements from relevant spokespeople. The packs are distributed at party conferences and are available to download from their website. WLD holds fringe meetings at conference for their campaigns in association with relevant external organisations in order to raise the profile of the issue. The above five aims demonstrate the breadth of WLD’s aspirations, given that it is an organisation with relatively few resources. In addition to the above activities, WLD has recently introduced the Patsy Calton Award, in honour of the late Liberal Democrat MP. WLD members are invited to nominate women who have made a significant contribution to the party. The award is presented at the annual conference and indicates a desire to celebrate the work of women in the party. Previous recipients of the award have been local councillors, which reflects a desire expressed by those involved with WLD to recognise the role played by women in local government. Perceptions An elected executive committee take decisions with regard to WLD policy direction and fundraising activities (Childs, 2008a). Moreover, they respond to formal consultations run by the party on behalf of the organisation. The centralisation of WLD was mentioned by a couple of WLD executive members as being problematic, in that it was hard to convince women outside of the South East that it was practical to get involved with the organisation: ‘It is hard not to be so London-based because we can use Cowley Street to hold our meetings and it’s free. With such limited resources hiring somewhere in say Birmingham would just not make sense.’ In an effort to try and combat the perceived London-centric bias of the organisation, WLD launched a new regional contacts network in 2008. The network is designed to co-ordinate WLD

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activity at a regional level and to offer WLD members throughout Britain the chance to be more involved. In 2004 a member’s survey was carried out by WLD, the summary of which was made available for this research.11 The survey analysis revealed that members were ‘generally satisfied’ with WLD, although it went on to note that a ‘large proportion’ of respondents did not know much about its activities. Included in the summary were a number of comments made by members elaborating upon their perception of WLD. They include critical comments such as, ‘Not clear what if anything you have achieved in the past few years’, ‘I was a bit disappointed with the views adopted to increase women’s part in the party and in Parliament. This is our party’s biggest failure’ and ‘Seems to be floundering in the GBTF’s [now CGB] shadow.’ These criticisms of WLD indicate a frustration with the organisation, particularly vis-à-vis its role, or lack thereof, in the AWS debate. Conversely, other comments were more positive: ‘Very encouraging and informative’, ‘Positive action, sensible optimism’ and ‘It’s made women realise that they are just as important as anyone else in the party.’ It would be difficult to generalise an overall perception of WLD by its members, but clearly the above responses highlight a diverse range of opinion. The summary also includes comments from members regarding how successful WLD is in achieving its aims. Positive responses include the identification of the newsletter, campaigning, communication and training at conference. Where members felt that WLD was less successful was in its failure to make an impact upon the party, a poor internal image and an inability to represent ethnic minority women. This feedback from members to a certain extent reflects some of the concerns raised by WLD executive members in the interviews. However, those interviewed did feel that WLD had improved its image and that recent policy motions to conference had helped boost the credibility and influence of the organisation. As Table 2.3 sets forth, a majority of respondents to both the 2001 and 2005 BRS felt that the level of influence, which the women’s groups and organisations exert over the selection process, was about right. However, a substantial minority, increased from 2001 to 2005, felt that the internal women’s groups could play a more influential role in the selection processes. This indicates willingness amongst some to see a greater role for the organisation vis-à-vis selections. WLD appears then to play a number of different roles in the party with varying degrees of success. It seeks to try and influence party policy by putting motions to conference; this was an area that those

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Table 2.3 Female Liberal Democrat responses to the question ‘How much influence do the women’s groups and organisations have over the selection process?’ Response

Far too little Too little About right Far too great Total

2001 – frequency (%) 5 11 24 1 41

(12.2) (26.8) (58.5) (2.5) (100.0)

Source: 2001 & 2005 British Representation Study.

2005 – frequency (%) 6 17 27 2 52

(11.5) (32.7) (51.9) (3.9) (100.0)

involved with WLD deemed to have been successful. WLD organises fringe meetings at the twice-yearly conference, which provides members with opportunities to work with civil society women’s organisations, thereby helping raise their profile outside of the party. WLD is perhaps less successful in encouraging women to join and remain active in the party. In terms of activism the majority of activists dedicate their time to their local parties, or to the larger and more regionally organised Liberal Youth or ALDC. Whilst those involved with WLD felt that the image had improved over recent years, there was still a feeling of frustration that some parts of the party did not take them seriously: You know you get men coming over at conference saying ‘Where’s the organisation for men?’ and I say to them that’s the rest of the party. Some of them just don’t get it. They don’t think that in the 21st century women still need separate organisations. (WLD executive member)

WLD relies on a small amount of funding from the Federal party. The interviews revealed that there had been moves by senior party officials to try and merge CGB and WLD, in an attempt to have a more cohesive women’s section with only one organisation to fund. This move was met with hostility by those involved with both CGB and WLD, who argued that they have distinct yet complementary roles within the party. It remains unclear the extent to which the Federal party will pursue the idea of a merged women’s organisation. The 2001 AWS debate Those interviewees who were involved with the party at the time of the 2001 conference were asked to reflect upon the debate, their stance on

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the issue and the roles of critical feminist actors in the campaign for the adoption of the mechanism. All of those who had witnessed or participated in the debate underscored the acrimonious nature of the discussion as articulated by one peer: ‘I think there was immense sadness on my part and the part of a few others about the way in which people had conducted themselves.’ There was also criticism of the use of T-shirts by women opposing AWS: It was a bloody affair in 2001 and divided the women hugely, we were all disgusted with the women in T-shirts it was a real drive against all-women shortlists by women themselves, and I think it was a great pity. I think they thought they were being assertive but they didn’t realise what they were doing. (Peer)

The vitriolic atmosphere described by the interviewees was in part due to the nature of the debate, which struck at the heart of Liberal assumptions regarding approaches to any form of discrimination. As Russell and Fieldhouse note, there was an evident generational divide amongst those in favour of introducing quotas (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005, p. 51): I was angry and upset when it didn’t go through conference I felt like going up to them and saying if I was young, attractive and in my 20s I’d be there with them with the T-shirt on, but I’m in my 40s and I want to make a success of my career in politics. They could wait for ten elections. I could wait for two. I have not got time. (PPC) It did provoke visceral responses. I thought some of the young people completely failed to understand what so many woman had been through. You know they just said ‘I’m young, I’ve got plenty of time, it will taint me if I’ve got any sense of having got there through a pro-women bias. In that one decision they ruled out a whole generation of women, there are a few like me who managed to get through the system but I feel sad about all those women who worked so hard and never got the chance to become Members of Parliament. (MP)

Those younger women who had campaigned against AWS argued that they were part of a new generation of women who had not experienced any form of sex discrimination (Guardian, 1.10.2001). This attitude rankled with older women in the party, who were all too aware of the continued existence of sex discrimination. This feeling was compounded

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by a recent interim report highlighting evidence of covert discrimination within the party (Lovenduski and Shepherd-Robinson, 2001). The attitude of the women’s organisation, WLD, towards the internal AWS debate and the response following the vote was mixed. Interviews with WLD executive committee members, and women who had been part of WLD at the time of the debate, revealed that divisions in the party over the possible adoption of quotas was to some extent mirrored within WLD, as one PPC observed: ‘I remember at the time the exec seemed to be split on the issue and as the women’s organisation representing all women it was difficult to take a line.’ Whilst attitudes within the executive committee of WLD might have been divided over the issue, the quarterly magazine produced by the organisation regularly included pro-AWS articles. Writing the lead article for the newsletter published and distributed prior to the conference debate, Lesley Abdela set forth the case for quotas: ‘At the September Party conference in Bournemouth we need an impatient, exasperated shout from the Lib Dem men and women alike to “get on with it” and pass a resolution to introduce mechanisms’ (Abdela, 2001). This view was reinforced, albeit in much more guarded language, by other pieces and comments in WLD magazines throughout 2000 and 2001. For example in the 2000 Spring edition WLD Chair, Susan Heinrich, called for members, ‘to be open minded and consider all options, as sticking to the status quo never achieved progress’ with regards women’s representation (Heinrich, 2000). However, despite prominent support from some WLD executive members, the organisation itself did not mobilise on the issue. This was driven by a concern that divisive splits would lead to a dramatic decline in WLD’s membership and could limit any further influence the organisation could seek to exercise on the agenda of the party. As such, steering a middling course had greater purchase with those keen to demonstrate that WLD was not just, as one peer put it, ‘a bunch of whingeing women’. The failure of WLD to effectively campaign on the issue arguably helped ensure that those opposed to AWS were justified in their claims that it was women in the party who were opposed to quotas. That WLD did not take a position was significant, given that they, more than most, were presumed to be more familiar with the ideas and arguments. Conclusion Whether or not Liberalism’s ideals and objectives can ever be congruent with feminism is complicated. From a contemporary perspective

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the underlying Liberal ideology remains based upon the writings of a group of male writers whose political philosophies, whilst dealing with issues of equality and liberty, are not, on the whole, concerned with women and achieving equality for women. In short they are gender blind, which typically privileges male norms and values. This chapter has argued then that the ideology and organisation of the Liberal Democrats is embedded in a masculine ethos, due to the combination of ideology and an organisational structure dominated by men. Despite the equal opportunity rhetoric and an expressed desire on the part of senior party officials to address culture and employment practices, the party is an institution embedded in a masculine ethos and ideology. This is clearly not so pervasive as to exclude women entirely from working for, or participating in, the organisation, but nonetheless, the party elite is dominated by one sex. WLD has limited influence upon the party leadership, and a low membership base. Despite having few resources WLD has a wide-ranging set of aims and objectives, which it fulfils with varying degrees of success. Any future increased role for WLD is reliant upon the recognition by the FFAC and FE that the organisation provides an important and distinct service to members. Notes 1 The opening preamble to the constitution states that the party: ‘exists to build and safeguard a fair, free and open society, in which we seek to balance the fundamental values of liberty, equality and community and in which no one shall be enslaved by poverty, ignorance or conformity.’ (‘Our Beliefs’, Liberal Democrat website.) 2 The 300 Group, established in 1980 by Lesley Abdela, was an all-party organisation to campaign for more women in Parliament, local government and the European Parliament. 3 Jackie Ballard’s candidature for the leadership to succeed Paddy Ashdown is the only time a woman has run for the position of party leader. Ballard ran in the leadership race to avoid it being an all-male affair (Walter, 2003, p. 193). 4 The COG was only established in October 2008; it is still unclear what role they will adopt. 5 The data were correct as of October 2009. The Conservatives’ Board and Labour’s NEC clearly vary in the power that they can wield, particularly in relation to the federal structure of the Liberal Democrats who also allow their members to vote on policy. 6 A list of voting delegates was not available for analysis.

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7 This does not include the Westminster-based staff who work for the party leader, who are recruited by the party headquarters and employed by the Parliamentary Office of the Liberal Democrats (POLD). Additionally three other MPs did not employ researchers. 8 Data obtained from the party website www.libdems.org.uk [accessed 1 October 2009]. 9 As CGB is not a group, but rather a campaign, its contribution to women’s descriptive representation is considered in the next chapter. 10 A report of the day, available on the WLD website, indicated that emphasising the party’s environmental policies was thought to be a good way in which to attract more women, as green issues were perceived to be a motivator for women voters. 11 This was a member’s survey carried out in 2004 by WLD. The survey yielded 124 responses, which was thought to be around 20 percent of the membership at the time. The survey was largely qualitative in nature and no numerical data were available. As such, any conclusions drawn are not necessarily representative of the entire WLD membership.

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Feminist presence and women’s descriptive representation

I’m very frustrated when I hear women running away from the term ‘feminist’. If we don’t have the courage to stand by our convictions then we will lose so much of the hard work we’ve bargained for over the years. You have to continue to be courageous, which is why I don’t have a problem with being a feminist. Interview with a Liberal Democrat MP

Research has highlighted that a feminist presence is often critical to bringing about gendered changes within political parties, particularly vis-à-vis campaigns for women’s increased descriptive representation (Childs, 2004; Lovenduski, 1993, 2005; Perrigo, 1996; Young, 2000).1 This chapter explores the extent to which feminists and feminist attitudes are influential or marginalised within the Liberal Democrats, a party which, as the previous chapter has argued, has a masculine bias embedded in its culture, organisation and ideology. To do so, the chapter addresses four themes: the level of feminist presence within the party; attitudes towards issues surrounding women’s descriptive representation; the perceived effectiveness of the strategies adopted by the party to increase women’s representation; and where the party might be located within a typological framework of feminist parties. Data from the British Election Study 2005 are included, where appropriate, to offer cross-party comparison of women’s attitudes towards increasing the number of women MPs. These themes help determine the influence that a feminist presence has upon a party’s response to the issue of women’s descriptive representation. Feminist presence in the party Establishing a feminist presence is vital when considering how and why a political party might respond to demands for women’s increased

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descriptive representation (Childs, 2008a; Young, 2000). This is because feminists are more likely to argue for women’s presence and are more likely to be predisposed to argue for strategies guaranteeing women’s election, for example through the use of quotas. As such, quantifying the number of feminists in the party is a useful indicator of how debates within the party on quotas might be influenced. Selfidentification as a feminist is a key part of being a feminist and is a useful way in which to measure feminist presence (Lovenduski, 2005, p. 29). The data in Table 3.1 reveal that feminists do not constitute a majority percentage of women on the approved list. Whilst identification as feminist was the most frequently selected option, the plurality of responses is problematic. The low percentage of women identifying as feminist is important, because women on the approved list are, to a certain extent, representative of women activists and the wider party. Of the sixty-six interviews conducted with Liberal Democrat women, some thirty-one identified as feminist. Additionally, seventeen identified as feminist but sought to substantially qualify the concept; this resulted in a total of forty-eight interviewees (just over 70 percent) identifying as feminist. However, divergence amongst the interviewees’ interpretation of feminism was striking, with many stressing that their values were firmly positioned within liberal feminist perspectives. This approach Table 3.1 Frequency distribution of responses to the statement ‘I consider myself to be a feminist’ Response

Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Frequency

52 39 45 136

Source: survey of women on the approved list; n = 136.

Percentage 38.3 28.6 33.1 100.0

Table 3.2 Frequency distribution of interviewees’ identification as feminist Feminist?

Yes Liberal feminist No Total

Frequency

31 17 18 66

Source: elite interviews with women in the party; n = 66.

Percentage 46.9 25.8 27.3 100.0

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emphasises equal opportunities rather than equality of outcome: ‘Yes I fight for women’s issues. The representation of women follows on from women gaining and exercising the vote, but I also have respect for men’ (PPC); ‘Yes. But I think that men can be feminists too and it should be about equality of the sexes and equal opportunities.’ (MP) Conversely, some interviewees did not identify as feminist, choosing instead to identify themselves as ‘equalists’, as highlighted by two PPCs: ‘No, I believe in a balanced attitude towards life and to both genders, I would always stand up for women’s rights but I wouldn’t neglect men’s rights’; ‘I don’t instinctively think of myself as a feminist, I focus more on equality between individuals.’ In many ways the ideas and values expressed by liberal feminists and those women who did not identify as feminist were strikingly similar. This reinforces the idea that liberal feminism has been somewhat conflated with a common-sense approach to women’s equality (Bryson, 1999). There was nervousness amongst some interviewees regarding the conceptualisation of feminism, with many uncertain about how to define it in its contemporary context. This was expressed by one PPC: ‘It depends on the definition really. I am a feminist I suppose although I don’t fit the stereotype ideal of a feminist and those women who do consider themselves to be feminist probably wouldn’t think I was one.’ The noticeable reticence evident in this response was also manifest in the response of an MP: ‘I wouldn’t describe myself as a feminist but I probably am one. I think the problem is with the word itself. It’s too associated with women burning bras and wearing dungarees.’ For the purposes of this research, of the two interviewees quoted above, the first was classified as being a feminist (liberal) whilst the second was not classified as a feminist. Whilst in many ways the ideas of the two respondents were similar, the fact that one was willing to identify as feminist, whilst the other was not, is key. Indeed, as stated previously, selfidentification as a feminist is an essential part of being one (Lovenduski, 2005, p. 29). The hesitancy evident in some responses signifies that many associate feminism with 1970s radical feminism, from which some women felt alienated. Many stressed equality of opportunity rather than equality of outcome, and in that sense they were more comfortable with the general discourse of social justice rather than that of feminism. The complexity of feminist attitudes is best illustrated by an interview with one PPC who, despite identifying as a feminist, when asked if she thought it was important to have more women MPs stated: ‘No. As Parliament now includes many women MPs, I think the far more important issue is to have excellent, hard-working MPs.’ Conversely, another

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PPC who did not identify as a feminist believed it was vital to increase the number of women MPs: ‘I think women think differently to men, for a start if there was a female foreign or defence secretary we wouldn’t have gone to war.’ Despite this romanticised statement, it is clear that the second PPC felt women MPs would make a substantive difference to debates because they were women. On the contrary, the first PPC, despite self-identifying as a feminist, did not agree with a fairly ubiquitous element of the feminist agenda, the importance of increasing the number of women MPs. Just under half of interviewees were happy to identify as feminist without qualification. Their feminist attitudes were more clearly defined and were evident in answers they gave to other questions. Highlighting the gendered inequalities faced by women in society and within the party, these interviewees were comfortable adopting terms such as ‘patriarchy’, ‘sexual division of labour’ and the more Marxist ‘reserve army of labour’. Whilst many of the MPs, peers and PPCs identified as feminist, the majority of women on the approved list did not. This is particularly interesting; a speculative explanation could be that it is easier to identify as feminist in an interview situation which allows for a chance to discuss the concept, as opposed to ticking boxes. Although the majority of interviewees identified as feminist, caveats raised in many responses means it is difficult to distinguish their attitudes from those interviewees who did not identify as feminist. These findings may reflect a wider shift away from feminism, but it also highlights the potential difficulty with which feminist aims and objectives can be achieved within the Liberal Democrats. Attitudes to women’s descriptive representation Having established a presence of feminists, albeit with a range of perspectives, and determined that they, as a proportion, are more likely to be located amongst elite levels within the party, the research now considers attitudes towards women’s descriptive representation. To do this a number of themes were explored with both the interviewees and survey participants, who were asked to consider the five following ideas: whether or not it is important to have more women in Parliament; whether there should be equal numbers of men and women in Parliament; whether AWS are the most effective way in which to achieve women’s increased presence; whether political parties should be required to ensure parity of representation amongst their elected representatives; and lastly, whether they perceived the Liberal Democrats to

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be genuinely committed to increasing the number of women MPs. Where appropriate, comparisons are made with responses of women in both Labour and the Conservative Party to the 2005 British Representative Study. The case for women’s presence Establishing attitudes towards normative feminist calls for increasing the number of women MPs is necessary because, as illustrated above, not all of those who identify as feminist recognise the need for more women to be present. As the results in Table 3.3 indicate, an overwhelming majority of women on the approved list, 97 percent, believe that it is important to have more women in Parliament. Additionally, as Table 3.4 highlights, the vast majority of interviewees thought it was important to have more women in the House of Commons, citing a number of reasons to support this opinion: ‘How can we hope to represent when we are not representative?’ (peer); ‘I think having more women MPs is the right thing to do. In terms of representing society it is the right thing to do’ (MP); and ‘We’re over half of the population and women use all the things that the laws are made for. Women are the chief consumers of every public and private sector provision’ (peer). Table 3.3 Frequency distribution of responses to the statement ‘It is important to have more women in Parliament’ Response

Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Frequency 132 3 1 136

Percentage 97.0 2.3 0.7 100.0

Source: survey of women on the approved list; n = 136.

Table 3.4 Frequency distribution of interviewees’ attitudes to women’s presence More women?

Yes No Total

Frequency

64 2 66

Source: elite interviews with women in the party; n = 66.

Percentage 96.9 3.1 100.0

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The case for women’s presence was made by drawing upon a diverse range of arguments for women’s increased descriptive presence. They indicate a broad engagement with the ideas of mirror representation and deficit democracy, justice arguments, the legitimisation of representative democracy and women’s position as chief consumers of market and state provisions. In sum nearly all of the women participating in this research believed it was important to have more women MPs, in line with normative feminist beliefs. A cross-party comparison of women’s attitudes towards women’s presence reveals that both Labour and Liberal Democrat women overwhelmingly believe that there should be many more women. A majority of Conservative women also believe there should be many more women, however, there was a significant minority who thought there should be just a few more. This arguably semantic difference does suggest that achieving parity is more important for Labour and Liberal Democrat women. Parity of representation In order to develop the idea of increasing women’s descriptive presence, the participants were asked to consider whether there should be equal Table 3.5 Female attitudes towards women’s presence – 2005 BRS More or fewer women? Many more A few more Same as now Fewer Total

Cons. No. (%) 25 (54.3) 18 (39.2) 3 (6.1) 0 (0.0) 46 (100.0)

Lab. No. (%) 49 (94.2) 1 (1.9) 0 (0.0) 2 (3.9) 52 (100.0)

LD No. (%)

60 (85.7) 8 (11.4) 2 (2.9) 0 (0.0) 70 (100.0)

Source: 2005 British Representative Study.

Table 3.6 Frequency distribution of responses to the statement ‘There should be equal numbers of men and women in Parliament’ Response

Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Frequency 70 46 20 136

Source: survey of women on the approved list; n = 136.

Percentage 51.4 33.8 14.8 100.0

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numbers of men and women in Parliament. This moves the issue on from one concerned with the election of the ambiguously phrased ‘more’ women to the tangible idea of parity (Eason, 2007). A bare majority, 51 percent, of respondents agreed with the idea of parity. Whilst few disagreed with the statement, 14 percent, the number of those who selected neither agree nor disagree indicates that over a third of women on the approved list were less comfortable with this more prescriptive statement than with the general principle that there should be more women. That 34 percent selected the neutral option is in keeping with the party’s desire not to adopt an authoritarian line regarding an ideal number of women Liberal Democrat MPs. Nevertheless, 51 percent did agree with the statement, which suggests an attachment to the importance of numbers. In short there should not just be more women, there should be an equal number of women. It is worth noting that there was no statistically significant relationship between identification as feminist and response to the statement. The results in Table 3.7 illustrate there was also a mixed response to the issue of parity amongst the interviewees, with thirty-seven (56 percent) agreeing that there should be equal numbers of men and women. It is interesting to note that those who identified strongly as feminist (n = thirty-one) all agreed that there should be parity. Those who specified that there should be fifty-fifty representation gave several reasons; the most common of these was the idea of fairness, as articulated by one PPC: ‘I think that the House of Commons is supposed to represent people in the country and the make-up of the Commons should be an exact replica of the ratio of men to women because that’s the fairest way to do it.’ This idea of mirror representation was also raised by a peer: ‘It’s quite easy and simple, it should just be half and half men and women then it’s fair and it draws on the talents of all the population.’ These quotations are particularly interesting, because those opposed to the idea of parity also cited fairness to support Table 3.7 Frequency distribution of interviewees’ attitudes to parity of representation Parity?

Yes No Total

Frequency

37 29 66

Source: elite interviews with women in the party; n = 66.

Percentage 56.0 44.0 100.0

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their beliefs, as one PPC expressed: ‘I don’t think you can, or should, go by numbers. I mean, what if you get a man who’s really good but because the party has to fill a quota of women he can’t get in, then that’s not fair to him.’ The dual interpretation of fairness goes to the heart of much of the debate within the party over the best way in which to increase women’s descriptive representation. Despite a mixed response to the issue, a majority of women on the approved list and interviewees agreed that there should be parity of representation. Taking this question one step further the 2005 BRS asked whether or not there should be reserved seats for women. As the data in Table 3.8 indicate, the majority of women across the three main parties disapproved of this idea. However, just under a third of Labour women approved of reserved seats for women, which reinforces intra-party differences with regard to how best to increase women’s descriptive representation. In short, Labour have been and continue to be more willing to consider more prescriptive, and undeniably effective methods. All-women shortlists Given that previous research highlights quotas as an effective means to ensure an increase, let alone parity, of women’s representation (Dahlerup, 2006b; Klausen and Mair, 2001), participants were asked to consider if they thought AWS were the most effective way of increasing the descriptive representation of women. The survey of women on the approved list highlighted a mixed response to AWS. Whilst 29 percent of respondents agreed that AWS are the most effective way to increase women’s descriptive presence, the majority of respondents did not agree. Additionally, the selection of ‘neither agree nor disagree’ garnered one of the lowest response rates, which suggests that opinion on the issue is entrenched. Table 3.8 Female attitudes towards reserved seats for women – 2005 BRS Reserved seats for women?

Strongly approve Approve Disapprove Strongly disapprove Total

Cons. No. (%) 0 (0.0) 3 (5.7) 27 (52.0) 22 (42.3) 52 (100.0)

Source: 2005 British Representative Study.

Lab. No. (%)

12 (23.5) 3 (5.9) 33 (64.7) 3 (5.9) 51 (100.0)

LD No. (%)

4 (5.2) 5 (6.6) 45 (59.2) 22 (29.0) 76 (100.0)

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Table 3.9 Frequency distribution of responses to the statement ‘AWS are the most effective way to increase women’s descriptive representation’ Response

Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Frequency 40 14 82 136

Source: survey of women on the approved list; n = 136.

Percentage 29.4 10.3 60.3 100.0

Table 3.10 Attitudes to AWS * feminist identification cross-tabulation AWS – most effective Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Feminist Identification Agree (%) Neither agree nor disagree (%)

21 (40) 3 (6) 28 (54) 52 (100)

9 (23) 8 (21) 22 (56) 39 (100)

Disagree (%)

Total (%)

10 (22) 3 (7) 32 (71) 45 (100)

40 (29) 14 (11) 82 (60) 136 (100)

Source: women on the approved list; n = 136; missing cases = 0; significant at p => 0.05; gamma = 0.248.

Testing strength of feminist identification by support for AWS, a chisquare test produced a value of p = 0.35. The results indicate a weak relationship between identification as a feminist and the likelihood of agreeing that AWS are the most effective form of increasing the number of women MPs. Whilst this finding suggests the importance of a feminist presence with regard to any potential mobilisation on the issue, the data show that over half of those who identified as feminist did not agree that AWS were the most effective way to increase women’s descriptive presence. As the data in Table 3.11 indicate, the attitudes of the interviewees towards AWS were split fairly evenly, with Parliamentarians being the most likely to agree and PPCs being the least likely to agree. It is worth noting that those PPCs who were in favour of AWS had all stood in previous elections, which could indicate the influence of multiple experiences of the party’s selection processes on their opinions. Furthermore, of those interviewees who identified strongly as feminist (n = 31), nearly all believed that AWS were the most effective mechanism.

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Table 3.11 Frequency distribution of interviewees’ attitudes towards AWS as the most effective way to increase women’s descriptive representation AWS – most effective? Yes No Total

Frequency

31 35 66

Source: elite interviews with women in the party; n = 66.

Percentage 46.9 53.1 100.0

Those who believed AWS to be the most effective way to increase the number of Liberal Democrat women MPs gave various reasons to support their position, as the below quotations indicate: time taken to achieve parity; the need to tackle demand at the point of selection; and the embarrassment felt by those in the party who recognise the damage of appearing to be so unrepresentative of society: ‘I’ve changed my mind on AWS. I was opposed to it in 2001 but now I see, having tried to get selected for good seats, and having seen friends try to get selected, that something drastic needs to be done, which is a great shame’ (PPC); ‘We can’t go on like this getting one or two women at each election, it’s embarrassing. We need to use quotas as a one off and get the number of women up otherwise it’ll take us for ever’ (peer); and ‘Oh yes I’m in favour, I think we have to do something, clearly what we are doing isn’t working. I mean it’s hugely embarrassing for us in the Parliamentary party. People want to know what you’re doing about it’ (MP). Conversely, those who did not believe AWS to be the most effective way of increasing the number of women MPs discussed the potential use of strategies such as zipping or twinning, and the need for wider recognition of the benefits of selecting women candidates: ‘I don’t agree with AWS. I think there are better ways of going about it that don’t alienate people, like zipping, which we used for the European elections and that worked well for us, or maybe twinning if we could get it organised’ (PPC) and ‘I think that it’s about training local parties to recognise the value of selecting women candidates. If you use AWS half the local party will leave in protest and then where will you be? Selected yes but it would be very difficult to then get elected’ (PPC). Such sentiments indicate that hostility to AWS is not just ideological, although that is significant, it is also grounded in a belief that it will not work in the party because it will alienate local party members, whose activism is vital to securing electoral victory.

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Feminist presence and women’s descriptive representation Table 3.12 Female attitudes towards AWS – 2005 BRS AWS

Strongly approve Approve Disapprove Strongly disapprove Total

Cons. No. (%) 2 (3.8) 4 (7.7) 27 (52.0) 19 (36.4) 52 (100.0)

Source: 2005 British Representative Study.

Lab. No. (%) 29 (24.7) 18 (34.0) 2 (3.8) 4 (7.5) 53 (100.0)

LD No. (%)

6 (7.6) 14 (17.7) 38 (48.1) 21 (26.6) 79 (100.0)

Previous research has highlighted the negative attitudes of women in the party towards the use of AWS (Lovenduski, 2005). As the data in table 3.12 highlight, the vast majority of both Liberal Democrat and Conservative women do not approve of the mechanism; conversely, female Labour respondents were much more likely to approve. The data yield a higher negative response from the Liberal Democrats to the use of quotas than the survey for this research which was completed during late 2007. This shift could reflect changes of opinion over time following the low numbers of women elected in 2005 (although the party doubled its number of women MPs in the 2005 election, the number decreased in 2010). The research so far has demonstrated that the use of AWS has limited support in the party: 47 percent of interviewees and 29 percent of women on the approved list believe it to be the most effective way of bringing about an increase in women’s descriptive representation. However, the opposition to the mechanism is, as Russell and Fieldhouse note, a ‘running sore’ within the party (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005, p. 51). Role of political parties Having highlighted that the majority of women in the party do not consider AWS to be the most effective way of increasing women’s representation, the research explored the extent to which the participants believed political parties should be required to ensure women’s descriptive presence. This was included in order to tease out ideas regarding the introduction of possible legislation. As the data in Table 3.13 show, 50 percent of women on the approved list agreed with the idea that political parties should be required to ensure gender balance amongst their MPs. The responses reflect previously noted attitudes regarding the equal number of men and women

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Table 3.13 Frequency distribution of responses to the statement ‘Political parties should be required to ensure gender balance amongst their MPs’ Response

Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Frequency

69 26 41 136

Source: survey of women on the approved list; n = 136.

Percentage 50.7 19.1 30.2 100.0

Table 3.14 Frequency distribution of interviewees’ attitudes towards political parties being required to ensure gender balance Required?

Yes No Total

Frequency

35 31 66

Source: elite interviews with women in the party; n = 66.

Percentage 53.1 46.9 100.0

representatives (see Table 3.6). There is no statistically significant relationship between feminist identification and attitudes towards whether political parties should be required to ensure gender balance. The interviewees were mixed in their responses to the idea that political parties should be required to ensure gender balance. It is interesting to note that four interviewees who did not believe AWS to be the most effective way to increase women’s descriptive representation believed that political parties should be required to ensure gender balance. This perhaps indicates hostility towards AWS per se, but not necessarily to the use of other prescriptive methods to increase women’s representation. Those who did not identify as feminist (N = 18) all disagreed with the idea of requiring political parties to ensure gender balance; the remaining interviewees opposed to the idea were largely drawn from those identifying as liberal feminists. Those who felt that political parties should be required to ensure gender balance stressed the importance of parties taking ‘ownership’ of the issue: ‘I think there should be a requirement upon parties yes, because that way you get past all the party infighting and just accept that it’s got to be done. So we can avoid a repeat of 2001’ (peer). Furthermore, some highlighted the need to remove the barriers that many identified in local parties: ‘It should

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really be the party from the centre because that way local parties would have no option but to ensure that their selection process was fair and above board’ (PPC). Those opposed to the idea perceived it to be unhelpful for the third party with their specific electoral constraints; others perceived ‘requirement’ to be synonymous with AWS, and reiterated their hostility to the use of such an approach: Well it depends what requirement means really. I mean if it’s a fine for not having gender balance then the party can ill afford it, and also because of the nature of being the third party we make unexpected gains. Now what if those gains just don’t happen to have women candidates? It seems to me that making it a requirement would be an altogether rigid approach. (MP) Again, I’m not comfortable with being so deterministic about things and I don’t believe that requiring parties or using AWS would be the best way to go about getting more women MPs. What you need is for more women to come forward. You need to encourage people and get local parties on board. (PPC)

Despite the sentiments reflected in the quotations above, the idea of requiring political parties to ensure gender balance appears to have greater purchase with women in the party than AWS. It is striking that a majority of interviewees and women on the approved list agreed that political parties should be required to ensure gender balance. The fact that this could involve prescriptive legislation from government did not trouble the interviewees; indeed some saw legislation from above as being a way to override internal party opposition. Party commitment to increasing the number of women MPs Participants were asked if they believed that the party was genuinely committed to improving the number of women MPs in the Parliamentary party. The use of the word ‘genuinely’ was included in order to explore whether the participants believed that the commitment to women’s representation was purely rhetorical. As the data in Table 3.15 indicate, a majority of women on the approved list, 63 percent, agreed that the party are genuinely committed to increasing the number of women MPs. Whilst only 16 percent disagreed with the statement, it is interesting that 19 percent of respondents neither agreed nor disagreed with the statement; this could suggest a desire not to criticise the party by disagreeing with the statement,

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Table 3.15 Frequency distribution of responses to the statement ‘The Liberal Democrats are genuinely committed to improving women’s representation’ Response

Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Frequency

87 27 22 136

Source: survey of women on the approved list; n = 136.

Percentage 63.9 19.8 16.3 100.0

Table 3.16 Frequency distribution of interviewees’ attitudes towards whether or not they believed the party to be genuinely committed to increasing the number of women MPs Genuine? Yes No Total

Frequency

55 11 66

Source: elite interviews with women in the party; n = 66.

Percentage 83.3 16.7 100.0

whilst signalling that they are unconvinced that the party is genuinely committed. The commonly held belief that the party is genuinely committed to increasing women’s descriptive presence is perhaps unsurprising when accounting for party loyalty. It is interesting to note there was no significant relationship between identification as feminist and response to this statement. The vast majority of interviewees, 83 percent, believed that the party is genuinely committed to increasing the number of women MPs. As with women on the approved list it is perhaps the use of the word ‘genuine’ which yielded such a positive defence of the party’s commitment. Noteworthy is that the eleven who disagreed with the statement had all strongly identified as feminist. Many of those who believed the party to be committed had previously raised concerns regarding the ways in which the party had approached the issue of women’s representation. However, when explicitly questioned about the party’s commitment to the issue, they were less likely to be critical: ‘I do think that the party wants to see change, of course it does, but we’ve just not gone about it in the best way. But yes there is a commitment there’ (MP); ‘I think everyone in the party wants the best

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for the party. The fact there are so few women is not good for the party so I do think there is commitment to addressing the issue’ (PPC); and ‘As far as I can tell, yes, the party does want to change things. There are always meetings to encourage more women to come forward and there’s the diversity fund’ (researcher). The eleven interviewees who did not believe that the party was genuinely committed to increasing women’s representation, had strongly identified as feminist and some were very critical: ‘I just don’t think in the Lib Dems there is a real passion to change things and for equality’ (MP), and ‘Despite speeches by various people there is no drive to support women. I just don’t think it’s a priority at all’ (peer). This dissatisfaction with the lack of progress was best articulated by one PPC: I can’t see any commitment really. Not from where I’m standing anywhere, you hear the odd speech and see the CGB training schemes but what does that really do at the end of the day? We need women in winnable seats and leadership from the party to get us there. (PPC)

These sentiments highlight a frustration with the party’s inability to address women’s descriptive under-representation. Indeed, some were openly dismissive of the party’s rhetorical commitment to achieving a more diverse parliamentary party, discussed in further detail below. Having considered the attitudes of the interviewees and women on the approved list towards women’s representation a number of themes have emerged: virtually all participants believed it was important to have more women MPs; a majority of participants felt there should be equal numbers of men and women in Parliament; around two thirds of women on the approved list did not perceive AWS to be the most effective way of increasing women’s representation, conversely, opinion was more divided amongst the interviewees; a bare majority of participants agreed that political parties should be required to ensure gender balance; and lastly the overwhelming majority of participants believed the party to be genuinely committed to increasing women’s descriptive representation. The above analysis has established feminist attitudes towards issues concerned with women’s descriptive representation. Feminist identification appears to have a minimal effect upon attitudes towards women’s descriptive representation, notably whether or not there should be equal numbers of women and men and whether political parties should be required to ensure gender balance. This suggests a Liberal, rather than feminist, approach to women’s representation amongst

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women on the approved list, thereby reinforcing the important attachment to Liberalism and Liberal ideas within the party, as discussed in the previous chapter. Equality rhetoric, promotion and guarantees The research now turns to a more detailed analysis of the strategies adopted by the party to increase women’s descriptive representation, including an assessment of how successful the interviewees perceive the approaches to be. To assess the Liberal Democrats’ commitment to increasing women’s descriptive representation, an evaluation of the approaches adopted by the party is necessary. As such analysis is framed within Lovenduski’s three-tiered strategic approach, that political parties adopt to increase women’s descriptive representation: equality rhetoric, equality promotion and equality guarantees (see p. 6). Equality rhetoric The Liberal Democrats’ adoption of equality rhetoric, to encourage more women to put themselves forward for approval and selection, can be glimpsed in speeches and articles. Whilst recent party leaders have at some point delivered speeches demonstrating their commitment to improving women’s descriptive representation by encouraging women within the party (see for example ‘Encourage more female candidates urges Clegg’, Lib Dem News 20.6.2008; ‘Our Real Fight’ speech, Ming Campbell 23.2.2007), these are relatively rare examples. Some interviewees highlighted a frustration with these speeches, labelling them ‘meaningless’ and ‘repetitive’: ‘Well you have to wonder after a while why we keep having speeches on it but nothing seems to change’ (PPC). Those involved with CGB observed that equality rhetoric seems to be somewhat confined to CGB organised events, press releases and campaign work, with sporadic engagement from the party leadership. This is in contrast to the Conservatives, where equality rhetoric has been a prominent feature of Cameron’s leadership (Childs, 2008b; Childs and Webb, 2008). The lack of equality rhetoric is problematic for a number of reasons. Without addressing the issue in an overt and consistent manner, the party leadership is not offering a steer or a demonstrable commitment to increasing the number of women MPs. This leadership is vital to ensuring that local parties are aware of the urgency with which the party needs to address women’s increased selection.

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Equality promotion Equality promotion, the provision of specific training, funds and/or targets for women, is best assessed in three key ways: through a study of the work undertaken by the CGB; the provision of a diversity fund; and quotas at the point of shortlisting. Whilst the Liberal Democrats have clearly engaged with equality promotion, each aspect of the strategy has limitations, which is reflected in the persistent low number of women Liberal Democrat MPs. Campaign for Gender Balance (CGB) Unlike WLD, CGB is not an organisation per se, having been established with specific objectives regarding the number of approved women and women candidates. It has no members, and those involved with the campaign are party activists with a particular interest in helping get more women elected. Set up in 2001 following the conference decision not to adopt AWS, CGB (formerly Gender Balance Taskforce, GBTF) is a network designed to ensure that 40 percent of held parliamentary seats and those seats requiring a swing to win of 7.5 percent or less are fought by women; to increase the number of women on the approved list by 500, (this has been reduced to 150); and to provide training specifically for women (www.genderbalance.org.uk). The CGB was established within the context of a bitter internal row concerning AWS. Despite the adoption of a less radical approach to tackling the descriptive under-representation of women MPs, interviewees involved with the CGB observed a noted ‘lack of urgency’ which characterised some responses to requests for help or information from the CGB. There was a general consensus amongst the interviewees that the party-allocated resources for CGB were inadequate, and that the party should ensure sufficient financial support. However, the party has allocated £95K to the CGB since 2001, a not insignificant amount for the third party (Childs 2008a, p. 41).2 Interviewees who had been involved with CGB expressed concern at attempts by certain individuals and factions within the party to undermine the work of the campaign: ‘There have been attempts to undermine the work of GBTF over the years by certain people. It’s been a bit of a siege at times’ (MP). According to the CGB website, the campaign was created to be a ‘proactive’ way in which potential women MPs could be identified, trained and mentored through both the internal approval and selection process, and throughout the campaign for election (www.genderbalance.org.uk). Furthermore, the CGB also claims to ‘work closely’ with party officials,

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MPs and the press to raise the profile of the issue within the party. These aims are considered below. The extent to which CGB is able to identify women as potential candidates is unclear. Interviews with those involved with CGB highlighted that contact with aspirant women candidates was largely restricted to those who had contacted them. However, the CGB had used various strategies to try and ‘reach out’ to other women in the party, examples of which include: targeted letters sent to all women councillors encouraging them to think about seeking approval or selection; and a campaign launched to encourage party members to recommend women who they thought would make a good MP.3 The co-ordination of training sessions run at conferences and at specific weekends is the chief activity undertaken by the CGB. The training sessions revolve around confidence-building, public speaking, effective communication, campaigning tips and how to present yourself. Many of the interviewees had attended CGB-run training sessions, and largely viewed its work as a ‘good thing’. Perceptions of CGB’s training are discussed further in the following chapter. The mentoring scheme run by CGB was cited as being valuable and at least ten of the PPCs interviewed acted as mentors for other women who were going through the approval and selection process. Mentors used by CGB were not restricted to women PPCs or MPs, indeed a number of men also act as mentors for women. One interviewee who had been involved in setting up CGB acknowledged that there was a constant ‘fight’ with those within the party who remained unconvinced of the need for such a campaign. To a certain extent this has led to the CGB becoming the preserve of a limited number of actors within the party. Interviewees involved noted that whilst they do try to get high-profile speakers at their events, it is a regular battle to stress the importance of the work of CGB to those within the parliamentary party and on the Federal Committees. Another problem facing CGB is the lack of information-sharing regarding winnable seats. This means that it is unable to target women when specific seats become available. As such, it relies upon sending out generic emails to its mailing list, advising recipients of every seat that advertises. The CGB has little or no interaction with the local parties, and so the onus is placed very much on women themselves as being the key agents of change. There is no training or outreach work with local parties in order to encourage them to select women, and there is no requirement for the local parties to report the number of women applicants to CGB. Rather the CGB just gathers this information informally from the English, Scottish and Welsh Candidates’ Office.

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Those involved with the CGB are careful to stress it is a positive agency for change, but not at the expense of men. Indeed, even though the wider party voted to establish the CGB, some interviewees observed a backlash against the campaign, with men angry at being excluded from women-only training sessions, as one PPC involved with CGB noted: ‘I get yelled at by men that can’t come to my training sessions and we do need to remedy that, but separate training for women is vital and it really does work.’ Most interviewees were positive about CGB’s work, emphasising the benefits of networking and confidence-building: ‘GBTF were fantastic; I met a very talented bunch of women. I think the work Jo [Swinson] is doing is fantastic. It’s very inspiring’, ‘CGB have been great and really helpful’. However, a few interviewees expressed reservations about CGB, specifically the types of issues covered in the training sessions. One PPC found a training weekend particularly difficult: ‘I found the training weekend quite stressful. I found it quite lonely and burst into tears as soon as I came off the train, I felt as though I’d been stripped down and rebuilt.’ This response to the training sessions indicates the importance of establishing a diverse range of ways to encourage and train women, thereby avoiding a one-size-fits-all strategy. The lack of support for CGB amongst certain sections of the party is part of a much broader problem of scepticism regarding the need for women’s networks and organisations, as one interviewee highlighted: ‘I always felt that if women had any time to spare they ought to be in mainstream politics rather than in women’s groups within the parties. If you spend your time campaigning about inequality then you’re not really doing much’ (peer). This hostility, though expressed by only a very small number of the interviewees, undermines assertions that the party is wholeheartedly engaging in equality promotion. Some interviewees emphasised the danger of homogenising women and the necessity to treat women as individuals. One PPC, who had not attended CGB training, spoke about her fears that women-only training sessions resulted in women lacking the confidence to articulate their thoughts and ideas in a mixed sex environment. Overall, the interviewees were largely positive towards the CGB and their efforts to encourage women to seek approval and selection. Diversity fund Other forms of equality promotion adopted by the party include directing funds to help support women candidates. The Liberal Democrats are aware of the significant financial resources required to fight a winnable

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seat, and as such various proposals have been set out to try and assist women through election campaigns. In 2006 the party established a Diversity Fund, with money from the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (£200,000). The support was intended for women selected in winnable seats. A couple of PPCs had benefited from the extra funding available: ‘I feel really supported and I’m aware of the different resources I can access’; ‘I’ve not personally been involved but the regional campaign manager has secured funding from the diversity fund.’ Conversely, many interviewees seemed unsure as to what the money was for or how to go about applying for it: I’m in a very winnable and brand new seat and I’ve received no support, which shows how much commitment they have for gender equality. I’ve asked for money upfront but I can’t get any. I keep getting told that we don’t give grants. I’ve spoken to another winnable PPC about this and she’s had the same issue with the Diversity Fund. (PPC)

Additionally there were those who were sceptical about the fund and its ability to make a difference: ‘I’m yet to be convinced that the fund really exists. As soon as they give you something you have to jump through hoops to get it’ (PPC). Whilst senior party officials acknowledged the confusion surrounding the fund, they also highlighted that the extra provision of money was intended only for women selected in winnable seats, which may have caused confusion: It might be a worthy cause to provide money for childcare for women in hopeless seats but the local party should be providing help with childcare costs, sometimes the support networks in kind are often the best ways to support women candidates. We’re not going to spread the diversity fund too widely. If we advertised it in Lib Dem News then it might upset someone else who might need childcare so it matters whether it’s a winnable seat. (Senior party official)

The above quotation indicates a lack of transparency in the provision of extra funds for women; something raised in several interviews, but also suggests a lack of long-term strategic planning with regard to women’s candidacy. If no extra help with childcare costs is given to women who are not selected for winnable seats, then they may not want, or be able, to build up their political experience by standing in an unwinnable seat before going for a target or winnable seat. When the diversity fund was proposed at the 2006 conference debate, it was attacked by some who felt that extra financial assistance for a candidate based on gender or ethnicity would be fundamentally illiberal, as one PPC observed:

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‘I could not believe it. They were saying we should not even get extra funding for seats that selected women because it was unfair. I don’t know how they expect us to get more women MPs.’ This concern again highlights the difficulty of reconciling equality promotion with classical Liberal views. Quotas at the point of shortlisting The final strand of equality promotion adopted by the party is the use of quotas at the point of shortlisting. This ensures that on a shortlist of three, there is at least one candidate of each sex, and on a shortlist of five at least two candidates are of each sex. As discussed in Chapter 2, this rule was introduced during the establishment of the SDP and has remained part of the Liberal Democrat constitution. Whilst this quota indicates the party’s willingness to ensure the shortlisting of women, some interviewees raised concerns about the way in which it was being perceived: Well in the past I’ve been shortlisted for seats where I know I’m only there to make the numbers up, and the women who are much more suited to the seat, and have a better chance of actually being selected, aren’t shortlisted. But they can get away with it because I’m there. (PPC)

Additionally, the CGB have identified that some local parties have claimed not to be able to find enough women for the shortlist and subsequently request to go ahead without any women candidates: ‘A lot of local parties don’t even bother to make sure that there is even one woman on the shortlist and then they seek permission from the Regional Candidate Chair to go ahead with an all-male shortlist’ (MP). It is of course difficult to assess how much impact the shortlisting quota has on increasing the number of women candidates; what is clear is that it is not translating into more parliamentary seats for women. Indeed, as Childs observes, whilst a minimum quota at the nominating or shortlisting stages of candidate selection has the potential to increase the numbers of women selected, it is no guarantee that this will occur (Childs, 2008a). Equality guarantees The Liberal Democrats have of course not adopted equality guarantees to secure the election of more women MPs, and AWS remains a contentious issue (Childs, 2008a; Lovenduski, 2005; Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005). Three principal themes drive the Liberal Democrat

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hostility to AWS: ideological opposition; practical implications vis-à-vis local activists; and a fear amongst women themselves that AWS are patronising and would mean that those selected would be perceived as token women. These three distinct but inter-related factors help explain why the party rejected AWS. Ideology The Liberal Democrats’ rejection of AWS is partially grounded in classic Liberal ideology, drawing on concepts of self-determinism and fairness as a justification for not giving one, albeit disadvantaged, group preferential treatment. This has meant that the party has a more complicated relationship with positive discrimination, due to the desire to prove it is an ‘equality-minded party’ (Lovenduski, 2005, p. 75). In this, the tension of equality of outcome versus equality of opportunity is key (Brack et al., 2007). The opposition to AWS was largely grounded in a Liberal commitment to equality of opportunity, emphasising the importance of selecting the ‘best’ candidate regardless of sex: ‘I want the best person for the job selected, dependent upon their experience not on their sex’ (PPC), and ‘Saying to local parties that you have to select from an all woman shortlist is fundamentally illiberal’ (PPC). For Liberals, positive discrimination is perceived to act as a curtailment of the freedom of the individual, in this instance, men seeking selection. The authoritarian and illiberal nature of quotas is something that many interviewees identified. As Klausen and Mair observe, liberals are typically hostile to quotas, because they are a reminder that a liberal approach has failed to bring about equality between the sexes (Klausen and Mair, 2001, p. 11). Local activists Some opponents of AWS cite the impracticality of imposing AWS on independently minded local parties. This certainly fits with Russell and Fieldhouse’s (2005) observation of the power struggle between the centre and local parties, with the latter deeply hostile to any further attempts at centralisation. Those who argued that it would be impractical to use AWS suggested that local party activists would simply refuse to help campaign for a candidate perceived to have been ‘forced’ on them as part of a wider party strategy: ‘AWS just wouldn’t work in the Lib Dems because we’re a federal party, for local parties to be told who to select just wouldn’t sit well with our activists’ (PPC), and ‘I think if you forced local parties to use an all woman shortlist you would see a very sharp decline in the number of activists willing to help in that constituency’ (peer).

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Local party activists withdrawing their support would have a detrimental effect on the party’s electoral fortunes, given the party’s reliance on its activist base (Seyd et al., 2006). These pragmatic considerations were augmented by a repeated claim that AWS would not work because there are not enough women on the approved list to justify it. In short the emphasis should be on the supply of women candidates and not on demand, an issue addressed in detail in the following chapter. ‘Tokenistic’ and ‘patronising’ One of the most common responses to quotas, particularly amongst current PPCs, was that they were condescending to women: ‘AWS are patronising. They basically say that we can’t get there on our own and need extra help. If a man can do it I know I can too’ (PPC), and ‘The problem with AWS is that they are tokenistic – it’s not about long-term strategy; it’s not about encouraging more women to keep going for selection. It’s just short term and you’d only be selected because you’re a woman not because you’re the best for that seat’ (PPC). These two quotations highlight much of the thinking behind the opposition to AWS. Indeed, during the 2001 conference debate those opponents of the introduction of AWS wore T-shirts emblazoned with the slogan ‘I’m not a token woman.’ Antipathy towards ‘tokenism’ was strong amongst the PPCs, who argued that as they generally had to campaign harder to be elected as Liberal Democrats; to be selected because they were women undermined the idea that Liberal Democrat MPs are there because they are ‘the best’: I mean, to get elected as a Liberal Democrat you have to be the best to overcome the electoral system. If the constituency knew I had been selected on an all-women shortlist well then that would undermine my position – it would show that I had needed extra help and so on. (PPC)

Such views are an interesting take on the way in which some interviewees felt AWS candidates would be perceived, and fits in with the media’s portrayal of ‘Blair’s babes’ (Childs, 2008a). The idea suggests a preoccupation with the way in which Liberal Democrat PPCs are somehow more dedicated to becoming an MP because they have to work so much harder; as such, any help (through the use of a quota) would be felt to undermine the PPC’s ability to claim to be the ‘best’ person to be elected, rendering them mere ‘tokens’.

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How receptive are the Liberal Democrats to feminism? Having considered feminist attitudes and strategies towards increasing the number of women MPs and the interviewees’ perspectives on the strategies adopted to respond to women’s descriptive representation, we can reflect upon where the Liberal Democrats might fit in a typology of political parties’ responses to feminism. In her valuable work on the impact that feminists can seek to have on political parties, Lisa Young modelled a pattern of party responsiveness to feminism, based upon the twin issues of representation and policy. Despite acknowledging that representational and policy responsiveness does not necessarily work in tandem, Young does not consider the idea that a party could be responsive to policy but non-responsive in terms of representation. This presents a problem for identifying a party model that best reflects the Liberal Democrats. Whilst they have a positive response in terms of policy, they do not have a high or moderate response to the issue of women’s representation. In her recent work, Childs has argued that Young’s model should take account of the idea that a party can be feminised without being feminist (Childs, 2008a, p. 22). As Table 3.18 indicates, Childs’ amended version of Young’s model provides a more sophisticated analysis that bisects the levels of responsiveness by feminist positions with regards both representation and policy. Furthermore, she includes the integration of women party members as a key indicator for identifying party types. As such we can measure the Liberal Democrats’ responsiveness based upon the indicators in Table 3.18. The first dimension is divided into integration of parliamentary elites and integration of party members. The party has low representation of women, and an absence of quotas. There is parity of representation amongst the women members, although there is a less than fully integrated WO, with no systematic gender mainstreaming process in place. However, the party does recognise WLD and they have successfully put motions to conference. In Table 3.17 Models of party responsiveness to feminism Feminist issue

Representational Policy

Responsiveness Co-optive High or moderate Positive

High or moderate Negative

Non-responsive Oppositional Low

Low

Neutral

Negative

Source: L.Young, Feminists and Party Politics (Canada: UBC Press, 2000), p. 25.

Low representation; rejects principle and practice of quotas

Indifferent to representation of women; anti-feminist WO fully integrated or auxiliary organisations

Indifferent to representation of women; auxiliary women’s organisations rather than WO

* WO = women’s organisation Source: amended from S. Childs, Women and British Party Politics (Oxon: Routledge, 2008, p. 23).

Anti-feminist party

Low representation; absent quotas

Parity of members; anti feminist WO fully integrated or auxiliary organisations

Parity of members; auxiliary women’s organisations

Parity of members;WO* fully integrated Fewer women members; integrated WO

1st dimension integration of women party members

Positive but in anti-feminist direction

Negative

Positive in an anti-feminist direction

Neutral or where positive, in a neutral direction

Positive and in a feminist direction Positive and feminist

2nd dimension integration of women’s concerns

09:05

Non-responsive

High/moderate representation; may have quotas

High/moderate representation; may have quotas

High/moderate; well implemented quotas Low representation; absent or poorly implemented quotas

1st dimension integration of Parliamentary elites

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Co-optive party feminist 1st dimension anti-feminist on 2nd

Co-optive party feminist 1st dimension anti-feminist on 2nd

Anti-feminist responsive

Responsive feminist

Party type

Table 3.18 Feminisation and party types

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terms of the second dimension, integrating women’s concerns, at the 2005 General Election the party fielded the most feminist manifesto of the three main parties (Childs, 2005). During 2010 all three parties competed for women’s votes and so all offered a variety of feminist manifestos, making it difficult to assess which was the ‘most feminist’ (Campbell and Childs, 2010). Given the characteristics of the party outlined above, trying to map the Liberal Democrats onto the typology of parties as set out in Table 3.18 also proves difficult. On the one hand, they do not rate highly on the first dimension, which could suggest a resemblance to an antifeminist or non-responsive party. However, the second dimension complicates this as the party has positive and feminist policies. As such the Liberal Democrats could be placed, albeit far from perfectly, in the anti-feminist responsive type. This is because of the strength of their responsiveness to the second dimension, whilst recognising the limitation of their response to integrate women into parliamentary elites. Conclusion Whilst the research revealed a feminist presence within the party, many sought to emphasise that their feminism was grounded in a liberal feminist tradition, which meant a significant overlap with social justice discourse. Moreover, the majority of women on the approved list did not self-identify as feminist, which could prove to be a barrier in terms of mobilising grassroots support for feminised changes to the structure or rules of the party, in particular any future discussion of AWS. Identification as a feminist appeared to have little impact upon attitudes towards women’s descriptive representation. This seems to suggest a privileging of Liberal, rather than feminist attitudes. When questioned about the party’s progress on improving women’s representation, many interviewees felt the party had failed to adopt appropriate strategies to deal with the issue. This is despite the vast majority of interviewees and women on the approved list agreeing that the party was genuinely committed to increasing the number of women MPs. Whilst this may appear paradoxical, it is perhaps unsurprising that those involved with the party should seek to believe the party’s rhetorical adherence to the commonly espoused notion that there should be more women in Parliament (Squires, 2007). By questioning the party’s commitment to women’s representation, the participants would have had to acknowledge that a central tenet of the party ethos, equality of opportunity, had not been promoted. Conversely, when

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offered the opportunity to discuss actual strategies adopted by the party, the interviewees drew upon personal experiences to support criticisms, not so much of the intention, but rather of the method. Many Liberal Democrats opposed to AWS conceded that there did not seem to be a clear strategy for improving women’s descriptive representation. This, juxtaposed with limitations regarding the wider support for CGB, diversity fund and quotas at the point of shortlisting, has raised questions regarding the priority accorded to the issue by the party. Additionally, the party has undermined equality promotion strategies by not providing sufficient economic support or political leadership. Those interviewees who were in favour of AWS articulated their frustration with the party, although there was no evidence to suggest that plans were underway to reintroduce the debate. Throughout the interviews, the emphasis on the work of one or two individuals highlighted that the party is in danger of leaving the responsibility for increasing women’s descriptive representation to a couple of people. This strategy is problematic in that the party leadership and grassroots effectively abdicate responsibility for an issue that should be a mainstream campaign and institutionalised within the party. This was recognised by those who were involved with CGB. Additionally, those who were in favour of AWS were less likely to be involved with the work being undertaken by the CGB. This is important because divisions over this issue have meant there is no core women’s base within the party to campaign on this and on wider issues of interest to women. Notes 1 See Chapter 2 p. 26 for the definition of feminism used for this research. 2 This is particularly significant, given that the Ethnic Minority Taskforce has received no funding. 3 No data were available to measure how effective these strategies had been in terms of encouraging more women to become approved.

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4

Supply and demand: the political recruitment of women1

Members from all three major parties will have witnessed those occasions when women candidates are asked questions that would not be asked of a man in a comparable position. We all need to examine that. My own party has sought to deal with it by training and example, but I am the first to admit that we have not been wholly successful. Paul Tyler, former Liberal Democrat MP, Hansard 24.10.2001; Col. 342 Having looked at it very closely, as far as the Liberal Democrats are concerned, I am absolutely confident there is no kind of systematic barriers of discrimination going on against women candidates. Nick Clegg, statement to the Speaker’s Conference, 20 October 2009

Political parties repeatedly cite the low number of women who put themselves forward for selection as an explanation for women’s descriptive under-representation. In short, they argue, it is a problem with supply and not demand, the latter of which signifies at least some form of discrimination at the point of selection. Norris and Lovenduski’s appropriation of the supply and demand model for analysis of political recruitment has become a key tool for the exploration of the descriptive under-representation of women in politics (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). The model is based upon competing and often interlinked supply and demand-side explanations for the under-representation of certain groups within the political legislature. Supply-side factors stress the restricted numbers of potential applicants coming forward due to insufficient resources and/or motivation. Conversely, demand-side explanations focus on levels of discrimination faced by potential applicants from the selectors, or ‘gatekeepers’ (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). Supply-side explanations emphasise that women, or any other under-represented group, are not seeking selection, for a number of reasons, including a lack of drive, ambition, interest, time, money and

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experience (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). Demand-side explanations refer to the idea that selectors are not looking to select certain types of groups of potential candidates. Demand-side factors are based upon judgements made about a candidate in relation to the following: personal character, formal qualifications, political experience, whether or not the candidate appears articulate, trustworthy and persuasive and likely to be a good campaigner. These factors are then compounded by the social characteristics of the candidate, for example, gender, ethnicity or age. As Norris and Lovenduski rightly observe, there is reciprocity between the supply and demand-side factors, for example potential candidates may be discouraged from putting themselves forward because they anticipate discrimination from the selectors (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). Whilst recent studies have identified supply-side problems, based upon the idea that women are less politically ambitious than men (Lawless and Fox, 2005), the gatekeeper role played by political parties has meant that it is generally accepted that the three main British political parties have a problem of demand rather than supply (Childs et al., 2005; Childs, 2008a). These findings have been highlighted in various empirically based studies, notably those produced by the Fawcett Society and Hansard Society (Childs et al., 2005; Shepherd-Robinson and Lovenduski, 2002). For a party such as the Liberal Democrats the use of the supply and demand model is a key part of assessing data and identifying problems regarding the low number of women MPs and any regional variations. The model is particularly applicable because many of those engaged with campaigns to increase women’s representation adopt the supply and demand discourse. This chapter builds upon the findings of existing studies to consider three key inter-related themes that impinge upon women’s descriptive representation: approval and selection processes; the interplay between societal and institutional barriers; and evidence for supply or demand-side problems. Ultimately, this chapter argues that the Liberal Democrats have a sufficient number of women potential candidates, but they are not selected for enough winnable or target seats. Accordingly, the party should revisit the issue of the AWS, or some other form of equality guarantee, in order to ensure women’s election to Parliament. Liberal Democrat approval and selection process The ways in which political parties recruit potential candidates can have a significant impact upon the types of people who seek selection

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(Lovenduski, 2005; Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). The below section sets out the processes by which the party approves and selects its candidates and draws upon the experiences and perceptions of the interviewees and survey respondents to explore any gendered dimensions that could impact upon women’s approval and selection. Approval2 To become an approved candidate, applicants must have been a member of the party for at least twelve months prior to application. All members of the party go through a standardised approval process comprised of four stages: an application form; sponsorship from five party members; attendance at an assessment day; and finally they must undertake any training that the assessors deem necessary. These four stages are considered in the light of women’s experiences. The application form Many interviewees identified the initial application forms as offputting, describing them varyingly as ‘unnecessarily lengthy’, ‘ridiculous’, ‘horrendous’ and ‘daunting’. Indeed, one MP felt that the forms proved to be a barrier for some women: I know from helping others with their forms that it’s a massive initial barrier for women. Being asked things like how are the Liberal Democrats different to Labour makes you think there is a right and wrong answer and makes you think you have to come up with a philosophical debate. I’m not averse to there being an intimidating process but maybe it needs to be less intimidating at the outset. (MP)

The CGB regularly holds women-only training sessions at party conference to advise women on how to fill out the form. The extent to which the form acts as a specific barrier for women is unclear, although, those involved with CGB do cite it as an important constraint on the supply of women.3 The eleven-page form is comprised of three main sections: first, personal information, education, work and life experience; second, party involvement, community activity, political experience, philosophy and policy; and third, motivations and ability to be a parliamentary candidate. In making the form and process accessible for all women, the form includes specific guidance for women who might undertake unpaid housework; for example, the guidance notes suggest that planning a big wedding could be an example of ‘successful strategic project planning’.

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However, despite including ‘domestic’ as a type of occupation, the majority of the questions regarding work and life experience are geared towards those who have undertaken paid employment outside of the home, for example questions regarding work-related training and public speaking experience. The guidance notes highlight the importance of ‘doing yourself justice’ encouraging applicants to think creatively about achievements and skills: ‘Think laterally about your achievements and the skills you use in your everyday life, especially if you have spent time at home with a family or have not followed a standard career pattern’ (Application form guidance notes). The use of the phrase ‘standard career pattern’ is telling, and reflects how traditional male norms are acknowledged and accepted as standard, signifying that women’s career and life patterns are somehow irregular, or ‘other’. Securing sponsorship To become an approved candidate, applicants must secure the sponsorship of five party members: one of whom must be the local party chair; two must be office holders of a local, regional or state party; and the remaining two should have been active party members for at least three years. Sponsors are not allowed to be relatives or paid party staff members. A couple of interviewees mentioned difficulties in securing the sponsorship of their local party chair; in particular the role played by some male local party chairs was thought to be particularly unhelpful, this is discussed in greater detail below in relation to demand-side issues. However, for the majority of interviewees this element was not thought to be particularly problematic. Indeed, several interviewees suggested that if sponsorship was a problem then the applicant had not spent long enough campaigning and networking. Assessment day During the assessment day candidates are expected to give a ten-minute presentation, pass a written policy test, undertake a policy interview with an assessor, take part in role-play and participate in a group exercise. Throughout the day candidates are assigned a shadow assessor who monitors, provides feedback and gives them a classification based upon the following categories: 1, pass with no training required; 2, candidate has to undertake training before becoming an approved candidate; 3, candidate must apply for a reassessment on completion of mandatory training; 4, candidate is not approved as assessors believe the candidate is not suitable for addition to the approved list; and P,

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candidate is not suitable to be approved at present but may have potential to become approved in the future (Becoming a PPC). Assessment days are run for four candidates at a time and are regionally based. A couple of interviewees mentioned that they had been the only women on their assessment days; this was felt to be both positive and negative: ‘I didn’t enjoy my assessment day as the three other candidates were all men who were loud and aggressive. They wouldn’t let me get a word in edgeways during the group section all busy shouting over each other’ (PPC), and ‘Well I was the only woman on my day, but I think that was a good thing it made me stand out’ (PPC). The group dynamics on assessment days are important and according to a senior party official every effort is taken to ensure that, where possible, assessment days are run for groups of two men and two women at a time. Furthermore they try to ensure gender balance amongst their assessors. A senior party official said there was no gender bias in terms of how candidates were graded, although some interviewees felt that the day had not been entirely fair: One assessor told me I had dressed too casually. Now I was told that it was smart casual but the interpretation for women is very difficult. We can go the wrong way and look too dowdy and masculine but on the other hand you don’t want to look overly casual. (PPC)

Whilst there were a few criticisms of the assessment day, the majority of interviewees felt the day had been ‘enjoyable’ or a ‘challenge’, indeed many felt that the day had been the fairest part of the whole process. Training Unless candidates are given a grade 1, applicants have to undertake training if they wish to become approved. Despite the fact that the majority of interviewees had not expressed concerns about the way in which the assessment day had been run, a couple sensed that they had been ‘brushed off ’ with training requirements that they felt to be unnecessary. Additionally, one PPC felt that her assessor had an interest in the seat for which she was planning on applying: The Scottish party are really small and there were a couple of men who I felt had an interest in the seat I was being encouraged to apply for. I got recommended for further training in policy, which was weird as that was my strongest area. The person I felt had an interest in the seat recommended that. (PPC)

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The above quotation highlights a problem regarding the perceived lack of objectivity of the assessors, something that was also raised by other interviewees. Overall, however, the majority of the interviewees felt that the approval process had been fair, although one senior party official observed that the process should be made more ‘rigorous’. Selection Once on the approved list, candidates can begin to apply for seats. According to the Liberal Democrat Parliamentary Candidates’ Association (PCA), ‘you will almost certainly be able to stand in a seat at the General Election’ (www.parliamentary.org.uk). Selection for seats is held by local ballot, which is open to all registered local party members. All seats are advertised in the party newspaper Lib Dem News, and also on the PCA’s website. To apply for a seat an application form must be completed and returned to the returning officer by the deadline. The application form for candidates contains four sections, covering: personal details; political experience; campaigning experience; and a plan for the constituency based upon the profile provided with the application form. The form asks for details of the applicant’s ‘non-political career’, but unlike the approval form there is no guidance to suggest what those who have not undertaken work outside of the home could discuss. The form is largely designed to explore political and campaigning experience, and applicants are asked to detail public speaking and media experience. The form is geared towards local issues, knowledge of the area and time commitment which, as discussed below, is considered to be a considerable constraint on both the supply and demand of women candidates. Following the deadline a long list is compiled and all candidates are interviewed. A shortlist is then drawn up and candidates have around two weeks to canvass local party members before the ballot (www. parliamentary.org.uk). The various rules and procedures regarding the conduct of candidates during the campaign for selection were considered to be strict. Indeed, many PPCs reported feeling ‘bewildered’, ‘confused’ and ‘unsure’ regarding what they were allowed to say and do. Moreover, many felt that the vast number of rules and regulations did not seem to apply to the selectors who determine the process, regardless of rules surrounding the correct selection procedures: I was the sole person to apply for this one seat so they tried to make me speak for 45 minutes and leave questions up to an hour, as oppose to 10 minutes which is the national rule for hustings. I said this was unfair as

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Gender and the Liberal Democrats it’s not my fault that no one else had applied – I refused to be the evening’s entertainment. (PPC)

Others of course had easier experiences of selections, with many noting the importance of doing a ‘test run’ selection to see how it all works. Whilst this appears to be a sensible strategy, many interviewees spent considerable energy and money campaigning in a number of seats, so this approach might prove harder for women with limited time and finances. Societal and institutional barriers One of the key constraints upon the supply of women candidates is motivation. As this analysis assesses the number of women who have already decided to try to stand for Parliament, other factors, which may affect both the supply and demand of women candidates, must be considered. Compounding specific societal barriers are institutional factors, and it is this interplay which this section considers through the exploration of five issues: time, money, ethnicity, the electoral system, and the emphasis on localism. It is crucial to consider specific institutional obstacles vis-à-vis the Liberal Democrats, because of their unique position within a predominantly two-party system. The extent to which their position as the third party is to blame for the low number of women MPs is debatable. Time Time is a vital resource necessary for political involvement.4 As a party with fewer economic resources, the Liberal Democrat’s campaigning technique, is based upon selling a strong local presence, known as ‘community’ or ‘pavement’ politics (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005, p. 67). Their modus operandi relies upon the willingness of activists to regularly canvass and deliver leaflets as the best way of ‘getting the message out’. Indeed, time commitment is a key part of the selection process, and is included in the PPC application form: ‘How much time will you commit to the constituency if selected (a) from the time of selection and (b) from the time the election is called?’ (Liberal Democrat application form for selection). Some interviewees identified the Liberal Democrats’ time-intensive form of campaigning as an additional barrier to women’s participation, with the prevailing expectation that PPCs should be involved in every

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aspect of campaigning: ‘The problem is cultural. As Lib Dems we have to work so hard, the culture is of hard work and it ends up excluding people, women will choose family not politics. We should change the way we work in order to accommodate women’ (PPC), and ‘The party should accept a more flexible way of campaigning – you can run a campaign differently, you should be able to do other things rather than trailing around all the time leafleting’ (MP). Recognition that this time-intensive campaigning technique is an obstacle for women, particularly those with young children, was widespread, as outlined by one PPC: We are victims of our own successful campaigning techniques. There should be a greater way of using electronic campaigning so you can do it from home. The party carps on about the importance of leaflets and presentee-ism and it needs to change. I do phone canvassing but people don’t know I’ve done it. If you have small children or people to care for, then it’s impossible. (PPC)

The time required for PPC ‘duties’ juxtaposed with caring responsibilities has meant some women have delayed standing for Parliament, something one MP identified with: ‘I promised my children I wouldn’t stand for parliament until they were both eighteen. By that time years had flashed by.’ This MP stressed that it was the time she would spend campaigning, and away from home if she was elected, that was the reason behind her decision not to stand until her children were over eighteen. The intersection between time-intensive campaigning activities and childcare was repeatedly cited as barriers for women seeking selection. Whilst some interviewees observed that this had delayed their decision to stand, others felt that selection panels were dubious about the amount of time they could dedicate should they be selected: ‘They asked me how I thought I would be able to fit it all in and I could tell they were sceptical’ (PPC), and ‘You have to work to their demands. They don’t work around you’ (PPC). These quotations indicate that some activists or selection panels perceive time to be a key resource which women are less likely to have, and as a result are therefore less likely to want to select women, particularly in winnable seats. As such it is clear that time affects both the supply and demand of women candidates. Money The gendered dimensions of poverty have been a core part of debates surrounding women’s participation in public life.5 Compounding this is

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the feminisation of poverty in the UK.6 Standing for Parliament is expensive, accepting that women are less likely to have a disposable income to spend on electioneering means money is a considerable constraint. Some PPCs identified the importance of financial resources and acknowledged they were lucky to be solvent or to be selected in a seat that had received extra support: ‘It does cost a lot to stand but luckily I am self-employed, others I know are not that lucky’ (PPC), and ‘For some women the money can be very prohibitive, although the party have been very supportive of me because my seat is designated a winnable seat’ (PPC). One PPC recounted how she felt she had not been selected for a seat precisely because she did not have independent financial resources to contribute: It was difficult being up against someone as wealthy as him. Of course he couldn’t go round offering money but the local party knew he was well financed and would be able to buy in an organiser, and get an office and all the direct mailings. I would have had to carry on working full time and so was limited in both time and money. (PPC)

Additionally, some survey respondents, women who are approved but not selected, identified money as a key reason why they weren’t seeking selection: ‘I simply cannot afford to run again. I have a good job now and don’t want to interrupt that’; ‘It’s very costly and takes a lot of time with very little gain. I’d rather just help out on someone else’s campaign.’ Several interviewees had given up jobs to be full-time PPCs, or had been forced to seek a part-time job that would fit around the role of PPC. Those that had given up jobs and careers were determined in their ambitions and saw being an MP as a realistic career choice: ‘I’m going all out to get the seat the first time round … It’s a brand new seat and this will be our best opportunity. Then after the election well I’ll be an MP’ (PPC). This example is illustrative of the pressure that many PPCs place upon themselves vis-à-vis getting elected. There are of course few guarantees when standing for election on behalf of the third party, and the overwhelming majority of PPCs are unlikely to win seats. Some interviewees recognised the importance of being financially secure. This was articulated by one PPC who felt her employment, salary, and flexibility helped facilitate her selection in one of the top winnable seats: Once I was selected for my seat I lodged with a couple and after the 2005 election I got a very well paid job to work part-time from home. I rented a

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flat, which became my office for three months, then the family all moved to the constituency. I refused to move the children out of school and in the end it all went through OK but we could not have done that if I wasn’t earning a really good salary. (PPC)

The above quotation emphasises the importance of the twin resources of time and money. Indeed, to this PPC’s mind, her candidacy for a winnable seat would not have been taken as seriously if she had not had the financial resources and the flexibility to move to the constituency. In many places the PPCs had made commitments to the selection panels and the local party that if selected, they would be a full-time candidate. This means that, all other things being equal, the chance of being selected, particularly in winnable seats, depends largely on your ability to be financially secure without the need to rely on full-time employment. A senior party official identified the vote share required to win a parliamentary seat as around 40 percent; this, he argued, required candidates with available financial resources: The Lib Dems have a lot less money in General Elections. It’s ten percent of what the other parties have to spend. Candidates need money in order to pay for leaflets or childcare or even for buying drinks after a delivery round. Women earn less and tend to be more family oriented whereas men will think more of their careers and their status so they’ll be able to put money into their leaflets etc. (Senior party official)

There are clearly gendered assumptions in the above quotation, indeed suppositions surrounding women’s prioritisations indicate romanticised notions of womanhood, juxtaposed with a belief that men are more likely to prioritise their careers. The problem of material resources is clearly a problem for the third party. The extent to which this is a gender-, rather than a broader class-based issue is difficult to ascertain without further research into the experiences of male candidates. Nonetheless, the feminisation of poverty coupled with the experiences of women in the party does indicate that women are less likely to be selected for seats that are not earmarked to receive targeted funds from the party. The perceived limitations of the diversity fund for seats that select women or ethnic minority candidates, has been noted. However, the continued ringfencing of funds for seats that select women is important to ensuring that women from all socio-economic backgrounds are selected to fight

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winnable seats. Whilst the party does have fewer material resources they have managed to fund a steady increase of MPs, though this increase has disproportionately benefited male candidates. Ethnicity Black and minority ethnic (BME) women are much more likely to face a double layer of discrimination, although previous research on the party has not been able to explore the experiences of women ethnic minority candidates (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). An area of concern for the party is how to increase the Liberal Democrat representation of nonwhite MPs. To date they have only managed to get one BME MP elected, Parmjit Singh Gill won the 2004 Leicester South by-election. He subsequently lost his seat at the 2005 general election. For this research, four BME PPCs were interviewed.7 One discussed how she felt she had experienced additional barriers to selection as a PPC: I thought I was a strong candidate. I mean, I’m local to [the seat] but because I was an Asian woman it offended some of the Asian males who thought I should be in the kitchen. It’s really shocking but there’s a real problem in the party and people don’t see it. They are trying to increase the number of ethnic minority candidates but these new people that have joined I don’t think they know what being a Liberal is, they are very antiwomen, anti-gay. (PPC)

The above quotation highlights a serious dilemma for the party. Following the 2010 general election the party still has no BME MPs, despite Nick Clegg repeatedly claiming that this is unacceptable. However, at least three interviewees raised fears regarding the party’s unwillingness to intervene in largely Asian communities when women fail to get selected. Despite the fact that at least two had complained to the federal party, there was no subsequent investigation. Clearly this is a sensitive area for the party, but it is one that interviewees felt must be addressed to ensure that women BME candidates are also selected. Another interviewee discussed how she perceived Cowley Street to be unsupportive of BME PPCs: ‘I sent an email to the Campaigns Department to see if I could go on a training weekend for BME target seats, but because my seat isn’t a target seat I wasn’t allowed to go. So I’m in a Catch-22 situation and felt that I had a very negative response’ (PPC). This is also problematic because despite the justification for providing extra training for those selected in target seats, no BME women

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have been selected for winnable or target seats, which means the extra training is directed solely at male BME PPCs. Electoral system Turning to the electoral system, the Liberal Democrats have long been committed to electoral reform, arguing that first past the post (FPTP) is biased against them. Indeed, at the 2010 general election the party won a 23 percent share of the vote but this resulted in less than 10 percent of the seats in the Commons. The party has repeatedly argued that a system of proportional representation would increase the number of women elected, a leitmotif throughout SDP, Alliance and Liberal Democrat party policy proposals. Under the current system, it is argued that parties are less willing to select women candidates because in a contest that rewards just one winner, parties believe they are safer with a male candidate. Additionally, one senior party official argued that FPTP is disproportionately unhelpful to women Liberal Democrat candidates: List systems and PR are the easiest way in which to make sure you have proper and fair gender balance – FPTP is very unhelpful to women LD candidates. If you get a safe Labour seat you can get in without time or money or virtually any campaigning, but for an LD there’s no safe seat, you need a lot of time and personal resources and it’s much harder for women. (Senior party official)

Despite widespread party endorsement of this view, through inclusion in party manifestos, none of the women PPCs, MPs or peers made the connection between the electoral system and achieving gender balance. This is perhaps an indication that women do not perceive the electoral system to be intertwined with women’s descriptive representation. Indeed, based upon analysis of women’s representation in Wales and Scotland, Harrison observes: ‘Simply changing the electoral system to one which incorporates party lists does not automatically ensure that more women will be elected’ (Harrison, 2006, p. 4). In short, and as stated above, there is a need for the party to place women candidates in target or winnable seats to increase the descriptive representation of women. To claim a lack of safe seats as the reason for the low number of women MPs is unconvincing, given that they have managed to secure the election of male MPs. However, this might merely signify unwillingness on the part of selection panels in more winnable seats to select

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women based upon pre-conceived notions regarding personal resources, political experience and ambition. Localism Finally, some interviewees identified localism as an additional barrier for women in the party, in line with findings from previous research (Lovenduski, 2005, p. 74). It is difficult to assess the impact of localism because of the varying definitions, for example one local party may only consider a candidate local if that person was born in the constituency, whilst others might consider someone local once they had lived in the constituency for say five years. On the surface, this may appear to be an issue that might benefit, rather than prohibit, women’s selection, as they might be more likely to have geographical restrictions on the seats they can apply for due to caring responsibilities. However, the interviewees perceived the emphasis on localism to be a distinct disadvantage, due to the ubiquitous presence of a favoured local son. For instance if two candidates go for a seat, one male and one female, both equally qualified and both local, then all other things being equal, the local party will be more likely to select the male candidate because he meets their default definition of an MP: ‘I think there’s a tendency, because of the way we do our selections, that armchair members will go for the candidate they know and for historical reasons that tends to be a local man’ (PPC). An MP who was convinced that localism and time gave male candidates a positive advantage also articulated this idea: Well when you think about being a PPC most people want to get selected for a winnable seat which I think is quite hard. As far as I can see the local favourite son gets selected as it’s they who have the time to go round seducing each member personally whereas a woman, if they have children, can’t do it. (MP)

This contention chimes with Russell and Fieldhouse’s research which notes that local candidate seems to equal local man (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005, p. 50). One MP neatly summed this up: ‘If you ask people to close their eyes and describe politicians then they’re always men in suits.’ Conversely, during discussions concerning positive discrimination, the idea of the ‘favoured son’ became problematic in a different way. Several interviewees argued it would be ‘unfair’ to force a local party to choose a female instead of a local male candidate, as one PPC articulated: ‘I think it [AWS] risks being too prescriptive and unfair

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because there might be a local man who might be very good’. This suggests a more complex set of attitudes towards the relationship between localism, gender and selection, with women unwilling to argue for quotas because they would be ‘unfair’ to local men. Having explored the specific institutional aspects compounding identified societal barriers it is clear that a number of different factors are at work. Despite the difficulty facing the party in getting their candidates elected, systemic factors have little impact upon the election of women MPs and other parties have managed to secure the election of women MPs under the FPTP electoral system (Childs, 2008a). Moreover, to cite lack of resources, safe seats and the electoral system as reasons for the low number of women MPs is unconvincing, given that the party managed to fund and secure the election of fifty male MPs at the last election. Supply A common theme emerged from the interviews that the low number of women MPs was due to supply rather than demand-side factors. In order to test this, two sets of data are explored: approval and selection figures; and selections for winnable and target seats. As with previous research, many interviewees were convinced that their party had a problem with supply and not demand (Childs, 2004, p. 37). In some cases this belief ran contra to their own experiences of direct or imputed discrimination. Some rationalised their experiences as isolated incidents, this again chimes with the findings from research on the Labour Party (Childs, 2004, p. 38). When asked why they thought the Liberal Democrats had so few women MPs, some interviewees explicitly engaged with supply-side discourse, unprompted: ‘I think there is a supply problem, for the reasons that women hold themselves back juggling family and childcare’ (Peer), Table 4.1 Frequency distribution of interviewees’ supply or demand explanations Supply?

Yes No Total

Frequency

43 23 66

Source: elite interviews with women in the party; n = 66.

Percentage 65.1 34.9 100.0

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and ‘It’s all about bringing a greater supply of people through, about overcoming barriers and allowing women to compete on a level playing field with men’ (PPC). These quotations highlight the typical supplyside factors often raised by the interviewees, namely childcare and wider societal barriers. The predominance of supply-side explanations may in part be due to the traditional emphasis placed upon encouraging more women to seek approval by the CGB. Approval and selection data8 Looking at the approval and selection data by sex will help shed light on whether the party does have a good supply of potential women candidates. The data in Table 4.2 clearly highlight that the party has more male PPCs, approved candidates and MPs. However, women form a much higher percentage of the approved list than might be anticipated given the emphasis on supply. What is evident is that whilst women make up 30 percent of approved candidates, their proportion drops off dramatically higher up the political recruitment ladder, a persistent feature of women’s presence in political elites (Randall, 1982, p. 75). Because of the party’s attachment to localism, or in some areas regionalism, it is important to analyse the figures by region, as many women perceived a difficulty in being selected to fight seats outside of their own region. The data in Table 4.3 underscore and justify calls for the party to focus on supply in certain areas; for example, the low levels of women on the approved list in the North East highlights a particular paucity of approved women. Given the emphasis on localism, this suggests in turn that the party suffers from supply-side problems in some regions. Just over half of women on the approved list claimed to be either looking for a seat or thinking about looking for a seat to fight at the 2010 election. Whilst the form only had ‘yes’ or ‘no’ options, thirty-seven Table 4.2 Breakdown of MPs, PPCs and approved candidates by sex Sex Male Female Total

MPs No.

50 7 57

PPCs %

87.7 12.3 –

No.

491 134 631

%

77.7 21.3 –

Approved candidates No. %

652 262 914*

71.3 30.7 –

Sources: Liberal Democrat website (www.libdems.org.uk) and the approved lists for England, Scotland and Wales.

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Supply and demand Table 4.3 Regional breakdown of the approved list by sex9 Region

East of England East Midlands London North East North West Scotland South East South West Wales West Midlands Yorks and Humber Total

Total approved

83 46 149 34 104 58 169 108 29 62 72 914

Male (%)

Female (%)

64 (77) 35 (76) 118 (79) 29 (85) 78 (76) 33 (57) 114 (67) 70 (65) 17 (59) 45 (73) 49 (68) 652 (69)

19 (23) 11 (24) 31 (21) 5 (15) 26 (24) 25 (43) 55 (33) 38 (35) 12 (41) 17 (27) 23 (32) 262 (31)

Source: Liberal Democrat approved list; n = 853.

Table 4.4 Frequency distribution to the question ‘Are you looking for a seat?’ Looking for a seat?

Yes Yes, but not actively looking No Total

Frequency 33 37 66 136

Source: women on the approved list; n = 136.

Percentage (%) 24 28 48 100

respondents had written on the questionnaire that they would probably stand but were not actively looking for seats; this was based loosely upon three key reasons: some had been unsuccessful in their selection attempts so far and were waiting for a while before applying for further seats; others said they were waiting for specific seats to advertise which they thought they might apply for; and others said they would probably stand at the election but wouldn’t look for a seat until nearer the date of the election. That sixty-six approved women were not looking for a seat is problematic for the party, and does to a certain extent lend support to those who stress supply-side problems. What it signifies is that there is a smaller pool of women putting themselves forward than the overall number on the approved list might suggest. Of course even if all approved women stood, this would make little impact upon the number

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of women MPs unless they were selected for winnable seats, although fielding a respectable number of women candidates is also important. The CGB places emphasis on increasing the number of women on the approved list, rather than encouraging those women already on the list to apply for seats. This reinforces the intricate interplay between supply and demand factors. The party does have a relatively good pool of potential women candidates, but sixty-six approved women claim that they are not looking for seats, thereby suggesting a group of women who might benefit from extra encouragement. The widespread acceptance of supply-side arguments ensured that some interviewees felt quotas would be unworkable due to insufficient numbers of women on the approved list. Looking at the data in Table 4.3, it is easy to note that with only five women on the approved list in the North East region, to impose an AWS there would be problematic, given the importance accorded to selecting a local candidate. Conversely, the data also identify areas of the country that are, relatively speaking, Liberal Democrat strongholds, in which mechanisms such as twinning or shortlists could be adopted, for example in the South West or Scotland. The data indicate the relatively high percentage of women on the approved list in these regions, meaning there would be sufficient competition amongst women to justify the use of equality guarantees. Additionally, women living and working in the South East or London are much more likely to be able to stand in either region, thereby increasing the number of potential women applicants. This also counters the problem of localism, as candidates could lay claim to seats in which they work even if they live outside of the region. Analysing the regional breakdown of the approval figures alongside the number of potential seats, Table 4.5 shows a marked increase in the percentage of women on the approved list in relation to the number of seats available. There are enough women, assuming that all wanted to stand, to field women candidates in nearly 42 percent of seats. Indeed, there are only two regions that do not have sufficient numbers of women to field women candidates in at least 30 percent of all seats. These numbers could go some way towards legitimising the introduction of equality guarantees in many regions, in order to ensure women are selected for winnable seats. At the 2010 general election the party fielded 134 women candidates (including MPs who were seeking re-election) – 21 percent of the total. As the data in Table 4.6 illustrate, there was an amount of regional variation in the number of women candidates, with the highest percentage of women candidates fielded in the East of England and the lowest in the

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Supply and demand Table 4.5 Regional breakdown of the numbers of seats available and women approved Region

Number of seats

East of England East Midlands London North East North West Scotland South East South West Wales West Midlands Yorks and Humber Total

40 46 73 29 75 59 101* 55 40 59 54 631

Number of women 19 11 31 5 26 25 55 38 12 17 23 262

Women as a % of seats 47.5 23.9 42.4 17.2 34.6 42.3 54.4 69.0 30.0 28.8 42.5 41.5

*This excludes the Speaker’s seat of Buckingham, which neither Labour nor the Liberal Democrats contested. Sources: Boundary Commission and approved list.

Table 4.6 Candidates fielded in the 2010 election by sex and region Region

East of England East Midlands London North East North West Scotland South East South West Wales West Midlands Yorks and Humber Total

Seats 40 46 73 29 75 59 101* 55 40 59 54 631

Women (%) 15 (37.5) 7 (15.2) 20 (27.4) 4 (13.8) 10 (13.3) 11 (18.6) 23 (22.7) 15 (27.3) 9 (22.5) 12 (20.3) 8 (14.8) 134 (21.2)

Source: Liberal Democrat website (www.libdems.org.uk).

Men (%)

33 (62.5) 38 (84.8) 53 (72.6) 25 (86.2) 65 (86.7) 47 (81.4) 73 (77.3) 40 (72.7) 32 (77.5) 42 (79.7) 43 (85.2) 491 (78.8)

North West, where the percentage of women selected was far lower than the number of women on the approved list in the region (13.3 percent, as against 36.4 percent). Both Labour and the Conservatives have increased their number of women candidates election on election. However the number of women

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Table 4.7 Women candidates fielded by the three main parties 1992–2010 Election

1992 1997 2001 2005 2010

Conservative

63 69 92 118 161

Source: updated from Childs et al., 2005, p. 26.

Labour

138 157 146 166 191

Lib Dem

143 140 135 142 134

Liberal Democrat candidates seems to have reached a plateau over the past five elections. Despite the important need for the party to increase the number of approved women, candidate selection is the real issue. Selections for winnable and target seats A commitment to selecting women in winnable seats is vital, indeed some approved women cited their inability to get selected for a winnable or target seats as their key reason for not seeking selection: ‘What’s the point of fighting a black hole seat? I’ll only stand when I get selected for a winnable seat’; and ‘I don’t have the energy to fight another hopeless seat’. The individual seat and its positioning by the national campaigns department is vital when it comes to identifying target seats. One MP discussed the way in which she felt the party had skewed the percentages of women selected for winnable seats, by making seats that selected women into target seats, even though there was no hope of winning them: ‘They made seats that selected women target seats. When you use that to skew the statistics it is a problem because a lot of the seats that were made target seats we weren’t ever going to win in 2001 and it made it look less bad than it actually was.’ This in itself is problematic. Whilst it could be argued that this demonstrates that the party is taking the issue seriously, by rewarding local parties who select women with target seat status, it is also unrealistic. For the third party to identify target seats retrospectively, depending on the sex of the candidate, fails to take account of the local context, local party activity and the fact that the party has fewer safe seats that it can afford to take a chance on. By adopting AWS the party could legitimately use equality guarantees to ensure that women are selected for real target seats. The secrecy surrounding the identification of target seats is difficult, particularly for those seeking progress and clarity with regards the selection of women in genuinely winnable seats. It is recognised

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as a problem both by senior party officials and those working towards improving women’s descriptive representation within the Parliamentary party. As outlined in Chapter 1, for the purposes of this research seats have been classified as winnable if they have a swing to win of 5 percent or less and target if they have a swing to win of 7.5 percent or less. Seats that the party could realistically have expected to win at the 2010 general election included the seven held seats and thirty-one winnable seats. Combining these, women made up 37 percent. Whilst this may have appeared sufficient, the existing gendered disparity amongst their representatives meant that too few women were selected in the top seats to increase the number of women MPs. The selection of women in four out of seven seats where the incumbent MPs were standing down does demonstrate a commitment to securing the election of more women MPs. However, none of the women selected for held seats were returned; indeed the party only held two of its seats where the MPs were retiring. Despite selecting over a third of women in winnable and remaining seats, they did not selected a sufficient number of women to ensure gender balance in their parliamentary party. A brief glance at the data in Table 4.9 highlights that going into the 2010 general election, women Liberal Democrat MPs represented some very marginal seats. All of the women MPs stood for re-election in 2010, although significant boundary changes meant that Solihull and Brent East changed their profile considerably – the former was already one of the most marginal seats in the country, whilst the latter was abolished, which meant Sarah Teather MP would have to face Dawn Butler MP for election in the newly created Brent Central, a nominal safe Labour seat. Three of the Liberal Democrat women MPs lost their seats at the 2010 general election, with only one new woman elected, Tessa Munt Table 4.8 Women in winnable and target seats at the 2010 general election Seat type

Seats

Winnable* 31 Target (5–7.5% swing to win) 25 Held seat where MP stood down 7 Total 63

Women PPCs

10 6 4 20

% women

32.2 24.0 57.1 32.2

*Excludes held seats Solihull and Somerton and Frome, which in the run-up to 2010 were notionally classed as Conservative due to boundary changes. Source: Liberal Democrat website (www.libdems.org.uk).

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Table 4.9 2005 Liberal Democrat women MPs and their seats MP

Annette Brooke Lorely Burt Lynne Featherstone Sandra Gidley Julia Goldsworthy Susan Kramer Jo Swinson Sarah Teather Jenny Willott

Seat

Mid Dorset and Poole North Solihull Hornsey and Wood Green Romsey Falmouth and Camborne Richmond Park East Dunbartonshire Brent East Cardiff Central

Source: Liberal Democrat website (www.libdems.org.uk).

Elected

2001 2005 2005 2000 2005 2005 2005 2003 2005

Majority (%)

12 1 5 1 5 7 9 9 15

Table 4.10 2010 Liberal Democrat women MPs and their seats MP

Annette Brooke Lorely Burt Lynne Featherstone Tessa Munt Jo Swinson Sarah Teather Jenny Willott

Seat

Mid Dorset and Poole North Solihull Hornsey and Wood Green Wells East Dunbartonshire Brent Central Cardiff Centrall

Source: Liberal Democrat website (www.libdems.org.uk).

Elected

2001 2005 2005 2010 2005 2003 2005

Majority (%)

0.6 0.3 12.5 1.5 4.6 3.0 12.6

in Wells. The three lost seats had had very small majorities and were all lost to Conservatives. Demand Turning to the question of demand, the following section questions whether or not covert or overt sexism within the party is perceived to influence the selection of women candidates. As such, it explores four themes: direct, indirect and imputed discrimination; the culture of local parties; male stereotypes; and the lack of diversity amongst women selected. It is of course difficult to obtain convincing proof of discrimination, and the research was designed to take account of women’s differing experiences of the party, in order to avoid over-inflating claims based upon the isolated experiences of one or two individuals.

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Acknowledging that perceptions of discrimination do not constitute proof is key, as Norris and Lovenduski observe the beliefs could be ‘erroneous, or a rationalisation of failure’ (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995, p. 130). Direct, indirect and imputed discrimination Discrimination against women seeking selection can typically be categorised as being either direct, indirect or imputed discrimination: direct discrimination is where negative and stereotypical judgements are made about a candidate because of their sex; indirect discrimination occurs when the selectorate discriminate against a candidate because they do not possess the characteristics or experience associated with being an MP, which have historically favoured men and male traits; and imputed discrimination is where the selectorate believe that the electorate will not vote for a woman candidate (Childs et al., 2005; Childs, 2008a; Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). Some interviewees objected to the idea that sexism was involved in any level of the party; this was particularly true of the younger women MPs and PPCs, despite contrary previous research (Shepherd-Robinson and Lovenduski, 2002). However, at least eighteen PPCs and five MPs gave examples of what they perceived to be sexist discrimination from local party members during their selection processes (twenty-three in total). Evidence for these forms of discrimination is discussed below. Direct discrimination Out of all the interviews, only a few women (four) could be classified as having experienced direct discrimination, including direct comments during selection processes, to more serious allegations of bullying and sexual harassment.10 One interviewee was told during her selection process: ‘I’m not voting for you, you’re a bloody woman’, which is a clear example of this form of discrimination. Another interviewee recalled several instances of inappropriate questioning during selection meetings: ‘There were weird questions asked, someone said to me, “What about the way you look, do you think that could be a selling point?” I was horrified. Then there was sniggering. No one said anything. I was really shocked at that kind of questioning.’ Yet another interviewee expressed her upset at some of the comments that were directed at her and other women during the selection process: I heard sexism, racism and homophobia – they weren’t Liberals at all. They used to direct sexually suggestive questions to me during the entire

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Gender and the Liberal Democrats selection process for this one seat. I just tried to ignore it but I didn’t get selected. I don’t think they took me seriously at all and whilst we have people like that in the party involved with selections, women will not get a fair chance. (PPC)

Whilst at least four women had recounted incidents that could be classed as direct discrimination, the majority of interviewees did not highlight examples of this form of discrimination. Indirect discrimination Of the twenty-three interviewees who perceived themselves to have been discriminated against, the majority (fourteen) had suffered from indirect discrimination. This form of discrimination manifested itself largely through the types of questions that women were asked during the hustings meeting or during the selection campaign: Now I know they’re supposed to ask us all the same questions, but when it came to my turn they just wouldn’t stop asking about the children and what I’d do for childcare. I did explain that I had a husband and supportive family but they thought that an MP certainly should not have young children as it wasn’t fair to them. (PPC) There were quite a few questions throughout the campaign about my ability to take on the incumbent male MP, who is one of those oldfashioned, aggressive types. Now I thought people would see me as a breath of fresh air but no they didn’t think, as a woman, I was up to the job. (PPC)

The issue of childcare was raised frequently; some felt they were in a ‘Catch-22’ situation: either they went for it and got criticised for being a ‘neglectful’ or ‘bad’ parent, or they accepted that they wouldn’t be able to stand until their children were older. The latter of which was felt to reinforce the idea that women with young children could not, or should not, stand for Parliament. One interviewee was continually asked about family commitments and breastfeeding during one selection process: ‘I was asked if I was breastfeeding and if so why my baby wasn’t there at the meetings. I was damned if I did bring her and damned if I didn’t.’ The spectre of the incumbent male MP was also routinely raised with the women candidates, with many interviewees identifying this as a reason why they felt they had not been selected for certain seats. This was best articulated by one PPC: ‘It was obvious they wanted a man. They thought only a man could take on … and I didn’t fit their idea of an

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MP.’ Compounding this was the perceived feeling from some local parties that certain women weren’t ‘tough’ or ‘hard-nosed’ enough to fight election campaigns: When they were talking about the role of the PPC they would always slip into talking about the PPC as a man, for instance once they said ‘Well he has to be ready for a fight whoever we select’ so I said ‘Excuse me, he?’ and they just sort of shrugged it off, but you knew that they wanted a man, which they got. (PPC)

Experiences of indirect discrimination were far more prevalent amongst the interviewees than of direct discrimination. This is possibly as a result of the emphasis placed on holding ‘fair’ selections by the party at a federal level, which largely eliminated any overt discriminatory behaviour, but it did not eliminate covert discrimination, which could be re-packaged as being merely ‘politic’. Imputed discrimination In terms of imputed discrimination, five women reported that the selectors had openly discussed fears that the electorate would be less likely to vote for them because of their gender, which in some instances was compounded by age and family status: ‘There were two of us who went for [the seat] it was very close and there was definitely an element that they wanted a man and thought that the constituency would prefer a man, so they selected a man’ (PPC), and ‘The odd person asked me what I would do if I had children but on the whole it was felt to be more of a problem for the electorate rather than the selection panel’ (MP). The idea of the electorate not wanting to vote for women was dismissed by a senior party official, who discussed American research that had shown an increased voter turn-out amongst young women where women are selected. It is clear that this is a view held by some at the centre of the party, but the extent to which the benefits of selecting women are disseminated though the party is unclear. In discussing the existence of such discrimination, one senior party official conceded that some local parties would rather select poor male candidates rather than women: In one of our top 2001 target seats a bloke was chosen who could not string two words together and a woman who was quite articulate lost by three votes. Now I know that is very small margin but I know that margin was made up of people who simply will not vote for a woman. (Senior party official)

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One MP summed up her response to the party’s commitment to addressing the problem: ‘Don’t think we have a party that supports women – we don’t. I’ve seen people on platforms saying how they support women – untrue.’ When asked about sexism within the party, senior Cowley Street officials recognised it as a problem and were aware that there were ‘unreconstructed’ parts of the party. However, what was clear was that from this, albeit small, sample of women there were more than isolated examples of women suffering from sexism at a local level. ‘Unreconstructed’ parts of the party It would be unfair to argue that the party is unwilling to select women candidates, and the selection of women for four out of seven incumbency seats for the 2010 election is noteworthy. Nevertheless, according to senior party officials, elite intervention in selection processes is often necessary to help with the selection of women candidates. This could suggest a disconnection between the aims and objectives of the central party in getting more women elected and the wishes of activists in the local parties. One PPC, not selected for a winnable seat, highlighted the gendered bias within local voting processes, ‘the average member is not stereotypical of the public, their default position is always to vote for a white middle-class male’. Another PPC discussed the problem of older men dominating local parties and the creation of power relationships: ‘there was an unequal relationship in terms of power. They were going to make me prove myself, they relished the fact they had access to me and I had to agree to everything they asked of me.’ It was acknowledged by nearly all interviewees that local parties were not representative of Liberal Democrat voters. Moreover, they were seen as distinctly unwelcoming towards new women members, holding traditional and old-fashioned views with regards who should be an MP. This resulted in tension between women who sought to be candidates and local party chairs, whom many identified as being discriminatory: I wanted to go for my local seat but there were difficulties with particular individuals, I knew they would make it very unpleasant for me to be the PPC for that seat. The problems with my local party stemmed from problems with the male local party chair and it was definitely to do with my gender. (PPC)

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The local party in 1992 had to select me as I was the only candidate for the seat, but the local party chair was really unhelpful. I was at loggerheads with a guy who wasn’t much older than me and he just blocked everything I wanted to do. After the election I left the local party, the same chair is still there offending members, he just doesn’t like women. (PPC)

These sentiments reflected many of the experiences that the interviewees discussed in relation to local parties. Many found themselves in a Catch-22 situation of not being able to stand for their local seat, and then being considered an ‘outsider’ candidate when they applied for other seats. However, women standing in London seats experienced this less, partly due to the increased attachment to the region, through collaborative citywide campaigning, and partly because of the transient nature of life in the capital. It was acknowledged by a number of women that the party’s emphasis on localism was adding to the discrimination faced by women trying to get selected; as one peer noted: ‘It’s hard for women to establish themselves, so we’ve made a rod for our own back with the local candidate stuff.’ This re-emphasises the intersection between gender, localism and the local favoured son. The Liberal Democrats self-consciously promote themselves as the local party and, where possible, play heavily upon the local credentials of candidates (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005). Whilst this may have worked for the party in the past, some interviewees questioned whether or not this emphasis on the local candidate is actually providing an additional barrier in terms of women’s selections, as articulated by one PPC: ‘There’s so much you have to try and do to get selected and then they add on all the local stuff. It really should not matter if you have not lived in a place for the last 20 years, if you’re prepared to move there and work hard.’ Local parties fiercely guard their autonomy and are loathe to cede power to Cowley Street (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005). However, it was clear from the interviews undertaken for this research that the culture of local parties was in some instances perceived to be far from welcoming. Indeed, many admitted that it was only due to their persistence that they finally became ‘accepted’ by local parties. Of course, a ‘hostile’ or ‘unwelcoming’ atmosphere in a local party clearly has implications for both the supply and demand of women candidates. Male stereotypes A recurrent theme amongst the PPCs was that candidates were expected to conform to certain male stereotypes. The naturalisation of

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a masculine culture within the party was acknowledged by many of the interviewees, some of whom openly accepted the normalised male values underpinning the desired experience and characteristics necessary to be a politician. Many cited their experience within the traditionally masculine worlds of law or business as ‘qualification’ for standing, as one PPC emphasised: ‘I’ve been in the male-dominated world of banking, so I know how to cut it.’ This theme was neatly summed up by another PPC who made the link between the ways in which men work and her ability to adopt a masculinised style of work: ‘I’m used to working just like the men, so I know I can do it.’ Moreover, there was a recognition that the party seemed to be looking for ‘ballsy women’, as one PPC described it. The connection between successful female MPs in the party and a masculine style of behaviour is significant, particularly within the context of academic debates surrounding a feminised style of politics (Childs, 2004; Lovenduski, 2005). Whilst some PPCs were happy to demonstrate that they were comfortable adopting a masculine style, they were hostile to the suggestion that women would essentially ‘do politics’ in a different way to men. This is paradoxical: on the one hand they argue that women do not do politics differently to men, whilst simultaneously prizing their ability to ‘work like men’, thereby recognising that in order to be successful a different, masculine, style must be adopted. Some even suggested that they actively tried to cultivate an image commonly associated with young aggressive male politicians in order to get selected: I have to say being at the Bar is greatly useful for being a PPC, it gets you used to being in a highly competitive male chauvinist environment, it’s a great training ground for being a PPC … I was trying to play on being a barrister – it’s very male, all the associations with the Bar, it’s very combative and it’s quite useful to have that. (PPC)

The idea of women PPCs cultivating a masculine image is problematic and was recognised by senior party officials as an issue: What some women PPCs try to do is to play the men’s game and try to be as aggressive and backbiting as they think the men are, and they think that that’s the way to succeed, but I think more of the women who are more collaborative and I think that’s a real strength. (Senior party official)

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There is here a perception that women essentially do politics in a different, feminised way, which some perceive to be an electoral strength rather than a disadvantage. Conversely, some PPCs believed that in order to be successful, they have to be like men. The degree to which either perspective is accepted and promoted throughout the party is unclear, as the responses of the interviewees were mixed. Diversity of PPCs Liberal Democrat women MPs tend to be either young with no dependants, or older with grown-up children; as such, the party has no experience of electing a female candidate with small children to Parliament. Many interviewees suspected that this has led local parties to be wary about selecting women with young children. One interviewee felt pressured to cut short her maternity leave because of demands from the local party. She highlighted the vulnerable position of the candidate, with no legal protection or formal job description: After I’d had the baby I think there was some murmuring about my ability to carry on as PPC. After my baby was born she was very seriously ill and I wanted to take six months off but there were branch meetings to go to and people kept ringing up asking where I was – in the end I only took six weeks off because I was scared at how they would react to my not being around so much. (PPC)

The pressure placed upon PPCs by local parties was a common theme amongst the interviewees. Many felt frustrated by the inflexible attitudes of local activists, who relied upon traditional campaigning techniques which were thought to be incompatible for women with caring responsibilities.11 When questioned about this, a senior party official observed that whilst things are being dealt with on an individual basis, there had been no attempt to devise a cohesive strategy to support women candidates throughout pregnancy or with young children. Looking in closer detail at the women selected for winnable seats ahead of the 2010 general election, there was a notable lack of diversity: all white; all but one are graduates; only one works full-time; and only one PPC has a child under the age of sixteen. To a certain extent, this supports the idea that time and money are key resources for candidates, illustrated by the fact that the majority of women selected for winnable seats are able to work in a more flexible way. Whilst being selfemployed does not mean that people work less, they are their own

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bosses and so can determine the amount of time and money they want to devote to campaigning for themselves. The failure to select BME women PPCs for any winnable seats is particularly worrying. The interviews with women BME PPCs revealed that they are putting themselves forward for winnable seats, but are not being selected. Conclusion This chapter has highlighted a number of key findings. Exploring the intersection between societal and institutional barriers has revealed that systemic factors have little impact upon the election of women MPs. Rather, as previous research has argued, it is the role of political parties to ensure that they field women in a sufficient number of winnable seats (Childs et al., 2005; Childs, 2008a; Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). Moreover, the research has highlighted the need for the party to address the intersection between gender and ethnicity in the selection of more diverse candidates. Analysis of the approved list has revealed a relatively good supply of women from which to select. Furthermore, experiences of discrimination indicate problems with demand from local parties, which are not being addressed at a federal level. In order for cultural change to be effected it is clear that the party needs to adopt a more interventionist approach in order to improve women’s descriptive representation. The Liberal Democrats are getting women elected at a Westminster level, but progress is clearly slow, and some of their gains have been described as lucky wins rather than the result of a serious election strategy (Campbell and Lovenduski, 2005). Moreover, it is unfortunate, as Russell and Fieldhouse note, that the party’s electoral gains overall have succeeded in making the party look more like a ‘middle-aged, middleclass, male party’ (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005, p. 50). Whilst the data show that the party has regional problems with aspects of supply, notably in the North East, the figures support previous research that the Liberal Democrats suffer disproportionately from demand-side rather than supply-side problems. In line with the findings from the previous chapter, the selection data triangulated with the qualitative research highlight that the party has some way to go to dramatically increase the number of women MPs. Having discussed examples of demand-side problems it is clear that there were several instances where women felt that they had been discriminated against. The cultural bias against women can be evidenced in a number of ways: the privileging of male traits which women PPCs

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seek to demonstrate; the hostile and unwelcoming local parties dominated by male activists; and the unspoken desire to select male rather than female candidates. Over half of the PPCs claimed to have experienced discrimination, and there was some scepticism about the party’s willingness to tackle the issue. Moreover, their failure to select a diverse range of women for winnable and target seats is particularly problematic. Notes 1 An earlier version of this chapter was published in Evans, E. (2008) ‘Supply and Demand: Women Candidates and the Liberal Democrats’ British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 4 (10): 590–606. This chapter analyses the final selection data for the 2010 general election; no PPC selected after November 2008 was interviewed for this research. 2 Senior party officials highlighted that the approval process is systematically reviewed and updated after each general election. In July 2008 a new approval process was introduced. This was changed following an evaluation of the process undertaken by Professor Jo Silvester, who devised a new competency framework. Previously Silvester had also undertaken similar work for the Conservative Party. 3 No data were available regarding the number of women who had been sent the form but had not returned it. Moreover, not all applicants submit the forms straight away, indeed the interviews revealed that many had a gap of anywhere between six months and two years between receiving the application form and submission. 4 For further details on time as a gendered constraint see Ruth Lister’s work on citizenship (Lister, 1997). She explores the idea of time poverty and notes women are not only disadvantaged by time constraints, but men gain a positive advantage over women as a result. 5 The impact of women’s lack of financial resources on their ability to participate in political life has been discussed at great length (see for example Bryson, 1999; Rowbotham et al., 1979). 6 This is emphasised by the continued gender pay gap; the caring burden disproportionately placed on women; and by the stark statistic that more than 20 percent of women exist on a persistently low income (www. fawcettsociety.org.uk). 7 The party selected 11 BME women out of the eventual 140 women candidates fielded (7.8 percent). 8 Approval data are correct as of March 2007, and selection data refer to the final numbers of candidates fielded by the party at the 2010 general election.

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9 Figures for Scotland and Wales are not regionalised, primarily because there are so few on the list. 10 One interviewee discussed a particularly sensitive case of sexual harassment, which she asked the interviewer not to include details of in the final analysis. 11 A paper has been submitted to the Federal Executive highlighting the specific difficulties facing women PPCs and councillors with children.

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Women’s substantive representation: ‘for women’ but not by women

The substantive representation of women refers to the representation of women’s interests. This chapter considers how and in what ways the party substantively represents women. Whilst previous research has highlighted the importance of looking at who acts, or claims to act, for women, this analysis of the Liberal Democrats also provides a useful case study for exploring the substantive representation of women by men. From a normative feminist perspective, the Liberal Democrats’ substantive representation of women raises some difficult questions. Namely, if the evidence shows that despite having a persistently low number of women MPs the Liberal Democrats are substantively representing women, what impact might this have upon the party’s response to the issue of women’s descriptive representation? In addition to arguments for justice, calls for greater numbers of women parliamentarians can also be made on the basis of claims that women MPs act on behalf of women (Phillips, 1995). This notion of MPs acting on behalf of women develops Pitkin’s work on the role of the representative, questioning whether the relationship between the representative and the represented is determined by shared social characteristics, such as gender inter alia, which subsequently influence the elected representative’s behaviour (Childs et al., 2005; Pitkin, 1967). Work on the substantive representation of women by women now forms a significant proportion of the research generated by gender and politics scholars (Childs, 2001, 2004, 2008a; Childs et al., 2005; Mackay, 2006; Sawer et al. 2006). However, how to define women’s interests, and what constitutes ‘acting on behalf of women’, remain problematic questions for gender and politics scholars. A key preoccupation within research concerned with the substantive representation of women is what constitutes women’s issues or concerns (Campbell, 2006; Chappell and Hill, 2006; Sapiro, 1981; Vickers, 2006). Lovenduski notes that women’s issues or concerns are broadly

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defined as those which have a particular impact upon women; these can largely be categorised as being either social or biological (Lovenduski, 1997). Work on the substantive representation of women’s issues or concerns tends to include the following policy areas: abortion, childcare, constitutional equality guarantees, divorce, domestic violence, equal pay, family issues, parental leave, pensions, rape, reproductive rights, women as carers, women’s health and work/life balance (Childs et al., 2005). Clearly there are some problems in classifying the above policy areas solely as ‘women’s issues’; arguably recent debates over parental leave have been dominated by an increased attention towards the role of the father and the division of maternity leave. However, the above issues do tend to affect women disproportionately. It is also important to distinguish between women’s issues and feminist women’s issues, and to acknowledge the danger of conflating acting for women and acting for women based upon a feminist agenda (Childs et al., 2005). As Childs observes, those working on the links between the descriptive and substantive representation of women are likely to be looking for the feminist substantive representation of women with the key goals of improving women’s economic, social and political position (Childs, 2007). Attitudes to substantive representation The research explores attitudes to two broad areas: the substantive impact that women representatives have in terms of women’s interests; and the substantive impact women have on the style of politics. Women’s interests The overwhelming majority of interviewees and women on the approved list agree that it is important to have more women representatives, with many citing the impact more women MPs would have in terms of representing women’s interests. The majority of interviewees, as Table 5.1 shows, thought that women MPs did act on behalf of other women and as such they were happy making links between women’s descriptive and substantive presence: ‘Yes I think women MPs would be more likely to act on behalf of other women, in terms of raising specific issues that affect women’ (PPC), and ‘I suppose that women would be more likely to take an interest in women’s issues, yes’ (PPC). Interviews undertaken with female peers revealed similar attitudes towards the link between women’s presence and the representation of women’s interests in the

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Table 5.1 Frequency distribution of interviewees’ responses to ‘Do you think that women MPs act on behalf of women?’ Women MPs acting on behalf of women? Yes No Total

Frequency 46 20 66

Source: elite interviews with women in the party; n = 66.

Percentage

69.6 30.4 100.0

second chamber. Given that the ‘other place’ in Westminster affords a more relaxed and less partisan nature, many peers are free to pursue areas of specific interest without having to consider the electoral cycle (Eason, 2007): ‘in general policy terms yes I do think that some of my colleagues and I will go out of our way to pick up women’s issues.’ Other female peers added that women would be more likely to ‘look out’ for the ‘women’s angle’. This is important because, as research has demonstrated, the Liberal Democrats have a great deal of influence as decisionmakers in the Lords (Russell and Sciara, 2008). Furthermore, women Liberal Democrat peers have, at times, taken a leading role in defending the time limit available for abortion (Childs and Webb, 2009). When pushed for specific examples of the ways in which they thought women MPs might seek to act on behalf of women, issues connected to children and childcare were frequently suggested: In terms of priorities childcare has never been given much priority. If half the house were women we would know that it’s an important part of daily life it’s not an add-on luxury. Women have to be important contributors to the daily debate about the way things are run. (MP) As a female candidate I can represent people, women in particular, because I know what the issues are, you know I have to think about things like whether MMR is the right thing to do and about schools and healthcare choices. These are all things I’ve had to address and so I understand at first hand all the choices facing them. (PPC)

Linking women’s descriptive and substantive representation in this way relies upon two points: firstly, that women would be more likely to ensure the issues received Parliamentary attention, and that women would better understand these issues. These two presumptions are of course fraught with difficulty. The first presupposes that a sufficient

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number of women, ‘half the house’, would be sufficiently motivated and able to ensure the issue received parliamentary attention. The second presupposes that women instinctively understand the needs of women based upon their own experiences; logically, though, this must depend not only upon the presence of women, but upon the presence of women with children. Whilst the majority of interviewees were comfortable making generalised connections between the descriptive and substantive representation of women, as previous research has also found (Bochel and Bochel, 2007; Childs, 2004; Sones et al., 2005), few were willing to agree that women are best able to represent women. The lack of sympathy for this idea was emphasised by the assertion that to argue that point, you would also have to argue that men MPs were best able to represent men; this is similar to the findings from previous research (Childs, 2004). However, most were happy to recognise that women were best able to represent women vis-à-vis women’s interests, rather than in a more indiscriminate way: I would hope that both male and female MPs are able to listen to the views of their constituents in order to help them. Generally though I think women are better listeners and will take things on board and be perhaps more likely to act on them but then that’s a very dangerous statement to make, we have some excellent male MPs. (PPC)

Some interviewees argued that whilst men were able to represent women, women MPs were likely to bring ‘different views’ to the Chamber. Citing abortion as a specific example, one MP suggested that women would be more likely to approach the debate in personal terms whereas men would be more likely to think of it in the abstract. The results in Table 5.3 demonstrate a wide range of attitudes towards women’s substantive representation amongst women on the approved list. The mixed responses underscore the difficulty and Table 5.2 Frequency distribution of interviewees’ responses to the question ‘Do you think that women are best able to represent women?’ Women best able to represent women?

Yes No Total

Frequency

22 44 66

Source: elite interviews with women in the party; n = 66.

Percentage 33.3 66.7 100.0

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Table 5.3 Frequency distribution to the statement ‘Women are best able to represent women’ Response

Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Frequency 44 61 31 136

Source: survey of women on the approved list; n = 136.

Percentage 32.4 44.8 22.8 100.0

intricate nature of this concept. Of course the participants may have interpreted the question differently. Some respondents may have been addressing representation in relation to all issues, whereas others might have considered it specifically in relation to women’s interests. Additionally, the significantly high number of respondents who selected neither agree nor disagree (44 percent) signifies that the wording and/or meaning of the statement could have been unclear, given that at the aggregate level this category was only selected by only twenty five percent of participants in response to all questions or statements. There is no significant relationship between women who identified as feminist and responses to the idea that women are best able to represent women. Style In addition to the substantive impact women could potentially have on policy issues, many interviewees suggested that more women MPs would change the style of politics and the atmosphere of the Commons. Addressing the masculine image of Parliament, as detailed repeatedly in previous research (Brookes, 1967; Sones et al., 2005; Vallance, 1979), and touching upon the ‘aggressive’ and ‘braying’ nature of the Commons, some interviewees suggested the ways in which women would act with a different feminised style: ‘Women MPs act differently to men; there is less of an emphasis on posturing and speechifying. Women are more likely to just get on with it in a less aggressive way’ (PPC); ‘Women wouldn’t engage in all that testosterone-charged nonsense of shouting and jeering. More women would change the style and nature of Parliament’ (PPC); and ‘Women are more empathetic and that makes them better at constituency work than men’ (peer). These quotations demonstrate a belief that women MPs would approach their work with more empathy and would be less likely to participate in the traditional shouting and jeering of the Commons.

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Interestingly, when the women MPs were asked if they had noticed if women had a distinctly different style to men there was divided opinion. One MP argued that she thought women MPs were less ‘showy’ and more likely to adopt a ‘consensual approach’. Conversely, another MP did not believe that women had a different style, and thought behaviour was determined by the individual rather than by sex. There was a sense amongst some MPs and peers that some women believe that in order to be successful they have to act like men. This augments the finding from the previous chapter which highlighted that a masculine style was perceived by some PPCs to be advantageous. However, other women parliamentarians were hostile to the suggestion that women would act differently, despite having agreed that women would act on behalf of women vis-à-vis women’s interests; this emphasises the importance of avoiding conflating style and substance in the exploration of the substantive representation of women. Those who agreed that women did have a different style also identified a general willingness to take on more work than their male colleagues. Some interviewees discussed how women might be more likely to act in a collaborative and non-partisan fashion, thus enabling them to ‘get things done’, this was particularly true of the Lords, although they did concede that this was easier in the Lords because of a less hostile and febrile atmosphere. One peer felt that the women in the Lords were also likely to be more active than their male colleagues: ‘We have a team of seventy five, some of whom are quite elderly men and the women are much more likely to say that they will take on extra work.’ Another peer also highlighted how much she enjoyed cross-party working amongst women in the Lords. Some highlighted that the atmosphere and set-up of the second chamber was conducive for women to work in different ways to their colleagues in the Commons. Additionally, some emphasised the benefit of not having to contend with ‘aggressive’ or ‘competitive’ men. Whilst the Lords is considered less aggressively male, one peer expressed her frustration with prevailing old-fashioned male attitudes, which meant that she and her female colleagues were treated as ‘ladies’ rather than equals. When discussing the impact that an increase of women MPs would bring about, some employed the idea of critical mass to discuss how this change in style would come about. The views expressed below clearly signify a belief that it is the number of women present rather than the type of women present that will help change the culture of Parliament.

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I think men and women look at the work in slightly different ways … all the research shows that about when you get about thirty percent of women it brings about a critical mass in politics which will mean that politics will be done differently. Essentially we do need more women in order to bring about more changes. (MP)

With the majority of interviews and survey respondents agreeing with calls for women’s increased presence, and a largely positive response to the idea that women have a different style, it is striking to note the responses of women on the approved list to the statement ‘The 1997 increase of women MPs has improved the image of parliament and politicians’. Whilst 47 percent agreed with the statement, the data reveals that there are a significant number of women who disagreed that the Labour women MPs had improved the image of parliament and politicians. This perhaps signifies an entrenched partisan reluctance to recognise the dramatic increases Labour made in terms of women’s descriptive representation. Testing the responses for strength of feminist identification revealed no relationship between the two, perhaps indicating the prevalence of partisanship over attitudinal feminist ideas. In discussing the 1997 election of 101 women, the majority of interviewees saw it as a ‘good thing’, although opinion was divided on how effective they perceived the women MPs to have been. This instinctive partisan approach was adopted by some of the interviewees who spoke scathingly about the drop of quality in MPs since 1997: ‘I don’t like looking at the women on the Labour benches and thinking, are you there because you got in on an AWS? Or are you there because you were the best candidate? I find it objectionable’ (PPC) and ‘Some of the women who came in, in 1997, you can tell that they’re just not up to it and that’s what AWS does. It should be the best person who gets Table 5.4 Frequency distribution to the statement ‘The 1997 increase of women MPs has improved the image of Parliament and politicians’ Response

Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Frequency 65 35 36 136

Source: survey of women on the approved list; n = 136.

Percentage 47.8 25.7 26.5 100.0

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selected’ (PPC). When pressed on these assertions, no interviewees were able to offer any substantive examples to support the idea that AWS had resulted in a drop in the quality of MPs. Rather, the fact the women were selected on an AWS, possibly compounded by hostile media coverage of ‘Blair’s Babes’, was sufficient evidence. In terms of substantively representing women, ensuring heterogeneity amongst women representatives proved not to be an issue for the interviewees. This is in contrast to previous research which has highlighted the importance of diversity amongst women representatives, in the consideration of the substantive representation of women (Childs, 2004). Whilst some talked about the perceived importance of getting BME candidates elected, for example, very few made explicit connections between diversity and women’s representation in the way that Labour women MPs had. This may be because many of the Labour interviewees had been selected on an AWS and so had possibly spent a disproportionate amount of time thinking about women’s representation; alternatively, it could suggest that diversity and ideas about class and ethnicity are more ingrained in the ideology, discourse and culture of the Labour Party. This idea fits in with the Liberal Democrat ideological attachment to the importance of the individual. Women within the party did make the link between women’s descriptive and substantive representation, employing aspects of the latter to support calls for the former. However, whilst participants were willing to acknowledge that women would act on behalf of women, the majority did not accept that this meant that women were best placed to represent women’s interests. Furthermore, there was a mixed response to the notion that Labour had improved the image of Parliament following the record election of women in 1997. These composite attitudes ensure that party loyalty remains a key factor in many considerations of women’s representation. The role of critical actors in the substantive representation of women The relationship between women’s descriptive and substantive representation is complex. In trying to analyse this connection between women’s presence and pro-women policy, gender and politics scholars have largely rejected the idea that increased numbers of women alone will result in more attention being paid to women’s and feminist’s interests. This shift is best reflected in the shift away from critical mass to critical actors (Childs and Krook, 2006).1 Critical actors can be understood

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as those who initiate policy proposals specifically designed to further women’s equality, furthermore, they may also encourage others to promote women’s interests (Childs and Krook, 2006). Of importance is the idea that critical actors could be men. The paucity of Liberal Democrat women MPs demands that analysis of the substantive representation of women is twofold: the feminisation of the political agenda, where women’s concerns are articulated; and where possible, consideration of the feminisation of legislation where articulation has led to actual output (Childs, 2007; Lovenduski, 2005). Individual-level analysis of women MPs and peers is necessary, in order to firstly understand, and then support or challenge the links between descriptive and substantive representation.2 Trying to assess the extent to which Liberal Democrat women MPs act on behalf of women raises immediate problems in terms of quantifying potential claims. With only nine women MPs, to count the number of votes cast or to analyse potential gendered differences amongst the Liberal Democrat vote would be extremely limited, given the low numbers of women MPs. This limitation on what, and how, the substantive representation of women can be explored means that individual-level analysis of the women MPs’ experiences, and attitudes towards acting for women must be considered. As such the research considers two areas: the substantive representation of women by women; and the substantive representation of women by men.3 Critical actors – women Looking at the official biographies of the women MPs, only two cite women or equality as one of their political interests (www.parliament. uk).4 Of course, just because few women parliamentarians have cited women’s issues amongst their political interests, does not mean that others would not seek to act on behalf of women. However, what it does signify is that women’s issues appear to be a minority political interest amongst the women parliamentarians. This section will assess the ways in which the women MPs consider themselves to act on behalf of women. One woman MP identified specific women’s issues which she felt she had taken an active interest in, for example micro-finance. This is an issue that has long been associated with women’s interests following the World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, where themes of empowering women were juxtaposed with tangible policies to help women survive financially. This MP discussed the work she had undertaken in setting up an all-party parliamentary group to promote

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micro-finance: ‘I’ve been over to Malawi talking to women engaged in micro-financing and they tell me they can keep their children in school. Maybe it’s the women and child aspect that appeals to me’ (MP). Whilst this MP admitted she had not initially expected to get involved with women’s issues, she acknowledged that it was what she had ended up doing: ‘I have got sucked into a number of women’s issues which I do enjoy, like breastfeeding’. She also went on to discuss how she had felt forced to engage in women’s policy areas because the men in the parliamentary party weren’t interested: ‘All these male MPs never turn up to NCT meetings, I tell people I’ve been there and done that and that I think a man should go, but then I’ve ended up having to do it.’ This MP’s reflection upon her work on behalf of women highlights a couple of points: on the one hand she was happy to promote and engage in issues of micro-finance; but she also felt obliged to act as a link to organisations like the NCT because none of her male colleagues were prepared to establish and maintain such connections. She felt that her willingness to take on some women’s issues had negated the need for other parliamentarians to take an interest. Augmenting this theme, another self-identified feminist MP recognised a distinct lack of interest in women’s issues amongst her Parliamentary colleagues, which meant she would go out of her way to look for the ‘women’s angle’: ‘It’s usually just me on the look-out for issues specifically related to women. For example the issue of women in prison, where I’ve been a member of a working group to try and make sure that the Corston report is properly implemented.’5 The fact that the MP quoted above believed that she was the only one who was on the look-out for women’s issues is interesting, because other women MPs felt that they also took an interest in women’s policy. This perhaps suggests a lack of a joined-up approach towards ensuring that women’s issues are covered. Moreover, it also perhaps indicates that the Parliamentary party does not frequently discuss women’s issues. Additionally, the above-quoted MP used her position as spokesperson for business to raise the importance of learning from best practice in America. This MP has been a particularly vocal champion of women’s interests, and a brief survey of her parliamentary record indicates that she has raised a wide-ranging number of issues directly related to women. These include tabling of various early day motions, including a motion calling for the Crown Prosecution Service to prosecute in cases of female genital mutilation without the need for a complaint to be made. Moreover, despite being dropped at second reading, this MP

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also introduced a private Member’s Bill which, if enacted, would have extended the right to request flexible working to all parents with children under the age of eighteen. This is a move that the Labour Government had gone some way towards addressing, but only up to the age of sixteen. Arguably, her high-profile work on this issue has helped progress a feminist agenda. Previous research has highlighted specific examples of Liberal Democrat women MPs acting on behalf of women, such as Jenny Tonge’s campaign for the morning-after pill, and the late Patsy Calton’s work on childcare (Sones et al., 2005). One MP spoke of the fact that women MPs were more likely to work across party lines in order to achieve substantive differences for women: I think women are generally quite keen to work together quietly behind the scenes to get things done. Some of the stuff I’ve done on domestic violence I’ve worked with Labour and Tory female MPs and we just go and get it done without high profile media coverage. (MP)

The above quotation illustrates how this MP felt that her sex had helped her undertake a different, more collegiate way of working. Developing this suggestion that women MPs can work without the fanfare of media coverage, she went on to give examples of where she felt she had been sidelined from speaking on high-profile women’s issues in favour of male colleagues: We had a statement on rape and I thought as women’s spokesperson I’d do that, but I was told it was home affairs so I could not. The Tories put Caroline Spellman up and they got it right … Again there was some law on domestic violence coming up and the home affairs spokesperson didn’t want me to go on the Bill. I mean what’s the point in having a women’s spokesperson? (MP)

Whilst some women MPs gave concrete examples of where they felt they had acted on behalf of women, others discussed the danger of being pigeonholed into women’s issues and the implications this had for the Liberal Democrats’ ability to represent women. This view was best articulated by one MP: ‘I think one of the things that is an issue is that some of the women who are here don’t want to be pigeonholed as just being interested in women’s issues and as a result we probably don’t cover them as much as we could.’ Another MP discussed how she wasn’t interested in women’s issues per se, arguing that she was just interested in issues. She believed that it was unnecessary to distinguish between

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issues and women’s issues, a commonly held belief which is discussed in further detail below. Based upon the limited evidence for exploring how, and if, interviewees perceive the substantive representation of women to occur, the research highlights that whilst some women MPs do go out of their way to try and take an interest in women’s issues, others were worried about becoming pigeonholed. It was clear that all of the women parliamentarians felt that the number of women MPs restricted them from covering women’s issues thoroughly, as the above quotation indicates. Critical actors – men With a Parliamentary Party as small as the Liberal Democrats, it is important not to overlook the work undertaken by specific men in the party. One striking theme that emerged from Childs’ work on attitudes amongst the new Labour women MPs was the identification of a type of younger male MP, not steeped in traditional ideas about gender roles, who was just as likely to take an interest in traditional women’s policy areas such as childcare (Childs, 2004). The Labour women MPs identified young male colleagues who took a less traditional approach to gendered roles; they were ‘a generation whose life experiences are less structured by rigid and conventional gender roles’ (Childs, 2004, p. 90). These male MPs had family responsibilities and so were perceived to be able to act for women when it came to issues of work/life balance, childcare and parental leave. Some of the interviewees for this research also highlighted the important shift in generational attitudes amongst male MPs, with one MP suggesting that younger male colleagues understood the pressures of family life: ‘I think a lot of the younger male MPs and candidates are a lot more clued up and aware and a lot of them have got working wives and they do their fair share of the childcare.’ In addition to a perceived shift in terms of behavioural patterns amongst younger male MPs, the work of Dr Evan Harris serves as an example of the way in which a male politician might seek to represent women. In an interview for the Women Liberal Democrats Newsletter in 2000, Harris was at the time the party’s spokesperson for women’s issues, a position he defended as valid, but which others viewed as a mistake: As spokesperson for the Liberal Democrats on women’s issues, my job is to ensure that we challenge the government, hold it to account and develop policy. There is no reason why any of that should depend on the number of y-chromosomes you have. (Evan Harris MP, WLD Spring newsletter, 2000)

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I think it was a mistake to have Evan as women’s spokesman. I understand the gender balance approach and the importance of encouraging men to talk about women’s issues but I think for a woman’s spokesperson you should have a woman and I think the party made a mistake. It makes it look as though you haven’t got the strength amongst your women representatives to do it. (Senior party official)

Harris clearly saw no link between the sex of an individual politician and their ability to substantively represent women. He adopted explicit biological discourse to underline his assertion that he was able to represent the Liberal Democrats on women’s issues. The second quotation, however, reveals a more pragmatic interpretation, preoccupied with how it would appear. Moreover, the view of the senior party official underscores the uneasiness surrounding the way in which the party is perceived to represent women. An illustrative example of Harris’s substantive representation of women can be found in the 2008 Commons vote to reduce the timelimit available for abortion, from twenty-four weeks to twenty-two weeks, as part of the debate on the Human Embryology and Fertilization Act. This particular division has been selected because in addition to being a women’s issue, the vote was not whipped, meaning Liberal Democrat MPs were free to vote with their conscience. Moreover, the debate itself provides a specific example of the different sexes’ approaches towards the issue and what that means in terms of the substantive representation of women. Those opposed to reductions in the time limit available for abortion adopted distinct lines. Many couched their arguments in the scientific terminology of viability. This approach is exemplified by a speech made at the time by Evan Harris: Different definitions of viability exist, and mine might be different from others, but surely it is best to follow the one provided by paediatricians and neo-natologists … They are clear about their definition, which is that the viability threshold is the point at which a foetus would have a decent chance – a more than 15 per cent. chance, for example – of surviving outside the woman. That is why they say that there is no evidence of a significant improvement in the survival levels of pre-term infants below 24 weeks’ gestation in the past 18 years. (Hansard, 20.5.2008. Col. 251)

Conversely, others stressed the importance of safeguarding women’s autonomy and the right to choose. Susan Kramer’s intervention is based upon such an approach: ‘attempts to reduce the time limit for

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abortions remove from women the opportunity to think through the issues’ (Hansard, 20.5.2008: Col. 230). As Susan Kramer was the sole Liberal Democrat women MP to speak in the debate it would be difficult to assume that all women opposed the restriction based upon a commitment to women’s rights rather than on viability arguments. However, the different ways in which Harris and Kramer approached the issue provide an example of how men and women MPs might approach the substantive representation of women in different ways, although it is important not to over-inflate the significance of this example.6 Evan Harris was arguably one of the most prominent campaigners working cross-party to safeguard the current time-limit. A brief survey of his parliamentary activity undertaken since 2005 highlights that on this issue, he has been more vocal than any of his female colleagues. For example, in July 2006 he flagged up that there had been ‘no call from the royal colleges or the BMA to reduce abortion time limits’ (Hansard, 3.7.2006: Col. 581). The appointment of Evan Harris as the party’s Women and Equalities spokesperson was not an isolated example of the party selecting a man for the role. Indeed, Lord Lester, who has a proven track record on issues of equalities, and who helped devise Equal Opportunities law in the 1970s, was until recently the party’s Women and Equalities spokesperson in the Lords. During his time as the Women and Equalities spokesperson he introduced the Forced Marriage (Civil Protection) Bill, which received Royal Assent in July 2007. This Act protects individuals against being forced to enter into marriage without their free and full consent, and accounts for the provision of those individuals through the family court system. Lord Lester worked closely with feminist and women’s organisations, in particular the Southall Black Sisters, to create this Bill, a striking example of a male Parliamentarian furthering feminist objectives by close co-operation with grassroots women’s organisations.7 Additionally, a high-profile campaign to redress the inequality in women’s pension provision has been spearheaded by Professor Steve Webb. Pursuing the issue over the past two Parliamentary sessions he has frequently raised the issue in Parliamentary questions and lobbied Government ministers. In 2007 the Government planned to close the loophole which had meant that mothers who did not work missed out on credits that would increase their pension. The Government pledged to reimburse those women who, since the 1970s, had missed out on money owing to them. Webb’s high-profile work on the issue arguably helped increase its profile, and his involvement in the campaign

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attracted praise from numerous sections of the national press (see for example Daily Mail, 9.9.2007; Mirror, 12.10.2007). The work undertaken by men on behalf of women indicates that the Liberal Democrats can substantively represent women, although in terms of legislative output it appears to be in relation to specific policy issues, rather than in a more generalised or systematic way. An additional caveat is that the substantive representation of women by men relies on a very specific group of Parliamentarians. However, the tangible successes of both Lord Lester and Steve Webb MP does indicate that despite the low number of women MPs, individual Liberal Democrat Parliamentarians have helped introduce and amend legislation that will benefit women. The substantive representation of women by the party The research now explores the extent to which a feminisation of policy has occurred and assesses whether women’s concerns and perspectives have been prioritised. Chapters 2 and 3 considered the limited extent to which the party’s organisation has been feminised. This research questions if, and how, the party has sought to substantively represent women’s interests, and assesses four key areas; the attention paid to women’s interests in manifestos; the extent to which women’s interests are recognised as being an important part of the national policy agenda; the role of the Women and Equality spokesperson; and, whether the substantive representation of women acts as a substitute for the descriptive representation of women. Women’s interests in manifestos The two elections (1983 and 1987) fought by the Liberal-SDP Alliance resulted in the development of specific monetary policies of benefit to women. For example, in the 1983 manifesto, there was a pledge to increase child benefit by £1.50 per week, with a supplementary benefit of £1.50 per week for one-parent families. Furthermore, the 1983 manifesto also pledged to enforce sex and race equality through positive action in employment policies, firmly enshrined within antidiscrimination legislation (Working Together for Britain, 1983). The 1987 manifesto provided a more in-depth consideration of women’s issues, ranging from equal opportunities in education and training, to a commitment to equal representation on appointed bodies and improved maternity benefits (Britain United: the Time has Come, 1987). As discussed in Chapter 2, the strong tradition of gender equality and

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women’s groups within the Labour Party was carried through to the SDP, and this influenced the degree to which women’s issues were included in the Alliance manifestos. In 1992 the Liberal Democrats did not build on or develop ideas from previous manifestos, but they did introduce a policy for a citizen’s pension which recognised the disproportionate hardship facing women in old age resulting from a lifetime of poorly paid work and childcare (Changing Britain for Good, 1992). The citizen’s pension remains Liberal Democrat policy and has been a constant feature of all subsequent manifestos. The 1997 manifesto mirrored the 1987 coverage of women’s issues detailing a range of specific proposals aimed at women such as ensuring equality of treatment in the health service and providing greater resources for domestic violence refuges. Noteworthy is that, despite repeated pledges, in this and previous manifestos, to a commitment of parity in terms of appointments to public bodies, the party does not offer any internal suggestions for how to increase the numbers of women MPs on their own benches. Rather, they focus on reforming the facilities of the House of Commons to make it more appealing to women (Make the Difference, 1997). During the 1997 election the party became increasingly aware of the importance of women’s issues and women’s votes, with specific leaflets and press conferences designed to promote the party’s willingness to be seen as a pro-women party. However, it is the 2001 and 2005 elections that have seen a significant increase in the party’s engagement with women’s issues, with the production of a specific manifesto for women in both 2001 and 2005 (General Election 2005: Liberal Democrat Manifesto for Women, 2005; Liberal Democrat Manifesto for Women, 2001). The decision to produce a separate manifesto for women is a key indication that the party recognised the electoral importance of appealing to women voters by emphasising their pro-women policies. The 2005 manifesto for women highlighted the party’s top five policies for women, juxtaposing traditional women’s policies such as increased maternity pay with the importance of scrapping tuition fees to make university education affordable for all. The way in which the party linked their national highprofile policy to the substantive impact of poverty on women is striking and suggests a change of approach towards the established idea of women’s issues. The 2010 general election was dominated by the leaders’ debates, which meant that all policies remained somewhat below the radar. Furthermore, the economic climate meant that many policy-led debates focused upon the timing and the precise details of the inevitable

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financial cuts. The Liberal Democrats’ policy to raise the income tax threshold to £10,000 was targeted at helping the poorest families in society. Building on this they identified that those in lower-paid jobs and in part-time employment were more likely to be women, thus highlighting an example of how the party were able to identify the gendered aspects of one of their key manifesto pledges. Other policies of particular benefit for women included: a commitment to introduce equal pay audits for all but the smallest companies; a pledge to force advertisers to state clearly whether they had airbrushed pictures of women; to introduce name-blind application forms to end sex discrimination in the employment process; and to extend the total shared parental leave to 19 months. Attitudes towards women’s interests It has been observed that the Liberal Democrats have in past elections tried to appeal directly to women voters (Campbell and Childs, 2010; Stephenson, 1998, p. 106). This appeal has been evident in the production of specific manifestos for women and in their decision to hold special press conferences to promote their policies for women. However, the extent to which women’s interests as a separate policy area reflects the value placed upon women’s interests by women in the party is unclear. Thirty-three of the interviewees did not know enough about the Liberal Democrat policies for women to be able to judge if they were good or poor. As might be expected, the Parliamentarians had a much stronger knowledge of the party’s policies for women, and the overwhelming majority of them thought they were good: ‘I think we are very strong on women’s issues, for example pensions and also I remember part of our opposition to tuition fees was the disproportionate affect it would have on women’ (MP), and ‘I think we’re good at promoting women’s policies; we do have some excellent policies on flexible working and on pay audits’ (MP). Table 5.5 Interviewees’ attitudes towards Liberal Democrat policies for women Response

Good Don’t know Poor Total

Frequency

26 33 7 66

Source: elite interviews with 66 women Liberal Democrats.

Percentage (%) 39.4 50.0 10.6 100.0

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However, the lack of knowledge about women’s policies amongst PPCs indicates that whilst the party may seek to attract women’s votes at a national level, at a constituency level candidates are not explicitly trying to sell policies for women. The apparent and widespread lack of familiarity with the party’s policies for women was highlighted in the responses of several PPCs: ‘I don’t really know much about them’; ‘I honestly could not tell you which policies are skewed to appeal to women’, and ‘I’m not sure we really have any, do we?’ These responses are indicative of the lack of overt promotion of the party’s policies for women to women candidates throughout the party. This perhaps suggests that women’s policies are only promoted during election time, not during the rest of the electoral cycle. Conversely, a few PPCs did have a good understanding of the party policies on women’s issues: ‘I think we have got lots of great policies for women, like the stuff on rape and pensions, but whether we communicate them in the right way or not is debatable.’ Another PPC also thought that the party was ‘good’ at appealing to women through stressing the importance of ‘communities and devolving power’. However, these were rare examples of specific policies that PPCs identified as being a women’s issue. Juxtaposed with a lack of knowledge about women’s policy issues, was a mixed attitude towards the merit of distinguishing policies as women’s issues: ’I’m worried about things being ghettoised. There are things about fairness that should apply generally, things like access to services, acknowledgments of differences’ (PPC) and ‘I get annoyed at the idea that there are women’s issues, they’re all just issues and so every time I use the phrase I’m just adding to the idea that there are women’s issues’ (PPC). These ideas reflect a wider concern within the party about targeting social groups, rather than appealing to an integrated electorate or conversely, to individuals. In order to explore whether these ideas were widespread amongst women in the party, women on the approved list were asked to respond to the statement ‘There is too much emphasis on women’s issues’. Seventy percent of women disagreed with this statement; of course, what the data do not reveal is the extent to which women are aware of current Liberal Democrat policies for women. Indeed, the data could conceivably be very different if the party promoted the policies to women in the party in a more comprehensive manner rather than just during elections. Testing the responses of the women on the approved list by strength of feminist identification revealed a significant relationship between feminist identification and their attitude towards the amount

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Women’s substantive representation Table 5.6 Frequency distribution to the statement ‘There is too much emphasis on women’s issues’ Response

Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Frequency

Percentage (%)

14 27 95 136

Source:survey of women on the approved list; n =136.

10.3 19.8 70.0 100.0

Table 5.7 There is too much emphasis on women’s issues * feminist identification cross-tabulation Too much emphasis on women’s issues Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Total

Feminist identification Agree Neither (%) agree nor disagree (%) 3 (6) 6 (12) 43 (82) 52 (100)

3 (8) 12 (30) 24 (62) 39 (100)

Disagree (%) 8 (22) 9 (7) 28 (71) 45 (100)

Total (%) 14 (29) 27 (11) 95 (60) 136 (100)

Source: women on the approved list; n = 136; missing cases = 0; significant at p => 0.05; Gamma = 0.331.

of emphasis on women’s issues, chi-square, p = 0.043. The weak relationship means that feminists are more likely to disagree that there is too much emphasis on women’s issues. Despite the majority disagreeing with the idea that there is too much emphasis on women’s issues, Table 5.7 does to a limited extent reinforce the importance of ensuring the presence of feminists within the party in order to defend the relevancy of women’s issues as a distinct policy brief. The role of the women and equality spokesperson The Liberal Democrats have two spokespeople on equality, currently Lynne Featherstone MP (now serving as Minister of State for Equalities in the coalition government) and Baroness Susan Thomas. In 2008 the party renamed the Commons brief to Equalities, whilst in the Lords they kept the title Women and Equalities. Why the title of the spokesperson based in the Commons should have changed whilst the counterpart spokesperson in the Lords retains the same title is puzzling. Speculative

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reasons for this change could be that it is symptomatic of the way in which the party seeks to address issues of equality in a more inclusive way, reflecting the establishment of a single Equalities Commission, which does not ghettoise social groups. Or it could merely suggest an oversight in the renaming of the brief, perhaps indicative of the way in which the brief is not a regular part of shadow ministerial discussions (Childs, 2008, p. 43).8 Those MPs who had undertaken the role of women and equality spokesperson articulated their frustration at the lack of joined-up working: ‘I wished I’d said no to the job now but at the time I thought it would be a good thing, it was a constant battle’ (MP), and ‘It was really hard work. No one was interested and if they were it was an afterthought’ (MP). These two MPs highlight the problems faced by those trying to ensure that the ‘women’s angle’ is considered. As Childs notes, the Liberal Democrat front bench do not consult the women and equality spokespeople, which makes the policymaking process and responses to legislative programmes difficult to co-ordinate (Childs, 2008, p. 43). The role appears to be somewhat of a poisoned chalice, and some openly admitted that they would not want the job, as articulated by one MP: ‘I know some people are interested in women’s issues but I wouldn’t want to be women’s spokesperson. I want to cover issues I’m really interested in. Some of them may be women’s issues but I don’t want to be restricted.’ As discussed earlier, not all women and equalities spokespeople are women. However, to this MP’s mind, being one of only nine women MPs meant that she felt she had to justify why she didn’t want to do the job. A thought which of course would not occur to her male colleagues. In discussing women’s issues, some interviewees questioned the relevance of having a women’s spokesperson: ‘We have to have Women and Equalities ministers at the moment because there is an imbalance but I do think it’s divisive and creates issues where there aren’t issues’ (PPC), and ‘I don’t think it helps to have a separate women’s spokesperson, women’s issues are just issues and we should not need a separate spokesperson for it’ (researcher). As the above quotations highlight, attitudes towards the value of having a separate spokesperson for women and equality were mixed. Again this perhaps explains why the party has dropped ‘Women’ from the title of the Commons equality spokesperson. Substantive representation as a substitute for descriptive representation The extent to which a political party seeks to substantively represent women as a substitute for the descriptive representation is a

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complicated contention. Whilst the Liberal Democrats have produced a number of pro-women policies in recent election manifestos, the party has nonetheless failed to ensure that even 20 percent of the parliamentary party are women. This begs the question whether acting for women negates the need for women’s descriptive representation. According to one interviewee, women’s issues were highlighted strategically during elections as part of a pragmatic campaign to win women’s votes, rather than as part of a concerted effort to focus on women’s issues. This is in line with earlier research findings which revealed the lack of knowledge surrounding policies for women, particularly amongst PPCs. This was reinforced by the perceptions of some interviewees that a disparity existed between belief and rhetoric, In short, the party didn’t necessarily believe in its own progressive policies when it came to women’s representation: ‘I think we have good policies but our lack of women MPs undermines our pro-women policies, and I don’t think we walk the walk on family policies’ (MP); ‘Well it looks good on paper doesn’t it? But having only nine women MPs means we can’t be representing women, can we?’ (Peer), and ‘That’s the problem of having pretty good policies for women it takes attention away from what we’re doing, or not, to get more women selected’ (Peer). These views emphasise that the party’s policies, however feminist, are ultimately undermined by a lack of women MPs. That women acknowledge it is not enough to claim to be able to act for women is vital, and indicates that any substantive representation of women is essentially undermined by the lack of descriptive representation. Of course, the above sentiments were expressed by only a small number of interviewees, and based upon the empirical evidence it would be difficult to conclude that the substantive representation of women is perceived by those within the party to be a substitute for women’s descriptive representation. Some Parliamentarians spoke of how ‘embarrassing’ it was to try and promote women’s policies when the party was doing so poorly in terms of the number of women MPs. More seriously, they suggested that the lack of women MPs made it look as though the party didn’t really care about women’s equality because there were so few women present: I don’t think the party looks like it takes it [women’s representation] seriously. I don’t think we give the impression to our members that we take it seriously. How can we sell our policies for women when we can’t even get equal numbers of MPs? It just looks all wrong and sends the wrong message. (MP)

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Whilst the parliamentarians were critical of the lack of progress the party had made with regards women’s descriptive representation, only a few suggested that the party used their pro-women policies, and the fact that they traditionally did well with women voters, to shield a poor record on women’s descriptive representation, a view expressed by one peer: ‘I think it’s a bit of a cop-out to be honest, we can say we have all these great policies and that we do well with women voters so why do we need to focus too much on getting more women MPs?’ In sum, pro-women policies are not sufficient ‘proof ’ of a party’s ability to substantively represent women. Rather a party’s ability to substantively represent women must depend upon the ways in which a party seeks to consider, include and champion women’s interests and women’s representation. Conclusion The majority of interviewees did recognise the links between descriptive and substantive representation, but were less certain that this meant women were best placed to act for other women; rather they might be more likely to take an interest in women’s policy interests. Providing evidence for women MPs acting on behalf of other women was difficult, given the low number of women MPs. However, some parliamentarians did believe that they acted on behalf of women, some in specific areas, others in a more general way. This emphasised the necessary presence of critical actors who are willing to take on and champion women’s interests. The presence of male critical actors is an important part of the substantive representation of women in specific policy areas; however, their work does not negate the need for women’s increased descriptive presence, particularly given the very specific policy interests pursued. Moreover, in discussions surrounding women’s descriptive representation many suggested that the party could not seek to represent when it was not representative of society. A failure to secure the election of more women MPs ensures the party’s commitment to feminist objectives remains uncertain. As one interviewee argued, the paucity of women MPs means that the parliamentary party were not able to cover as many women’s issues as she felt they should. This idea can be augmented by the fact that it is already left to just a few individuals to pursue specific feminist objectives. One of the key findings to emerge from this research is the idea that it is not enough to claim to be able to represent women, as pro-women policies are undermined by a lack of women parliamentarians.

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Notes 1 Critical mass is a concept based upon the notion that women politicians will be able to bring about change, in terms of output and style, once they make up around 30 percent of the elected representatives in a legislature (Kanter, 1977). 2 In this instance individual rather than aggregate-level analysis is adopted, because the latter often fails to identify the specific details of women’s lives (Burns, 2007). Moreover, an analysis of the substantive representation of women in the Liberal Democrats necessarily requires an individual-led approach due to the low numbers of women MPs and peers. 3 Again, the research analyses legislative activity pre-2010. 4 Additionally, one male MP also cited equality as one of his political interests. 5 The Corston report was a review of the way in which vulnerable women were treated by the criminal justice system. 6 All of the women MPs voted on the issue, with six out of nine opposing any restriction in the time-limit available. Fifty-five out of the sixty-three Liberal Democrat MPs voted on this issue, which saw thirty-two MPs voting against and twenty-three voting for the reduction; sex had no statistically significant impact on the votes cast. 7 This was discussed by a peer during an interview for this research. 8 Following this change of title an enquiry was made to both CGB and WLD; neither organisation knew the rationale behind the decision, although there was a suggestion that the title had been changed in order to address equality issues in a more holistic way. Dropping ‘Women’ from the title is problematic if we accept Vickers’ argument that the term is an important mobilising force for women (Vickers, 2006). However, the party is perhaps reaffirming their commitment to equality for all, and the extent to which this renaming of the brief affects the way in which the position is treated in terms of consultation with front bench colleagues is unclear.

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6

The symbolic representation of women: tokens or role models?

Male politicians get away with being far more scruffy, ugly and overweight than female politicians, which annoys me. Jackie Ballard, former Liberal Democrat MP, interview with The Independent, 28.3.1999

According to Pitkin, symbolic representation emphasises the meaning that a representative signifies to those being represented (Pitkin, 1967). To date, symbolic representation, in its traditional sense, remains a relatively under-studied concept amongst feminist political scientists. There are a few US-based studies exploring the impact of women’s candidature and presence on women’s interests, political efficacy and activism, although these studies disagree about the impact of women’s symbolic presence (Atkeson, 2003; Lawless, 2004). Most existing research on women’s symbolic representation in politics has tended to adopt a more wide-ranging approach to analyse the media’s representation of women (Childs, 2004, 2008a; Norris, 1997c; SrebernyMohammadi and Roos, 1996; Stephenson, 1998; Ward, 2000) and the impact of women politicians as role models (Childs, 2004), an approach adopted in this study. Because of the difficulty associated with studying the symbolic representation of women, not least the requirement to undertake large ‘n’ studies exploring women voters’ feelings about their representative, (see for instance Atkeson, 2003; Lawless, 2004), this research, which takes one party as its focus, necessarily explores specific instances of women’s symbolic representation. Representations in the media, images in party documents and the impact that the low number of women may have on the enactment of the role model effect are all considered in this chapter. As such there are two main foci. First, it looks at media representation, influenced by previous research on the subject (see Childs, 2004, 2008a; Sones et al., 2005; Sreberny-Mohammadi and Roos, 1996). In

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this it finds that the media’s representation of women suggests some institutional bias in this instance. Indeed, the chapter illustrates various examples where, in common with both Labour and Conservative women MPs, women Liberal Democrat MPs have been subjected to trivialisation and objectification by the media. Secondly, this chapter explores instances of representation where the descriptive and symbolic meet and questions whether the low number of women MPs impacts upon identification of role models. The representation of women in the national media Previous analysis of the representation of women politicians by the media has highlighted a number of interrelated themes: the dominant masculine bias of the media, leading to inherent sexism within political reportage (Lovenduski, 2005; Norris, 1997c; Sreberny-Mohammadi and Roos, 1996); a trivialisation and objectification of women politicians by concentrating on appearances (Sones et al., 2005; SrebernyMohammadi and Roos, 1996; Stevens, 2007; Ward, 2000); and a negative portrayal of feminism and feminists (Lawless and Fox, 2005). As such, the effects of the media’s portrayal of women politicians ensure that the role of politicians continues to be codified as male, with women politicians as ‘other’. Moreover, Lovenduski and Norris have identified that the electorate rely on gender stereotypes to assess candidates (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). The 2010 general election was notable for the absence of women. Despite this being a regular feature in many of the UK’s newspapers, the dominance of the three leaders and their wives ensured that women politicians were neither seen nor heard. Lynne Featherstone MP, Equalities Minister, said of the coalition negotiators that they were ‘male and pale’ (Independent, 15.5.2010) and this was reflected in the selection of Liberal Democrat MPs for Cabinet posts. Whilst the Liberal Democrats received a higher than usual amount of coverage in the 2010 election, due to the likelihood of a hung Parliament, this was atypical. Assessing the representation of Liberal Democrat women MPs in the national media provides a distinct challenge. Their low numbers ensure that it would be difficult to gather sufficient data to test the hypothesis that women Liberal Democrat MPs are trivialised in a significantly different way to their male colleagues, particularly in the light of past lurid stories detailing the sex lives of leading male MPs (see for example Daily Mail, 1.4.2008; The Times, 22.1.2006; Guardian, 26.1.2006). Rather,

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the purpose is to assess whether there is evidence to support previous research which has identified a media penchant to trivialise and objectify women politicians (Norris, 1997b; Sreberny-Mohammadi and Roos, 1996; Ward, 2000). Furthermore, the MPs’ experiences of, and attitudes towards, the media are explored alongside the ways in which the party tries to prepare PPCs for the media pre-2010. As such, five themes are addressed: group identity; personal appearances; the intersection between age and gender; attitudes towards the media; and the ways in which the party prepares PPCs to deal with the media. The analysis surveys the national media between 2005 and 2008. This period provides a snapshot of the media representation of the women MPs, both individually and collectively. The analysis assesses representation in both broadsheet and tabloid newspapers. Regular monitoring of the media, with the use of LexisNexis, has resulted in the compilation of a number of references. Additional internet searches of the newspapers’ online websites were carried out using the various nomenclatures of the MPs, alongside more generic search terms such as ‘Lib Dem women MPs’. Group identity The use of the infamous ‘Blair’s Babes’ label provides the context for much of the post-1997 analysis of the media representation of women MPs (Childs, 2004, p. 3). The Mirror first coined the phrase ‘Blair’s Babes’ in reference to several models who were planning to vote Labour in the 1997 election (Sones et al., 2005). The label was subsequently used to caption the photo of Tony Blair surrounded by Labour women MPs. While some women did not object to the label, others felt it undermined the historic significance of their arrival at Westminster (Sones et al., 2005). Moreover, the media have used the photo and the label ‘Blair’s Babes’ to characterise the Labour women as ‘robotic’ and sycophantic MPs (Cowley and Childs, 2003; Sones et al., 2005). The lasting purchase that the ‘Blair’s Babes’ label has had on the imagination of the media has inspired attempts to create similar monikers for women MPs from other parties. In 2006 the Guardian toyed with ‘Ming’s Maidens’ (Guardian, 12.3.2006), again defining women MPs in relation to the (male) leader. Later that year Liberal Democrat women participating in a photo call, with the then leader Sir Menzies Campbell, at the annual party conference were dubbed ‘Campbell’s Crackers’ (Daily Mail, 17.9.2006). Additionally, some media commentators, emphasising the role played by the women MPs in the plot to oust former leader Charles Kennedy, adopted the moniker

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‘Stiletto Queens’ (Daily Telegraph, 17.12.2005).1 These labels are illustrative of the attempts by the media to trivialise and homogenise women politicians. In addition to collective stereotypes, the media also targets individual women politicians for ridicule (Lovenduski, 2005; Ward, 2000). Previous research has noted that many women MPs of all parties distrust and resent the national media (Sones et al., 2005). One of the main reasons behind the resentment is the media’s determined focus on their appearance, something Anne Stevens identifies as a form of ‘symbolic sexism’ (Stevens, 2007, p. 138). The emphasis on personal appearance reinforces traditional feminist analyses of women in the mass media. Laura Mulvey’s seminal work on the male gaze conceptualises the production of women’s representation from a male view; this theory is supported by previous research on the representation of women politicians in the media, which has highlighted the highly gendered fashion in which women are viewed (Mulvey, 1989; SrebernyMohammadi and Roos, 1996). Personal appearance In a 2005 interview with The Times, Sarah Teather complained about the intense scrutiny paid to her personal appearance, identifying that one tabloid newspaper had called her ‘uglier than Shrek’ (The Times, 5.3.2005). She argued that none of her male colleagues were subjected to such personal criticism, and resented the way in which it detracted from her parliamentary and constituency work. Other examples of the media’s fixation on the personal appearance of women MPs include a piece in the Sun on Julia Goldsworthy, who was labelled the ‘top Lib Dem beauty’; moreover, they went on to dub her, ‘the Abi Titmuss of Westminster’ (Sun, 14.9.2006). Following Lynne Featherstone’s election in 2005, the Daily Mail provided a brief description: ‘a glamorous new Lib Dem MP called Lynne Featherstone, was wearing an outfit that resembled a bathing costume’ (Daily Mail, 12.7.2005). The above examples are striking illustrations of the ways in which the press has represented women MPs. Indeed, for each of the women MPs there were a number of examples where their personal appearance had been commented on. Focusing on personal appearances simultaneously trivialises and objectifies their positions as elected politicians. Sarah Teather who highlighted how the coverage detracted from her work best articulates this. The intersection between gender and age Prior to the 2010 election the Liberal Democrats had the youngest MPs in England, Scotland and Wales, all of whom are women: this resulted

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in mixed press coverage. At the launch of the party’s diversity fund there was little coverage of the purpose of the fund; rather the commentators focused on the youth and vitality of the women MPs, illustrated by an article in the Daily Mail: ‘Sir Ming’s entourage includes Jo Swinson, 26, the salsa-dancing member for East Dunbartonshire, and attractive brunette Julia Goldsworthy, 28, who goes surfing in her Falmouth constituency’ (Daily Mail, 17.9.2006). The above example supports the previously noted intersection between age and gender in an increased tendency to sexually objectify young women MPs (Sreberny-Mohammadi and Roos, 1996). Additionally, by focusing on the young women MPs the Daily Mail article failed to address the substantive issue, namely increasing diversity of representation. Conversely, the young women in the parliamentary party became synonymous with Campbell’s declaration that the Liberal Democrat front bench team was made up of the ‘brightest and the best’ Westminster had to offer (see for example Independent, 9.3.2006; Guardian, 12.3.2006). Following the 2005 general election Jo Swinson, as the youngest MP, was described as the ‘baby of the House’, something she has identified as being both a blessing and a curse: ‘People want to ask your opinion of issues affecting the young. But there were times before I was elected when some people didn’t take me seriously’ (Guardian, 25.7.2007). Whilst her age does not prevent some political commentators from identifying her as one to watch (Independent, 31.12.2005; Guardian, 18.12.2007), other commentators emphasise her youth, as a means of undermining her credibility (see for example Daily Mail, 17.9.2006). For Julia Goldsworthy her age and position within the Shadow Cabinet has resulted in the media portraying her as a future leader, a ‘dubious position’ according to The Times (The Times, 21.12.2007; Independent, 21.12.2007; Guardian, 11.2.2006). The association of young women MPs with the future leadership of the party indicates a different approach to the representation of women MPs. However, it is difficult to tell how much this is due to the talents of individual women as opposed to a tendency to associate all new and enthusiastic Liberal Democrat MPs, of either sex, with a leadership bid. Attitudes towards the media The women MPs themselves had varying attitudes towards the media, some found it hurtful, whilst others identified it as a ‘necessary evil’, in keeping with previous research (Sreberny-Mohammadi and Roos, 1996): ‘The way in which they write sometimes is very hurtful and completely undermines the point you’re trying to get across, especially

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when they talk about how you look’ (MP); and ‘As a public figure it just comes as part of the territory so I just ignore it’ (MP). These quotations illustrate how negative press representation of politicians has become normalised, in particular the tendency to emphasise personal appearance in the coverage of women politicians. One MP identified the media coverage of her election as ‘dreadful’ due to one national newspaper’s determined focus on the appearances of the candidates. She felt that the coverage had focused on appearances because all three of the main candidates were women: They did a feature on us and what we looked like, it was just dreadful. I mean it wasn’t too bad for me because I came out of it really well but they were horrible about the incumbent MP and I just think that’s something the media do to women that they don’t do to men. (MP)

The above quotation again reinforces a perception of the gendered way in which the press reports women politicians. Whilst the majority expressed frustration with the way in which women MPs were represented in the media, there was also an acceptance regarding the inevitability of the situation. Preparing women PPCs for the media Recognising the pressure placed upon politicians and candidates, the party tries to prepare women to cope with the media, although this is probably also driven by a pragmatic desire for competent media performers. As such, the CGB regularly run media training sessions covering issues such as appearance and voice projection: ‘We help women deal with both local and national media. It’s something that many raise concerns about.’ Whilst some interviewees welcomed the opportunity to practice interviewing techniques, some PPCs and MPs were critical of other training sessions, in particular the CGB organised ‘colouring’ sessions. This led some to criticise the ways in which the party tried to ensure that candidates have the ‘right look’: My agent said to me, ‘We must do something about your clothes, Susan Kramer looks wonderful in pink’. Now I don’t, but they packed me off to have my colouring done and then off to a style consultant. I don’t see what gives people the right to comment on women. In the end I thought sod it, if that’s what I want to wear then that’s what I’m going to wear. (MP)

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You know you’re invited off to a campaign training weekend and you’re told what to wear … I know some people have had it worse than me but I’ve been told not to wear black socks because they don’t look good, and someone else was told to grow her hair because her style was the wrong image. (PPC)

From a feminist perspective the party’s acquiescence with dominant ideas regarding how women should look is problematic. Whilst a smart and clean appearance is helpful to creating a professional impression, it also buys into media expectations regarding the appearances of women MPs. One PPC described how the pressure to look a certain way had made her feel: ‘I was told to wear pearls and an Alice band – I felt awkward about it and it didn’t build up my confidence.’ Many seeking selection or election have already faced numerous obstacles; as such, the additional burden of worrying about their appearance was deemed by some to be ‘stressful’ and ‘unnecessary’. Indeed, only one interviewee highlighted that her party-advised makeover had given her confidence: ‘I’ve enjoyed my new image, it’s given me a new lease of life in all sorts of ways.’ Whilst the media have attempted to graft a ‘Blair’s babes’-style nickname onto the women Liberal Democrats, a lack of women MPs and low media coverage have ensured none have caught on. Examples of press pre-occupation with appearances were plentiful and the impact of the coverage was generally considered to be ‘hurtful’ and ‘stressful’, although some also perceived it to be an unwelcome but unavoidable part of their public role. The party’s approach to preparing women for the media raised concerns regarding attempts to ‘clone’ women candidates vis-à-vis their appearances. The language used to describe the appearance or performance of the Liberal Democrat women MPs regularly included adjectives such as ‘pert’, ‘hectoring’, ‘high-voiced’ and ‘glamorous’. Arguably this language emphasises the gendered representation of women MPs. This is a representation that Childs argues reinforces dominant coding that identifies women politicians as ‘other’, ‘male-politician-norm and the female-politician-pretender’ (Childs, 2008a, p. 142). Drawing firm conclusions regarding the media portrayal of Liberal Democrat women MPs would be extremely difficult, and the above analysis has not attempted to provide a detailed content analysis with such a small ‘n’. Rather the examples cited have provided further illustrations of the ways in which women have been trivialised and objectified by the media. Indeed, the fact that there were so many examples

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indicates the pervasiveness of the way in which the media represents women given the scarcity of press coverage for the party overall. Images of women Following on from previous research, this study involves analysis of the images of women used by the party in manifestos and in publicity surrounding the issue of women’s representation (Childs, 2005). Election manifestos are important to the Liberal Democrats’ ability to reach out to potential voters, and the use of images is an important area for analysis given the potential symbolic messages conveyed. In connecting the descriptive and symbolic, analysis of the 2001 AWS debate is also provided within the context of a highly visual campaign against the party’s adoption of quotas at the point of selection. Manifestos A picture of Charles Kennedy dominates the front page of the newspaper-style 2001 manifesto Freedom Justice Honesty. This is unsurprising, given the popularity of the leader during that period (Russell and Fieldhouse, 2005). As the party only had three women MPs at the time of the 2001 general election, it might be assumed that they would be given prominent coverage, to avoid the dominance of all-male images. However, it is not until page 15 that a photo of Jackie Ballard appears, followed by a photo of Jenny Tonge on page 19. Despite the use of numerous pictures of women throughout the manifesto it is perhaps surprising that more isn’t made of the women MPs. Indeed, the manifesto is littered with images of women: women police officers, older women and women ballerinas, inter alia. This image of the party as being pro-women, which the photos were surely intended to convey, is somewhat undermined by the lack of women MPs. In short, with these images that party is trying to symbolically represent women, again in the absence of descriptively representing women. The 2005 Real Alternative manifesto maintained the same newspaper style. The front cover depicts Charles Kennedy surrounded by a diverse cross-section of society. This image signifies that the party appeals to all sections of society; notable is the inclusion of young women, old women, ethnic minority women and a mother and baby. The photo symbolises the party’s desire to attract voters from a cross-section of the community, and conveys the idea that they represent the whole of society. This message is in stark contrast to that which a photo of the parliamentary party would suggest.

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Prior to the 2005 general election the party had only five women MPs. Again, as in 2001, images of women MPs in 2005 were minimal: In contrast to the prominence of the party’s shadow spokesmen (with photographs and accompanying statements mostly in the same place on each page) there are only two photographs of current women MPs and both Sandra Gidley and Sue Doughty are given smaller space and less formally presented. (Childs, 2005. p. 159)

This interpretation emphasises a critical point, namely that where images of women MPs do appear, they are not accorded the same status as their male colleagues, thus reinforcing the masculine image of the Parliamentary party. Turning to the 2005 election manifesto for women it is striking to note that despite the inclusion of several images of women, no photos of women parliamentarians appear. That women MPs and peers are not present within the women’s manifesto complicates Charles Kennedy’s foreword stressing the party’s commitment to increasing women’s descriptive representation. Nick Clegg and Vince Cable were the only politicians to appear in the Liberal Democrats’ 2010 election manifesto. Again, the party’s manifesto for women did not include any pictures of, or reference to, any of the party’s women politicians. Whilst three women appear on the front cover of the manifesto, two of whom are pushing buggies, Nick Clegg is the sole politician pictured in the document. The exclusion of women politicians from the 2010 manifesto could indicate a lack of foresight in the design, or alternatively it could suggest an unwillingness to inform, or remind, voters about how few women MPs the party had; indeed the issue is not discussed further than the brief mention in the foreword. Moreover, by not including images of women Parliamentarians to ‘sell’ the party’s policies for women, the manifesto divorces the substantive representation of women from descriptive and symbolic representation. Women’s symbolic and descriptive representation The intersection between women’s descriptive and symbolic representation peaked during the infamous 2001 debate on AWS. The vote sent a symbolic message not only to the party but to feminist organisations and the wider political community; indeed Baroness Joan Walmesley highlighted that the failure to adopt quotas meant the Liberal Democrats would be viewed as a party of ‘dinosaurs’ because of their backward approach and terrible record on electing women MPs (Guardian, 27.9.2001). In addition to the outcome of the vote, women

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wearing T-shirts bearing the slogan ‘I’m not a token woman’ dominated images of the debate. The use of tight-fitting pink T-shirts as part of the campaign against AWS was a particular sticking point for many women angry at the lack of awareness shown by the young women regarding the way in which it would be perceived: ‘I’ve never seen anything like the 2001 debate; there were a group of young women wearing T-shirts saying “I’m not a token female” and I still think there were interests in the party who manipulated them’ (MP), and ‘It was an utterly cynical and disgraceful campaign. They had all these very pretty young women wearing T-shirts going round telling delegates don’t vote for AWS it’s patronising and we can make it on our own’ (Peer). Playing upon their gendered identity in order to promote an argument that relied upon the critical importance of gender neutrality is paradoxical, but ultimately the publicity generated by the T-shirts was effective in gaining opposition to the motion. This led to criticism of the women opponents for trivialising an important issue. The symbolic use of T-shirts could be interpreted as a tool by which young women sought to distance themselves from the feminist beliefs of the older women in the party. One MP highlighted her frustration with the argument that AWS results in women candidates being seen as ‘token women’: I remember saying I feel like I’m a token woman in the Parliamentary party. I get pushed to the front of photos to make it look like we’ve got more women. I feel like wearing a T-shirt saying I am a token woman. I sometimes see two or three of the new women always pushing themselves forward in photos and I think ok that’s your choice to do that. At least you’re not made to do it. (MP)

Another MP agreed that the descriptive under-representation of women had led to all women MPs being tokens in every photo: I was a token woman in every photo and TV opportunity. I was always next to the leader and always at the front. Now there’s nine women out of sixty-three MPs and you can guarantee the women will be around the leader every time and that’s what happens when you don’t have enough women. (MP)

Women’s descriptive representation and their symbolic presence has also been linked in promotional photos, for example at the launch of the diversity fund, which saw Sir Menzies Campbell surrounded by young women. As noted above, the photo generated critical media attention,

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with commentators ridiculing the photo as an attempt to make their leader appear more glamorous and youthful. However, it wasn’t just the media who thought that the photo sent the wrong message, as one MP noted: ‘It was a contrived photo stunt. It looked like Uncle Ming out with his daughters.’ The decision not to make more, and better, use of images of women parliamentarians, raises doubts regarding the party’s commitment to promoting women MPs. Additionally, images of women in ‘supporting roles’ alongside male politicians, reinforces the gendered identification of MPs as male whilst voters and members of the public are codified as female. The range of images used symbolises a commitment to diversity, which is not reflected in the Parliamentary party, or indeed in the selection of the types of women selected for winnable seats. Although the party has few women MPs, there are a number of women peers and high-profile council leaders, who could be used to convey the message that not all Liberal Democrat politicians are men. Role models The party’s emphasis on the problem of supply (see Chapter 4) has led to an emphasis on the use of role models to encourage other women to come forward. During the interviews, women were asked to consider the value of role models and whom they would identify as their role model. This was informed by Childs’ (2004) analysis of Labour women MPs, which found some support for the role model effect, but also identified several problems (Childs, 2004). Based upon findings from her research the following three questions are considered: does the role model effect only work amongst women when other specific social characteristics are also taken into account?; are role models party specific?; and lastly, are high-profile women too far removed or ‘unreal’ to be considered role models? (Childs, 2004, pp. 60–66). These problems will help shape the evaluation of the role model effect vis-à-vis women in the Liberal Democrats. Additionally, this research also explores the extent to which women identified men as role models and considers why some women rejected the idea of role models. An analysis of their responses explores the degree to which role models helped encourage the interviewees to seek election. The value of role models One MP observed the significance of role models: ‘It is essential to provide positive female role models, who make women realise that getting

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involved in politics must not be left to men in suits.’ This MP’s identification of visible role models makes the overt connection between women’s descriptive presence and women’s motivation to seek election. Moreover, her invocation of politicians as ‘men in suits’ underscores the need to challenge the traditional sex/gender-based symbolic image of parliamentarians, through the elevation of ‘positive female role models’. However, the ambiguity surrounding the idea of female role models is somewhat problematic. In short, which women are considered role models and is their presence alone sufficient to encourage other women to come forward? The CGB highlight the importance of MPs and peers acting as role models in the campaign to get more women onto the approved list. This meant that women parliamentarians were regularly invited to give speeches at CGB events detailing their personal journey into politics. CGB recognised this approach was necessary, to counter the prevailing image of MPs as intimidating and distant, as one MP identified: ‘I think that one of the things that puts people off is the impression from the outside. You have to show them that a lot of MPs are normal human beings and they aren’t particularly special. You don’t have to be a demigod to be here.’ Another MP built upon the importance of countering the stereotypical image of MPs, citing the potential impact it could have on the decisions of selection panels: ‘If you have two [candidates] one male and one female, then all other things being equal, the man will win the selection hands down because he looks and sounds like an MP. That’s why having more women MPs is important.’ This MP recognised the stereotypical image of politician was male, and made the connection between the importance of women’s symbolic presence and increasing the descriptive representation of women. Furthermore, she believed there needed to be greater numbers of women present, to counter the stereotypical image of a politician amongst party selectors. All of the women MPs recognised their responsibility as role models to other women, with many participating in CGB events: ‘Yes I‘m aware that I can act as a role model for other women, hopefully when they see me they’ll realise that they can do it too’ (MP) and ‘as there are so few of us [women MPs] you have to make sure you’re doing your bit to encourage other women so that we get more women’ (MP). However, one MP raised concerns about gendering role models: ‘I try and help but I think assuming that one of the nine women MPs will be a role model for someone is to place too much emphasis on gender’ (MP).

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Identification of role models There is, of course, also a danger of promoting an, albeit alternative, homogenised role model for women, which may have limited effect. Indeed, Childs observes that the enactment of the role model effect may be limited to women who are similar in terms of background, experiences and resources (Childs, 2004). Supporting the hypothesis that other social cleavages are crucial to the identification of role models, many PPCs cited MPs as role models specifically because of their age: ‘Sandra Gidley is a normal ordinary sort of person; she’s capable and didn’t start so early. She’s like me enough for me to think I could do it’ (PPC), and ‘Jenny, Julia and Jo are the youngest MPs in each of the three countries. I see them as role models for younger women’ (PPC). The symbolic importance attached to both younger and older women MPs was identified by some PPCs, who as a result of their presence felt that age was not an immovable barrier to selection and election. Moreover, the relatively even generational split amongst the nine women MPs (mean age = 44.5) tempers the perceived prominence of the younger women MPs. Whilst the presence of younger and older women has provided role models for women of specific ages, the absence of women MPs with young children is notable, as is the failure to secure the election of any ethnic minority women MPs. Despite the relative lack of diverse social characteristics amongst the women MPs (all are white, and none have children under the age of sixteen) none of the PPCs mentioned the intersection between gender and ethnicity, or family status in their identification, or lack of, role models. However, none of the four BME PPCs or nine PPCs with children identified role models within the party. Whilst, more diverse women representatives might increase the number of women identifying role models, there is no guarantee that it would. Table 6.1 Identification of role models* Role model

Liberal Democrat women MPs Shirley Williams Other women in the party Women in other parties Men No role model

Frequency of citation 7 23 5 8 7 15

*Some of the women identified more than one role model. Source: elite interviews with 45 women Liberal Democrats (37 PPCs and 8 MPs).

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Countering the idea that the role model effect might be limited to women with similar backgrounds is the fact that some women identified men as role models: ‘My main role model is Ed Davey MP, he works extremely hard and effectively, and he is a very good man’ (PPC); ‘The sort of people who inspired me were Paddy Ashdown in his prime, and also Charles Kennedy he was, and still is, amazing’ (PPC) and ‘In terms of role models David Rendel has always encouraged me and he’s very good at fostering talent and encouraging women’ (PPC). To argue that the small number of women MPs has led some interviewees to identify men as role models, underplays the institutional and ideological emphasis that the Liberal Democrats place on individualism. Indeed, the tendency amongst some interviewees, even when asked specifically about women, to identify men could suggest a degree of antipathy towards any sense of collective identity based upon gender. The evidence from the interviews with women Liberal Democrats supports Childs’ findings that the identification of role models is not restricted by party (Childs, 2004). Moreover, not only are role models not party-specific, but they include the identification of women from across the political spectrum: ‘In terms of role models I can’t think of anyone in the Liberal Democrats. I had always admired Margaret Thatcher though, here was a lady putting herself forward and I thought that was great’ (PPC); ‘Barbara Castle. Her observation about how she reflected on being nervous about speaking was inspirational’ (PPC); and ‘Mo Mowlam because she was a principled politician’ (PPC). However, these quotations highlight the various attributes that specific women politicians symbolised to women PPCs, ambition, humility and principles. Moreover, they also identified women who had been particularly successful and very high profile. This was in contrast to the majority of the Liberal Democrat women MPs, whom some PPCs did not perceive to be particularly high profile. Additionally, some interviewees identified Labour women MPs with families as role models: ‘I think some of the Labour women made me think yes I can do that, people like Harriet Harman seemed to be a fairly human face of what was going on and had managed it with a family’ (MP), and ‘in terms of role models if you look at the 1997 intake then people like Yvette Cooper and Ruth Kelly, it’s been hugely helpful in terms of women with young families’ (PPC). In keeping with the previously identified partisan approach towards women’s representation (see Chapter 5, p. 111), one PPC observed that change brought about by the Labour women MPs had been wrought solely on the customs of the Labour Party rather than on the wider political system: ‘Personally for me they’re not role models although

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they have changed the culture of the Labour Party, which is still problematic for the Liberal Democrats’ (PPC). Nonetheless, it was clear from the interviews that some women identified individual Labour women MPs, or the 1997 intake more generally, as having had a role model effect. This reinforces the symbolic importance of the 1997 intake in terms of helping encourage other women of different political persuasions to seek election. The majority of interviewees did identify women within the Liberal Democrats as role models. The interviewees identified role models for a wide range of reasons, some for intellect or oratory skills, and others whose abilities most closely resembled their own: ‘I suppose the turning point came when Sarah Teather was elected. I admire her hugely and thought, well if she can do it, so can I’ (PPC); ‘In terms of role models I think Baroness Joan Walmsley, who is approachable and very likeable, and Baroness Margaret Sharp who has a fierce intellect’ (PPC); and ‘Candy Piercy, it’s the women in the party who take the trouble to single you out and mentor you. It’s more party workers than politicians really’ (PPC). What is notable from the above quotations is that it is not just elected parliamentarians that have acted as role models for women. This is important because it reinforces the significance of having women in senior, and visible, positions throughout the organisation. The ‘Shirley’ effect Despite the varied number of women cited, the most commonly identified role model was Baroness Shirley Williams. This identification was particularly notable amongst the women MPs who, before they were elected, had even fewer obvious role models within the party to choose from: ‘The person I’ve had the most admiration for is Shirley Williams who has just shone out there; she does it her own way. You don’t have to be like all those men in suits and I always refer to my dress style as being like hers as personal appearance is something I struggle with.’ This idea was echoed by PPCs who recognised her ‘genius’ and ‘talent’ for public speaking: ‘Shirley is very intelligent and an absolutely brilliant speaker, I don’t aspire to be like her because she’s really special but I try to model myself on her somewhat.’ In discussing their identification of Shirley Williams as a role model, adjectives such as ‘incomparable’, ‘exceptional’ and ‘amazing’ are testament to the unique position she holds within the Liberal Democrats and signify her ability to influence and inspire other women. Shirley Williams is the obvious example of a high-profile role model for women in the party, and it is striking that nearly all of those who

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identified role models within the party also mentioned her (see Table 6.1). However, just as some Labour women perceived Barbara Castle to be ‘too magnificent’, some Liberal Democrats also felt that Shirley Williams was so successful that she was ‘unreal’ (Childs, 2004): ‘Although she’s lovely she’s quite daunting from afar and I think that’s the problem’ (MP), and ‘Shirley Williams is a tour de force and is someone you can look up to and admire but I don’t know enough about her to consider her a role model’ (PPC). These quotations concur with the findings from Childs’ research, which highlights the limitations of very successful and high profile women as role models. Because of the oft-cited ‘brilliance’ of women such as Barbara Castle and Shirley Williams, they can appear too far removed, setting impossibly high standards, which few politicians of either sex could hope to reach. Despite being widely cited as a role model for women in the Liberal Democrats, Shirley Williams has spoken of her dislike of role models, uncomfortable with notions of idolatry (Williams, 1979). When interviewed for this research, she argued that a close network of supportive and non-competitive friends was far more important for women than a role model within the party. That Shirley Williams is uncomfortable with the idea of being a role model to some extent complicates her position as the symbolic representation of women’s success within the party. Nonetheless, her presence and role within the Liberal Democrats does seem to have acted as a catalyst for some women within the party to seek election, as highlighted by one PPC: ‘I’d never have thought about standing for Parliament until I heard Shirley talk about her life in politics. She’s certainly a role model to me.’ Rejection of role models Notwithstanding the readiness with which many cited role models who had encouraged and inspired them to stand for Parliament, a significant number of interviewees agreed with Shirley Williams’ rejection of symbolic role models. Indeed, fifteen interviewees claimed not to have any role models: ‘In terms of role models, I’m not big on heroes; I can’t think of any woman in the party who was a role model for me wanting to go into Parliament’ (PPC), and ‘I’m not a person who identifies with role models it’s the issues and ideas, which I find more interesting than people’ (PPC). Whereas others identified people outside the world of politics who had inspired them, as one MP explained: ‘I was more inspired by people closer to me rather than political figures.’ This was supported by another PPC who identified women in business as her role models:

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‘I have role models from when I worked in the City, women who had worked their way up.’ Various interviewees questioned the extent to which women in the party could act as role models: ‘I don’t really think the women MPs act as role models. The party is smaller and conference gives people a chance to network. So it’s not as removed as role models really’ (PPC), and ‘I think it’s difficult to see them [women MPs] as role models because they’re not very high profile. You always see Chris Huhne or Simon Hughes on the TV but when do you see any of the women?’ (PPC). Conversely, others identified that an increased presence of women politicians would result in more role models, thereby supporting the role model effect: ‘Certainly the women MPs that we have are role models and it is inspiring to know that if they can get there so can we. And then we can act as role models for other women in the party’ (PPC). It would be difficult to assess the full impact of the role model effect on women seeking to become parliamentarians. Whilst women such as Shirley Williams typify the idea of role model for the Liberal Democrats, her brilliance, that many women identified, juxtaposed with her undisputed symbolic presence within the party could potentially act as a barrier to those women from different backgrounds. Given these differing interpretations of the same argument it would be difficult to argue conclusively that increased descriptive representation would ever provide sufficient role models. Indeed, previous empirical research has identified contradictory conclusions regarding the impact of women’s symbolic presence (Atkeson, 2003; Lawless, 2004). However, an increase would undoubtedly symbolise that it is possible for women to overcome the various societal and institutional barriers to election. Moreover, and crucially for the Liberal Democrats, an increase in the number of women MPs would symbolise the party’s commitment to gender equality in a more visible fashion. Conclusion Having adopted a wide-ranging interpretation of women’s symbolic representation a number of themes have emerged which indicates the limited way in which the party seeks to promote, and increase, the presence of women MPs. Moreover, the research also supports findings from previous studies, which have sought to demonstrate the gendered way in which women politicians are represented by the media through ‘symbolic sexism’ and trivialisation (Norris, 1997a; Stevens, 2007).

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The survey of women’s representation in the media provided a number of examples, which support previous research on women politicians in the media. Furthermore, the attempt to stereotype the women Liberal Democrat MPs, the concentration on personal appearances, and a tendency to focus on the women politicians’ gender, all signify a prevailing trend with regard to the ways in which women politicians are represented. Whilst the MPs considered the press coverage to be hurtful, others refused to be bothered by it. This, as has previously been observed, is a somewhat naïve approach to adopt, considering the impact of the media on people’s attitudes towards politicians (SrebernyMohammadi and Roos, 1996). The limited use of images of women politicians reinforces the male image of the Liberal Democrat parliamentary party. The consistent secondary use of women in manifestos also supports the idea that when women are present, they are merely tokens. Moreover, the use of images to signify diversity is not necessarily reflected in their commitment to increasing the presence of different types of women. Given the emphasis on the MPs’ position as role models, it is interesting to note the limited way in which the party uses images of the women parliamentarians, a thought best summed up by one peer: ‘Sometimes it’s hard to tell where the women are, we certainly don’t seem to promote them sufficiently to show we do have capable women MPs.’ Whilst MPs recognised that they were role models for other women, they also identified limitations given the low number of women MPs. Moreover, because of the paucity of, and lack of diversity amongst, women MPs it is difficult to assess whether other social cleavages, other than age, are necessary for the role model effect to be enacted. The frequent citation of Shirley Williams as a role model reflects not only her status within the party but also underscores the lack of any other high-profile women in the party. Notes 1 This label also has links with persistent media references to Teresa May’s shoes (see for example Daily Telegraph, 8.10.2002; The Times, 30.11.2007).

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7

Conclusions: representing women?

Despite the equal opportunity rhetoric, the party is an institution embedded in a masculine ethos and ideology. This is illustrated by the dominance of one sex in key roles throughout the organisation, juxtaposed with a ‘gender blind’ ideological approach to equality and a poor record of selecting and electing women. The lack of women in senior and influential positions in the party, a noted masculine ethos within the party, a poor track record on electing women MPs, and a somewhat faltering approach to increasing the number of women MPs are the key findings from a gender analysis of the party. Whilst it is important to acknowledge the feminist policies promoted by the party, the research has shown that the organisation and ideology of the party do suggest the persistent privileging of male norms and values. Male parliamentarians dominated the coalition negotiations between the Liberal Democrats and the Conservatives. Furthermore, when it was announced that the Liberal Democrats would receive five Cabinet positions, none of those appointed were women. Whilst two women, Sarah Teather and Lynne Featherstone, received ministerial appointments, senior women in the party such as Shirley Williams openly criticised the absence of women from the discussions. At the time of writing, the coalition is only newly formed, and the outcomes for women and for feminists are unclear. In 2008 a Speaker’s Conference was set up to consider and make recommendations for redressing the imbalance of representation vis-àvis women, ethnic minorities and disabled people. In giving evidence to the Conference Nick Clegg said: ‘I am not theologically opposed to it [AWS], I will certainly revisit it if we do not make the progress that we want.’ Following the election it is clear that the party has gone backwards in terms of women’s representation and the party will inevitably be pressured to reconsider how different selection processes might best facilitate greater numbers of women candidates in winnable seats.

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This study was undertaken with the object of answering substantive questions regarding the Liberal Democrats representation of women. As such, the four questions, outlined below, formed the thematic basis of the analysis: (1) Do the ideology and organisation of the Liberal Democrats reinforce masculine norms and values? (2) Is the party is suffering from demand-side rather than supply-side problems vis-à-vis women candidates? (3) With so few women MPs, can the Liberal Democrats substantively represent women? (4) Are there sufficient critical actors working to feminise the party? This concluding chapter addresses these questions in order to draw together some of the key findings from the research. The ideology and organisation of the Liberal Democrats reinforces masculine norms and values The research findings suggest that masculine norms and values permeate four areas: ideology, organisation, party culture, and campaigning techniques. As detailed in Chapter 2, the party’s commitment to Liberal ideology has had a lasting impact upon the direction of the Liberal Democrats. Indeed, the party makes much of its late nineteenth and early twentieth century history, partly to compensate for its absence from government for nearly a century. The ties of early Liberalism, and in particular the ideas espoused by Mill, have had a significant purchase upon the minds of the modern day Liberal Democrats. Partly as a result of the deference accorded to the philosophies of Liberal thinkers, male norms and values continue to dominate much of the ideological debate within the party. Indeed, many interviewees cited Liberalism as a motivating factor for joining and becoming active within the Liberal Democrats. The links between Liberalism and feminism have at times been strained. Despite the presence of Liberal feminists within the party, as discussed in Chapter 3, the overlap with dominant ideas from social justice has limited the extent to which Liberal feminism is a distinct political approach. This limitation is best identified in the commitment to equality of opportunity, rather than outcome, couched within a wider meritocratic, i.e. gender neutral, ethos. In short, approaches to equality are influenced by an ideological approach that does not account for gender. Analysis of the organisational aspects of the Liberal Democrats highlighted the dominance of one sex in positions of power within the parliamentary party and senior personnel. This led some interviewees

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to identify a cultural problem within the organisation which had resulted in a failure to address allegations of sex discrimination and also reinforced the masculine culture throughout the organisation. This culture was identified in employment practices and in the party’s approach to campaigning. Several interviewees who had worked or interned for the party raised concerns about employment practices. This indicates a disjuncture between the party’s equal opportunity rhetoric and the way in which the organisation is structured and run. Furthermore, women are under-represented on the federal committees. Perhaps most critically the Chief Officers Group has just one woman member, Baroness Ros Scott. This is important because the group will be taking charge of the overall strategic direction of the party. The dominance of one sex was perceived to be a wider problem that permeated local parties. Indeed, some interviewees identified the dominating presence of the male local party chair, perceived by some to be particularly disadvantageous to women seeking selection. These interviewees discussed the hostility with which their decision to go for approval was met, suggesting an inherent gender bias within local parties which seek to reinforce the traditional sexual division of labour. This was emphasised by a perception that local parties are typically run by a clique of male activists, whilst women activists undertake specific tasks such as organising fundraising activities. The campaigning techniques of the party were also thought to favour men. In seeking selection, aspirant candidates are expected to canvass individual members, preferably by visiting their home. This was felt to be an additional barrier for women, who might have less time and, as some noted, be less comfortable with this type of campaigning. Therefore, the informal but widespread acceptance of this style of campaigning could ultimately give male candidates an advantage. The party is suffering from demand-side rather than supplyside problems vis-à-vis women candidates This research supports the extant literature, which has found the Liberal Democrats suffer disproportionately from demand-side problems when it comes to the selection of women candidates. Many women in the party do not accept the emphasis on demand, and the strategies adopted by the party to address women’s descriptive underrepresentation primarily address supply-side problems. The data set out in Chapter 4 built upon previous feminist research to argue that the

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Liberal Democrats continue to have demand-side, rather than supplyside problems with regards women candidates (Childs et al., 2005). Despite having to contend with various systemic factors, such as the electoral system, the research demonstrates that the party had a sufficient pool of women from which to select – at least in terms of filling half of its winnable seats at the 2010 election. Whilst the party selected women for four out of seven held seats and for just over 30 percent of winnable seats, this was clearly not sufficient and the overall number and percentage of women decreased following 2010. In addition to highlighting a relatively good supply of potential candidates, the research has also provided examples of perceptions of discrimination. Women with children noted that selectors questioned their ability to combine being a committed candidate with their caring responsibilities. In the majority of cases the selectors questions went unchallenged. BME candidates observed the difficulty they had in overcoming prejudices surrounding the intersection between gender and ethnicity. This was felt to be a specific problem for women of an Asian background, who perceived cultural barriers from within their own communities to be particularly unhelpful. Despite numerous perceptions of discrimination during the selection process, it was striking to note that many of the interviewees were firmly attached to supply-side rather than demand-side explanations, this again strikes a chord with previous research (Childs, 2004, p. 37). Many assumed their experiences were isolated incidents and were not reflective of a broader problem within the party. The determined attachment to supply-side arguments reinforces the idea that even women who feel that they have been discriminated against do not, or do not want to, recognise that the equality rhetoric espoused by the party is in direct contrast to the practice of some within the party vis-à-vis the selection of candidates. Disagreements about the best way in which to resolve the descriptive under-representation of women were augmented by a belief that the party had not devised a cohesive strategy for tackling the problem. The confusion surrounding the diversity fund, the under-resourced CGB and the lack of leadership on the issue were identified as being particularly unhelpful. However, the overwhelming majority of participants did believe that the party was genuinely committed to addressing the issue.

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The Liberal Democrats’ substantive representation of women is undermined by the lack of descriptive representation The Liberal Democrats do not descriptively represent women. However, the limitations that women’s descriptive under-representation place upon the party’s ability to substantively represent women is less clear. Whilst the research highlighted that some felt the low number of women MPs led them to ‘drop the ball’ on women’s issues, evidence of critical actors acting on behalf of women complicates a simple assertion that the party cannot substantively represent women. Until recently, the most detailed policy paper for women, published on behalf of the party, was Equal Citizens (1995); however, following the 2009 autumn conference, the party debated and passed a new set of policies for women (Real Women). This suggests that some in the party are pursuing women’s policies, although there was no discussion of women’s descriptive representation, and as noted in Chapter 2 not all policies passed at conference make it into the party’s manifesto. The interviews revealed that some women MPs felt pressured into acting on behalf of women because of a lack of interest from their male colleagues. This suggests that an increased descriptive presence of women would increase the number of MPs potentially willing to take up women’s interests. That this is only a potential consequence of women’s increased presence is vital to acknowledge. As Dovi observed, not all descriptive representatives are ‘good’ descriptive representatives who will seek to act on behalf of the group (Dovi, 2007). The research highlighted specific examples of how and in which areas critical actors have sought to act on behalf of women. This representation was driven by a number of factors; to pursue a specific policy objective, such as the MP who introduced a private member’s bill on flexible working for parents; to campaign on a high-profile national issue in association with various autonomous women’s groups such as Dr Evan Harris’s work with Abortion Rights UK; to champion issues of particular interest, such as the MP working on micro-credit; and lastly in some instances female MPs have gone out of their way to act on behalf of women because of the lack of interest from the largely male Parliamentary party. Gathering sufficient evidence to argue that the party is acting on behalf of women is difficult. Some interviewees did believe that they represented women, but that this representation was limited to a number of specific areas. Notable are the exceptional one or two MPs who ‘kept an eye out’ for women’s issues. Again this reinforces the important presence of critical actors in the party, willing to take on

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and champion women’s interests. Following coalition negotiations, Lynne Featherstone MP was appointed parliamentary Under Secretary of State, Minister for Equalities. This is an important opportunity for her, as a critical actor now within government, to help bring about pro-women legislation. Accordingly, the Liberal Democrats, and Featherstone in particular, have an opportunity to demonstrate in terms of output their commitment to substantively representing women’s interests. As has previously been observed, the Liberal Democrats have in the past tried to promote themselves as the party for women (Kittilson, 2006; Stephenson, 1998). Selling the party’s policies for women has led those feminists involved with the party to question the extent to which the party adheres to its own policies. One of the most important findings that emerged from the research on the substantive representation of women has been the disconnect between the way in which the party ‘sells itself ’ as a pro-women party and the commitment to women’s interests in Parliament and within the party. It is not enough to claim to be able to represent women, as pro-women policies are undermined by a perceived lack of interest from the majority of parliamentarians and by a lack of women MPs. In short, substantive representation of women is not a substitute for the descriptive representation of women. There are insufficient critical actors working to feminise the party Evidence to suggest the presence of critical actors seeking to feminise the party agenda was limited. Addressing the question requires analysis of three key areas: the level of feminist presence within the party, an evaluation of the work undertaken by WLD and CGB, and evidence of individual critical actors working to feminise the party. Feminist presence Whilst there is a feminist presence in the party, this is more prevalent amongst party elites than amongst women on the approved list. Many of the elite interviewees sought to substantially qualify their feminism and to couch it more in social justice discourse and equality of opportunity rhetoric. Furthermore, statistical analysis of the relationship between the feminist identification of women on the approved list and their responses to questions and statements surrounding women’s descriptive representation, revealed either no, or a weak, relationship. This means that feminist identification has relatively little impact upon

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the attitudes of women on the party’s approved list towards women’s descriptive representation. This finding perhaps suggests the need to explore in greater depth the survey participants understanding of feminism, rather than just asking them to respond to a statement asking if they identify as feminist. WLD and CGB Despite the presence of WLD and CGB, there appeared to be little attempt to mobilise women within the party, and the extent to which they can seek to influence the leadership or local parties was limited. As Chapter 3 highlighted, whilst WLD has had some successes in terms of getting policy motions accepted to conference, it is far from being an influential voice within the party. Divisions over the issue of AWS meant that the organisation failed to mobilise on what is arguably the most important issue facing women’s representation in the party. Moreover, those who had campaigned for AWS, notably the women peers, were outwardly frustrated with WLD for failing to take a lead on the issue at the time. As such, many of those who had been in favour of quotas were no longer involved in WLD or in CGB. This was best summed up by one peer: ‘I’ve washed my hands of the whole thing now. Those who opposed AWS can make sure we get to equal numbers of men and women.’ Low levels of funding, coupled with a low membership base, means that WLD is not only limited in what it can achieve but is also still very much on the fringes of the party, despite being located within Cowley Street. Those involved with WLD believed that there was a common perception amongst the wider party that the existence of two women’s groups was not only confusing but also unnecessary. This has been reflected in the moves to merge the two organisations. Those involved with CGB articulated fears about attempts to undermine the campaign, through funding cuts and talks of mergers with WLD. One of the biggest frustrations noted by those involved with CGB was the hostility from local parties and the wider party membership at the perceived attempt from Cowley Street to interfere in the selection processes to get more women selected, although as Webb has previously noted, elite intervention in selections is common within the party (Webb, 2000). There was a perception that neither the party leadership nor the local parties were ‘signed up’ to the agenda to increase the number of women MPs, despite the fact that when asked explicitly, many believed that the party were genuinely committed to increasing the number of women

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MPs. However, as one MP articulated, there just isn’t the ‘desire’ to change things. There was an acknowledged lack of joined-up thinking with regard to lobbying the party leadership about women’s representation; as one interviewee highlighted, ‘We’re all doing things but with few resources and not together, the right hand doesn’t know what the left hand is doing.’ Critical actors The interviews revealed that whilst there were individuals working to try and increase the number of women MPs, this was not within a wider context of ‘feminising’ the party. Those involved with the CGB are keen to emphasise that the party has a problem with supply, and do not see the low number of women MPs as being a result of discrimination against women. As such it is difficult to perceive how the culture of the party will change whilst the issue of women’s representation is isolated purely as a problem of supply. Whilst WLD has tried to encourage more women to get involved with federal committees, this is restricted to their members. WLD’s limited ability to reach beyond its 500 members, not all of whom are women, means that only a tiny percentage of women party members are being encouraged to get involved. Furthermore, interviews with elite women in the party and senior party officials did not reveal evidence for critical actors working to feminise the party. Whilst there are critical actors seeking to increase the number of women parliamentarians, the culture and organisation of the party was not an issue that was being addressed by WLD or by individual women. This book has demonstrated the importance of providing detailed feminist analyses of political parties that address ideology, organisation, culture, political recruitment and a feminist presence. As has been previously highlighted, the Liberal Democrat response to women’s representation has been puzzling. This book has shed light on the various factors influencing that response. The purpose of this study was to explore why the Liberal Democrats have so few women MPs, and to assess how responsive the party is to ‘acting for women’. The research has highlighted a number of key findings: the ideology and culture of the Liberal Democrats reinforces masculine norms and values; the party continues to suffer from demand-side, rather than supply-side issues, with regard to women candidates; the party’s substantive representation of women is undermined by a lack of women MPs; and there was no evidence to suggest a network of critical actors working to feminise the party. Analysis of the

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approval and selection data alongside a consideration of the experiences of women in the party has highlighted that it is far from clear that the Liberal Democrats have adopted appropriate strategies to address the issue of women’s descriptive under-representation. Furthermore, whilst the research established a feminist presence and the promotion of relatively feminist policies within the party, the findings also highlight a real gap between the rhetoric and underlying beliefs professed within the party and what, in the final analysis, remains a hesitant and somewhat confused approach to achieving gender balance.

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Appendices

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Appendix 1 Research methods

Although frequent reference is made to the 2010 general election, the results of which are set out in Chapter 1, the empirical research undertaken for this book was conducted between 2005 and 2008. Interviews were undertaken with a wide range of women involved with the party (see Table A1.1 below). Throughout the book, where a quotation is attributed to an MP or PPC, this refers to their status at the time, and not following the 2010 election. The decision to solely interview women for the research reflects the aims of the research and also follows in the tradition of previous work on women and politics (Abdela,1989; Childs, 2004; Sones et al., 2005). Moreover, by solely interviewing women politicians and aspirant politicians, the research provides an opportunity to consider differences in attitudes amongst women, rather than between men and women. However, it became apparent that it would be beneficial, if not necessary, to interview two male senior party officials, because of their role within the party and their personal knowledge of selection processes and election campaigning; their specific roles within the organisation placed them in a unique position to assess the various obstacles and barriers faced by women in the party. The participating prospective parliamentary candidates (PPCs) generally reflected the population of Liberal Democrat PPCs in terms of Table A1.1 Number of interviews conducted Interviewees

Women MPs Women peers Prospective parliamentary candidates (PPCs) Senior party officials Others (including SAOs and researchers) Total

Number

8 12 37 5 9 71

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region, age and ethnicity. Due care was taken to ensure that a range of interviews were conducted with women standing in winnable seats (those requiring a swing to win of 5 percent or less) target seats (those requiring a swing to win of 7.5 percent or less), ‘black hole’ seats, and newly created seats, and first-time candidates were also specifically included, in order to get a more accurate picture of women’s experiences. A semi-structured interviewing technique was adopted, thereby allowing the women to talk openly about their experiences and understanding of recruitment, the political culture of the party and attitudes towards positive discrimination. Examining the approval and selection processes, the interviews probed issues around discrimination and selfperceived ‘gendered experiences’ in order to explore to what extent the women had consciously thought about their gender throughout their selection and election campaigns. Additionally, the interviews questioned the relationships that the women had with their local parties in order to examine the varying levels of support and culture of the party at a local and national level. There are, admittedly, known limitations regarding the validity of qualitative research. In short it is difficult to know whether what someone says in an interview is what he or she normally believes (Bryman, 2001). An attendant danger was to ‘over-read’ the responses of the women, particularly those who claimed to have been discriminated against. Accordingly, it is vital to treat interviewees’ responses as perceptions of their experiences and claims, rather than as ‘facts’ (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995, pp. 14–15). The interviews lasted between forty-five and sixty minutes and were recorded and fully transcribed. The location of the interviews varied. from the Houses of Parliament, to the 2007 party conference in Brighton, to various cafes and offices in interviewees’ constituencies. The anonymity of the interviewees was guaranteed; where an interviewee might be identifiable through a description or quotation, specific permission was sought before inclusion. The selection data referred to in Chapter 4 include the full list of candidates fielded by the party. Given that the interviews conducted for this book were undertaken at least a year prior to the 2010 general election, this means that PPCs selected after November 2008 were not interviewed for this research. In order to explore issues that emerged during the interviews, a survey of women on the party’s list of approved candidates for selection was undertaken. Predominantly a fixed form of data collection with limited open-ended questions, the survey was designed to gather

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information based upon answers to categorical and ordinal questions. The survey was also used to quantify responses to a series of statements relating to women’s representation. Despite problems with measuring attitudes through the use of scales in surveys (Gorard, 2003), it was deemed important to extrapolate and quantify responses to some of the ideas that had emerged during the interviews. The questionnaire was designed after a substantial amount of interviews had been conducted in order to extrapolate key themes. Following a pilot survey, the questionnaire was sent to women who had gone through the party’s internal approval process but who had not yet been selected for a seat. Sent out in November 2007, the surveys yielded an initial response rate of 51 percent; a follow-up mailing sent out in January 2008 produced a final response of 68 percent. The survey contained three broad sections: personal details, political experience, and responses to statements on women’s representation. The survey asked for personal details based upon census categories and standardised questionnaire tabulation. Finally, in order to provide a detailed institutional analysis of women’s symbolic representation and also of women’s role within the history and organisation of the Liberal Democrats, the qualitative and quantitative data are complemented by document analysis. This research analyses a range of documents: newspaper coverage of women MPs, party manifestos, and magazines and newsletters produced by the internal women’s organisation WLD. Studying these documents allows the book to address the research questions in a more comprehensive fashion. Document analysis was used predominantly to explore the role of women’s organisations within the party and the symbolic representation of women MPs in the media. The collection of media articles was undertaken in a systematic way, involving regular weekly monitoring of the coverage of women Liberal Democrats in the tabloid and broadsheet papers. Additional searches for articles or mentions of the women Liberal Democrat MPs were made using LexisNexis. This coverage was used to explore sex-based stereotypes, which had been evidenced in previous research (Norris, 1997b; Sreberny-Mohammadi and Roos, 1996). Traditionally, analysis of media representation of a specific group or issue would be subjected to a quantitative content analysis. However, the low number of women MPs meant that there was not sufficient coverage to undertake such a rigorous form of analysis. Instead, the articles were analysed depending on specific themes that emerged in previous research, such as the trivialisation of women politicians (Norris, 1997c).

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Appendix 2

A chronology of women’s representation and the Liberal Democrats

Date

Event

1867

Leading Liberal John Stuart Mill calls for female suffrage.

1859

1887

Formation of the Liberal Party by the Whigs, Peelites and Radicals.

Establishment of the Women’s Liberal Federation.

1905

Suffragettes arrested following disruptions at a Liberal Party meeting.

1909

Women’s Suffrage Bill is introduced but not passed.

1907

Election of a Liberal government.

Liberal government introduce new Suffrage Bill calling for suffrage for some women and the vote for virtually all men. Despite being passed in the Commons, the Bill was dropped when the general election was called.

1910/11 Introduction of the Conciliation Bill to extend suffrage to a limited number of women was passed by the Commons but then dropped by the Prime Minister Asquith. 1913

1914 1918 1919 1919

Government introduced the Male Suffrage Bill; an amendment to give votes to women was withdrawn.

Outbreak of First World War.The majority of women’s suffrage campaigning suspended.

Representation of the People Act gave the vote to all men aged 21 and over, and to women aged 30 and over if they were married, householders or graduates.

Countess de Markievicz, a member of Sinn Fein, was elected as the first woman MP but refused to take her seat.

Nancy Astor was the first woman MP to take her seat in the House of Commons.

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A chronology of women’s representation and the Liberal Democrats 1921 1924 1928 1935 1945 1967

1981

1983 1989 1999

2001

2010

161

Margaret Wintringham becomes the first Liberal women elected after a by-election was held in her late husband’s seat. Liberals lose 75 percent of their seats in the general election, leaving them with just forty seats and no women MPs.

Representation of the People Act gives women the vote on the same terms as men.

Liberals reduced to just twenty-one MPs following internal splits over coalitions. Following the post-war election only twelve Liberal MPs were returned; this dropped to an all-time low of five at the 1957 election. Liberal MP David Steel successfully introduced the Abortion Act.

The ‘Gang of Four’ (Shirley Williams, Roy Jenkins, Bill Rodgers and David Owen) break away from Labour to form the Social Democratic Party (SDP).The SDP and Liberal Party form an alliance with joint candidates and a common platform.The SDP adopt quotas for women at the point of shortlisting.

The Alliance win just over 25 percent share of the vote but only gain twenty-three seats. After protracted negotiations the SDP and Liberal Party unite formally as the Liberal Democrats led by Paddy Ashdown. Liberal Democrats adopt zipping for the European elections.

The party debate and reject the use of all women shortlists.

The 2010 election results in a hung parliament, which leads to the Liberal Democrats forming a coalition government with the Conservatives.

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Index

Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe 13–16 all-women shortlists (AWS) 7, 8, 23, 24, 30, 38, 41–4, 50, 54–9, 61, 63, 67–9, 72, 73, 75, 86, 90, 92, 111, 112, 135–7, 146, 152 see also quotas and equality guarantees Ashdown, Paddy 45, 141, 161

black and ethnic minority representation (BME) 84–5, 102–3, 112, 140, 149 Blair, Tony 130 Brooke, Annette 94 Burt, Lorely 94

Calton, Patsy 40, 115 Cameron, David 8, 11, 62 Campaign for Gender Balance (CGB) 8, 38, 39, 41–2, 46, 61–5, 67, 73, 76, 88, 90, 127, 133, 139, 149, 151–3 Campbell, Menzies 62, 130, 132, 137 class 30, 83, 98, 102, 112 Clegg, Nick 2, 3, 5, 33, 62, 74, 84, 136, 146

coalition 1–3, 5, 33, 123, 129, 146 Conservative Party 1–3, 5, 33, 45, 62, 94, 146 attitudes towards women’s representation 51, 52, 57 women’s representation 7–10, 12, 91 Cowley Street (party headquarters) 4, 33, 36, 40, 84, 98, 99

diversity fund 61, 63, 65–6, 73, 83, 132, 137

election manifestos 31, 34, 72, 85, 119–21, 125, 135, 136, 145, 150, 159 electoral system 3, 4, 10, 14, 16, 69, 75, 80, 85–6, 149 equality strategies 62–70 guarantees 67–9 see also quotas and all-women shortlists promotion 63–7 rhetoric 62 European Parliament 12–13

Fawcett Society 26, 38, 75, 103 Featherstone, Lynne 94, 123, 129, 131, 146

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172 federal committees 30–4 Federal Conference Committee 31–2 Federal Executive 31, 33 Federal Finance and Administration Committee 31, 34, 38, 39, 45 Federal Policy Committee 31, 32, 34 feminisation 9, 30, 70, 71, 82, 83, 113, 119 feminism 25, 26, 44, 70–2 identification as feminist 47–50

Gender Balance Taskforce see Campaign for Gender Balance Gidley, Sandra 94, 136, 140 Goldsworthy, Julia 94, 131, 132

Harris, Evan 116–18, 150

Kennedy, Charles 130, 135–6, 141 Kramer, Susan 94, 117, 118, 133

Labour 1–3, 5, 7–12, 26, 28, 30–4, 45, 51, 52, 54, 76, 85, 115, 120, 142 all-women shortlists 22, 57 women MPs 111–12, 116, 129, 130, 138, 141, 143 women’s representation 7–12, 91–3 Lester, Antony 118–19 Liberalism 24–7, 44, 62, 147 Liberal Party 3, 26, 28–30 localism 86–8, 90, 99

media 69, 79, 112, 115, 144, 145, 159

Index attitudes towards 132–3 preparing candidates for 133–5 representation of women MPs 128–32 merger 28–30

National Assembly for Wales 10–11

party employees 34–8 Pitkin, Hanna F. 16–20, 24, 105, 128 Phillips, Anne 20–2, 105

quotas see also all women shortlists and equality guarantees at the point of shortlisting 30, 67–8 debates within the Liberal Democrats 24, 26–8, 43–4, 48, 56–7, 68–9, 87, 90, 136, 152 internal party use 7 other parties use 8, 10, 13–16

representation 6–13, 16–22 descriptive 17–18, 20–1 attitudes towards 50–7 selection methods 75–80 women candidates discrimination against 94–102 supply of 87–94 winnable and target seats 92–4 formalistic 17 substantive 18–20 critical actors 22, 112–13 men 116–19 women 113–16 critical mass 110, 111, 127 see also women’s issues

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Index symbolic 18, 21–2 women as role models 138–44 see also media

Scott, Ros 33, 148 Scottish Parliament 10–13 SDP see Social Democrat Party Seear, Nancy 29, 33 Social Democrat Party 28–30, 39, 67, 85, 119–20 Swinson, Jo 65, 94, 132

Teather, Sarah 93, 131, 142, 146 Tonge, Jenny 115, 130 tuition fees 3, 5, 31, 120–1 twinning 7, 10, 11, 56, 90

173 Willett, Jenny 94 Williams, Kirsty 11 Williams, Shirley 140, 142–6 WLD see Women Liberal Democrats Women’s issues 49, 105, 106 abortion 117–18, 150, 161 attitudes towards 107–9, 121–4 in manifestos 119–21 see also election manifestos Women Liberal Democrats 8, 25, 32, 45, 46, 70, 116, 127, 151–3, 159 aims 38–40 perceptions of 40–2 response to AWS debate 42–4 Women’s Liberal Federation 29

zipping 7, 10, 12, 13, 56, 161 Webb, Steve 118, 119