Gangsters: 50 Years of Madness, Drugs, and Death on the Streets of America 9780814789131

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GANGSTERS

GANGSTERS Fifty Year s o f Madness, Drugs , and Deat h o n the Streets o f America

LEWIS YABLONSK

NEW YOR

K U N I V E R S I T New York and London

Y

Y P R E S

S

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New York and Londo n © 199 7 by New York University All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a Yablonsky, Lewis. Gangsters : fifty year s of madness, drugs, and death on the streets of America / Lewis Yablonsky. p. cm . Includes bibliographical reference s an d index . Contents: The current gang problem — Gangs in the 20th century — Gang characteristics — Black and chicano gangs : in and out of prison — Why gangs kill : the sociopath facto r — Some effectiv e interventions — The therapeutic communit y approac h to gangs — Varied theoretical viewpoint s — The violent gang as a near-group — Joining a positive gang : a plan fo r treating gangsters in a therapeutic community . ISBN 0-8147-9679- 6 (clot h : alk paper) ISB N 0-8147-9688-5 (pb k : alk.paper) 1. Gangs —United States . 2 . Gangs — United State s — Prevention . I. Title. HV6439.U5Y3 199 7 302.3'4 —dc20 96-3571 3 CIP New York University Press books are printed o n acid-free paper , and thei r binding materials are chosen fo r strength an d durability . Manufactured i n the Unite d State s of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

Contents

Acknowledgments vi i Introduction i x PART 1 GANGS : NO W AND THE N 1. Th e Curren t Gan g Problem 3 2. Gangs i n the Twentieth Centur y 2 8 PART 2 T H

E CONTEMPORAR Y GAN G

3. Gan g Characteristics 5 7 4. Blac k and Chican o Gangs : In and Ou t o f Prison 7 2 5. Wh y Gangs Kill : The Sociopat h Facto r 10 1 PART 3 T R E A T M E N

T APPROACHE S

6. Som e Effectiv e Intervention s 12 5 7. Th e Therapeuti c Communit y Approach t o Gangs 14 8 PART 4 GAN

G T H E O R I E S AN D T R E A T M E N T

8. Varie d Theoretical Viewpoint s 16 9 9. Th e Violent Gan g as a Near-Group 18 6 10. Joinin g a Positive Gang: A Plan fo r Treating Gangster s in a Therapeutic Communit y 20 6 Notes 22 3 Index 22 9 v

Acknowledgments

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Y PERSONAL AN D PROFESSIONA L understandin g o f gangs ha s been influence d b y man y people . M y brillian t an d belove d so n Mitch, a Lo s Angele s Count y probatio n officer , supporte d m e throughou t the travail s o f researchin g an d writin g thi s book , an d pointe d m e i n man y useful direction s fo r th e acquisitio n o f data . I a m deepl y gratefu l t o m y dea r friends Norma n Herman , Be n Krentzman , an d Vinc e Jeffries , wh o listene d with a feigne d attentivenes s tha t ofte n bordere d o n sincerit y t o al l o f th e good an d ba d concept s o n gang s tha t I bounce d of f o f the m ove r th e pas t several years , an d o n man y occasion s the y contribute d t o m y knowledg e o n the subject . The L.A . Count y Probatio n Departmen t wa s a vital sourc e o f dat a fo r m y book. Barr y Nidorf , Chie f Probatio n Officer , pave d th e wa y fo r man y o f m y interviews, an d als o provide d m e wit h a n insightfu l analysi s o f th e probatio n department's methodolog y fo r preventing , treating , an d controllin g gangs . Two probatio n officers , Ji m Gallipeau , a thirty-year-vetera n o f th e gan g war s in Sout h Centra l L.A . an d Bra d Carson , whos e knowledg e i s base d o n hi s gang preventio n effort s i n Venice , helpe d m e considerabl y i n developin g m y overall perspectiv e o n gangs . I a m als o gratefu l t o Ke n Bel l o f th e Lo s Angeles Count y distric t attorney' s offic e an d Pete r Shuta n o f the Lo s Angele s vii

viii / Acknowledgments city attorney' s offic e fo r providin g m e wit h thei r valuable insight s int o th e L.A. gang problem. My dea r friend s an d colleague s i n th e Amit y Therapeuti c Communit y provided m e wit h a considerabl e amoun t o f dat a o n gang s i n a variet y o f ways. The suppor t o f Amity's directors , Bett y Fleishman , Nay a Arbiter , an d Rod Mullen , facilitate d m y entr y int o tw o o f Amity's landmar k priso n pro grams — the Californi a Departmen t o f Correction' s Amit y Righ t Tur n Proj ect i n th e R . J. Donava n Sa n Dieg o Priso n an d th e short-lived , bu t innova tive, therapeuti c communit y projec t i n th e Beaumon t Texa s Prison . Man y Amity peopl e helpe d m e wit h m y book personall y an d professionally . Nota ble i n thi s positiv e gan g o f peopl e wa s Elain e Abraham , Sheil a Giddings , Fred Tent , Erni e Logan , Rache l Curtis , an d Raymon d Adame . Tw o specia l contributors to this project were two former L.A . Crips, my good friends Alex Pipkin and Demitrius McGee. My dear friend an d colleague Zev Putterman, one o f th e mos t brillian t an d intelligen t ex-junkie s o n th e planet , als o contributed enormousl y t o m y viewpoin t o n severa l aspect s o f th e gan g problem. Over the past forty-five years , several hundred activ e and former gangsters , in an d ou t o f prison , provide d valuabl e dat a fo r th e book . Th e platitude , "without thei r help , this book woul d no t hav e bee n written " i s literally true . I am mos t grateful fo r thei r cooperatio n i n individua l an d grou p interviews , and thei r response s t o questionnaires . Len a Lindse y an d Jak e Smotherma n assisted m e i n the administratio n o f the questionnaires . My colleague s a t Texa s A & M Universit y — Commerce, welcome d m e into the Departmen t o f Sociology and Crimina l Justic e a t a pivotal junctur e in my sociological career and provided a pleasant and productive intellectua l environment fo r th e completio n o f this book . M y specia l thank s g o t o Drs . Mathew Kanjirathinkal , Bil l Thompson , Roc k Clinton , an d R . N . Sing h and t o Presiden t Jerr y Morris . Rand y McBroom , Jacki e Harred , an d Greg g Williford helpe d t o analyz e m y gan g questionnaire s an d contribute d enor mously to this aspect of the book . Finally, and o f importance, the enthusiasti c acceptanc e o f this project by New Yor k Universit y Pres s Editor-in-Chie f Nik o Pfund , an d th e excellen t editorial suggestion s o f m y editor , Ti m Bartlett , prove d t o b e o f enormou s help i n the development an d completio n o f this book.

Introduction

If you want to truly understand somethin g — try to change it. — KUR T LEWI N

H

TREET GANG S I N AMERIC A prio r t o th e en d o f Worl d Wa r I were relativel y nonviolen t whe n compare d t o contemporary violen t gangs. I n th e first hal f o f th e twentiet h century , th e behavio r o f juvenil e gangs wa s marke d b y a sens e o f camaraderie , a territoria l imperative , som e fistfights, and rando m act s o f delinquency . Ove r th e pas t fifty years, i n th e post-World Wa r II period, gang-related act s of madness, drugs, and deat h o n the street s hav e increasingl y becom e a serious nationa l problem . Thi s gan g problem, involving drugs and senseless violence, has turned int o a nightmare for citizens and polic e i n almost every city, large and small , in America. In Octobe r 1995 , a famil y ca r wit h severa l childre n i n i t too k a wron g turn an d drov e int o a Los Angeles gang' s territory o n a dead-end street . Th e gang's hair-trigge r proclivit y fo r violenc e exploded . Believin g thei r territor y had bee n invaded , they sprung int o action an d opene d fire on the ca r with a hail o f bullets fro m automati c weapon s tha t kille d a three-year-old gir l wit h a bulle t i n he r hea d an d wounde d severa l member s o f th e haples s victim' s family. Mos t regrettably , this i s not an isolate d inciden t i n th e contemporar y violent gang's pattern o f senseless homicidal activities . Although the y mainly kill eac h other , innocen t victim s ofte n win d u p i n th e cros s fire o f letha l gang violence. I have bee n engaged , personall y an d professionally , i n a n effor t t o under IX

x / Introduction

stand an d chang e th e bizarr e an d senseles s violenc e o f gang s fo r almos t fifty years. M y persona l introductio n t o th e phenomeno n o f senseles s gan g vio lence happene d a s a n eight-year-ol d victim . M y famil y live d i n th e are a o f a black ghett o i n Newark , Ne w Jersey , an d I gre w u p i n th e swir l o f violenc e and rag e tha t dominate d ou r neighborhood . I attended Mille r Stree t School , a dominantl y blac k school , whose onl y clai m t o fame wa s that Sara h Vaughn , who late r becam e a famous jaz z singer , wa s a n alumna . At Mille r I was i n th e whit e minority , an d I was referre d t o a s an "ofay " o r "fayboy" (meanin g whit e boy ) b y the blac k gang s tha t dominate d th e school . During thos e years , from ag e eigh t t o twelve , I was victimized man y time s b y the school' s blac k gang s fo r wha t I considere d a t tha t tim e rationa l an d irrational motives . Th e rationa l approac h wa s a for m o f protectio n calle d "tech-taking" tha t involve d th e extortio n o f fifteen t o twent y cent s a wee k — big mone y fo r a ki d i n thos e days . Th e "protection " wa s tha t yo u wouldn' t be assaulte d i f you pai d up . The irrationa l assault s wer e relate d t o m y bein g a n "ofay. " A s a whit e minority, I was periodicall y assaulte d fo r n o specia l reaso n — other tha n wha t I later foun d ou t a s a sociologist wa s reverse prejudice . I n thos e days , violenc e seldom, i f ever , involve d an y letha l weapons . Mos t fighting wa s don e one on-one wit h fists, althoug h o n occasio n i t wa s group-on-one . I n thes e earl y ganglike situations , m y respons e involve d rollin g wit h th e punche s an d getting a few punche s i n her e an d ther e a s I was bein g knocke d down . Som e fairness prevaile d whe n I wa s allowe d t o fight one-on-on e wit h a n adversary . There wer e a fe w occasion s whe n I actually wo n i n a fai r fight. Later o n i n m y teenag e years , I attende d an d graduate d fro m on e o f Newark's dominantl y blac k hig h schools , Sout h Sid e High . (Sout h Sid e High wa s renamed , Malcol m X-Shabaz z Hig h Schoo l i n th e 1970 s whe n i t became a n almos t totall y Africa n America n hig h school. ) I n th e earl y 1940s , the schoo l wa s self-segregated , wit h blac k student s hangin g ou t o n on e sid e of the schoo l an d white s o n th e other . I often integrate d th e blac k are a o f th e school, largel y becaus e I wa s intereste d an d entertaine d b y mal e blac k students wh o playe d "th e dozens. " Thi s wa s a verba l game , wher e a numbe r of kid s woul d encircl e tw o mai n actors , wh o woul d verball y spa r wit h eac h other b y spontaneousl y creatin g nast y rhymes , whic h usuall y attacke d th e opponent's mother . ( A on e line r I recal l was , "Fucke d you r M a i n a n alleyway, whe n I go t through , sh e though t sh e wa s Ca b Calloway." ) Th e adversary woul d counte r wit h wha t wa s calle d " a backhap. " I f hi s retor t wa s strong, th e grou p woul d chant , "Ma n wha t a stron g backhap! " Retrospec -

Introduction I x i

tively, I believe th e dozen s wa s reall y th e earlies t for m o f wha t i s no w haile d as the ne w musica l for m know n a s "gangst a rap. " My interes t i n th e dozens , unfortunatel y contribute d t o a memorabl y violent situatio n i n whic h I was seriousl y assaulte d b y a black gang . T he hig h school doze n player s wer e mino r leaguers . O n e blac k classmat e an d frien d of min e tol d me , "Ma n i f yo u di g thes e guys , yo u shoul d chec k ou t th e cat s on Princ e Street. " The corne r o f Princ e an d Kinne y Street s wa s th e cente r fo r olde r mor e expert doze n players . On e afternoon , afte r enjoyin g severa l hour s o f thei r fascinating imprompt u entertainmen t o n th e corne r o f Princ e an d Kinne y Streets, I heade d home . I apparentl y wa s i n th e wron g plac e a t th e wron g time. Severa l block s fro m Princ e an d Kinney , fou r youn g blac k me n cam e walking towar d m e wit h a belligeren t demeanor . The y crowde d m e of f th e sidewalk. A s I trie d t o ge t ou t o f thei r way , on e o f the m greete d m e wit h th e puzzling query , "He y yo u ofa y motherfucker , wha t di d yo u sa y abou t m y mother?" Bein g stupi d an d nervou s a t th e time , I starte d t o answe r th e question wit h somethin g t o th e effec t of , " I neve r me t you r mother. " Thi s was, o f course , completel y besid e th e poin t t o m y attackers . The nex t thin g I knew , afte r receivin g a punc h righ t o n th e jaw , I wa s down o n th e groun d i n a feta l positio n tryin g har d t o avoi d kick s t o m y hea d and body . The beatin g continue d ferociousl y fo r severa l minutes , afte r which , bloody an d bowed , I wandere d home . T o thi s day , I stil l thin k abou t th e senselessness an d th e ragin g ferocit y o f m y undeserve d beatin g b y thi s gang . That event , plu s othe r socia l factor s i n m y teenag e year s i n Newark , cause d me t o carr y a switchblade knif e fo r protectio n unti l I was almos t eighteen . I n my earl y years , th e platitud e tha t "som e o f m y bes t friend s ar e juvenil e delinquents" certainl y applie d t o me . Another valuabl e experienc e tha t furthe r introduce d m e int o th e worl d o f gangs, delinquency , an d socia l problem s befor e I acquired an y forma l educa tion o n th e subjec t wa s a jo b I ha d wit h m y father . Hi s occupatio n fo r mos t of hi s lif e wa s drivin g a laundr y truc k tha t picke d u p laundr y i n th e poores t section o f Newark . Thi s almos t completel y Africa n America n neighborhoo d was —and t o a larg e exten t remain s — socioeconomically, a thir d worl d country. Peopl e sen t ou t thei r laundr y becaus e the y ha d n o availabl e facilitie s for washin g thei r clothes . During m y adolescen t year s whe n I helpe d m y fathe r o n hi s truck , I delivered laundr y t o poor people , som e livin g i n cellar s wit h orang e crate s fo r furniture an d mattresse s o n th e floor. Experiencin g thes e situation s directly ,

xii / Introduction

spending tim e informall y talkin g wit h ou r client s whe n I delivere d thei r laundry, an d observin g childre n growin g u p unde r thes e condition s wer e among my most emotionally affecting an d profound sociolog y lessons. My two brothers, Morris an d Joe , also helped m y father wit h hi s difficul t job. I n additio n t o helpin g hi m delive r laundry , a n importan t aspec t o f ou r job was, in effect , bein g securit y guard s i n a crime-ridden an d ofte n violen t neighborhood. Withou t ou r presence , laundr y woul d b e stole n fro m th e truck. On e day , in a n unguarde d moment , someon e di d stea l the truc k wit h a load of laundry on it . Our wor k presente d m y famil y wit h som e toug h firsthand experience s and insight s into the causes of crime, criminological issues , and victimology . This migh t possibl y explai n wh y I becam e a criminologis t an d m y brothe r Joe served a s an FB I agen t fo r thirt y years. At the pea k o f his career , h e was Special Agent in Charge of the Las Vegas, Nevada, office an d i n this capacity went u p agains t th e mo b tha t controlle d Nevad a casinos . Joe an d I over th e years have share d a considerable amoun t o f data an d theorie s o n bot h adul t and yout h gangs . Many o f his insight s o n gan g behavior, derive d fro m thes e discussions, are woven int o this book. These observation s o f social problem s an d earl y gang-related experience s during m y adolescenc e strongl y motivate d m e t o attemp t t o understan d the socia l an d psychologica l natur e o f gan g violenc e i n America n society . Consequently, i n m y earl y adul t years , after a three-year-tour o f duty i n th e Navy during World War II, I completed a n undergraduat e degre e unde r th e GI Bil l a t Rutger s Universit y an d wen t o n t o graduat e studie s a t Ne w York University, wher e I complete d m y master s an d doctorat e i n sociolog y an d criminology. During m y NY U graduat e studen t days , I worke d a s a grou p superviso r for tw o year s i n a juvenil e detentio n cente r attache d t o th e juvenil e cour t facility i n Newark. Many of the youths incarcerated i n this jail were gangsters from m y ol d neighborhood . Man y o f them , wit h som e affection , remem bered m e an d identifie d m e a s th e "laundr y man " wh o ha d bee n i n thei r homes. Intimatel y knowin g somethin g abou t thei r earlie r lif e experience s provided m e som e insight s int o th e socia l backgroun d tha t le d t o thei r delinquent behavio r an d incarceration . My position i n the juvenil e jai l as a group supervisor enable d m e to learn more abou t the phenomeno n o f gangs and delinquency . I spent many hour s informally talkin g wit h an d researchin g th e gan g kid s i n custody . Durin g those year s I learned a great dea l abou t thei r motivatio n fo r participatin g i n

Introduction I xiii gangs, gan g violence, an d th e structur e o f gangs. M y work i n th e detentio n center wa s most valuable i n providin g th e dat a fo r writin g severa l paper s o n the structur e an d functio n o f gangs for severa l graduat e course s i n sociolog y and psycholog y that I was taking at that time at NYU. After I acquired m y masters, I became a research associat e fo r thre e years on th e Highfiel d Project , a residentia l treatmen t progra m fo r delinquent s referred b y the courts . Par t o f my function o n th e researc h projec t involve d interviewing delinquent youth s in the Highfield' s institutio n an d thei r famil y and friend s i n th e communit y wit h regar d t o their "befor e an d after " person ality and behavioral change s that might have resulted from thei r participation in th e project . Man y o f th e boy s i n th e projec t wer e involve d wit h gangs . Through m y observations o f their grou p interactio n sessions , interviews with them individually , an d interview s wit h thei r families , I wa s abl e t o lear n a grea t dea l abou t th e root s an d socia l psycholog y o f thei r violen t gan g behavior. My first major , direct , an d in-dept h researc h int o th e structur e an d function o f gang s wa s implemente d i n a perio d fro m 195 3 t o 195 8 o n th e Upper West Side o f Manhattan i n a large are a infeste d wit h gang s and gan g violence. Thi s five-year-period of firsthand researc h wit h violen t gang s wa s part of a job I acquired i n 195 3 as director o f the Crime Preventio n Progra m of a communit y organizatio n know n a s Morningsid e Heights , Inc . Th e project wa s sponsore d an d funde d b y thirtee n educational , religious , an d medical institutions , includin g Columbi a University , an d wa s supporte d b y the New York Police Department . Prior t o m y activatin g th e Ne w Yor k project , I felt i t woul d b e usefu l t o directly explor e othe r program s fo r delinquent s an d gangs . I n thi s regard , I was fortunate t o b e abl e t o spen d severa l week s i n 195 3 i n Chicag o wit h a number o f pioneer s i n th e field o f delinquency , includin g Cliffor d Shaw , Henry Mckay , an d So l Alinsky . All o f thes e sociologist s fro m th e "Chicag o School" an d other s wer e helpfu l t o m e i n chartin g m y plan s fo r workin g with gangs in Ne w York. In m y gang research , I had a strategic an d understandabl e positio n vis-a vis th e gan g youth s i n th e are a a s th e directo r o f th e Morningsid e Height s project. The y ha d a goo d reaso n fo r understandin g ou r work . T o the m w e were not simply poking around i n their lives for some vague research reason . Our agenc y was attempting to do something concret e t o prevent and contro l the crim e an d delinquenc y o f the are a throug h variou s social , recreational , and famil y project s tha t w e developed. Th e residents , comprised o f almost a

xiv / Introduction

half millio n peopl e fro m ever y possibl e ethnic , racial , religious , class , an d economic background , als o ha d a n awarenes s o f ou r efforts , an d man y people i n th e are a cooperate d wit h ou r project . The overal l crim e pictur e include d robbery , burglary , homicide , dru g addiction, an d assault . Man y o f thes e crime s wer e perpetrate d b y youn g gangsters, an d consequently , th e violen t gang s i n th e are a wer e considere d a basic problem . Whe n I first began t o implemen t variou s projects , m y preven tive wor k wit h abou t seventy-fiv e gang s i n th e neighborhoo d wa s highlighte d by a lac k o f substantia l knowledg e abou t them . Tha t knowledg e wa s neces sary t o develo p effectiv e method s o f gan g control . I t wa s thi s limitatio n an d the apparen t lac k o f effectiv e method s availabl e t o othe r professiona l an d social agencie s i n Ne w Yor k engage d i n gan g wor k tha t spurre d m y intensiv e gang researc h a t tha t time . I f I was goin g t o develo p a n effectiv e progra m fo r the preventio n an d contro l o f gan g violence , i t wa s necessar y fo r m e t o understand th e gang' s organizatio n an d motivatio n fo r violence . I conducte d man y interviews , questionnaires , gan g discussions , agenc y conferences, an d talk s wit h th e Polic e Yout h Squad , polic e commanders , and othe r officials . Thes e interaction s wer e no t designe d fo r researc h pur poses alone ; the y wer e par t o f the project' s day-to-da y activity . W e develope d a virtua l databas e o f gang informatio n throug h ou r wor k wit h thi s program . My relationshi p t o th e delinquen t youth s i n th e neighborhoo d wa s simila r to tha t o f an anthropologis t engage d i n fieldwork. Durin g th e five-year perio d I directe d th e project , I live d an d worke d i n th e area . I bonde d wit h man y gangsters. I t becam e natura l fo r the m t o han g ou t i n m y offic e an d unde r certain circumstance s t o visi t m y home . Phon e call s an d contact s a t al l hours fro m gan g boy s wit h specia l problems , youth s i n jail , citize n volunteer s with emergenc y gang-wa r problems , o r th e polic e becam e par t o f m y dail y routine. In additio n t o som e o f th e mor e forma l method s o f questionnaire s an d focus group s tha t wa s par t o f m y researc h design , m y dail y communication s with th e peopl e an d condition s I wa s tryin g t o chang e wa s a significan t element o f m y overal l researc h int o gangs . I learne d firsthand wha t Dr . Kur t Lewin mean t b y hi s assertio n tha t attemptin g t o produc e chang e i n peopl e was a n intrinsi c elemen t i n learnin g abou t th e over t an d underlyin g dynam ics o f their behavior . My relationshi p wit h th e gan g youth s i n th e neighborhoo d wa s a two-wa y street. M y concer n wit h thei r motive s an d activitie s le d t o thei r concer n wit h mine. Man y long , philosophica l afternoon s an d evening s wer e spen t wit h gangsters i n m y offic e o r o n th e corne r discussin g life . Muc h wa s learne d o n

Introduction I x v

both side s abou t th e world . Th e essenc e an d meanin g o f gan g behavio r an d its violence wer e ofte n mor e clearl y reveale d i n thes e discussion s tha n i n th e many forma l researc h method s I utilize d durin g thi s five-year period . During thi s period , a s par t o f m y work , I directe d a parole e projec t fo r gangsters release d int o th e are a i n a n Uppe r Wes t Sid e courtroo m tha t wa s available i n th e evenings . I ofte n brough t gues t lecturer s int o ou r grou p therapy. Thes e include d forme r parolee s wh o ha d bee n i n gang s an d wer e now successfu l law-abidin g citizens . A t on e o f ou r session s I manage d t o involve forme r middleweigh t boxin g champio n Rock y Graziano . Rock y ha d in hi s earlie r year s bee n involve d i n gang s an d ha d don e tim e i n th e Ne w York Cit y Riker' s Islan d prison . Mos t o f th e parolee s i n m y grou p ha d recently bee n release d fro m Riker' s Island , an d the y wer e anxiou s t o hea r Rocky's "lecture " o n ho w h e ha d change d hi s lif e fro m gangste r t o celebrity . (This metamorphosi s wa s vividl y depicte d i n th e boo k an d late r th e film Somebody Up There Likes Me, starrin g Pau l Newma n a s Rock y Graziano. ) That nigh t th e premie r sportswrite r o f tha t era , Jimm y Cannon , hear d about Graziano' s appearanc e an d joine d th e group . H e accuratel y an d eloquently reporte d th e dynamic s o f this on e gang-parole e sessio n th e follow ing da y i n hi s nationall y syndicate d colum n i n th e New York Post Hi s analysis capture d th e flavor o f th e 1950 s an d th e youn g gangster s o f tha t period. They wer e ex-con s wh o cam e voluntaril y las t nigh t t o a courtroo m i n Upper Manhatta n magistrate s court . Ther e woul d b e a tal k b y Rock y Graziano wh o had bee n i n prison. And Lewi s Yablonsky, who is concerne d with thei r anguish , woul d preside . H e i s the directo r o f the crim e preven tion progra m o f a philanthropic organization . . . . They like d Graziano . The y sat , sombe r an d slightl y hostile , befor e h e started hi s monologue . The y wer e stil l defendant s becaus e that' s what the y were th e las t tim e the y wer e i n a courtroom . . . . You fel t thei r anxiet y a s Yablonsky explaine d ho w importan t sport s are . . . . Loser s d o a lo t o f looking befor e the y find a guy who listen s t o the m becaus e he' s interested . "We ra n a basebal l league, " Yablonsk y explaine d i n hi s solem n youn g man's way . "Si x gangs , w e didn' t hav e an y gan g wars . W e ha d a 10 team basketbal l league . I t was tremendous. The y go t interested , Sport s — a gimmick. I t get s the m int o a goo d relationshi p wit h a goo d adult . A ma n they respect. " There wa s on e ki d I fel t ha d mad e i t al l th e way . H e wor e a one buttoned jazz y coat. I' d be t on him . H e ha d th e dru g habi t an d ha d shake n it. Yo u ha d t o b e touche d b y hi s fierce pride . H e stoo d u p ther e whe n Yablonsky solicite d question s an d tol d the m th e rin g wa s ou t o f hi s nose .

xvi / Introduction

. . . H e explaine d ho w h e ha d du g i n fo r kick s bu t h e wa s asking , asking , asking. H e wa s tellin g bu t als o wonderin g an d goin g bac k ove r i t an d attempting t o pu t i t together . Why , why , why ? The y wante d t o kno w an d Yablonsky wa s tryin g t o giv e i t t o the m i n hi s educate d way . No t talkin g down t o them bu t usin g the languag e o f the streets . . . . "You go in fo r sports? " I asked th e ki d i n th e one-buttone d jacket . "Stic k ball i n th e streets, " he replied . "I n th e summer. " "Wha t abou t basketball? " "The winter' s fo r dances, " th e ki d said . O f course , summer' s fo r stickbal l and winter' s fo r dances . Bu t th e season s don' t chang e i n th e ca n [prison] . That's wha t Yablonsky tol d the m i n hi s way. And s o did Graziano. 1 In additio n t o th e dat a I gleaned fro m group s lik e th e parole e group , anothe r important sourc e o n gang s wa s m y facilitatio n o f abou t twent y "emergency " gang-war peac e conferences . Loca l gang s truste d u s an d wer e fre e t o us e ou r offices an d meetin g room s t o discus s thei r problems . I wa s allowe d t o liste n to an d participat e i n discussion s relate d t o th e rea l an d imaginar y threat s o f attack b y othe r gangs . Som e o f th e gang-wa r an d peac e meeting s consiste d of harangue s abou t enem y gangs , plan s fo r attack , elaborat e mean s o f de fense, an d countin g rea l an d imaginar y member s an d brothe r gangs . Emo tional hea t wa s alway s high , an d man y dee p feelings , borderin g o n paranoia , were freel y expressed . I ha d considerabl e trus t fro m man y gan g youths , an d becaus e o f this , I was allowe d t o tape-recor d man y o f thes e informa l sessions . On e reaso n fo r their permittin g tap e recording s wa s thei r desir e t o hea r themselve s o n playback. Thei r ego s seeme d t o b e nourishe d b y hearin g thei r ow n voice s o n the tap e recorder . Increasingly , the y permitte d m e t o influenc e thei r emer gency meetings , an d i n som e cases , I succeede d i n intervenin g t o contro l their postmeetin g violen t behavior . These recording s wer e a sourc e o f invaluabl e informatio n sinc e th e boy s were ver y spontaneou s an d ope n i n thes e discussions . I n th e gang-wa r discussions, the y appeared t o be free r tha n whe n other , mor e forma l researc h devices wer e employed . (Som e o f thes e audiotapes , an d m y viewpoin t o n gangs, wer e late r use d i n a CB S networ k broadcas t o n violen t gang s narrate d by Edwar d R . Murro w tha t I helped t o produc e i n th e rol e o f a consultan t t o CBS. A par t o f thi s broadcast , involvin g th e analysi s o f a gan g murder , appears i n chapte r 2. ) As indicated , i n m y earl y researc h int o th e phenomeno n o f gang s i n Ne w York, I utilize d a variet y o f approaches . Thes e include d (1 ) in-dept h inter views wit h gangsters , individuall y an d i n groups , bot h i n th e project' s offic e and o n th e street ; (2 ) tap e recording s o f field notes ; (3 ) writte n question -

Introduction I xvii naires; (4 ) employin g tw o forme r gan g leader s a s pai d interviewers ; (5 ) various therapy groups; (6) unanticipated dat a from a n unusua l diar y kept by a gang leader; and (7 ) a number o f other research methods . My five year s o f gan g researc h becam e th e basi s fo r m y NY U doctora l dissertation. An d m y thesi s wa s the foundatio n fo r writin g m y first book o n gangs, The Violent Gang. 2 Sinc e thes e earlie r experience s an d publications , I have update d an d vigorousl y continue d m y research o n gangs . Notable, i n this regard , ha s bee n m y group-therap y wor k a s a license d therapis t wit h adolescents i n several southern Californi a psychiatri c hospitals. In thousand s of intensiv e grou p psychotherap y session s i n thes e hospital s ove r a spa n o f twenty years, I have learne d a great dea l abou t th e socia l an d psychologica l dynamics o f adolescent s involve d i n gang s an d th e contex t o f thei r famil y background. I n thi s process , i n m y group s ther e wer e a numbe r o f gan g youths referre d b y th e courts . Al l o f thes e youngster s hav e contribute d enormously t o m y understanding o f youth collectivitie s an d gangs . Many of my researc h findings derive d fro m thi s therapeuti c wor k ar e incorporate d into this book. For thi s volume , ove r th e pas t five year s I hav e furthe r develope d m y research int o gan g behavior. Thi s ha s include d a number o f intensive inter views wit h Lo s Angele s Count y probatio n officers , th e distric t attorney' s office, an d Lo s Angeles City police officer s wh o work directly with gangs. My special work since 1990 , as a group therapist in the Amity Therapeutic Community project s i n th e R . J . Donova n Californi a Priso n an d a priso n in Beaumont , Texas , wit h incarcerate d gan g members , ha s produce d a considerable amoun t o f dat a abou t gang s an d ho w w e ca n resocializ e gan g members int o law-abiding, productive citizens . In my prison work, I gathered considerable relevan t dat a fro m gangster s abou t thei r gang s throug h m y directing regula r psychodram a an d grou p therap y sessions , individua l inter views, special gan g focus groups , and th e us e of written questionnaires . In brief , al l o f m y persona l experience s an d m y forty-fiv e year s a s a criminologist an d socia l psychologis t researchin g an d directin g therapeuti c projects wit h young gangsters and gang s are encompassed i n this book. In m y analysi s I wil l us e term s tha t ar e consisten t wit h m y researc h findings o n gangs . Fo r example , I wil l no t refe r t o a yout h a s a "gan g member"; I prefer using th e ter m "gangster. " The ter m "member " connote s a more precise and definitive participatio n i n a social group than m y research reveals about adolescent s an d youn g adults wh o participate i n violent gangs. The violen t gang s tha t ar e th e focu s o f m y researc h ar e mor e loosel y organized tha n mos t sociall y define d groups , an d th e youth s wh o involv e

xviii / Introduction

themselves i n violen t gang s participat e a t differen t level s o f intensity . Som e youths, a t differen t times , participat e mor e o r les s activel y tha n othe r youth s in thei r gang' s varie d violen t an d delinquen t activities . Consequently , rathe r than us e th e ter m "member, " I find i t i s mor e appropriat e an d accurat e t o use th e ter m "gangster " i n referrin g t o th e youth s an d youn g adult s wh o participate i n violen t gangs . There ar e man y group s i n th e panoram a o f collectivitie s tha t ar e referre d to a s gang s i n America n society . Thes e includ e th e notoriou s adul t orga nized-crime gang s referre d t o a s "th e Mob, " "L a Cos a Nostra, " o r "th e Mafia." Ther e ar e gang s i n th e Unite d State s comprise d o f a variet y o f racial an d ethni c backgrounds , includin g Africa n America n gangs , Mexica n American gangs , Asia n gangs , an d Jamaica n gangs . Ther e ar e als o othe r diverse collectivitie s labele d a s gangs , includin g th e so-calle d Arya n Nation , white skinhea d gangs , femal e gangs , motorcycl e gangs , an d man y othe r collectivities tha t sometim e participat e i n illega l activities . Based o n m y research , blac k an d Chican o mal e gang s i n th e ag e rang e o f twelve t o twenty-eigh t compris e th e larges t i n number s an d produc e th e mos t significant socia l problem s i n cities , larg e an d small , throughou t America . Consequently, althoug h othe r gang s wil l b e peripherall y referre d to , blac k and Chican o gang s ar e th e focu s o f this analysis . One o f th e enigma s abou t violen t yout h gangs , whic h i s b y n o mean s fully answere d i n thi s book , i s relate d t o th e question , Wha t i s i t abou t American societ y tha t produce s thes e uniqu e an d letha l collectivities ? Al though ther e ar e som e semblance s o f yout h gang s i n othe r countrie s wher e I hav e worked , includin g Europ e an d Japan , someho w th e Unite d State s ha s the dubiou s hono r o f spawning th e mos t senselessl y violen t gangs . This raise s a significan t questio n tha t i s difficul t t o understan d an d demand s furthe r cross-cultural research . Another facto r tha t I believ e i s importan t t o not e i s tha t i n researchin g and writin g thi s boo k I have focuse d o n th e mor e violen t gangs . M y researc h and tha t o f other s ove r th e year s indicate s tha t no t al l gang s i n th e hoo d o r the barri o ar e comprise d o f maniaca l sociopath s hell-ben t o n murderin g their rea l an d imagine d enemies . Ther e ar e mor e coheren t socia l gang s i n many neighborhood s tha t fit th e prototyp e o f earlie r group s tha t provide d camaraderie an d solidarit y fo r thei r cohesiv e membership . Th e emphasi s i n my analysi s ha s bee n o n th e mor e letha l sociopathi c gangster s an d thei r gan g structure. In m y descriptio n o f th e realit y an d th e bruta l natur e o f violent gangsters , it ma y appea r tha t I hav e limite d compassio n fo r th e youth s caugh t u p i n

Introduction I xi x

this senseles s violence . I hav e t o admi t tha t I , lik e mos t law-abidin g citizens , find thei r delinquen t an d senseles s violen t behavio r reprehensible . I n m y extensive travel s throug h "gangdom/ ' however , I hav e als o ha d th e positiv e experience o f observin g th e fac t that , give n a chanc e i n a n effectiv e treat ment program , man y youth s seemingl y trappe d i n th e violen t gan g worl d can chang e thei r behavio r i n mos t positiv e way s an d facilitat e positiv e change i n thei r community . Individual s wh o starte d dow n th e delinquent / criminal pat h hav e turne d thei r lif e aroun d an d becom e valuabl e citizens . As wa s tru e i n th e earl y par t o f m y life , som e o f m y best , mos t interesting , and mos t value d friend s ar e ex-gangsters , ex-junkies , an d ex-criminals . The boo k i s essentially divide d int o fou r parts . Par t 1 deals wit h th e histor y and causa l contex t o f gangs, the hars h realitie s o f gang violence , an d th e dir e consequences o f th e gan g phenomenon . Par t 2 analyze s variou s characteris tics o f contemporary gangs . Par t 3 presents traditiona l method s fo r preventin g and controllin g gan g violenc e an d th e therapeuti c communit y approac h tha t has prove n successfu l i n treatin g criminals/addict s an d gangster s i n priso n and i n th e community . Par t 4 review s an d analyze s notabl e gan g theorie s an d presents a projecte d pla n fo r treatin g gangster s i n a therapeuti c community . The treatmen t approache s I propos e compris e th e mos t importan t part s of th e book . M y effort s towar d focusin g o n a solutio n ar e generate d no t onl y by m y intellec t bu t b y m y heartfel t an d sympatheti c emotion s abou t th e human wast e an d destructivenes s tha t violen t gang s produce . O n a persona l and professiona l leve l wit h regar d t o thi s difficul t socia l problem , m y wor k with prisoner s i s the mos t deepl y affectin g emotiona l situatio n i n m y life . Perhaps I ca n explai n m y stron g feeling s o n thi s subjec t mor e specificall y by describin g th e followin g scenari o tha t I observ e ever y tim e I ente r a larg e California priso n t o direc t grou p psychotherap y an d psychodram a session s with th e me n i n custody . Afte r bein g searche d an d checke d ou t a t th e fron t gate o f thi s priso n o f aroun d five thousan d men , I hav e t o wal k almos t a mile throug h severa l depressin g "bi g yards " t o th e therapeuti c communit y cellblock wher e tw o hundre d prisoner s i n th e progra m reside . A s I pas s through thes e bi g yards , I can' t hel p observin g hundred s o f prisoner s alon g the way . The y ar e usuall y engage d i n th e typica l negativ e priso n activities , including small , secretiv e group s discussin g crime s the y hav e committe d o r will commit , o r individual s simpl y struttin g aroun d displayin g thei r absur d macho posturing . Most o f thes e youn g me n ar e intelligen t blac k an d Chican o individual s between th e age s o f eightee n t o thirt y wh o ar e wastin g awa y i n th e col d storage o f priso n life . M y heartfel t an d emotiona l reactio n i s that th e curren t

xx / Introduction

prison syste m (whic h include s th e recen t politicall y hysterica l three-strike s laws) destroy s th e valuable huma n potentia l tha t exist s i n thes e unfortunat e men. Al l o f them , eve n th e wors t sociopath , ha s a spar k o f motivatio n an d compassion i n him , an d i f given a chanc e throug h a humanisti c treatmen t program, thi s positiv e spar k coul d b e ignite d int o a flame tha t woul d lea d him int o a law-abiding an d satisfyin g lifestyle . Thei r plight , whic h i s characteristic of the approximately 1. 6 millio n prisoner s incarcerate d i n the Unite d States, motivate s m e t o attemp t t o understan d th e cause s o f this regrettabl e situation an d t o develop methodologies fo r their effectiv e treatment . I a m hopefu l tha t som e o f th e insight s an d possibl e solution s I hav e presented i n th e boo k ca n b e develope d an d implemente d fo r resocializin g youths wh o participat e i n gangs . I wholeheartedl y agre e wit h th e ofte n ridiculed commen t attribute d t o th e founde r o f Boy' s Town , Fathe r Flana gan, that "ther e i s no such thin g as a bad boy. " It is my firm belief that all of these young men, includin g the toughes t sociopathic gangsters, can wit h th e proper humanisti c treatmen t b e salvage d fro m a lif e o f self - an d other destructive behavio r int o responsibl e law-abidin g citizen s wh o ca n lea d happy and productive live s that would benefi t the m an d the larger society.

GANGSTERS

1. The Curren t Gan g Proble m

m

| N ANY GIVEN EVENING, along with the weather repor t and sports scores, the T V evenin g new s i n larg e an d smal l citie s throughou t America presen t th e horrendou s tol l o f assaults an d death s tha t resul t fro m gang violence . Th e incidenc e o f gan g violenc e ha s escalated , an d th e pat terns of gang violence have become increasingl y lethal i n the past fifty years. Contemporary gangs differ significantl y fro m gang s of the past with regard to several significant factors :

1. Gun Firepower. Today' s gangs have acces s to and pac k mor e letha l weapons than a t any time i n the history of America. 2. Intraracial Violence. I n th e first hal f o f th e twentiet h century , minorit y gangs tende d t o ban d togethe r an d fight gang s fro m differen t racia l an d ethnic backgrounds . Today' s gangs , especiall y blac k an d Chican o gang s participate i n internecin e warfar e wit h blac k o n blac k an d Chican o o n Chicano violence . 3. The Use and Commerce of Drugs. In th e pas t fifty years there ha s bee n a marked increas e i n th e involvemen t o f gangster s i n th e us e an d dealin g of drugs. 4. The Multipurpose Gang. I n th e pas t gang s tende d t o hav e mor e simpl e functions fo r it s participants. Youths joined gang s for a sense of belonging 3

4 / The Current Gang Problem

and t o "protect " thei r territory . Today' s gang s provid e mor e devian t oppor tunities fo r thei r participant s — including violen t activities , dru g use , th e commerce o f drugs , an d th e possibilit y fo r participatin g i n th e illega l activities o f organize d burglar y an d robbery . Since ther e ar e divers e definition s o f th e ter m "gang, " befor e analyzin g each o f thes e factor s i n mor e depth , i t i s usefu l t o clearl y defin e m y percep tion o f th e contemporar y gang . Th e contemporar y violen t dru g gan g incor porates th e followin g basi c characteristic s an d activities : 1. Al l gang s hav e a nam e an d a territoria l neighborhoo d base , an d the y maintain a fierce proprietar y interes t i n thei r neighborhood . The y wil l fight fo r th e territor y the y clai m a s thei r ow n an d wil l attac k an y interlop ers wh o com e int o thei r "hood " wh o belon g t o a n enem y gang . 2. Joinin g a gan g ofte n involve s a "jumpin g in " ritua l tha t range s fro m informal verba l acceptanc e t o a violen t initiatio n rite , an d leavin g th e gang take s man y forms . 3. Delinquen t an d crimina l act s involvin g burglar y an d thef t ar e importan t gang activitie s fo r achievin g a "rep " (reputation ) an d statu s i n th e gang . 4. Senseles s violence , includin g drive-b y shooting s an d "gangbanging " (fighting othe r gangs) , i s a basic gan g activity . 5. Th e commerc e o f drugs , thei r use , an d violen t act s fo r th e maintenanc e of dru g territor y ar e par t o f the gan g configuration . 6. Gang s provide s a for m o f social lif e an d camaraderi e tha t usuall y involve s gambling, gettin g high , hangin g out , an d partying .

T H E IMPAC T O F M O R E LETHA L W E A P O N S

A significan t facto r abou t contemporar y gang s compare d t o earlie r gang s i s the enormou s increas e i n letha l weapons . Durin g m y year s i n th e mid-1950 s of researchin g an d workin g wit h gang s i n Ne w Yor k City , I observe d an d noted man y act s o f violence. Mos t o f i t involve d stabbing s an d hand-to-han d combat. Manufacture d handgun s wer e seldo m use d i n gan g warfare , an d there wer e n o automati c weapon s o n th e street . Occasionally , a zi p gu n would b e employe d i n a gan g fight. A zi p gun , ofte n referre d t o a s a "homemade," woul d b e manufacture d b y a n enterprisin g gangste r i n hi s shop class . Thi s unreliabl e weapo n wa s comprise d o f a meta l pip e a s a

The Current Gang Problem I 5

barrel, a woode n handle , an d a bunc h o f heav y elasti c band s t o provid e th e power t o shoo t a bullet . Whe n th e trigge r wa s pulle d o n th e mishmas h o f wood, pipe , an d elasti c bands , th e bulle t wa s a s likel y t o shoo t th e shoote r a s the intende d target . Ther e wer e ver y fe w rea l gun s i n th e possessio n o f gangbangers i n th e 1950s . In recen t years , increasingl y letha l weaponr y lik e A K 47 s an d Uz i assaul t guns hav e becom e th e gang' s weapon s o f choic e fo r retaliatio n an d drive-b y shootings. I n th e maniaca l fora y int o "enem y territory " o f a drive-by , gang bangers inaccuratel y spra y an d kil l a s man y innocen t peopl e a s th e enem y gangsters the y ar e attemptin g t o kill . Variou s research , includin g polic e reports, reveal s tha t onl y abou t 5 0 percen t o f gang-relate d murder s hi t th e target o f enem y gangsters . Th e othe r 5 0 percen t o f victims o f gangste r drive bys an d stree t violenc e ar e innocen t childre n an d adult s wh o happe n t o b e in th e wron g plac e a t th e wron g time .

B L A C K - O N - B L A C K AN D CHICANO-ON-CHICANO VIOLENC E

Despite th e fac t tha t the y mis s thei r intende d target s hal f th e time , gangster s are stil l shootin g a t replica s o f themselves . On e o f th e mysterie s o f th e contemporary violen t gan g proble m i s tha t blac k an d Chican o gangster s murder gangster s fro m thei r sam e racia l an d ethni c background . Thi s phe nomenon i s a social-psychologica l enigm a tha t I hav e explore d i n m y re search interview s wit h blac k an d Chican o gangster s i n bot h th e communit y and i n prison . On a numbe r o f occasion s i n m y gan g priso n therap y group s wher e th e gang member s wer e tryin g t o chang e thei r behavior , I hav e sa t a blac k L.A . Crip i n a chai r directl y facin g a blac k L.A . Bloo d an d pose d th e question , "Why d o yo u guy s want t o kill eac h other? " The respons e i s usually a garble d commentary abou t gan g tur f o r a simpl e an d direct , " I don' t know. " Th e gangster's response s ar e usuall y crypti c an d irrational , an d the y hav e n o logical explanation . One o f m y speculation s abou t th e phenomeno n o f internecin e black-on black o r Chicano-on-Chican o gan g violenc e i s tha t ther e i s a hidde n fea r that generate s a reluctance t o directl y tak e o n th e large r whit e society' s powe r structure. Gangster s wh o hav e th e feelin g tha t the y ar e a n oppresse d minorit y may fee l safe r ventin g thei r rag e o n eac h other , i n th e sam e wa y tha t angr y family member s to o ofte n ac t ou t thei r ange r insid e thei r famil y situation .

6 / The Current Gang Problem

Another possibl e explanatio n fo r thi s curiou s phenomeno n woul d b e th e self-hatred theorie s o f th e socia l psychologis t Kur t Lewin . Lewi n posite d th e theory tha t self-hatre d ange r i s ofte n committe d agains t peopl e fro m th e same minorit y grou p becaus e the y se e i n thes e other s a hate d reflectio n o f their self . A tru e authorit y o n gang s i s Stanle y (Tookie ) Williams , wh o i s forty-on e and i s o n deat h ro w fo r murde r a t Sa n Quentin . Tooki e wa s a cofounde r o f the L.A . Crip s wit h th e notoriou s Sout h Centra l L.A . gangste r Raymon d Washington. William s i s a legendar y figure i n th e worl d o f Lo s Angele s gangsters, an d th e 40 0 gangster s wh o convene d i n a hote l ballroo m fo r a gang summi t peac e meetin g i n 199 3 vociferousl y cheere d hi m whe n h e addressed the m wit h a videotape d messag e o n a hug e televisio n scree n fro m San Quentin . Hi s messag e condemne d urba n violenc e an d urge d a peac e treaty amon g L.A . gangs . A portio n o f hi s messag e tha t cogentl y comment s on black-on-blac k violenc e wa s reporte d i n a late r intervie w wit h a Los Angeles Times reporter : A black yout h ma y participate i n a gang because o f his need t o vent anger , or the nee d fo r love, protection, retaliation , a sense of security, recognition , discipline, psychological gain , sex, drugs o r a surrogate family . Also a black youth ma y joi n a gang because hi s relative i s a member. S o that individua l gravitates t o i t automatically , becaus e h e gre w u p int o it . Bu t o f al l th e possible reason s fo r gan g participatio n I ca n empathiz e wit h i s a blac k youth's desperat e nee d fo r psychologica l comfort . An d gang s provid e tha t by providin g a vehicl e — gang membershi p — that allow s hi m t o fee l tha t finally tha t youth reall y belongs t o something, o r i s a part of something . In othe r words , ther e i s a plac e fo r a blac k yout h i n thi s countr y whe n he join s a gang , a s oppose d t o tha t yout h feelin g lef t ou t i n a white dominated society . I reall y believ e that' s th e underlyin g curren t fo r al l gang participation . I n fact , I believe tha t need , th e nee d fo r psychologica l comfort, cut s throug h ever y othe r reaso n wh y gangs ar e s o popular amon g black youths . (Why then do you think so many young black men harm and kill each other?) I believ e th e cor e o f i t i s a n embedde d sens e o f self-hate . Wha t I mean b y that is , an individua l wh o ha s been spoon-fed s o many derogator y images o f his rac e will , after a period o f time, start to believe thos e images . The image s I' m talkin g abou t ar e stereotype s tha t depic t th e majorit y o f blacks a s bein g buffoons , functiona l illiterates , violen t an d promiscuous , welfare recipients , indolen t criminals . . . . Unfortunately , to o man y blac k

The Current Gang Problem I 7

people hav e bee n brainwashe d int o believin g thes e stereotypes . And whe n an individua l get s t o believin g suc h things , tha t individua l get s t o be lieving, "Well , hell , i f it' s true , the n I mus t b e jus t a s disgustin g a s thos e images that are being depicted." S o you en d u p lashin g out at the individu als [othe r gan g members ] tha t you conside r t o be par t o f those stereotypes . In desperation , you'r e tryin g t o obliterat e tha t negativ e imag e t o ri d your self o f thi s self-hat e monste r tha t subconsciousl y stalk s you . I n a sense , you're tryin g to purify yourself , your environment , you r race . (How did you purge your self-hate?) I learned tha t basicall y al l the negativ e stereotypes abou t blac k peopl e aren' t true . Thos e stereotype s aren' t appli cable t o th e whol e race . Ther e i s n o stereotyp e tha t ca n depic t a whol e race. So , afte r I studie d an d learne d abou t th e grea t individual s ther e ar e in m y race bot h me n an d wome n — I woke up . Plus , I started acknowledg ing m y ow n abilitie s t o achiev e mino r thing s — self-accomplishments lik e being abl e t o rea d well , t o articulat e well , t o b e disciplined , thing s o f tha t nature. Nothin g spectacular , bu t stil l the y wer e self-accomplishments . S o my feeling s o f self-hat e graduall y changed . I t didn' t happe n overnight , i t took som e tim e an d effor t o n m y part . Maturity ha s something t o do with i t and th e gainin g o f knowledge. I'v e been studyin g a lo t sinc e I'v e bee n i n priso n — economics, politics , blac k history, math , English , philosophy , psychology . An d wha t I'v e learne d ha s taught m e t o appea l t o logic . I f something' s counterproductive , I don' t want t o hav e anythin g t o d o wit h it . I f it' s fo r blac k betterment , the n I' m all fo r it . Period. 1 In m y view , Williams' s observation s o n th e gan g phenomeno n ar e mos t perceptive. I t i s regrettabl e tha t hi s apparen t exceptiona l intelligenc e ha s been waste d throug h hi s lifelon g involvemen t wit h gang s an d imprisonment .

FAMILY ISSUE S

Most youth s wh o becom e gangster s hav e ha d n o positiv e adul t rol e model s in thei r lives . Althoug h i t i s no t a s prevalen t i n Chican o families , aroun d half o f America's blac k childre n gro w u p i n a famil y withou t th e presenc e o f a positiv e adul t mal e rol e model . Th e rol e model s the y hav e ar e fathers , older brothers , an d uncle s wh o hav e bee n involve d i n th e dru g an d gan g scene. I n to o man y cases , thei r adul t rol e model s ar e frequentl y i n an d ou t of prison .

8 / The Current Gang Problem

The issu e o f absentee prisone r father s a s negative rol e model s wa s dramat ically an d concisel y reveale d i n a psychodram a sessio n I directe d fo r me n attempting t o chang e thei r crimina l live s i n a Californi a priso n therapeuti c community project . Th e subjec t i n th e sessio n wa s Fernand o (no t hi s rea l name), a fifty-year-old longtim e Chican o gangste r i n an d ou t o f prison . In th e proces s o f changin g hi s wa y o f lif e i n a positiv e directio n i n th e program, Fernand o develope d a sincer e concer n fo r hi s thre e teenag e son s who ha d becom e gangsters , followin g i n hi s footsteps . Th e essenc e o f a two hour psychodram a sessio n I directe d wit h hi m wa s that , despit e th e fac t tha t Fernando ha d bee n awa y from the m i n priso n hal f o f hi s life , the y wante d t o emulate thei r crimina l fathe r wh o wa s thei r rol e mode l an d hero . Fernando , as a resul t o f his chang e o f perspective, no w fel t helples s an d guilt y abou t hi s negative influenc e o n hi s sons , an d th e insight s h e achieve d i n hi s therap y motivated hi m t o tr y t o chang e thei r behavior . In th e psychodram a sessio n I directed wit h him , th e son s wer e rol e playe d by severa l prisoner s i n th e group , wh o understoo d fro m thei r persona l experience ho w hi s rea l son s woul d reac t t o thei r father' s ne w perspectiv e o n life. Fernand o opene d th e psychodram a sessio n b y tearfull y tellin g hi s "sons " how terribl e h e fel t abou t th e negativ e influenc e h e ha d o n thei r live s an d how h e wa s no w changin g hi s life . T o hi s gangste r sons , Fernand o ha d bee n a her o wh o ha d establishe d a strong reputatio n a s a veteran dru g dealin g an d murderous gangste r i n thei r barrio . I n th e psychodram a session , hi s "sons " were appalle d a t th e ne w messag e h e wa s givin g the m tha t essentiall y sai d "crime doesn' t pay. " On e role-playin g convic t "son " aptl y said , "Man , w e go t our reputatio n o n th e street s fro m you . We hav e a rep becaus e w e ar e know n as your sons . And no w you'r e punkin g ou t o n us . You're talkin g lik e a pussy. " In th e psychodrama , afte r bein g rebuke d b y hi s "sons " severa l time s fo r his ne w viewpoin t o n life , h e wa s read y t o giv e u p an d qui t th e session . Th e other inmate s i n th e grou p chastise d hi m an d tol d him , "Han g i n there. " One shar p membe r o f th e grou p opined , "Yo u know , Fernando , yo u hav e been a terribl e fathe r an d rol e mode l fo r you r son s fo r man y years . You'r e not goin g t o chang e the m overnight . Bu t i f yo u demonstrat e a ne w positiv e role i n her e an d whe n yo u ge t bac k t o you r famil y an d th e communit y — that's th e bes t wa y t o chang e thei r behavior. " After h e wa s release d fro m prison , Fernand o di d chang e hi s wa y o f life . When h e wa s paroled , h e entere d a therapeuti c communit y an d late r o n became a dru g counselor . H e reconnecte d wit h hi s son s a s a positiv e rol e model an d ha d a positiv e affec t o n them . I n a follow-u p o n Fernando' s progress, I me t wit h hi m an d on e o f hi s son s abou t a yea r afte r hi s releas e

The Current Gang Problem I 9

from prison . I n ou r discussion , I learne d tha t a t leas t thi s so n wa s no w i n a positive relationshi p wit h hi s fathe r an d tha t Fernand o wa s attemptin g t o establish a similar relationshi p wit h hi s othe r tw o sons . Fernando' s rehabilita tion an d hi s impac t o n hi s so n is , unfortunately , a rar e exception . Fo r to o many youth s growin g u p i n th e barrio s an d hood s withou t positiv e mal e rol e models, th e gan g ha s a n irresistibl e attraction . Most blac k youth s growin g u p i n th e inne r cit y hav e materna l figures i n their famil y wh o provide s th e necessar y nurturin g fo r th e youths ' prope r socialization. However , mos t o f th e youth s wh o participat e i n gang s ten d t o have mother s wh o ar e besiege d b y thei r ow n problems . Th e film Sugar Hill opens o n a blac k chil d wh o witnesse s hi s mothe r fixing heroin e an d the n dying fro m a n overdose . Thi s abrup t portrai t o f th e child' s socializatio n dramatically, i f melodramatically , reveal s th e causa l contex t tha t to o ofte n i n the rea l worl d produce s a sociopathi c gangster/dru g dealer . Elijah Anderson , a n Africa n America n socia l scientist , succinctl y delin eates ho w a mothe r i n a fatherless home , besiege d b y he r ow n problems , ca n affect th e negativ e socializatio n o f he r child . Accordin g t o Anderson , The overwhelmin g majorit y o f families i n th e inne r cit y communit y tr y t o approximate th e decent-famil y model , bu t ther e ar e man y other s wh o clearly represen t th e wors t fear s o f th e decen t family . No t onl y ar e thei r financial resource s extremel y limited , bu t wha t littl e the y hav e ma y easil y be misused . Th e live s o f the street-oriente d ar e ofte n marke d b y disorgani zation. I n th e mos t desperat e circumstance s peopl e frequentl y hav e a limited understandin g o f prioritie s an d consequences , an d s o frustration s mount ove r bills , food , and , a t times , drink , cigarettes , an d drugs . Som e tend towar d self-destructiv e behavior ; man y street-oriente d wome n ar e crack-addicted ("o n th e pipe") , alcoholic , o r involve d i n complicate d relationships wit h me n wh o abus e them . In addition , th e seemin g intractabilit y o f thei r situation , cause d i n large par t b y th e lac k o f well-payin g job s an d th e persistenc e o f racia l discrimination, ha s engendere d deep-seate d bitternes s an d ange r i n man y of th e mos t desperat e an d poores t blacks , especiall y youn g people . Th e need bot h t o exercis e a measur e o f contro l an d t o las h ou t a t somebod y i s often reflecte d i n th e adults ' relation s wit h thei r children . A t th e least , the frustration s o f persisten t povert y shorten s th e fus e i n suc h peopl e — contributing t o a lack o f patience wit h anyone , chil d o r adul t wh o irritate s them. 2 I hav e observe d th e fatherles s famil y situatio n describe d b y Anderso n i n the man y famil y group s I hav e directed . Single-paren t mother s ca n b e quit e

10 / The Current Gang Problem violent wit h thei r childre n i n a n effor t t o ge t the m t o behave . The y wil l scream a t the m o r hi t the m fo r th e leas t littl e infraction , partl y ou t o f th e frustration an d ange r they have about their own lives. A youth growing up in this typ e o f famil y intuitivel y learn s tha t interpersona l problem s ar e solve d by violent behavior, and thi s in part accounts for thei r violent gang behavior.

D R U G AND VIOLENCE FACTORS Atrocious violence is one way of "putting in work" and rising in the hierarch y of the contemporar y gang . Another patter n o f significant "work " for a gangster i s involved wit h th e commerc e o f drugs. The gang s I studied an d hun g out wit h i n th e 1950 s in Ne w York City ha d a different connectio n t o drug s than contemporar y gangs . In earlie r gangs , drug addiction wa s a side note to the socia l narcoti c o f violence tha t pervade d gan g behavior. Mos t gangster s between th e 1950 s an d th e 1980 s wer e no t involve d i n th e commerc e o f drugs. In the 1950s , heroin wa s the majo r dru g of gangsters. Rather than consol idating th e gang , a s occur s i n contemporar y gang s involve d i n th e dru g trade, dru g us e tende d t o brea k u p earl y violen t gangs . Thei r mai n activit y involved gangbangin g fo r kicks , an d som e measur e o f camaraderie , an d drugs interfered wit h the effectiv e performanc e o f these tasks. In th e 1950 s gan g period , I observe d tha t whe n a gangste r starte d usin g heroin, h e tended t o drop out of the gang since hi s involvement wit h heroi n addiction wa s an all-consuming activity. Heroin addictio n tend s to be a loner activity tha t require s dail y foray s int o th e communit y t o commi t thefts , burglaries, an d mugging s fo r th e purpos e o f supporting a n expensiv e habit . Feeding a heroine habi t wa s a full-time jo b an d didn' t allo w muc h tim e fo r gangbanging. Severa l gangs I was researching and workin g with i n the 1950 s broke u p becaus e a numbe r o f th e gang' s cor e gangster s becam e heroi n addicts. The contemporar y gangster's role in the business of drug dealing is related to hi s statu s i n th e gang . Th e L.A . Crips , whic h incorporat e a numbe r o f different subgroup s o r "sets, " provid e a typica l example . In th e Crips , th e "OGs" (th e designatio n fo r origina l gangster s o r olde r gangsters ) ar e usuall y the prim e manager s o f th e gang' s commerc e o f drugs . Accordin g t o dat a I acquired fro m th e hea d o f a n FB I gan g tas k force , som e Cri p OG s hav e a direct connectio n t o importin g drug s fro m Sout h America n suppliers. "Gs " (middle-range gangster s stil l earnin g thei r stripe s an d a reputation ) an d

The Current Gang Problem I 1 1

"Wannabees" (younge r gan g membe r recruits ) pu t i n wor k servin g a s "mules" (transportin g drugs ) o r sellin g drug s o n th e street s directl y t o con sumers. The OGs , wh o administe r th e overal l drug-dealin g operation , seldo m ge t their hand s dirt y wit h th e direc t violenc e ofte n necessar y t o maintai n contro l over a dru g busines s territory . I f a disput e arise s ove r thei r dru g busines s o r territory wit h a rival , the y wil l commissio n a "hit " (a n ac t o f violenc e an d sometimes murder ) o n th e violatin g rival . Th e hi t i s usuall y carrie d ou t b y younger gangster s wh o wan t t o pu t i n som e wor k t o acquir e a reputatio n an d status i n thei r gang . In th e pas t decade , OGs , wh o ear n smal l fortune s fro m th e dru g trade , will seldo m ge t involve d i n senseless , nonprofitabl e gangbanging . The y d o on occasio n serv e a s advisor s t o lower-leve l Wannabee s an d G s involve d i n emotionally motivate d gangbangin g an d drive-b y violence . In th e contemporar y violen t gang , i n a patter n simila r t o on e tha t existe d in earlie r gangs , gangster s involve d i n th e dru g trad e wh o becom e addicte d are ofte n shunne d o r droppe d b y th e gang' s leader s becaus e the y find the m unreliable i n thei r lucrativ e business . A s on e O G deale r tol d me , "I f a gu y starts usin g to o muc h o f th e product , h e become s a fuckup , an d w e can' t count o n hi m fo r anything. " I n anothe r interview , a n O G wh o ha d becom e hooked o n crack-cocain e tol d me , " I reall y wante d t o clea n up , no t tha t I didn't lov e crack , bu t becaus e i t interfere d wit h m y business. " There ar e tw o pattern s o f gan g violence : on e i s senseless , nonprofitabl e gangbanging, fighting anothe r gan g ove r territor y tha t n o on e owns ; th e other i s relate d t o th e dru g business . Thi s ne w patter n involvin g drug s an d gang violenc e i s no t exclusiv e t o th e Wes t Coast . I t ha s becom e a phenome non i n almos t al l cities , larg e an d small , i n th e Unite d States . A New York Times articl e succinctl y describe d th e problem : They ar e a ne w bree d o f crimina l i n Ne w Yor k City : youn g member s o f crack-peddling gang s wh o murde r o n a whim. An d thoug h polic e official s say the y ar e confiden t th e gang s ca n b e uproote d b y method s tha t hav e worked before , othe r law-enforcemen t expert s an d socia l scientist s ar e les s optimistic.3 Sterling Johnson , Jr. , a Ne w Yor k Cit y specia l narcotic s prosecutor , state s i n the sam e article , These gang s ar e mor e violen t tha n anythin g thi s cit y has eve r experienced . Crack cocain e ha s spawne d a n allie d industr y o f youn g hi t me n wh o kil l for th e slightes t reasons . I n 195 8 i t took onl y 1 1 homicides i n a n outbrea k

12 / The Current Gang Problem

of gan g mayhe m wit h zi p gun s an d knive s t o stu n th e city . Recentl y i n northern Manhatta n alone , ove r th e las t five years , dru g gang s hav e bee n responsible fo r a s man y a s 50 0 gang-relate d murders , an d mos t o f thes e murders remai n unsolved. 4 Dr. Charle s Bahn , a professo r o f forensi c psycholog y a t th e Joh n Ja y College o f Crimina l Justice , i s amon g thos e wh o believ e th e drug-oriente d violent gang s I hav e describe d wil l b e harde r t o eliminat e tha n thei r prede cessors. Base d o n hi s stud y o f mor e tha n fifty gan g member s wh o hav e bee n arrested fo r murde r an d othe r felonies , h e concluded : "Previou s yout h gang s were usuall y large r an d the y ha d a quasi-famil y rol e fo r thei r members . I n these ne w gang s th e socia l aspec t i s subordinat e t o th e illega l dru g business . There ar e mor e o f these gangs , they ar e mor e antisocia l an d mor e ruthless. " 5 This for m o f drug-relate d gan g violenc e struc k a ne w chor d wit h a n incident i n Bosto n tha t ma y b e a prelude t o a pattern , whic h no w exist s wit h the Mafi a i n Ital y an d th e dru g cartel s o f Colombia , o f murderin g trouble some publi c officials . O n Septembe r 25 , 1995 , a forty-two-year-ol d prosecu tor fo r th e Massachusett s attorne y general' s office , Pau l McLaughlin , wh o was well-known fo r th e prosecutio n o f inner-city gangsters , was gunned dow n by a youn g assassin . A s McLaughli n wa s gettin g int o hi s car , a hoode d teenager emerge d fro m th e evenin g shadows , shoute d som e angr y words , and sho t hi m point-blan k throug h hi s forehead . Th e hoode d killer , wh o escaped fro m th e scen e o f th e crime , wa s identifie d b y a witnes s a s a fifteen to sixteen-year-ol d blac k teenager . I n fact , McLaughli n a t th e tim e wa s i n the proces s o f prosecuting severa l Bosto n dru g gangs . A comment mad e b y a fellow membe r o f the attorne y general' s offic e wa s ominous , "Thi s patter n o f assassination o f law-enforcemen t officers , characteristi c o f Colombia n dru g lords, ha s com e t o America. " In a way , thes e ne w "violence-for-profit " dru g gang s mak e mor e sens e than th e violen t activitie s o f th e senseles s gangbanger . Th e dealin g o f crack cocaine drug s i s a most profitabl e enterprise . I t create s reality-base d "turf, " o r territorial disputes . Th e enforcemen t o f a profitabl e street-dru g contro l posi tion involve s a mor e logica l bran d o f violenc e tha n th e senseles s gangbang ing violenc e tha t ha s n o apparen t purpose . In th e summe r o f 1994 , twenty-tw o gan g murder s mostl y connecte d t o territorial dispute s ove r th e dru g trad e occurre d i n Venice , California . Th e murders tha t too k plac e cam e clos e t o home . M y son , a probatio n office r who live d i n Venic e durin g thi s period , calle d m e on e mornin g a t 3 A.M . t o tell m e tha t ther e wa s th e dea d bod y o f a sixteen-year-ol d yout h a t hi s fron t

The Current Gang Problem I 1 3

gate. Al l o f th e si x son s o f th e famil y wh o live d acros s th e stree t wer e i n th e gang dru g business . Th e dea d yout h cam e fro m thi s family . This murde r i s onl y on e exampl e o f a patter n o f homicide s tha t plague s Los Angeles an d othe r citie s i n th e Unite d States . M y researc h visit s to Sout h Central L.A . reveale d fo r m e th e impac t violen t dru g gang s hav e o n th e ambiance o f a community . Thi s are a o f L.A . coul d b e th e se t fo r som e B movie abou t th e worl d afte r a nuclea r apocalypse . Th e are a ha s becom e a nightmare landscap e inhabite d b y maraudin g thugs . Innocen t citizen s livin g in th e are a ar e hel d hostag e i n thei r hom e b y th e nightl y violence , an d innocent peopl e ou t o n th e street s lat e a t nigh t to o ofte n win d u p a s victims . When darknes s come s t o th e hood s o f L.A. , man y law-abidin g citizen s cowe r behind locke d doors . Shadow y group s o f youn g me n pa d quietl y dow n th e alleyways whil e polic e cruiser s glid e throug h th e street s an d th e clatte r o f helicopters fills th e sky . The chillin g impac t tha t th e violen t dru g gang s hav e o n a communit y i s cogently presente d i n a Los Angeles Times articl e tha t depict s ho w warrin g gangs ca n terroriz e a neighborhood : In th e shado w o f commercia l high-rises , th e resident s o f a block-lon g stretch o f Shatt o Plac e liv e wit h a fea r mor e natura l t o a plac e lik e Sarajevo. Rarel y d o the y le t thei r childre n pla y i n th e stree t o r socializ e outside th e agin g bric k building s tha t lin e th e shor t bloc k betwee n Wil shire an d 7t h Street . Man y ar e afrai d t o g o outsid e becaus e they , too , liv e on a battlefront . Th e 60 0 bloc k o f Shatt o Plac e i s controlle d b y on e powerful stree t gang, and a rival gang's territory i s just a block away . All to o often, thei r wa r ove r tur f an d dru g profit s rage s jus t outsid e th e residents ' doorsteps. . . . Lately, th e casualtie s hav e escalated . O n a Frida y evenin g tw o week s ago tw o youn g men , on e o f the m a juvenile , wer e sho t t o deat h o n th e block b y riva l gan g members , an d a thir d victi m wa s murdere d i n a shooting two days later. The secon d shootin g resulte d i n yet another death . "It seem s lik e ever y othe r day , somethin g happens, " sai d a residen t wh o has live d o n th e bloc k fo r thre e years . Lif e o n th e bloc k mean s bein g constantly o n th e alert . On e 20-year-ol d ma n wh o gre w u p o n th e bloc k and stil l live s ther e ha s develope d a survival tactic . Wheneve r a n unfamil iar ca r drive s by , he get s read y t o hi t th e ground . "I f a car passes , I jus t ge t low. My friend's fathe r got caugh t i n cross-fir e a couple o f years ago." 6 A patter n tha t ha s take n hol d i n som e violen t dru g gang s involve s trans porting thei r dru g empire s t o othe r cities . Tw o case s i n poin t ar e th e L.A . Crips an d th e prison-base d Mexica n Mafia . A n intervie w I ha d wit h Charle s

14 / The Current Gang Problem Parsons, th e specia l agen t i n charg e o f the Lo s Angeles FB I office , an d hi s director o f a specia l tas k forc e o n gang s reveale d tha t th e Crip s ofte n sen d representatives t o othe r citie s t o enlarg e thei r lucrativ e dru g operations . I n 1995 the L.A. FBI Special Task Force on Gangs arrested twenty-tw o Mexican Mafia gan g members . Tw o o f the gang s leader s wer e i n priso n a t th e time . The FB I prosecuted thes e gangsters under the federal Ric o statute, originally promulgated fo r prosecutin g organize d crim e (RIC O stand s fo r "Racke teering Influenced an d Corrup t Organizations") . In summary , i n th e 1990 s man y violen t gang s i n Ne w York , Chicago , Miami, Dallas , Cincinnati , an d Washington , D.C. , hav e entere d th e illega l drug business. They ar e actively spreading drug s an d violenc e t o other citie s all acros s th e country . I n Chicago , wher e gan g membershi p i s no w i n th e thousands, afte r a lul l i n th e 1970s , the infamou s E l Rukin s gan g i s unde r active investigation fo r drug trafficking. I n New York, police are struggling to contain th e explosio n o f drug-relate d violence . A Miami-based gan g calle d the Untouchable s i s pushin g crac k northwar d t o Atlanta , Savannah , an d other citie s o f th e Southeast , wher e th e grou p i s know n an d feare d a s th e Miami Boys . A n investigativ e report s T V documentar y o n th e dru g trad e shows i n detai l ho w gang s hav e brough t drug s fro m Colombi a int o a smal l city like Tyler, Texas. The gangs ' entr y int o dru g traffickin g o n a majo r scal e ma y b e creatin g the nation' s bigges t crim e proble m i n decades . Dru g profit s ar e soarin g an d so i s th e drug-relate d homicid e rat e i n citie s wher e th e gang s ar e mos t entrenched. I t i s arguable , i n fact , tha t th e emergenc e o f dru g gang s fro m coast t o coas t i s ver y simila r t o wha t occurre d durin g th e earl y year s o f Prohibition, whe n L a Cos a Nostr a consolidate d it s status a s a n underworl d cartel by building on the profits o f illicit alcohol. Today's dru g gang s ar e fa r mor e erraticall y violen t tha n th e organize d crime o f th e Mafi a o r L a Cos a Nostra . A Mafi a hi t wa s an d i s mor e coordinated an d focuse d o n solvin g a "busines s problem. " Th e ne w dru g gangs that are derived fro m th e gangbangin g traditiona l gan g are wilder an d more lethal . Thi s rando m violenc e i s partially relate d t o th e younge r Wan nabee motivatio n t o put i n work toward building a reputation an d status . The larg e increas e i n violenc e i s also due , a s indicated , t o th e extraordi nary availability of military and paramilitary weapons. Because o f inadequate gun contro l laws , law enforcement agencie s are relatively helpless in controlling gun s o n th e street s o f ou r cities . Gun s lik e Uzis , A K 47 assaul t rifles , and AR1 5 semiautomatic s ar e frequentl y bough t (som e eve n legall y i n gu n shops) b y gangsters , wh o finance thei r high-tec h arsenal s wit h profit s fro m

The Current Gang Problem I 1 5

the dru g trade . I n effect , ove r th e pas t decad e th e gun-blastin g dru g war s dramatized b y th e Miami Vice T V sho w an d i n exploitativ e "action " films are playe d ou t i n realit y o n th e street s o f citie s aroun d th e countr y b y thi s new for m o f violent gang .

T H E CONTEMPORAR Y MULTIPURPOS E GAN G

The desir e fo r a rep , th e increase d letha l natur e o f gangste r violence , an d the adven t o f the dealin g an d us e o f crack-cocaine ha s change d th e structur e and behavio r o f contemporar y yout h gangs . M y researc h wit h gang s i n th e 1950s reveale d thre e basi c type s o f yout h gang s i n th e Unite d States , whic h appeared mos t persistentl y aroun d th e countr y u p t o aroun d 1985 : socia l gangs, delinquen t gangs , an d violen t gangs . These prototype s seldo m appeare d i n a pur e form , however , thes e differ ent gang s focuse d o n social , delinquent , o r violen t behavior : 1. Th e socia l gan g wa s a grou p comprise d o f toug h youth s wh o bande d together becaus e the y foun d thei r individua l goal s o f a sociall y construc tive natur e coul d mos t adequatel y b e achieve d throug h thi s typ e o f gan g pattern i n thei r hoo d o r barrio . 2. Th e delinquen t gan g wa s dominate d b y delinquen t pattern s o f activitie s characterized b y suc h direc t illega l behavio r a s dru g dealing , stealing , o r assault, wit h monetar y profi t th e essentia l objectiv e o f the gang' s activity . 3. Th e violen t gang' s activit y wa s dominate d b y sociopathi c theme s o f gang banging ove r turf , spontaneou s prestige-seekin g violenc e wit h a kin d o f status-oriented emotiona l gratificatio n a s th e goal . Although th e aforementione d gan g prototype s seldo m appeare d i n a pur e form, mos t gang s ha d a centra l characteristi c tha t distinguishe d them , an d most o f thei r behavio r revolve d aroun d on e o f thes e centra l themes . Ther e were youth s wh o belonge d t o on e o r mor e type s durin g thei r adolescen t years, an d som e youth s belonge d t o severa l type s o f gang s simultaneously . These thre e type s o f gang s persis t i n citie s aroun d th e Unite d States ; how ever, man y o f thei r centra l activitie s hav e merge d int o a somewha t differen t type o f gan g tha t i s no w o n th e urba n scen e — a typ e o f gan g tha t I woul d characterize a s th e "multipurpos e gang. " Many youth s i n th e hood s an d barrio s hav e becom e participant s i n thi s new for m o f all-encompassin g gang . Thi s ha s i n larg e par t resulte d fro m th e

16 / The Current Gang Problem

commerce an d us e o f crack-cocain e ove r th e pas t decade . Th e ne w typica l multipurpose gan g tend s t o encompas s al l violen t gan g activities , includin g gangbanging ove r territory , som e socia l activities , an d delinquen t behavior , especially dru g dealing . Predominantly socia l gang s hav e virtuall y disappeare d becaus e o f th e escalation o f violenc e i n th e neighborhoo d tha t emanate s fro m th e violen t drug gang s an d th e ne w "get-tough " governmen t policie s tha t hav e elimi nated fundin g fo r th e recreationa l resource s an d program s tha t use d t o exist i n man y neighborhoods . Recen t conservativ e governmen t policie s hav e virtually eliminate d antigan g recreation , sports , dru g rehabilitatio n centers , and genera l welfar e programs . Althoug h thes e socia l program s neve r full y eliminated delinquent/crimina l gan g behavior , the y di d provid e a reasonabl e form o f contro l an d preventio n o f th e problem . Partl y becaus e the y hav e n o viable sociall y acceptabl e alternatives , man y youth s livin g i n gang-dominate d neighborhoods participat e i n contemporar y multipurpose , violen t dru g gan g activity. The mos t accurat e wa y t o defin e thi s ne w multipurpos e contemporar y gang i s to summariz e th e earlie r presente d definitio n o f it s basi c characteris tics an d activities . The gan g ha s a distinctive nam e an d a territorial neighbor hood base ; it s participant s ar e involve d a t differen t time s i n variou s delin quent an d crimina l acts , includin g burglary , theft , an d violence ; th e commerce o f drug s an d thei r us e ar e a significan t par t o f the gan g configura tion; an d th e multipurpos e gan g als o provide s a for m o f socia l lif e an d camaraderie tha t include s senseles s gangbanging , gambling , drinking , hang ing out , an d partying . In hi s ow n inimitabl e fashion , gangleade r Kod y Scott , a n origina l Crip , described i n hi s boo k Monster som e o f th e characteristic s o f th e multipur pose natur e o f contemporar y gang s a s follows : The seriou s bange r ofte n finds himsel f handlin g severa l "jobs " i n th e course o f hi s career . Fo r year s I foun d m y positio n i n th e se t t o b e manifold. A t an y give n tim e I wa s th e ministe r o f information , whic h included suc h responsibilitie s a s writin g o n wall s declarin g wh o w e wer e and wh o we wanted t o kill, and verbalizin g ou r inten t a t gangland suprem acy o n stree t corners , o n buses , i n schoo l yards , an d a t parties ; ministe r o f defense, whic h entaile d organizin g an d overseein g genera l troo p move ment an d maintainin g a highl y visible , militaril y abl e contingenc y o f soldiers wh o coul d b e relie d upo n fo r rapi d deploymen t anywher e i n th e city; teacher o f war tactics, which, I guess, would fal l unde r th e headin g o f instructor; an d comba t soldie r an d on-the-jo b trainer. 7

The Current Gang Problem I 1 7

The so-calle d Shorelin e Crip s i n Venice , California , ar e a prototyp e o f this new form o f multipurpose violent gang found i n Los Angeles and aroun d the country . M y researc h wit h th e Shorelin e Crip s indicate d tha t the y committed bot h act s o f emotional/senseles s violenc e throug h gangbangin g and mor e rationa l drug-busines s violence . Unde r th e sam e gan g banner , gangbangers and dru g dealers interacted . Most Shorelin e Cri p gangster s participate d i n old-typ e territoria l dispute s with othe r gang s i n th e Wes t Sid e are a o f L.A . an d becam e involve d i n senseless violence. They also, however, committed wha t I would characteriz e as mor e rationa l violenc e relate d t o "smoking " (killing ) someon e wh o at tempted t o sell drug s i n their hood . Th e hi t would usuall y b e ordere d b y an OG an d then committe d b y a Wannabee o r a G who was engaged i n seeking a reputatio n an d statu s i n th e gang . Thi s combinatio n o f rationa l an d irrational violenc e accounte d fo r ove r twenty-tw o drive-by s an d "walk-up " (point-blank shooting ) murder s i n the summe r o f 199 4 in the Venice area . The gan g drug-dealin g scen e i n Venic e b y the Shorelin e Crip s i s typical of the activitie s o f drug gang s aroun d th e Unite d States . On almos t an y day in Venice , one ca n observ e dru g dealin g o n severa l selec t corner s b y Shoreline Cri p gangsters . Whe n a polic e cruise r i s i n th e neighborhood , th e dealers ar e warned b y their gan g cohort lookout s an d scurr y int o convenien t apartments. The y soo n reappea r whe n th e polic e threa t i s gone . Thei r clientele ofte n include s whit e dru g buyer s fro m Beverl y Hill s an d yuppie s who driv e i n fro m Beverl y Hill s an d th e Sa n Fernand o Valle y t o ge t thei r weekend suppl y of drugs. As long as they behave themselve s a s good client s b y paying the asked-fo r price, ther e i s n o trouble . However , an y dissonan t behavio r i s me t wit h retaliatory gan g violence . A s a cas e i n poin t o f th e consume r sid e o f thi s equation, i n m y psychodram a grou p therap y wor k i n a n L.A . psychiatri c hospital, I had a young lady i n m y group wh o ha d becom e a gang victim i n the Venic e area . Sh e wa s i n th e hospita l fo r a n addictio n proble m an d a traumatic reactio n t o a gan g rap e tha t ha d bee n committe d o n he r b y Shoreline Cri p gangsters . Sh e reveale d t o m e i n on e o f m y grou p therap y sessions tha t sh e ha d gon e t o Venice i n he r ca r t o bu y he r weekl y suppl y of drugs. Sh e wa s shor t o f mone y an d attempte d t o haggl e wit h th e corne r dealer. H e pulle d he r ou t o f he r ca r and , wit h th e ai d o f som e o f hi s "homies" (associates) , assaulte d an d rape d he r i n on e o f th e gang' s saf e houses. The Shorelin e Crip s ar e a typical multipurpos e gang . Their constituenc y includes th e Wannabees, Gs , and OGs . The OG s manag e th e commerc e o f

1 8 / The Current Gang Problem

drugs i n th e area . Som e o f them , a s th e FB I pointe d out , hav e a direc t contact wit h th e Colombia n cartels , th e majo r sourc e o f America n crack cocaine. Th e younge r Wannabe e recruit s pu t i n wor k bot h i n traditional , senseless gangbangin g violenc e wit h thei r enemie s fo r th e goa l o f acquirin g gang statu s an d reputatio n an d i n servin g thei r role-mode l O G master s i n more logica l violenc e relate d t o th e commerc e o f dru g dealing . Th e Gs , o r middle-range gangsters , ar e involve d i n gangbangin g an d violenc e relate d t o the dru g trad e fo r fu n an d profi t an d a s a n emotiona l outle t fo r th e rag e that emanate s fro m th e dysfunctiona l condition s i n thei r famil y an d thei r community.

T H E EMOTIONA L CHARACTERISTIC S O F GANGSTER S

A significan t emotiona l facto r tha t persist s fro m th e tim e o f th e earl y gang s and remain s i n th e ne w violent-drug-gan g equatio n i s th e sociopathi c reck lessness o f gangste r behavior , involvin g ruthles s act s o f violenc e wit h n o concern fo r thei r victim s an d n o remors e fo r thei r atrociou s behavior . Th e hoods an d barrio s o f Americ a ar e heavil y populate d wit h teenager s an d young adult s whos e povert y an d deprivatio n hav e contribute d t o thei r ruth less emotiona l behavior . Real an d imagine d territoria l dispute s remai n a constant sourc e o f conflic t between gangs . Gangbangin g ove r territor y i s a weir d charad e playe d ou t o n the street s o f America : gangsters , i n fact , ow n nothing , especiall y thei r so called territory . Man y o f thes e dispute s ar e a pretex t fo r actin g ou t rag e related t o th e gangsters ' persona l emotiona l problems . The gangsters ' personalit y problem s o f lo w self-estee m an d sens e o f alien ation driv e the m t o ac t supe r toug h t o compensat e fo r thei r sens e o f inferior ity. I t produce s wha t I ter m th e "machismo " o r "macho-syndrome. " Thi s syndrome i s an effor t t o presen t themselve s a s a superma n t o compensat e fo r their underlyin g feeling s o f lo w self-concep t an d o f bein g "nobodies " i n th e larger society . The macho-syndrom e i s characteristi c o f individual s wh o ar e s o insecur e about thei r masculinit y tha t the y behav e a t th e opposit e en d o f th e contin uum i n a for m o f tough supermasculinity . Thi s involve s physically , emotion ally, an d verball y posturin g a s a machismolik e superman . I n th e gangbang ers' hood s o r i n an y priso n bi g yard , on e ca n observ e thi s extrem e tough-gu y behavior i n action . Male s wit h thi s syndrom e don' t simpl y walk , the y mov e with a n unmistakabl e superma n strut . Emotionall y an d verbally , the y ar e

The Current Gang Problem I 1 9

always engage d i n provin g thei r machismo . An y commen t o f disrespec t t o a gangster tha t implie s femininity , like , "You'r e a pussy " o r "You'r e a faggot/ ' will quickl y produc e a violent response . The gangster' s macho-syndrom e i s a n effor t a t compensatin g fo r hi s failure t o succee d i n th e large r society . Youths wit h thi s afflictio n ar e usuall y failures i n schoo l an d hav e n o viabl e occupation . Gangster s hav e create d their macho-syndrom e stanc e i n par t a s a reactio n t o thei r deepe r feeling s o f alienation an d hopelessnes s abou t achievin g an y degre e o f succes s i n th e larger society . Violent gangster s wh o fee l alienate d fro m th e large r societ y creat e th e gang t o provid e som e sens e o f belonging t o a "family/ ' an d a feelin g o f bein g somebody i n thei r gan g "community. " Th e rag e the y fee l fro m othe r source s is often expresse d i n gangbangin g an d othe r form s o f senseless violence . Th e gang the y hav e create d outsid e o f th e law-abidin g societ y offer s the m som e kind o f status i n wha t the y perceiv e i s a barre n an d hopeles s world . On th e subjec t o f acquirin g statu s throug h th e gang , I ha d a n interestin g interview wit h a twenty-year-ol d gangste r wh o wa s servin g lif e i n priso n fo r a vicious murder . H e tol d m e ho w bein g know n b y hi s gan g nam e Kille r Ra y was a grea t sourc e o f pride t o him : Man, yo u don' t kno w wha t I had t o d o t o ge t thi s name . I love it . I put i n the wor k fo r thi s name . Peopl e callin g m e Kille r show s tha t the y respec t me, an d they'r e no t goin g t o fuc k wit h me . N o on e i s going t o "dis " Kille r Ray, cause the y know what wil l happe n t o them . The phras e "puttin g i n work " refer s t o th e necessar y violence , theft , an d other delinquen t behavio r require d t o achiev e statu s i n th e gang . I n thi s context o f acquirin g a reputatio n an d statu s i n th e gang , a gangbange r tol d me ho w h e pu t i n wor k a t th e scen e o f a gan g murde r tha t escalate d hi s status i n th e gang : This dud e wa s o n th e ground , an d h e wasn' t dea d yet . M y homie s an d I were standin g ove r hi m lookin g dow n a t him . H e wa s kin d o f moaning . I put th e gu n i n hi s mout h an d smoke d him . M y homie s neve r forgo t wha t I did . Everyon e talke d abou t i t fo r a lon g time . Afte r tha t I wa s mor e accepted i n th e gan g an d I becam e know n mor e a s someon e yo u don' t ever fuc k with . Seeking statu s i n societ y throug h illega l mean s i s imbedde d i n th e socio logical concep t o f "anomie. " I n m y view , anomi e i s a mos t usefu l theor y fo r explaining th e social-psychologica l raiso n d'etr e fo r th e existenc e o f gang s i n

20 / The Current Gang Problem

American society . Severa l sociologists , especiall y Emil e Durkheim , Rober t Merton, and , mor e recently , Richar d Clowar d an d Lloy d Ohlin , hav e theo rized abou t th e concep t o f anomie. 8 Th e theor y posit s tha t ther e i s a disparit y that exist s betwee n th e idealize d succes s goal s an d th e mean s fo r achievin g these goal s i n America n society . When certai n segment s o f the societ y accep t and desir e th e society' s goals , bu t becaus e o f limite d opportunit y canno t achieve thes e goals , the y tur n t o devian t an d illega l mean s fo r achievin g th e society's goals . I believ e th e contemporar y gan g is , i n part , th e alternativ e that ha s evolve d fro m th e statu s frustratio n o f many minorit y youth s wh o fee l hopeless abou t achievin g succes s throug h legitimat e mean s i n America n society. In thi s context , i n th e barri o o r th e hoo d thei r gan g ha s becom e fo r man y minority grou p youth s thei r onl y achievabl e sourc e o f identity , status , an d emotional satisfaction . Ill-traine d t o participat e wit h an y degre e o f success i n the dominan t middle-clas s worl d o f rigi d ideas , values , education , an d adul t demands, the y construc t thei r ow n pseudocommunit y — the gang . I n thei r gang, the y ca n se t achievabl e goal s tha t ca n b e realize d throug h violen t behavior. Thei r gan g i s an idealize d empire , par t real , par t fantasy , tha t help s them endur e th e confusio n o f adolescenc e an d th e othe r emotiona l prob lems the y confron t i n thei r separat e an d unequa l world . The violen t gan g become s a have n fo r thes e emotionall y need y youths , i n part becaus e i t provide s a vehicl e throug h whic h the y ca n ac t ou t thei r rag e against wha t the y perceiv e a s a n unfai r an d hostil e world . The y strik e bac k through gan g violenc e a t a societ y the y fee l ha s boxe d the m int o hope lessness. The gan g fo r thes e youth s i s created a s a deviant grou p fo r achievin g the power , status , an d respec t tha t the y believe , wit h som e evidence , i s denied the m i n th e large r society . The demand s fo r performanc e an d responsibilit y i n th e violen t gan g ar e readily adapte d t o th e need s o f thes e emotionall y disable d youths . Th e criteria fo r membershi p i s vague , ye t easil y possibl e whe n compare d t o th e more demandin g requirement s o f school o r a job . Gangsters ofte n clai m tha t th e gan g i s organize d fo r protectio n an d a feeling o f havin g a family . Thi s i s ofte n a hop e an d a myt h rathe r tha n a reality. O n to o man y occasion s I have see n gangster s read y t o snitc h an d giv e each othe r u p t o th e polic e fo r som e relie f o f thei r arres t situation . Thei r idealized behaviora l famil y value s ar e ofte n quickl y abandone d whe n i t i s t o their persona l advantage . Ye t i t i s of emotiona l importanc e an d solac e t o th e gangster t o believ e tha t thei r gan g i s a famil y have n i n th e hostil e worl d tha t surrounds them .

The Current Gang Problem I 21 The Damie n William s cas e i s on e notabl e exampl e tha t reflect s th e mythology o f gan g members ' "hangin g toug h fo r thei r homies " an d no t snitching o n the m i n orde r t o perpetuat e th e myt h o f th e gan g a s a family . Williams, a n identifie d Cri p gangster , wa s convicte d o f viciously assaultin g an innocen t truc k driver , Reginal d Denney , durin g th e 199 2 Lo s Angele s riots. During his trial I was called a s an expert witness. The polic e who drove me t o th e courthous e tol d m e tha t Williams , whe n h e wa s apprehended , confessed t o th e crim e i n a taped interview . I n th e polic e statio n h e bega n to cry , admitted hi s culpabilit y i n beatin g Denney , an d expresse d hi s stron g motivation t o implicat e othe r gangster s wh o committe d violen t act s i f th e police woul d releas e hi m fro m custod y o r offe r hi m a ple a bargain . Wil liams's behavio r i s typical fo r mos t gangsters, who profes s undyin g loyalt y to their "familial " gan g ye t i n actualit y wil l quickl y sell-ou t thei r gangste r "brothers" i f i t wil l serv e thei r own , self-centere d needs . (Williams' s tape d confession wa s no t allowe d int o evidenc e i n th e tria l becaus e h e ha d no t been properl y give n th e Mirand a warnin g agains t self-incriminatio n b y th e police.) The yout h mos t susceptibl e t o violent gan g membershi p emerge s fro m a social milie u tha t train s hi m inadequatel y fo r assumin g a mor e constructiv e social rol e i n th e large r society . I n fact , th e defectiv e socializatio n proces s t o which h e i s subjecte d foster s a lac k o f humanisti c feelings . A t hardl y an y point i s he traine d t o hav e feeling s o f compassion o r responsibilit y fo r othe r people, no t eve n fo r hi s partner s i n crime . Mos t gangsters , eve n whe n the y are no t certifiabl e sociopaths , a t leas t i n term s o f thei r behavio r outsid e o f the gang , enac t th e sociopathi c syndrom e o f senseles s violenc e i n thei r gangbanging behavior . Gangbanging, th e basi c activit y o f on e gan g fighting anothe r gang , i s a standard cultura l for m fo r gangster s and reflect s th e limite d compassio n tha t is characteristic o f the sociopathi c gangster . A gangster ca n commi t horren dous act s o f violence i n th e contex t o f gangbanging, an d i t is sanctioned b y his gang . After a period o f participating i n a variety o f dehumanized act s to achieve an d solidif y thei r re p i n th e gang , the y ten d t o becom e unfeeling . They becom e insensitiv e t o th e pai n o f th e violenc e the y inflic t o n thei r victim. The y develo p a limite d abilit y t o identif y o r empathiz e wit h thei r victim or have any sense of remorse. Through thi s gang process of desensitizing their behavior , the y becom e capabl e o f committing spontaneou s act s of senseless violenc e withou t feelin g concer n o r guilt . I interviewe d on e gan g member wh o ha d kille d anothe r boy , wh o gav e a classi c sociopathi c com ment tha t aptl y describes thi s pattern o f feeling, "Wha t wa s I thinking abou t

22 / The Current Gang Problem

when I stabbe d him ? Man , ar e yo u crazy ? I wa s thinkin g abou t whethe r t o do i t again! " A commo n respons e tha t I hav e elicite d fro m a numbe r o f gangbanger s in priso n fo r murde r involve d th e followin g dialogue : LY: Ho w d o you no w feel abou t th e gu y you murdered ? G: It' s no bi g deal. H e deserve d i t for dissin g (disrespecting ) me . LY: D o yo u hav e an y regrets ? G: Ar e yo u ou t o f your fuckin g mind ? O f cours e I have regrets . I' m her e i n th e joint doin g life ! Leadership i n th e violen t gan g i s no t acquire d b y a vot e fro m hi s constit uents. Leadershi p i n th e violen t gan g i s achieve d b y continuin g act s o f th e cool, unpredictabl e violenc e tha t i s characteristi c o f gangbanging . On e o f the violent-gan g leader' s vita l function s fo r othe r gan g member s i s tha t h e serves a s a rol e mode l i n th e commissio n o f a n idealize d for m o f violence . The leade r i s a shinin g exampl e fo r gan g followers . Th e leade r ha s "heart " and wil l pul l a trigge r withou t an y over t sign s o f fea r or , mos t important , regret. A s a prototyp e o f th e violen t gang , th e leade r i s thu s a n idea l rol e model. Free-floatin g violence , pur e an d unencumbere d b y social restrictions , rationality, conscience , o r regret , characterize s th e venerated , typical , heroi c gang leader . The selectio n o f senseles s violenc e b y gangster s involve s a curiou s logic . This for m o f violen t behavio r require s limite d training , courage , persona l ability, o r eve n physica l strength . A s one gan g bo y commented , "An y kind o f gun make s yo u te n fee t tall. " Becaus e thi s patter n o f senseles s violenc e i s a demonstration o f easil y achieve d power , i t i s th e paramoun t valu e o f th e violent gang . The ver y fac t tha t i t i s senseles s rathe r tha n rationa l violenc e tha t appeal s to gangster s reveal s a grea t dea l abou t th e meanin g o f violence t o them . I t i s an easy , quick , almos t magica l wa y o f achievin g powe r an d prestige . I n a single ac t o f unpremeditate d intensity , a gangste r establishe s a sens e o f hi s own identit y an d impresse s thi s existenc e o n others . N o specia l abilit y i s required t o commi t thi s bran d o f violence , no t eve n a plan , an d th e guil t connected wit h th e senseles s violenc e i s minimize d b y th e gang' s approval . This i s especially tru e i f the violenc e fulfill s th e gang' s idealize d standard s o f a swift , sudden , an d senseles s outbreak . As indicated , gangster s lac k th e qualification s require d fo r participatio n i n

The Current Gang Problem I 2 3

more structure d law-abidin g organizations . An y yout h i n th e gang' s hoo d i s easily accepte d int o th e group . I f qualification s fo r participatio n i n th e violent gan g wer e mor e demanding , mos t gangsters , especiall y th e mor e sociopathic leaders , woul d b e unabl e t o participate . Th e violen t gan g i s thu s a huma n collectivit y wher e eve n th e mos t emotionall y an d sociall y deficien t and rejecte d yout h i s accepte d an d i s abl e t o acquir e som e succes s an d status. One aspec t o f th e gangster' s senseles s violenc e i s relate d t o a concep t I have terme d "existentia l validation, " o r the validatio n o f one's existence . Thi s syndrome basicall y relate s t o the gangster' s emotiona l alienatio n fro m huma n feeling o r meaning . I n contras t t o th e gangster , mos t peopl e hav e a sens e o f identity an d existenc e i n thei r everyda y activities . The y d o no t requir e daily , intense, outrageou s emotiona l excitemen t t o kno w the y ar e alive , tha t the y exist. Th e sociopathi c gangster , however , desire s thi s kin d o f emotiona l excitement an d intensit y o n a continuin g basis . Their sens e o f boredom, an d the feelin g o f a n underlyin g insecurit y abou t thei r masculinity , require s increasingly heavie r dosage s o f bizarr e an d extrem e violen t behavio r t o validate th e fac t tha t the y reall y exis t an d tha t the y hav e som e powe r i n life . Extreme, violen t behavio r i s on e activit y tha t give s th e sociopathi c gang ster a glimme r o f feeling . Existentia l validatio n throug h violenc e (o r othe r extremist bizarr e behavio r involvin g sex o r drugs ) give s man y o f thes e emo tionally dea d youth s som e feeling . A s on e gan g kille r tol d me , "Whe n I stabbed hi m once , i t fel t good . I di d i t agai n an d agai n becaus e i t mad e m e feel alive. " Too often , erroneously , gan g violenc e i s attribute d b y th e polic e an d th e media, fro m thei r mor e logica l viewpoint , a s being relate d t o a mor e rationa l explanation o f gan g vengeanc e o r retaliation . I n fact , man y act s define d a s gang violenc e ar e reall y th e individualisti c behavio r o f a violen t sociopat h who ma y o r ma y no t hav e a stron g gan g affiliation . I n thi s context , th e ter m "gang-related" violenc e ha s com e int o vogu e an d i s use d almos t dail y i n urban newspapers . Ofte n thi s labe l ha s nothin g t o d o wit h a n actua l gan g homicide. A media-identified gang-relate d murde r ma y simpl y mea n tha t a psychoti c or sociopathi c murderer , wh o ha s som e periphera l gan g affiliation , ha s committed a pathologicall y based , senseles s ac t o f homicide . A s previousl y indicated, man y victim s o f so-called gang-relate d murder s (abou t 5 0 percent ) are ordinar y citizen s o f all age s wh o happe n t o innocentl y an d tragicall y find themselves i n th e lin e o f fire. Th e emotionall y disordere d sociopat h wh o committed th e murde r ma y late r clai m a gang affiliatio n t o mas k hi s psycho -

24 / The Current Gang Problem

sis an d giv e i t a cloa k o f immunity . Man y murder s characterize d a s gan g related, therefore , ma y hav e ver y littl e connectio n t o gan g retaliatio n an d more t o d o wit h a disturbe d sociopath' s paranoia . Th e murderer' s self identification a s a gan g membe r give s th e emotionall y disturbe d kille r a cloak o f immunit y fro m bein g considere d jus t plai n crazy . Bein g perceive d as a gangste r fighting fo r hi s hom e boy s an d thei r territor y i s mor e likel y t o be considere d a mor e rationa l an d valorou s ac t tha n bein g a craz y perso n carrying ou t a senseles s ac t o f murder . Psychotics usuall y ac t ou t thei r patholog y alone ; th e violen t gan g i s comprised o f a grou p o f pathologica l individual s actin g i n concert . Whe n a sociopathic gangste r commit s a senseles s ac t o f violenc e o n hi s own , i t i s viewed a s being pathological . However , th e sam e ac t perpetrate d wit h others , as, fo r example , i n a drive-b y murder , give s thi s maniaca l activit y a patin a o f rationality. A brie f appraisa l o f collectiv e behavio r pattern s give s som e clu e t o thi s element o f grou p legitimizatio n an d sanctio n fo r bizarr e an d pathologica l group action . Kur t an d Glady s Lan g mak e thi s poin t i n a discussio n o f crow d behavior. The y asser t tha t certai n aspect s o f a grou p situatio n hel p t o mak e pathological act s an d emotion s acceptable . The y write : "Th e principl e tha t expressions o f impulse s an d sentiment s ar e validate d b y th e socia l suppor t they attrac t extend s t o collectiv e expression s generally . Th e mer e fac t tha t a n idea i s hel d b y a multitud e o f peopl e tend s t o giv e i t credence. " 9 I n th e violent gang , whe n al l th e gangster s "g o craz y together, " a s i n gan g warfare , their behavio r tends , a t leas t i n th e viewpoin t o f some people , t o hav e greate r rationality. Gan g "legitimacy " therefor e partiall y derive s fro m th e fac t tha t group behavior , howeve r irrational , i s generally no t considere d a s pathologi cal a s the sol o ac t o f an individual . In thi s contex t o f emotionall y disordere d behavior , man y gangster s wh o commit gang-relate d murders , i n m y view, ar e pathologica l an d hav e suicida l personalities. Mos t gangster s hav e lo w self-esteem , an d thi s i s reflecte d i n their suicida l tendencies . The y continuall y plac e themselve s i n th e lin e o f deadly gunfir e tha t ma y com e fro m a n enem y gan g o r a polic e bullet . Father Gregor y Boyle , th e directo r o f a gang-preventio n progra m i n th e East L.A . paris h o f hi s Dolore s Missio n Church , see s gangbangin g i n th e same wa y I do, a s a for m o f pathologica l an d suicida l behavior . I n a n article , "Hope I s the Onl y Antidote, " h e comments , The wee k befor e Christmas , I had t o bury th e 40t h youn g perso n kille d b y what i s still a plague i n m y Eastside community . I'v e grown weary of saying

The Current Gang Problem I 2 5

that gangbangin g i s th e urba n poor' s versio n o f teen-ag e suicide . Th e violence tha t ha s u s i n it s gri p ha s alway s indicate d large r problems : poverty, unemployment , racism , th e grea t disparit y betwee n th e have s an d have-nots, dysfunctiona l familie s an d abov e all , despair . An d fo r ou r ne glect i n addressin g thes e problem s a s w e ought , i t shouldn' t surpris e u s that thei r symptomati c manifestation s hav e onl y worsened . Thi s week , I will bur y a homebo y who , unabl e t o find hi s wa y clea r t o imagin e a future — put a gun t o hi s templ e an d ende d hi s life . Thi s desperat e ac t o f an 18-year-ol d sidesteppe d th e inne r city' s mor e acceptabl e mod e o f sui cide — the irrationa l battlefiel d o f a gan g war . H e chos e instea d t o mak e explicit th e wis h fo r deat h lon g implici t amon g ou r youth. 10 Committing suicid e explicitl y reveal s th e manifestatio n o f a n inne r emo tional pathology . A s indicated , bein g a gangste r i s a mor e highl y desirabl e pathological syndrom e tha n man y othe r pattern s tha t ar e viewe d wit h greate r opprobrium i n society . Th e perso n wh o i s i n a positio n t o accep t th e gan g front fo r hi s patholog y i s no t generall y considere d a s craz y a s someon e wh o babbles a verba l wor d salad . Eve n mor e advantageou s i s th e fac t tha t a s a gangbanger h e ha s foun d a n acceptabl e mach o publi c rol e i n hi s ow n community tha t i s to som e exten t validate d i n th e violen t large r society .

T H E GAN G I N A VIOLEN T SOCIET Y

In th e socioeconomicall y depresse d ghetto s an d barrio s o f mos t America n cities, violen t gang s ar e perceive d b y civic-minde d peopl e an d la w enforce ment leader s a s a cance r tha t mus t b e eliminate d fro m thei r community . A t the sam e time , i n contras t t o thi s viewpoint , ther e i s a mas s an d varie d audience fo r th e glorificatio n o f gangste r violenc e i n film, songs , an d vers e in th e large r society . Thes e divers e viewpoint s revea l ho w th e gangste r imag e is both denounce d an d romanticize d i n contemporar y America n society . Historically, America n cultur e an d folklor e hav e eulogize d "heroi c kill ers." In th e Ol d West , Jess e James , Bill y th e Kid , an d other s becam e idolize d killers. I n th e Roarin g Twenties , A l Capone , wh o wa s responsibl e fo r order ing th e murde r o f a t leas t a hundre d me n an d o f killin g som e o f the m himself, becam e fo r man y America n citizen s a popula r an d admire d publi c figure. Joh n Dillinge r an d Bonni e an d Clyd e becam e th e gangste r icon s o f the 1930s . I n mor e recen t years , Benn y "Bugsy " Siegal , Sa m Giancana , an d various othe r Mafios i hav e becam e venerate d gangster s t o man y peopl e i n books an d films.

26 / The Current Gang Problem

In contemporar y society , a larg e segmen t o f th e populatio n bot h blac k and whit e see m t o ador e murderou s sociopathi c film heros . Stallone , Willis , Norris, Schwarzenegger , an d other s reflec t thi s publi c worshi p o f th e heroi c sociopathic kille r who , agains t impossibl e odds , win s b y indiscriminatel y murdering dozen s i f no t hundred s o f thei r enemie s i n a two-hou r movie . The validatio n o f this ma d macho-syndrom e i s affirmed b y billion-dolla r bo x office receipt s a t movi e theaters , no t onl y i n America , bu t aroun d th e world. I n thi s context , youn g gangster s ca n se e themselve s a s heroi c figures protecting thei r tur f b y fighting an d sometime s killin g thei r rea l an d imag ined enemies . The worshi p o f the kille r a s a "hero" an d th e taci t acceptanc e o f acompas sionate behavio r i n th e mas s medi a b y man y peopl e i n th e large r societ y tends t o accor d som e credenc e t o th e violen t gang' s sociopathi c activities . The genera l publi c seem s t o enjo y th e brutal , revolting , an d senseles s sociopathic violenc e tha t i s presented b y film an d T V star s an d perceiv e i t as exciting entertainment . I n contras t wit h m y viewpoin t an d tha t o f man y other like-minde d citizens , violence, murder , an d mayhe m o n th e bi g scree n earn million s o f dollar s becaus e i t i s supporte d an d "enjoyed " b y larg e segments o f the population . Most violen t behavio r i s stigmatize d an d though t o f a s sick , mad , o r pathological. Th e violen t gang' s behavio r i s to o ofte n perceive d b y th e gangster an d hi s communit y a s heroi c activity . Th e community' s cover t aggrandizement o f thi s ma d behavio r t o a certai n exten t reinforce s th e violent gan g a s a desirable , stigma-fre e collectivit y fo r sociopathi c youths . In recen t year s murde r o n th e bi g scree n ha s becom e mor e democratic . Young blac k actor s no w emulat e th e whit e film sociopath s an d romanticiz e the violen t gan g i n suc h violen t films a s Menace To Society, South Central, New Jack City, an d Blood In-Blood Out. I n a bizarr e way , thi s glorificatio n of gangste r lif e provide s youn g wannabe e gangster s wit h a n acceptabl e an d desirable rol e t o b e sough t an d achieve d i n America n society . In anothe r "ar t form, " th e pseudopoetr y o f gangst a rap , "poets " lik e Ic e T and Snoo p Dogg y Dog , usin g lyric s wit h bruta l sexis t phrase s abou t "hos " and "bitches " an d glorifyin g murders , sel l i n th e millions . Th e murderou s cop killer s o f gangst a ra p ar e perceive d b y devotee s o f thi s musi c a s heroi c figures wh o whe n the y ste p ou t int o thei r hoo d ar e alway s unde r attac k an d must kil l o r b e killed . Th e lin e betwee n advocatin g gan g murde r i n gangst a rap an d i n rea l lif e wa s crosse d b y Snoo p Dogg y Do g whe n Snoo p an d hi s bodyguard, wh o wer e i n thei r ca r a t th e time , kille d a youth the y considere d to b e a n enem y i n a gang-relate d homicid e i n Lon g Beach , California . Th e

The Current Gang Problem I 2 7

prosecution, i n thei r final arguments , characterize d th e homicid e a s a pur e and simpl e drive-b y gan g murder . Despit e th e prosecution' s viewpoint , Snoop, whos e rea l nam e i s Calvi n Broadus , an d hi s bodyguar d wer e acquit ted o f th e crim e becaus e ther e wa s evidenc e tha t th e victi m ha d a gu n o n his person . Th e defens e lawyer s mad e th e cas e tha t th e homicid e wa s perpetrated i n a n ac t o f self-defense . In a convolute d way , gangst a ra p i s a u couran t i n bot h th e blac k ghett o and th e affluen t whit e world . Th e admiratio n o f th e gangst a her o i s em braced no t onl y b y blac k an d Chican o youths , bu t b y man y affluen t whit e adolescents wh o bu y th e records , liste n t o th e eardru m poundin g musi c o n their radios , an d watc h th e video s o n MTV . A featured articl e i n th e venera ble New Yorker magazin e describe d ho w gangst a ra p an d poetr y reading s ar e being commingle d i n presentation s i n a larg e numbe r o f Ne w Yor k Cit y nightclubs. A s evidence d b y th e larg e audience s o f a cros s sectio n o f th e population tha t ar e reporte d t o atten d thes e presentations , i t ca n b e con cluded tha t th e gangst a phenomeno n ha s bee n accepte d an d integrate d int o the po p cultur e o f the large r society. 11 Another possibl e clu e t o th e legitimatio n o f gan g violenc e ma y b e it s uncomfortable closenes s t o th e behavio r o f th e chronicall y insan e warfar e that exist s o n a n internationa l leve l i n "rational " societies . Th e craz y machi nations o f th e violen t gan g an d it s "militar y structure " ar e bizarr e replica s o f current pattern s o f internationa l violenc e an d warfare . On e ca n legitimatel y raise th e question , Wa s th e bruta l warfar e an d genocid e perpetrate d b y Adolph Hitle r o n th e world , th e Vietna m War , o r th e warfar e an d "ethnic cleansing" genocid e tha t ha s take n plac e i n th e Europea n Balkan s an y more o r les s pathologica l o r senseles s tha n th e violen t gang' s violence ? Th e sociocultural institutio n o f wa r pervade s al l societies , an d t o som e exten t i t provides th e contex t fo r th e madnes s o f violent gan g warfare . The uniqu e America n violen t gan g an d it s ma d bloodlettin g ha s emerge d in th e fertil e soi l o f a societ y tha t ha s i n thi s pas t centur y develope d violenc e into a n ar t form . I t ma y b e difficul t t o argu e tha t th e media , especiall y T V and films — where senseless , bruta l murder s occu r wit h grea t frequenc y — is the caus e o f th e violen t gang s i n ou r midst . However , n o on e ca n den y tha t the multiple-murder , blow-'em-up , an d shoot-'em-u p films tha t dominat e th e large an d smal l screen s o f Americ a an d th e continuin g senseles s interna tional warfar e o f nation s ha s som e connectio n t o th e proliferatio n an d continuance o f the pathologica l violen t gan g problem .

2. Gangs i n th e Twentiet h Centur y

D

HERE HAV E BEEN FOU R period s o f American juvenil e gangsters , violence, and gan g warfare i n the twentieth century :

1. The first fifty year s wer e characterize d b y a benig n perio d o f yout h camaraderie, a concer n wit h territoria l control , variou s act s o f delin quency, and violence — largely involving fistfights and knife assaults . 2. Th e secon d identifiabl e perio d wa s i n th e post-Worl d Wa r I I era , i n th e 1950s up t o the mid-1960s , and showe d a shift towar d violenc e relate d t o territorial dispute s acted-ou t i n mor e sever e forms , stabbing s no w an d a n occasional murde r usin g a gun. 3. Th e thir d identifiabl e perio d sa w a hiatu s i n gangs , gan g violence , an d warfare durin g th e lat e 1960 s through th e earl y 1980s , partly a s a consequence o f variou s quasi-politica l group s lik e th e Blac k Panther s an d the Brow n Berets . Thes e group s an d other s include d man y blac k and Chican o youth s wh o migh t hav e participate d i n gangbangin g vio lence int o relativel y positiv e effort s fo r socia l chang e throug h politica l activities. 4. Th e contemporar y violen t gang problem i s entwined wit h the busines s of drugs, involve s drive-b y murder s usin g high-powered , letha l automati c weapons, and ha s resulte d i n extrem e violence. 28

Gangs in the Twentieth Century I 29

GANGS, 1900-195 0

The historica l documentatio n o f any subject i s at bes t a n imprecis e disci pline. In looking back on the history of gangs, I am dependent o n the writing of a fe w individual s fro m th e pas t wh o ha d th e tim e an d inclinatio n t o research an d write abou t gangs . Despit e this , an analysis o f violent gang s in America fro m a n earlier er a provides a useful contex t for understanding the contemporary gang . EARLY ADUL T GANG S

Juvenile gang s emerge d ove r th e year s fro m a mol d create d b y early adul t gangs. The earliest reports of adult gangs in America appea r aroun d th e turn of the centur y o n the Lower Eas t Sid e o f New York City. The phenomeno n was chronicle d i n a colorfu l boo k b y Herbert Asbur y calle d Gangs of New York.l These earl y gang s ha d suc h name s a s the Dusters , th e Pu g Uglies , the Dead Rabbits , and the notorious Fiv e Points gangs. According to Asbury, the Five Point s gang s an d th e Bower y gang s carrie d ou t thei r grudge s agains t each othe r wit h constan t warfare . Scarcel y a wee k passe d withou t a hal f dozen conflicts . O n on e occasion , le d b y the Dea d Rabbit s an d th e Pug Uglies, al l o f th e gang s o f th e Fiv e Point s bega n thei r celebratio n o f the Fourth o f July with a raid on the clubhouse buildin g of the Bower y Boys and the Atlanti c Guard s gangs . Ther e wa s furiou s fighting, bu t th e Bower y gangsters triumphe d an d drov e thei r enemie s bac k t o thei r ow n neighbor hood. I n th e melee , a fe w metropolita n policeme n wh o tried t o interfer e with th e gang warfare wer e badl y beaten. There wer e apparentl y n o guns or knives used . Th e warfare too k th e form o f fistfighting and the use of a few bats. The gang s o f this er a wer e territorial , an d thi s facto r ma y have se t the precedent fo r th e enormou s valu e place d o n turf , hood , an d barri o b y contemporary yout h gangs . Another facto r i n the early adult gang s tha t may have se t a precedent fo r today's gangs was a disrespect an d antipathy towar d the police . I f anything, th e gangs o f that er a were mor e hostil e towar d "the coppers" (so-calle d becaus e o f thei r coppe r badges ) tha n contemporar y gangs. Disrespec t fo r th e police , therefore , a s representative s o f the large r society who were intrudin g on gang turf, began a t the turn o f the century . Asbury describes ho w the police ineffectuall y responde d t o an early gang fight:

30 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century

A lon e policeman , wit h mor e courag e tha n judgment , trie d t o clu b hi s way through th e mas s o f struggling me n an d arres t th e ringleaders , bu t h e was knocke d down , hi s clothin g strippe d fro m hi s body , an d h e wa s fearfully beate n wit h hi s ow n nightstick . H e crawle d throug h th e plungin g mob t o the sidewalk , and , nake d excep t fo r a pair o f cotton drawers , ra n t o the Metropolita n headquarter s i n Whit e street , wher e h e gaspe d ou t th e alarm an d collapsed . A squa d o f policeme n wa s dispatche d t o sto p th e rioting, bu t whe n the y marche d bravel y u p Cente r stree t th e gang s mad e common caus e agains t them , an d the y wer e compelle d t o retrea t afte r a bloody encounte r i n whic h severa l policeme n wer e injured. 2 These earl y gan g war s bea r som e resemblanc e t o curren t gan g battles : the y were territoriall y divided , an d gan g member s didn' t shrin k fro m violenc e i n their encounters . However , th e exten t t o whic h battle s involve d larg e num bers o f adul t citizens , n o guns , an d th e lac k o f polic e contro l show s a n apparent differenc e fro m moder n gan g wars . Th e forma l polic e framewor k of contro l an d direc t gan g suppressio n is , o f course , stronge r today . Anothe r significant differentia l betwee n thes e earl y gang s an d today' s gang s i s th e absence o f the lucrativ e commerc e o f drugs. Also, these earl y gan g war s wer e not nearl y a s letha l a s today' s conflicts , largel y becaus e o f th e absenc e o f today's prevalenc e o f gun s an d automati c weapon s i n th e hand s o f th e combatants. There ar e als o dat a tha t see m t o sugges t tha t th e curren t violen t gang s have a mor e pathologica l "membership " tha n th e earlie r forms . Th e earl y gangs appeare d t o b e sociall y acceptabl e grou p structures , a t leas t withi n th e norms an d value s o f the neighborhoo d i n whic h the y existed . Althoug h mos t of the publi c ma y hav e considere d th e gang' s behavio r deviant , i t was norma l in th e particula r neighborhoo d i n whic h i t occurred . Senseless , unprovoke d gangbanging fo r kick s an d eg o gratificatio n di d no t see m t o b e par t o f th e early gangs ' pattern . However , th e crimina l socia l fabri c o f illega l liquo r sales, theft , an d particularl y politic s wa s closel y integrate d wit h th e gan g activity o f that era .

CAPONE-TYPE GANG S O F TH E 1920 S AN D ORGANIZE D CRIM E

A ne w er a o f adul t gan g violenc e wa s ushere d i n b y th e bootle g gang s o f th e Roaring Twenties . I n a wa y the y se t the preceden t fo r today' s gang s an d thei r involvement i n th e commerc e o f illega l drugs . Th e devian t gangste r cultur e and it s practice o f drive-by murder s wa s create d an d develope d i n thi s violen t era i n America , a s was it s romanticization .

Gangs in the Twentieth Century I 3 1

In carryin g ou t researc h fo r a biograph y I wrot e abou t th e movi e acto r George Raft , I interviewe d Howar d Hawks , wh o directe d th e origina l Scarfacey on e o f the bes t films o n 1920 s gangste r behavior. 3 Hawks 's film wa s largely base d o n th e crimina l gan g exploit s o f Al Capone . Thi s wa s th e first film tha t depicte d th e newl y invente d drive-b y gangste r murder s o f tha t era . Hawks tol d m e tha t i n doin g researc h fo r thi s film h e interviewe d gangster s from Chicago , member s o f th e Capon e mo b wh o ha d actuall y carrie d ou t drive-by murder s i n th e 1920s . Th e gangste r drive-by , a uniqu e America n invention, wa s create d an d develope d b y Al Capone . Hawk s informe d me , Originally I ha d on e drive-b y murde r scen e i n Scarface. Thi s opene d th e film. Whe n m y produce r Howar d Hughe s sa w this , a t tha t time , strang e vehicle metho d fo r murder , h e aske d m e ho w prevalen t thi s practic e wa s in gangland . I told hi m i t was used a s a standard practic e fo r killing enem y gangsters. Hughe s the n tol d me , "Pu t mor e o f thos e dramati c drive-b y scenes i n th e movie. " These earl y bootle g gangs , althoug h illegal , wer e no t alie n t o th e societ y in whic h the y existed . Despit e thei r blood y intergan g an d intragan g murders , they maintaine d a clos e affiliatio n wit h th e political , social , an d economi c conditions o f the times . Th e gangster s o f the twentie s wer e th e henchme n o f political maneuverer s an d som e o f th e bi g businessme n o f tha t period . Gangsters wer e use d i n management-labo r conflict s an d t o contro l liquo r sales, prostitution , an d gambling . Violence wa s use d a s a n instrumen t o f establishin g an d maintainin g these somewha t sociall y accepte d busines s ventures . Capon e calle d thes e enterprises "th e legitimat e rackets, " an d hi s self-concep t wa s tha t o f a busi nessman providin g neede d service s fo r hi s community . Man y communit y leaders, politicians , an d citizen s supporte d thes e earl y gangs . T h e pre-Prohibitio n gang s o f Ne w Yor k wer e usuall y classifie d b y thei r national, religious , o r racia l background . The y wer e principall y mad e u p o f newly arrive d group s lik e th e Irish , Italians , an d Jews . Iris h gang s controlle d the Wes t Side , an d th e Eas t Sid e belonge d t o th e Italia n an d th e Jewis h gangs. Th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e o f Manhatta n i n th e first twent y year s o f th e century wa s th e breedin g groun d fo r man y gunme n an d racketeers . I n a subtle way , throug h movie s an d new s reports , th e Vit o Genoveses , Luck y Lucianos, Bugs y Siegels , Meye r Lanskys , an d Fran k Costello s tha t emerge d in thos e day s becam e th e rol e model s fo r today' s gangsters . Italy's majo r crimina l expor t t o Americ a i n thi s perio d wa s th e "mafia, " o r "crime syndicate. " It s earl y for m i n th e Unite d State s wa s th e secre t orde r o f

32 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century

the Union e Siciliane , ofte n referre d t o a s the Blac k Hand . Thi s earl y for m o f La Cos a Nostr a originate d i n thi s countr y throug h a leader know n a s Ignazi o (Lupo th e Wolf) . T h e Union e ha d severa l loca l bosse s unti l Jo e "th e Boss " Masseria too k charg e i n th e 1920s . Th e Union e a t tha t tim e wa s no t re stricted t o gangsters . Amon g it s member s wer e som e me n o f respectabl e reputations an d occupations . Occasionall y th e door s t o membershi p wer e opened t o non-Italian s suc h a s a lawyer s wh o performe d th e helpfu l jo b o f acquitting som e Union e gangste r i n th e courts . The earl y for m o f joinin g a gan g allegedl y involve d a ritua l o f initiatio n that include d a n ancien t rit e o f scratchin g th e wris t o f th e initiat e an d th e wrists o f th e members , afte r whic h a n exchang e o f bloo d wa s effecte d b y laying th e wound s on e o n th e other , thu s makin g the m al l bloo d brothers . Many peopl e hav e see n thi s ritua l aggrandize d i n suc h films a s The Godfather an d Goodfellas. Thi s wa s a n earl y for m o f what today' s gangbanger s cal l the jumping-i n ritual , bu t bein g jumped-i n i s a mor e blood y procedur e sinc e the worth y initiat e i s often brutall y beate n b y hi s homi e gangsters . As par t o f th e norma l busines s o f th e variou s illici t enterprise s conducte d by th e gang s o f the twenties , homicid e wa s employe d a s a logical , important , and norma l activit y fo r th e enforcemen t o f gan g rules . Severa l thousan d gangsters die d i n Ne w Yor k an d Chicag o i n th e bootle g liquo r war s o f th e 1920s ove r dispute s relate d t o th e operatio n o f th e illega l liquo r business . Sometimes, bu t no t a s ofte n a s today' s gangs , th e drive-by s kille d innocen t victims. The murde r o f a bootlegge r becam e a dail y event . Rumrunner s an d hijackers wer e pistol-whippe d an d machin e gunned . The y wer e take n fo r rides o n th e fron t seat s o f sedans , garrote d fro m behind , an d a t time s ha d their brain s blow n ou t wit h a bulle t t o th e bac k o f th e hea d b y fello w mobsters the y though t wer e thei r pals . The y wer e line d u p i n pair s i n fron t of warehous e wall s i n lonel y alley s an d sho t dow n b y enemy-gan g firing squads. The y wer e slugge d int o unconsciousnes s an d place d i n burla p sack s with thei r hands , feet , an d neck s s o rope d tha t the y woul d strangl e them selves a s the y writhed . Charre d bodie s wer e foun d i n bombe d automobiles . Bootleggers an d sometime s thei r moll s wer e pinione d wit h wir e an d droppe d alive int o th e Eas t River . Other s wer e encase d i n cemen t an d tosse d over board fro m ru m boat s i n th e harbor . I n a way , gan g murder s o f thi s earl y er a were mor e inventiv e tha n today' s gangsters . Life wa s chea p an d murde r wa s eas y i n th e bootle g industry ; th e earl y gangsters wh o fough t thei r wa y t o th e to p wer e endowe d wit h savager y an d shrewdness. Th e killing s wer e carrie d ou t t o consolidat e gan g territor y fo r

Gangs in the Twentieth Century I 3 3 greater illici t profit . Murder s wer e no t usuall y committe d fo r emotiona l reasons bu t wer e par t o f col d an d calculate d gan g busines s practices . I n some cases , forme r gan g friend s kille d thei r friend s wit h a commen t like , "Listen Charlie , I like you, this i s nothing persona l — it's just business." And often th e victi m woul d quietl y cooperat e wit h hi s ow n demis e b y saying, " I understand." The for m o f thes e gang-wa r murder s wa s differen t tha n today' s violen t gang murders , however, th e letha l result s wer e similar . Although contempo rary gang s engage d i n th e commerc e o f drug s carr y ou t hit s agains t rival s who invad e thei r territory , thei r violenc e i s not a s precise a s the earlie r for m of gang murders . Th e enforcer s o f the earlie r gang s kille d i n a businesslik e fashion. Thei r persona l kick s and distorte d eg o gratifications, unlik e moder n gangs, was secondary to their professional demands . This earl y typ e o f calculated murde r b y a violent gangste r i s depicted i n the caree r o f th e infamou s mo b hitma n Ab e "Ki d Twist " Reles . Rele s admitted committin g ove r eight y murder s i n th e norma l cours e o f hi s wor k as an agent of New York's Murder, Inc. , a division of the Meyer Lansky/Bugsy Siegal gang . According t o all reports , the murder s tha t Rele s committed ha d an unemotiona l quality . Rele s claime d tha t h e neve r committe d a murde r out o f passion , excitement , jealousy , persona l revenge , o r an y o f th e usua l motives. He killed impersonall y and solel y for business considerations . Early gangsters, like Reles, were not allowed to kill on their own initiative. Murders wer e ordere d b y the leader s a t th e to p o n behal f o f the welfar e o f the organization . A membe r o f th e mo b wh o woul d dar e kil l o n hi s ow n initiative o r fo r hi s persona l passio n o r profi t woul d ofte n b e executed . Organized crim e murder s wer e a business matte r organize d b y the chief s i n conference an d carrie d ou t i n a disciplined an d efficien t way . When Prohibitio n wa s abolished, the early criminal gangs with their great wealth earne d fro m bootleggin g an d othe r illega l enterprise s entere d int o more legitimat e rackets . They develope d quasi-legitimat e businesse s b y controlling unions , government buildin g contracts , refus e remova l services , and extortion fro m legitimat e businesses . The y eliminate d competitio n throug h violence. They were exposed i n the 1950 s and 1960 s by the Senat e Kefauve r committee an d late r o n b y Attorne y Genera l Rober t Kennedy' s wa r o n organized crime . The mo b to this day earns billions o f dollars from racketeering , extortion , the commerc e o f drugs, and othe r illega l enterprises . A large sourc e o f mob money fo r investmen t i n illega l an d t o som e exten t lega l busines s activitie s has com e fro m th e mob' s hidde n ownershi p o f La s Vega s casinos . Th e

34 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century gambling business, lega l i n Nevada , ha s produce d billion s o f dollars legall y and throug h money-skimmin g activitie s fro m th e casino s o f mo b owne d o r controlled hotels . These billion s hav e bee n funnele d int o th e coffer s o f organize d crim e bosses and troops . Along the way over the past fifty years, the mob' s activitie s and internecin e conflict s hav e resulte d i n thousand s o f murders ; ther e ar e hundred o f unmarke d grave s i n th e desert s o f Nevada . A semifictionalize d version o f these gan g activities appeare d i n th e film Casino. These murders , for busines s an d profit , paralle l som e o f the murder s committe d i n th e pas t ten year s b y th e ne w for m o f th e violent-dru g gang s fighting ove r dru g territory on the street s of America. Many contemporary gan g murders hav e a drug business motivation , how ever, the emotion-drive n gangbangin g for m o f territorial protectio n violenc e remains a par t o f th e violenc e committe d b y today' s gangs . Mos t o f th e contemporary gangste r drive-b y murders , i n contras t t o th e 1920' s drive-bys, are motivate d b y an emotiona l paranoi d reveng e factor , eithe r rea l o r imag ined, rathe r tha n fo r dru g busines s purposes . They typicall y involv e a group of gangsters, high o n drug s o r alcohol, wh o ar e full o f rage at the worl d an d go on a senseless murderous fora y int o what they perceive i s enemy territory . After announcin g their presence with the verbal gang sign of "Hey cuz," they may blo w awa y wit h a n Uz i o r a n A K 4 7 severa l childre n o r olde r famil y members having a picnic i n thei r backyard alon g with thei r intende d enem y gangsters. PRE-1950 YOUT H GANG S

Contemporary violen t yout h gang s hav e a historica l preceden t no t onl y i n adult gangs but also in earlie r forms o f youth groups . The ter m "yout h gang " has been use d fo r a variety o f diverse yout h grouping s significantl y differen t from th e curren t violen t dru g gangs . Th e generi c ter m "gang " t o describ e youth collectivitie s i n th e earl y par t o f th e twentiet h centur y ha s bee n applied t o collection s o f youths organize d t o g o fishing, to pla y baseball, t o steal cars , or to commit homicide . One o f th e earlies t application s o f th e ter m "gang " t o yout h group s wa s made b y Henry D . Sheldo n i n 1898 . He classifie d gangs , according t o thei r activities, as (1) secret clubs, (2) predatory organizations , (3 ) social clubs , (4) industrial associations , (5) philanthropic associations , (6) literary and musica l organizations, and (7 ) athletic clubs . He maintaine d a t the time that, amon g

Gangs in the Twentieth Century I 3 5

boys' clubs , "th e athleti c club s ar e immensel y th e mos t popular , wit h preda tory organization s a poo r second. " 4 An earl y descriptio n an d us e o f the ter m "gang " was presented i n J . Adam s Puffer's publicatio n entitle d "Bo y Gangs. " 5 Puffer' s gang s wer e essentiall y boys' club s an d athleti c teams . H e describe d on e earl y gang' s activit y a s follows: We me t ou t i n th e wood s bac k o f an ol d bar n o n Sprin g Street . Me t ever y day i f w e di d no t ge t work . An y fello w coul d brin g i n a fello w i f other s approved. Pu t a fello w ou t fo r spyin g o r tellin g anythin g abou t th e club . Tell hi m w e didn' t wan t hi m an d the n i f he didn' t tak e th e hin t forc e hi m out. W e playe d ball ; wen t swimming , fishing , an d shooting . Eac h o f u s had a rifle. Mee t (a t night) an d tel l storie s o f what w e had don e durin g th e day. . . . The purpos e o f club wa s to steal ; mos t anythin g w e coul d ge t ou r hands on ; frui t fro m frui t stands ; ic e crea m a t picnics , an d ro b stores . . . . Especially noteworth y i s th e desir e o f th e gan g fo r a loca l habitation , it s own specia l stree t corner , it s club room , it s shanty i n th e woods. 6 Early yout h gan g researcher s an d writer s seldo m use d an y comple x theoreti cal categorie s fo r describin g th e gang s the y studied . Essentiall y the y relie d on descriptiv e appraisal s — presenting th e gang , s o t o speak , a s is , base d o n their firsthan d observations . Mor e recen t student s o f gan g behavio r hav e utilized mor e abstrac t analyses , includin g computerize d statistica l analyses .

THE CHICAG O SCHOOL' S GANG S

A pionee r grou p o f delinquenc y an d gan g researcher s emerge d i n th e lat e 1930s an d 1940 s i n an d aroun d th e Universit y o f Chicago . Buildin g o n th e theories an d researc h o f suc h sociologist s a s W . I . Thomas , Floria n Zna niecki, Georg e Herber t Mead , an d Ernes t Burgess , th e Chicag o Schoo l pioneers contribute d enormousl y t o creatin g a foundatio n fo r ou r curren t understanding o f gang s an d delinquency . Thes e pioneer s i n th e field in cluded Frederi c Thrasher , Fran k Tannenbaum , Cliffor d Shaw , an d Henr y McKay. Thes e researcher s use d a for m o f participant-observatio n tha t relie d heavily o n firsthand qualitativ e researc h dat a collecte d directl y fro m th e boy s in thei r gangs . Thei r causatio n theorie s wer e essentiall y base d o n th e socia l context o f th e slu m an d poverty . Thei r researc h an d writin g wa s heavil y based o n case-histor y materia l an d persona l document s obtaine d fro m of fenders i n bot h institution s an d th e ope n community .

36 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century

As I indicate d i n th e Introduction , i n 195 3 I wa s hire d t o becom e th e director o f th e Morningsid e Heights , Inc. , projec t i n Ne w York . I mad e i t a condition o f m y employmen t tha t I spen d tw o week s i n Chicag o t o mee t with severa l o f the Chicag o Schoo l researchers . I was honored an d privilege d to spen d th e tw o week s tourin g th e Sout h Sid e o f Chicag o an d variou s gan g projects wit h suc h luminarie s i n th e field a s Cliffor d Sha w an d Henr y McKay. Throug h thei r auspice s I wa s abl e t o visi t an d mee t man y peopl e involved i n Chicag o gang s an d gan g projects . Moreover , throug h a variety o f intensive discussion s wit h Sha w an d McKay , I wa s abl e t o directl y lear n about thei r viewpoint s o n gang s an d delinquency . Followin g i s a summar y o f their perspective s base d o n m y firsthand discussion s wit h thes e pioneer s an d a revie w o f the literature . Frederic Thrashe r produce d th e first extensiv e sociologica l stud y o f gang s in Chicag o base d o n hi s researc h o n th e Sout h Sid e o f Chicago . Hi s findings wer e presente d i n a no w classi c volum e entitle d The Gang. 7 Gangs , according t o Thrasher , involve d youth s "wit h espri t d e corps , solidarity , morale, grou p awareness , an d attachmen t t o a loca l territory. " Thrashe r presented detaile d description s o f man y divers e type s o f gang s t o illustrat e his material . A typica l "tough " gan g observe d b y Thrashe r wa s th e so-calle d Murderers gang : Shortly afte r th e rac e riot s o f 1919 , resident s i n th e vicinit y sout h o f th e stock yards were startled on e mornin g b y a number o f placards bearin g th e inscription "Th e Murderers , 10,00 0 Strong , 48t h & Ada. " Th e placard s brought attentio n t o a gang o f thirty Polis h boy s who hun g ou t i n a distric t known a s the Bush. 8 Thrasher describe d th e activitie s o f another typica l gan g a s follows : Every mornin g the y woul d ge t togethe r a t thei r corne r o r i n thei r shac k near b y t o "che w th e rag " an d tal k ove r th e event s o f th e day . Th e ne w members wh o wer e take n i n fro m tim e t o time wer e congenia l spirit s wh o had show n abilit y t o elud e th e polic e o r gamenes s i n a fight. . . . Most o f them wer e habitua l truants , an d the y acknowledge d thei r commitment s t o the parenta l schoo l [hous e o f detention ] wit h grea t pride . Man y o f the m had bee n i n th e juvenil e detentio n hom e an d th e jail . Their record s wer e a matte r o f considerable prestig e i n th e group. 9 Frank Tannenbau m describe d th e phase s o f gradatio n an d graduatio n into large r an d mor e seriou s crime s b y member s o f th e earl y Chicag o

Gangs in the Twentieth Century / 3 7

delinquent gangs. 10 Th e olde r gan g boys , wit h mor e experience , wer e mor e involved i n crime ; the y stol e a s a sourc e o f income . Accordin g t o Tannen baum, gan g youth s wen t fro m stealin g t o shoplifting , an d fro m tha t t o "rolling bums. " The n cam e pickpocketing , ca r stealing , holdups , an d some times murder . Al l o f the escalation s o f crim e wer e carrie d ou t i n connectio n with othe r member s o f the gang . The Chicag o Schoo l i n it s analysi s o f th e cause s fo r gang s gav e heav y weight t o famil y disorganization . The y perceive d th e family , a s w e d o today , as no t performin g it s prope r functio n fo r youth s wh o participate d i n gangs . According t o Tannenbaum , The family , b y it s interna l weakness , ma y hav e bee n a contributor y factor . The fathe r o r mothe r o r a n olde r brothe r ma y hav e bee n delinquent , o r there ma y hav e bee n a shar p conflic t o f opinion s an d attitude s i n th e family, o r constan t bickerin g an d incompatibilit y betwee n th e parents , o r the fathe r ma y hav e bee n dea d an d th e mothe r force d awa y from hom e s o that th e childre n wer e lef t unsupervised. 11 Another basi c assumptio n o f th e Chicag o Schoo l researcher s an d theorist s was tha t delinquenc y wa s a norma l activit y i n poo r slu m neighborhood s an d that mos t offense s (abou t 9 5 percent ) wer e committe d i n associatio n wit h others i n a gang. The y perceive d th e gan g a s a basi c primar y grou p necessar y for self-sustenance , an d al l outsiders , includin g th e police , wer e target s fo r hostility an d aggression . The theorie s an d researc h o f the earl y Chicag o Schoo l hav e ha d a lastin g impact o n th e sociologica l imag e o f delinquenc y i n genera l an d th e gan g i n particular. Thei r conceptualization s ma y b e summarize d i n th e followin g propositions: (1 ) Th e yout h begin s hi s delinquen t caree r o n a thi n lin e o f malicious an d mischievou s pla y an d the n become s mor e concretel y involve d in delinquen t gan g activity . (2 ) Th e natura l conflic t o f a yout h wit h th e community an d it s conflictin g se t o f norm s an d value s drive s hi m furthe r into gan g activity . (3 ) Th e gan g emerge s a s a resul t o f th e failur e o f commu nity forces, particularl y th e family , t o properl y integrat e man y youth s int o th e more constructive , law-abidin g society . (4 ) Loyalt y an d espri t d e corp s ar e strong mobilizin g force s i n th e delinquen t gangs , an d i t become s a cohesiv e entity. (5 ) Th e gan g become s a kin d o f street-corne r famil y fo r yout h wh o are detache d an d disassociate d fro m an d i n conflic t wit h th e law-abidin g community. (6 ) Th e gan g i n thi s contex t become s a schoo l fo r crim e tha t provides bot h th e opportunity , th e training , an d th e motivatio n fo r a crimina l

38 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century

career i n associatio n wit h others . (7 ) A yout h enmeshe d i n th e delinquen t gang a s a primar y grou p get s drive n furthe r int o a delinquen t caree r b y th e negative effec t o f society's institutionalize d pattern s fo r dealin g wit h th e gan g youth an d hi s problems . A yout h thu s move s u p i n th e delinquenc y hierar chy, an d a s a resul t o f hi s crimina l association s an d training , become s i n hi s later year s a recalcitran t criminal . STREET-CORNER SOCIET Y

The Chicag o Schoo l ha d th e impac t o f spurring othe r studie s o f street gangs . William F . Whyt e reporte d o n a majo r participant-observatio n stud y h e carried ou t i n Bosto n i n th e mid-1950s. 12 T o institut e hi s research , Whyt e moved int o th e Italia n neighborhoo d o f a larg e easter n cit y nea r Boston , which h e calle d "Cornerville. " H e learne d Italia n an d "hun g out " wit h a group know n a s th e Norto n Stree t Gang . Fo r thre e year s h e participate d i n the activitie s o f th e gang , develope d friendl y relation s wit h th e leaders , an d with thei r cooperation , studie d th e group' s structure . A primar y facto r abou t th e Norto n Stree t Gan g wa s tha t i t wa s a produc t of the Depression . Mos t o f the member s wer e i n thei r twentie s an d normall y would hav e bee n workin g i f job s ha d bee n available . Th e gang , accordin g t o Whyte, emerge d becaus e th e boy s coul d accomplis h mor e togethe r tha n separately. Th e gan g gav e it s member s a feelin g o f solidarity , o r belonging . They participate d i n constructiv e activities , engage d i n athletics , helped eac h other financially, an d discusse d mutua l problems . Unlik e today' s gangs , th e Norton Stree t Gan g wa s a cooperativ e group , beneficia l t o it s membership . Whyte's comment s o n gan g leadershi p furthe r support s a n imag e o f th e Norton Stree t Gan g a s a constructiv e organization : "Th e leade r i s th e on e who act s whe n th e situatio n require s action . H e i s more resourcefu l tha n hi s followers. Pas t event s hav e show n tha t hi s idea s wer e right . I n thi s sens e 'right' simpl y mean s satisfactor y t o th e members . Th e leade r i s respecte d fo r his fair-mindedness. " B This nostalgi c imag e o f leadershi p i n th e earlie r gang s tend s t o persis t i n the analysi s o f contemporar y gang s b y som e researchers , an d i t i s a n errone ous assumption . Today' s violent/dru g gan g leader s ar e no t wise , fair-minded , judicious leader s wh o ar e helpfu l t o thei r associates . The y ten d t o b e exploit ative, egocentri c sociopath s wit h a hair-trigge r potentia l fo r sudden , swift , and senseles s violence . I n brief , earlie r gang s wer e socia l gang s an d bea r little resemblanc e t o today' s violen t gang .

Gangs in the Twentieth Century I 3 9

T H E 195 0 Y O U T H G A N G E R A

In th e perio d soo n afte r th e en d o f Worl d Wa r II , a differen t typ e o f gan g emerged i n urba n area s aroun d th e Unite d States , especiall y i n Lo s Angeles , Chicago, an d Ne w York . Thes e gang s wer e les s cohesiv e tha n earlie r gangs , had les s o f an emphasi s o n camaraderi e amon g participants , an d wer e clearl y more violent .

THE NEW YORK CITY YOUTH BOARD In respons e t o a larg e breakou t o f gan g violenc e i n th e post-Worl d Wa r I I period i n Ne w Yor k City , the n Mayo r Rober t Wagne r create d a special socia l organization, th e Ne w York Cit y Youth Board , fo r preventin g an d controllin g gangs. So-calle d detache d gan g worker s wer e sen t int o th e street s t o dea l with th e fighting gang s o f tha t era . Th e Yout h Boar d produce d a usefu l methodology fo r controllin g gangs , an d thei r effort s produce d a significan t amount o f researc h dat a abou t th e gang s o f th e 1950s . In a serie s o f manual s base d o n thei r work , th e Yout h Boar d develope d a concept o f th e gan g tha t becam e a n accepte d diagnosti c imag e fo r man y similar program s i n urba n area s throughou t th e country . I n on e manua l the y described th e violen t gang s o f that perio d a s follows : The gang s wit h whic h w e worke d wer e surprisingl y wel l organized , o n both a forma l an d informa l level . Eac h clu b wa s divide d int o severa l divisions, usuall y o n th e basi s o f age . A s the boy s gre w olde r the y "gradu ated" fro m on e divisio n t o anothe r — a feedin g proces s whic h insure d th e continued lif e o f each gang . Eac h divisio n ha d it s own officer s includin g a president, vice-president , an d wa r counsellor. 14 An appraisa l o f severa l Yout h Boar d publication s reveal s a conceptua l perspective o n gang s tha t i n man y way s resemble d th e Chicag o Schoo l viewpoint. Accordin g t o th e Yout h Board , th e gang s the y worke d wit h pos sessed th e followin g characteristics : (1 ) Gan g behavio r i s norma l behavio r for youths ; (2 ) al l gang s hav e a hig h degre e o f cohesion , espri t d e corps , an d organization; (3 ) gan g siz e o r membershi p i s measurable ; (4 ) th e gang' s rol e patterns ar e clearl y defined ; (5 ) gang s posses s a consisten t se t o f norm s an d expectations clearl y understoo d b y al l members ; (6 ) al l gang s hav e a grou p of clearl y define d leader s wh o ar e respecte d b y gan g members , distinctl y specified, an d veste d wit h a direc t flow o f authority ; an d (7 ) gang s hav e a coherent organizatio n fo r gan g warfare .

40 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century The Yout h Board' s imag e o f th e 1950 s "boppin g gang " wa s apparentl y greatly influence d b y th e earlie r wor k o n gang s describe d b y Thrasher , Shaw, McKay , an d Whyte . M y ow n wor k an d researc h wit h gang s i n th e Morningside Height s project , especiall y i n term s o f gan g organization , re vealed a departure fro m thi s perspective o f gangs as cohesive entities. THE MORNINGSID E HEIGHT S GAN G PROJEC T

Based o n m y researc h an d direc t wor k wit h abou t seventy-fiv e gang s fro m 1953 t o 195 9 o n th e Uppe r Wes t Sid e o f Manhatta n an d int o Harle m an d my revie w o f othe r gan g researc h an d report s durin g tha t er a fro m aroun d the Unite d States , I conclude d tha t ther e wer e thre e basi c type s o f gangs . The basi c norms , behavio r patterns , an d personalit y characteristic s o f th e membership ten d t o distinguish eac h gan g type. It is useful t o delineate th e structure an d functio n o f thes e thre e gan g type s sinc e the y stil l exist , i n a modified form , i n the 1990s . Social Gangs This for m o f gan g wa s a relativel y permanen t organizatio n tha t typicall y centered it s activitie s aroun d a specifi c stabl e locatio n suc h a s a hangout , candy store , o r clubhouse . Al l member s wer e intimatel y know n t o on e another, an d ther e was a sense of comradeship an d a "we" feeling. Member s belonged i n a clear-cu t way . Som e wor e clu b jacket s o r sweater s wit h a n insignia, which identifie d th e member s to the externa l community . Most o f thei r activitie s wer e sociall y oriente d an d require d a degre e o f responsible socia l interactio n i n th e group . Thei r activitie s include d orga nized athleti c participation , persona l discussions , organizin g dances , an d other sociall y acceptabl e activitie s characteristi c o f adolescence . Member ship wa s no t base d o n self-protectio n (a s i n th e violen t gang ) o r o n socia l athletic prowes s (a s i n a pur e athleti c team) , bu t o n feeling s o f mutua l attraction an d a level o f camaraderie. This typ e o f gang seldo m participate d i n delinquen t behavior , gan g warfare, an d pett y thievery , excep t unde r unusua l conditions . The y becam e involved i n mino r gan g clashes , bu t onl y unde r grea t pressure. Th e socia l gang ha d considerabl e permanence . It s member s gre w u p togethe r o n th e same block an d ofte n develope d permanen t lifelon g friendship s tha t contin ued whe n the y lef t th e "corner " an d move d o n int o thei r adul t life . Th e social gang s o f th e 1950 s wer e a natura l par t o f the community , an d man y

Gangs in the Twentieth Century I 41 youths o f that er a belonge d t o th e communit y center s tha t wer e par t o f th e neighborhood. The Delinquent Gang The delinquen t gang s I observe d i n th e 1950 s wer e primaril y organize d t o carry ou t variou s illega l acts . Th e "socia l interaction " par t o f th e gang' s behavior wa s a secondar y factor . Prominen t amon g th e delinquen t gang' s behavior patter n wa s th e commerc e o f drug s (especiall y heroin) , burglary , petty thievery, mugging , assault for purpose s o f profit (no t simply kicks), and other illega l act s directed a t monetary gai n (o r "raising bread"). These gang s were generall y tightl y organize d clique s tha t coul d stea l wit h maximu m effectiveness. I n recen t year s som e gan g researcher s hav e terme d th e delin quent gan g as "corporate, o r entrepreneuria l gangs. " In th e pas t decade , th e most prevalent form o f this type of gang is involved i n the drug trade. In summary , th e delinquen t gan g wa s comprise d o f a cohesiv e grou p o f emotionally stabl e youth s socialize d int o illega l pattern s o f behavior . Vio lence wa s employe d a s a mean s towar d th e en d o f acquirin g materia l an d financial profit . I n contemporar y gangs , delinquent gan g cliques o f this type are ofte n referre d t o a s "crews " tha t operat e withi n th e framewor k o f th e larger multipurpos e violen t gang . Wannabee s an d middle-rang e gangster s doing work in the gang often becom e par t of a delinquent gan g crew to earn a reputation an d statu s in the overal l violent gang. The Violent Gang My research i n th e 1950 s focused o n th e violent gangs of that era . This type of gangbange r o r warfare-oriente d gan g wa s th e primar y gan g o f th e 1950 s and continue s t o exis t int o th e 1990 s within th e mor e encompassin g multi purpose gan g form . I n contras t wit h othe r gan g types , the violen t gan g was primarily organize d fo r emotiona l gratificatio n an d violent activities. My perspective o n th e gangster s o f that er a wa s that the y wer e displace d persons — suspicious, fearful , and , unlik e th e earlie r gan g youths , withou t close bond s o f camaraderi e wit h thei r cohorts . Th e violen t gang s o f th e 1950s ha d a n impermanenc e an d a shiftin g membership . Th e gang' s possi bilities fo r hollo w glory , it s limited expectation s o f any responsibilit y o n th e part o f its members, wa s all-inviting t o youths wh o ha d difficult y fitting int o the large r society. A primar y functio n o f th e violen t gan g i n th e 1950 s wa s t o provid e a

42 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century

somewhat legitimize d vehicl e fo r actin g ou t hostilit y an d aggressio n t o satisf y the continuin g an d momentar y emotiona l need s o f it s members . Th e gang s were a convenien t an d malleabl e structur e quickl y adaptabl e t o th e need s o f emotionally disturbe d youth s wh o wer e unabl e t o fulfil l th e demand s re quired fo r participatio n i n mor e norma l groups . Unlik e earlie r gang s tha t inspired a leve l o f loyalt y an d camaraderie , i n thi s er a youth s joine d th e violent gan g becaus e the y lacke d th e socia l abilit y t o relat e t o others , no t because th e gan g gav e the m a feeling o f belonging . Violence fo r acceptanc e an d acquirin g a reputatio n wa s paramoun t i n the violen t gang s o f th e 1950 s an d probabl y se t th e mode l fo r contemporar y violent gangs . A s on e gan g membe r wh o participate d i n a gan g murde r tol d me i n m y earl y research , I didn' t wan t t o b e lik e . . . you know , differen t fro m th e othe r guys . Lik e they hi t him , I hi t him . I n othe r words , I didn' t wan t t o sho w mysel f a s a punk. Yo u know, ya always talkin' , "Oh , man , whe n I catch a guy, I'l l bea t him up, " and al l o f that, yo u know . And afte r yo u g o ou t an d catc h a guy, and yo u don' t d o nothin ' the y say , "Oh, man , h e can' t belon g t o n o gang , because h e ain' t gonn a d o anything. " A fourteen-year-ol d violen t gan g membe r describe d hi s participatio n i n a murder a s follows : If I woul d o f go t th e knife , I woul d hav e stabbe d him . Tha t woul d hav e gave m e mor e o f a build-up . Peopl e woul d hav e respecte d m e fo r wha t I've don e an d thing s lik e that . They woul d say , "There goe s a cold killer. " Membership characteristic s wer e les s clea r i n th e violen t gan g structur e than i n th e othe r gan g form s o f tha t period . Th e gang' s leader s were , i n m y view, sociopathi c personalities , wit h stron g need s t o contro l territory . Th e image o f th e leade r wa s ofte n exaggerate d an d glorifie d b y gan g member s t o enhance thei r ow n self-concept . The 1950 s violen t gang s I studie d ha d a chameleon-lik e structure . Ther e organization shifte d wit h th e need s o f it s member s fo r warfar e an d wa s ofte n in a stat e o f flux. Gan g warfar e betwee n gangs , eithe r i n discussion s o r i n actuality, wa s a continuin g activity . In summary , th e 1950 s violen t gang s originate d i n orde r t o adjus t individ ual emotiona l problems , fo r actua l o r fantasize d self-protectio n an d defense , for channelin g aggression , i n respons e t o prejudice , becaus e o f th e peculia r motivations o f disturbed leaders , o r becaus e o f a combination o f these factor s

Gangs in the Twentieth Century I 43 mixed wit h specia l externa l condition s produce d b y imagine d an d rea l enemy gangs. The contemporar y gangbange r behavio r tha t exist s within th e framewor k of the multipurpos e gang s o f the 1990 s ha s it s historical root s i n th e violen t gangs o f th e 1950s . Throughou t Kod y Scott' s autobiography , largel y base d on hi s involvemen t wit h th e Crip s gang , a variety o f enemy gangs , real an d imagined, appear and disappear . I n readin g Scott's continuing saga of enemy gangs, on e get s th e impressio n o f a constan t stat e o f flux. This wa s a basi c characteristic o f the 1950 s violent gang. THE BALKAN S — A TYPICA L 1950 S VIOLEN T GAN G

One violent gang that I studied closel y for several years in the mid-1950 s and had establishe d th e mos t rapport wit h i n m y wor k i n Ne w Yor k wa s th e Balkans. It was a strange nam e fo r a gang at that time , and th e nam e seem s even mor e bizarr e i n th e light o f the bruta l development s i n th e Europea n Balkans i n the 1990s . In 195 6 i t appeare d t o m e tha t th e Balkan s wer e a t thei r maximu m strength, an d i t seeme d a n idea l perio d fo r assessin g thei r organization . Given th e shiftin g natur e o f the gang , I realized ther e wa s insufficien t tim e for constructin g an y elaborate researc h desig n t o supplement th e field stud y method I already ha d i n operation . I t was at this poin t tha t I thought o f the idea o f getting the gang to "study itself" and se t up the project . I had a private conferenc e wit h Duk e and Pedro , two Balkan leader s with whom I had a good rapport , and propose d a research projec t t o them. "Wha t I would lik e to do i s find out mor e abou t yo u guy s and th e Balkans . A lot of people ar e intereste d i n how gangs are organized an d wh y you guy s feel yo u have to fight all the time . I'v e cleare d i t and hav e som e mone y availabl e fo r research. So , woul d yo u guy s b e intereste d i n workin g fo r m e a s pai d research assistants? " Duke an d Pedr o looke d a t eac h other , puzzled , bu t als o apparentl y interested an d please d a t the prospec t o f earning som e money . Duk e asked , "Well, wha t d o w e do? " I said , "No t to o muc h mor e tha n yo u hav e bee n doing. Bu t yo u wil l b e askin g your guy s a lot o f questions. I will mak e u p a list o f question s whic h I wan t yo u t o ge t answer s t o fro m th e guy s i n you r gang." After w e ha d worke d ou t th e arrangements , includin g a n hourl y rat e o f one dolla r ( a reasonable amoun t i n th e 1950s) , Duk e an d Pedr o seeme d

44 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century excited abou t th e project . The y wer e stil l a t a los s abou t ho w to proceed . Together w e developed a workable questionnair e tha t the y followe d i n thei r interviews. The gang-bo y respondent s ha d mixe d reaction s t o Duk e an d Pedr o a s researchers. Som e boy s cooperate d full y wit h them , other s fel t the y wer e informants fo r th e cops , an d som e reacte d wit h hostility . O n on e occasio n Duke arrive d a t my office, displaye d som e obviousl y fres h laceration s o n his face, and claimed h e had been beate n an d robbed o f ten filled-out questionnaires b y six unidentified enem y gangsters . H e believe d tha t hi s assailant s were, fro m hi s paranoi d viewpoint , "Drago n gan g agents. " (Th e Dragon s were a n enem y gang. ) Th e detail s o f the "robbery " wer e incoherent , an d I was never abl e clearl y to ascertain wha t had actually happened . Despit e the incident Duk e wa s not deterre d fro m hi s work . H e requeste d mor e blan k questionnaires an d went back int o the field. In additio n t o discussin g th e questionnaire s wit h Duk e an d Pedro , o n several occasion s I use d a role-playin g devic e t o attemp t assessin g thei r interview technique. Their approach seeme d to vary between a polite request for informatio n a t one extreme an d a threatening, "Yo u fill it out or I'll bea t the shit out of you." Though thei r intervie w technique was forceful, the y had a talen t fo r gettin g information . The y interviewe d fifty-one youth s who m they identified a s core Balkan gan g members. My appraisal o f the fifty-one questionnaires wit h Duke' s and Pedro's hel p revealed pertinen t informatio n abou t ho w the Balka n organizatio n viewe d itself. O f the fifty-one individuals wh o claimed membershi p an d identit y in the Balka n gang , most lived i n the area o f Balkan turf. They wer e cor e gan g members known on a face-to-face basi s by Duke. The fifty-one responses t o the question , "Ho w many member s ar e ther e in th e Balkans? " varie d withi n a rang e o f eight y t o a thousand . Abou t twenty boy s reported betwee n fou r hundre d an d six hundred. Mos t Balkan s admitted tha t the y di d not know al l the othe r Balka n gan g members . Som e youths indicate d n o knowledg e o f th e numbe r o f member s i n th e gang . Another typica l vagu e respons e o n membershi p was : "It's about a few hun dred or a thousand — lots of divisions." With referenc e t o alliances or brother gangs, ther e wa s also n o consensua l reply . Th e boy s expresse d varie d esti mates o f names , numbers , an d siz e o f "brothe r gang " divisions , indicatin g that almos t eac h membe r perceive d th e overal l gan g o n a n individualisti c basis. There wa s general agreemen t (forty-eigh t ou t of fifty-one responses) tha t fighting an d defens e wer e th e mai n gan g activities , wit h sport s an d dance s

Gangs in the Twentieth Century I 45 listed nex t i n frequency . Mos t Balkan s joine d fo r defens e or , a s one stated , "Because I like t o fight." Most member s di d no t kno w ho w the gan g began ; several indicated , "Becaus e Duk e an d Pedr o starte d it, " an d th e balanc e commented i n variou s way s that i t began fo r protectio n fro m bein g jumpe d by other gangs. In respons e t o th e question , "Wha t d o yo u thin k o f the Dragons? " (thei r archenemy a t that time) , the genera l respons e consiste d o f terse profanities . Their estimat e o f th e Dragons ' strengt h ra n fro m abou t a hundre d youth s and five divisions to five thousand youth s and fifty divisions. Almost ever y Balka n seeme d t o hav e hi s ow n uniqu e imag e o f the gang . The wid e variation s o f respons e tende d t o refut e th e widel y hel d imag e o f the violent gangs as the mor e cohesive , tightly organized grou p describe d b y some researchers i n the pre-1950 period o f gangs in America. The imagine d larg e gan g size wa s in par t a pseudomembership dreame d up by Duke and other s and perpetuate d b y the core gang members' needs to be part of a vast fighting army that included a n affiliation wit h brother gangs. The researc h carrie d ou t b y Duk e an d Pedr o supplemente d an d sup ported m y view s b y revealin g th e Balkan s wer e a partia l pseudocommunit y that, despit e it s guiding fictions (o r perhap s becaus e o f them), wa s valuabl e to it s member s b y providin g the m wit h a sens e o f belongin g t o a larg e powerful "Balka n Empire " an d tha t helpe d t o boos t thei r persona l feeling s of power. The followin g summary , base d o n m y researc h analysi s o f th e Balkan s and othe r gang s i n th e 1950s , i s a n analysi s o f th e characteristic s o f th e violent gangs of that era. Joining mos t violen t gang s wa s a relativel y eas y process. The mai n crite rion fo r membershi p wa s a proclivity toward violen t behavior. A youth coul d voluntarily joi n b y approachin g th e assume d gan g leade r an d requestin g membership. Th e leade r practicall y alway s accepte d th e applican t sinc e a large membershi p helpe d t o strengthe n hi m an d hi s gang' s prestige . Ther e was a mytholog y buil t u p aroun d initiatio n rites , suc h a s th e requiremen t that a potentia l membe r stea l somethin g o r assaul t someone , bu t thes e entrance demand s were seldom enforced . Gang membershi p ha d littl e forma l o r permanen t character . Ther e wa s little precise definition o f role behavior i n the gang. A youth coul d terminat e belonging b y simpl y driftin g awa y fro m th e gang' s activities . Thes e nonde fined characteristic s o f membershi p reflecte d th e degre e o f responsibilit y and lac k of clarity of the gan g member's rol e in the violent gang of that era . Gang leader s wer e essentiall y self-appointed . The y attempte d t o satisf y

46 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century their emotiona l need s through th e manipulatio n o f other youths int o aggressive actio n an d b y committin g act s o f violenc e themselves . Gan g leader s were the mor e permanen t an d cor e member s o f the gang . The leader s wer e often glorifie d b y gang members a s a reflection o f their ow n aspirations. Gang leader s conjure d u p vas t network s o f gan g alliance s (som e real , some imagined ) t o fulfil l thei r ow n need s an d th e need s o f thei r gang' s members fo r power . Gan g member s wante d t o believ e thei r leaders ' asser tions that their gan g controlled vas t networks o f gang alliances tha t coul d b e called o n for gang warfare an d defens e purposes . Many gangster s o f tha t perio d seeme d t o manifes t paranoi d delusion s o f persecution an d grandeur . I n som e case s the y wer e attemptin g t o compen sate an d adjus t seriou s personalit y disorder s throug h actin g i n th e rol e o f powerful bu t sham leaders. Their wild dreams of glory served their pathological need s and thos e of other participants i n th e gang. THE REA L WES T SID E STORY : WH O KILLE D MICHAEL FARMER ?

The pla y and , later , th e movi e West Side Story ha s becom e a significan t theatrical par t o f America n culture . Thi s entertainin g dram a present s a highly romanticized viewpoin t on gangs that from m y perspective was almost totally inconsistent wit h reality . There wa s a typical gan g murder aroun d th e time that West Side Story was on Broadwa y that revealed th e true story about the gangs of that era . This particula r violen t gan g murde r dramatize d th e realit y and becam e a flashpoint fo r illuminatin g th e gan g a s a significan t socia l problem . Th e incident involve d th e bruta l gan g murde r o f Michael Farmer , a fifteen-yearold poli o victim , b y a gan g tha t calle d themselve s th e Egyptia n Kings . Farmer wa s stabbe d t o deat h o n th e nigh t o f July 30 , 1957 , i n Highbridg e Park o n th e Uppe r Wes t Sid e o f Manhattan . Th e stor y o f thi s unfortunat e event hi t th e headline s o f newspaper s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y an d aroun d th e country. At tha t time , I ha d bee n workin g wit h th e King s (apparentl y no t ver y effectively) an d kne w the ke y gangsters involve d i n th e murder . I intensively chronicled thi s particula r gan g murder , partl y becaus e Edwar d R . Murrow , one o f th e icon s an d originator s o f documentar y new s broadcastin g i n th e United States , becam e intereste d i n thi s high-profil e gan g inciden t an d m y work wit h gang s i n Ne w York . I n m y collaboratio n wit h Murro w an d Ja y McMullen, on e o f Murrow's producers , I spent severa l month s interviewin g

Gangs in the Twentieth Century I 4 7

the boy s an d helpe d i n th e productio n o f a CB S networ k documentar y o n the even t entitle d Who Killed Michael Farmer? M y tape s an d commentar y provided th e foundatio n o f the program . The King s w e interviewe d mos t intensel y wer e th e younge r gangster s i n the cas e wh o ha d alread y bee n trie d an d sentence d a s delinquent s t o a stat e reformatory. The y wer e willin g t o tal k openl y abou t th e murde r becaus e I knew mos t o f these boy s fro m m y pas t wor k wit h them , the y truste d me , an d they woul d no t receiv e an y mor e tim e fo r thei r crime . The y spok e candidl y about thei r participatio n i n th e murder . Followin g i s a presentatio n o f th e events leadin g u p t o thi s typica l 1950 s gan g murder , an d th e aftermath , a s derived fro m m y boo k The Violent Gang.

The Kings Murder On th e nigh t o f Jul y 30 , 1957 , a fifteen-year-old boy , partiall y cripple d b y polio, wa s beate n an d stabbe d t o deat h i n a Ne w Yor k Cit y park . Hi s bes t friend wa s criticall y injure d b y sta b wound s inflicte d wit h a brea d knif e i n the sam e attack . Th e motive s fo r thi s crim e fit n o simpl e category . N o money wa s taken . N o direc t persona l reveng e wa s involved . Accordin g t o al l reports, th e victim s di d no t personall y kno w thei r assailants , no r di d th e youths wh o committe d th e homicid e kno w thei r victims . It wa s a ho t mugg y summe r nigh t i n Ne w York . A casua l observe r o f th e boys huddle d i n discussio n i n a tenemen t hallwa y nea r th e corne r o f 135t h Street an d Broadwa y woul d detec t nothin g unusua l abou t thi s gathering . They talke d excitedly , callin g eac h othe r b y nicknames : Magician , Littl e King, Louie , Bi g Ma n wer e familia r names . O n e yout h clutche d a lon g brown pape r ba g i n hi s hand . I t containe d a machete . Anothe r ha d a razor point five-inch-long knif e tucke d awa y i n hi s clothes . Stil l anothe r hel d a harmless-appearing chai n use d normall y t o hol d a dog o n a leash. Thi s chai n had a heav y meta l bal l o n th e end . Part o f th e discussio n revolve d aroun d th e previou s evenin g whe n severa l members o f th e King s gan g ha d bee n chase d ou t o f th e Highbridg e Par k pool b y th e Jesters , a n Irish-America n gan g tha t controlle d thi s poo l i n thei r territory. On e bo y said , "Anybod y wh o doesn' t swin g ou t wil l hav e t o tangl e with m e whe n w e ge t back. " The y wer e no t talkin g abou t enem y gan g members; the y wer e referrin g t o thei r ow n boys . On e bo y pu t i t thi s way : We sa y befor e w e wen t u p t o ge t i t on . Anyon e wh o don' t swin g ou t i s gonna ge t i t when w e come back . The y go t to pass through a line; they go t

48 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century

about fifteen boy s over here , an d fifteen boy s over there , an d yo u know , i n a straigh t line , lik e that . The y got t o pas s throug h ther e an d the y al l got belts i n thei r hand . S o you kno w you wil l ge t the shi t beat ou t o f you whe n you ge t back, i f you don' t ge t someone i n th e enem y gang . Another bo y describe d ho w th e othe r gan g ha d calle d hi m a "Spick " when the y chase d hi m fro m th e pool : They kep t o n callin ' m e a Spick . The y kep t o n saying , "Yo u dirt y Spick , get ou t o f here. " Ever y tim e I g o i n th e pool , the y sai d th e sam e thin g t o me. I don' t bothe r them , 'cause , yo u know , I don' t wan t t o ge t int o n o trouble wit h them , bu t on e da y five of them bea t m e up . This bo y wa s Puert o Rican . Th e Kings , however , ha d a mixe d background . Although predominantl y Puert o Rica n an d black , a numbe r o f gan g mem bers cam e fro m othe r ethni c groups . The y wer e generall y representativ e o f the neighborhoo d population . Som e King s use d racia l o r ethni c discrimina tion a s a reaso n fo r "callin g o n th e rumble " wit h th e whit e Jesters . Two o f the King s claime d th e Jester s ha d guns . As they describe d it : One guy , th e Jeste r president , said , "I' m gonn a bur n you. " S o h e pulle d out a gun; i t looked lik e a .45 , but w e weren't to o sure . H e pu t th e gu n u p to m y head . Anothe r Jeste r pulle d ou t a sawed-of f rifle , an d pointe d i t a t us. Someho w w e got away. A Jester I interviewe d gav e a differen t versio n o f the King' s story : There wa s abou t fifteen o f the m i n th e pool , an d the y [th e Kings ] starte d hollerin' thing s out , like , you know , names an d you r gonn a b e waste d an d all thi s kin d o f shit . Th e nex t da y abou t thirty-fiv e guy s fro m th e King s came u p t o ou r tur f an d the y smacke d on e o f our guy s on th e hea d wit h a bat. H e wen t to the hospita l an d got eigh t stitches . The King s tha t nigh t wer e joine d b y a brothe r gang , th e Dragons . Th e administrator o f thi s consolidatio n wa s a "man " (o r a t leas t h e wa s twenty-si x years old ) name d Franki e Cruz . H e wa s bette r know n t o th e gan g boy s i n this are a o f th e Uppe r Wes t Sid e a s Franki e Loco . Loc o (wh o toda y woul d be labele d a n "OG" ) wa s a twenty-four-hours- a day , 1950 s gan g leader . H e was alway s givin g advic e o n gan g organization , tellin g gan g boy s whe n an d with who m t o fight. Mos t o f the tim e h e wa s discussin g nonexisten t enemie s conjured u p i n hi s paranoi d fantas y world . Loco travele d u p an d dow n th e Wes t Side , a s on e gan g bo y tol d me , "talkin', talkin' , talkin' , an d stirrin g u p gan g trouble. " Loc o a t on e tim e wa s

Gangs in the Twentieth Century I 4 9

under psychiatri c observatio n a t th e Bellevu e psychiatri c hospital . H e ha d a scar acros s th e to p o f hi s hea d — the resul t o f a childhoo d battle . Loco' s favorite topi c wa s blood. Th e onl y jo b h e eve r ha d wa s cleanin g u p th e bloo d in a n operatin g roo m a t a cit y hospital . H e like d hi s work . That nigh t Loc o ha d helpe d t o provok e th e gang' s action . A t the Egyptia n Kings' murde r tria l h e wa s mentione d b y almos t al l th e defendant s o n tria l for first-degree murde r a s thei r advisor . O n th e nigh t o f th e homicid e h e wa s nowhere around . Loc o wa s primaril y a "consultant " an d wa s no t wit h th e group swaggerin g u p Broadwa y tha t nigh t fro m 135t h Stree t t o 152n d Street . On th e wa y u p Broadway , th e gan g leade r wit h th e machet e unde r hi s arm me t a n ol d frien d o n hi s wa y t o a movie . Thi s gan g yout h wa s no t resistant t o joinin g th e King s headin g u p t o a fight. A violent rumbl e fo r hi m was mor e attractiv e tha n goin g t o a movie . H e commented , "Whe n the y asked m e i f I wanted t o g o t o a fight, I couldn' t say , 'No. ' I mea n I coul d say , 'No,' bu t fo r old-time' s sake , I said, Tes. ' " This boy , wh o wen t t o th e fight b y chance, late r too k a n activ e rol e i n killin g Michae l Farmer . "H e go t u p an d I knocke d hi m dow n an d the n I stabbe d hi m a fe w time s s o h e woul d sta y down." Trial Judg e Irwi n Davidso n base d o n courtroo m testimony , summarize d his reflection s o n th e gang' s moo d tha t nigh t prio r t o th e homicide : There wer e aroun d seventy-fiv e gan g boy s i n th e Kings . The y ha d bee n assured tha t reinforcement s wer e arrivin g fro m othe r part s o f th e city . During th e lon g — and, a s i t turne d out , fruitles s — wait a t a cand y stor e for thei r allies , some o f the boy s ha d begu n t o drif t away . The seventy-fiv e boys dwindle d dow n t o eighteen . I wondered wher e th e polic e ha d been . Surely ther e ha d bee n patro l car s i n th e neighborhood . Th e boy s ha d sticks, knives , an d a machet e wrappe d i n paper . An y passerb y coul d hav e seen tha t they were ther e fo r n o good reason . A police statio n wa s on e bloc k awa y fro m th e corne r wher e th e boy s met . Citizens i n car s an d o n foo t passe d thi s gan g buildu p fo r almos t tw o hours ; however, gang s blende d int o mos t Ne w Yor k Cit y neighborhoods . A t abou t 10:00 P.M . eightee n member s o f th e gan g heade d nort h towar d Highbridg e Park. I n on e hour , Michae l Farme r woul d b e dead . The wal k fro m 152n d Stree t an d Broadwa y t o Highbridg e Par k i s abou t twenty Ne w Yor k Cit y blocks . Th e rout e passe s slu m tenements , moder n apartment buildings , an d ol d residentia l home s abandone d t o deterioration . A police statio n wa s o n th e way . In ou r late r interview s th e boy s reveale d som e o f thei r thought s o n th e

50 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century

way t o th e murder : "Nobody' s gonn a stea l m y rep. " "I fel t kind a col d inside. " "They'll ge t m e late r i f I don' t swin g ou t a t somebody. " "Tonigh t I' m goin g to kil l som e mothe r fucker. " They convene d a t 10:1 5 P.M . in Stit t Park , a smal l par k tha t face s Stit t School abou t seve n block s fro m Highbridg e Pool . Th e boy s discusse d a pla n of action , the n sen t ou t "scouts " t o patro l th e neighborhoo d "t o se e ho w many Jester s wer e around. " Ther e i s som e evidenc e o f othe r boy s hangin g around i n th e park ; however , the y wer e no t necessaril y Jesters . Bu t t o th e scouts everybod y looke d lik e a n enem y gan g member . B y this tim e the y wer e ready t o swin g ou t a t anyone . Highbridge Poo l i s rathe r large . A n America n flag wave s hig h ove r th e pool. I n a cit y lik e Ne w York , wit h it s fe w availabl e recreatio n opportunities , the poo l wa s a treasure d spo t fo r coolin g of f i n th e ho t summer . Th e King s and Dragon s entere d th e bush y are a surroundin g th e poo l i n two s an d three s to avoi d attention . Stake d ou t aroun d th e pool , the y were , i n thei r ow n words, "read y t o jum p anyon e wh o cam e along. " Michael Farme r an d a friend , Roge r McShane , wer e a t thi s tim e i n th e Farmer apartmen t abou t a bloc k fro m th e park , listenin g t o roc k 'n ' rol l records. MRS. FARMER : The y staye d i n hi s roo m playin ' thes e ne w record s tha t the y had bough t an d Michae l cam e ou t t o th e kitche n jus t a s I aske d m y husban d what tim e i t was , to se t th e clock . I t wa s then fiv e afte r ten . H e aske d fo r a glas s of mil k an d a s h e walke d fro m th e kitchen , h e said , "I' m goin g t o wal k Roge r home." (Sighs.) Tha t wa s the las t time I saw him . Youngsters i n th e are a wer e warne d t o sta y ou t o f th e par k a t nigh t whe n the poo l wa s close d bu t no t drained . However , i t wa s usua l fo r som e o f th e local boy s t o sli p throug h a brea k i n th e gat e entranc e an d snea k a n evenin g swim. The slightl y curve d footpat h tha t enter s th e par k a t Amsterdam Avenu e and 174t h Stree t i s abou t a one-minut e wal k t o th e hig h concret e stairwa y entrance t o Highbridg e Pool . I t was Michae l Farmer' s las t walk . MC SHANE : I t wa s 10:3 0 whe n w e entere d th e park ; w e sa w couple s o n th e benches, i n th e bac k o f the pool , an d the y al l stare d a t us , and I guess the y mus t 'ave sa w th e gan g ther e — I don' t thin k the y wer e fift y o r sixt y fee t away . Whe n we reache d th e fron t o f the stairs , we looke d u p an d ther e wa s tw o o f their gan g members o n to p o f the stairs . They wer e tw o smaller ones , and the y had garriso n belts wrappe d aroun d thei r hands . The y didn' t sa y nothin' . I saw the mai n bod y of the gan g slowl y walk ou t o f the bushes .

Gangs in the Twentieth Century / 5 1

1ST KING : H e couldn' t run , caus e w e wer e al l aroun d him . S o the n I said , "You're a Jester/' an d h e said , "Yeah, " an d I punched hi m i n th e face . An d the n somebody hi t hi m wit h a bat over the head . 2ND KING : I didn' t wann a hi t him , a t first. The n I kicked hi m twice . H e wa s layin' o n th e ground , lookin ' u p a t us . I kicke d hi m o n th e jaw , o r som e place ; then I kicked hi m i n th e stomach . Tha t wa s the leas t I could do , was kick him . 2ND KING : I was aimin' t o hit him , bu t ther e wer e s o many guy s on him . I saw the knif e g o into the guy. Another gu y kept hittin ' hi m wit h a machete. Magicia n grabbed him , turne d hi m aroun d an d stabbe d hi m i n th e back . I was stunned . I couldn't d o nothin' . An d the n Magicia n tol d m e "You'r e gonn a hi t hi m agai n with tha t ba t o r I'l l sta b you." S o I hit hi m wit h th e bat . When Magicia n stabbe d him, th e gu y fell. H e starte d t o stand u p an d I knocked hi m down . The n h e wa s down o n th e ground , everybod y wa s kickin ' him , stompin ' him , punchin ' him , stabbin' him . H e trie d t o ge t bac k u p an d I knocke d hi m dow n again . The n another gu y stabbed hi m agai n i n th e bac k wit h a bread knife . 4TH KING : I jus t wen t lik e that , an d I stabbe d hi m wit h th e brea d knife . Yo u know, I was drunk, s o I just stabbed him . (Laughs.) H e wa s screamin' lik e a dog. 5TH KING : Th e gu y that stabbe d hi m i n th e bac k wit h th e brea d knif e tol d m e later tha t whe n h e too k th e knif e ou t o f hi s back , h e said , "Than k you " t o th e guy he stabbed . MC SHAN E : The y got up fas t righ t after the y stabbe d me . And I just lay there o n my stomach . A s they walke d awa y the y . . . this othe r bi g ki d cam e dow n wit h a machete o r som e larg e knife , an d h e wante d t o sta b m e wit h it . An d the y tol d him, "No , com e on . W e got him . W e messe d hi m u p already . Com e on. " The y took of f u p th e hill . I got u p an d staggere d int o th e stree t an d manage d t o ge t a cab. I got i n an d tol d th e ca b drive r t o tak e m e t o th e Medica l Center , an d ge t my friend. The n I blacked out .

The coroner' s repor t reveal s th e intensit y o f th e violenc e committe d o n Michael Farmer : I foun d a fifteen-year-old whit e boy , five fee t an d a hal f inche s i n length , scale weigh t 13 8 pounds . Th e fac e showin g a hemorrhag e beneat h th e skin. . . . There wa s a n ecchymosi s [bloo d erupte d int o othe r bod y tissue ] of th e oute r aspec t o f th e righ t eye , wit h a superimpose d superficia l abrasion. . . . There wa s a n incise d woun d mad e wit h a ver y shar p imple ment . . . situated ove r th e bridg e o f the nos e an d [extending ] . . . over th e right eyebrow.

52 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century

He ha d foun d wound s an d abrasion s o n th e knuckle s an d hand s o f the body . This showe d tha t Michae l Farme r ha d raise d hi s hand s t o defen d himsel f against th e torrentia l blow s bein g inflicte d o n him . O n th e lef t sid e wa s another penetratin g sta b wound , lowe r an d mor e deadly . Thi s on e wen t through th e entir e bac k int o th e pleura l cavity , an d severe d a vei n an d a nerve. Thi s wound , fou r inche s deep , cause d Farmer' s death . Roger McShan e wa s o n th e critica l lis t a t th e Presbyteria n Medica l Center. Michae l Farmer' s parent s wer e notifie d th e sam e evenin g o f hi s death. MR. FARMER : Th e sergean t fro m th e 34t h Precinc t calle d us , and asked wh o I was, an d wa s I th e fathe r o f Michae l Farmer . I sai d I was , an d h e said , "Well , your bo y is in Mothe r Cabrin i Hospital , i n seriou s condition. " I identified mysel f further a s a fireman i n thi s area , an d h e said , "Oh , Fl l com e dow n an d giv e yo u a lif t dow n t o the hospital. " S o this sergean t drov e u s down t o the hospital ; a s we walked in , the office r wh o wa s on dut y there calle d th e sergeant , an d h e sai d th e boy had die d fifteen minute s earlier . MRS. FARMER : Th e siste r i n th e hospita l too k u s downstair s t o identif y th e body. H e ha d a n expressio n o n hi s face a s though h e wa s just callin g fo r help . After th e stabbin g th e gan g scattere d an d fled. Th e gan g member s re ported thei r postkillin g reaction s i n variou s ways . On e bo y wen t home , ha d a glas s o f milk , wen t t o bed , bu t couldn' t sleep . " I couldn' t slee p tha t nigh t or nuthin ' 'caus e I use d t o fal l aslee p fo r abou t hal f a n hour . Wak e u p agai n during th e middl e o f th e night . M y mothe r said , W h a t wa s th e matte r wit h you? Look s lik e somethin g wa s wrong. ' I said , 'nothin'. ' " Another gan g membe r said , First I went t o th e rive r t o thro w m y knif e awa y an d the n I wen t home . I couldn't sleep . I wa s i n bed . M y mothe r kep t o n askin ' m e wher e wa s I and I told he r tha t I was in the movies . I was worried abou t the m tw o boys. If they woul d di e . . . I knew I was gonna ge t caught . This bo y wa s mor e concerne d wit h gettin g caugh t an d locke d u p tha n remorseful ove r hi s violent act . I n a later intervie w wit h hi m i n a reformator y I aske d him , "Ho w d o yo u fee l abou t thi s al l now ? Ar e yo u sorr y tha t yo u killed Farmer? " Hi s respons e was , "Ar e yo u crazy , man? " O f course , I' m sorry. Wh o want s t o b e locke d up! " Unlike mos t o f today's gan g murders , whic h en d u p burie d i n th e newspa pers becaus e the y ar e s o common , bac k the n ther e wer e banne r headline s

Gangs in the Twentieth Century / 5 3

about th e homicide , shockin g man y resident s o f Ne w Yor k Cit y o n thei r wa y to wor k th e followin g morning . A large numbe r o f detectives worke d throug h th e nigh t t o piec e th e crim e together. B y daw n the y bega n t o roun d u p th e gang . On e gan g bo y i n th e paddy wagon , o n hi s wa y t o polic e headquarters , tol d m e abou t wha t h e considered polic e brutality : I ha d o n a ne w sui t tha t I jus t go t ou t o f th e cleaners . Thi s detectiv e kep t calling m e a murdere r — "You're goin g t o ge t th e electri c chair. " The n h e started wipin ' hi s fee t o n m y suit ! I yelled , "Cu t i t out. " Bu t h e kep t o n doin' it . I thought t o myself, i f I had a gun I would hav e kille d the m all ! When th e gan g wa s arraigne d i n court , Mr . Farmer , th e victim' s fathe r noted: "T o m e the y ar e al l savag e monsters . M y bo y didn' t hav e a chance . They stoo d aroun d sneerin g a t me . The y didn' t sho w an y remorse . The y should b e pu t awa y fo r lif e — or bette r ye t executed . The y execute d m y so n for n o reason. " One mothe r o f on e o f th e killer s gav e cover t approva l t o he r son' s participation i n th e murder . Thi s eve n shocke d a toug h gan g membe r wh o related th e inciden t t o me : When sh e see s hi m sh e say s to hi m wit h a smil e o n he r face , "Ho w di d i t feel whe n yo u stabbe d Farmer ? I t wa s good? " Yo u know , jokin ' aroun d with th e kid . S o w e tol d her , "Yo u kno w wha t you r so n did ? H e stabbe d Farmer i n th e back. " Sh e jus t wen t lik e that , an d shrugge d he r shoulders . Then w e didn' t pa y any mor e attentio n t o her , becaus e y a know, you don' t like to see a mother actin ' lik e tha t with a son wh o committe d a murder . Within twenty-fou r hours , th e eightee n youth s involve d i n th e crim e wer e apprehended an d arraigned . Th e eleve n younge r member s o f th e gang , ag e fifteen o r under , wer e adjudicate d i n Children' s Cour t an d committe d t o various stat e reformatorie s fo r indeterminat e sentences . The olde r grou p o f seven , rangin g i n ag e fro m fifteen t o eighteen , wer e indicted an d trie d fo r first-degree murde r i n a n unprecedente d tria l lastin g ninety-three day s an d involvin g twenty-seve n tria l lawyer s fo r th e defense . A n all-male jur y rendere d a guilt y verdict . Thre e o f th e adul t gan g member s were release d immediatel y base d o n tim e serve d becaus e i t wa s determine d that the y wer e no t activel y involve d i n th e murder . Tw o wer e sentence d t o twenty year s t o lif e imprisonment . On e wa s sentence d t o seven-and-one-hal f to fifteen year s an d th e othe r wa s sentence d t o five t o fifteen years . The 195 7 Egyptia n King s "walk-by " gan g murde r o f Michae l Farmer ,

54 / Gangs in the Twentieth Century

although clearl y tragic , seem s almos t benig n whe n compare d t o th e bruta l drive-by gan g assassination s o f the 1990s . Although ther e ar e som e change s in the structure of contemporary gangs, two factors mar k the major differenti ation betwee n earlie r violen t gang s and today' s violent gangs : the intensifie d commerce o f drugs an d th e violenc e tha t surround s th e dru g business , an d the enormou s increas e i n th e availabilit y o f letha l automati c weapon s tha t are used i n gang murders.

3.

Gang Characteristic s

D

HE OVER T RATIONAL E FO R gan g violence an d murde r commit ted b y th e violen t gang s o f th e pas t wa s base d o n territoria l con flicts, a sens e o f bein g disrespecte d b y anothe r gang , an d revenge . Thes e earlier justification s fo r violenc e clearl y remai n i n plac e fo r gang s i n th e 1990s, however , th e combinatio n o f gangbanging , drive-bys , th e dru g busi ness, and mor e lethal gun s account fo r the escalatio n o f murderous violenc e by contemporary gangs . Another chang e i n contemporar y gang s i s found i n the differen t way s in whic h gangster s participate i n th e multipurpos e violen t gang from differen t statuse s in their gang's hierarchy .

WANNABEES, G S , AN D O G S

In Webster's dictionary, the word "member " i s defined a s "a distinct part of a whole . . . any o f the person s constitutin g a n organizatio n o r a group." Th e two key words in thi s definition tha t deserv e analysis with referenc e t o gangs are "distinct" and "group. " In my view, violent gangs are neither fully distinc t nor clearl y defined groups . (Thi s concep t o f the violent gang as an inchoat e near-group will be fully analyze d an d define d i n chapte r 9. ) With th e exceptio n o f a number o f so-called corporat e o r entrepreneuria l 57

58 / Gang Characteristics

drug gangs , involvin g a smal l cohesiv e grou p o f individual s engage d i n th e commerce o f drugs , m y researc h int o contemporar y gang s reveal s tha t mos t gangs hav e a n incoheren t o r inchoat e for m whe n compare d t o mor e sociall y acceptable groups . Thi s i s due i n par t t o th e emotionall y unstabl e conditio n of mos t o f the youth s an d youn g me n wh o participat e i n violen t gangs . Gangs ar e ofte n i n a stat e o f transitio n o r flux. Thei r structur e ha s a degree o f coherenc e an d som e duratio n i n time ; however , the y ar e no t usually cohesive , clearl y define d groups . Becaus e o f thi s inchoat e natur e o f most gangs , membershi p i n a gan g i s a concep t tha t i s differen t fro m membership i n mor e norma l groups . Althoug h ther e ar e som e membership defining factor s — such a s wearin g a certai n colo r (fo r instance , i n Lo s Angeles, blu e fo r Cri p gangs , re d fo r Bloo d gangs ) — and cor e member s ca n identify eac h other , mor e margina l member s i n mos t gang s ar e no t clearl y known t o eac h other , an d ther e i s a n impermanen t qualit y abou t th e struc ture o f the violen t gang . Given thes e factors , i n m y analysi s o f gan g organization , th e ter m "mem ber" ha s a differen t connotatio n tha n th e us e o f thi s ter m fo r normativ e social groups . Th e ter m "gangster " i s a clearer , mor e precis e wa y o f definin g the fac t tha t th e individua l i s a participan t o n som e leve l i n gan g activity . Therefore, i n m y overal l analysis , th e ter m "gangster " wil l b e use d rathe r than "gan g member. " Gangsters i n a gan g d o hav e differen t statuse s i n th e hierarcha l organiza tion, an d som e gangster s ar e mor e committe d an d ar e mor e involve d partici pants i n thei r gan g tha n others . Gangs , the n an d now , hav e alway s ha d som e kind o f hierarcha l form . I n th e 1950 s era , ther e wer e individual s wh o coul d be identifie d b y thei r ag e a s so-calle d midgets , juniors , an d senio r gan g members. I n today' s gangs , i n a paralle l way , gangster s ca n b e identifie d o n three levels , relate d partl y t o ag e bu t mainl y t o th e amoun t o f violen t an d delinquent wor k the y hav e pu t i n t o "ear n thei r stripes, " thei r reputatio n o r status i n th e gang . I hav e observe d thre e genera l gan g statuses : (1 ) WBs , o r Wannabees , ar e youths fro m abou t ag e nin e t o thirtee n wh o ar e aggressivel y seekin g role s and statu s i n th e gang . (2 ) G s ar e activ e gangbange r gangster s fro m abou t age thirtee n t o twenty-fiv e wh o alread y hav e achieve d acceptanc e i n th e gang. Th e ter m encompasse s th e "soldiers " wh o for m th e cor e o f th e gang . Gs compris e aroun d 8 0 percen t o f th e gangster s i n th e contemporar y multi purpose violen t gang . G s hav e establishe d a rol e i n th e gan g tha t ca n a t an y point i n thei r participatio n involv e al l gan g activitie s includin g gangbanging ,

Gang Characteristics I 5 9

delinquency, an d drugs . (3 ) O G refer s t o olde r gangster s o r origina l gang sters. Thes e i n som e case s ar e founder s o f th e gang . O G statu s i s accorde d to gangster s wh o hav e achieve d a permanen t statu s i n thei r gang , eve n whe n they ar e semiretire d o r no t activ e participants . OGs rang e i n ag e fro m eightee n up . I n Chican o gang s th e phras e "veter ano" i s sometime s use d t o identif y a n O G . OG s hav e alread y establishe d their hig h statu s i n th e gang . The y hav e pu t i n thei r wor k an d hav e earne d their stripe s b y virtue o f a numbe r o f years o f violent an d delinquent/crimina l behavior. Fo r OGs , thei r longevit y i n th e gan g an d th e amoun t an d intensit y of wor k the y hav e pu t i n almos t automaticall y accord s the m a reputation , respect, an d consequently , leadershi p status . I n brief , OG s ar e th e founder s of th e gan g o r hav e com e u p throug h th e rank s i n th e gan g an d hav e occupied a variety o f statuses alon g th e way . The term s WBs , Gs , an d OG s ar e ofte n use d b y gangster s i n referrin g t o their colleagues , however , the y ar e no t alway s use d b y the m i n a precis e wa y to defin e othe r participant s i n thei r gang . Th e mor e commo n referenc e use d by on e gangste r abou t anothe r i s "homeboy, " "homie, " o r "homes. " Thi s defines th e othe r a s bein g i n hi s "set, " o r gang . Th e ter m "homeboy " i s use d in a numbe r o f ways , fo r example , "He' s on e o f m y homeboys " o r th e greeting, "Szu p (what' s up ) homes?, " the latte r meanin g "what' s happening? " or "what' s goin g on? " Wannabees ca n b e loosel y compare d t o corporat e trainees . The y ar e young gangster s i n training . The y ar e puttin g i n wor k committin g act s o f often wanto n an d bizarr e violenc e an d delinquenc y i n orde r t o ge t attentio n and t o obtai n a reputatio n an d statu s i n th e gang . I n som e cases , WB s ar e older, bu t aspirin g gangster s wh o wan t t o b e i n th e gang , bu t wh o hav e som e mental deficienc y o r physica l inadequacy . Thei r participatio n i n th e gan g often remain s a t th e W B level , ye t the y hav e gaine d acceptanc e a t thi s level . WBs han g aroun d olde r member s i n thei r hangout s an d ar e perceive d a s kids aspirin g t o becom e big-tim e Gs . Fo r some , the y ar e simpl y followin g i n their father's , uncles' , o r olde r brothers ' footsteps . Whe n the y se e thei r role model G s an d olde r gangster s dealin g drug s — at time s holdin g larg e wad s o f cash — they ar e motivate d t o mov e u p i n th e hierarch y i n orde r t o acquir e a piece o f th e action . Th e older , heroi c rol e model s the y aspir e t o becom e may b e o n th e corne r sellin g drugs , simpl y hangin g out , o r i n an d ou t o f prison. WBs observ e th e cra p game s an d "foolin g around " behavior , an d the y sometimes se e teasin g an d wrestlin g activit y burs t int o seriou s violen t behav -

60 / Gang Characteristics

ior i n th e olde r gangster s the y attemp t t o emulate . The y ar e inspire d b y an d pay clos e attentio n t o th e fac t tha t som e o f th e olde r G s hav e money , finelooking "ol d ladies " (girlfriends) , an d driv e ne w bi g cars . Sometimes WB s for m a smal l cliqu e o r subgrou p withi n th e large r gang . For exampl e a subgrou p withi n th e Shorelin e Crip s o f Venice , California , called themselve s th e "Insan e Bab y Crips. " This se t was comprise d o f aroun d fifteen trainee s o n thei r wa y u p th e ladde r o f gan g success . Mos t o f the m were puttin g i n work , ha d bee n t o cour t an d juvenil e hal l severa l times , an d almost al l o f them wer e o n probation . School i s to o demandin g fo r mos t WBs , s o the y pla y hooke y mos t o f th e time an d han g ou t wit h thei r pals . O n th e rar e occasio n whe n the y d o g o t o school, the y caricatur e thei r olde r gan g heroe s b y acting toug h an d modelin g a swaggerin g gangste r walk . B y words , attitude , an d threatenin g stance , the y tell othe r kid s a t schoo l wh o migh t ge t contentious , "Don' t fuc k wit h me . Fm a Cri p ( a Blood , a V-13, or a n 18t h Street ) gangster. " WBs hav e arrive d whe n a gun i s placed i n thei r hand , an d the y ar e invite d to g o o n a foray , o r drive-by , int o anothe r gan g area . The y ar e wel l awar e o f when a wa r wit h a n enem y gan g i s goin g down , an d the y hel p wher e the y can. The y se e th e weaponr y o f thei r gang , an d whe n the y ar e nearin g "graduation" t o G status , the y ma y acquir e a gun o f their ow n a s a significan t status symbol . Wannabee s i n th e corporat e worl d ar e ou t o f th e mai l roo m when the y ge t a n offic e cubicl e o r acquir e a persona l computer : i n th e gang , acquiring you r ow n gu n indicate s tha t yo u ar e o n you r wa y u p th e statu s ladder o f the gang . At a n earl y ag e WB s begi n t o smok e marijuan a an d drin k lik e th e G s an d OGs the y admire . I n th e gang' s dru g commerce , WB s ofte n pla y a significan t role a s mules , deliverin g drug s fo r O G gangste r dealers . G s ar e awar e tha t a kid carryin g drug s wil l onl y g o t o juvenil e cour t i f buste d b y th e polic e an d receive a lighte r sentenc e tha n a n olde r gangster . I f a W B i s arreste d wit h drugs, i t becomes a mar k o f achievemen t positivel y recognize d i n th e gang . A Time magazin e articl e presente d a colorfu l prototyp e o f a Ne w Yor k youth I woul d characteriz e a s a W B inten t o n climbin g th e statu s ladde r t o becoming a G o r a n O G . Baby Lov e sit s o n th e stoop , rollin g th e largest , fattes t join t i n th e world . He waste s little : i n g o twigs , seeds , everything , unti l i t seem s a s bi g a s a torpedo. Othe r joint s ar e tucke d ove r eac h ear , an d mor e ar e secrete d i n plastic bag s unde r hi s hat . I t i s Frida y night , th e nigh t t o ge t high , ge t

Gang Characteristics I 6 1

drunk an d strut . Bab y Love' s entir e wreckin g cre w (hi s homies ) ar e here , sprawled ove r cars , squattin g o n th e sid e walk , jiving . . . . "W e b e i n th e streets hangin g ou t an ' gettin g high, " say s Baby Love . H e i s a very skinny , very small, a very lethal 13-year-old . Hi s eyes are slate gray, flashing t o blu e when h e laughs . Mischie f i s etche d acros s hi s fac e a s a bitterswee t smile . Like hi s crew , h e i s dresse d i n mugger' s uniform ; designe r jeans , T shir t and $4 5 Pumas , th e starche d lace s neatl y untied . A wol f i n expensiv e sneakers.1 The articl e furthe r note s tha t Bab y Lov e live s i n Brooklyn' s dangerous , gang infested Bedfor d Stuyvesan t section , on e o f th e oldes t blac k ghetto s i n th e United States . Th e polic e precinc t h e live s i n ha s th e highes t murde r rat e i n the city . Bab y Lov e i s trappe d i n a hopeles s situation . H e ca n barel y rea d o r write sinc e h e seldo m goe s t o school . H e i s almos t alway s stone d an d o n probation fo r stealing . He live s o n th e fourt h floor o f a crumblin g tenemen t wit h hi s aun t an d sleeps o n a staine d mattres s i n a smal l roo m h e share s wit h hi s cousins . H e was thirtee n whe n h e first sa w a ma n blow n awa y wit h a shotgun . H e carrie s a .2 5 automati c fo r protectio n lik e mos t o f hi s homies . Hi s mother , Rose , i s a thirty-one-year-ol d crac k addic t wh o wind s i n an d ou t o f jail . Hi s father , whom h e seldo m kne w a s a chil d excep t whe n bein g beate n b y him , i s als o an addict , doin g tim e i n priso n fo r dealin g drugs . Bab y Lov e i s Ne w York' s WB prototype . H e resemble s th e tw o eleven - an d twelve-year-ol d Chicag o youngsters wh o thre w a five-year-old t o hi s deat h fro m a Chicag o high-ris e housing projec t an d th e Venic e Insan e Bab y Crip s describe d earlier . WB s like Bab y Lov e ca n b e foun d i n ever y cit y i n th e Unite d States . The commo n characteristic s o f WB s ar e the y seldo m g o t o school ; the y come fro m dysfunctiona l familie s i n whic h to o ofte n thei r parent s ar e crack heads o r alcoholics , wh o disciplin e the m sporadicall y an d ofte n abus e the m sexually, physically , an d emotionally ; the y ar e puttin g i n wor k i n a twenty four-hours-a-day tou r o f violence , robbery , an d theft ; the y smok e dop e an d drink daily ; an d the y ar e ofte n mule s fo r O G dru g dealers . WB s ar e puttin g in al l o f thi s wor k wit h th e goa l o f becomin g lik e on e o f thei r G o r O G heroic rol e models . The proces s o f graduatin g ou t o f WB statu s t o becom e a full-fledge d G i s cogently describe d b y Monste r Kod y Scott . A s a youn g W B h e ha d partici pated i n a Crip rai d o n a n enem y gan g an d ha d apparentl y kille d on e enem y with severa l shot s fro m hi s gu n i n th e presenc e o f his olde r homies . After th e event, i n a kin d o f gan g victor y celebration , h e becam e a full-fledge d G

62 / Gang Characteristics

through th e auspice s o f his O G mentor . H e describe d hi s ceremonial gradua tion int o ful l G statu s i n th e followin g way : Back i n th e shac k w e smoke d mor e po t an d dran k mor e beer . I wa s th e center o f attentio n fo r m y acts o f aggression . "Man , di d yo u se e thi s littl e muthafucka ou t there? " Fly said t o Huc k wit h a n ai r o f disbelief. "Yeah, I saw him, I knew h e wa s gonna b e down , I knew i t and — " Le p then said , "Shu t up , man , jus t shu t th e fuc k up , caus e h e ca n stil l tel l o n all o f us. " Silenc e ran g heav y i n m y ears , an d I kne w I ha d t o respon d t o Lep's reaction . "I f I ge t caught , I'll rid e th e beef , I ain' t n o snitch. " . . . Tray Bal l announce d m y full membershi p an d congratulation s wer e give n from all . I t was the proudes t momen t i n m y life . Tra y Bal l tol d m e t o sta y after th e other s ha d left . I mille d around , stil l hig h fro m battle , an d thought o f nothing els e bu t puttin g i n wor k fo r th e set . "Check thi s out " Tra y Bal l said . "Yo u go t potential , 'caus e Bangin ' ain' t no part-tim e thang , it' s fulltime , it' s a career . It' s bein ' dow n whe n ain' t nobody els e down, an d bein g caught an d no t tellin'. Killin ' and no t caring , and dyin g withou t fear . It' s love fo r you r se t and hat e fo r enemy . You hea r what I' m sayin'? " "Yeah , yeah , I hea r you, " I said . An d I ha d hear d hi m and neve r forgo t nothin g h e sai d fro m tha t poin t on . Als o fro m tha t poin t on Tra y Bal l becam e m y mentor , friend , confidant , an d closes t comrade . He allowe d m e act s of aggression tha t mad e m y name soar. 2 Gs an d OG s compris e th e cor e o f th e gan g an d participat e i n al l o f th e gang's multipurpos e activities . Afte r a sufficien t perio d o f tim e (includin g prison time ) an d work , the y achiev e a n O G status , whic h a s indicated , i s a position o f respec t fo r someon e wh o ha s earne d thei r bone s o r stripe s b y virtue o f th e fac t tha t the y hav e prove n thei r commitmen t t o th e gan g through year s o f violen t an d crimina l act s i n an d ou t o f prison . I n term s o f the Mafi a model , OG s ar e "me n o f respect, " th e Joh n Gotti s o f th e violen t gang. A select an d smal l numbe r o f OGs, perhap s th e mos t intelligen t gangsters , begin t o se e gangbangin g an d senseles s violenc e a s a wast e o f thei r tim e an d decide t o mak e som e rea l mone y i n thei r gangste r role . Thes e OGs , wh o are ofte n especiall y violen t an d cunningl y intelligent , mov e u p t o becom e notorious, vicious , an d wealth y dru g kingpins . PACHO

One O G i n thi s genr e wh o mad e i t to th e to p wa s Pach o (no t hi s rea l name) . Pacho, whe n I me t him , wa s thirty-six . Hi s caree r a s a gangste r bega n a t th e

Gang Characteristics I 63 age o f eleven , when 7 alon g wit h hi s homeboys , h e forme d a ra t pac k tha t rolled drunk s fo r thei r cash . Anothe r activit y involve d th e stealin g o f ca r radios an d othe r rando m burglaries . When h e ros e t o what I would ter m G status a t aroun d th e ag e o f fifteen, h e ha d establishe d a reputatio n fo r violence throughou t hi s barrio. Pacho ha d a well-deserve d reputatio n fo r explodin g int o senseles s vio lence. In hi s periodic violen t outbursts , he would kic k and sta b his enemies. On severa l occasion s a n ambulanc e ha d t o b e calle d t o brin g hi s victim s to th e hospital . Hi s reputatio n sprea d throug h th e barri o a s a "loc o vato. " He wa s described b y one o f his homies i n th e followin g way : "No on e fuck s with Pacho . H e i s a crazy mother-fucker an d h e wil l kill you." In fac t Pach o had kille d severa l enem y gan g member s bot h i n drive-by s an d face-to face. In on e murde r tha t h e ha d committe d i n a drive-b y spra y o f bullets , h e killed a n enem y gangster . Fo r thi s homicide , a t th e ag e o f sixtee n h e wa s sentenced t o the Californi a Yout h Authority. Becaus e o f his violent behavio r in custody , h e woun d u p i n a n adul t priso n i n th e Californi a system . Here , he becam e integrate d int o th e Mexica n Mafi a an d ros e t o become a leade r in the core of the gang at the age of twenty. (The Mexican Mafia , self-name d "M," will be described i n mor e detai l i n chapte r 4. ) When release d fro m prison , throug h a shrew d intelligenc e an d a variety of violen t acts , Pach o ros e t o th e to p o f th e drug-gan g hierarchy . On e incident i n particula r reveal s his ruthlessness an d hi s relation t o the G s who were par t o f hi s empire . Anothe r gangster , who m I wil l cal l Ramon , at tempted t o deal drug s i n Pacho' s territory. According t o an informe d source , "Pacho pu t ou t a contrac t o n Ramon . Severa l G s too k o n th e hit . H e wa s shot t o death . Th e polic e foun d Ramo n nud e o n a vacant lo t wit h a larg e cucumber stickin g ou t o f hi s ass . Hi s pric k an d hi s ball s ha d bee n cu t of f and stuc k i n hi s mouth. " During th e perio d o f five years when h e wa s at the to p of his game a s an OG, Pach o earne d severa l millio n dollars , owne d severa l homes , an d be came a legendar y gangste r i n hi s community . Hi s downfal l cam e whe n h e was convicte d o f involvemen t i n on e o f th e murder s h e ha d personall y committed. H e i s no w i n priso n servin g a lif e sentence . Becaus e o f hi s homicidal proclivities , and becaus e h e has the power to set up a hit on othe r prisoners incarcerate d anywher e i n th e Californi a system , he i s incarcerate d in maximum securit y in the Pelican Ba y prison of the California Departmen t of Corrections. Pelican Ba y i s th e en d o f th e lin e fo r th e mos t violen t offender s i n th e

64 / Gang Characteristics California system , an d on e o f th e highes t securit y facilitie s i n th e Unite d States. Onl y th e mos t violent prisone r o f the som e 140,00 0 offender s incar cerated i n Californi a ar e sen t t o Pelica n Bay , wher e the y d o thei r tim e i n solitary confinemen t aroun d twent y hour s a day . (Monste r Kod y Scot t ha s been house d i n Pelica n Bay. ) Pacho's ris e t o a to p leade r i n hi s gan g i s achieve d b y ver y fe w Gs . However, hi s reputatio n i s legendary i n hi s community . Man y WB s an d G s know hi s stor y an d hav e bee n motivate d t o achiev e hi s positio n i n th e gangster hierarchy . Pacho' s lif e an d lifestyl e regrettabl y serve s a s th e rol e model fo r to o man y youngster s growin g u p i n th e barrio s an d ghetto s o f cities throughou t America . Som e America n youth s aspir e t o becom e presi dent, others aspire to become anothe r Pacho .

GANGSTERS — A G E N E R A L ANALYSI S

SOME GANGSTE R MYTH S

The rol e o f gangster, a t whatever statu s level , involve s a numbe r o f genera l rights, duties , an d obligations . Thes e include , bu t ar e no t limite d to , suc h general rule s and expectation s a s joining has a clear-cut ritual involved ; thou shalt no t snitc h o n anothe r gan g member ; d o no t allo w th e gang' s territor y to be violated b y any other gang ; if a homie i s harmed, yo u hav e to retaliat e against th e enem y gang ; th e gan g i s you r mos t importan t "family" ; you r homies lov e you; you onl y leav e i n a box, or i n Chican o gan g terms, you're in th e gan g por vida — for life ; whe n th e gan g i s unde r attac k b y anothe r gang, yo u wil l fight; all authorities , certainl y includin g th e police , ar e you r enemy. More ofte n tha n no t thes e code s an d expectation s fo r behavio r ar e fol lowed; however , give n th e sociopathi c personalit y characteristic s o f man y gangsters the y ofte n pic k an d chos e betwee n behavior s tha t wil l satisf y thei r egocentric need s at any given time. Consequently, a considerable amoun t of gang mythology is contradicted b y the realit y of gang behavior. For example , regardin g th e myt h o f "standin g u p fo r a homie, " I hav e seen man y a gangster i n a police statio n an d priso n read y to snitch o n "th e dude I love " i f i t woul d hel p hi s cas e o r enabl e hi m t o ge t cu t loose . As previously indicated , a notabl e exampl e o f a gan g membe r pleadin g fo r mercy a t th e expens e o f hi s homie s i s th e cas e o f Damie n Williams , th e gangster wh o wa s convicte d o f a felon y fo r beatin g truc k driver , Reginal d

Gang Characteristics I 65 Denney, durin g th e 199 2 Lo s Angele s riots . William s ha d a reputatio n among hi s homie s a s a stand-u p gangster , ye t h e wa s read y t o snitc h o n anyone th e polic e wanted . According t o a police office r wh o wa s present a t Williams's interrogation , William s commented , "H I tel l yo u anythin g yo u want to know about who was there with m e if you will only let me go home." Along thes e sam e lines , i n th e violen t gan g ther e i s a myt h o f gan g members bein g family . Aroun d 7 0 percen t o f th e respondent s t o m y ques tionnaire referre d t o thei r gan g a s family , o r familia . Her e again , ove r th e years, I hav e see n innumerabl e case s o f internecin e gan g famil y violenc e where one homi e kills another fo r n o special reason . On thi s point, in one notable case , I had insid e information abou t a gangcrew robber y tha t resulte d i n a sixteen-year-ol d W B bein g kille d afte r th e robbery b y an O G wh o ha d masterminde d th e robbery . Th e youngste r ha d participated i n th e robbery , bu t ha d performe d poorl y durin g th e arme d holdup. Late r th e "loving " OG , i n a fit o f ange r kille d hi m fo r hi s poo r performance. I hav e note d man y case s o f homie s committin g violen t act s o n brothe r gangsters that explode the myth of the gang's solidarity. Sociopathi c gangster s kill irrationally , an d thi s ca n includ e thei r homies . Th e gangsters ' violen t behavior towar d thei r homie s give s ne w meanin g t o "wit h friend s lik e this , who needs enemies?" LEVELS O F PARTICIPATION : MARGINA L AN D CORE GANGSTER S

A general misconceptio n abou t gangster s i s that the y ar e al l simila r i n thei r participation i n th e gang' s activities . Som e individual s ar e ver y margina l gangsters an d hav e a limite d participatio n i n a gang , eve n thoug h the y appear t o b e gangster s b y thei r demeano r an d th e wa y the y dress . Ye t th e general public , th e press , an d polic e agencie s ten d t o perceiv e al l youth s who live in a gang's hood a s being gangsters. Fo r example , in polic e sweeps , they often arres t youths who are not core gangsters but present the stereotypical appearance o f gangsters. In som e respect s eac h gangste r ha s hi s ow n specia l motiv e fo r participa tion i n a violent gang, and this can affec t th e intensit y of his gang affiliation . The gangster' s degre e o f emotional involvemen t i n th e gan g i s indicated b y his level o f participation, whic h ma y be either cor e or marginal. WBs, Gs , an d eve n OG s a t differen t time s an d fo r varie d reason s hav e varying involvemen t i n gan g activity . Som e o f th e factor s tha t imping e o n

66 / Gang Characteristics

the intensit y o f a gangster' s participatio n i n a gan g includ e th e emotiona l heat o f the moment ; th e problem s an d conflic t h e ma y hav e wit h hi s parent s and family ; an d a t times , th e effect s o f arrest, th e courts , an d incarceration . Marginal Gangsters A margina l gangste r ma y appea r a t gang-wa r discussion s an d battle s a t thos e times whe n h e ha s a temporar y nee d fo r violen t behavior . A cas e i n poin t involved a yout h wh o wen t alon g o n th e nigh t o f a gan g murde r becaus e " I just ha d a fight wit h m y ol d ma n an d I was ma d a t everybody. " M y intervie w with thi s individua l reveale d tha t h e ha d fough t wit h hi s fathe r th e nigh t o f the murde r ove r som e mone y h e ha d stole n fro m him . Hi s fathe r thre w hi m down a flight o f stairs . Thi s margina l gangste r tha t nigh t wa s angr y an d battered. Whe n h e arrive d o n th e corne r an d hear d tha t a drive-b y wa s abou t to tak e place , h e wa s emotionall y prime d fo r violen t action . I n th e emotiona l heat o f th e rando m drive-by , h e sho t an d kille d a n elderl y ma n wh o wa s having a famil y gatherin g i n hi s backyard . Some youth s wh o ma y b e include d i n th e categor y o f margina l gangster s are sociopathi c individual s wh o liv e i n a gan g hoo d an d ar e read y t o fight anyone, anytime . The y see k ou t violenc e o r provok e i t simpl y a s the y describe it , "fo r kick s o r action. " The y participat e i n violen t gan g activit y because fo r the m th e gan g provide s a convenien t an d easil y accessibl e opportunity fo r actin g ou t a n enormou s rag e tha t emanate s fro m othe r situations i n thei r life . Some youth s wh o are , i n fact , margina l gangster s becom e define d a s ful l gangsters throug h identificatio n b y officia l agencies , especiall y th e police . I f they happe n t o b e o n th e scen e an d hangin g ou t wit h th e gang , eve n i f the y are margina l participants , the y ten d t o be identifie d a s gangsters b y the polic e because o f their race , ethnicity , o r th e wa y the y dress . The stereotypica l appearanc e o f gangste r dres s an d demeano r i s ofte n responsible fo r a yout h remainin g o n th e gangster/prisone r crimina l justic e treadmill, eve n afte r the y attemp t t o qui t th e gang . Thi s wa s brough t hom e to m e b y a n even t i n on e o f m y criminolog y classes . A femal e studen t tol d me abou t he r cousin , a Chican o gangste r fo r mos t o f hi s life , wh o ha d recently bee n release d fro m a stat e priso n wher e h e ha d serve d thre e year s for participatin g i n a drive-b y shooting . Sh e tol d m e tha t h e ha d bee n hom e for a month , ha d qui t hi s gang , wa s working , an d goin g straight . H e wa s interested i n he r criminolog y studie s an d was willin g t o tal k t o ou r class .

Gang Characteristics I 67 I wa s take n abac k whe n thi s reforme d gangste r arrive d a t ou r classroo m in th e typica l gangste r uniform , whic h include d th e bagg y pants , lon g shir t tails, and th e stereotypica l priso n gangste r macho-shuffle . Hi s lecture wa s in two parts. The first part was a very sincere an d believabl e tal k abou t ho w h e had give n up gang life because i t would onl y get him bac k in prison o r dead. The secon d par t wa s a vituperative angr y diatrib e agains t th e police . Par t of hi s hysterica l attac k wa s th e comment , "Thes e motherfucki n cop s won' t let m e alone . The y ar e alway s harassin g me . Th e othe r nigh t I was picke d up for jus t standing on the corner. " His harangue wa s vicious and nonstop . When h e cam e t o th e en d o f his talk , afte r som e question s fro m severa l students, I purposel y provoke d hi m b y saying , "I f yo u don' t wan t t o b e hassled b y the police , why don't yo u chang e th e wa y you dress? " He turne d on m e and wen t into the stereotypical speec h I had hear d hundred s o f times from gangsters , "No motherfucker i s going to tell m e what to do." Of course, he wa s right . Nobod y i n a fre e societ y shoul d dictat e th e wa y h e shoul d dress. Yet, despit e hi s positiv e effort s a t goin g straight , thi s face t o f hi s self image wa s self-destructiv e an d coul d easil y becom e a facto r i n hi s bein g arrested an d onc e agai n enterin g the crimina l justic e system. My studen t informe d m e abou t a mont h late r tha t he r cousi n ha d bee n picked u p b y the police , hi s parol e ha d bee n revoked , an d h e wa s bac k i n prison. I d o no t kno w al l o f th e detail s o f hi s arrest , bu t accordin g t o hi s cousin, h e ha d don e nothin g criminall y wron g excep t continuin g t o main tain hi s gangste r image . Apparentl y h e ha d give n u p th e violent/crimina l aspects o f gangste r life , an d ye t remaine d addicte d t o th e patin a o f th e gangster appearance . To margina l gangster s th e ter m "gang-relate d violence " ha s a specia l meaning. Th e designatio n "gan g related " ha s appeare d i n th e pres s an d police report s when th e police or the media suspec t that a violent inciden t is related t o gan g activity . I n man y cases , behavior tha t ma y hav e n o relation ship to a gang is identified a s "gang related" by the polic e and th e press. The followin g cas e illustrate s thi s issu e mor e specifically . I n m y earlie r research, a youth fro m th e neighborhood , wh o I knew ha d n o affiliatio n i n any wa y wit h th e Egyptia n Kings ' gan g murde r o f Michae l Farme r wa s arrested an d identifie d a s on e o f th e participant s i n th e crime . Durin g hi s interrogation b y th e polic e a t th e polic e station , h e wa s accuse d o f lyin g about hi s gan g affiliation . Accordin g t o hi s story , whic h I believed , th e evening o f the fight h e ha d nothin g els e t o do , hear d abou t th e impendin g foray b y th e King s o n Highbridg e Park , an d decide d tha t h e woul d "mak e

68 / Gang Characteristics

the scen e jus t t o se e wha t wa s happening. " Hi s voyeuris m resulte d i n hi s arrest. H e was , however , late r release d becaus e ther e wa s n o evidenc e tha t he ha d participate d i n th e murder . Another exampl e o f a margina l gangste r i n a so-calle d gan g wa r inciden t who wa s identifie d a s a cor e gangste r i s the followin g incident . A psychologi cally disturbe d yout h (thi s fifteen-year-old bo y ha d bee n i n th e count y hospital's psychiatri c war d o n severa l occasions ) manifeste d hi s emotiona l disorder b y stabbing anothe r bo y i n th e hood . Whe n arreste d an d questione d about committin g th e offense , h e continuall y maintaine d tha t h e ha d carrie d out hi s assaul t agains t hi s victi m (wh o wa s no t a gangster ) becaus e "w e ha d to ge t eve n wit h th e bastards. " H e rationalize d hi s individua l paranoi d ac t o f assault b y claimin g t o b e a membe r o f a gan g gettin g eve n wit h someon e from a riva l gan g tha t wa s "ou t t o ge t him. " Th e yout h an d hi s victi m wer e not gangsters . However , th e inciden t wa s identifie d a s a gang-relate d assault . In som e cases , suc h formerl y commo n psychoti c syndrome s a s believin g oneself t o b e Napoleon , God , o r Christ , an d simila r powerfu l paranoi d patterns s o commo n ove r th e years , hav e bee n replace d o n cit y street s b y a gangster rational e o f som e youth s wh o hav e n o gan g affiliation . Thi s ratio nale fo r thei r individualistic , emotionall y disturbe d behavio r i s to o ofte n mistakenly accepte d a t fac e valu e b y gan g workers , th e police , an d th e press , thus accordin g gangste r statu s t o a pathologica l individual . Research dat a indicate s tha t mos t youth s livin g i n a violent-gan g infeste d hood d o no t become s gangster s o r participat e i n th e gan g eve n a s margina l gangsters. Man y youth s fro m th e sam e difficul t gan g neighborhoo d hav e the stron g persona l an d familia l emotiona l resource s t o resis t violent-gan g coercion. A s one yout h wh o live d i n a violent-gang hoo d tol d me , Man, I don' t nee d t o alway s b e beatin g u p o n peopl e t o prov e I' m a bi g man. The y kno w I ca n tak e an y o f them . . . . When the y com e o n t o m e with thei r gan g bullshi t —I jus t tel l the m t o fuc k off . An d I hav e enoug h good friend s i n th e hoo d wh o will bac k m e i f I need them .

Core Gangsters In m y view , th e mos t sociopathi c youth s i n a hoo d o r barri o ten d t o b e cor e gangsters, th e les s pathologica l youth s ten d t o b e mor e margina l participant s in th e gang , an d th e emotionall y health y youth s i n a hoo d d o no t becom e gangsters. Unlik e participatio n i n mor e define d socia l groups , the amorphou s quality o f violent-gan g organizatio n provide s th e possibilit y fo r th e socio -

Gang Characteristics I 6 9

pathic gangste r to perceive th e gang, especially it s size, in hi s own particula r way and t o utiliz e i t fo r adjustin g a variety o f his individua l problems . Th e gang, in this context, provides a sociopathic cor e gangster a functional entit y that can provid e a cloak of immunity for his senseless, often insan e behavior . The cor e categor y include s bot h th e G s an d O G leaders . Thes e youth s are th e mos t dedicate d an d involve d gangsters . The y dail y se e eac h othe r face-to-face an d liv e i n clos e proximit y t o eac h othe r i n thei r geographicall y defined neighborhood . Sometime s the y liv e i n th e sam e housin g project . They hang around th e same location, play together, fight among themselves, worry together, and pla n gang-wa r strategy. The solidarit y of the cor e gangsters i s much greate r tha n tha t o f the oute r ring o f mor e margina l gan g participants . Gan g involvemen t an d thei r gan g constitutes thei r primar y world . Any ego strength, positio n i n th e world , an d any status or pleasure tha t they enjoy ar e tied t o gang activity. Their tur f and activities, particularl y th e gang' s violence , giv e meanin g t o thei r existence . The cor e gangste r i s eas y t o identif y b y hi s intens e degre e o f around-the clock involvement , participation , an d hi s paranoid gangste r cod e of ethics. Some paranoi d cor e gangster s hav e delusion s o f bein g persecute d b y enemy gangs . Rathe r tha n acceptin g responsibilit y fo r thei r ow n feeling s o f extreme hostility , the y tend t o project th e blam e fo r thei r violen t tendencie s onto rea l and imagine d gan g enemies. The cor e gangster assumes a role tha t is supported , i f no t aggrandized , i n hi s hood , an d hi s violen t behavio r i s highly approve d o f b y hi s gangste r cohorts , rathe r tha n stigmatize d wit h a pathological label . Statu s i n a violen t gan g i s a mor e highl y desirabl e pathological syndrom e tha n man y othe r socia l role s tha t ar e viewe d wit h greater opprobrium . Th e perso n wh o i s i n a positio n t o accep t th e cor e gangster "face " fo r hi s patholog y i s no t generall y considere d crazy , eve n when hi s behavior i s clearly bizarre and pathological . The incoherent , changeabl e natur e o f th e multipurpos e violen t gan g enables th e cor e gangste r t o defin e a n individualize d emotiona l interpreta tion fo r hi s activit y an d participatio n i n th e gang . Fo r example , som e gang sters perceive th e gan g as organized fo r protectio n an d tha t th e mai n rol e of a G i s to gangban g — how, when, wit h whom , an d fo r wha t reaso n h e i s to fight ar e seldo m clear , an d answer s ofte n var y fro m on e participan t t o another. Ther e appear s t o b e n o clea r consensus o f rol e expectatio n i n th e violent gang , and thi s conveniently enable s eac h gangste r t o project hi s own definition ont o the meanin g o f "membership." Despite the different degree s of participation (cor e and marginal ) an d th e individualized interpretation s o f gangsters, a unifying bon d amon g gangster s

70 / Gang Characteristics

is thei r share d belie f tha t throug h th e gan g the y acquir e prestig e an d status . It i s als o quit e clea r tha t th e vaguenes s tha t surround s th e delineatio n o f gang membershi p an d organizatio n enable s th e cor e gangste r t o satisf y man y varied emotiona l needs . Man y cor e gangster s ac t ou t violenc e a s part o f thei r emotional disturbance ; however , other s us e violenc e t o enjo y a feelin g o f belonging t o a "family " albei t a pathologica l family . Th e violen t gan g pro vides a sens e o f powe r an d statu s fo r a n individua l wit h a n underlyin g sens e of lo w self-estee m an d n o statu s i n th e large r society . Gang violence , includin g murder , play s a n importan t rol e i n th e gang' s activities an d ha s a special socia l psychologica l meanin g t o th e cor e gangster . Core gangster s wh o participate d i n a gan g murde r gav e differen t reason s fo r their participatio n i n homicide . Followin g ar e som e o f th e varie d rationale s given b y differen t gangster s fo r thei r participatio n i n th e homicide : I didn' t wan t t o b e lik e . . . you know , differen t fro m th e othe r guys . Like , they sho t him , I sho t him . I didn' t wan t t o sho w mysel f a s a pun k o r a pussy. I had t o do this to belong t o the gang . Momentarily I starte d t o thinkin g abou t i t inside ; the n I hav e m y min d made up , I' m no t goin g to be i n n o gang . Then I go on inside . Somethin g comes up , here com e al l m y friends comin g t o me . Lik e I said before , I' m intelligent an d s o forth . The y b e comin g t o m e — they tal k t o m e abou t what the y gonn a do . Like , "Man , we'l l g o ou t her e an d kil l thi s dude. " They kep t o n talkin g lik e tha t an d I said, "Man , I jus t gott a g o wit h you. " Myself, I don' t wan t t o go , bu t whe n the y star t tallkin ' abou t wha t the y gonna do , I say , "No , h e isn' t gonn a tak e ove r m y rep . I ain' t gonn a le t him b e know n mor e tha n me. " And I go ahead jus t for selfishness . It make s yo u fee l lik e a bi g shot . Yo u know , som e guy s thin k they'r e bi g shots an d al l that . The y think , yo u know , the y got th e powe r t o d o everything the y fee l lik e doing . The y say , "I' m gonn a shoo t a guy, " an d then anothe r gu y says , "Yo u wouldn' t d o that. " Then , whe n w e g o o n a drive-by, h e finds ou t wha t I ca n do . Afte r I kille d thi s dude , peopl e respected m e fo r wha t I'v e done . Whe n I walk dow n th e stree t m y home boys say, "There goe s a cold killer. " In summary , th e violen t gan g provide s youth s wit h lo w self-estee m an d a sense o f hopelessnes s abou t achievin g an y meaningfu l rol e i n th e large r society wit h a degree o f status i n thei r community . Becaus e the y fee l rejecte d and alienate d fro m th e large r society , i n thei r natura l searc h fo r a feelin g o f belonging, thes e youth s hav e carve d ou t th e entit y o f th e gan g a s thei r community. I n th e gang , the y ca n achiev e variou s statuse s ope n t o them . O n

Gang Characteristics I 7 1

the gan g status-ladder , a t first they ar e wannabees . I f they participat e effec tively, through delinquen t an d violen t activity, they can achiev e th e statu s of Gs. An d ove r a perio d o f time , i f they participat e i n th e gan g wit h notabl e delinquent an d violen t acts , the y ca n achiev e th e venerabl e an d respecte d role o f O G o r veteran o i n th e onl y communit y i n th e large r societ y wher e they feel accepted , their gang .

4. Black an d Chican o Gangs : In an d Ou t o f Priso n

D

HERE AR E VARIOU S TYPE S an d form s o f gang s i n th e Unite d States. Throughou t th e country , ther e ar e whit e gang s i n urba n and suburba n areas , motorcycle gangs , white skinhea d racis t gangs, Ku Klux Klan gangs , various Asian gangs , Jamaican gangs , South America n gangs , a small numbe r o f independen t femal e gang s tha t ar e unconnecte d t o mal e gangs, and othe r group s that could b e characterize d a s gangs. Many o f these aforementioned gang-typ e collectivitie s ar e responsibl e fo r act s o f atrociou s racism, violence , an d crime . Thes e othe r gangs , however , ar e no t nearl y a s prevalent (an d i n m y view , the y ar e anothe r orde r o f data , wit h differen t characteristics) a s blac k an d Chican o mal e gangs . M y estimat e i s tha t 9 0 percent o f the gan g problem i n urba n area s throughout th e Unite d State s is represented b y violen t blac k an d Chican o mal e gangs . Give n al l o f thes e factors, I hav e focuse d m y researc h an d analysi s i n thi s boo k o n thes e tw o types of gangs. Black gang s ar e establishe d an d functio n i n som e for m i n th e hood s o f almost al l American citie s acros s th e Unite d States . Fo r the obviou s reason s of migration an d immigratio n an d th e proximit y of many Southwes t citie s to the Mexica n border , a large r numbe r o f Chican o o r Hispani c gang s ar e found i n the Southwest . 72

Black and Chicano Gangs I 7 3

SOME CHARACTERISTIC S O F C H I C A N O AND BLAC K GANG S

Chicano gang s ar e somewha t differen t tha n blac k gang s an d ye t bot h type s have many similarities. Chicano gang s tend t o go back several generations i n the mor e stabl e barrio s lik e Lo s Angeles , E l Paso , o r Sa n Antoni o i n th e Southwest. Growin g u p i n a barrio , therefore , tends t o presen t a youngste r with gan g rol e model s an d a histor y o f gangs. I n contrast , blac k gang s ten d to be more transient . My researc h reveal s tha t anothe r notabl e differenc e betwee n thes e tw o types of gangs is related t o their family backgrounds. Most Chicano gangster s tend t o b e socialize d i n mor e cohesive , albei t dysfunctional , families . Blac k gangsters are more likely to be raise d i n dysfunctiona l familie s wit h divorce d or absente e fathers . Man y blac k gangsters , becaus e thei r parent s ar e sepa rated o r divorced, liv e with thei r grandparent s o r ar e ou t o n thei r ow n a t an early age. In terms of the commerce an d us e of drugs, Chicano gang s over the years have becom e heavil y involve d wit h marijuan a an d heroin , althoug h mor e recently crack-cocaine ha s come onto their scene. Black gangsters in the past were ver y involve d wit h heroine , mos t recentl y the y ar e persisten t user s o f marijuana an d alcoho l an d ar e greatl y involve d i n dealin g an d using crack cocaine. Blac k an d Chican o gang s ar e ver y simila r wit h regar d t o thei r participation i n th e basi c violen t gan g activitie s o f violen t drive-bys , gang banging, delinquency, drugs , and crime .

C H I C A N O GANG S

Diego Vigil , i n hi s excellen t boo k Barrio Gangs, describe s Chican o gang s that ar e presen t no t onl y i n California , bu t i n citie s throughou t th e South west. He notes that Chicano gang s are made u p largely of young males fro m thirteen t o twenty-five year s of age. According to Vigil the Chican o gan g is a response t o the pressur e o f street life an d serve s to give some barri o youths a feeling o f "familial support , goals and directives , and sanction s an d guides."* Vigil state s tha t mos t Chican o gan g youth s activitie s ar e simila r t o tha t found i n an y neighborhoo d wher e adolescent s congregate . "The y talk , joke , plan socia l events, and exchang e storie s of adventure an d love . Their alcoho l consumption an d dru g use shows some parallels with that of other American adolescents. Ye t i t i s thei r other , violent , sociall y disruptiv e activitie s tha t

74 / Black and Chicano Gangs distinguish gan g member s fro m mos t adolescents . Reflectin g th e tendenc y among adolescent s t o develo p ne w mode s o f dres s an d speech , Chican o gang member s hav e adopte d a distinctiv e stree t styl e o f dress , speech , ges tures, tattoos, and graffiti." 2 The gang' s styl e i s called "cholo, " a centuries-old ter m referrin g t o Lati n American Indian s wh o ar e partiall y acculturate d t o Hispanic-base d cultures . The ter m whe n applie d t o Chican o gangster s reflect s th e cultura l transitio n of Mexican American s i n the southwester n Unite d States , and i t is a process strongly affected b y underclass forces and stree t requisites. Many of the chol o customs ar e relate d t o a n identificatio n wit h th e gang , althoug h man y nongang members in a barrio copy the style. Vigil confirms m y finding about gangs i n hi s observatio n tha t ther e i s a wide differenc e amon g member s i n degree o f commitment t o th e gan g an d tha t youth s wit h th e mos t problem atic lives tend t o become th e mos t core participants i n the Chican o gang . Joan Moore , lik e Vigil , produce d som e significan t contribution s t o th e understanding o f Chican o gang s i n he r boo k Homeboys. 3 Sh e perceive s Chicano gang s a s fiercely territorial . Th e gang' s majo r concern s ar e pro tecting thei r territor y b y fighting fo r i t whe n the y dee m i t necessar y an d using drugs, especially heroin . According t o Moore , al l Chican o gang s ar e fighting gangs , an d mos t i f not al l us e drugs ; i n fact , th e gan g i s the principa l contex t fo r bot h th e us e and marketin g o f heroine . Sh e note s tha t th e Chican o yout h gan g i s a specialized structur e o f th e barri o an d ha s it s ow n se t o f values , norms , traditions, an d concept s o f statu s an d honor . Th e gan g "klika " ("clique " o r "set") usuall y involve s a lifelon g membershi p an d a basi c referenc e grou p for some, but not all members o f the gang. A meaningful sourc e of cohesiveness i s relate d t o fighting fo r thei r barrio . Durin g adulthood , th e Chican o gangster's primar y loyalt y ma y b e reinforce d b y confrontation s wit h racis m and hi s experiences i n various custodial institutions . CULTURE CONFLIC T AN D CHICAN O GANG S

In general , a s a partia l consequenc e o f bein g i n a minorit y positio n i n a new community , immigran t parent s ofte n hav e difficult y providin g effectiv e socialization fo r thei r children . I n thi s context , man y sociologist s hav e pointed ou t ho w this problem o f culture conflict , th e conflic t o f transferrin g norms fro m on e societ y to another, ca n lea d t o delinquent behavio r an d th e formation o f gangs by the childre n o f immigrants. The facto r o f cultur e conflic t i s significant i n th e formatio n o f Chican o

Black and Chicano Gangs I IS

gangs. Man y childre n o f Mexica n immigran t familie s ar e affecte d b y lan guage difference s betwee n hom e an d school . Th e lowe r socioeconomi c status o f their parent s an d thei r families ' poore r livin g condition s als o affec t youths. They turn t o the gang for a status and recognition no t accorded the m through thei r families i n the larger society. The immigran t parents of potential Chican o gangsters are consumed wit h making it economically and socially in the new land and the family structur e is often severel y affect i n the process. This was true o f the early Jewish, Irish, and Italia n gang s on the Lowe r East Sid e of New York and o f black gangs in New York, Detroit, and Chicago when their families were newly arrived fro m the South . I n recen t years, many Asian youths have also created gang s in a n effort t o cop e wit h th e cultura l conflic t the y an d thei r familie s confron t i n the new society. The contex t of such socia l factors a s culture an d languag e conflict , lowe r socioeconomic statu s an d poorer livin g condition s a s compare d t o familie s in th e large r society , an d t o som e degre e discriminatio n an d prejudic e ha s spurred th e formatio n o f Hispani c gang s o n bot h coasts . I n th e Southwest , there are , as indicated, man y barrio gangs; and o n th e Eas t Coast, especiall y in Ne w York , th e facto r o f culture-conflic t ha s create d man y Puert o Rica n gangs. JOSE: TH E HISTOR Y O F A HISPANI C GANGSTE R

The followin g portrai t o f a Puert o Rica n youth , base d o n a numbe r o f in depth interview s I ha d wit h him , depict s th e culture-conflic t an d socializa tion process that produced hi s sociopathic behavior in a New York gang. Jose (not hi s rea l name ) becam e a core membe r o f a gan g an d wa s directl y involved i n a gan g murder . Jose' s Puert o Ric o t o Ne w York' s experienc e parallels man y Mexica n youth' s experience s relate d t o their familie s emigra tion from Mexic o to the southwest area o f the Unite d States . Jose's first reaction t o Ne w York Cit y whe n h e arrive d wit h hi s famil y a t the age of eight was to the climate and dirt . "It was always summer i n Puert o Rico," was one commen t h e mad e t o m e o n th e differenc e betwee n Puert o Rico an d Ne w York City. Although h e ha d live d i n a rundown slu m calle d La Perl a i n Sa n Juan , i t was heaven compare d t o the slu m h e no w lived i n on Manhattan' s Uppe r Wes t Side . Jos e coul d ste p ou t o f hi s shac k o n th e island int o sunligh t an d find th e countrysid e no t fa r fro m hi s home, an d h e could dail y mee t an d gree t man y friend s an d neighbors . I n Ne w York City, when h e lef t hi s overcrowde d roach - an d rat-infeste d tenement , wher e tw o

76 / Black and Chicano Gangs to thre e familie s sometime s live d i n on e apartment , h e entere d a hostil e world of indifferent strangers . On th e islan d Jos e an d hi s famil y ha d a positiv e identity . Although they were poor , th e Pere z famil y ha d hono r an d dignit y typica l o f thei r Spanis h background. Th e Pere z nam e mean t something , an d Jos e sough t t o liv e u p to it . Hi s famil y an d friend s identifie d hi m a s a n individual , an d h e ha d a position i n hi s community , eve n thoug h h e wa s a child . Everyon e i n th e huddle o f shacks where h e live d kne w everyon e els e an d ha d som e feeling s of concern an d carin g about one another . When h e first arrived i n Ne w York, Jose sometime s dreame d wit h fond ness abou t distan t pleasan t evening s o f th e pas t i n Puert o Ric o wit h hi s family. The y woul d g o t o a par k nea r thei r hom e i n th e evenings . Th e children woul d play , an d th e adult s woul d si t aroun d an d discus s th e day' s events. Childre n an d adult s a t thes e time s eve n talke d t o eac h other . I n Puerto Ric o Jos e ha d th e opportunit y t o discus s hi s persona l trouble s wit h his parent s an d th e relative s wh o forme d hi s extende d family . I t wa s eve n pleasant t o be criticize d sinc e i t gave Jose a secure feeling t o know someon e was concerned. I n his former community , no t only his own parents, but also relatives an d othe r adult s too k a n interes t i n children . On e ma n too k th e boys swimming; a group o f older me n fro m a social clu b forme d a baseball league for the younger boys . Jose belonged t o a community. All of this changed i n New York. His father, a n unskille d worker , found i t difficult t o ge t a jo b tha t pai d a livin g wage . H e worke d a t menia l jobs , earned a minimu m salary , an d wa s periodicall y unemployed . Durin g thes e periods o f unemployment , quarrel s an d conflic t develope d betwee n hi s parents. Overwhelme d wit h thei r ow n problems , th e parent s sometime s unfairly attacke d thei r children , who were increasingl y a burden rathe r tha n a joy. There wa s no on e fo r Jos e t o talk t o about hi s feelings . Hi s fathe r bega n to drink excessively to escape from th e immediate realitie s he could no t face. The mor e he drank, the more violent he became. In his rages, he beat Jose's mother and ofte n attacke d Jose for no apparent reason. As senseless violence surrounded him , Jos e becam e indifferen t t o hi s family . Abou t hi s fathe r h e said: Til ask him t o take me boat riding, or to a ball game. He'll say , "No." He don't go no place. The only place he goes is to the bar. And from th e bar, he goes home. Sleep, that's about all he do. I don't talk to my parents a lot of times, there's nothing to talk about. They can't help me.

Black and Chicano Gangs I 11

Family troubl e wa s compounded b y the nee d fo r Jose' s mothe r t o tak e a menial jo b t o hel p suppor t th e family . Thi s remove d he r furthe r fro m th e home. Rent s wer e exorbitant . Th e famil y wa s discriminate d against , henc e barred fro m movin g int o certai n neighborhoods . Thei r errati c incom e wa s insufficient fo r a stead y monthl y renta l i n a mor e stabl e apartment . Th e family o f si x continue d t o liv e i n th e two-room , hote l apartmen t the y ha d originally move d int o o n a temporar y basis . The y share d kitche n facilitie s and a n outsid e toile t wit h othe r familie s an d pai d a weekl y renta l becaus e they coul d no t affor d a regula r monthl y apartmen t rental . Clos e quarter s intensified th e famil y conflict . Jos e increasingl y resolve d hi s problem s out side the home . In New York he was at first shocked, and late r defiant, whe n h e found ou t he wa s "different." Th e first time h e wa s called a "dirty Spick " at school, h e became severel y upset. This reactio n slowl y changed unde r a steady barrage of prejudice t o som e acceptanc e o f hi s inferiority , mingle d wit h a constan t rage. Hi s response s becam e increasingl y violent ; h e retaliate d an d bega n t o attack othe r childre n withou t provocatio n i n anticipatio n o f insults. Because of these factors, he hated schoo l an d becam e a habitual truant . His newly discovered differenc e a s a now self-defined "Spick " was accentuated b y his difficulty i n learnin g an d speakin g English . Hi s teachers tried , but overwhelme d b y a large number o f students wit h various problems, they were o f limite d help . Thei r students ' persona l problems , combine d wit h language difficulties , mad e teaching most subject matte r almos t impossible . The on e availabl e schoo l "professional, " a guidance counselo r fo r severa l hundred students , tried t o talk t o Jose; but b y that tim e Jos e was considere d a serious behavior problem. His hatred for school became more intense eac h time h e playe d hookey . H e foun d som e solac e i n marijuan a an d alcohol , which tende d t o numb the pain o f feeling lik e a nobody. He becam e involve d i n variou s act s o f theft lik e purs e snatching , whic h often involve d a greate r emphasi s o n violenc e tha n o n financial gain . Hi s various delinquen t act s helpe d buil d th e necessar y requisite s fo r bein g sen t away, first, to a detention facilit y and , finally, to th e stat e reformatory . Her e he joine d a gang that gave him protection , a "family," an d a certain amoun t of power, status, and self-respect . In th e reformator y Jos e learned explicitl y an d implicitl y fro m hi s homie s that th e tw o mos t successfu l mode s o f behavio r wer e manipulatio n an d violence. When on e did not work, the othe r one would. Jose found violenc e and it s threa t mos t effectiv e since , a s hi s re p fo r senseles s violenc e grew , others woul d respon d an d compl y t o hi s wishes . Jose "naturally " learne d t o

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manipulate other s an d t o us e violenc e "properly. " Becaus e o f hi s behavior , he wa s routinel y i n an d ou t o f custody . H e didn' t min d bein g locke d u p because many homies from hi s street gang were in the institution . In al l hi s gan g involvement , i n an d ou t o f custody , h e neve r learne d t o feel affection , t o see any signs of it in others , or to trust anyone, not even hi s family. N o on e eve r taught o r modeled thes e quintessentia l huma n feelings . The surroundin g hostil e an d antisocia l worl d tha t h e experience d helpe d t o develop a n acompassionat e sociopathi c personalit y tha t becam e mor e rigi d with eac h day . Jose's biologica l famil y wa s o f littl e hel p t o him . Thei r rules , language , and appearanc e wer e old-fashioned; the y embarrassed him . Also, his parents and olde r brother s wer e bus y battlin g thei r ow n enemies . Jose' s famil y wa s no longe r a viable entit y fo r him , an d i n hi s searc h fo r som e semblanc e o f community, the violent gang grew to function a s his family . Jose's rol e mode l becam e a n olde r veteran o violent-gan g leade r calle d Loco. Although man y neighborhoo d youth s though t Loco , as his nicknam e implied, wa s crazy. His reputation fo r sudde n violence , using a knife o r th e gun h e always carried, made him greatl y feared an d respected . The gan g becam e fo r Jos e a have n an d provide d a "legitimate " vehicl e for expressin g hi s feeling s o f hatred, disillusionment , an d aggression . I t also provided a n entit y mos t compatibl e wit h hi s unfeeling , manipulative , an d now violent personality . Violenc e wa s expresse d a t th e righ t opportunity , o r opportunities wer e create d b y hi s participatio n i n th e gang . Als o th e gan g helped minimiz e an y feeling s o f guilt an d anxiet y abou t violenc e tha t h e might have had . Acting out violence wit h gan g compatriots becam e increas ingly satisfying sinc e i t increased hi s prestige in the pseudoworld o f his gang. Gang violence gav e Jose a feeling o f power. H e pu t i n hi s violent wor k an d was rewarded b y the respec t and reputatio n tha t was accorded hi m a s a core gangster as he move d u p the status-ladder o f his violent gang.

BLACK GANG S

Black gang s represen t a larg e proportio n o f th e violen t gang s i n larg e an d small citie s throughou t America . The y generall y emanat e fro m an d ar e populated b y alienate d an d hostil e youth s wh o i n man y way s experienc e varied form s o f prejudice an d discrimination . Becaus e o f these factors , the y feel a sense of despair and hopelessnes s about their opportunitie s fo r succes s

Black and Chicano Gangs I 7 9

through th e norma l pathways to success goals in the larger society. The gan g provides the m wit h a pseudocommunit y an d a sens e o f powe r tha t the y d o not experience i n the institution s of the larger society. It shoul d b e emphasize d tha t th e majorit y o f young me n wh o ar e raise d in th e blac k ghetto s o f America ris e abov e th e deleteriou s socia l force s tha t exist i n thei r hoo d an d becom e hardworking , successfu l citizens . However , given th e comple x an d horrendou s povert y o f man y blac k ghettos , thos e young me n wh o experienc e th e mos t negativ e socia l pressure s o f thei r depressed socioeconomi c situatio n creat e th e violent gang as a viable optio n for succes s an d achievement . I n th e gan g they ca n achiev e a sens e o f personal power , an d i t serve s a s a vehicl e throug h whic h the y ca n ac t ou t their rag e abou t th e hopeles s situatio n the y experienc e i n thei r hood . I n brief, fo r thes e alienate d an d rebelliou s youths , th e violen t gan g an d it s activities become s a vehicl e fo r expressin g thei r persona l feeling s o f hope lessness and rage ; at the sam e time , their gan g provides them wit h a kind o f family an d community . A causal componen t tha t foster s violen t gangs , which regrettabl y persist s in the blac k experienc e i n American society , is the breakdow n o f the family . A disproportionate numbe r o f black youths grow up without fathers. And to o many blac k gan g youth s fathe r childre n withou t an y responsibilit y fo r thei r proper socializatio n o r welfare . (On e o f th e ke y factor s highlighte d i n th e much heralde d 199 5 "Millio n Ma n March " o n Washingto n wa s the neces sity for black fathers t o effectively assum e responsibility for their families. ) Another significan t par t o f th e blac k gangster' s rag e i s th e ver y rea l prejudice an d discriminatio n the y experienc e i n America n society . Youn g black men find when they are out of their hood i n paranoid whit e communi ties that people ten d t o fear thei r potentia l behavior . I n general, they find in the wor k worl d tha t the y ar e mos t likel y t o b e th e las t hire d an d th e first fired. The police , who represen t th e large r society' s la w enforcement i n th e hood, to o ofte n targe t youn g blac k me n unfairl y i n thei r policin g activities . An astounding statistic cited by the National Institute of Justice is that around 30 percent of all young black men are enmeshed i n the courts, jails, prisons, and probatio n o r parole of the criminal justic e system. In summary , th e genera l negativ e element s o f hopelessnes s fo r achieve ment and racis m persist s in American societ y as we approach th e twenty-firs t century. Thes e negativ e socia l an d economi c force s hav e thei r deleteriou s impact on young black males, and this, in part, accounts for their creation of and participatio n i n violent gangs.

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ED'S STORY : TH E CAS E HISTOR Y O F A N O G CRI P

The fier y violen t crucibl e o f th e 196 5 Watt s riot s i n Lo s Angele s an d th e despair i n th e hoo d tha t followe d i n par t influence d th e formatio n o f tw o now notorious black gangs, the Crips and the Bloods. These notorious names and thei r gan g forms hav e sprea d t o hoods al l ove r America. The Crip s an d Bloods brand o f gang i s as well-known aroun d th e countr y t o both gangster s and la w enforcement a s Coca Cola . Ed (no t hi s rea l name ) wa s a typical Cri p wh o ros e i n th e rank s fro m a Wannabee t o a n OG . H e gre w u p i n th e Watt s an d Sout h Centra l area s of Los Angele s an d fro m th e ag e o f nin e ra n wit h a numbe r o f gang s i n hi s hood. H e was on the scene when th e first Crip gang was originated i n 1968 . Among th e man y notoriou s Crip s tha t h e kne w ove r the year s was Monste r Kody, with whom h e spent four year s in Cellblock C i n California's Soleda d Prison. Ed di d i t all. At one time o r another h e participate d i n gangbanging , drive-bys, th e Crip' s dru g business, an d organize d an d directe d a n arme d robbery crew that specialized i n holdin g up jewelr y stores. Along the way he admittedly participated i n several gang murders. Ed ros e i n th e rank s o f the L.A . Crips a s a youth t o become a respecte d OG i n hi s gang . Hi s insider' s stor y o f hi s thirty-yea r ru n wit h th e Crips , i n and ou t o f prison , insightfull y reveal s a n America n blac k gang' s structure , function, an d activitie s in dramatic detail . The first time I met E d wa s in 1995 . I had travele d t o th e Texas Depart ment o f Correction' s Beaumon t Priso n t o carr y ou t a serie s o f grou p an d individual researc h interview s wit h youn g gangster s incarcerate d i n thi s medium-security jail . Ed, at that time, had become a responsible citizen . H e had bee n dru g an d crim e fre e fo r ove r five year s a s a consequenc e o f hi s treatment an d participatio n i n Arizona' s Amit y Therapeuti c Communit y Program an d wa s working a s a paraprofessiona l staf f employe e fo r Amit y i n the Beaumon t Prison . Give n th e fac t tha t h e wa s now a law-abiding citize n who truste d m e becaus e w e wer e colleague s i n ou r wor k wit h incarcerate d gang youth s fo r Amity , h e fel t fre e t o full y revea l hi s crimina l pas t wit h considerable candor . On on e o f my visits to the Beaumon t Priso n t o direct a gang focus group , Ed wa s standin g a t th e fron t gat e o f th e priso n read y t o ushe r m e int o th e special cellbloc k withi n th e wall s that wa s known a s Amistad d e Tejas. Thi s was a n Amit y Therapeuti c Communit y (TC ) projec t i n th e cellbloc k fo r about 400 prisoners, most of whom wer e blac k an d Chican o gangsters . Th e project wa s administere d b y a staf f o f aroun d fort y ex-criminals/addicts ,

Black and Chicano Gangs I 8 1

including Ed , wh o ha d bee n rehabilitate d i n th e Amit y T C facilit y locate d at tha t tim e i n Tucson , Arizona . Accompanying E d a t th e fron t gat e wa s thirty-seven-year-ol d Sheila , th e director o f the T C priso n project , hersel f a former addict/crimina l wh o a t th e time wa s clea n fo r ove r te n year s an d a value d employe e o f th e Amit y T C . As E d an d Sheil a greete d m e an d wer e usherin g m e int o th e bowel s o f th e prison t o th e Amit y projec t cellblock , the y receive d a continuin g flow o f friendly greeting s fro m inmate s wh o wer e behin d barb-wire d fence s i n vari ous priso n bi g yards , apparentl y o n thei r recreatio n hour . I baske d i n th e reflected glo w o f th e inmates ' acceptanc e an d apparen t affectio n fo r Ed , Sheila, an d th e enthusiasticall y accepted , lifesavin g Amit y program . (Th e therapeutic communit y approac h wil l b e discusse d mor e full y i n chapte r 7. ) Over a two-da y period , throug h th e goo d auspice s o f Ed , Sheila , an d th e Amity staff , I wa s abl e t o garne r som e significan t researc h dat a fo r thi s book throug h interview s wit h individua l gangster s an d severa l specia l an d extraordinary gang-focuse d groups . Becaus e m y respondent s trul y like d an d trusted E d an d th e Amit y program , the y wer e exceptionall y ope n an d forth coming t o m e abou t thei r lif e a s gangsters i n an d ou t o f prison . During m y severa l gang-focuse d researc h groups , E d wa s alway s a t m y side, an d I wa s abl e t o ge t som e materia l abou t hi s lif e a s a Crip . A s indicated, h e ha d "bee n down " wit h th e Sout h Centra l L.A . Crip s gan g since thei r inceptio n i n 1968 , an activ e O G participan t i n th e gan g throug h various phase s o f it s developmen t an d growth . Fro m th e ag e o f twelve , h e had bee n i n an d ou t o f Californi a prison s fo r a spa n o f almos t twenty-fiv e years. H e ha d no w bee n gang , crime , an d dru g fre e fo r fiv e years . Thi s gav e him a uniqu e perspectiv e o n hi s forme r lif e a s a Cri p gangster . M y bondin g as a friend an d colleagu e wit h E d involve d a significant elemen t o f trust, an d my severa l intensiv e interview s wit h hi m provide d m e wit h a n unusuall y honest, revealing , an d valuabl e cas e histor y o f a Cri p gangster . ED: I was born i n L.A . in 195 6 and gre w up i n Watts. I had si x brothers an d tw o sisters. M y fathe r lef t u s whe n I was four . M y mothe r ha d t o rais e al l o f us , an d of course , sh e ha d a helluv a tim e tryin g t o kee p th e famil y going . I'v e sinc e learned tha t w e ha d wha t yo u al l woul d cal l a dysfunctiona l family . Als o Watt s was wha t yo u migh t cal l a dysfunctiona l neighborhoo d — the messag e i n Watt s was that everythin g tha t wa s righ t wa s wrong an d everythin g tha t wa s wron g wa s right. I was fucked u p fro m th e beginning . We move d fro m Watt s t o anothe r Sout h Centra l L.A . neighborhood , bu t I brought m y stealin g an d goin g t o juvenil e hal l alon g wit h m e t o th e ne w hood . All of my six brothers wit h th e exceptio n o f my oldes t brother , wh o was raised i n

82 / Black and Chicano Gangs the South , went to prison for various offenses. Thre e of them, including me, did some lon g har d tim e i n th e stat e prisons . I eventuall y wen t t o Soleda d a fe w times, and one of my brothers was in Folsom. When I was around te n o r eleven, I began t o hang out with a small gang of kids called the Pigmies. They came from a family of around twenty kids, and we all used to go into stores and stea l shit. At thirteen, after severa l trips to juvenile court an d detentio n i n th e county' s juvenil e jail , I was sent to a juvenil e cam p for various thefts, burglaries, and stealing cars right off of people. The ne w word for that is carjacking, bac k then it was just car theft . One of my older brothers was in a gang called the Ex-Cons. In South Central L.A. yo u wer e automaticall y i n a gan g i f yo u live d i n th e hood . Whe n I was around twelv e I joined b y just goin g along with th e homies . There wa s no big initiation like they talk about these days. I think most of those jumping-in stories are bullshit. Alls you have to do to be down is start running with the homies and do what they do. Back then you just had to show you had heart — and you began to d o wha t th e olde r dude s did . Thi s involve d stealing , burglaries , violence , and o f course , helpin g ou t i n gangbangin g whe n you r tur f wa s invade d o r disrespected. Around tha t tim e i n 1967 , when I was gangbanging an d al l that , w e didn' t pay any attention to black politics. I now know a lot more about political leaders like Ron Karenga , and o f course, Martin Luthe r King . The onl y group we paid any attentio n t o an d respecte d wer e th e Blac k Panther' s chapte r i n Sout h Central. But we were still doing our gang thing, and they didn't affect ou r crime and gangbanging. Around that time our gang was called the Avenues. Most of us did weightlift ing, and we had like twenty-inch arms. In those days if you had the muscles, you had th e power . W e weren' t int o an y heav y violenc e wit h guns . I t wa s mainl y stealing, especiall y fro m peopl e i n othe r areas . Lik e we would fight a guy and take his nice leather coat . We would g o to parties, drink, smoke weed, and shi t like that. Then we would get into fistfights,sometimes knives, and just bust some heads. At that time, the Avenues was a close-knit neighborhood gang around Hoove r Avenue i n aroun d a one square mil e area. We had abou t fort y guys , and w e all knew eac h other . I had aroun d te n t o twelve arrest s and di d a few tour s at the probation camps for burglaries and robberies. Along the wa y I became a Crip. The Crip s began aroun d 1968 . The nam e came abou t i n a funny way . At that tim e w e were doin g a lot of robberies. We were mugging a lot of people on the streets when the situation wa s right. A rich target for a mugging were some of these Japanese ladies who lived i n the hood . We found ou t that the cops in the area from th e 77th Division of the LAPD had these bloc k meeting s wit h th e citizens , includin g th e Japanes e ladies . At these

Black and Chicano Gangs I 8 3

meetings citizen s wer e tol d i f someone wa s robbin g you , th e thin g t o d o wa s t o scream, mak e a lot of noise, and wav e your arm s s o the polic e wil l come . After on e o f these polic e bloc k meetings , a group o f old Japanes e ladie s wer e walking o n Centra l Avenue . A group o f dudes, includin g Raymon d Washington , a well-know n O G wh o wa s th e leade r o f hi s gang , starte d t o ro b the m an d tak e their purses . Th e ol d ladie s starte d yellin g an d makin g noise , th e gan g ran , an d the polic e came . Th e wome n wer e al l excite d whe n the y wer e talkin g t o th e police. And on e Japanes e lady , wh o coul d hardl y spea k English , kep t repeatedl y yelling " a crip , h e wa s a crip. " Th e polic e finally figured ou t tha t on e o f th e attackers ha d a cas t o n hi s le g — and th e woma n wa s tryin g t o sa y she ha d bee n attacked b y a "cripple." S o that's ho w the nam e Cri p cam e about . After tha t ou r dude s accepte d th e nam e Crip s fo r ou r gang . Anothe r grou p from Piru e Stree t wh o wer e ou r enemie s bega n t o stan d u p t o us . The y calle d themselves th e Piru s an d late r o n the y change d thei r nam e t o th e Bloods . Othe r gangs sprun g u p aroun d th e are a usin g th e nam e Crip s — like th e Wes t Sid e Crips. We wer e th e origina l gangster s fro m th e street s an d tha t wa s wher e th e labe l OG Crip s cam e about . Ou r origina l grou p o f guys becam e know n a s OGs . Th e dudes wh o joine d i n th e camp s o r CYA (California Yout h Authority) wer e know n as "jailhous e crips " an d ther e wer e som e Wannabees . Yes , w e di d us e tha t expression bac k the n fo r kids who wer e claimin g thing s they weren't an d ha d no t yet put i n thei r work. We would us e expression s bac k the n lik e OG , Jailhouse , o r a Wannabee Crip . Fll giv e yo u a n exampl e o f a Wannabee . I f som e dud e wante d t o b e dow n with th e gan g an d the y weren' t in , w e OG s woul d say , "Yo u wannab e i n th e gang, well you're goin g to have t o put i n som e wor k b y taking this gun an d shoo t someone." Fo r example , ther e wa s thi s youn g ki d aroun d fourteen , an d h e wanted t o be wit h u s all the tim e an d g o to parties an d things . We liked hi m an d we le t hi m b e wit h us . On e tim e w e ha d thi s problem , an d w e wen t o n a drive by. I said , "Yo u wannab e wit h us , tak e thi s gun , an d whe n w e spo t thes e motherfuckers, we'l l se e wha t yo u do. " S o whe n i t wa s goin g down , h e too k th e gun an d sho t thi s gu y standin g i n fron t o f hi s house . I don' t kno w whethe r h e killed hi m becaus e w e didn't sto p t o chec k i t out bu t I saw the gu y go down . Some OG s woul d us e Wannabee s t o d o thei r dirt y work . Fo r example , i n a burglary i t can b e dangerou s t o ente r a house . Yo u don' t alway s kno w i f there i s some motherfucke r sittin g thei r wit h a gu n wh o migh t blo w yo u away . S o yo u might sa y to a Wannabee who' s wit h yo u o n hi s first job , "you g o i n th e windo w first, cause you're smaller. " O r yo u migh t han d th e ki d a gun i n a store robbery . When w e would d o a drive-by yo u neve r kne w fo r sur e i f you kille d anybody . None o f us really had an y training with guns . Everythin g woul d b e i n th e spu r o f the moment , an d yo u wer e neve r sur e exactl y wh o yo u hit . Yo u tr y t o d o a s

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much damag e a s yo u can . An d yo u migh t loo k i n th e pape r nex t da y t o se e i f you kille d anyone , bu t yo u can' t b e sure . I' m sur e tha t ove r th e year s I kille d three people , on e i n a drive-by, an d tw o times i n robberies . Othe r times , I neve r stopped t o find ou t i f a gu y I shot wa s jus t wounde d o r dead . Th e advic e I wa s always give n b y m y homie s was , "Fuck ma n don' t worr y abou t it , what' s don e i s done." In thos e day s w e woul d d o som e craz y shi t lik e goin g t o a funera l hom e an d fucking u p ou r dea d enemies ' caskets an d eve n hi s body . W e wer e prett y crazy . After w e killed a guy, we would sometime s d o some mor e shootin g a t the funera l parlor becaus e w e kne w ou r enemy' s homeboy s wer e goin g t o b e there . Onc e me an d a coupl e o f m y homeboy s got arreste d fo r shootin g u p a funeral . Thi s was aroun d th e thir d tim e w e ha d don e thi s craz y shit , an d th e polic e wer e waiting fo r us . T o thi s day , i f yo u se e a dea d homie' s funera l yo u ca n be t hi s homies wil l b e ther e wit h guns , an d th e polic e wil l b e watchin g fo r a n attac k b y his enemies . You kno w [a s I' m telling ] thes e things , I can' t believ e I di d thi s shi t lik e fucking u p som e dude' s bod y a t a funeral home , bu t it' s good fo r m e t o get al l o f this shi t ou t o f me. You hav e t o kno w tha t bac k then , m y Mo m wa s working tw o jobs. Whe n I went t o schoo l — which I rarely di d — when I got hom e ther e wa s no on e there . M y homie s wer e th e onl y peopl e aroun d fo r me . I ha d n o on e else. I n a wa y the y becam e m y family . W e di d a lo t o f wrong , bu t m y homie s were th e onl y peopl e wh o accepte d me . Ther e wer e fe w place s fo r m e t o go . I n those day s ther e wer e som e club s wher e yo u coul d lif t weights . An d i f yo u weren't i n th e gang , you couldn' t ge t i n t o the club . Bein g part o f the gan g mad e me somebody . At that tim e I did a lo t o f thing s that , i n m y mind , I reall y didn' t wan t t o do . But belongin g t o the gan g was my life. Fo r example , m e an d tw o dude s fro m m y set, Kenne y an d Eddie , woul d stan d o n th e corne r b y ou r schoo l an d jus t ro b kids comin g o r goin g t o school . W e woul d tak e thei r lunc h mone y an d g o bu y some bee r o r weed. I liked som e o f these kids we stole from , bu t i f they didn' t d o what the y wer e suppos e t o an d giv e u s thei r mone y fast , w e woul d bea t th e shi t out o f them . I didn' t lik e it , bu t I kne w wha t sid e I wante d t o b e on . I woul d rather b e o n th e sid e o f givin g th e beatin g tha n o n th e sid e o f th e gu y tha t wa s getting th e beating . I f you weren' t par t o f the powe r i n m y hood , the n yo u wer e the prey . I didn't alway s lik e wha t I did, bu t I felt I had t o d o i t to b e dow n wit h my gang . Lookin g back , i t wasn' t muc h o f a family , bu t i t wa s th e onl y famil y I had — that I trusted. Th e onl y lov e an d trus t I got fro m anyon e bac k the n cam e from m y homies . If yo u wer e par t o f th e gang , yo u coul d trus t you r homies . Fo r example , n o one woul d snitc h o n you . I n thos e day s you r homie s stoo d u p fo r you . Nobod y snitched, s o no on e coul d find anythin g ou t abou t wha t w e did . There ma y hav e been a few snitches , bu t mos t o f the tim e a gangster woul d rathe r g o to th e join t

Black and Chicano Gangs I 8 5

than giv e u p a homie. Goin g t o priso n wasn' t tha t bi g a price t o pa y fo r keepin g quiet. Becaus e man y o f your friend s wer e i n th e institution . An d a snitc h alway s ran th e ris k of getting killed . I wa s arreste d aroun d twenty-fiv e time s fro m aroun d th e ag e o f twelv e t o seventeen. Mos t o f th e tim e I wa s cu t loos e fro m th e juvenil e cour t wit h a warning. A few time s I woul d b e i n juvenil e hal l o r sen t t o probatio n cam p fo r six months. Finall y whe n I was seventeen , I was sen t awa y fo r fou r year s t o CY A for robbery , rape , kidnapping, an d gran d theft . We had kidnappe d thi s white lad y — I remember he r nam e wa s Jane. We took her dow n b y Redond o Beach . W e robbe d he r possessions , an d the n m e an d m y partner rape d her . Sh e refuse d t o ge t ou t o f th e car , s o we knocke d he r ou t an d stole th e car . Afte r w e left , lik e a fool , I ra n a re d light . A police ca r stoppe d u s and checke d u s out. I had n o license , an d i t was a stolen car . They wante d t o tr y m e a s a n adul t a t seventeen , bu t I was fortunat e enoug h to get sent awa y to CY A in 197 2 a s a juvenile . I f I was eighteen I would probabl y still b e i n priso n fo r kidnappin g an d rape . Bac k then , yo u woul d b e arreste d maybe twent y t o thirt y time s befor e yo u woul d ge t sen t t o CYA . Man y o f th e dudes i n CY A were i n fo r robbery , murder , an d reall y heav y crimes . The Crip s ha d bee n goin g o n i n th e hoo d fo r aroun d five t o si x years b y th e time I went awa y to CYA . By then, eve n thoug h I was pretty young , I had don e a lot o f wor k an d wa s a highl y respecte d OG . Ther e wer e aroun d twent y Crip s from m y neighborhoo d durin g m y fou r year s i n CYA . I n CY A they reviewe d m e at th e en d o f tw o years , bu t m y conduc t wa s s o bad , the y kep t m e anothe r tw o years unti l I was twenty-one. When I go t ou t o f CYA , I wa s onl y o n th e street s fo r aroun d tw o months . Then I got buste d fo r gran d theft . Thi s wa s for pickpocketin g aroun d th e Foru m in L.A . I was trying to steal wit h mor e finesse — but I got caught . Thi s tim e I was sent to a real priso n a t Soleda d i n 1975 . In Soleda d som e o f th e olde r prisoner s hate d th e Crips . Becaus e o n th e streets i n L.A . some o f their relative s ha d bee n killed . I n th e priso n ther e weren' t too man y o f u s Crips , bu t w e ha d t o sta y stron g an d togethe r fo r ou r protection . The priso n gang s a t tha t tim e include d th e Mexican' s L a Famili a an d th e beginning o f the Mexica n Mafia , th e Blac k Guerrill a Family , th e Aryan Brother hood, an d ther e wer e whit e biker-typ e gangs . Th e mai n proble m i n priso n wa s always racial , althoug h ther e wa s som e black-on-black , an d Mexican-against Mexican violence . Back the n thes e group s ra n th e prison . As Crips w e ha d t o watch ou r bac k al l of the tim e becaus e w e didn't hav e to o man y homie s ther e a t that time. Bu t the n later o n — when Crip s an d Blood s starte d goin g t o priso n i n bigge r number s — we bega n t o ge t a lot o f power. Eve n i n priso n th e Crip s an d Blood s hate d eac h other, bu t becaus e w e wer e gettin g a lo t o f violenc e fro m th e Mexican s an d whites, we would joi n force s a t times.

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When I go t m y releas e dat e an d wa s thirt y day s awa y fro m gettin g ou t o f Soledad, som e rea l shi t wen t down . Thi s blac k dude , on e o f ou r Crips , ha d snitched, an d ther e wa s a big shakedow n i n som e cell s an d the y foun d differen t weapons. H e wa s on e o f ours , an d w e ha d t o tak e car e o f him . W e ha d thi s meeting an d I got the contract . No w I didn't want t o do i t because I was set to go home i n thirt y days. A good frien d o f min e too k i t ove r fro m me , an d h e kille d this snitc h wit h a shank ( a knife) . When I got out, I noticed peopl e bega n t o look a t m e differentl y i n m y hood . I wa s no w a bi g homi e becaus e I ha d bee n t o prison . I go t mor e respect , an d people wer e afrai d o f me . I enjoye d th e wa y peopl e wer e treatin g me . I ha d n o intention o f gettin g a jo b o r anythin g lik e that . I wa s a n O G i n th e 89t h Stree t East Coas t Crips . Around tha t tim e I got involve d i n a drive-by . On e o f m y younge r homeboy s had bee n killed , an d w e kne w th e gan g tha t di d it . Someon e stol e a car , an d w e loaded al l o f our weapon s i n th e car . We rolle d int o thei r neighborhood , an d w e knew wher e the y woul d b e kickin' it . We pulle d u p a s close t o them a s we coul d get, an d the n w e unloade d o n them . I kne w I ha d hi t an d kille d thi s on e motherfucker, an d whe n I go t bac k t o th e hoo d I was braggin' o n it . We talke d about i t fo r a week. A t that tim e w e woul d thin k i t wa s funn y i f a dud e wh o got shot screame d o r crie d lik e a bitch whe n h e go t hit . It seems craz y t o m e now , bu t bac k the n wit h al l th e violenc e ther e wa s lov e for you r homies . Lik e thre e o f m y homie s tha t go t killed , younge r guys , I remember the m wit h love . I had a stron g re p an d I tried t o hel p them , bu t the y got kille d gangbangin' . Thes e kid s kin d o f idolize d me , an d whe n I wa s i n th e penitentiary, the y woul d g o to m y hous e an d dro p $20 0 t o $30 0 o n m y Mo m t o send t o m e t o bu y thing s i n prison . The y wer e m y friends , an d i n a kin d o f memorial, I have thei r thre e name s tattooe d o n m y back . During m y bein g locke d u p i n prison , fo r a fe w year s I decide d tha t mone y was mor e importan t tha n gangbanging , s o i n th e earl y 1980 s whe n I was i n m y late twentie s I becam e involve d i n arme d robberies . Makin g mone y fro m m y crimes bega n t o mak e mor e sens e t o m e tha n craz y gangbangin' . M y specialt y was jewelry stores becaus e thos e job s were very profitable . LY: Wh y di d yo u switc h ove r t o robberie s fro m gangbanging ? E D : Gangbangin g wa s O K fo r th e kid s i n m y se t who wer e comin g up . The y were puttin g i n wor k t o mak e thei r reputation . An d whe n the y cam e t o m e for advic e abou t som e proble m wit h anothe r set , I woul d tel l the m wha t t o do. Bu t a t tha t tim e I wante d t o mak e som e rea l money . Th e cre w tha t di d robberies woul d stil l d o gangbanging , bu t thes e wer e th e guy s wit h plent y o f weapons, ou t t o mak e som e money . Thes e wer e th e guy s wh o ha d nic e cars , apartments, an d al l that .

Black and Chicano Gangs I 87 Right now , let's say there ar e aroun d thirt y Cri p set s in L.A . Every set has an O G wh o has organized a crew that does robberies. He will, as I did, use a younger homi e i n a robbery who showed heart , was cool, and ha d n o fear i n his crew . An importan t thin g 1 alway s made sur e of , i f I brought a kid alon g in m y crew for a robbery, was that th e kid , i f caught, woul d no t snitch . Th e most importan t thin g abou t a younger homi e tha t I would tak e i n m y cre w would b e —will h e shoo t t o sav e m y life ! I wouldn't wan t anyon e wit h m e who wouldn' t pul l tha t trigge r i f my lif e wa s i n danger . I wasn't int o killin g anyone i n a robbery for senseless shit — but i f he was going to kill me, I'll ge t him first, and everyon e i n m y crew has to be there to watch m y back. LY: Wh y robbing stores, why didn't you get more int o the dru g thing? E D: M y thing was robbery. Som e crew s in gangs were mainl y involve d wit h drugs. I tried t o get int o selling drugs . Bu t I' m n o dop e dealer . I tried, bu t I can't sell no dope. I would us e it or give it away. When I tried to sell dope, if someone cam e t o me with a bullshit story and ha d n o mone y — I would jus t give hi m th e shit . I n orde r t o sel l dope , yo u go t t o b e a coldhearted , chickenshit person . I did hav e a personal bou t wit h drugs . One tim e whe n I got out o f prison and I was tryin g t o sel l roc k cocaine , I experimente d wit h th e shi t an d go t hooked o n crack. That was the worst time i n my life. I did a lot of stupid shi t for crack . I would sometime s b e beggin ' m y homie s fo r crac k o r mone y t o buy it . I carried a pistol an d I would sometime s ro b a homie fo r th e shit . If anybody truste d me , I would bur n 'e m an d tha t wasn' t lik e me . I eve n wa s put ou t o f the gan g at that time . I f anyone tell s you tha t gangster s ar e using drugs, that' s bullshit . The y smok e wee d an d drink , bu t the y don' t fuc k wit h that hard-core shit . I lost a lot of respect from m y homies behind tha t shit. Some dude s mad e a fortune sellin g drugs . On e gu y I knew wa s Freewa y Rick. H e wa s with th e dude s fro m th e Hoove r Crips . Ric k wa s a wild man ! He woul d pu t ninet y key s o f dop e i n a ca r an d driv e somewher e lik e a madman. H e wa s on e o f the first guys I sa w who use d gun s wit h silencers . With al l his money and drug s — he had t o have firepower. I don' t know abou t Freewa y i n particular , bu t a lot o f guys would kidna p a ric h deale r an d hol d hi m fo r ransom . Th e las t I hear d wa s tha t Freewa y was getting drug s fro m th e polic e an d the n h e turne d informan t o n them . I don't know what really went down, but I believe he's doing time now . LY: So , i n a way , wha t you'r e tellin g m e i s tha t today' s gang s hav e man y purposes.

88 / Black and Chicano Gangs ED: That' s right . Th e gang s no w ar e lik e a bi g meltin g pot . I n m y earlie r days the groups were smaller, tighter, and mor e like a family. I wa s sen t bac k t o Soleda d a fe w times . I wa s ther e betwee n 198 1 an d 1983. I wa s als o i n Chin o (prison ) fo r wha t the y cal l diagnosi s fo r a time . When I wa s ther e I go t int o som e trouble . M e an d m y homie s attacke d a guard, an d I was sent to the hol e fo r abou t four months . But I liked i t there. You go t awa y fro m th e priso n bullshit , an d yo u coul d kic k back , read , an d think. Fro m Chino , they sent me back to Soledad i n 1984 . My las t lon g stretc h wa s fro m 198 4 t o 198 9 i n Soledad . Yo u aske d m e about Monste r Kody . I me t hi m aroun d 198 6 i n C Win g i n Soledad . H e immediately, when h e got in, started organizin g the Crip s i n the prison . You had t o respec t Monster . H e wa s intelligen t an d sharp . W e respecte d eac h other an d go t along , eve n thoug h w e wer e fro m differen t Cri p sets . I knew he wa s goin g t o mov e ou t o f th e black-on-blac k violenc e becaus e h e wa s being educate d b y som e olde r dude s i n th e join t wh o wer e politica l an d against tha t shit . Lik e h e taugh t m e som e Swahilli . H e wa s into hi s Africa n roots, and this had calme d hi s violence down . But h e wasn' t totall y ou t o f the Crip s an d h e organize d us . One time , h e did bea t u p som e gu y who was suppose t o stand "post. " Standing pos t is like standing guard . Lik e whe n w e blac k guy s were showering , someon e ha d t o stand pos t t o guar d u s fro m th e Mexican s an d whites . Whe n you'r e show ering yo u ar e naked , vulnerable , an d hav e n o protection . Thi s gu y fucke d up, an d wen t of f hi s pos t t o watc h som e T V program . Monste r late r o n punished hi m b y beating the shit out of him. Normally, he would hav e been killed. I got ou t o f Soleda d i n 1989 , and som e o f m y homie s ha d mad e a lo t of money selling dope. They staked m e for awhile, then lik e a fool I got hooked again o n crack . After a while the y jus t cut m e loose , and I had t o earn som e money on m y own, and I began t o rob jewelry stores on the West Coast. Ed became involve d i n a set of criminal an d judicia l circumstance s whe n he wa s committin g jewelr y stor e robberie s aroun d th e Southwest , whic h landed hi m i n jai l i n Tucson , Arizona , i n 1990 , accused o f robber y an d conspiracy t o commi t first-degree murder . Fo r variou s reason s th e murde r charge wa s dropped , an d a se t o f circumstance s aros e tha t motivate d E d t o enter th e Amit y Therapeutic Community . Sinc e hi s entranc e int o Amity i n 1990, h e ha s remaine d fre e fro m drug s an d crime . ( I wil l resum e Ed' s chronicles relate d t o the therapeuti c dynamic s tha t resocialize d E d i n Amity in chapter 7 on the TC approac h t o treating criminals/addicts an d gangsters. )

Black and Chicano Gangs I 8 9

GANGSTERS AN D GANG S I N PRISO N

In general , a s E d an d other s hav e pointe d out , th e structur e o f gangs i s mor e cohesive i n priso n tha n o n th e outside . Thi s i s largel y du e t o th e clos e physical proximit y o f gangster s i n priso n an d als o t o a mor e intens e nee d fo r security an d protectio n fro m othe r priso n gangs . Th e facto r o f a mor e cohesive gan g i n priso n wa s validated b y about 8 0 percen t o f the respondent s to m y questionnair e o n thi s subject . On e gangste r I interviewe d shortl y afte r he wa s release d fro m California' s Folso m Priso n responde d simpl y an d succinctly t o m y quer y abou t th e differenc e betwee n gang s i n an d ou t o f prison: "I n priso n there' s n o plac e t o g o o r hide. " My frien d an d colleagu e sociologis t Joh n Irwi n wa s incarcerate d fo r fiv e years a s a prisone r i n Soleda d Priso n fo r arme d robbery . H e late r returne d t o Soledad a s a graduat e studen t t o researc h hi s doctora l dissertatio n a t th e University o f Californi a a t Berkeley . Hi s researc h wa s th e basi s fo r a n excel lent boo k h e late r wrote , Prisons in Turmoil* In a n intervie w wit h him , h e describe d som e o f th e fundamenta l prob lems o f prison gang s tha t exis t i n Soleda d an d mos t othe r prison s aroun d th e country. Irwi n assert s tha t violen t racia l an d ethni c priso n gang s i n th e pursuit o f loot , sex , respect , o r reveng e wil l attac k anyon e wh o i s no t i n thei r group. This , Irwi n tol d me , has completel y unravele d an y remnant s o f th e ol d code s o f honor an d ti p networks tha t formerl y helpe d t o maintai n orde r i n prison . I n a limited , closed space , suc h a s a prison, threat s o f attack s lik e thos e pose d b y racia l and ethni c group s canno t b e ignored . Prisoner s mus t b e read y t o protec t themselves o r ge t ou t o f th e way . Prisoner s wh o hav e chose n t o continu e to circulate i n public i n prison, with fe w exceptions , have formed o r joine d a cliqu e o r gang fo r thei r ow n protection . Consequently , violence-oriente d gangs dominat e most , i f not all , large men' s prison s i n th e Unite d States . Irwin emphasize s tha t gang-typ e structure s ar e develope d alon g racia l lines i n prison s an d tha t th e leve l o f violenc e an d potentia l violenc e ha s escalated. H e writes , Racial conflict s amon g blacks , whites , an d Hispanic s i n America n prison s have produce d a situatio n i n whic h group s o f prisoner s regularl y ro b an d attack othe r prisoner s an d retaliat e whe n member s o f their cliqu e o r gan g have bee n threatene d o r attacked . Thi s ha s intensifie d th e fea r an d wid ened th e ga p between prisoners , particularly betwee n prisoner s o f differen t

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races. Th e proble m o f racia l conflic t ha s substantiall y increase d th e leve l of prison violenc e an d mad e man y prison s almos t impossibl e t o manage. 5 In m y direc t researc h wit h prisoner s i n priso n gangs , I encountere d th e secrecy an d violenc e facto r o f priso n gang s note d b y Irwin . M y researc h int o prison gang s involve d severa l individua l an d gang-focuse d grou p sessions . A t one o f m y grou p researc h session s a t th e R . J . Donava n Californi a Correc tions Priso n i n Sa n Diego , I decide d i t woul d b e usefu l t o videotap e on e o f my gang-grou p interactions . There wer e abou t fifteen me n i n th e grou p wh o ha d volunteere d t o tal k to m e abou t gan g structur e an d behavio r i n an d ou t o f prison . Ther e wer e two Caucasian s i n th e grou p an d th e res t wer e equall y divide d betwee n Chicano an d blac k convict s wh o ha d a n extensiv e backgroun d an d experi ence wit h gangs . I assure d the m u p fron t tha t I onl y wante d t o discus s som e of the genera l aspect s o f gangs an d tha t I was no t intereste d i n specifi c name s or crimina l behavior s tha t migh t ge t someon e i n trouble . Before th e discussio n began , tw o Chicano s raise d thei r hand s t o tel l m e that the y woul d no t discus s anythin g unti l th e vide o camer a wa s turne d off . I decided I wanted t o keep i t on , an d five Chicano s excuse d themselve s fro m the sessio n o n th e basi s o f thei r fea r o f Mexica n Mafi a retaliation . I late r determined tha t thei r fea r ha d a basi s i n reality . Their resistanc e relate d t o th e violen t aftermat h o f on e o f th e mos t authentic movie s mad e o n Mexica n priso n gangs . Th e award-winnin g film made b y Edwar d Jame s Olmo s entitle d American Me i s virtually a documen tary o n Chican o gang s i n an d ou t o f prison . Tw o individual s wh o wer e ver y familiar wit h Mexica n gangs , an d especiall y th e Mexica n Mafia , serve d a s technical consultant s o n th e productio n o f th e film. A bruta l sid e effec t o f the productio n o f th e film wa s tha t th e Mexica n Mafi a fel t tha t th e film wa s disrespectful o f thei r gang . I n retaliation , fro m priso n the y contracte d tw o assassination-type homicide s o n th e tw o technica l adviser s o n th e film. The Chican o prisoner s i n m y gang-focu s researc h grou p wer e al l wel l aware o f thes e bruta l homicides , an d unde r th e unspoke n admonitio n tha t discretion i s th e bette r par t o f valor , thes e tw o respectfull y chos e no t t o participate i n m y research . A sizable numbe r o f Chicano an d blac k gangster s in th e priso n di d cooperat e wit h m y researc h an d provide d m e wit h som e valuable an d insightfu l data . In m y varie d form s o f researc h int o priso n gangs , I hav e observe d tha t Chicano gang s i n recen t year s ar e mor e coheren t an d cohesiv e i n priso n than blac k gangs . Tw o majo r an d powerfu l priso n gang s i n th e Southwes t

Black and Chicano Gangs I 91 are th e Mexica n Mafi a i n Californi a an d th e Texa s Syndicat e i n Texas . These gangs deal i n drugs and maintai n thei r strong position throug h assassinations. Both gangs , but especiall y the Mexica n Mafia , o r M, have gang sets in eac h priso n wit h connection s throughou t th e Californi a an d Texa s prison systems. Two othe r gang s tha t ar e alway s i n conflict , sometime s explodin g int o prison wars , are th e blac k gangs , on e know n a s the Blac k Guerrill a Family , or BGF, and various white gangs, varyingly known a s the Aryan Brotherhoo d or th e Whit e Arya n Race . O f course , Crip s an d Blood s als o pervad e th e California priso n system . The Eas t L.A . barri o i s th e spawnin g groun d o f th e M , an d reflect s a typical are a tha t create s M gangsters . Man y youngster s growin g u p i n thi s area hav e limited choice s sinc e thei r fathers , uncles , grandfathers, an d othe r role model s are gangsters. In recen t year s the proble m o f racial violenc e ha s been accentuate d b y th e evolutio n o f mor e clearl y define d priso n gangs . Almost all of these groups have some connection t o the neighborhoo d gang s the inmate s formerly belonge d t o in their communitie s o f orientation. My research wit h severa l veteranos of Mexican priso n gang s indicates that the prison gang s began when Chicano s i n large numbers were sent to prison in th e lat e 1960 s fo r dru g trafficking . Thes e ne w Chican o prisoner s wer e often greete d b y groups of veterano Los Angeles Mexican Mafi a wit h disdai n and ridicule . Th e olde r inmate s sneere d a t th e ne w youn g convict s an d regularly preyed o n them fo r mone y and sex . The victim s responded i n kind and formed a new Chicano prison gang known as La Familia. Pitched battle s for power became commo n i n prison betwee n thes e two gangs. This conflic t resulted i n a numbe r o f assassinations . Thes e L a Famili a killing s "coole d out" th e Ms , gaine d th e Ms ' respect , an d late r o n L a Famili a merge d wit h the M s and accepte d thei r name . In earlie r year s the M gan g operated openl y unde r a n informa l syste m of peaceful coexistenc e wit h stat e priso n officials . Th e leader s wer e sometime s permitted t o roam the halls at will, to enter the normally secure solitary areas for privat e meetings , an d eve n t o us e th e prison' s staf f conferenc e room . Prison official s admi t t o havin g cooperate d i n th e earl y days . On e vetera n California Departmen t o f Corrections worke r commented , "W e were tryin g to use them a s a way to control th e violence inside . It didn't work." There wer e man y murder s o f rival s an d gangster s wh o didn' t follo w th e rigid rule s o f secrec y an d conformit y o f gan g leaders . A roug h estimat e i s that aroun d 20 0 assassination s wer e carrie d ou t i n th e Californi a syste m between 197 0 and 1996 , and man y mor e gan g murders emanatin g fro m th e

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prison conflict s wer e committe d i n th e barrio s o f California. Mexica n Ameri can youth s participate d i n th e M i n thei r barri o an d insid e prison . A gang ster's stree t reputatio n followe d hi m fro m hi s neighborhoo d int o priso n an d vice versa . Chicano gan g youth s ten d t o assum e a hig h visibilit y i n th e priso n world . They whee l an d deal . The y dres s i n wha t i s know i n priso n a s a "bonnarue " style wit h shar p well-laundere d priso n garb . The y meticulousl y car e abou t appearance an d us e thei r priso n connection s t o ge t bette r clothes . Mexica n OGs o r veterano s hav e a numbe r o f youn g gangster s wh o d o thei r biddin g and carr y ou t thei r order s withou t question . Man y Chican o gangster s i n prison entertai n littl e o r n o hop e fo r lif e o n th e outside . Thei r yout h ha s been spen t learnin g t o optimiz e th e qualit y o f th e environmen t insid e th e camps, youth facilities , an d prison s tha t ar e to o ofte n thei r home s fo r mos t o f their life . For veteran o gangste r prisoner s wit h som e prestig e i n th e worl d o f orga nized dru g crime , priso n i s a tim e fo r lyin g low , fo r avoidin g attentio n fro m the authorities , an d fo r spendin g energ y o n gettin g out . I t als o importantl y involves som e effor t a t maintainin g th e stree t busines s o f drug s outsid e th e walls. Thi s commerc e i n drug s cam e t o a hea d i n 199 5 a s th e resul t o f a n FBI investigatio n an d a larg e numbe r o f indictments . I ha d a n opportunit y to hav e a valuabl e researc h meetin g wit h severa l agent s involve d i n th e FB I Gang Tas k Forc e an d learne d a grea t dea l behin d th e scen e abou t th e FBI' s findings an d abou t gang' s dynamics . The arrest s an d indictment s revea l tha t th e M go t a cu t o f th e commerc e of drug s i n an d ou t o f th e prison . The y insure d thei r viciou s enterpris e b y ordering homicida l hit s o n anyon e wh o go t i n thei r way . Throug h thes e violent assassinations , th e perniciou s tentacle s o f th e M clearl y extende d beyond priso n wall s int o th e barrio s o f the large r society . The federa l indictment s reveale d a grea t dea l abou t th e M . Th e FBI , a s previously mentioned , indicte d twenty-tw o member s an d associate s o f th e Mexican Mafi a priso n gang , wh o fo r severa l year s relie d o n murde r an d intimidation i n a n attemp t t o organiz e dru g traffickin g amon g hundred s o f Latino stree t gang s i n Souther n California . Th e twenty-tw o people , rangin g from th e organization' s repute d godfathe r t o street-leve l enforcers , wer e charged unde r RIC O — the federa l Racketee r Influence d Corrup t Organiza tions Ac t —with crime s includin g murder , extortion , an d kidnapping . On e of those arreste d wa s accused o f helping plo t th e deat h o f the tw o consultant s who worke d o n American Me.

Black and Chicano Gangs I 93 The indictmen t marke d th e first tim e th e RIC O Ac t wa s use d agains t a gang i n Souther n California . Th e eighty-one-pag e indictmen t painte d a chilling picture o f this Los Angeles underworld, signalin g an unprecedente d degree o f organizatio n an d ruthlessnes s i n th e lon g an d blood y histor y o f Chicano gang s in and ou t of prison. The indictmen t indicate d tha t on e o f the principa l goal s o f the Mexica n Mafia wa s t o contro l narcotic s distributio n b y stree t gangs . Tw o o f th e kingpins indicte d wer e at the time incarcerate d a t the California Pelica n Bay Prison. The authoritie s wer e attempting to get a conviction unde r th e RIC O Act in par t because i t would allo w them t o have key M gangsters transferre d to a federal prison . The goa l was to remove them fro m th e gang's power base in the Californi a pena l system . The indictmen t reveale d tha t th e M wa s "th e gan g o f gangs/ ' wit h a membership o f 400 i n priso n an d contro l ove r hundred s o f youths i n stree t gangs on the outside. The gan g was reputed t o control narcotic s distribution , gambling, an d prostitution a t man y stat e prisons , an d thei r powe r reache d from th e prison int o the community . In on e instance , th e indictmen t charge d tha t th e M kidnappe d a loca l drug deale r wh o faile d t o pa y $85,00 0 i n "taxes " a s par t o f thei r extortio n arrangement wit h him . The y eventuall y le t hi m g o afte r h e agree d t o pa y four kilo s o f cocain e t o settl e th e score . T o dea l drug s i n a two-bloc k are a near Downtow n Lo s Angeles , th e indictmen t charged , dru g dealer s wer e required t o pay the Mexica n Mafi a $15,000 . In general , th e FB I allege d tha t th e moneymakin g potentia l an d violen t power o f organizing th e estimate d 60,00 0 Latin o gan g members fro m abou t 450 gang s i n Lo s Angele s Count y alon e wa s enormous . A sign o f th e M' s power emerge d i n th e summe r an d fal l o f 1993 , when M member s hel d a series o f meeting s wit h gan g member s fro m Riversid e t o Lo s Angeles. Rely ing o n fear , intimidation , an d rhetori c steepe d i n cultura l unity , th e M ordered th e street gangs to halt drive-by shootings an d settl e their difference s face-to-face o r else face th e deadl y wrath o f the syndicate' s ability to hit fro m behind bars . Thei r mov e wa s no t altruistic , i t wa s t o contro l th e senseles s gangbanging i n orde r t o maintai n thei r lucrativ e dru g business . Th e move , which initiall y resulte d i n a dro p i n Latin o gan g killings , was welcomed b y many resident s o f L.A.'s violent barrios . The violence , however , resumed , a s evidenced b y the 12 0 gang-related murder s committe d b y Mexican gang s in L.A. in 1993 .

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A C O M M O N B O N D : T H E M A C H O - S Y N D R O M E AN D T H E MACHISMO CHARACTERISTI C O F GANGSTER S

The mos t violence-provokin g epithe t yo u ca n hur l a t a blac k o r Chican o gangster i s one tha t identifie s hi m i n som e wa y as having feminin e character istics. I f you hav e th e temerit y t o seriousl y cal l hi m a "pussy, " a "faggot, " o r a "punk," yo u ma y b e committin g suicide . Th e commo n meanin g o f al l o f these term s i s tha t th e G i s les s tha n a man . I f yo u insul t a G thi s way , b e prepared t o physicall y defen d yoursel f becaus e a n attac k i s comin g — either immediately o r a t som e futur e point . Althoug h ther e i s a lo t o f homophobi c joking aroun d abou t homosexualit y an d "fags, " a G can' t allo w a seriou s intentional attac k o n hi s masculinit y t o g o b y unpunished , especiall y i f i t takes plac e i n fron t o f hi s homies . Being a supermach o ma n no t onl y involve s provin g i t wit h physica l violence, i t i s characterize d b y th e wa y a gangste r walk s an d talks . Yo u ca n often tel l tha t someon e i s a mach o G b y hi s uniqu e swaggerin g wal k dow n the stree t o r hi s wal k an d physica l postur e ou t i n th e prison' s bi g yard . Most gangster s spen d a goo d par t o f thei r lif e i n custodia l institutions . I n this contex t priso n homosexualit y ha s alway s create d identit y problem s fo r gangsters. Lon g befor e today' s er a o f racial-ethni c priso n gangs , man y prison ers, particularl y thos e wit h yout h priso n experiences , regularl y o r occasion ally engage d i n homosexua l act s a s th e dominan t sexua l partne r wit h priso n "queens," "kids, " o r "punks, " thoug h no t withou t som e cos t t o thei r ow n masculine self-definition s an d reputation . Ther e i s a cynica l accusatio n repeated frequentl y i n th e informa l bante r amon g prisoner s tha t thos e in mates wh o engag e i n homosexua l lif e to o lon g finally lear n t o prefe r i t and , in fact , becom e gay . On th e issu e o f homosexualit y an d violenc e i n prison , Joh n Irwi n states , Violence ha s alway s bee n a popula r solutio n fo r inmate s i n priso n con flicts. Shor t o f a priso n riot , violenc e i s a constan t elemen t i n contempo rary prison life . This super-macho for m o f violence involve s an exaggerate d form o f masculinity . Thi s patter n o f super-mach o toughnes s i s th e mos t important valu e an d attitud e i n th e violen t men' s prisons . I t means , first, being abl e t o tak e car e o f onesel f i n th e priso n world , wher e peopl e wil l attack other s with littl e o r no provocation. I n additio n t o threats of robbery , assaults, an d murder , th e threa t o f bein g rape d an d physicall y force d int o the rol e o f th e inserte e (pun k o r kid ) ha s increase d i n th e violen t priso n world. I t wa s a jocula r cred o tha t afte r on e yea r behin d walls , i t wa s permissible t o kis s a ki d o r a queen . Afte r five years , i t wa s oka y t o jer k

Black and Chicano Gangs I 95 them of f t o "ge t 'e m hot. " Afte r te n years , "makin g tortillas " o r "flip flopping" wa s acceptable and after twent y years anything was fine.6 These expression s refer t o the homosexua l "turnin g out" of some prisoners. In m y researc h involvin g encounter s wit h toug h criminal s o f all ages , in and ou t o f prison , I hav e alway s fel t thei r extrem e mach o posturin g ha d a humorous ting e t o it , however , I have alway s been carefu l no t t o challeng e it — for fea r o f a violent reaction . I have never had an y interest i n being hur t in the process of my work. Many men , youn g an d old , ar e mach o an d thi s kin d o f posturin g i s no t necessarily pathological . I t become s pathologica l whe n i t become s a n ex treme perspectiv e o n lif e tha t pervade s a n individual' s thoughts , physica l posture, and hi s verbal expressions . I t i s a significant aspec t o f the gangster' s view of the world an d hi s culture. I defin e th e ter m "macho-syndrome " a s a patholog y tha t involve s a n attitude an d posturin g o f being a superman fo r th e purpose s o f survival i n a real o r imagine d hostil e world . Almos t al l gangster s hav e thi s affliction , which affect s mos t of their socia l interactio n an d relationships . I t is a toughguy criminal mas k to the world that states for self-protective reason s a posture and a n attitud e reflecte d i n th e one-line r I hav e hear d man y time s fro m gangsters: "Don't fuc k wit h m e or you will regret it." The macho-syndrom e stem s i n par t fro m a traditiona l an d somewha t perverted perspectiv e o n gende r role s tha t ha s change d onl y slightl y i n th e past decade. American me n are supposed to be supertough an d invulnerable ; women ar e supposed t o be supersensitive an d vulnerable . An aspect of the macho equatio n fo r male s growing up in a gang environment i s the notio n tha t "th e world i s a hostile plac e and i n orde r to survive I have t o alway s b e o n guar d an d presen t a toug h masculin e posture t o others." In thi s sense th e macho-syndrom e i s a rational respons e t o a hostile environment. It reflects a rational motivation no t to be violated o r victimized. On man y occasion s I hav e hear d th e followin g i n on e for m o r another : " I can neve r le t anyon e se e m e a s a punk . The y alway s kno w wha t I'l l d o i f anyone messe s wit h me. " Thi s rational e account s fo r th e continuin g an d often bizarr e actin g ou t o f senseles s violenc e b y gangster s fo r th e mainte nance o f thei r statu s i n th e gan g an d th e hood . I n thi s contex t bein g a superman, feare d b y others, i s a shield agains t bein g i n th e opposit e rol e of being a feminine pun k wh o i s violated an d victimized. I n popula r jargon , "a good offense , i s the best defense. " The macho-syndrom e (hereafte r referre d t o a s M-S ) i s partl y cause d b y

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the gangster' s earl y lif e experiences . M y man y intensiv e in-dept h cas e studie s of youth s wh o becom e gangster s reveal s tha t the y suffe r a disproportionatel y high numbe r o f th e indignitie s o f physical , emotional , an d sexua l abus e when compare d t o youth s wh o ar e socialize d i n a mor e norma l o r positiv e family environment . The y ar e mor e ofte n tha n no t physicall y abuse d b y on e or bot h parent s an d olde r siblings . I n a defensiv e reaction-formatio n t o thi s early treatment , the y believe , an d wit h som e justification , tha t thei r contin ued existenc e require s a tough-gu y mach o attitude . In on e typica l cas e o f thi s abus e phenomenon , I ra n a grou p therap y session i n priso n involvin g a youn g ma n I wil l cal l Roy . Ro y blame d hi s tw o older brother s fo r hi s crimina l behavio r an d incarceration . I n a poignan t role-playing session , I ha d hi m confron t hi s tw o olde r brothers , playe d b y two inmate s i n th e group . At one dramati c an d insightfu l poin t i n hi s session , Roy said , You motherfucker s pu t m e i n thi s place . Al l m y lif e yo u fucke d wit h me . Kickin' m y as s whe n I wa s a littl e ki d five year s old . Yo u fuckers , jokin g around, force d m e t o smok e dop e whe n I was eigh t — and tha t kicke d of f my dru g habit . An d th e mai n wa y yo u fucke d m e u p i s tha t I don' t trus t anyone. I a m alway s suspiciou s o f people , an d I reall y don' t kno w ho w t o have an y friends. Eve n i n m y gang I was always a loner . Roy i n hi s genera l behavio r i n priso n walke d an d talke d th e self-protective , distrustful M-S . An elemen t tha t contribute s t o M- S fo r som e gangster s i s th e alread y discussed fac t tha t the y wer e sexuall y moleste d a t a n earl y age . I n th e intimate sanctuar y o f variou s therap y groups , persona l interviews , an d thera peutic-community grou p session s tha t focuse d o n thi s issue , I hav e hear d a large numbe r o f gangster s reluctantl y disclos e thei r sexua l victimizatio n experiences. Man y o f thes e youth s reveale d ho w thei r fathers , mothers , an d sometimes olde r brother s an d sister s sexuall y abuse d them . I n on e memora ble case , a youn g Chican o tol d abou t ho w hi s father , wh o wa s a minister , sexually abuse d him . H e relate d tha t o n numerou s occasions , hi s fathe r masturbated himsel f an d th e bo y fro m th e ag e o f eigh t unti l h e wa s ten . H e went o n t o stat e i n a therapeutic-communit y group , "No w tha t I a m i n therapy, I have talke d mor e openl y t o m y sister s an d brother s an d foun d tha t he ha d als o sexuall y abuse d them. " Most youth s wh o becom e gangster s spen d som e tim e locke d u p i n juve nile jail s o f variou s kinds . Fo r severa l year s I worke d i n a juvenil e detentio n

Black and Chicano Gangs I 9 7

facility. I n thi s juvenil e jail , despite th e effort s o f staff t o preven t th e phenom enon, a variet y o f act s o f sexua l abuse , includin g rape , b y olde r inmate s o n younger one s wa s a commo n occurrence . A commo n ba d jok e i n a locku p is th e warning , "Whe n yo u ar e showerin g neve r ben d dow n t o pic k u p th e soap." I recal l on e inciden t wher e tw o youth s i n a juvenil e institutio n wer e standing i n a cho w line . Al l o f a sudde n on e o f the m turne d aroun d an d with hi s meta l tra y bega n t o severel y bea t th e ki d standin g i n bac k o f him . He late r explaine d hi s violent behavio r wit h th e paranoi d comment , " I coul d tell tha t th e motherfucki n faggo t wa s eyin g me , an d I wanted t o le t hi m an d everyone els e kno w I a m no t a pun k faggot. " Hi s mach o violenc e wa s hi s defensive wa y o f asserting hi s masculinity . In thi s sam e vein , I recal l havin g a n in-dept h individua l therap y sessio n with a sixteen-year-ol d gangste r wh o wa s notoriou s fo r manipulatin g an d forcing younge r kid s t o "giv e hi m a blo w job, " i n som e cases , h e woul d sodomize them . I n discussin g hi s proclivitie s fo r thes e violen t homosexua l acts, he , o f course, vehementl y denie d th e possibilit y tha t h e wa s a homosex ual. I n ou r discussions , a t a certai n point , wit h a n embarrasse d demeanor , he reveale d th e secre t tha t h e ha d bee n rape d b y hi s olde r brothe r an d late r on b y som e olde r inmate s i n a n institutio n wher e h e ha d bee n previousl y incarcerated. I aske d him , "Yo u kno w ho w horribl e yo u fel t whe n yo u wer e victimized, ho w coul d yo u d o th e sam e thin g t o anothe r kid? " Through thi s youth's respons e an d th e respons e o f othe r youth s wit h who m I hav e dis cussed thi s syndrome , I have conclude d tha t bein g i n th e rol e o f the control ling perpetrato r o f the homosexua l ac t remove s th e rapis t a s far a s he possibl y can ge t fro m bein g th e punk-victim . I n a convolute d an d pathologica l way , being a super-mach o gangste r rapis t validate s th e perpetrator' s masculinit y and place s hi m i n a less vulnerable nonvicti m position . In th e gangste r macho-syndrome , especiall y i n prison , a gan g rap e in volves multipl e rapist s attackin g on e victim . I n som e case s thi s for m o f gan g rape i s ofte n enacte d wit h th e curiou s rational e o f ferociousl y punishin g a person wh o ha s snitche d o r violate d som e importan t gan g rul e o r cod e o f honor. Perversely , th e sodomizin g gan g rap e performe d b y multipl e gangster s validates i n thei r min d thei r masculinit y an d turn s th e victi m wh o i s bein g punished int o a feminin e punk . Thi s punitiv e sodomizin g sexua l ac t i s vividly enacte d i n th e film American Me. I n on e dramati c scene , a Mexica n prison gan g punishe s a gangste r wh o ha s violate d th e gang' s cod e o f hono r by five gan g leader s eac h i n tur n sodomizin g th e helples s victim .

98 / Black and Chicano Gangs

MACHISMO AN D CHICAN O GANG S

The describe d macho-syndrom e i s a significan t facto r i n Chican o gang s under th e labe l o f "machismo. " M y revie w o f variou s literatur e o n th e subject reveal s tha t machismo , th e Chican o for m o f M-S , ma y hav e it s root s in th e earl y twentieth-centur y histor y o f Mexico . I n th e Mexica n Revolution , peasants le d b y Panch o Vill a an d Emili o Zapat a i n th e earl y year s o f th e twentieth centur y create d a bon d involvin g a fight fo r honor , land , an d liberty. Mos t peasant s i n thes e armie s wer e poo r an d illiterat e an d untraine d as soldiers . The y mad e u p fo r thei r deficiencie s b y wha t the y considere d t o be fearles s act s o f super-masculinity . I n thi s context , a basi c pilla r o f ma chismo becam e a willingnes s t o kil l o r b e kille d fo r thei r brother s i n arms , their land , an d thei r freedom . Hono r an d prid e a s a man , o r machismo , i n this contex t — in term s o f Mexica n cultur e — was wort h th e sacrific e o f one' s life. There was , o f course , a logica l realit y t o th e revolutio n le d b y Vill a an d Zapata, whic h i s somewha t absur d i n it s adaptatio n t o th e Chican o gang s o f today. Poo r peasant s i n th e earlie r er a wer e fighting fo r lan d an d right s o f freedom tha t wer e thei r due , an d th e victor y sough t afte r wa s a valuabl e achievement. Thi s originall y honorabl e cod e o f machism o fro m tha t tim e has bee n perverte d a s i t ha s becom e a n importan t valu e i n th e Chican o gangs o f the barrio s o f man y citie s throughou t th e Southwest . A Chican o frien d o f min e nickname d Munchie , a n ex-veteran o wh o wa s a drug-dealin g gangster/crimina l fo r ove r thirt y year s bu t ha s no w bee n clea n for ove r fifteen years , ha s becom e a legendar y figure i n th e resocializatio n o f Chicanos i n prison . ( I worke d alongsid e Munchi e i n a n Amit y Therapeuti c Community priso n projec t i n a specia l cellbloc k fo r 20 0 prisoner s i n th e California Correction s R . J . Donava n Prison. ) Munchi e presente d m e wit h some interestin g observation s o n th e concep t o f machismo, cogentl y describ ing th e absurdit y o f machism o i n contemporar y violen t gang s t o m e a s follows: In today' s Chican o gang s ou r kid s ar e killin g themselve s i n astronomica l figures fo r th e simpl e reaso n o f demonstrating thei r machismo . Thi s char acteristic i s so imbedded i n Chican o gangster s tha t the y don' t blin k a n ey e in killin g somebod y o r gettin g killed . I n th e process , the y stupidl y caus e the destructio n o f tw o live s — one dead , th e othe r doin g twent y year s t o life i n prison . Thi s simultaneousl y affect s tw o familie s wit h irreparabl e damage, no t t o mention th e killin g o f a blood brother .

Black and Chicano Gangs I 9 9

In directin g Chican o prisone r groups , Munchi e ofte n presente d thi s viewpoint o n th e absurdit y o f machism o i n th e gang . I hav e hear d hi m i n several grou p session s giv e hi s reason s fo r Chicano s t o acquir e a mor e sensible understandin g o f th e rea l meanin g o f machism o i n Mexica n cul ture. I n on e sessio n h e gav e th e followin g messag e t o a grou p o f Chican o gangsters, wh o viewe d hi m a s a positiv e rol e mode l an d di d appea r t o absor b his commentary : The gu y wh o put s s o littl e valu e o f appreciatio n o n hi s lif e an d i s no t concerned abou t thos e wh o ar e victimize d (children , spouses , relative s o n both sides ) i s no t i n m y estimatio n a ma n o f hig h value s o r worth y o f respect. I t take s muc h mor e machism o t o maintai n a job , b e responsibl e to ou r dependents , mee t ou r debts , an d b e respecte d fo r livin g u p t o ou r commitments. This kind o f machismo woul d als o involve a man becomin g a goo d rol e mode l a s a father t o his children . Working of f o f Munchie' s logica l viewpoint , I directe d a psychodram a session wit h Raoul , a Chican o veteran o gangste r i n th e Amit y progra m wh o was concerne d abou t hi s son, wh o wa s following hi s machism o gan g lifestyle . Raoul wa s no w aroun d fort y year s ol d an d ha d spen t hal f o f hi s lif e i n priso n for a variety o f offenses . H e wa s no w i n th e proces s o f attemptin g t o tur n hi s life aroun d i n th e Amit y program . H e wa s convince d tha t hi s so n wa s following hi s pathwa y int o a lif e o f crim e an d prison , an d h e wante d t o hav e a psychodram a o n ho w h e migh t b e abl e t o handl e thi s unfortunat e situation . In th e psychodrama , I had anothe r younge r inmat e pla y th e rol e o f hi s son . The moment-of-trut h i n th e two-hou r sessio n wa s Raoul' s diatrib e t o hi s son abou t machismo , drugs , an d gangs . I n par t h e tol d him , Listen man , there' s n o glor y o r hono r i n killin g a bloo d brothe r jus t because w e ha d a fight ove r som e drug s tha t h e wa s selling i n m y territory . I know , I'v e don e that . An d no w tha t I'v e com e t o m y senses , it' s har d t o live wit h tha t memory . I can stil l se e hi s fac e whe n I blew hi m away . And over what ? Som e stupi d whit e powde r bullshi t tha t w e wer e fighting over . Because I was i n th e gang , I had t o kil l hi m o r loo k lik e a puss y an d los e the respec t o f m y homies . Loo k a t m e now . Loo k a t th e pric e I' m payin g with m y lif e i n thi s join t jus t t o sho w thos e guy s tha t n o o n ca n fuc k wit h Raoul an d ge t awa y wit h it . I se e everythin g differentl y now . Don' t b e a machismo asshol e lik e I was . It' s no t wort h killin g someon e an d losin g your freedo m fo r life .

100 / Black and Chicano Gangs

In anothe r situatio n o n th e them e o f machismo , a n ex-gangste r I will cal l Ricardo reveale d t o m e a murde r h e ha d committe d t o maintai n hi s ma chismo honor . H e wa s aroun d twenty-eigh t year s old , ha d bee n throug h a therapeutic communit y rehabilitatio n program , wa s functioning a s a parapro fessional dru g counselor , an d a t th e tim e wa s clea n aroun d five years . Whe n he wa s drivin g m e t o th e airpor t afte r I ha d directe d a grou p sessio n i n th e prison wher e w e bot h worked , I aske d hi m t o giv e m e hi s viewpoin t o n machismo. H e responde d b y tellin g m e th e followin g story : When I wa s abou t thirteen , I wa s i n a gan g an d I wa s tryin g t o ge t m y reputation. On e day , thi s olde r twenty-year-ol d guy , a loc o vat o i n th e gang, go t m e alon e i n bac k o f thi s building . W e smoke d som e goo d wee d that h e had , an d the n whe n w e wer e bot h loade d h e force d m e a t knife point t o suc k hi s dick . At tha t tim e I was a weak ki d withou t an y power . I never tol d anybod y thi s story because i t was too humiliatin g t o me . I jus t too k m y tim e an d waite d fo r m y opportunit y t o ge t m y revenge . He wa s still around , an d aroun d five years later, w e were i n thi s grou p jus t hangin ou t o n th e corne r an d talkin g abou t thi s an d that . I told hi m tha t I had som e goo d shit , a kin d o f inhalant , an d wh y don' t w e g o an d ge t loaded. Th e tw o o f u s wen t t o a privat e plac e an d got hig h o n thi s shit . When I could se e tha t h e wa s kind o f mumblin g an d ou t o f it , I took thi s rope I ha d hidde n i n m y jacket , pu t i t aroun d hi s nec k an d strangle d th e motherfucker unti l h e wa s dead . Fo r me , wit h m y thinkin g a t tha t time , there wa s n o wa y I was goin g t o le t hi m ge t awa y wit h wha t h e ha d don e to me . I was hono r boun d t o kil l hi m fo r th e wa y h e ha d disrespecte d m e when I wa s a kid . I neve r tol d anyon e unti l now , ho w an d wh y I kille d him. In summary , th e basi c concep t o f machism o a s originall y roote d i n Mexican culture , involvin g honor , respect , an d reputatio n a s a man , i s a laudable concept . Th e attitud e i s perverte d i n contemporar y Chican o gang s into a rational e fo r man y violen t act s tha t hav e n o relationshi p t o logica l an d respectful behavior . Th e macho-syndrom e i s rampan t i n bot h blac k an d Chicano gangs . I n som e way s i t i s derive d fro m th e large r society . Muc h o f the contemporar y mas s medi a depic t pathologica l killin g a s heroic , glorious , and honore d behavior . No t jus t gangsters , bu t million s o f averag e citizens , young an d old , pa y million s o f dollar s t o se e blockbuste r movie s tha t glorify the inhuman , sociopathi c macho-syndrom e behavio r an d homicide . A partia l fallout o f th e atrociou s macho-violenc e to o ofte n affirmed , honored , an d patronized b y th e large r societ y i s tha t i t validate s a paralle l for m o f socio pathic violenc e b y gangster s i n th e contex t o f their gangs .

5. Why Gang s Kill : The Sociopat h Facto r

0

ODY SCOT T HA D A N interestin g viewpoin t o n gan g murders :

Who fired th e first shot ? Wh o knows ? But , too , wh o cares , whe n on e o f theirs i s lying i n a poo l o f bloo d wit h hi s brain s blow n out . Thi s questio n becomes weightles s i n th e aftermat h o f a shootin g wher e someon e ha s died. Thu s th e goa l become s th e eliminatio n o f th e shoote r o r a s man y of hi s comrade s a s possible . Thi s inevitabl y lead s t o wa r — a ful l scal e mobilization o f a s man y troop s a s neede d t o achiev e th e desire d effect : funerals.1

Monster Kody' s commentar y o n th e appropriatenes s o f gan g murde r i s a prima faci e exampl e o f advocatin g wha t I woul d ter m senseles s sociopathi c violence. Ther e i s a distinction t o b e mad e betwee n a sociopathic personalit y and sociopathi c behavior . A characteristi c o f sociopathi c gan g behavio r in cludes th e dehumanizatio n o f othe r people , especiall y enem y gangs , an d th e necessity "t o murde r the m befor e the y murde r us" ; th e ruthles s behavio r o f robbery, carjacking , an d burglary ; th e us e an d distributio n o f deadl y drugs ; and murde r throug h drive-bys , whic h aroun d hal f th e tim e kill s innocen t victims. Mos t violent-gan g behavio r i s sociopathic ; however , man y bu t certainly no t al l gangster s ca n b e characterize d a s havin g sociopathi c person alities. 101

102 / Why Gangs Kill A comprehensive analysi s of the concep t o f sociopathology an d th e sociopathic personality , i n m y view , i s vita l t o understandin g gangster s an d th e overall gan g problem . Sociopatholog y i s a comple x socia l psychologica l pathology largel y becaus e sociopath s mos t o f th e tim e appea r t o spea k an d behave i n way s tha t ar e sociall y acceptable . The y don' t communicat e lik e seriously pathologica l peopl e do , i n a jumble d wor d salad , an d the y don' t usually hallucinat e o r hea r voices . Their patholog y become s mos t apparen t in their acompassionate treatmen t o f other people . In m y effort s t o understan d th e sociopat h i n m y wor k i n prison s an d psychiatric hospital s ove r th e pas t forty-fiv e years , I hav e interviewe d an d attempted t o trea t severa l thousan d sociopathi c individuals . A numbe r o f these individual s hav e committe d violen t acts , includin g murder . Base d o n my extensive experience, it is useful t o note that sociopathic killers, including gangsters, most of the time behave lik e an averag e person. This i s often true , even whe n the y ar e convicte d an d discussin g thei r crime . I n brief , a sociopath t o the untrained ey e can present the appearance o f being an intelligent , charming, considerat e perso n excep t whe n the y ar e actin g ou t thei r pathol ogy in som e kin d o f sociopathic behavior . Th e sociopath' s over t appearanc e belies his underlying amoral characte r disorder . A good exampl e o f this sociopathic patter n i s the seria l kille r Ted Bundy , who viciousl y murdere d ove r thirt y women . Eve n th e judg e wh o sentence d Bundy to death wa s sufficiently charme d an d conne d b y Bundy to commen t at his sentencing , "It' s too bad yo u wen t dow n th e wron g path , partner , yo u would hav e made a good lawyer. " Jeffrey Dahmer , th e flesh-devouring madma n —who kep t th e severe d heads o f several o f his fifteen dismembere d victim s i n hi s refrigerato r so , as he stated , "the y wouldn' t leave " — in cour t appeare d t o b e a gentl e perso n who was accepted b y the peopl e i n th e apartmen t wher e h e live d a s a "nice guy" and a quiet neighbor . Th e Hillsid e Strangler' s live-i n girlfriend , befor e he wa s caught , perceive d Kennet h Bianchi , wh o wit h hi s cousi n Anthon y Buono torture d an d kille d aroun d fifteen women , "a s a wonderful husban d and fathe r t o my daughter." In on e brief encounter I had wit h Charli e Manso n a t the Haight-Ashbur y Free Medica l Clini c i n th e lat e 1960s , befor e hi s famil y wen t o n thei r murder spree , I foun d hi m t o b e a nic e fellow . A t th e tim e h e wa s ver y concerned wit h gettin g hi s girl s th e medica l treatmen t the y neede d a t th e clinic fo r thei r varie d socia l diseases . Althoug h h e wa s spoutin g derange d platitudes about the crazy state of American society , he seemed to be another benign, lovin g hippi e o f tha t era . Anothe r exampl e i s Susa n Smith , wh o

Why Gangs Kill I 10 3

murdered he r two children b y driving them int o a river to drown, fooled th e world whe n sh e acte d ou t th e rol e o f a normal , kind , an d sympatheti c mother. He r cryin g an d lyin g about th e kidnappin g o f her childre n maske d the sociopathic personalit y that facilitated he r bizarre , violent act. Part of society's intrigu e wit h th e tria l o f O. J . Simpso n wa s based o n th e general belief that a man with the good-guy public personna o f O. }. couldn't possibly slaughte r tw o innocen t people . Thi s wa s th e jur y an d som e o f th e general public' s reactio n t o the questio n o f his guilt, despite th e overwhelm ing scientifi c fact s an d othe r informatio n tha t implie d h e wa s a bruta l wif e beater an d appeare d t o show he was most likely a murderer. In thi s contex t o f benig n over t appearanc e b y sociopaths , mos t violen t gangsters, young an d old , usuall y d o no t appea r t o be violen t offenders . Fo r example, Monste r Kody , wh o committe d numerou s violen t act s includin g murder, appear s i n hi s boo k an d o n televisio n interview s a s a literate , intelligent perso n concerne d abou t th e negativ e aspect s o f th e societ y tha t motivates gangster s t o kill . Mos t al l o f th e killer s I hav e describe d ca n b e defined a s sociopaths . An d mos t individual s wh o fi t thi s characterizatio n appear t o b e norma l huma n being s mos t o f th e time , excep t whe n th e sociopathic sid e of their personality i s full blown . In contras t wit h m y vie w o f violen t gangster s a s sociopaths , som e gan g theorists an d researcher s persis t i n perceivin g contemporar y gang s a s "fami lies" and norma l adolescen t groupings . These viewpoint s presen t a distorte d perception o f gang s a s norma l rathe r tha n pathologica l collectivities . Con temporary gangster s d o no t fit the model s o f camaraderie, brotherhood , an d solidarity that characterized earlie r gangs . The sociopat h facto r explain s how and wh y gangsters can kill without remorse o r regret.

D E F I N I N G TH E SOCIOPAT H

For man y year s th e catchal l labe l "psychopath " wa s applied b y psychiatrist s to all individual s whos e behavio r deviate d markedl y fro m normal , yet coul d not b e clearl y categorize d a s severel y neuroti c o r psychotic . I n th e pas t decade th e ter m "sociopath " ha s bee n use d interchangeabl y wit h "psycho path" t o describ e individual s who , becaus e o f a sever e characte r defec t involving a lac k o f compassion , ac t ou t self-destructiv e an d othe r harmfu l behavior. In the following analysi s I will use the term "sociopath " rather tha n "psychopath" t o describ e thi s personalit y disorde r tha t encompasse s th e psychiatric theor y of the psychopath .

104 / Why Gangs Kill The sociopathi c offende r i s characterize d b y wha t ha s varyingl y bee n called a "moral imbecility " or "character disorder." This type of offender ma y know righ t fro m wrong , bu t lack s an y coherent , appropriat e discretionar y ability i n the real m o f compassionate, mora l behavior . A number o f psychiatrists, psychologists , an d sociologist s hav e contribute d t o th e understandin g of thi s comple x personalit y disorder , an d i t i s usefu l a t th e outset , befor e relating th e concep t t o violent gangs , to revie w some varie d perspective s o n the sociopath . One o f th e first an d mos t cogen t viewpoint s o n th e sociopat h wa s pre sented b y Herve y Cleckle y i n hi s appropriatel y entitle d book , The Mask of Sanity. H e define d th e sociopat h as : "chronically antisocia l individual s wh o are alway s i n trouble , profitin g neithe r fro m experienc e no r punishment , and maintainin g n o rea l loyaltie s t o an y person , group , o r code . The y ar e frequently callou s an d hedonistic , showin g marke d emotiona l immaturity , with lac k o f responsibility , lac k o f judgement , an d a n abilit y t o rationaliz e their behavior s o that it appears warranted, reasonable , and justified." 2 Paul Tappan, a sociologist, i n a n intervie w I had wit h him , describe d th e sociopath a s "an individua l wit h a condition o f psychological abnormalit y i n which ther e i s neithe r th e over t appearanc e o f psychosi s o r neurosis , bu t there i s a chroni c abnorma l respons e t o th e environment. " Accordin g t o Harrison Gough , a psychologist , th e sociopat h i s "th e kin d o f perso n wh o seems insensitiv e t o socia l demands , wh o refuse s t o o r canno t cooperate , who i s untrustworthy , impulsive , an d improvident , wh o show s poo r judge ment an d shallo w emotionality , an d wh o seem s unabl e t o appreciat e th e reactions o f others to his behavior." 3 Albert Rabi n succinctl y describe s th e basi c trai t o f a defectiv e socia l conscience i n th e sociopathi c personality : "Ther e ar e tw o majo r relate d aspects t o thi s notio n o f defectiv e conscience . . . . The first aspec t i s repre sented i n the inabilit y to apply the moral standards of society to his behavior; he cheats , lies , steals , doe s no t kee p promises , an d s o on . H e ha s no t absorbed th e 'tho u shalts ' and th e 'tho u shal t nots' of his society and cultura l milieu. The secon d aspec t is that of absence o f guilt." 4 Guilt i s a n importan t par t o f an y well-develope d conscience . Whe n a normal perso n violate s a mora l code , h e feel s guilty ; h e feel s unhapp y an d blames himself for the transgression. Guil t i s an unknow n experienc e fo r th e sociopath, who has no controlling superego. The sociopat h ha s no automati c self-punishment tha t goes along with the commission o f immoral and unethi cal acts . The y behav e irresponsibly , untruthfully , insincerely , an d antiso cially, withou t a shre d o f shame , remorse , o r guilt . Sociopath s ma y some -

Why Gangs Kill I 10 5

times expres s regre t an d remors e fo r th e action s an d crime s the y hav e perpetrated; however , thes e ar e usuall y merel y words , spoke n fo r thei r effec t or t o extricat e the m fro m a punishin g situation . Thei r regre t i s no t sincerel y

felt. In brief , th e sociopath' s over t personalit y an d behavio r trait s woul d in clude most , i f not all , o f the followin g factors : 1. a limite d socia l conscience ; 2. egocentris m dominatin g mos t interactions , includin g th e "instrumenta l manipulation" o f other s fo r self-advantage ; 3. a n inabilit y t o foreg o immediat e pleasur e fo r futur e goals ; an d 4. a habi t o f pathological lyin g t o achiev e persona l advantage . Most o f th e violen t gangster s I hav e researche d appea r t o manifes t thes e personality characteristic s i n thei r behavior .

FACTORS THA T CREAT E TH E SOCIOPATHI C GANGSTE R

It i s o f valu e t o analyz e th e causa l factor s tha t produce s th e sociopathi c gangster. Th e followin g analysi s reveal s som e o f th e famil y an d parenta l socialization factor s tha t hel p t o creat e th e gangster' s sociopathi c personality .

FAMILY IMPACT S

An adequat e socia l sel f develop s fro m a consisten t patter n o f interactio n wit h rational adul t parent s i n a normativ e famil y socializatio n process . Effectiv e adult rol e models , especiall y tw o parents , hel p a yout h lear n socia l feeling s of love, compassion , an d sympathy . Thi s concep t o f adequate self-emergenc e through constructiv e socia l interactio n wit h others , especiall y parents , i s grounded i n th e theoretica l an d researc h findings o f a numbe r o f socia l psychologists. For example , sociologis t G . H . Mead , o n th e issu e o f the prope r personal ity developmen t tha t result s fro m effectiv e parenta l socializatio n o f a child , asserts, The sel f arise s i n conduc t whe n th e individua l become s a social objec t i n experience t o himself . Thi s take s plac e whe n th e individua l assume s th e attitude o r uses th e gesture s whic h anothe r individua l (usuall y hi s parents )

106 / Why Gangs Kill

would use . Throug h socialization , th e chil d graduall y become s a socia l being. Th e sel f thu s ha s it s origi n i n communicatio n an d i n takin g th e role o f the other. 5 Social psychologis t Harr y Stac k Sulliva n perceive d th e sel f a s being mad e up o f what h e call s "reflecte d appraisals. " According t o Sullivan , The chil d lack s equipmen t an d experienc e necessar y fo r a carefu l an d unclouded evaluatio n o f himself. Th e onl y guide s h e ha s ar e thos e o f th e significant adult s o r other s wh o tak e car e o f hi m an d trea t hi m wit h compassion. Th e chil d thu s experience s an d appraise s himsel f i n accor dance wit h th e reaction s o f parent s an d other s clos e t o him . B y facia l expressions, gestures , words , an d deeds , the y conve y t o hi m th e attitude s they hol d towar d him , thei r regar d fo r hi m o r lack o f it. 6 In brief , a se t o f positiv e sympatheti c response s b y socializin g agents , usuall y the child' s parents , ar e necessar y fo r adequat e self-growth . Thi s componen t is generall y absen t i n th e developmen t o f youth s wh o becom e sociopathi c gangsters. The basi c ingredient , missin g i n mos t sociopathi c gangster' s socialization , is a lovin g paren t o r adult . Base d o n extensiv e research , Joa n an d Willia m McCord assert , Because th e rejecte d chil d doe s no t lov e hi s parent s an d the y d o no t lov e him, n o identificatio n take s place. Nor doe s the rejecte d chil d fee l th e los s of love — a love whic h h e neve r ha d — when h e violate s mora l restriction . Without lov e fro m a n adul t socializin g agent , th e psychopat h remain s asocial.7 Psychologist's Edwi n Megarge e an d Ro y Golde n carrie d ou t extensiv e research cross-comparin g psychopathi c delinquen t youths , includin g gang sters, wit h a contro l grou p o f nondelinquen t youths . Base d o n thei r researc h they conclude d tha t sociopathi c delinquent s ha d a significantl y poore r rela tion wit h thei r parent s tha n nondelinquents ; an d th e sociopathi c delinquent s had significantl y mor e negativ e attitude s towar d thei r mother s an d thei r fathers tha n thos e o f nondelinquents. 8 Dr. Marshal l Cherkas , a n eminen t psychiatrist , i n hi s thirt y year s o f experience a s a cour t psychiatris t interviewe d severa l hundre d delinquen t sociopaths, includin g a numbe r o f gangsters . Hi s conclusion s abou t th e origin o f th e sociopathi c delinquent' s personalit y summarize s th e observa tions o f othe r theorist s o n th e subject . I concu r wit h th e followin g statemen t

Why Gangs Kill I 10 7

he presente d t o m e i n a n intervie w o n th e causa l contex t o f th e sociopath' s early famil y lif e experience : Children ar e extremel y dependen t upo n nurturin g parent s fo r life' s suste nance a s well a s satisfaction an d avoidanc e o f pain. I n th e earlies t phas e o f life, i n thei r first year, infant s maintai n a highly narcissisti c positio n i n th e world. Thei r sens e o f security , comfort , reality , an d orientatio n i s focuse d on thei r ow n primitiv e need s wit h littl e awarenes s an d realit y testing o f the external world . A s the norma l infan t develops , it s securit y an d comfor t i s reasonably assured . Ther e occur s a natura l attachment , awareness , an d interest i n "th e Other. " A s th e chil d matures , th e dependenc y upo n "th e Other," it s parents , diminishes , bu t th e strengt h o f th e sel f i s enhanced , and th e chil d develop s a n awarenes s tha t it s narcissisti c need s ar e me t through a cooperative , adaptive , an d mutuall y supportiv e relationshi p t o its parent s an d others . I n othe r words , th e chil d recognize s tha t eve n though it s selfis h (narcissistic ) need s ar e extremel y important , the y ca n best b e serve d b y appropriatel y relatin g t o othe r people , especiall y it s parents. Infants whos e need s ar e no t adequatel y me t becaus e o f the parents ' ow n exaggerated narcissisti c need s develo p feeling s o f mistrust , insecurity , an d wariness abou t th e capacitie s o f thei r provider . I n orde r t o protec t itself , the chil d ma y perfor m man y task s t o gai n attention , support , an d interes t from th e parent . Th e chil d als o begin s t o fee l tha t i t canno t trus t others , and tha t it s need s ca n onl y b e me t throug h self-interest . Th e chil d wh o cannot coun t o n it s ow n parent s begin s t o becom e egocentri c an d there fore sociopathi c i n it s behavior . Based o n m y experience , I hav e determine d tha t th e basi c reaso n fo r th e sociopathic gangster' s lac k o f trus t note d b y Cherke s an d other s i s primaril y a resul t o f th e physical , emotional , an d sexua l abus e tha t h e ha s receive d from hi s parent s i n th e contex t o f hi s socializatio n process . Th e emotiona l abuse i s ofte n i n th e for m o f th e absenc e o f an y socializatio n o f th e need s o f the chil d o r o f outrigh t abandonment . The parenta l facto r i n th e socializatio n o f a gangste r ha s severa l root s an d implications. Childre n wh o ar e physically , sexually , o r emotionall y abuse d or abandone d b y thei r parent s develo p lo w self-estee m an d ar e mor e pron e to commi t act s o f violence . The y als o denigrat e themselves , fee l worthless , and ar e les s likel y t o car e abou t wha t happen s t o them . Thes e negativ e social-psychological force s contribut e t o th e actin g ou t o f self-destructiv e behavior, includin g dru g abus e an d violen t gangste r behavior .

108 / Why Gangs Kill

THE SUBSTANCE-ABUSIN G PAREN T

Most youth s wh o becom e sociopathi c gangster s hav e parent s wh o ar e alco holics o r dru g addicts . I n extrem e cases , a t birt h the y ar e physiologicall y affected b y being born t o a mother who is an addicted crack-cocaine , heroin , or alcohol user. These children ar e sometimes born addicted and have severe physiological an d psychologica l deficits . As most researc h an d m y ow n observation s ove r th e year s hav e revealed , substance abus e i s a n egocentri c problem . Th e dru g addic t o r alcoholi c i s consumed wit h th e machination s o f his o r he r habit . I n a significan t sense , whether o r no t th e parent s hav e a sociopathic personality , thei r behavio r i n the throe s o f their addiction i s self-centered an d consequentl y sociopathi c i n their relationshi p t o thei r child . Thi s for m o f parenting i s not conduciv e t o effectively socializin g a chil d int o a caring , compassionate , lovin g person . Children wh o ar e socialize d i n th e chaoti c worl d o f a substance-abusin g family ten d t o have a limited trus t o f others, become egocentric , an d acom passionate. These sociopathi c personalit y factor s facilitat e thei r participatio n in the violent gang. In brief, based o n this varied researc h an d it s theoretical implications, i t ca n b e conclude d tha t th e prope r an d functiona l adul t rol e models necessar y fo r adequat e socializatio n ar e usuall y absen t fro m th e social environmen t o f youths who become gangsters . Most gangster s com e fro m dysfunctiona l familie s wit h bruta l o r absente e fathers. Th e negativ e adul t rol e mode l tha t a yout h growin g u p withou t a father ma y emulat e i s ofte n th e "ghett o hustler " —a fixture i n th e blac k hood. Malcol m X in hi s autobiograph y describe d thi s typ e o f negativ e rol e model a s follows: The mos t dangerous black ma n i n America i s the ghett o hustler. . . . The ghetto hustle r i s internally restraine d b y nothing. H e ha s n o religion , n o concept of morality, no civic responsibility, no fear — nothing. This type of individual's hustl e ma y be drugs , and h e i s often a father wh o ha s aban doned his son.9 A significant facto r i n thi s cauldron o f substance-abusing, negativ e paren tal impacts i s related t o ineffectual discipline . Essentially there are four basi c forms o f discipline i n the socialization proces s of a child: strict, sporadic, lax, and none . Researc h reveal s tha t th e mos t damagin g for m i s sporadi c disci pline. In this form th e chil d seldo m knows when h e or she i s right or wrong. Substance-abusing parent s ten d t o administe r thi s typ e o f discipline . The y are ou t o f any parental loo p mos t o f the time ; however, the y randoml y wil l

Why Gangs Kill / 10 9

appear wit h som e for m o f disciplin e tha t i s ofte n no t connecte d t o thei r child's "ba d behavior. " Childre n subjecte d t o thi s typ e o f disciplin e ten d t o develop a di m vie w o f justic e i n thei r lif e an d th e justic e tha t exist s i n th e larger society . Th e result s o f thi s patter n o f sporadi c disciplin e feed s int o th e sociopathic viewpoin t o f distrus t o f other s an d a gangste r lifestyle . The childre n o f substanc e abuser s ar e als o influence d b y thei r parents ' lifestyle t o accep t dru g us e a s a wa y o f resolvin g thei r emotiona l pain . Following i n th e pat h o f thei r parents ' substanc e abus e become s fo r th e gangster a wa y o f amelioratin g thei r painfu l feeling s o f lo w self-estee m an d their sens e o f hopelessnes s i n life . In m y wor k wit h delinquents , especiall y i n psychiatri c facilities , I hav e observed th e impac t create d b y drug-abusin g parent s o n hundred s o f youth s who develo p sociopathi c personalitie s an d becom e gangsters . One typica l exampl e i s a thirteen-year-ol d W B whos e gan g nam e wa s L.K., shor t fo r "Littl e Killer. " L.K . wa s emotionall y an d physicall y abuse d from th e ag e o f four , severa l time s a week , b y hi s dru g addic t father . Th e physical beating s an d verba l abus e administere d b y hi s fathe r ofte n ha d littl e relationship t o L.K.' s goo d o r ba d behavior . H e woul d b e beate n o r verball y abused fo r a variet y o f "offenses " chose n a t rando m b y hi s irrationa l father . His fathe r assaulte d wheneve r h e ha d a nee d t o ac t ou t hi s drug-induce d personal frustration s wit h th e worl d aroun d him ; a convenien t targe t wa s hi s son an d hi s wife . Accordin g t o L.K. , He woul d bea t th e shi t ou t o f m e fo r n o reaso n — just becaus e h e wa s loaded an d ma d a t th e world . I'v e alway s fel t lik e a punchin g bag , o r maybe mor e lik e a piece o f shit. I f my ow n fathe r think s I' m a punk an d a loser, mayb e that' s what I am . The irrationa l behavio r o f L.K.' s fathe r le d t o severa l consequences . Th e indiscriminate physica l an d verba l abus e ha d th e effec t o f producin g lo w self-esteem i n th e youth . H e tende d t o fee l humiliate d an d worthless . A s a result o f thes e feelings , h e though t h e wa s a loser . Th e onl y plac e wher e h e found h e ha d power , respect , an d a reasonabl e sens e o f sel f wa s wit h hi s homies i n th e Venic e gan g tha t I hav e previousl y identifie d a s th e Insan e Baby Crips . Th e gan g gav e L.K . som e leve l o f th e positiv e approva l h e s o desperately neede d an d sought . L.K.'s typica l dysfunctiona l famil y helpe d t o creat e a sociopathi c gangste r in severa l ways . First , th e yout h ha d n o on e i n hi s famil y h e fel t h e coul d trust. Second , ther e wer e n o significan t peopl e i n L.K.' s basi c socializatio n who wer e positiv e rol e models , demonstratin g ho w a perso n show s lov e an d

110 / Why Gangs Kill compassion t o another person . A child can' t learn t o be compassionat e i f he never see s any example s o f caring i n hi s crucia l earl y years. Third, becaus e he was abused b y his father, L.K . developed a low self-concept. I n a reaction to thes e feeling s o f inadequacy , h e develope d a macho-syndrom e tha t h e acted ou t i n th e gan g as a "little killer." Fourth , th e gan g gave this emotion ally needy yout h som e sens e o f self-respect an d powe r i n hi s chaoti c world . All o f these socializatio n factor s converge d t o produc e a violent sociopathi c gangster.

SOCIOPATHIC PERSPECTIVE S O N TH E GANGSTE R

THE APPEARANC E O F NORMALIT Y

Despite thei r horrendou s an d ofte n violen t behavior , sociopathi c gangster s in a one-on-one conversatio n ar e often abl e to manifest a charming, or "good guy," personality . The y ca n maintai n thi s over t posture excep t whe n the y believe thei r eg o i s bein g disrespecte d o r attacked . I ca n recal l man y in stances i n m y direc t wor k wit h gangster s i n therap y group s wher e w e wer e having a logica l conversation , an d the y suddenl y burs t int o a fit o f rage , when the y fel t the y were "dissed, " o r disrespected , b y other member s o f the group. Becaus e o f their underlyin g sociopathi c personality , the y are capabl e of shiftin g fro m a goo d gu y posture t o a homicida l terroris t positio n i n a matter of seconds. CORE AN D MARGINA L SOCIOPATHI C GANGSTER S

Not al l gangster s ar e sociopaths ; however , mos t o f th e gang' s behavio r i s sociopathic. Drive-bys , gangbanging , an d rando m assault s o n innocen t vic tims ar e behavior s tha t demonstrat e a tota l disregar d fo r th e lif e o f th e gangster an d hi s victims. The degre e of the gang youth's sociopathic personalit y i s a determinant of the leve l o f participatio n an d involvemen t o f th e individua l i n th e violen t gang. Th e les s sociopathicall y disturbe d yout h i s mor e likel y t o becom e a "marginal gangster, " whereas the mor e sociopathi c yout h tend s to become a core gangster . Cor e gangster s ar e heavily , almos t completely , committe d t o sociopathic gan g activity . The y belon g essentiall y becaus e i t i s a n easil y accessible socia l structur e i n whic h the y ca n functio n wit h som e leve l o f acceptance an d adequacy . Th e malleabl e natur e o f the violen t gan g make s

Why Gangs Kill /11 1 it a usefu l vehicl e o f illusionar y achievemen t fo r th e defectivel y socialize d youth. Sociopathi c cor e gangsters , with a low level o f social ability , functio n in th e socia l syste m o f the gan g more effectivel y tha n they ca n i n th e large r society. Marginal gangster s ar e les s likel y t o hav e sociopathi c personalitie s tha n core gangsters . Marginal s participat e i n gan g activit y largel y becaus e o f a n enormous psychologica l nee d t o belon g t o som e for m o f community , o r "familia," an d t o hav e a sens e o f power . Mos t core gan g member s demon strate b y thei r commitmen t t o violenc e an d thei r acompassionat e behavio r that they are sociopaths. The core sociopathi c gangste r i s a highl y impulsiv e an d explosiv e yout h for who m th e momen t i s a segmen t o f tim e detache d fro m al l other . Hi s actions ar e unplanne d an d ofte n guide d b y his whims o f the moment . Th e sociopath gangste r is aggressive. He has learned few socialized ways of coping with frustration . Becaus e h e feel s littl e i f any guilt, h e ca n commi t th e mos t appalling acts and view them later without remorse. The sociopathic gangster has a warped an d limite d capacit y t o lov e an d b e compassionate . Hi s emo tional relationships , whe n the y exist , ar e shallow , fleeting, an d designe d t o satisfy hi s own egocentric desires . Because o f th e absenc e o f lovin g parenta l o r othe r rol e model s i n hi s environment, th e cor e sociopathi c gangste r ha s n o referenc e group s wher e compassion, love, and affection ar e manifested. Becaus e o f this deficiency i n his lif e experience , h e tend s t o b e self-involved , exploitative , an d dispose d toward violen t outbursts . H e i s characteristicall y unabl e t o experienc e th e pain o r th e violenc e h e inflict s o n anothe r sinc e h e lack s th e abilit y t o identify o r empathize wit h others . ATTITUDES ABOU T SEXUALIT Y

Gangsters ten d t o perceiv e female s a s object s t o b e use d an d abuse d i n satisfying thei r sexua l needs . This is , as has already been indicated , foun d i n gangsta rap . I n th e mos t violen t an d atrociou s for m o f sexua l activity , the y participate in "gangbangs," which involve s multiple males raping one female. The gangste r attitud e towar d wome n ha s a n over t disdai n fo r girl s ofte n combined wit h cover t homosexua l overtones . Each patter n almos t rule s ou t the possibilit y o f a warm , empathi c huma n relationship . On e gangster' s response t o a questio n i n m y questionnair e o n th e rol e o f female s i n th e gang was succinctly stated i n on e word, "PUSSY. " This sociopathi c mod e o f relatin g t o female s b y violent gangster s entail s

112 / Why Gangs Kill disdain an d exploitation . I n thi s pattern, female s ar e viewed a s objects t o be manipulated o r use d fo r ornamenta l re p makin g an d eg o gratification. Th e female become s a targe t fo r hostilit y an d physica l brutality , whic h whe n reported bac k t o the gan g confer s prestig e o n th e violator . "Wh y wast e your time with bitches?" "You can't trust them." "I belted he r a few times becaus e she wasn' t behaving. " Thes e ar e commo n expression s tha t reflec t th e gang ster's general viewpoint toward females . Young gangster s ofte n paralle l th e behavio r o f adul t Mafi a mobster s toward thei r women . The y implicitl y defin e tw o type s o f women. On e typ e is calle d a "ho " (whore) , o r a bitch , an d th e othe r typ e i s a saintl y wif e o r girlfriend. Som e gangster s d o fal l i n lov e an d fantasiz e thei r girlfrien d a s a perfect femal e ideal . Th e allusio n b y anothe r gan g membe r tha t hi s girl friend i s a h o o r pron e t o promiscuou s relation s wil l invariabl y produc e a n explosive violent response. Some gangsters attempt to maintain a n illusio n o f virginity and perfectio n about thei r girlfrien d tha t i s often i n conflic t wit h th e facts . Her e again , h e relates no t i n significan t huma n interaction , bu t o n wha t approache s a fantasy leve l o f relating. For most gangsters a close, warm relationshi p with a female entailin g mutua l responsibilit y an d empath y i s rare. Another facto r worth y o f not e i s that gangster s ten d t o b e homophobic . Their insecurit y abou t thei r ow n masculinit y i s a facto r i n thei r macho syndrome. Som e gangster s presen t themselve s a s superme n i n a n effor t t o compensate fo r som e o f their underlyin g feeling s o f insecurit y i n thei r rol e as a heterosexual male . Along thes e line s ther e i s evidenc e o f homosexua l experimentatio n among gangster s outside , but mostl y insid e custodia l institutions . This i s not usually overtl y carrie d ou t b y gang member s amon g themselves ; however, a common patter n fo r the m i s to become th e passiv e recipien t o f homosexua l relations wit h a seductiv e over t homosexual . Th e homophobi c ritua l tha t often recur s was expressed b y one gang member a s follows: "After thi s faggo t blew u s (laughs) , we beat th e hel l ou t o f him." H e ha d n o awarenes s o f his own homosexual involvemen t i n the act . This patter n i s more pronounce d i n prison . Here , certai n individual s ar e turned ou t a s punk s an d ar e use d a s sexua l whore s b y man y gangsters . I n some cases , a s previousl y indicated , punishmen t fo r a n erran t gangste r against hi s gan g involve s hi s bein g sodomized . Thi s "discipline " i s carrie d out to humiliate th e offender an d demonstrat e h e i s really a punk. Gangster s become furiou s whe n i t i s pointe d ou t t o them , a s I hav e i n grou p discus -

Why Gangs Kill / 11 3 sions, that whe n the y pla y any rol e i n a homosexual act , they ar e practicin g homosexuality — and whethe r the y are "pitchers" or "catchers" is irrelevant. There i s anothe r elemen t i n th e ineffectua l wa y i n whic h sociopathi c gangsters relat e t o wome n tha t wa s interestingl y reveale d i n th e previousl y discussed film American Me. Th e mai n characte r i s tough an d ofte n viciou s in hi s rol e a s a n M gan g leader . However , h e i s appropriatel y show n a s relatively wea k an d inadequat e whe n i t cam e t o hi s relationshi p wit h th e woman from hi s barrio he "loved." His failure t o perform adequatel y sexually or i n assumin g an y responsibilit y t o "hi s woman " i s effectivel y dramatized . In th e film i t i s clearly pointe d ou t b y hi s woma n an d b y his behavio r tha t years i n priso n an d gan g lif e d o no t creat e th e appropriat e mal e personalit y for relating in a positive way to a woman. This fictionalized version of a failed gangster-girlfriend relationshi p i s reinforced b y my research observation s an d the grou p therap y session s I hav e directe d ove r th e year s wit h sociopathi c gangsters.

SUICIDAL TENDENCIE S

A line i n th e rappe r Ic e T's son g "Colors " is "My color' s death. " Becaus e o f their dysfunctiona l backgrounds , a characteristic o f the sociopathi c gangste r is that the y hav e a limited concer n abou t whethe r the y liv e o r die . I n a real sense the y manifes t suicida l tendencie s i n thei r everyda y behavio r b y thei r involvement i n dangerou s an d deadl y situations. On a number o f occasions i n the proces s of directing therapy groups with gangsters, I have raise d th e issu e of gang behavior a s tantamount t o suicida l behavior. Th e usua l respons e I woul d receiv e wa s a n angr y denial : "He y man, you'r e crazy , I ain' t suicidal. " I woul d the n hav e th e grou p revie w a s many incident s a s they coul d wher e the y ha d expose d themselve s i n fights, drive-bys, an d othe r gan g activitie s i n enem y territor y wher e the y mad e themselves vulnerabl e t o bein g maime d o r killed . I n man y groups , afte r extensive discussion, they would acknowledge tha t their gang behavior migh t be potentially suicidal . To reinforc e thei r mor e rationa l conclusion , I woul d jokingl y reinforc e the gan g a s a vehicl e o f suicida l tendencie s b y statin g tha t I wa s a n abjec t coward an d a t th e sam e tim e a self-lovin g egomania c wh o woul d never , i f humanly possible , plac e mysel f i n a situatio n wher e I migh t b e violentl y harmed o r killed. They would ge t the point .

114 / Why Gangs Kill

I recal l a fifteen-year-old gangste r wit h who m I worke d wh o accounte d for hi s bein g wil d i n th e street s i n thi s way : My fathe r alway s bea t m e u p sinc e I was a little kid . Whe n I hit fourteen , we woul d stil l wrestl e an d fight. Sometime s I woul d bea t hi m u p —bu t mostly h e won . Ou r fights woul d totall y pis s m e off , an d whe n I hi t th e streets I was full o f rage an d lookin g for trouble . I had fights ever y day, an d when ou r gan g went gangbanging I was always up i n the front line . I never cared wha t happene d t o m e o r anyone else . Everybody dies ! In anothe r case , a psychodram a I directe d i n a psychiatri c hospita l wit h a gangster name d Henry , h e reveale d som e o f th e underlyin g suicida l dynam ics o f som e sociopathi c gangsters . I learne d i n th e sessio n tha t whe n h e wa s sixteen h e ha d attempte d suicid e b y stabbin g himsel f i n th e ches t wit h a hunting knife . I n explorin g thi s self-inflicte d woun d wit h him , i t becam e apparent tha t th e inciden t revolve d aroun d th e man y conflict s an d fights h e had ha d wit h hi s father , who m h e hate d becaus e h e ha d sexuall y violate d him an d hi s sister . During on e o f thes e man y fights wit h hi s father , Henr y picke d u p a kitchen knife . I n a soliloqu y I ha d hi m d o a l a Hamlet , h e verbalize d tha t i t came dow n t o a toss-up betwee n killin g hi s fathe r o r himself . Henr y believe d that eithe r act , killin g hi s fathe r o r himself , woul d en d hi s emotiona l pain . In th e end , h e stabbe d himsel f an d wa s rushe d t o th e psychiatri c hospital , where h e becam e a participan t i n m y therap y group . Another cas e i n poin t relatin g t o th e suicida l tendencie s o f gangster s wa s brought t o m y attentio n b y Tonya , a femal e gangster . Sh e cam e fro m a dysfunctional famil y o f gangster s an d ha d bee n sexuall y abuse d b y variou s "fathers," "uncles, " an d brother s fo r mos t o f he r childhood . Sh e becam e a crack-cocaine addic t wh o hun g ou t wit h gang s fo r kick s an d drugs . Sh e wa s usually sexuall y availabl e t o an y membe r o f th e gan g wh o ha d th e righ t amount o f cocaine ; sh e was , i n th e lexico n o f the gang , a "cok e whore. " Tonya's relationshi p t o th e gan g wa s typical . Mos t gang s hav e femal e counterparts lik e Tonya . Th e female s wil l participat e i n th e gan g i n man y ways includin g fighting, dru g commerce , an d often , lik e Tonya , the y wil l sexually servic e thei r mal e homies . The y ar e essentiall y use d an d abuse d b y male gangsters , eve n thoug h the y hav e a fierce bu t misguide d loyalt y t o "their" gang . Tonya wa s a n unusua l cas e i n tha t he r mothe r a t on e poin t ha d a jo b tha t had healt h insurance . Mos t gangsters ' parent s d o no t hav e thi s benefi t an d do no t appea r i n psychiatri c hospital s fo r treatment . Afte r a n arres t fo r drugs ,

Why Gangs Kill / 11 5 the judg e gav e he r a choic e o f jai l o r psychologica l treatment . Tony a wa s hospitalized, an d I worke d wit h he r i n severa l session s i n a n adolescen t therapy group in a psychiatric hospital . Because of her serious past of sexual and physical abuse, Tonya, of course, manifested lo w self-esteem. On e fallout wa s a practice o f self-mutilation. Sh e slashed hersel f wit h razo r blade s an d almos t die d o n severa l occasions . Sh e very obviously had a low self-concept an d considerabl e rag e emanating fro m her early life experience s o f being victimized . In on e encounte r grou p therap y sessio n sh e was in, I delivered a diatribe at th e en d abou t th e deadly , destructiv e effect s o f dru g abus e an d gan g behavior an d remarked , "Dru g addictio n i s a for m o f slo w suicide. " A s I delivered m y impassioned sermo n o n th e death-dealin g result s o f drugs an d gangs, I noticed Tonya' s eyes light up and a smile came ove r her face. I later asked he r abou t he r curiou s respons e t o m y sermon , an d sh e commented , "Your lectur e o n drug s an d gang s reall y cam e throug h t o me . No w I know why I d o drugs . I fee l lik e a worthles s piec e o f shit , an d i f I ha d enoug h courage I woul d kil l myself . I ofte n feel , especiall y whe n I smok e crack , maybe I'l l di e painlessl y an d suddenl y fro m a n overdose . I want t o die , an d my choic e i s to kil l mysel f slowl y wit h drugs. " I apparently ha d n o positiv e impact o n Tonya . The insigh t sh e gaine d fro m m y lecture wa s that sh e was suicidal, and he r choic e was to carry it out with drugs. DEFECTIVE SOCIA L ABILIT Y

In a discussio n I ha d wit h a detache d gan g worke r wh o wa s attemptin g t o redirect Cri p gangster s int o a mor e responsibl e an d rationa l wa y o f lif e b y creating jobs , I aske d ho w effectiv e h e was . Hi s respons e reveale d muc h about the gangster's inability to accept employment as a basic social responsibility: Through several community leaders and corporate executives, I have been able t o acquir e ove r fifty jobs durin g th e pas t year . Th e patter n i s clear. Some o f the mor e margina l gangster s wil l tak e a job and follo w throug h with their new responsibility. However , the more core gangsters who I get jobs for ar e bac k o n the corne r a week or two later u p t o their ol d tricks. The gan g gives them mor e prestige and a feeling o f power than an y job I can ge t them . Als o mos t o f thes e guy s ar e to o pathologica l t o hav e th e fortitude t o hold down a job. Gang violenc e i s better tha n a minimum-wag e jo b a s a readil y availabl e means fo r sociopathi c youth s t o achiev e som e for m o f th e success-ego -

116 / Why Gangs Kill gratification s o desired i n American society . The selectio n o f violence b y the sociopathic yout h i n hi s adjustmen t proces s i s no t difficul t t o understand . Violent behavior , especiall y behin d th e barre l o f a gun , require s limite d training, personal ability , intelligence, or even physical strength . In additio n t o th e importanc e o f violenc e a s a prestig e symbo l i n th e gang, th e large r societ y covertl y approve s of , o r i s at leas t intrigue d by , tha t which i s depicted i n literature , radio , television, th e movies , and othe r mas s media. Although o n the surface mos t members of society condemn violence , on a cover t leve l ther e i s a tendenc y t o aggrandiz e an d giv e recognitio n t o perpetrators o f violence. Th e sociopathi c personalit y wh o commit s intense , sudden act s of violence i s the "hero " of many play s and storie s portraye d i n contemporary mas s media , especiall y i n film. Th e sociall y incompeten t sociopathic gangste r sense s thi s condition , an d thi s account s i n par t fo r hi s selection o f th e violent-gangste r role , a rol e to o ofte n approved , romanti cized, and glorifie d i n the American mas s media. Sociopathic youth s gravitate to the gangste r rol e because th e violent gan g provides fo r the m a vehicl e throug h whic h the y ca n acquir e an d achiev e gratifications consisten t wit h thei r defectiv e socia l abilit y fo r achievemen t through th e usua l societa l channels . The sociopathi c youth , who i s a failur e in th e large r society , select s o r help s t o construc t i n th e violent-gan g rol e patterns i n which h e gives the appearance o f being a "successful" person . Gang youth s hea r a for m o f fals e propagand a throug h th e mas s medi a that sell s th e ideolog y tha t almos t al l socia l statuse s ar e availabl e t o al l citizens of America. This i s obviously not the case . It is clear that the facts of class, religion , ethnicity , race , an d othe r backgroun d factor s sharpl y limi t certain segment s o f the populatio n i n achievin g socia l goals . The possibilit y and mean s fo r acquirin g man y o f thes e highl y value d socia l statuse s an d objectives ar e slight for mos t youths, particularly fo r thos e wh o com e fro m a lower-class backgroun d o r a minorit y group . Althoug h the y ar e no t full y blocked fro m th e mean s fo r achievemen t tha t ar e availabl e t o othe r seg ments, the degre e o f availability and th e starting point are not fully equal . Given thes e varied socia l dislocations, the sociopathi c youth, who is, after all, socially disabled, has a more difficult tim e achieving any status or respect in th e success-oriente d an d competitiv e large r society . H e ca n mor e easil y become a succes s i n th e gang . Throug h th e gan g an d th e commerc e o f drugs, h e ha s a chanc e t o b e successfu l i n bot h th e gan g an d elsewhere : because o f the enormou s financial reward s o f dru g dealing , h e ca n acquir e some of the symbols of success so highly valued i n the larger society.

Why Gangs Kill / 11 7

LIMITED EMPATHY , SOCIA L CONSCIENCE , AND EGOCENTRIS M

In actin g ou t thei r violen t behavior , th e cor e sociopathi c gangster s giv e n o indication o f having a social conscienc e involvin g a real concer n fo r others . A limite d empath y fo r other s i s a basi c facto r o f thei r personality , eve n though the y ma y at times manifes t a concern fo r other s whe n i t serves thei r manipulative purposes . Thei r incompetenc y i n th e are a o f demonstratin g real compassion o r empathy i s a result of the fact that they have seldom see n or learned fro m an y loving role models i n their socialization process . Most peopl e d o no t commi t violen t act s o n other s becaus e the y woul d empathize wit h thei r victi m an d fee l thei r pain . Cor e sociopathi c gangster s are capabl e o f senseles s killin g becaus e the y hav e a limite d concern , o r i n some cases , no concern, abou t th e feelings o f their victims. As one gan g boy who ha d sho t an d kille d anothe r yout h describe d hi s feelin g abou t th e incident, "Ma n ar e yo u crazy ? O f course , I felt bad . I knew I wa s goin g t o get caught an d locke d up." Most sociopathi c gangster s hav e a marke d inabilit y t o b e empathetic , t o take th e rol e o f othe r person s an d understandin g thei r feelings , excep t fo r the goal of manipulating other s for their own egocentric ends . Their primar y concern i s for thei r ow n materia l an d emotiona l comfort . Thi s i s a botto m line i n thei r behavior , eve n thoug h the y preten d t o hav e a rea l concer n fo r their homies . As previously indicated , I have observed man y instances wher e their concer n fo r thei r brothe r gan g member s immediatel y disappear s whe n their self-interest i s at stake, notably i n police stations or in court, where on e homie wil l enthusiasticall y implicat e an d snitc h o n hi s "bro, " hi s brothe r gangster, i f h e ca n ge t cu t loos e o r wor k ou t a dea l fo r himsel f wit h th e police or the justic e system. In a clinica l sens e almos t al l sociopathi c gangster s ar e egocentric . The y have limited socia l feelings, identity , and compassio n fo r others. Their sociopathic personalities reflec t som e i f not all of the following characteristics : (1) a defective socia l conscienc e marke d b y limited feeling s o f guilt for destruc tive act s agains t others , (2 ) limite d feeling s o f compassio n o r empath y fo r others, (3 ) th e actin g ou t o f behavio r dominate d b y egocentris m an d self seeking goals, (4) the manipulation o f others in a way possible for immediat e self-gratification (fo r example , sexual exploitationa l mode s of behavior) with out any moral concer n o r responsibility .

118 / Why Gangs Kill

LIMITED REGRET , GUILT , O R ANXIET Y

Most sociopathi c gangster s hav e littl e o r n o regre t fo r thei r destructiv e behavior, eve n thoug h the y will , whe n i t i s i n thei r self-interest , expres s regret. I recal l a n inciden t tha t demonstrate s thi s componen t o f th e socio pathic gangster' s personality . A s par t o f m y jo b i n a juvenil e jai l tha t als o housed th e juvenil e court , I accompanie d a sociopathi c gangste r int o th e courtroom par t of the building. He had been i n the courtroom o n numerou s occasions fo r th e commissio n o f a variet y o f violen t acts , an d hi s lates t probation an d evidenc e report s finally an d clearl y recommende d tha t h e should b e sen t t o th e stat e reformatory . Th e judg e aske d hi m i f h e ha d anything to say before h e pronounce d th e expecte d sentence . The yout h wen t int o a n unbelievabl e dramati c explanatio n o f regre t fo r his past behavior an d ho w he woul d "neve r d o i t again." As the sayin g goes, there wasn' t a dr y ey e i n th e house , an d eve n a veteran polic e office r wh o was present shifted ove r to accept th e youth's posture o f sincere regre t in hi s impassioned appea l for leniency. The judg e cut him loose . As we walked ou t of the cour t bac k t o th e detentio n facilit y t o ge t hi s clothe s an d proces s hi s release, I noted a marke d chang e i n hi s demeanor . Wit h a big smile o n hi s face, h e looke d u p a t me an d said , "He y man, I did prett y good, didn't I? " It was clea r tha t everythin g h e ha d sai d i n cour t wa s fro m hi s viewpoin t a n insincere bu t convincing act devoted t o getting released . Sociopathic gangster s appea r t o hav e limite d guil t o r anxiet y abou t thei r negative behavior toward others. Anxiety often result s from th e phenomeno n of internall y reviewin g th e righ t o r wrongfu l natur e o f behavior . Sinc e th e sociopath ha s a limited regar d fo r th e righ t or wrong of a self-serving act , fo r him i t is an irrelevan t emotion .

RATIONALIZING VIOLEN T BEHAVIOR , SELF-DECEPTION , AND PATHOLOGICA L LYIN G

Sociopathic gangster s hav e a remarkabl e propensit y fo r rationalizin g an d excusing their horrendous behavior. They are capable of the most outrageous rationalizations. A notabl e rationalizatio n tha t I hear d fro m a gangste r i n prison wit h a lif e sentenc e fo r killin g hi s cousin , fo r who m h e claime d t o care, was , " I ha d t o kil l th e motherfucker . W e wer e a t war , an d h e ha d moved t o another tur f and joine d ou r enem y set." In thi s sam e context , Kod y Scot t i n hi s autobiograph y dispassionatel y describes a serie s o f violent atrocitie s tha t h e i s "obligate d t o commit " a s a

Why Gangs Kill / 11 9 gang membe r becaus e hi s enemie s happe n t o liv e si x blocks outsid e o f hi s Crip gang' s territory . Th e nee d t o commi t violen t atrocitie s b y gangster s i n "war" is not related t o any rational considerations . The war is created i n their paranoid minds , i n orde r fo r the m t o ac t ou t thei r sociopathology . Mos t gangster behavio r i s a thinly veile d rationalizatio n fo r enactin g thei r unfeel ing, distrustful sociopathi c tendencies . The perceive d motivatio n o f gan g member s t o "figh t fo r thei r turf " an d commit Rambo-like act s of violence i n a coherent defens e o f their comrade s in arm s mask s th e rea l reason s fo r thei r behavior . Thei r underlyin g socio pathic personalit y dictate s thei r atrociou s behavior , an d thei r overtl y state d gang motivations are rationalizations fo r their senseles s violence. An interestin g characteristi c o f sociopathi c gangster s i s tha t they d o no t see themselves a s others do . They ten d t o se e their behavio r rationale , eve n when i t is senseless pathologica l behavior . A notable exampl e i s manifest i n Scott's autobiography . Fo r th e first thir d o f hi s book , h e describe s i n luri d detail hi s clearly pathological violen t and sometime s murderou s behavior. I n one typica l episode , amon g man y othe r ruthles s act s o f senseles s violence , he describe s how he leaned int o the window of an enemy' s car , put a gun t o his enemy' s head , an d pulle d th e trigger . Later , h e muse s tha t h e probabl y killed thi s person , an d i t didn' t matte r t o hi m whethe r hi s victi m live d o r died. H e goe s o n lik e thi s a d nauseam , describin g a serie s o f violen t an d senseless atrocities that he ha d committed . Later i n th e boo k h e comment s abou t bein g pursue d an d arreste d b y the police for his many crimes. In the process of reviewing his arrest, he convert s himself fro m bein g a perpetrato r o f violenc e int o bein g th e victi m o f a pathological snitc h an d th e police. According to Monster, "Th e enem y gan g member wh o snitched m e of f t o th e polic e wa s a mentall y il l ca t name d Teddy." Fro m a rationa l viewpoint , al l o f Monster' s violenc e wa s senseles s and pathological . Ye t h e sa w n o madnes s i n hi s ow n behavior . Teddy , th e snitch, was "mentally ill" ; Monster Kody , however, was a courageous warrior! Rationalizations an d self-deceptio n ar e par t o f the sociopathi c syndrom e that enable the gangster to escape the consequences of their vicious behavior. In thi s context , sociopathi c gangster s ar e usuall y pathologica l liar s an d wil l lie wit h a blazin g recklessnes s tha t contradict s th e obviou s realit y the y ar e discussing. Mos t sociopaths ar e unconcerne d wit h th e trut h an d ar e capabl e of blockin g ou t an d denyin g reality . Other s ar e awar e tha t the y ar e lying ; however, th e trut h fo r the m i s irrelevant . Th e irrelevanc y o f th e trut h i s especially manifes t i n getting out of the tight legal situations tha t are characteristic of the gangster's lifestyle .

120 / Why Gangs Kill When a gangster i s under th e gun , h e wil l sa y anything tha t migh t wor k to save himself fro m bein g imprisone d o r i n som e case s killed. I have note d that imprisone d sociopathi c felon s afte r a perio d o f extensiv e lyin g abou t their crimina l behavio r begi n t o repres s th e memor y o f thei r horrendou s crimes and trul y begin to believe that they are innocent. (I n my opinion, th e celebrity wh o wa s acquitte d o f th e crim e o f th e century , involvin g th e butchering o f two people, is a good exampl e o f this self-vindicating phenom enon.) LOW SELF-ESTEE M

The sociopathi c gangsters , despit e thei r self-presentatio n a s toug h macho men are , often drive n by their deeper feelings o f low self-esteem. This feelin g of bein g a nobod y i s partially derive d fro m th e abus e an d abandonmen t o f their family . Becaus e o f thi s an d othe r factor s i n thei r earl y life , the y ar e constantly i n a ques t o f provin g thei r masculinit y t o compensat e fo r thei r underlying low self-concept . The senseles s violenc e committe d b y gangster s i s perpetrate d fo r eg o status an d als o encompasses a search fo r kick s or thrills. The kick s involv e a type of emotional euphoria . Gangsters use violence for the emotional charge, which serve s t o validate thei r existentia l stat e an d make s the m fee l good , a t the expens e o f anyon e wh o get s i n thei r way . Man y sociopathi c gangster s have told m e about the emotiona l hig h the y get from thei r violent behavior . Youths wh o becom e gangsters , a s indicated , ar e usuall y socialize d i n family situation s tha t involve s chil d abus e o r neglec t an d abandonmen t o r both. Thi s treatmen t impact s thei r self-concep t an d gangste r behavior . I n summary, th e followin g sequenc e o f event s depict s th e earl y socializatio n process i n th e backgroun d o f the typica l sociopathi c gangster : (1 ) As a chil d he i s emotionally, sexually , or physically abuse d o r neglected b y his primar y socializing agents, his parents. (2) Because he i s treated i n negative ways and with limite d respect , th e chil d feel s humiliated , demeaned , an d unworthy . As a consequenc e o f thi s patter n o f socialization , h e develop s a lo w self concept an d feel s sel f an d othe r rag e an d hatred . H e tend s t o accep t o n some deepe r emotiona l leve l a messag e h e i s repeatedl y given , whic h h e interprets as , "I f thes e powerfu l peopl e i n m y life , m y parents , thin k tha t I am stupid , inadequate , an d unworth y o f lov e an d respect , I mus t b e a n inferior person. " (3) Mixed i n with this creation o f feelings o f low self-estee m is a rag e agains t th e parent s wh o abuse d o r neglecte d him , an d thi s rag e i s

Why Gangs Kill / 12 1 often displace d t o other s i n a societ y tha t als o treat s the m wit h a leve l o f disrespect. The violen t gan g i s a viabl e collectivit y fo r youth s wit h thes e comple x social backgrounds to enact their rage. The malleabl e structur e o f the violent gang enable s sociopathi c youth s t o commi t atrociou s violen t acts , and the n rationalize thei r senseles s behavio r i n th e contex t o f thei r gang' s asocia l norms. The sociopathi c facto r i s a significant concep t fo r explainin g violent gang behavior.

6. Some Effectiv e Intervention s

w

HATEVER ULTIMATEL Y DETERMINE S TH E emergenc e o f a specific violen t gan g at a particular tim e an d place , there i s no doubt tha t th e existenc e o f violent gang s a s a continuing socia l phenomen a in America n urba n area s i s ultimatel y relate d t o deeper , mor e genera l dysfunctions i n th e overal l socia l system . I f this consideratio n i s relevant fo r an overal l assessmen t of the problem, i t must be equally relevant to the issu e of a thoroughly effectiv e attac k o n the pathological root s in the social system that produce th e violent gang. A societ y tha t fail s t o find remedie s fo r it s ow n institutionalize d socia l inequities, includin g racism , discrimination , poo r educationa l facilities , an d dysfunctional famil y life, including teenage pregnancies, is likely to continue to suffe r wit h th e existenc e o f gan g violence , dru g addiction , crime , an d delinquency. O n th e broa d societa l front , therefore , governmenta l an d pri vate program s aime d a t reducin g socia l an d economi c inequalities , equaliz ing opportunities , facilitatin g th e integratio n o f ne w populations , an d im proving educationa l facilitie s woul d hav e th e effec t o f ameliorating som e of the causal factors o f the gang problem . The continuanc e an d proliferatio n i n the 1990 s of senseless violent gangs in conjunction wit h the increased dru g use are indicators of the deep despair and alienatio n experience d b y many minorit y an d ghett o youth s becaus e o f 125

126 / Some Effective Interventions these roo t causes . The existenc e o f the violen t gan g i s strong evidenc e tha t many significan t socia l dislocation s continu e t o exis t i n America n society , and thes e socia l condition s nee d t o be improved . Thes e apparen t an d com plex societa l causa l factor s ar e no t amenabl e t o quic k solutions ; however , there ar e short-ter m method s an d intervention s tha t ca n b e effectivel y uti lized shor t of dramatically changin g the overall American socia l system. Programs ca n b e develope d tha t ca n provid e viabl e pathway s int o law abiding societ y fo r youth s wh o ar e vulnerabl e t o participatio n i n violen t gangs. Ther e ar e a variety o f these type s o f socia l program s tha t hav e bee n tried i n some measure an d hav e resulted i n a degree o f success. This sectio n on treatmen t wil l delineat e a variet y o f intervention s an d approache s tha t have bee n effectiv e an d sho w promis e fo r preventin g an d controllin g gan g violence. These includ e th e enrichmen t o f educationa l program s i n th e school s especially directe d a t youn g gang-pron e youths; famil y therapy ; specia l job training programs; special recreational an d athleti c facilities an d programs in community centers ; mor e vigorou s outreac h probatio n officers , wit h smal l caseloads, trained t o understand gang s and resocializ e at-risk youths; and th e employment o f forme r gangsters , wh o wer e "onc e o n th e scene " an d hav e changed thei r behavior, t o reach thes e youths and redirec t them int o a more positive lifestyl e throug h th e developmen t o f specia l "therapeuti c commu nity" programs for gangster s i n an d ou t of prison. (Thi s latter typ e o f projec t shows great promise for ameliorating the gang problem and will be presented in detail i n chapter 7. ) Social program s devote d t o controllin g gang s requir e a n effectiv e polic e presence i n the community . The incarceratio n o f some cor e gangsters , is, of course, a necessar y par t o f an y overal l progra m t o contro l gangs ; however , when th e ge t toug h attitud e b y societ y i s the onl y o r dominan t response , i t often exacerbate s th e problem . To o ofte n ghett o youth s wh o loo k an d dres s like gangster s but ar e law-abiding citizen s ar e capture d i n emergenc y polic e dragnet efforts . Indiscriminat e polic e sweep s often pou r gasolin e o n th e fire. The single-minde d approac h o f mor e vigorou s la w enforcement , i n th e absence o f social program s i s about a s effective a s the faile d federa l "wa r o n drugs." Most gan g youth s wil l respon d t o a variet y o f logica l an d humanisti c programs when the y are reasonably available to them. The insertio n o f these social program s i n a community i n conjunctio n wit h a rigorous an d logica l police effor t ca n connec t man y alienate d gan g youth s int o law-abidin g

Some Effective Interventions I 111

society an d significantl y reduc e th e horrendou s consequence s o f senseles s violent-gang behavior .

D E T A C H E D G A N G W O R K E R PROJECT S

One methodolog y expressl y designe d fo r th e violen t gan g tha t ha s bee n effectively employe d i s th e "detache d gan g worker " approach . I n thi s ap proach a professional, ofte n a probation office r o r a social worker, is assigned to the gan g problem i n a hood o r barrio. The essentia l goa l o f the worke r i s to reac h ou t t o th e youth s i n a n are a an d redirec t the m fro m destructiv e gang behavior pattern s int o constructive activitie s i n their community . A significant detached-worke r program , whic h ha s serve d a s a mode l fo r gang contro l i n larg e urba n area s nationall y sinc e it s inceptio n i n 1946 , is the approac h designe d an d utilize d b y the Ne w York City Youth Board . Th e Youth Board established seve n goals for work with street gangs: (1) reductio n of antisocia l behavior , particularl y stree t fighting; (2 ) friendl y relationship s with othe r stree t gangs ; (3 ) increase d democrati c participatio n withi n th e gangs; (4 ) broadened socia l horizons ; (5 ) responsibilit y fo r self-direction ; (6 ) improved persona l an d socia l adjustmen t o f th e individual ; (7 ) improve d community relations. 1 SOME GENERA L ISSUE S INVOLVE D I N DETACHE D GAN G WOR K

Reaching th e gan g throug h detache d yout h workers , utilizin g th e above stated principle s an d goals , i s ofte n effective . However , th e proces s entail s pitfalls no t specifie d i n polic y o r i n th e manuals . Foremos t amon g thes e potential problem s i s th e possibilit y o f inaccuratel y diagnosin g gan g struc ture. Distinctl y differen t treatmen t method s ar e require d fo r treatin g mor e benign gang s of youths and mor e aggressive violent gangs. The gan g workers in thei r initia l perio d o f interventio n mus t accuratel y diagnos e th e structur e of the gang with which the y are working. Different level s o f involvemen t amon g th e core an d th e mor e margina l gangsters dictat e differen t treatmen t prescriptions . Th e wannabee , mor e marginal younge r gangste r ca n generall y b e reache d throug h th e mor e conventional method s o f recreation , providin g a job , an d som e counseling , whereas cor e G s an d OG s requir e a differen t approac h tha t ofte n include s working with the m i n a custodial institution .

128 / Some Effective Interventions

The diagnosti c assumptio n tha t workin g throug h th e violen t gan g leade r will redirec t th e gan g ca n pos e anothe r problem . Ofte n workin g throug h th e leader o f a violen t gan g solidifie s it s structure . Officia l sanctio n o f som e sociopathic gan g leader s b y a worke r ma y giv e the m mor e statu s an d solidif y the gang . Merely gainin g acces s t o violen t gan g participant s i s frequentl y mistake n for acceptanc e an d rapport . Contrar y t o popula r belief , gettin g i n touc h wit h the gan g i s no t difficul t fo r a detache d worker . However , th e meanin g give n to th e relationshi p b y gangster s varie s an d i s o f majo r significance . I f th e gang worke r appear s a s a "mark " t o mos t members , a do-goode r wh o doesn' t know th e score , the y wil l simpl y us e hi m fo r money , cigarettes , o r whateve r favors the y ca n obtain . In thi s regard , som e detache d gan g workers , rathe r tha n resocializin g gang members , ar e take n i n b y the gang . They ma y rationaliz e thei r persona l motives towar d "adventuresome " gan g behavio r a s necessar y t o maintai n their relationship . I n fact , thi s behavio r i s no t necessary . Becomin g them selves a gan g membe r b y overidentifyin g wit h th e gan g neutralize s thei r impact a s a n adequat e adul t rol e model . Th e negativ e natur e o f th e gan g worker's mistake n assumption s i s reveale d b y th e followin g statemen t o f a detached gan g worke r who , i n m y view , wa s take n i n b y th e gan g h e wa s sent t o change : One afternoo n th e boy s wer e hangin g aroun d an d a cra p gam e started . I decided i t would b e strategic fo r m e t o participate s o that I might get close r to the m an d improv e m y rapport . Durin g th e cours e o f th e gam e on e o f the fellow s turne d t o m e an d said , "Say , man , you'r e suppose d t o b e ou t here t o chang e u s and i t seems lik e we're makin g you lik e u s instead. " When a n overzealou s detache d gan g worke r i s dupe d b y th e gan g o r misinterprets th e meanin g o f a situation , h e i s reinforcin g rathe r tha n modi fying thei r behavior . I n hi s capacit y a s gan g worker , h e is , i n effect , a carrie r of th e value s an d norm s o f th e large r society . Initially , gangster s resis t th e intrusion an d possibl e change s int o thei r subculture . Th e gan g wil l attemp t to ge t wha t i t ca n withou t changin g an d the n seduc e th e detache d worke r into becomin g par t o f th e gang . Th e gan g worke r shoul d b e awar e o f th e negative implicatio n o f compromisin g th e relevan t norm s o f th e large r society i n orde r t o gai n fals e acceptanc e an d superficia l approval . Whe n h e does this , h e i s fairl y quickl y eliminate d a s a forc e fo r changin g th e gan g

Some Effective Interventions I 12 9 since the y begi n t o vie w hi m a s a mar k o r sucke r susceptibl e t o manipula tion. This defeats th e objectives th e worker i s attempting to achieve. Given thes e caveat s an d potentia l pitfalls , reachin g th e gan g i n it s ow n milieu throug h a detache d gan g worker , whethe r h e o r sh e i s a university trained professiona l o r a n ex-gangste r paraprofessional , i s a valuabl e ap proach t o the violent-gang problem . However , severa l issue s require revisio n and redefinitio n i f this approach i s to modify rathe r than solidif y o r reinforc e violent-gang structur e an d behavior . Th e followin g guideline s ar e suggeste d for an effectiv e detache d gan g worker approach : 1. I t i s necessar y fo r th e detache d gan g worke r t o b e traine d t o properl y diagnose the structur e o f the gang he or she is working with. 2. Accuratel y diagnosin g th e violen t gan g wil l revea l differen t degree s o f participation an d involvemen t o n th e par t o f eac h gangster . Margina l members may be approached throug h mor e conventional treatment ; cor e violent-gang participants an d leader s requir e a different an d mor e intens e form o f treatment i n man y cases, including incarceration . 3. A violent gan g ca n becom e mor e integrate d b y workin g throug h som e leaders, and thi s error reinforces th e gang's cohesion . 4. Th e detache d gan g worker i s an officia l representativ e o f the mor e inclu sive societ y an d mus t avoi d sanctionin g o r participatin g i n devianc e t o gain wha t wil l tur n ou t t o b e a false acceptanc e an d rapport . H e shoul d serve a s a n adequat e law-abidin g adul t rol e model . I n thi s wa y h e ma y become a bridge or vehicle for bringing the larger society's positive values and norm s to the gang. Utilizing thes e principle s an d methods , th e worke r shoul d consciousl y dismember th e gang , starting from th e outsid e margina l gangster s and work ing towar d th e mor e cor e participants , a s i f h e wer e peelin g a n artichoke . The margina l Wannabees , onc e the y hoo k int o mor e constructiv e enter prises, will find less energy and time for violent-gang activity. These constructive activitie s shoul d b e viewe d les s fo r thei r intrinsi c valu e an d mor e fo r their usefulnes s a s a gimmick, a mean s fo r extricatin g margina l Wannabee s from participatio n i n th e violen t gan g an d involvin g the m i n activit y withi n the inclusive society. And the more core gangsters who require closer supervision an d treatmen t nee d t o b e incarcerate d fo r a tim e i n a therapeuti c community-oriented program .

1 3 0 / Some Effective Interventions

LEO CORTEZ : A POSITIV E EXAMPL E O F A DETACHE D GANG WORKE R I N ACTIO N

When th e issue s an d caveat s I hav e delineate d ar e effectivel y incorporate d into th e detache d gan g worke r approach , th e interventio n o f detache d gan g workers i n a communit y ca n mak e a positiv e difference . A n excellen t cas e example i s reveale d i n th e followin g repor t fro m th e Los Angeles Times o n the wor k o f on e effectiv e detache d gan g worker , Le o Cortez . Hi s respons e t o a gan g shootin g i n L.A . indicate s ho w a detache d worke r ca n interven e i n a positive wa y i n a seriou s situatio n withi n a gan g an d a community . The nigh t before , a youth wit h a sawed-off shotgu n ha d sho t a middle-age d mother wh o wa s picnickin g wit h severa l smal l childre n i n a n Eas t Lo s Angeles park . And now , althoug h th e woman' s son s an d thei r friend s wer e probably plottin g a blood y gan g reveng e a t thi s ver y minute , Le o Corte z found himsel f sittin g insid e a smal l count y offic e whil e assorte d la w officers an d socia l worker s drank coffee , at e doughnuts an d wondere d wha t to d o abou t th e yout h gan g proble m i n Eas t Lo s Angeles. At times suc h a s these, Leo Cortez , 37 , a county youth worke r an d one-tim e gan g member , wonders wh y h e isn' t ou t o n th e street s working with thos e h e understand s so well. S o well, i n fact , tha t man y resident s o f that smal l 8.36-square-mil e enclave know n a s unincorporate d Eas t Lo s Angeles , populatio n abou t 140,000, ar e convince d tha t Le o Corte z ha s probabl y averte d mor e gan g wars and save d mor e live s than al l th e sheriff' s deputie s combined . . . . [In thi s case, ] Corte z drov e directl y t o County-US C Genera l Hospita l where h e mad e hi s wa y throug h th e maz e o f corridor s t o he r room , a crowded war d o n th e nint h floor. Momentarily , h e stoo d a t th e bedside , silently surveyin g th e damage . He r bruise d bod y wa s riddle d wit h a t leas t fifty shotgun pellets , tw o o f the m onl y a fractio n awa y fro m he r righ t eye . . . . Becaus e sh e wa s a n Eas t Lo s Angele s mother , sh e understoo d gangs . Her tw o son s belonge d t o on e o f the roughes t gang s i n th e area . And , sh e whispered, wit h wear y acceptance , "the y onl y tr y t o kil l eac h other . . . ." The woman' s cloude d eye s momentarily cleared , filled wit h sudden , shar p alarm. "Leo , don't le t them g o for revenge . Mak e the m sta y home. " At a late r gan g meetin g Corte z hear d th e typica l call s fo r revenge . "Man, tonigh t we'l l g o dow n ther e an d kil l a coupl e o f thos e vato s (ba d dudes)," declare d on e skinn y yout h o f fourteen . Th e onl y proble m wa s that, thoug h the y al l suspecte d th e assailan t ha d com e fro m on e particula r rival gang , nobod y wa s sure . " I tel l yo u something, " shoute d anothe r bo y of eighteen whos e nic k nam e wa s "Little Boy " and whos e eye s were glaze d over by something muc h stronge r tha n liquor . "Whe n w e go, we'll be cool .

Some Effective Interventions / 13 1

We won' t g o aroun d shootin g wome n an d kids . We'l l kil l th e vat o wh o did it. " At the meetin g patiently , i n Spanish , Corte z urge d the m al l t o leave th e park (wher e the y met). Getting arrested wouldn' t hel p anything. Bette r yet, why no t visi t th e hospital ? Wit h surprisin g passivity , lik e small , uncertai n children, mos t quickl y agreed . Eve n Littl e Boy , wh o wa s reelin g s o badl y he coul d hardl y walk . An d s o Corte z gav e hi m a lif t home , no t knowing , when h e le t th e bo y out , tha t i n tw o day s Littl e Bo y woul d b e dea d himself— sho t to death b y youths fro m anothe r barrio . . . . Leo Corte z seem s t o kno w no t onl y th e name s o f almost ever y youth i n East Los Angeles but als o the name s o f their friend s an d thei r enemies . H e also know s whic h kid s ar e hard-cor e murderers , whic h one s ca n b e influ enced t o kill , whic h one s neve r could , and , finally, whic h youth s ar e "locos" — crazy enoug h t o be altogethe r unpredictable . According t o Cortez , "Wha t mos t peopl e don' t understan d i s tha t th e kids ou t here , th e gan g members , don' t conside r themselve s criminals . . . . Here, eve n whe n the y kill , nationa l standard s jus t don' t apply . Because , here, a gang membe r regard s himsel f a s a soldier, you understand ? Eve n i f he's onl y patrollin g a fe w squar e blocks . N o matte r ho w smal l hi s tur f is , he stil l regard s himsel f a s a patrio t . . . protecting hi s homeland . Becaus e that's al l he' s got , al l he' s eve r had . . . . To o man y kid s nowaday s aren' t following an y of the ol d rules . In the ol d days , gang members mad e certai n that whe n the y wen t o n a retaliator y raid , the y hi t thei r enemy . Bu t now , they ofte n ar e sloppy , o r heedless , simpl y speedin g b y a n enem y hous e a t night an d sprayin g i t wit h bullets , regardles s o f who' s inside . I think that' s why there' s mor e violenc e her e now . . . . They'v e go t n o future , nothin g but thei r barri o an d thei r 'homeboys. ' So , the y ca n onl y prov e thei r manhood b y standing u p an d gettin g killed, o r killing." 2

THE LOS ANGELES COUNTY PROBATION DEPARTMENT'S DETACHED GANG WORKER PROGRAM The Lo s Angele s Count y Probatio n Department , unde r th e leadershi p o f Chief Probatio n Office r Barr y Nidorf , ha s institute d a mos t effectiv e de tached gan g worke r progra m tha t utilize s bot h probatio n officer s workin g with gangster s i n th e communit y an d i n custodia l cam p institutions . Th e department's gan g worker s ar e knowledgeabl e abou t gan g structure , an d the y effectively combin e thei r effort s wit h a blend o f aggressive supervision , carin g social work , an d acces s t o a numbe r o f custodia l facilities . Margina l gan g

132 / Some Effective Interventions

youths referre d t o th e departmen t fro m th e court s ar e worke d wit h i n th e community wher e the y receiv e appropriat e counselin g an d jo b training . Hard-core gangsters , afte r adjudication , ar e place d i n custod y i n a proba tion camp . Th e camp s hav e a variet y o f program s tha t focu s o n changin g gang affiliation , individua l an d grou p counseling , an d preparatio n fo r th e youth's reentr y int o hi s community . Som e o f th e camp s hav e a military-typ e boot cam p approach . Th e department' s varie d program s hav e bee n success ful i n redirectin g man y gan g youth s fro m continuin g thei r delinquen t activi ties an d bein g sen t t o big-tim e Californi a prisons ; the y retur n t o thei r com munity wit h som e socia l skills , neede d fo r leavin g th e gan g an d becomin g responsible law-abidin g citizens .

T H E ADUL T YOUT H ASSOCIATIO N APPROAC H

Many community-base d program s fo r reachin g ou t t o delinquent s an d gang sters wer e create d i n Chicago , Boston , an d Ne w Yor k i n th e earl y 1930 s during th e economi c depressio n o f tha t period . So-calle d settlemen t house s and communit y recreatio n center s wer e develope d t o dea l wit h th e povert y and boredo m tha t youn g peopl e confronte d i n thei r lives . This methodolog y continues t o b e a viabl e approac h fo r dealin g wit h an d involvin g alienate d gangsters an d redirectin g the m int o mor e constructiv e activities . Mos t ap proaches o f thi s typ e involv e detache d gan g worker s reachin g ou t t o youth s in thei r community . A s indicated , detache d gan g worker s ca n operat e i n th e context o f a variet y o f community-base d organizations , certainl y includin g community recreatio n centers , an d suc h officia l agencie s a s probatio n o r parole departments . A structur e tha t I foun d usefu l i n m y ow n wor k wit h gang s i n Ne w York wa s buil t o n th e concep t an d experience s o f earlie r community-base d organizations. I t wa s calle d th e Adul t Yout h Associatio n an d becam e know n as AYA . Th e AY A program encompasse d a variet y o f interventio n methods . The AY A was base d o n on e o f th e essentia l cause s fo r a youth' s participatio n in gangs : th e absenc e o f a positiv e adul t rol e mode l i n th e hoo d o r barrio . The situatio n o f youth s withou t an y positiv e mal e rol e model s ca n b e effectively attacke d throug h a n AY A typ e o f projec t b y producin g natura l relationships aroun d recreation , projec t planning , an d othe r activitie s tha t bring adult s an d youth s togethe r i n constructiv e interaction . Th e us e o f citizen volunteer s fro m a communit y wh o ar e willin g t o giv e o f thei r tim e and energ y i s essentia l t o a n AY A operation. Th e usua l approac h o f gettin g

Some Effective Interventions / 13 3 volunteers t o hel p a socia l agenc y wa s reverse d i n AYA . Our socia l agenc y and it s professiona l staf f attempte d t o hel p an d suppor t th e adult s i n th e community t o ru n thei r ow n program s tha t involve d relatin g naturall y wit h neighborhood youths . The AY A type o f project ca n b e especiall y successfu l i n peelin g of f fro m the gan g the mor e easil y reached wannabe e youth s and involvin g them i n a meaningful relationshi p wit h a n adult , thu s helpin g t o resolve th e neighbor hood adult-yout h schism . The detache d gan g worker can serv e as the bridg e and coordinator . The activitie s utilized ar e not the primary factor i n the AYA program; th e involvemen t o f indigenou s adult s workin g i n interactio n wit h youths from th e neighborhoo d i s at the cor e of the AYA approach. The AY A approach ca n b e self-perpetuating . Man y Wannabee s wh o suc cessfully participate d i n th e AYA program a s youths tend t o turn aroun d a t a later ag e an d becom e adul t surrogate-fathe r rol e model s t o othe r neighbor hood youths . Th e emphasi s i n th e AY A approac h i s t o buil d i t int o th e natural structur e o f the communit y s o that, whethe r th e professiona l agenc y that initiate s th e progra m continue s o r not , somethin g positiv e i s at work i n a somewha t change d neighborhood . I t operate s i n term s o f th e biblica l admonition her e loosel y paraphrased : i f you giv e someon e a fish, h e i s no t hungry tha t day ; however , i f yo u teac h hi m ho w t o fish, h e become s self sufficient. RECREATION AS AN AYA APPROACH

Recreation i s a goo d gimmic k fo r involvin g neighborhoo d adult s an d mar ginal gang youths int o interactions wit h eac h othe r i n constructiv e activities . In th e proces s o f planning a recreational activity , a natural interactio n take s place tha t i s difficul t t o duplicate . Emphasi s shoul d b e place d o n som e degree o f organized leagu e activit y rathe r tha n o n rando m play . The organi zational procedure s require d fo r finding a gy m o r field fo r th e league , developing rules, age limits, team siz e quotas, scheduling, and s o on involve s adults an d youth s i n a natura l an d productiv e interaction . Th e mai n sport s that are attractive to youths include baseball, basketball, and football . In developin g a n athleti c league , car e mus t b e take n no t t o mak e th e gang structur e mor e cohesive . I n usin g th e leagu e idea , effort s shoul d b e made to have the teams form aroun d athleti c abilit y rather than aroun d gan g affiliation. A goo d leagu e wil l reshuffl e th e neighborhood' s gan g structur e and thu s minimiz e violent-gan g activity . Margina l gan g member s becom e involved i n a social athletic clu b rathe r than thei r destructive gang.

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Building th e recreationa l activit y int o th e socia l fabri c o f th e neighbor hood i s basic . Emphasi s shoul d b e place d o n maximizin g th e involvemen t of loca l adul t volunteers ; utilizin g neighborhoo d facilitie s — gymnasiums, meeting rooms , halls , an d s o on ; an d gainin g loca l citize n monetar y an d moral support . Th e effor t shoul d b e mad e s o that whethe r o r no t th e basi c organizing socia l agent , th e professiona l detache d worker , continue s o n th e project, ther e i s sufficien t communit y involvemen t t o kee p th e adult-yout h activity i n motio n o n it s ow n strength . An d graduate s o f th e progra m a s youths shoul d b e encourage d t o com e bac k a s responsibl e adult s fo r th e continuation o f th e program . Thi s wil l enabl e th e progra m t o b e self perpetuating. Prefabricated o r overl y prestructure d recreatio n programs , prepare d i n advance b y adult s o r professionals , int o whic h youth s ar e move d i n a n assembly-line fashio n ar e o f limite d hel p towar d involvin g th e yout h an d resocializing hi m adequately . However , developin g recreatio n activitie s i n which th e youth s tak e a majo r rol e i n definin g wha t the y want , wha t the y get, an d ho w the y ge t it , combine d wit h th e assistanc e o f intereste d an d indigenous, inspire d adul t volunteers , produce s activitie s tha t becom e par t of their natural milieu . THE COMMUNIT Y GAN G COMMITTE E

In th e Ne w Yor k AYA project tha t I institute d an d directed , th e AY A spearheaded, amon g othe r projects , a cooperativ e effor t o f socia l agencie s an d gang workers that became know n a s the West Side Gang Committee . Mem bers o f th e committe e include d a numbe r o f ex-gangster s wh o wer e no w responsible citizens, local police, interested citizens , and people from variou s social agencies i n the community . The gan g committe e me t periodically , no t onl y i n crisi s situations , an d concentrated o n exchangin g informatio n an d knowledg e abou t gan g organization i n th e area . I n additio n t o compiling dat a o n gan g patterns, the mor e than thirt y member s o f the committe e discusse d effectiv e programmin g fo r gang contro l an d dealin g wit h suc h specia l problem s a s dru g dealin g an d drug addiction. Followin g is a summary of aims and activitie s developed an d utilized b y our gang committee: 1. Gang Information. Informatio n (bot h rumore d an d factual ) abou t th e size, organization , an d s o o n o f gang s an d delinquen t group s wa s ex -

Some Effective Interventions / 13 5 changed amon g th e member s o f th e committee . Thi s interactio n wa s carried o n throug h suc h mean s a s questionnaires, discussio n a t meetings, and phone calls. 2. Gang-Work Techniques and Methods. The committee attempted t o discuss and continuall y develo p mor e effectiv e technique s an d method s fo r de tecting, preventing, dealin g with, and eliminatin g gang s and relate d indi vidual problems . Thes e method s woul d includ e grou p discussio n wit h gangsters, method s fo r workin g ou t socia l agency-police-yout h relation ships and dealin g with gang/narcotic s problems . 3. Community Education Groups. The committe e disseminate d informatio n and educate d th e publi c o n gan g problem s an d issue s tha t wer e o f relevance. 4. Ancillary Projects. Th e committee , throug h colleg e student s fro m a loca l university, carrie d ou t limited-rang e surveys , research projects , an d grou p therapy projects .

G R O U P PSYCHOTHERAP Y AN D PSYCHODRAM A T R E A T M E N T M E T H O D S FO R GANGSTER S

As part o f th e describe d program s an d agencie s devise d fo r reachin g gang sters, especiall y younge r Wannabees , th e treatmen t methodologie s o f grou p psychotherapy an d psychodram a ar e very effective approaches . These quint essential treatmen t method s ca n b e incorporate d int o program s i n commu nity centers, schools, probation, parole, and i n custodia l institutions .

GROUP PSYCHOTHERAP Y

The us e o f grou p psychotherap y wit h sociopathi c gangsters , especiall y younger Wannabees , i s mos t usefu l fo r th e purpos e o f modifyin g thei r behavior an d helpin g the m t o lea d mor e constructiv e lives . Grou p psycho therapy has some special advantage s ove r individual therapy : 1. The therapis t ca n b e aided b y cooperative youths within th e group who m he ca n enlis t t o provid e a bridge o f communication s betwee n the m an d the mor e difficult , les s communicative youth s in the group. 2. Gan g youths i n a group are very insightful abou t detectin g an d dissectin g

136 / Some Effective Interventions each other' s problems . Essentially , multipl e therapist s ar e involve d i n th e group i f the group therapist effectivel y coordinate s the situation . 3. Th e therapis t encounter s hi s client s i n a mor e natura l milie u i n grou p therapy tha n i n a one-to-one relationship . Mos t gangster s find i t uncom fortable t o tal k t o a gan g worke r alon e withou t som e o f thei r homie s present. 4. Grou p interactio n bring s t o th e surfac e mor e underlyin g problem s tha n an individua l situatio n produces . Th e all-in-the-same-boa t conditio n o f gangsters ca n hel p focu s an d resolv e man y o f the problem s the y confron t in thei r famil y an d communit y an d ca n lea d t o a positive chang e i n thei r behavior. PSYCHODRAMA

Since group psychotherapy i s a more well-known methodology , I will go into more detail o n psychodrama a s a viable method fo r treating gangsters. (For a more comprehensiv e discussio n o f psychodrama , se e m y boo k Psychodrama}) Psychodrama wa s invente d i n 191 0 b y psychiatris t J . L . Moreno . I n th e 1930s Dr . Moren o an d a numbe r o f associate s directe d psychodrama s i n juvenile reformatorie s an d i n a numbe r o f prisons , includin g Ne w York' s Sing Sin g Prison . Sinc e the n th e metho d ha s bee n effectivel y use d i n a variety o f institutiona l an d communit y clinic s fo r delinquents . I hav e em ployed th e metho d ove r the pas t forty-five year s with considerabl e succes s in reformatories, wit h gangsters on probation an d parole , in psychiatric hospita l programs for delinquents, and with convict s in several prisons. The psychodramatic metho d ca n b e briefl y described . Psychodram a i s a natural an d automati c process . W e al l a t som e tim e hav e a n inne r dram a going o n i n ou r mind . I n thi s confidentia l setting , a person i s the sta r o f his or her psychodrama sessio n an d play s all of the roles . A person ma y encoun ter parents , a n employer , a spouse , o r a rejecting love r i n th e monodrama ; these other s ar e referre d t o i n psychodram a a s "auxiliary egos. " In a session, an auxiliar y eg o wil l pla y th e rol e o f a significan t othe r relate d t o th e subject's problem . Throughou t thi s boo k I hav e presente d a numbe r o f psychodramatic role-playin g session s t o indicat e som e issue s relate d t o th e gang. Followin g are two psychodrama session s — one i n th e communit y an d the othe r i n a probatio n cam p — that serv e t o illustrat e ho w psychodram a can b e utilized t o treat the gang problem.

Some Effective Interventions I 13 7

An Impromptu Psychodrama

on

Violence

Gang lif e ofte n move s s o fas t tha t i t i s not possibl e t o wai t unti l gangster s ar e apprehended an d place d i n a n institutio n t o leisurel y wor k wit h the m i n psychodrama. T o preven t a n ac t o f violence , i t i s sometime s necessar y t o respond quickl y t o a n emergenc y situation . I n th e followin g interventio n t o prevent a gan g murder , I use d psychodram a i n th e contex t o f m y rol e a s a detached gan g worker . The psychodram a bega n wit h a sociopathi c gangste r know n a s "Ape, " whom I kne w fro m m y wor k wit h th e Egyptia n King s gang . I encountere d Ape, accompanie d b y tw o o f hi s gangste r friends , a s I wa s walkin g dow n th e street nea r m y offic e i n Ne w York . Withou t an y hesitatio n o r preliminar y greetings, an d a sulle n angr y demeanor , h e surprise d m e b y pullin g ou t a deadly lookin g switchblad e knif e an d announce d tha t h e wa s o n hi s wa y t o kill a yout h wh o live d i n a nearb y neighborhoo d o n th e Uppe r Wes t Sid e o f Manhattan. A numbe r o f factor s wer e i n plac e tha t enable d m e a s a detache d gan g worker a t tha t tim e t o interven e i n thi s potentia l homicide . I wa s prepare d for thi s emergenc y possibilit y sinc e o n a continuing basi s I knew th e relation ships o f variou s gang s an d gan g network s i n th e area . I kne w th e gang s tha t were feudin g an d th e leadershi p pattern s o f eac h group . Mor e tha n that , I had previousl y directe d psychodram a session s wit h Ap e an d othe r gangster s from hi s gan g i n m y office . Also, a t th e momen t I encountere d Ape , I aske d myself , Wh y di d h e sto p me befor e h e wen t t o sta b th e othe r youth ? I suspecte d th e chance s wer e good tha t h e reall y di d no t wan t t o commi t thi s violenc e an d wante d m e t o help hi m find a convenien t wa y ou t o f committin g a potentia l murder . I n brief, som e groundwor k wa s i n plac e fo r thi s psychodramati c intervention . After som e preliminar y discussio n abou t th e situatio n o n th e street , I invited th e tri o to m y offic e t o discus s th e matte r further , an d the y reluctantl y accompanied me . Afte r w e settle d int o m y office , Ap e elaborate d o n hi s previous brie f remark s t o m e o n th e street . H e said , "Man , F m packin g I go t my blad e (switchblad e knife ) righ t here . F m goin g u p t o 130t h Stree t t o cu t the shi t ou t o f Craz y Eddie " ( a notoriou s enem y gangster ) wh o ha d appar ently show n disrespec t fo r Ap e b y sayin g ba d thing s abou t him . After a warm-u p discussio n o n option s t o murderin g Eddie , Ape agree d t o a role-playin g sessio n t o explor e hi s rage , th e motivatio n fo r hi s anger , an d from m y viewpoint , t o driv e hom e t o hi m th e dir e consequence s o f suc h a

138 / Some Effective Interventions homicide. The session began with the use of another gang boy as an auxiliary ego i n th e rol e o f the intende d victim . A paper rule r replace d th e knif e (fo r obvious reasons) , an d th e "killing " wa s acte d ou t i n m y offic e unde r con trolled psychodramatic conditions . Befor e Ap e plunge d th e "knife " int o "Eddie," I had hi m soliloquiz e hi s ange r an d th e reaso n wh y h e wante d t o kill Eddie. Ape (th e subject ) i n hi s speec h cursed , fumed , threatened , an d shoute d at Eddie . Afte r h e ha d explore d muc h o f hi s rage , I returne d hi m t o rol e playing wit h hi s psychodramati c Eddie , wh o hurle d threat s an d insult s i n return. Ape worked himsel f int o a frenzy an d the n stabbe d th e auxiliar y eg o (the gan g bo y playin g th e part ) wit h th e pape r knife . Th e psychodramati c victim fel l dea d o n the floor. Ape wa s the n confronte d wit h th e consequence s o f hi s ac t i n al l o f it s dimensions, including th e effec t o n hi s life an d hi s own family. H e began t o regret wha t h e ha d don e an d wa s particularly remorsefu l whe n (psychodra matically) a n auxiliar y eg o playin g th e rol e o f a court judg e sentence d hi m to death i n the electri c chair . When h e ha d calme d dow n fro m actin g ou t th e murde r an d seein g th e possible consequenc e o f his own execution , we psychodramatically explore d his possibl e motivatio n fo r killin g Eddie . A s I expected , Ap e wa s goin g through a rough perio d o f conflict wit h hi s father, an d i n a role pla y of this father-son problem , i t appeared i n the overall two-hour psychodrama tha t his father wa s the real target of the rage he had wanted t o act out against Eddie. The psychodram a accomplishe d severa l things for this potential killer : 1. I n th e sessio n h e gaine d a certai n amoun t o f insigh t int o th e fac t tha t a t that tim e h e ha d a lot of conflict wit h an d hostilit y towar d hi s father an d that his potential attac k on Crazy Eddie was a form o f the displaced ange r he felt for hi s father . 2. H e n o longe r wa s motivated t o kill Eddi e sinc e h e ha d alread y i n a sense accomplished thi s psychodramatically . 3. H e wa s confronte d wit h th e consequence s o f hi s homicida l act . Mos t gangsters, lik e man y people , operat e i n th e spu r o f the momen t an d ar e unable t o think ahead i n a situation t o the outcome. When a gangster has an opportunit y t o act out hi s homicidal tendencie s i n a psychodrama, h e invariably gains some insight s into his real motivations . My interventio n serve d a s a deterren t t o th e actua l commissio n o f a murder. O f course , thi s bo y require d an d receive d furthe r therapy , whic h

Some Effective Interventions I 13 9 sought to deal with his more basic personality problems. Moreover, consider ably mor e wor k wa s attempte d o n th e gan g network s s o a s t o minimiz e their potentia l fo r violence . However , th e emergenc y psychodrama , i n wha t Moreno call s "in situ/ ' the immediat e situation , did dete r Ape from commit ting a homicide, at least on that particular day. Psychodrama in a Probation Camp A student of mine, John Hill, whom I had trained to direct psychodrama in his work in a probation camp, used psychodrama to deal with a typical gang problem that often manifests itself in a custodial setting. Following is a previously unpublished report of the event that John and I coauthored, in which we discuss the rationale for using psychodrama and present a typical session for controlling violence in a custodial setting. One o f the majo r problem s faced b y correctional counselor s i n the car e an d treatment o f gang youths i n a custodial settin g i s the behavio r o f the aggres sive, assaultive inmate . Hi s violent attitude an d behavio r tend s to disrupt th e possibility o f th e treatmen t proces s i n th e institution . H e present s uniqu e difficulties i n terms of control an d adaptability , especiall y in the group-livin g situation, and sinc e his behavior directl y affects th e behavior o f his peers, his negative acting out exerts undue pressure s o n the group as a whole. With thes e thought s i n mind , th e possibilit y o f utilizin g psychodram a a s a treatmen t too l i n dealin g wit h a n aggressiv e war d name d Davi d becam e readily apparen t base d o n fou r majo r assumptions : (1 ) An y aggressiv e an d assaultive impulse s coul d b e channele d i n a controlled , monitore d setting , allowing ful l expressio n withou t th e dange r o f physica l injury . (2 ) Th e motives behin d thes e impulse s coul d b e explore d i n a manne r readil y visible to the ward s involved. (3 ) An immediat e catharsi s coul d b e achieved , reducing th e probabilit y o f uncontrolle d aggressio n an d pressur e i n th e group-living situation . (4 ) An y precipitatin g problem s coul d b e alleviated , examined, an d explore d a s they occurred b y a restaging o f the proble m i n a psychodrama. The psychodram a o f David present s a n exampl e o f the proces s i n action . David i s a sixteen-year-ol d Mexican-America n yout h committe d t o th e cus tody of the probatio n cam p b y the court s for murder . H e i s a large, heavyset boy, intensel y gan g oriented . Hi s cas e file reveal s a recor d o f seventee n arrests ranging fro m assault s an d robberie s t o th e offens e tha t ha d hi m committed t o camp.

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David entere d "A " dormitory reluctantly . Hi s initia l reactio n t o cam p wa s negative i n th e extreme . Withi n thre e hour s o f entering th e program , h e ha d managed t o alienat e virtuall y everyon e i n th e dormitory , staff , an d peer s alike. Hi s answe r t o ever y reasonabl e reques t wa s a resoundin g obscenity . The consensu s o f opinio n b y staf f wa s tha t Davi d shoul d b e remove d t o a security, o r lockup , facilit y a s soo n a s possible . This woul d probabl y hav e bee n initiate d i n shor t orde r ha d h e no t become involve d i n a n inciden t wit h th e reignin g Chican o i n th e dorm , Leon, a membe r o f a riva l gang . Staf f intervene d befor e blow s wer e struck , and Davi d an d si x other ward s wer e take n t o th e offic e fo r counseling . It wa s fel t tha t th e psychodramati c approac h migh t prov e effectiv e i n thi s case, an d th e transitio n fro m encounte r grou p t o psychodram a wa s mad e b y setting th e stag e fo r a reenactmen t o f th e confrontatio n betwee n Davi d an d Leon. Initiall y a n auxiliar y eg o staf f membe r playe d th e par t o f Leon . David wa s seate d i n a chai r facin g th e staf f member , a probatio n officer , who assume d th e rol e o f Leon . DAVID: Yo u bastard s (indicating the group as a whole) ar e alway s messin ' with me . " L E O N " : Man , yo u com e walkin g i n her e lik e vat o loc o tryin g t o prov e ho w tough yo u are , wha t d o yo u expect ? (David does a double take and demands to know who the staff member playing Leon is.) I s h e t o b e a staf f perso n o r i s h e supposed t o be Leon ? The groun d rule s wer e repeated , indicatin g tha t wha t w e wer e tryin g t o accomplish wa s t o reliv e th e inciden t s o that w e coul d se e wha t th e proble m was. Davi d wa s reluctantl y cooperative . DAVID: Ho w com e tha t pun k (indicating the real Leon) don' t d o i t himself ? Leon becam e visibl y agitated an d starte d t o get out o f his chai r t o confron t his adversary . H e wa s wave d back . Staf f explaine d tha t becaus e o f th e charged atmospher e an d ra w feeling s a substitut e fo r Leo n wa s bein g used . David wa s instructe d t o regar d th e staf f perso n playin g Leo n a s the rea l Leo n for purpose s o f th e psychodrama . Th e initia l confrontatio n wa s reviewe d with th e wards , explainin g tha t Davi d ha d challenge d Leo n an d tha t Leo n had reacte d b y questionin g David' s righ t t o ente r th e dormitor y a s a ne w bo y and thro w hi s weigh t around . Th e staf f member , reassumin g th e rol e o f Leon, picke d i t u p fro m there .

Some Effective Interventions I 14 1

" L E O N " : HO W com e yo u thin k you'r e suc h a ba d ass ? You can' t com e walkin g in her e talkin g al l tha t cra p an d shovin g peopl e around . Yo u bette r ge t you r ac t together. DAVID: Fuc k yo u man ! You don' t tel l Ma d Do g [hi s gan g name ] wha t t o d o o r not do ! " L E O N " : Ma d dog ? Ma d dog ? The y usuall y pu t ma d dog s t o sleep . Wha t doe s that mea n Ma d Dog ? (Leon laughs from the sidelines as David balls up his fists and glares at the group.) DAVID: I' m goin g t o waste you, puto! (This is directed toward the real Leon.) The psychodram a interchang e continue d fo r som e minute s an d wa s evi dently a sourc e o f som e satisfactio n t o Davi d wh o bega n t o rela x a s h e realized tha t h e coul d expres s himsel f verball y withou t fea r o f physica l retaliation fro m Leo n o r th e staf f membe r playin g Leon . Anothe r ward , James, a blac k gangste r wh o ha d bee n delighte d wit h th e exchange , wa s moved int o positio n nex t t o Davi d t o suppor t hi m an d ac t a s hi s double . ( A double sit s behin d th e subjec t o f th e sessio n an d give s hi m suppor t i n expressing himself. ) " L E O N " : (Continuing with the session) I don't know ho w a punk lik e you staye d alive o n th e outs . I f I' d see n yo u ou t there , I woul d hav e brough t bac k you r cojones [testicles ] i n a paper bag . DAVID: (His face reddening at this reflection on his manhood, David struggles with himself for a moment before answering.) A t leas t I go t cojones . Yo u ain' t nothing unles s you go t your hom e boy s around . At thi s poin t James , wh o ha d obviousl y bee n anxiou s t o participate , interjected himsel f a s David' s double , helpin g Davi d t o presen t himsel f mor e effectively. JAMES: (A s David) Yeah , yo u thin k yo u runnin ' thi s dorm , tellin ' everybod y what t o do al l th e time . You think yo u cool , but yo u ain' t shit ! David wa s somewhat take n abac k a t the unexpecte d suppor t h e ha d foun d from Jame s an d warme d t o hi s role . H e bega n t o reflec t o n hi s statements , picking u p cue s fro m James . DAVID: Yeah , ho w com e whe n I com e i n her e yo u al l o f a sudde n star t givin g orders? You ain't n o bette r tha n m e eve n i f you bee n her e longer .

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Leon no w entere d th e sessio n a s himself . Th e interchang e betwee n th e two boy s wa s no w takin g plac e i n fairl y norma l tone s a s Leon , havin g vente d his persona l angr y emotions , bega n dealin g wit h Davi d o n th e leve l o f a person o f authorit y tryin g t o reaso n wit h a recalcitran t underling . Davi d wa s resisting thi s proces s b y pointedl y ignorin g Leon' s argument s an d discussin g his ow n feeling s o f right an d justice . While h e playe d th e rol e o f the wronge d party wit h obviou s relish , i t wa s apparen t tha t h e ha d littl e o r n o insigh t a t this poin t int o hi s rol e i n th e problem . The staf f suggeste d tha t th e ward s physicall y exchang e place s ( a rol e reversal) an d tha t Leo n pla y th e rol e o f Davi d whil e Davi d assum e th e par t of Leon . Bot h boy s initiall y balke d a t th e ide a o f rol e reversal , bu t caugh t u p in th e fu n o f th e proces s an d a t th e urgin g o f other s i n th e group , the y reluctantly exchange d seats . Leo n wa s th e first t o begi n th e dialogue . H e assumed a n exaggerate d stanc e o f braggadocio, fists clenche d an d lip s draw n back. H e stare d defiantl y a t David . L E O N : (A s David) Yo u puto yo u ain' t gonn a tel l m e wha t t o do! David wa s obviousl y strugglin g a t thi s point , no t sur e o f ho w h e shoul d react. Then , apparentl y rememberin g Leon' s tirad e agains t him , launche d into a vituperativ e monologu e tha t continue d fo r som e minute s despit e Leon's attempt s t o interrupt . Th e othe r member s o f th e grou p seeme d t o b e really enjoyin g th e performanc e o f th e tw o toug h gangster s i n thei r powe r struggle. When Davi d i n th e rol e o f Leo n finally ra n ou t o f invectives , th e staf f asked hi m wha t h e wa s feelin g a t tha t moment . H e the n returne d t o bein g himself. DAVID: I don't kno w man , bu t I really got pisse d of f whe n h e calle d m e a put o and starte d starin g a t me lik e that . I t made m e fee l lik e goin g off on him . STAFF : D o yo u wan t t o go off on hi m now ? DAVID: Yeah , yeah I do! STAFF : (Handing David a towel) Okay , hi t th e des k wit h this . Hi t th e des k lik e it was Leon . David too k th e towe l an d tentativel y hi t th e desk ; once , twice , thre e times . Then h e knotte d th e en d an d brough t i t crashing dow n a half a doze n times .

Some Effective Interventions I 14 3

STAFF : Wh o ar e you hitting , David ? DAVID: Him , Leon . STAFF : (Turning to the group in the room) What's happenin g here ? GROUP M E M B E R : I t seems t o m e tha t he' s gettin g pisse d of f a t Leo n fo r doin g the sam e thin g h e alway s does himsel f a s a gang leader . M I K E : I think he' s pissed of f at himself . STAFF : (To David) Wha t d o you thin k abou t that ? DAVID: I don't kno w wha t you're talkin g about . LEON: Look , man , I wa s doin g th e sam e thin g yo u wer e doin g fro m th e first minute yo u walke d i n here . S o maybe yo u ca n se e ho w you wa s coming off . David struggle d wit h th e concep t fo r a momen t the n agai n crashe d th e towel violentl y agains t th e desk . DAVID: (Angrily) You guys don't kno w shit ! David di d no t sa y thi s to o convincingly , however . T h e res t o f th e grou p had ha d a glimps e o f the trut h an d immediatel y bega n t o belabo r th e point . STEVE: Hey , man , mayb e yo u go t angr y becaus e yo u kno w th e wa y i t reall y is . You aren't th e bi g shot here . Mayb e yo u bette r fac e it . JERRY: (Changing allegiance) Yeah , don' t see m lik e you ca n tak e wha t yo u wa s giving out . CARLOS: That' s th e troubl e wit h yo u man , yo u don' t know what's comin g dow n even whe n everyon e els e ca n se e it ! . . . Suddenly Davi d lashe d ou t wit h th e towe l actuall y strikin g Leo n acros s the face , an d the n h e screame d a t th e group . DAVID: Dam n it ! Why don' t yo u puto s ge t off m y back ? Leon reacte d b y pullin g th e towe l ou t o f David' s hand s an d wa s abou t t o hit hi m wit h th e knotte d en d whe n th e staf f membe r intervene d an d pushe d both boy s bac k int o thei r chairs . T h e othe r boy s ha d leape d up , happil y anticipating a fight.

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STAFF : Okay , okay, now jus t sit down an d cal m down . Leon wa s rubbin g hi s face , lookin g dagger s a t David , wh o wa s sittin g slumped i n hi s chai r breathin g heavily . Th e othe r member s o f th e grou p settled bac k a s th e staf f membe r aske d the m t o explai n wha t ha d jus t happened. JAMES: I think Davi d know s what' s happenin g an d i s afraid t o fac e it . H e can' t admit he' s wrong, so he ha s to take i t out o n somebody . MIKE: Yeah , h e act s jus t lik e m y littl e brothe r whe n h e doesn' t ge t hi s wa y o r what h e wants . He ha s a tantrum . JERRY: Yeah , he actin g lik e a kid. The other s al l echoe d Jerry' s sentiment s a s Davi d sa t i n hi s chai r fighting back tears . Leon , sensin g tha t Davi d ha d jus t passe d throug h a n emotiona l crisis, relaxe d an d bega n t o talk . H e becam e quit e reflectiv e an d adult . L E O N : I don't know , sometimes it' s hard t o be real . I mean t o really se e yoursel f as othe r peopl e do . (He reflects for a moment) Whe n I wa s o n th e out s [o n th e street] whe n I wa s a kid , I go t int o fights al l th e time . I gues s I wa s a rea l vat o loco. Everybod y though t I wa s crazy , eve n m y parents . I wa s i n th e hospita l maybe five o r si x times. Whe n I was fifteen, I got sho t an d everybod y though t I was goin g t o die . Whe n I got bac k o n th e street s I was a bi g man . I wa s tough . Then I starte d thinkin g ho w weir d i t wa s tha t i t too k almos t gettin g kille d an d having a hole i n m y side t o make m e a person o f respect . Anyway, no w I ha d m y re p a s a G an d didn' t hav e t o g o aroun d personall y going of f o n people . Sure , I done som e gangbanging , bu t mos t o f the tim e sinc e then I kept lai d bac k ou t o f sight. I got things I want t o do. I got a veija [woman ] and a kid . I gues s I kno w wha t Davi d feel s like . I gues s h e stil l got t o mak e hi s rep. He' s jus t no t goin g abou t i t th e right way . Goin g of f o n vato s i n cam p ain' t gonna mak e it . Tha t wa y somebod y i s going t o d o hi m [kil l him] . We al l go t t o get alon g her e an d d o ou r tim e th e bes t wa y w e can . W e go t t o stic k together . When I was sitting here doin g his trip [i n David' s role] , I was getting nex t to ho w he wa s feeling . I gues s becaus e I bee n ther e myself . Alway s needin g t o prov e myself a s a man . Leon appeare d t o hav e los t al l hi s animosity , an d durin g th e cours e o f hi s talking Davi d listene d intently . Davi d seeme d surprise d tha t Leo n expresse d

Some Effective Interventions I 14 5

feelings o f empath y fo r him , especiall y i n vie w o f the towe l incident . H e wa s having difficult y i n controllin g hi s tears . STAFF : (To David) Okay , how ar e you feelin g now ? DAVID: I don't know man . I don't kno w ho w I' m feeling . I feel al l washed out . I feel lik e I don't giv e a damn abou t anything . I' m tired . LEON: Yo u got t o ge t wit h it . You wer e talkin g tha t everyon e wa s dow n o n yo u without givin g yo u a chance . Well , i t seem s t o m e tha t yo u wer e dow n o n everybody withou t givin g us a chance . DAVID: I don' t know . Wit h th e puto s o n th e stree t yo u got t o ge t the m befor e they ge t you , yo u kno w that , otherwis e the y wal k al l ove r you . I kno w yo u go t home boy s here, but n o on e i s going to walk ove r me . L E O N : Okay , n o on e i s going t o wal k ove r yo u her e a s long a s you tak e car e o f business. There' s to o man y dude s ou t ther e tha t wan t t o se e u s firing o n eac h other. You'r e jus t goin g t o mak e i t harde r o n yoursel f an d th e res t o f u s unles s you're coo l an d yo u mak e som e changes . I kno w ho w har d i t i s t o g o throug h some changes , bu t it' s wort h it . I have t o i f I'm goin g t o d o righ t b y my wife an d kid whe n I get ou t o f here. DAVID: (Shaking his head to indicate doubt, reflects for a moment, then tentatively holds out his hand. He finds it hard to meet Leon's eye.) Okay , okay , man , I see wher e you'r e comin g from . I' m sorr y I hi t yo u wit h th e towel . I gues s I wa s pretty pisse d off . Leon too k David' s han d an d shoo k i t firmly, makin g th e commen t tha t he coul d clearl y se e wh y the y calle d hi m Ma d Dog . A t thi s poin t Davi d ha d some recognitio n o f hi s responsibilit y t o th e grou p a s a veterano i n th e cam p and ha d take n th e first ste p i n acceptin g th e cam p progra m fo r hi s treatment . For Davi d th e psychodram a wa s bot h a catharsi s an d a n initiatio n int o th e group-living settin g o f th e camp . A most importan t face t o f th e psychodram a was that , fo r th e first time , i t enable d Davi d t o se e himsel f a s other s sa w him — the beginning s o f insigh t an d hopefull y a positiv e chang e fro m hi s past violen t behavior . Whil e th e psychodram a wa s no t a panace a fo r David' s problems, i t di d provid e a n initia l ste p int o bein g integrate d int o th e cam p program instea d o f bein g transferre d becaus e o f hi s violen t behavio r t o a maximum securit y prison . Th e transfe r woul d hav e place d hi m i n a n institu tion wher e a ki d lik e hi m woul d b e pulle d eve n furthe r int o a violen t hard core gangste r i n th e priso n system .

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THE VALU E O F GROU P PSYCHOTHERAP Y AN D PSYCHODRAM A FOR TREATIN G GANGSTER S

Group psychotherap y an d psychodram a provid e th e opportunit y fo r actua l direct rol e training . Her e a yout h ca n se e himsel f an d other s b y presentin g his problem s fo r grou p discussio n an d analysis . Mor e tha n that , the y ar e i n a position t o correc t (o r edit ) thei r illega l action s i n th e presente d situations . The gangste r ca n tr y out o r practic e legall y conformin g role s i n th e presenc e of crimina l "experts/ 7 hi s peers , wh o quickl y detec t whethe r h e i s connin g the grou p o r playin g i t straight . Psychodrama enable s a violen t gangste r t o ven t hi s ange r i n a controlle d setting an d ge t som e insight s int o th e causa l contex t (usuall y hi s famil y situation) o f hi s violen t behavior . I n th e grou p h e ca n ac t ou t hi s assaultiv e impulses withou t harmin g anyon e an d ri d himsel f o f som e o f thes e negativ e emotions. H e ca n lear n t o verbaliz e hi s violen t impulse s rathe r tha n assaul t first an d pa y th e inevitabl e negativ e consequences . Because gangster s hav e difficult y controllin g thei r immediat e violen t com pulsions, the y ten d t o liv e i n th e momen t an d ofte n lac k th e abilit y t o relat e the pas t t o th e present , th e presen t t o th e future . Th e though t o f futur e punishment o r pas t experienc e doesn' t usuall y ente r thei r consciou s delibera tions t o serv e a s a deterren t t o illega l action . Trainin g i n understandin g tim e dimensions i s therefor e ofte n usefu l i n violenc e preventio n throug h th e group process . Psychodrama a s a grou p proces s provide s suc h tim e flexibility. Th e of fender ca n ac t ou t th e past , immediate , o r expecte d proble m situation s tha t are disturbin g him . Th e process , therefore , i s useful i n workin g wit h a typica l gangster's problem , hi s impulsiv e violen t behavior . In psychodram a th e us e o f th e "futur e projectio n technique, " b y whic h a person propel s himsel f int o a futur e situation , provide s a n opportunit y fo r the offende r t o pla n ho w t o liv e withi n th e law . Thi s techniqu e ha s bee n used wit h gangster s abou t t o b e release d int o th e ope n community . I n a session the y ar e psychodramaticall y projecte d int o relevan t futur e socia l situations i n whic h the y wil l find themselves . Thes e role-tes t an d trainin g situations includ e confrontin g potentia l problem s i n thei r community , o n a job, wit h thei r family , wit h supervisin g probatio n officers , an d others . I t ca n provide the m wit h som e degre e o f flexible an d appropriat e behavio r fo r dealing wit h difficul t futur e situations . As a cas e i n point , I have ofte n directe d role-playin g sessio n wit h offender s for th e purpos e o f applying fo r a job . I n on e sessio n a gangster, wh o wa s soo n

Some Effective Interventions / 14 7

to b e release d fro m prison , wen t throug h th e motion s o f gettin g a jo b wit h a potential employe r i n a role-playin g situation . Hi s demeano r reflecte d a n apparent disinteres t i n reall y gettin g a job . Thi s fac t wa s quickl y an d force fully brough t t o hi s attentio n b y othe r member s o f th e grou p wh o wer e watching an d evaluatin g hi s lackluste r performance . Thi s feedbac k produce d some insight s fo r th e subjec t o f th e sessio n an d le d t o a valuabl e an d emotional discussio n o n th e basi c nee d fo r employmen t t o b e abl e t o g o straight an d sta y ou t o f prison . The psychodramati c role-trainin g proces s ca n als o b e utilize d t o buil d u p the gangster' s resistanc e t o effort s o n th e par t o f hi s homie s t o seduc e hi m back int o gan g activit y whe n h e i s bac k o n th e street . Psychodrama , there fore, provide s a n opportunit y fo r th e impulsiv e gangste r t o revie w som e o f his pas t an d futur e behavio r wit h it s man y implication s fo r preventin g an d controlling hi s delinquen t tendencies . For sociopathi c gangsters , word s ar e chea p an d lyin g i s easy. Base d o n m y experience o f directin g hundred s o f psychodrama s wit h thes e youths , I hav e determined tha t i t is very difficult t o li e i n actio n durin g grou p psychotherap y or psychodrama . Becaus e grou p pressure s mak e distortio n s o difficult , th e offender i s force d t o asses s hi s behavio r an d it s rational e closely . This , combined wit h opportunitie s t o tr y ou t law-abidin g behavio r pattern s i n rol e playing befor e suc h sever e judge s a s hi s peers , help s a gangste r t o reexamin e and rejec t hi s illega l behavio r pattern s an d lear n sociall y conformin g prac tices. Part o f th e difficult y o f various grou p treatmen t processe s i s that gangster s are quic k an d enjo y pointin g ou t th e defect s o f thei r cohorts , an d ar e hard pressed t o accep t constructiv e criticis m whe n the y ar e o n th e ho t seat . This , of course , i s no t onl y tru e fo r gangsters ; th e principl e applie s t o th e genera l population. A n empathi c grou p ca n hel p th e violen t offende r understan d the root s o f hi s compulsiv e violence . I n thei r psychodram a o r grou p therap y sessions, the y lear n tha t th e causa l contex t o f thei r rag e usuall y emanate s from th e sexual , emotional , o r physica l abus e the y wer e subjecte d t o a s children i n thei r dysfunctiona l socializatio n process . A valuabl e characteristi c o f psychodrama , grou p therapy , an d othe r treat ment approache s i s tha t the y provid e a n opportunit y fo r violen t gangster s t o discuss o r ac t ou t thei r illega l motivation s i n a controlle d setting . After actin g out an d discussin g thei r destructiv e impulse s i n a session, the y ma y n o longe r have th e motivatio n t o carr y the m ou t i n reality . Thi s therapeuti c proces s can tak e plac e i n th e community , i n viabl e custodia l institutio n programs , and mos t effectivel y i n th e contex t o f a therapeutic community .

7. The Therapeuti c Communit y Approach t o Gang s

D

HE THERAPEUTIC COMMUNIT Y APPROACH wa s originated i n 1958 i n Sant a Monica , California , b y a n ex-alcoholic , Charle s Dederich, wh o overcam e hi s alcoho l addictio n throug h Alcoholic s Anony mous. H e base d hi s approac h o n th e A A principl e tha t peopl e wh o hav e experienced a proble m an d hav e triumphe d ove r thei r proble m ca n b e effective i n treating and leadin g others out of their difficulty . On e significan t departure from A A that Dederic h initiated , among many others, was that the recovering alcoholics/addicts live d togethe r i n a residential settin g for at least a year. Another majo r premis e o f the therapeuti c communit y (hereafte r referre d to as a TC) i s that the TC wa s managed b y people wh o had recovere d fro m the proble m the y wer e attemptin g t o treat . Th e TC' s recovere d graduates , along wit h professiona l therapists , becam e th e mai n "therapists " i n thei r community. Th e concep t wa s tha t thi s ne w typ e o f ex-alcoholic/addic t therapist wa s uniquel y qualifie d t o trea t other s becaus e h e o r sh e ha d per sonally experience d th e problem , ha d gon e throug h a proces s o f changin g his o r he r behavio r i n a positiv e direction , an d wa s stayin g "clean, " o r fre e from thei r forme r problem . Whe n the y complete th e program , a number o f graduates wh o hav e demonstrate d talen t i n treatin g other s ar e hire d b y th e TC a s therapists. Th e majorit y retur n t o thei r famil y an d community ; how 148

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ever, they are encouraged t o maintain som e contact with the TC tha t helped to save their lives. I first hear d abou t th e T C approac h i n 196 0 fro m Donal d Cressey , a sociologist wh o ha d researche d an d writte n abou t Synanon . Sinc e then , based o n m y considerabl e researc h int o Synano n an d othe r TC s i n th e United State s an d Europe , I hav e conclude d tha t th e T C proces s equip s former addict s wit h lon g crimina l background s an d priso n experienc e t o become effectiv e therapist s fo r younge r delinquents , includin g gangsters . The ex-crimina l therapis t ha s had th e stree t experienc e o f his client, canno t easily b e outmaneuvere d b y him , an d ca n establis h rapport . Ther e i s a communication tha t mos t professiona l therapist s find difficul t t o establis h with rebelliou s an d defian t gangsters . In a TC setting , this type of meaningful an d hones t communication take s place on a daily basis in a variety of groups and th e result s have proven t o be phenomenal. Th e T C metho d sinc e it s inceptio n ha s prove n effectiv e fo r thousands of former alcoholics and criminals/addict s who have gone throug h the program . (Th e metho d an d it s effectiveness ha s bee n delineate d i n tw o books I have written.) ] The concep t an d methodolog y o f the origina l Synano n therapeuti c com munity ha s bee n replicate d i n thousand s o f spin-of f organization s i n th e United State s an d aroun d th e world . I n 199 6 ther e wer e severa l hundre d TCs i n th e Unite d State s an d hundred s o f other s throughou t Europ e an d Asia. Thes e replication s o f th e origina l Synano n metho d hav e bee n devel oped an d modifie d t o fit the cultura l characteristic s o f different communitie s in the Unite d State s and societie s around th e world. (A n organization know n as Therapeutic Communitie s o f America ha s a membershi p o f several hun dred TC s i n th e Unite d State s an d ther e i s a worldwid e association , th e World Federation o f Therapeutic Communities. ) As indicated, T C program s fo r criminals/addict s ar e house d i n th e ope n community. However , a numbe r o f community-base d TC s hav e imple mented thei r program s i n prisons , employin g ex-criminals/addict s wh o hav e been successfu l i n th e progra m a s therapists . Th e succes s rat e ha s bee n exceptional for criminals/addicts, including many gangsters, who have participated i n T C program s bot h i n priso n an d th e community . I n general , research dat a o n individual s release d fro m TC s a s compare d t o othe r treat ment approache s reveal s tha t th e usua l 6 5 percen t repeate r arres t rat e ha s been reversed . Around 6 5 percent of individuals released from a TC progra m are successfu l i n th e ope n communit y an d ar e no t rearreste d fo r a t leas t three years. 2

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T H E THERAPEUTI C COMMUNIT Y APPROAC H FOR GANGSTER S

In man y respect s th e T C approac h ha s alread y bee n implemente d i n th e treatment o f the gan g proble m sinc e hundred s o f gangster s hav e foun d thei r way int o thes e variou s T C program s an d hav e benefite d fro m th e process . The manne r i n whic h a T C ca n b e utilize d fo r specificall y resocializin g gangsters wa s reveale d t o m e i n th e earl y day s o f Synanon . A s I spen t time , around five years , an d interviewe d a numbe r o f Synano n resident s fo r m y first boo k o n TCs , Synanon: The Tunnel Back, I becam e awar e o f th e fac t that a numbe r o f Synano n resident s ha d violent-gan g behavio r i n thei r background. I t struc k m e earl y o n tha t fo r alienate d youth s wh o becam e gangsters, bein g par t o f a gan g wa s a searc h fo r som e kin d o f status , respect , and belongin g t o a community . I n a gan g thes e need s wer e me t i n a self and other-destructiv e way . I n a therapeuti c communit y th e sam e need s ar e met i n a humanisti c positiv e way . Th e followin g chronicl e o f Frankie , a former Ne w Yor k gangster , illuminate s ho w th e T C proces s ca n effectivel y treat gangsters . FRANKIE

Frankie cam e fro m a dysfunctiona l family . Becaus e o f thi s background , hi s family becam e a notoriou s gan g o n th e Uppe r Wes t Sid e o f New York know n as the Villains . According t o Frankie , th e gan g wa s hi s famil y until , a s he pu t it, "Kin g heroi n too k ove r m y life. " When Franki e wa s twenty , a Ne w Yor k judge , tire d o f seein g hi m g o through th e city' s revolving-doo r priso n syste m a t Riker s Islan d an d knowl edgeable abou t Synano n i n California , gav e hi m a choice : a lon g priso n sentence a t Sin g Sin g o r a las t chanc e i n a T C. Franki e chos e Synanon . When h e arrive d a t Synanon , Frankie' s first reactio n t o th e T C wa s confusion: "Th e first thin g the y hi t m e wit h flipped me . Thi s tough-lookin g cat say s t o me , T h e r e ar e tw o thing s yo u absolutel y can' t d o here , shoo t drugs o r fight/ Franki e said , scratchin g hi s head , ° I wa s al l mixe d up , thes e were th e mai n tw o thing s I kne w ho w t o do."Despit e hi s initia l confusion , he foun d th e environmen t interestin g an d excitin g an d quit e differen t fro m the prison s wher e h e ha d don e time . There were , accordin g t o Frankie , "lot s o f hi p people " i n Synanon . Among the m wa s Jimmy , wh o a t forty-eigh t ha d bee n a criminal/addic t an d

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a co n ma n fo r mor e tha n thirt y years ; h e wa s clea n a t th e tim e fo r ove r fiv e years i n th e T C . Jimmy , wh o ra n th e kitche n a t tha t time , wa s assigne d a s Frankie's sponsor . Franki e go t hi s first job , scourin g pot s an d pan s an d mopping th e floors. Accordin g t o Frankie , Jimm y coul d no t b e conne d o r manipulated ou t o f positio n lik e th e guard s an d therapist s tha t Franki e ha d encountered o n Riker' s Islan d an d a t variou s federa l hospital s fo r dru g addicts. Jimmy , o f course , "kne w th e score. " T o him , Frankie , wit h al l hi s exploits, wa s a "youn g punk " wh o coul d giv e hi m n o trouble . Jimm y tol d me, T v e me t kid s lik e thi s al l m y life , i n an d ou t o f the joint. " According t o Frankie , "A t first, I hate d thi s bastar d Jimmy . H e controlle d me an d alway s talke d m e ou t o f leavin g an d goin g bac k t o m y ol d gang . I used t o sometime s si t an d pla n way s t o kil l him. " Whe n Franki e wante d t o fight Jimm y ove r a disagreemen t abou t work , Jimm y laughe d an d tol d hi m that i f h e wante d t o fight, h e woul d b e throw n ou t o f th e plac e an d ge t sen t back t o Ne w Yor k an d a long priso n term . The usua l priso n situatio n wa s reversed , an d thi s furthe r confuse d Frankie. I n prison , i f Franki e go t int o trouble , confinemen t becam e increas ingly severe , wit h th e "hole " (solitar y confinement ) a n en d point . I n th e Bellevue Hospita l psychiatri c ward , wher e Franki e ha d als o spen t time , i t was a straitjacket . I n Synanon , the y tol d hi m the y woul d thro w hi m out . What mad e Franki e behav e i n orde r t o sta y i n th e TC ? I t wa s no t onl y the potentia l threa t o f prison . I n anothe r settin g hi s usua l violen t behavio r would hav e propelle d hi m ou t th e door . Wha t wa s importan t fo r Franki e wa s that ther e wer e other s wh o understoo d him , ha d mad e th e sam e "scenes, " and intuitivel y kne w hi s problem s an d ho w t o handl e him . Although , a t first, he woul d onl y grudgingl y admi t it , h e respecte d peopl e h e coul d no t con . He belonge d an d wa s no w par t o f a famil y an d a communit y h e coul d accept. Given Frankie' s delinquen t background , h e understoo d th e necessit y t o acquire a reputatio n i n an y organizatio n h e belonge d to , includin g gangs . Frankie foun d h e coul d mak e a re p i n th e T C , withou t gettin g punishe d o r locked up , a s h e woul d fro m hi s violent-gan g activities . I n priso n th e highes t he coul d achiev e i n term s o f th e value s o f othe r prisoner s wa s t o becom e "king" o f the inmat e world , acquir e a stash o f cigarettes, obtai n som e unsatis factory homosexua l favors , an d lan d i n th e hole . I n th e T C h e fel t h e coul d acquire an y rol e h e wa s "bi g enoug h o r ma n enoug h t o achieve " an d "growing up " carrie d th e highes t approva l o f hi s T C homies . H e coul d actually mov e u p th e status-ladde r an d becom e a directo r i n thi s organiza -

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tion, a s othe r criminals/addict s ha d done . (Th e presiden t o f Synanon , a t tha t time, wa s a n ex-heroi n addict . Fo r th e first tim e i n hi s life , Franki e wa s achieving status , a rep , fo r bein g clea n an d nondelinquent . Of course , whe n h e first arrive d Franki e attempte d t o gai n a re p b y conniving an d makin g deals , i n accor d wit h hi s ol d habits . When h e did , h e was laughe d at , ridiculed , an d give n sever e "haircuts " ( a Marine-lik e verba l dressing down ) b y othe r old-tim e co n me n i n grou p sessions . The y were , h e learned, ferociousl y loya l t o th e organization , whic h ha d literall y save d thei r lives an d give n the m a ne w statu s i n life . He , too , began t o develo p a n espri t de corp s i n th e T C . A s h e onc e pu t it , " I neve r woul d giv e thre e cheer s fo r Riker's Island . Bu t F m par t o f this place . It' s m y home. " Frankie foun d tha t re p wa s acquire d i n thi s socia l syste m (unlik e th e one s he ha d known ) b y "puttin g i n wor k o f truth , honesty , an d industry. " Th e values o f hi s othe r lif e require d reversa l i f h e wer e t o gai n a re p i n th e T C . These value s wer e no t goal s pe r s e o n whic h someon e moralize d i n a meaningless vacuum , bu t wer e mean s t o the en d o f acquiring prestig e withi n the toug h socia l syste m o f th e T C , wit h whic h h e increasingl y identifie d a s his "positiv e gang. " In th e encounte r group s h e wa s require d t o atten d thre e night s a week , Frankie participate d i n a ne w kin d o f grou p psychotherapy , unlik e th e kin d he ha d foole d aroun d wit h i n priso n programs . I n priso n h e ha d t o maintai n his tough-guy , mach o demeano r fo r self-protection . Consequently , h e neve r talked abou t hi s underlyin g feeling s o r hi s difficul t famil y background . I n the T C , th e trut h wa s viciousl y demanded . An y rationalization s abou t pas t or curren t devian t behavio r wer e brutall y demolishe d b y th e group . Ther e was a n intensiv e searc h fo r eac h member' s rea l self-identity . H e foun d tha t in thi s process , whic h h e bega n t o trust , h e learne d somethin g o f wha t wen t on beneat h th e surfac e o f hi s thoughts . Franki e admitte d tha t fo r th e first time i n hi s life , h e ha d foun d othe r peopl e wh o reall y understoo d him . H e had experience d individua l an d grou p therap y i n priso n an d variou s othe r institutions, bu t i n thos e situation s h e coul d co n th e therapis t and , mos t important, " I sai d wha t I though t the y wante d t o hea r s o I coul d ge t ou t sooner." Frankie, wh o a t first ha d followe d hi s usua l patter n o f self-centere d manipulation o f others , no w bega n t o car e abou t wha t happene d t o others , who wer e rea l friend s t o him . H e bega n t o identif y wit h th e organizatio n and learne d o n a gu t leve l tha t i f any othe r membe r failed , i n som e measur e he, too , failed. Franki e bega n t o comprehen d wha t other s though t i n a socia l

The Therapeutic Community Approach / 15 3 situation. Th e concep t o f empathy , o r identifyin g wit h th e thought s an d feelings o f others , i n thi s ne w communit y becam e a significant reality . Th e concept o f n o ma n i s a n island , ofte n discusse d a t noo n philosophica l seminars, began t o have meaning for Frankie . In th e statu s system, Frankie' s ris e i n th e hierarch y wa s neither quic k no r easy. He first moved from th e dishpan t o serving food a t the kitchen counter . After severa l month s h e bega n t o wor k outsid e o n a picku p truc k tha t acquired foo d an d othe r donations . Here h e ha d hi s first slip int o hi s ol d ways , no doubt , i n part , t o tes t th e waters. Wit h tw o othe r individual s wh o worke d wit h hi m o n th e truck , a group decisio n wa s mad e on e da y tha t smokin g a join t migh t b e fun . The y acquired som e marijuana fro m a dealer known t o one o f the group. When the y arrive d bac k fro m work , thei r slightl y loade d appearanc e immediately becam e apparen t t o th e group . Accordin g t o Frankie , "The y spotted u s righ t away. " They wer e haule d int o th e mai n offic e an d viciousl y (verbally) attacke d an d ordere d t o "copout " (tell ) o r "ge t lost. " A genera l meeting wa s called , an d the y wer e force d t o revea l thei r devian t behavio r before th e entir e group , i n a so-calle d fireplace scene . Tha t nigh t Franki e was demoted bac k to washing dishes. Frankie learne d th e har d wa y that th e norm s o f the T C wer e th e revers e of the crimina l cod e h e ha d know n i n hi s gangster life . I n anothe r sli p int o negative behavior , Frankie , wit h tw o othe r members , wen t fo r a wal k int o town. On e o f the m suggeste d buyin g a bottl e o f wine . (O f course , n o drinking wa s permitted i n th e TC. ) Franki e an d th e othe r membe r rejecte d the proposal . However , n o on e reveale d th e inciden t unti l tw o day s late r when i t cam e u p i n group . Th e grou p jumpe d hardes t o n Franki e an d th e other individua l wh o ha d vetoe d th e idea , rathe r tha n o n th e on e wh o ha d suggested buyin g the wine. Frankie an d th e othe r "witnesses " wer e expecte d t o repor t suc h slip s immediately since the group's life depended o n keeping one another straight . For th e first tim e i n hi s life , Franki e wa s censure d fo r no t bein g a snitch . The maxi m "tho u shal t not squeal," basic to the existenc e o f the underworl d criminal culture , wa s reverse d an d fiercely upheld . I n th e TC , yo u wer e expected t o tell on anothe r i n order to keep them straight . Another area , th e no-physical-violenc e rule , wa s a t first difficul t fo r a criminal/addict lik e Franki e t o gras p an d t o believ e i n sinc e hi s usua l response t o a difficul t situatio n wa s t o leap , fists first, past verba l mean s o f communication int o assault. As a result of the group's and othe r new patterns

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of interaction , Frankie' s increasin g abilit y t o communicat e bega n t o mini mize hi s assaultiv e impulses . Althoug h a t first h e wa s kep t fro m committin g violence b y th e fea r o f ostracism , h e late r ha d n o nee d t o us e violenc e sinc e he ha d develope d som e abilit y t o verbaliz e hi s ange r effectively . H e learne d to expres s himself , i n wha t wa s fo r hi m a ne w for m o f communication , o n a nonviolent, verba l level . O n occasio n Franki e woul d regres s an d hav e th e motivation fo r assault , bu t th e syste m ha d take n hold . I n on e sessio n I hear d him say , " I wa s s o fuckin g ma d yesterday , I wishe d I wa s bac k a t Riker's . I really wante d t o hi t thi s gu y i n th e mout h fo r attackin g m e i n a grou p session." Frankie ha d a sketch y wor k recor d prio r t o enterin g th e T C . O n th e street, mos t o f hi s tim e wa s take n u p wit h gan g fighting, pimping , arme d robbery, o r pushin g heroin . Apar t fro m som e force d menia l labo r i n prison , he wa s seldo m engage d i n anythin g resemblin g forma l work . Hi s them e ha d been, wor k i s for squares . H e learne d ho w t o wor k i n th e T C a s a sid e effec t of hi s desir e t o ris e i n th e statu s system . H e learne d similarl y a startlin g ne w fact, tha t "talkin g t o someon e i n th e righ t wa y mad e the m d o mor e thing s than threatenin g them. " As a consequenc e o f livin g i n thi s ne w socia l system , Frankie' s socia l learning an d abilit y continue d t o increase . Hi s destructiv e patter n o f relatin g to other s withere d away . I t wa s n o longe r functiona l fo r hi m i n thi s ne w wa y of life . Th e T C develope d hi s empathi c ability . I t produce d a n attachmen t to different , mor e sociall y acceptabl e value s an d reconnecte d hi m t o th e larger societ y i n whic h th e T C functione d a s a valid organization . The T C proces s unearthe d a diamon d i n th e rough . Franki e alway s ha d an interes t i n art . As he late r describe d i t t o me , "Whe n I wa s a kid , I alway s liked t o draw , but n o on e pai d an y attentio n t o m y sketches , an d I was tease d by th e othe r kids . I di d som e secre t artwor k i n priso n bu t tor e i t up. " On e day i n a grou p tha t involve d a discussio n o f futur e occupations , Franki e wa s asked wha t h e woul d reall y like d t o d o whe n h e gre w up . Franki e tol d m e " I was scare d t o sa y it , bu t I said, ' I wan t t o b e a n artist / I t was amazin g tha t fo r the first tim e i n m y life , n o on e laughed . The y eve n encourage d m e t o g o t o art school. " The T C trul y worke d fo r Frankie , an d h e wen t t o ar t school . I t converte d a potentia l gan g kille r int o a n artist . I me t Franki e i n 199 3 a t a Synano n reunion. H e remain s dru g an d violenc e free , work s a s a lithographer , an d has create d man y interestin g work s o f art .

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T H E THERAPEUTI C DYNAMIC S O F A T C

Frankie learne d ho w t o d o hi s time i n reformatories , prisons , jails , and addic t hospitals. Non e o f thes e traditiona l approache s worke d fo r him . I n mos t traditional institutions , ther e i s a taci t assumptio n tha t i f th e inmate s follo w the rule s o f th e institutio n an d properl y interac t wit h th e staff , the y wil l change an d becom e bette r citizen s wh o ca n functio n mor e effectivel y i n th e larger society . Thi s mode l doe s no t hav e a n effectiv e succes s rate . I n fact , most custodia l institution s ar e trainin g school s fo r turnin g ou t mor e skille d offenders. Gangsters ar e programme d wit h a se t o f attitude s fo r handlin g encounter s with society' s custodia l institutions . The y lear n a se t o f attitude s i n juvenil e custody an d o n th e street s fro m olde r gangster s tha t ar e reinforce d i n prison . Prison official s ar e stereotype d b y th e inmat e cod e a s authorit y figures. Fo r most inmates , custodia l official s ar e hate d an d perceive d a s object s t o b e manipulated fo r quic k releas e o r illici t favors . Frankie quickl y learne d i n th e T C tha t everyon e wa s a "righ t guy, " including th e administrators , mos t o f who m ha d bee n i n hi s positio n a t on e time. Whe n h e trie d t o pla y hi s usua l institutiona l games , h e wa s ridicule d in grou p sessions . H e coul d no t hat e th e official s i n th e T C becaus e the y were peopl e lik e himself . If Franki e wante d t o "brea k out, " o r g o AWOL ( a basi c subjec t o f conver sation i n mos t institutions) , h e wa s invite d t o ge t los t b y th e T C staff . A t every turn h e discovere d ne w response s t o ol d situation s and , mos t important , other peopl e wh o kne w ho w h e fel t an d understoo d him . Instea d o f receivin g a callou s reaction , h e wa s told , " I remembe r ho w I felt whe n I first got here, " and thi s wa s ofte n followe d b y a detaile d descriptio n o f th e precis e feeling s he wa s experiencin g a t th e time . TCs ar e ofte n disconcertin g fo r T C newcomer s wit h a n institutiona l pas t because i t i s a ne w an d strang e situation . Yet , a t th e sam e time , th e sigh t o f others lik e themselve s wh o mad e i t give s the m confidence . The y hav e rol e models, peopl e the y ca n emulate . I n a T C the y find a ne w society . The y encounter understandin g an d affectio n fro m peopl e wh o hav e ha d lif e experiences simila r t o thei r own . The y find a communit y wit h whic h the y can identify , peopl e towar d who m the y ca n expres s thei r bes t huma n emo tions rathe r tha n thei r worst . The y find understandin g friend s wh o wil l assis t them whe n the y begi n t o deviat e o r fal l shor t o f wha t the y hav e se t ou t t o do, t o develo p an d mature . I n th e ne w societ y o f the T C , the y find a vehicl e for expressin g thei r bes t huma n qualitie s an d thei r potential .

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The concept s o f caste an d stratificatio n ar e two sociological concept s tha t help delineat e th e difference s betwee n a TC an d mos t traditiona l treatmen t institutions. A n inmat e o r patien t subcultur e develop s withi n mos t custodia l institutions, producin g a we-the y attitud e betwee n th e professiona l adminis tration an d th e inmates . T h e undergroun d inmat e societ y ha s norms , pat terns o f behavior, an d goals differen t fro m an d ofte n i n conflic t wit h thos e o f the overal l institution . Inmate s an d th e officia l staf f ar e divide d int o tw o segregated strata . Inmate s ca n b e viewe d a s a cast e o f "untouchables, " restricted t o a n inferio r powe r positio n i n th e hierarch y i n th e institution ; there i s no possibilit y o f their movin g up . It i s concede d b y mos t administrator s tha t thi s inmate-administratio n conflict situatio n contradict s an d impede s therapeuti c progres s fo r th e in mate. Thi s i s especially tru e i n a custodia l institutio n o r prison . T h e inmat e subsystem help s th e patient s o r inmate s cop e wit h th e ne w se t o f problem s that the y find i n mos t institutions . The y fee l rejecte d b y th e large r societ y and tr y t o compensat e fo r thi s rejection . On e wa y the y d o thi s i s t o rejec t and rebe l agains t th e administrator s o f society' s rejectio n — the institutiona l staff, wh o are the uppe r clas s o f people i n th e institution . A tru e T C doe s no t hav e a we-the y cast e system . I t provide s a n open ended stratificatio n situation . Upwar d mobilit y i s possibl e i n th e organiza tion, an d statu s seekin g i n th e syste m i s encouraged . T h e mos t macho , violent gangste r i n a T C ha s th e possibilit y o f movin g u p th e ladde r t o a paying staf f position . Anothe r facto r i n a TC tha t help s t o raise self-estee m i s that member s ar e no t identifie d a s inmates , wards , prisoners , o r patient s — they ar e residents . T h e residen t ca n identif y wit h th e constructiv e goal s o f the organizatio n fo r which h e works. He automatically become s a n employe e in th e TC organization , a t first on a menial level , and, later on , is encourage d to tak e par t i n th e TC's management an d development . In traditiona l institution s mos t inmate s o r patient s ten d t o fee l helpless , dependent, an d hopeles s abou t thei r destinie s i n th e institutio n an d th e society. The y hav e limite d powe r i n the institutio n sinc e i t is run by administrators wh o are usuall y indifferen t t o the inmates ' o r patients ' opinion s abou t its management . Moreover , a s I hav e noted , th e institution' s administrator s are see n a s representative s o f society's rejectio n o f the inmates , an d thi s set s up additiona l barrier s t o progressin g i n th e institution . Inmate s hav e a clea r authority objec t fo r thei r frustration s an d hatred s — the staff . I n a T C ther e is no such spli t sinc e th e administration consist s o f coworkers an d colleagues . There i s no "they " t o rebel agains t withi n th e organization .

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Involvement i n a T C help s t o foste r empath y i n a perso n whos e basi c problem i s alienatio n fro m society . Identificatio n wit h th e T C involve s feelings o f caring and concer n fo r th e othe r member s an d fo r th e destin y of the tota l organization . The developmen t o f these empathi c qualitie s reverse s the person' s past , ofte n sociopathi c lac k o f socia l concer n an d ha s a rea l impact o n positiv e personalit y change . Vita l t o thi s personalit y chang e ar e various group processes, such a s the encounte r group , the resident' s sponsor , and hi s caring circle o f friends. Group sessions in the TC ar e more closely related t o the real-life interper sonal and work problems that confront th e members . Given th e lack of caste division, line s o f communicatio n ar e ope n throughou t th e organization . This, plus a goldfish-bowl atmosphere , support a more extensive examinatio n of a resident's deeper, underlyin g problems. TC grou p sessions make intens e efforts t o surfac e al l possibl e dat a abou t a membe r sinc e thi s i s vital t o th e protection an d growt h o f both th e person an d th e TC organization . Sinc e all TC member s wor k fo r th e organization , man y rea l on-the-jo b problem s ar e funneled int o the TC' s grou p psychotherapy . All of these factor s giv e a TC's group proces s a realit y no t foun d i n th e closed-of f socia l system s o f mos t traditional institutions . There hav e bee n attempt s a t self-governmen t i n prison s an d menta l hospitals. I n thes e settings , however , th e inmate s recogniz e tha t final deci sions o n importan t polic y matter s remai n wit h th e administration . I n a TC, perhaps fo r th e first tim e i n thei r lives , th e member s assum e a significan t role in controlling their future, an d the y have a degree of power i n their ne w family an d community . Leadershi p i n a constructiv e situatio n i s a ne w experience fo r them , an d i t appears t o develop persona l responsibilit y an d a sense of independence i n TC residents . Because there i s a generally held belief by the residents that the TC save d their lives , th e camaraderi e i n th e organizatio n i s quit e powerful . Fe w in mates woul d giv e thre e cheer s fo r a hospita l o r a prison , bu t resident s i n a TC enjo y praisin g th e organizatio n tha t save d thei r live s an d ar e involve d with the growth an d developmen t o f their organization . In summary , th e followin g element s reflec t th e significan t differenc e between th e socia l structur e an d dynamic s o f TC s an d traditiona l correc tional institutions : 1. There i s a differenc e betwee n indoctrinatio n i n a T C an d i n othe r settings. Th e agreemen t fo r therap y an d th e prospect' s expectation s o f

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success ar e different . Tha t th e prospec t i s indoctrinate d b y peopl e wh o have themselve s bee n i n th e newcomer' s shoe s an d hav e succeede d appears t o b e a significan t element , providin g th e newcome r wit h a rol e model. Also , th e indoctrinato r see s wher e h e o r sh e wa s upo n lookin g a t the newcomer , an d this i s valuable fo r reinforcin g persona l growth . 2. TC s provid e th e possibilit y o f upward mobility , wherea s mos t institution s are cast e systems . Becomin g a TC membe r provide s incentiv e t o chang e one's negativ e attitude s t o a n anticrimina l motivation . T h e T C residen t can, wit h th e prope r attitud e an d behavior , achiev e an y rol e i n th e organization. I n contrast , i n the custodia l institution , a n inmat e o r patien t is locked int o a dependent position . 3. Ther e i s a qualitativ e differenc e betwee n th e T C an d th e for m o f grou p therapy carrie d o n i n prison s an d hospitals . Thi s i s partl y a functio n o f the describe d difference s i n th e overal l social-syste m context . T h e T C resident, a s a voluntar y participant , ha s littl e t o gai n b y fakin g progress , whereas i n othe r institutions , th e appearanc e o f bein g rehabilitate d ma y be rewarde d b y an earlie r releas e fro m custody . T h e TC perso n i s encour aged t o revea l an d dea l wit h problem s honestl y b y other s wh o hav e traveled th e TC-established rout e t o recover y an d independence . 4. Th e wor k assigne d i n a T C i s rea l work , unlik e th e ofte n contrive d job s in prison s an d menta l hospitals . Al l wor k serve s th e immediat e need s o f the organization . Thi s include s th e functions o f the foo d preparers , offic e staff, maintenanc e an d servic e crews , automotiv e crews , an d coordinatin g staff. Everyon e i n a T C i s employe d i n meaningfu l work , whic h give s them a greater sens e o f belonging t o the T C, of being perhap s fo r the first time i n thei r lives , self-supporting . 5. T h e TC subcultur e i s integrated int o th e large r societa l structur e i n a way that traditiona l institution s seldo m are . T h e flow o f member s o f th e community throug h a T C an d th e participatio n o f T C member s i n the large r societ y plac e i t close r t o real-lif e situation s tha n th e artificia l communities o f traditional institutions . Frankie's transformatio n fro m gangste r t o artist throug h th e TC approac h lef t on m e a dee p impressio n o f th e T C s valu e i n treatin g gangsters . Thi s viewpoint wa s mad e cleare r t o m e a s th e resul t o f a specifi c even t tha t occurred i n th e process o f researching thi s gan g boo k i n a Beaumont, Texas , prison. T h e prison , overall , house d severa l thousan d convicts . T h e priso n population wa s comprise d o f al l type s o f offender s doin g tim e fo r variou s

The Therapeutic Community Approach I 15 9 crimes, including homicide, rape, drugs, robbery, burglary, theft, assault , and gang murders. I mad e a numbe r o f researc h visit s t o a specia l uni t i n th e cente r o f th e prison tha t house d 40 0 inmate s involve d i n a T C progra m fo r prisoners . The projec t wa s directed b y thirty-five ex-criminals/addicts , includin g several former gangsters , wh o ha d bee n rehabilitate d an d traine d i n th e Amit y Therapeutic Communit y i n Tucson , Arizona . Th e Beaumon t T C priso n project was modeled afte r a successful T C priso n progra m tha t Amity ran fo r the Californi a Departmen t o f Correction s a t thei r Donava n Priso n i n Sa n Diego. As previously indicated , th e tw o Amity peopl e wh o assiste d m e wit h m y gang research a t the prison wer e Sheila , a former addic t who had bee n clea n for ove r te n years , th e directo r o f th e priso n program , an d Ed , th e forme r OG Cri p whos e cas e histor y appear s i n chapte r 4 . Ed a t this tim e ha d bee n free o f drug s an d violenc e fo r ove r five years a s a resul t o f hi s treatmen t i n the Amity TC an d wa s now a paid therapis t i n the Amity prison program . During my research tour at the prison, after I had been involve d in several special gan g focu s group s an d interviewe d severa l gangster s individually , Sheila and E d received permission for me to visit a special maximum securit y unit tha t house d th e mos t difficult, recalcitrant , an d violen t gangster s i n th e institution. Thes e gangster s wer e place d i n thi s specia l uni t becaus e the y were a disruptiv e violen t forc e i n th e genera l priso n population . Man y o f these individual s were responsible fo r murder s i n and ou t of prison. The uni t was supervised b y three guards , who had a sort of catbird sea t so that they could maintai n hig h twenty-four-hour securit y within the cellblock . The cell s were built for solitary confinement, wit h a small slit for observatio n and slidin g th e prisoner' s foo d tra y int o thei r cagelik e cells . I n th e cente r o f these cell s wa s a larg e cel l (approximatel y twent y feet-by-twent y feet ) wit h bars from th e floor to the ceilin g that was sometimes used fo r visitors. I ha d see n th e film The Silence of The Lambs an d recalle d th e priso n scenes wher e Jod y Foster , a s an FB I agent , ha d interviewe d th e frightening , cannibalistic crimina l Hanniba l Lecter , playe d b y Anthon y Hopkins . M y inner thought s when watchin g this scene i n the movie , based o n m y visits to many prisons , wa s tha t Hollywoo d ha d reall y gon e overboar d here . I ha d never see n a cel l lik e th e on e i n th e movie , no r an y sociopathi c kille r wh o acted a s sinister and outrageou s a s Hannibal Lecter . I n the Beaumon t priso n I was surprised t o se e thi s horrendou s movi e scen e replicate d — with m e i n the Jodie Foster role!

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Accompanied b y Sheil a an d E d I entered th e bi g cel l t o si t dow n an d tal k with on e o f th e inmate s release d fro m hi s solitar y cel l t o tal k t o us . Th e inmate, Jesus, was about thirt y years old. I later learne d tha t h e ha d murdere d several people . Th e par t o f hi s crimina l backgroun d tha t wa s especiall y shocking t o m e wa s th e fac t tha t h e ha d kille d hi s father . H e murdere d hi s father a s th e resul t o f a gan g conflict , i n par t becaus e hi s fathe r ha d move d out o f Jesus's gan g territor y an d joine d a riva l gang . He was , i n m y view , a n awesom e sociopath . H e wa s strippe d t o th e waist , possibly fo r securit y purpose s s o tha t th e guard s coul d se e tha t h e wa s no t secreting an y weapons . Hi s bod y wa s covere d wit h grotesqu e tattoo s o f snakes. On e prominen t tatto o stoo d ou t fro m th e rest , a larg e T S o n hi s upper ar m signifyin g tha t h e wa s a membe r o f th e violen t an d notoriou s Texas Syndicate , th e counterpar t o f California' s infamou s Mexican-Mafi a prison gang . Sheila an d E d ha d me t Jesu s before , an d the y introduce d m e a s someon e who was writin g a boo k o n gangs . H e wa s no t impressed , no r di d h e sa y anything i n respons e t o m y question s tha t wa s noteworthy . I n respons e t o one questio n relate d t o th e fac t tha t h e wa s servin g a lif e sentence , I aske d him i f he ha d an y regret s an d wha t advic e h e woul d giv e t o a young ki d wh o wanted t o joi n a gang . Wit h a kin d o f snarlin g sneer , h e belligerentl y said , "Hey man , that' s th e kid' s decision , ain' t it ! I' m doin g oka y righ t wher e I am." Thi s respons e clearl y tol d m e h e wa s no t goin g t o revea l an y usefu l information. Despite th e fac t tha t Jesu s ha d clamme d up , th e situatio n wa s fo r m e a momentous an d revealin g experience . Sittin g a t m y lef t wa s Ed , whos e background an d behavio r fo r man y year s wa s n o differen t tha n Jesus' s violen t commitment t o hi s gan g . Yet her e h e wa s now , a n open , amiable , reason able, an d positiv e perso n wh o wa s dedicate d t o treatin g a significan t an d difficult crim e problem . Sittin g acros s fro m m e wa s Jesus, a virulent exampl e of the horrendou s gan g proble m w e wer e tryin g t o treat . It wa s necessar y t o kee p Jesu s i n priso n fo r th e purpos e o f preventin g hi s violent proclivities . I t wa s als o clear , however , tha t hi s sociopathic-homicida l attitude wa s goin g t o intensif y an d becom e mor e bruta l b y hi s lif e sentenc e in prison . Although fo r severa l decade s I ha d toute d th e positiv e valu e o f th e concept o f th e therapeuti c communit y fo r controllin g an d treatin g criminal s and th e violen t gan g problem , an d althoug h I kne w o f man y cor e gan g members wh o ha d bee n positivel y change d b y thei r T C experience , some how i t al l cam e togethe r fo r m e tha t da y whe n I wa s i n tha t cellbloc k wit h

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Ed an d Jesus . Th e significan t differenc e betwee n thes e tw o individual s wa s that E d ha d bee n resocialize d i n a TC progra m an d tha t Jesus' s treatmen t i n a standar d punitiv e priso n wa s a brutalizin g for m o f col d storage . I t drov e home t o m e th e poin t tha t man y hard-cor e forme r gangster s lik e Ed , i f effectively treate d i n a T C, ca n becom e a vital therapeuti c forc e i n ameliorat ing th e America n gan g problem .

ED'S TRANSFORMATION : FRO M GANGSTE R T O THERAPIS T

Ed's extensiv e criminal , gangster , an d priso n experienc e ha s alread y bee n detailed. E d i s representative o f several hundre d gangster s I have interviewe d over th e year s wh o benefite d personall y fro m th e T C approac h an d hav e chosen t o becom e paraprofessiona l gan g worker s i n TC s i n th e communit y and i n priso n programs . After workin g alongsid e E d i n a numbe r o f gan g focu s group s an d bein g enormously impresse d b y hi s techniqu e i n elicitin g insightfu l response s fro m many youth s i n th e group , I asked hi m t o attemp t t o delineat e th e therapeu tic proces s tha t worke d fo r hi m i n Amity . Followin g i s a repor t o f ou r length y session o n hi s resocializatio n proces s i n th e Amit y T C . ED: I wil l tr y t o describ e fo r yo u ho w I fee l th e Amit y Progra m turne d m y lif e around an d gav e m e anothe r viewpoin t o n ho w t o liv e m y lif e i n a bette r way . Let m e g o bac k i n tim e a littl e t o explai n ho w I wound u p i n Amit y i n th e first place. When I got ou t o f Soleda d priso n i n 1989 , I foun d tha t som e o f m y Cri p homeboys wer e makin g a lo t o f mone y sellin g drugs . S o t o hel p m e out , the y gave m e a little mone y an d som e crac k t o sell to get me started . I was no goo d a s a dealer , an d I bega n t o us e th e shi t myself . O f course , I got al l strun g ou t an d was useles s t o m y homie s i n th e dru g business . Prett y soo n I had burne d al l m y OG homies , an d the y didn' t wan t t o hel p m e anymore , o r reall y hav e anythin g to do with me . I needed mone y fo r m y habit . I alway s wa s goo d a t arme d robbery , an d jewelr y store s wa s m y specialty . I joined u p wit h thi s cre w fro m th e Crips , an d w e starte d t o hi t jewelr y store s around th e Southwes t — like Albuquerque , Phoenix , an d Tucson . I brought on e of m y youn g homeboys , Bootsy , wh o wa s sixteen , alon g wit h u s i n ou r work . I n this on e robber y i n Tucson , everythin g wen t wrong . Boots y wa s killed b y on e o f the crew . Th e gu y wh o kille d Boots y fel t i t wa s necessar y becaus e durin g th e robbery Boots y panicked an d ra n ou t o n u s and thi s put u s i n danger . After thi s robber y w e al l heade d bac k t o California , an d on e o f th e cre w go t stopped i n Arizona i n thi s van w e used i n th e robberies . They go t fingerprints of f

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the van , an d thi s on e gu y tol d o n m e an d everyon e else . They foun d fou r o f us, and w e wer e al l buste d an d woun d u p i n jai l i n Tucson . W e wer e charge d wit h first-degree murde r fo r Bootsy' s killin g an d arme d robbery . I like d Bootsy , an d I had nothin g t o d o wit h hi s murder , bu t bein g wit h th e guy s i n th e robbery , al l four o f us were charge d wit h murder . They ha d n o evidenc e t o prov e tha t I was involve d wit h th e murder , s o the y dropped tha t charg e bu t hel d m e i n jai l fo r som e robberies . I pleade d guilt y t o robbery becaus e m y fingerprints wer e o n som e o f th e stole n property . I wa s sentenced t o a two- to five-year sentence an d wa s waiting i n jai l t o be sen t t o th e Arizona Stat e Prison . At tha t tim e I ha d alread y bee n i n jai l fo r a year. I wa s thirty-fiv e year s old , and fo r som e reason , I bega n t o thin k abou t m y life . Befor e the y droppe d th e first-degree-murder charge , the y wer e talkin g abou t m e gettin g th e ga s chamber . That scare d th e shi t ou t o f me! I figured i f I kept doin g what I was doing, I would spen d th e res t o f my lif e i n prison o r b e dead . I had hear d abou t th e Amit y Program , an d I knew th e judg e on m y cas e like d tha t program . Tha t yea r I spen t i n jai l i n Arizona , I wa s checking ou t Amity . S o I wrot e th e judg e a lon g lette r tellin g hi m tha t priso n had neve r helpe d m e change , I wanted t o d o somethin g abou t m y life, an d I fel t that I could ge t the hel p I needed i n th e Amity TC Program . Th e judg e wen t fo r it, and I was sent to Amity. My whol e purpos e a t tha t tim e wa s t o ge t of f o f drugs , find ou t wh y I use d drugs, an d sta y ou t o f prison. I mainly wante d t o lear n ho w t o sta y of f drug s s o I could g o bac k t o sel l drug s withou t usin g an d mak e som e money . I als o ha d a secret tha t I'l l tel l yo u now . I neve r wante d m y littl e homi e Boots y killed , an d I was plannin g t o ge t th e motherfucke r wh o kille d hi m whe n I got ou t o f Amity. So when I entered Amity , I wasn't bein g completel y hones t abou t m y intentions . The judg e i n Tucso n cu t m e loos e wit h a n agreemen t tha t I woul d ente r Amity an d sta y there fo r a t least eightee n months . When I first arrived a t Amity I was scared, so I didn't do muc h talkin g in an y of the groups . The leve l o f honesty with th e wa y thes e peopl e talke d i n group s abou t thei r problem s an d feeling s really fucke d m e u p emotionally . Whe n someon e talke d abou t dop e o r thing s that ha d happene d t o the m o r thei r love d ones , I woul d brea k dow n an d star t crying. I remembe r thi s on e woman , Alice, who ha d bee n a crackhead, talkin ' abou t how he r so n ha d bee n kille d i n gan g activity , an d I bega n cryin g lik e a baby . Another guy , Ron , ha d a so n wh o wa s kille d i n a gang . I didn' t sa y muc h i n groups, bu t a side o f m e tha t I really didn' t kno w wa s there bega n t o ope n u p i n these hones t groups . An d wheneve r I sa w Alic e anywher e o n th e property , I would brea k dow n an d cry . I felt rea l guilt y abou t he r kid s bein g kille d i n gan g activity. I t was crazy, but I felt guilt y an d responsible .

The Therapeutic Community Approach I 16 3

Whatever wa s goin g o n wit h me , I fel t i t wa s somethin g I neede d t o do . I knew something goo d wa s happening t o me , but I hated it , too, because i t was so foreign t o m e t o ac t lik e that . I hadn' t crie d abou t anythin g i n years . Tha t experience o f their honest y opene d m e up . The n I began t o shar e i n th e group s about wh o I am an d thing s tha t I di d tha t I was ashame d o f for th e first tim e i n my life. I t made m e fee l bette r t o get some o f this shi t ou t i n th e open . The first thin g I bega n t o shar e wa s ou t o f anger . I wa s talkin g a lo t o f bullshit a t first and holdin g back . Finall y I opened u p abou t m y pla n t o kil l th e motherfucker wh o murdere d m y little homeboy . So , at first, I was talking mainl y about reveng e o n th e gu y tha t kille d Bootsy . On e o f the thing s I began t o se e i n the grou p wher e I wa s blamin g thi s gu y wa s tha t I bega n t o se e m y ow n responsibility i n m y homie' s death . I began t o fee l guilt y becaus e I brought hi m along o n th e robberies , an d I fel t responsibl e fo r hi s bein g killed . Whe n I became hones t enoug h o n thi s thin g wit h m y homi e t o tel l o n mysel f t o th e people i n Amity, I realized, motherfucker , yo u hav e changed ! Their opinio n o n m y plan s fo r reveng e was , ' y ° u ar e a craz y motherfucke r t o be thinkin g lik e that. ' Their opinio n wa s the opposit e o f what I felt wa s necessar y revenge fo r th e deat h o f my homeboy . LY: S o you r conflic t wa s abou t th e rule s o f th e gan g versus a mor e rationa l opinion b y th e peopl e i n Amity . The y sa w your necessit y fo r reveng e a s holdin g on t o the value s o f the gan g i n contras t wit h you r reall y becomin g involve d wit h the rule s an d norm s o f society. ED: That' s right , the y believe d tha t wha t I wanted t o d o a s a gangster wa s reall y crazy behavior , an d I ha d t o figure al l o f thi s out . I t wa s reall y th e first tim e anyone tol d m e that m y way of thinking wasn' t right. Othe r peopl e — my mother , at school, cops , judges, and al l — had tol d m e wha t wa s right, but thes e peopl e a t Amity were lik e me , an d I listened t o them . After tha t experience , wher e I decide d tha t killin g tha t ca t wa s crazy , I accepted a wide r circl e o f friend s i n Amity . I still ha d troubl e talkin g i n groups , but I foun d on e gu y fro m Ne w York , Jimm y T. , wh o ha d bee n clea n ove r te n years i n Amity. I trusted hi m an d fel t I could tal k t o him abou t anything . And h e helped m e a lo t t o ge t m y craz y gangste r thinkin g o f th e nee d fo r reveng e straightened out . I felt ba d tha t I had don e a lot o f violence i n th e pas t and kille d som e people . I wa s afrai d o f gettin g convicte d o n som e ol d beefs , an d thing s lik e that . S o I learned t o no t identif y time s an d places . S o man y thing s I ha d don e i n gang s began t o com e out , bot h t o som e truste d guy s an d I also bega n t o becom e mor e honest i n th e groups . Whe n I bega n t o dum p thi s ol d shit , I fel t lik e a burde n was lifted of f o f my shoulders . My change s didn' t com e easy . (Give me an example of a turning point in your

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life in Amity.) I n a retreat, that' s lik e a forty-eight-hour serie s o f groups that open s you up , the y showe d thi s movie , The Boys in the Hood. Thi s retrea t happene d before I unloade d m y insan e secre t o f reveng e an d m y pla n t o kil l thi s ca t wh o had murdere d m y homeboy . Th e movi e wa s show n t o kic k of f som e grou p discussion. After th e movie , people wer e askin g question s an d givin g opinions o n gangs. Wha t the y wer e sayin g abou t gang s upse t th e shi t ou t o f me . Rod , th e group leader , sa w I wa s agitated , an d h e asked m e i f I ha d somethin g t o say . I went star k ravin g crazy . I said, "Yeah , motherfucker , I got somethin g t o say . You all motherfucker s sa w thi s movi e an d no w you'r e goin g t o b e a n exper t o n m y hood, m y people , an d m y gang. " I cusse d an d I threatene d peopl e fo r thei r forming al l thes e wron g opinions o n wher e I come from . I t drove m e u p th e wal l because the y didn' t kno w wha t th e fuc k the y wer e talkin g about , an d I resente d all o f their bullshi t opinions . Wha t mad e m e s o mad , a t tha t time , wa s tha t the y saw this on e movi e an d though t tha t gangbangin g wa s insane behavior . When I thin k bac k t o th e showin g o f Boys in the Hood an d m y craz y explosion, I would analyz e i t this way : I felt tha t wa s m e u p ther e o n th e screen , and the y wer e talkin g abou t m e personally . An d whe n the y sai d tha t gan g violence an d murder s wa s crazy , the y wer e sayin g tha t I wa s crazy . I fel t a t tha t time tha t I was still affiliate d wit h m y homeboys. I now realiz e tha t a t that tim e I was defendin g m y gan g insanity . I n othe r word s I no w se e tha t wha t the y sai d about gangbangin g an d al l tha t shi t wa s right . I t wa s kin d o f a turnin g poin t fo r me t o giv e u p som e o f m y ol d craz y gan g ideas , joi n th e Amit y community , an d learn ho w to expres s mysel f i n a more sensibl e wa y of life. When I talked honestl y abou t m y past , peopl e woul d b e touche d an d woul d hug m e an d tel l m e the y love d me . I though t the y wer e crazy . I n m y pas t th e only lov e I would ge t from m y homeboy s o r anyon e i s if I did somethin g violen t for them , o r the y migh t lik e m e ou t o f fear . I n Amit y I foun d peopl e wh o like d me fo r myself . And th e mor e hones t I became , th e mor e I felt I deserve d t o b e loved. LY: Correc t m e i f I'm wrong : th e mor e hones t an d ope n yo u becam e th e mor e you bega n t o feel tha t you coul d relat e t o more peopl e an d hel p someon e else . ED: Exactly , I can' t tak e anyone , lik e som e o f th e younge r dude s i n Amity , anywhere tha t I wasn't willin g t o g o myself . I learne d i n Amit y tha t i n orde r fo r anyone t o b e hones t wit h me , I ha d t o b e hones t wit h them . I bega n t o fee l I could hel p som e o f th e younge r gan g kid s i n Amit y ge t thei r ac t togethe r fo r a better wa y of life." Ed ha s bee n gang , drug , an d crim e fre e a s a resul t o f th e positiv e social psychological impac t o f th e Amit y T C progra m fo r ove r five years , an d h e has becom e a n effectiv e paraprofessiona l i n T C priso n group s an d workin g with gangs . Base d o n m y extensiv e researc h int o TCs , I hav e conclude d tha t

The Therapeutic Community Approach I 16 5

former criminal s lik e E d ar e uniquel y qualifie d t o becom e effectiv e pee r therapists fo r thre e importan t reasons : 1. The y hav e bee n throug h th e throe s an d conflict s o f thei r origina l prob lems. The y kno w man y o f th e rationalization s an d self-deception s tha t keep a perso n o n th e crimina l merry-go-round : fro m th e streets , t o jail , t o prison, an d back . The y comprehen d o n a deep , emotiona l leve l fro m their ow n experienc e wha t a crimina l lif e i s like . The y hav e bee n ther e themselves. 2. The y hav e gon e throug h th e comple x resocializatio n proces s o f persona l change i n a T C program . The y know , o n a firsthand basis , th e painfu l emotional crise s an d trauma s o f confrontin g thei r ow n live s mor e directly . They hav e experience d th e variou s phase s o f reorganizin g thei r relation ships wit h thei r familie s an d friends . The y hav e develope d valuabl e cop ing mechanism s fo r dealin g wit h th e temptation s o f sliding bac k int o thei r former existenc e an d fo r breakin g of f relationship s wit h forme r partner s in crime . The y hav e learne d ho w t o sta y awa y fro m crime , drugs , an d gangs an d ar e succeedin g a s responsibl e citizens . 3. A s a resul t o f thes e tw o set s o f experiences , a pas t lif e a s a crimina l an d firsthand knowledg e abou t th e recover y process , forme r offender s hav e usually develope d som e specia l insight s an d skills . The y ar e no t easil y outmaneuvered o r conned . The y quickl y acquir e th e respec t o f thei r "clients" becaus e the y ca n se e throug h th e rationalization s an d ploy s tha t they onc e use d themselves . Th e resul t i s a communicatio n tha t ha s more therapeuti c powe r tha n tha t usuall y achieve d b y mor e traditiona l professional therapy . Thes e paraprofessional s als o kno w fro m thei r day-to day experience s th e self-disciplin e require d t o continu e t o lea d a crime free life . In thi s context , paraprofessional s lik e E d hav e clearl y acquire d th e neces sary experienc e fo r becomin g a paraprofessiona l pee r therapist : (1 ) H e ha s had th e stree t an d priso n "educational " backgroun d necessar y fo r under standing th e causa l contex t o f gan g behavio r o n a persona l level ; (2 ) h e ha s some surfac e an d dee p insigh t int o th e persona l behaviora l modificatio n processes i n a T C progra m tha t change d hi s behavio r int o a law-abidin g member o f society ; an d (3 ) fo r severa l years , h e ha s staye d dru g an d crim e free an d functione d i n a paraprofessiona l role , helpin g youn g delinquent s change thei r behavior . In 1996 , Ed becam e a detached gan g worke r i n a paid jo b i n a Beaumont ,

166 / The Therapeutic Community Approach Texas, project. Ironically , on e o f the gang s E d wa s assigne d t o worke d wit h in Beaumon t calle d themselve s th e Hoove r Crips , despite th e fac t tha t the y have no L.A. connection . Based o n m y observation s o f th e effectivenes s o f TC s fo r gangster s lik e Ed, Frankie , an d man y others , i n chapte r 1 0 I wil l detai l a projecte d pla n for treating gangsters utilizing the TC methodology .

8. Varied Theoretica l Viewpoint s

D

I NUMBE R O F SIGNIFICAN T sociologica l an d social-psychologica l theoretical an d researc h effort s hav e contribute d t o th e under standing o f th e structur e an d functio n o f gangs , an d man y o f the m hav e been wove n int o th e contex t o f th e book . I t i s usefu l t o summariz e thes e relevant theorie s fo r scholar s an d other s intereste d i n gan g theories . Also , these theoretica l perspective s serv e a s a prelud e t o th e presentatio n o f m y own theory of the violent gang as a near-group i n the following chapter .

ALBERT C O H E N

In hi s boo k Delinquent Boys, Cohen view s th e gan g a s a subcultur e wit h a value system different fro m th e dominan t one s found i n the inclusiv e American culture. 1 Working-clas s children , accordin g t o Cohen , us e th e delin quent subcultur e (th e gang ) a s a mod e o f reactio n an d adjustmen t t o a dominant middle-clas s societ y tha t indirectl y discriminate s agains t the m be cause of their lower-clas s position . The thesi s develope d b y Cohen i s that working-clas s youths , trained i n a different valu e system , ar e no t adequatel y socialize d t o fulfil l th e statu s requirements o f middle-clas s society . Despit e thi s differentia l socializatio n 169

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and subcultur e valu e condition , the y ar e unfairl y expose d t o th e middle-clas s aspirations an d judgment s the y canno t fulfill . Thi s conflic t produce s i n th e working-class yout h wha t Cohe n ha s terme d "statu s frustration. " In a "reaction-formation " t o thi s problem , thes e youth s us e th e gan g a s a means o f adjustment. I n th e gan g suc h youth s ac t ou t thei r statu s frustration s in "nonutilitarian , malicious , negativistic " form s o f delinquency , whic h ac cording t o Cohen , represen t thei r wa y o f reacting agains t th e describe d statu s dislocation o f the socia l system . Cohen provide s illustration s o f th e working-clas s boys ' difficultie s i n suc h middle-class-dominated setting s a s th e schoo l an d communit y center . Her e the working-clas s yout h finds himsel f expose d t o generall y middle-clas s agents o f th e societ y (fo r example , teacher s an d socia l workers) . Thei r effort s to impos e suc h middle-clas s rule s a s orderliness , cleanliness , responsibility , and th e virtue s o f ambitio n o n hi m ar e me t wit h shar p negativism . Cohen specificall y present s nin e case s o f middle-clas s value s tha t ar e rejected b y the working-clas s child . Thes e ar e (1 ) ambitio n i s a virtue; (2 ) a n emphasis o n th e middle-clas s ethi c o f responsibility ; (3 ) a hig h valu e o n th e cultivation o f skill s an d tangibl e achievement ; (4 ) postponemen t o f immedi ate satisfaction s an d self-indulgenc e i n th e interes t o f achievin g long-ter m goals; (5 ) rationality , i n th e sens e o f forethought, planning , an d budgetin g o f time; (6 ) th e rationa l cultivatio n o f manners , courtesy , an d personality ; (7 ) the nee d t o contro l physica l aggressio n an d violence ; (8 ) th e nee d fo r wholesome recreation ; an d (9 ) respec t fo r propert y an d it s proper care. 2 Cohen contend s th e lower-clas s chil d i n a reaction-formatio n t o thes e unfair imposition s substitute s norm s tha t revers e thos e o f th e large r society . He states , "th e delinquen t subcultur e take s it s norm s fro m th e large r subcul ture, bu t turn s the m upsid e down . Th e delinquent' s conduc t i s righ t b y th e standards o f hi s subcultur e precisel y becaus e i t i s wron g b y th e norm s o f larger culture." 3 The dominan t them e o f th e delinquen t subcultur e i s th e explici t an d wholesale repudiatio n o f middle-clas s standard s an d th e adoptio n o f thei r very antithesis . I n thi s negativ e polarit y o f jus t fo r th e hel l o f i t vandalis m and violence , working-clas s youth s attemp t t o adjus t thei r statu s frustratio n and hostilit y towar d th e large r society' s unfai r impositio n o f middle-clas s values o n them . Th e gan g i s implicitl y define d b y Cohe n a s a cohesiv e collection o f working-clas s youth s pursuin g thei r delinquen t activitie s i n consort wit h on e another . Th e individua l delinquen t is , according t o Cohen , more "th e exceptio n rathe r tha n th e rule. "

Varied Theoretical Viewpoints / 17 1

Cohen's positio n o n th e gang' s relatio n t o th e communit y an d th e famil y parallels th e conception s o f th e earlie r Chicag o School . Accordin g t o Cohen, Relations wit h gan g member s ten d t o b e intensel y solidar y an d imperious . Relations wit h othe r group s ten d t o b e indifferent , hostil e o r rebellious . Gang member s ar e unusuall y resistan t t o th e effort s o f home , schoo l an d other agencie s t o regulate , no t onl y thei r delinquen t activities , bu t an y activities carrie d o n withi n th e group , an d t o effort s t o compet e wit h th e gang for th e tim e an d othe r resource s o f its members. 4 In summary , th e delinquen t subcultur e describe d b y Cohe n represent s a collective effor t o n th e par t o f th e youth s t o resolv e adjustmen t problem s produced b y dislocation s i n th e large r society . I n th e gan g th e norm s o f th e larger societ y ar e reverse d s o tha t nonutilitaria n devian t behavio r (especiall y violence) become s a legitimized activity . Th e gan g thu s provide s a legitimat e "opportunity structure " fo r working-clas s boy s t o strik e bac k a t a larger societ y that produce s thei r status-frustratio n problems .

H E R B E R T B L O C H AN D A R T H U R N I E D E R H O F F E R

In thei r boo k The Gang, Bloc h an d Niederhoffer , somewha t differentl y tha n Cohen, analyz e gan g behavio r a s tha t o f a universa l an d norma l adolescen t striving fo r adul t status. 5 The y asser t tha t th e gan g patter n ma y b e found , i f looked for , i n al l culture s a s a vehicl e fo r achievin g manhood . Th e patter n is mor e pronounce d i n culture s wher e youth s ar e normall y cu t of f fro m th e possibility o f manhoo d fo r a prolonge d period . They reac h thei r hypothesi s abou t gang s b y the utilizatio n o f considerabl e cross-cultural materia l tha t attempt s t o revea l th e difference s an d similaritie s of th e adolescen t conditio n i n a variet y o f societies . Thei r basi c positio n i s presented i n th e followin g concis e statement : The adolescen t perio d i n al l cultures , visualize d a s a phas e o f strivin g fo r the attainmen t o f adul t status , produce s experience s whic h ar e muc h th e same fo r al l youths , an d certai n commo n dynamism s fo r expressin g reac tion t o suc h subjectivel y hel d experience . Th e intensit y o f th e adolescen t experience an d th e vehemenc e o f external expressio n depen d o n a variet y of factors, includin g th e genera l societa l attitude s toward s adolescence , th e duration o f th e adolescen t perio d itself , an d th e degre e t o whic h th e

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society tend s t o facilitat e entranc e int o adul t hoo d b y virtue o f institution alized patterns , ceremonials , rite s an d rituals , an d sociall y supporte d emo tional an d intellectua l preparation. 6 Bloch an d Niederhoffe r asser t tha t whe n societie s d o no t mak e adequat e preparation, forma l o r otherwise , fo r th e inductio n o f it s adolescent s int o adult status , th e youth s wil l mak e thei r ow n cultur e fo r thi s transition , an d they asser t tha t th e gan g i s thi s socia l form . The y believ e th e gan g structur e in America n societ y apparentl y satisfie s deep-seate d need s experience d b y adolescents i n al l cultures . In thei r analysi s the y attemp t t o asses s anthropologica l dat a o n adolescen t cross-cultural behavio r attache d t o suc h cultura l pattern s a s "pubert y rites, " "self-decoration," an d "circumcision. " A n emphasi s i s place d o n relatin g th e "rites" o f other culture s t o American adolescen t "rite s i n th e gang. " Attentio n is focuse d o n symboli c evidenc e o f th e "urg e fo r manhood. " Th e gan g an d its machination s ar e viewe d b y Bloc h an d Niederhoffe r a s a vehicl e fo r accomplishing th e assume d highl y desire d statu s objectiv e o f manhood . Using dat a abou t adolescent s fro m suc h divers e group s a s th e Mundugu mor, th e Manus , th e Kaffi r childre n o f Sout h Africa , th e Comanch e an d Plains Indians , an d a tightl y kni t delinquen t Ne w Yor k gang , Bloc h an d Niederhoffer attemp t t o dra w th e inferenc e tha t th e "gangin g process " pro vides symboli c evidenc e o f the urg e t o manhood . A t the en d o f their analyse s they conclud e th e following : (1 ) Adolescen t gang s ma y b e profitabl y studie d by usin g a s a fram e o f referenc e th e theor y o f power . (2 ) Th e gang' s attemp t to gai n statu s an d powe r throug h th e dominatio n an d manipulatio n o f persons an d event s i s a collectiv e representatio n o f th e individua l gan g member's guidin g fiction, whic h i s "t o prov e h e i s a man. " (3 ) Th e presenc e of th e gan g — real, constructive , o r symboli c — gives th e individua l membe r ego suppor t an d courage . H e gain s a psychologica l sens e o f powe r an d manhood, whic h h e doe s no t posses s a t al l whe n h e i s on hi s own. 7 With regar d t o th e "urg e fo r manhood " an d power , Bloc h an d Niederhof fer asser t a poin t tha t i s relate d t o contemporar y gangs . Th e problem , however, i s today' s gang s hav e distorte d th e concep t o f "manhood. " Th e Wannabee's perspectiv e o n manhoo d a s a gangste r i s earnin g mone y b y an y means necessary , usin g violenc e t o settl e disputes , perceivin g wome n a s objects an d ornaments , an d struttin g thi s statu s i n a violent manner . I n brief , manhood i n contemporar y gang s involve s th e macho-syndrome , whic h i n some distorte d wa y i s the gangster' s approac h t o strivin g fo r manhood .

Varied Theoretical Viewpoints I 17 3

WALTER B . MILLE R

Miller, i n a n articl e "Lowe r Clas s Cultur e a s a Generatin g Milie u o f Gan g Delinquency/' use s cultura l concept s i n a somewha t differen t fashio n tha n Bloch an d Niederhoffer. 8 H e project s a lower-clas s adolescen t theor y o f gangs. H e maintain s (i n a fashio n somewha t simila r t o Cohen' s position ) that th e value s o f lower-clas s cultur e produc e devianc e becaus e the y ar e "naturally" i n discor d wit h middle-clas s values . Th e yout h wh o heavil y conforms t o lower-class values is thus automatically delinquent . Miller list s a set of characteristics o f lower-class cultur e tha t ten d t o foste r delinquent behavior . These include : (1 ) Trouble. Miller asserts that concer n over troubl e i s a dominan t featur e o f lower-clas s culture . H e define s "trou ble" a s a situatio n o r a kin d o f behavio r tha t result s i n unwelcom e o r complicating involvemen t wit h officia l authoritie s o r agencie s o f middle class society . Fo r men , troubl e frequentl y involve s fighting o r sexua l adven tures. (2 ) Toughness. Accordin g t o Mille r th e concep t o f "toughness " i n lower-class culture represent s a compound combinatio n o f qualities or states. Among its most important component s ar e physical prowess , evidenced bot h by demonstrate d possessio n o f strengt h an d enduranc e an d athleti c skill ; masculinity, symbolize d b y a comple x o f act s an d avoidanc e (tattooing , absence o f sentimentality, nonconcer n wit h ar t o r literature , conceptualiza tion o f women a s conquest objects , an d s o forth); an d braver y i n th e fac e o f physical threat. (Miller' s view of toughness correspond s to my concept o f the macho-syndrome.) (3 ) Smartness . This , accordin g t o Miller , involve s th e capacity to outsmart (outfox , outwit , dupe, "take," con) another o r others and the concomitan t capacit y t o avoi d bein g outsmarte d oneself . I n it s essence , smartness involve s th e capacit y t o achiev e a valued entit y — material goods , personal statu s — through a maximum us e of mental agilit y and a minimu m of physica l effort . (4 ) Excitement . Mille r state s tha t fo r man y lower-clas s individuals the rhyth m o f life fluctuates between period s of relatively routin e or repetitiv e activit y an d sough t situation s o f grea t emotiona l stimulation . Many o f the mos t characteristi c feature s o f lower-class life ar e relate d t o th e search fo r excitemen t o r "thrill. " Involve d her e ar e th e widesprea d us e o f gambling o f al l kinds . (M y notio n o f existentia l validatio n tend s t o corre spond t o Millers view of excitement.) 9 Miller, lik e Bloch an d Niederhoffer , suggest s that gang activity is , in part , a strivin g t o prov e masculinity . I n thi s context , female s ar e exploite d b y gangsters i n th e "normal " proces s o f relating . The y are , a s h e specifies ,

174 / Varied Theoretical Viewpoints

"conquest objects " utilize d t o prov e an d boos t th e masculinit y o f th e street corner male . Miller's emphasi s i s place d o n th e fac t tha t lower-clas s youth s wh o ar e confronted wit h th e larges t ga p betwee n aspiration s an d possibilitie s fo r achievements ar e mos t delinquency-prone . Suc h youths , according t o Miller , are ap t t o utiliz e heavil y th e norma l rang e o f lower-clas s delinquen t pattern s of "toughness, shrewdness , cunning , an d othe r device s i n a n effor t t o achiev e prestige an d statu s . . . toughness, physica l prowess , skill, fearlessness, bravery , ability t o co n people , gainin g mone y b y wits , shrewdness , adroitness , smar t repartee, seekin g an d finding thrills , risk , danger , freedo m fro m externa l constraint, an d freedo m fro m superordinat e authority." 10 Fro m m y perspec tive th e WB' s effort s t o achiev e statu s i n th e gan g an d becom e a G i s reflected i n Miller' s viewpoint .

R I C H A R D C L O W A R D AN D L L O Y D O H L I N

In thei r boo k Delinquency and Opportunity, Clowar d an d Ohli n presen t a n in-depth analysi s o f th e lac k o f fit betwee n America n succes s goal s an d the lac k o f mean s provide d fo r th e achievemen t o f thes e goal s b y lowe r socioeconomic group s i n America n society . Th e centra l explanatio n pre sented b y Clowar d an d Ohli n fo r th e emergenc e o f gang s i s derive d fro m the "goals , norms , an d anomie " theorie s o f Durkhei m an d Merton . Thei r basic vie w i s "tha t pressure s towar d th e formatio n o f delinquen t subculture s originate i n marke d discrepancie s betwee n culturall y induce d aspiration s among lower-clas s yout h an d th e possibilitie s o f achieving the m b y legitimat e means." 1 1 The relatio n o f thei r thesi s t o youth s strivin g fo r cultura l goal s i s heavil y based o n Emil e Durkheim' s origina l theor y o f anomie , late r develope d b y Robert Merton . Durkhei m i n describin g tw o categorie s o f need , physica l and social , make s th e poin t tha t physica l need s ar e satiable , wherea s socia l gratification i s "a n insatiabl e an d bottomles s abyss. " Give n thi s condition , Cloward an d Ohli n stat e tha t whe n men' s goal s becom e unlimited , th e "norms n o longe r contro l men' s action s an d a stat e o f 'normlessness, ' o r anomie, exists. " Buildin g o n th e theoretica l bas e o f anomie , the y cogentl y assert th e cor e o f their theor y i n th e followin g statement : The ideolog y o f commo n success-goal s an d equa l opportunit y ma y be come a n empt y myt h fo r thos e who find themselve s cu t of f from legitimat e

Varied Theoretical Viewpoints I 17 5

pathways upward . W e ma y predict , then , tha t th e pressur e t o engag e i n deviant behavio r wil l b e greates t i n th e lowe r level s o f th e society . Ou r hypothesis ca n b e summarize d a s follows : Th e disparit y betwee n wha t lower-class yout h ar e le d t o wan t an d wha t i s actually availabl e t o the m i s the sourc e o f a majo r proble m o f adjustment . Adolescent s wh o for m delinquent subcultures , w e suggest , hav e internalize d a n emphasi s upo n conventional goals . Face d wit h limitation s o n legitimat e avenue s o f access to thes e goals , an d unabl e t o revis e thei r aspiration s downward , the y experience intens e frustrations ; th e exploratio n o f nonconformis t alterna tives may be th e result. 12 Cloward an d Ohli n attemp t t o accoun t fo r gang s a s a n alternativ e roa d t o social "success-goals. " Alienate d youth s ban d togethe r i n th e collectivit y o f the gan g i n a n effor t t o resolv e mutuall y share d problems . Cloward an d Ohli n posi t tha t ther e ar e thre e type s o f delinquen t gan g norms an d activities : violence , theft , an d dru g use . Eac h o f thes e dominan t themes, the y contend , provide s th e foca l concer n o f thre e basi c gan g types : conflict gangs , crimina l gangs , an d retreatis t gan g dru g users . This delineatio n refer s essentiall y t o a kin d o f idea l type . Clowar d an d Ohlin recogniz e tha t "th e exten t t o whic h th e norm s o f th e delinquen t subculture contro l behavio r wil l var y from on e membe r t o another. " Becaus e of this , thei r description s ar e state d i n term s o f th e "full y indoctrinate d member rathe r tha n th e averag e member." 1 3 The crimina l gan g i s devote d t o theft , extortion , an d othe r illega l mean s of securing a n income ; i n th e conflic t gang , participatio n i n act s o f violenc e becomes a n importan t mean s o f securin g status ; i n th e retreatis t gang , th e most enigmati c group , th e consumptio n o f drug s i s stressed an d addictio n i s prevalent. 14 Although ther e i s considerabl e meri t i n Clowar d an d Ohlin' s conceptual izations o f gangs , especiall y i n thei r analysi s o f anomi e an d opportunit y structures, thei r delineatio n o f thre e type s o f gang s i s n o longe r accurat e fo r the analysi s o f contemporar y gangs . One majo r flaw i n th e Clowar d an d Ohli n mode l wit h regar d t o today' s gangs i s relate d t o thei r "retreatis t subculture. " Mos t contemporar y gangster s use alcoho l an d smok e marijuana ; however , th e gangste r wh o get s to o involved wit h today' s drugs , especiall y crack-cocain e o r heroin , become s a gang dropout . Th e gangste r wh o become s addicte d get s o n th e drug-seekin g treadmill an d become s unreliabl e a s a gangster . Hi s primar y ai m i n lif e i s t o get high , an d h e get s th e mone y necessar y t o ge t hig h b y an y mean s necessary. Hi s concer n wit h anyon e els e i s simpl y a s a mark , a victi m t o b e

176 / Varied Theoretical Viewpoints

conned o r cheated , o r possibl y a s a crimina l accomplic e i n a "quic k score " of mone y fo r acquirin g drugs . Th e flux o f th e addict' s lif e conditio n provide s no stabilit y fo r an y grou p formation , eve n on e wit h ver y limite d cohesion . Drug addicts , a s socia l isolates , ma y b e i n som e physica l proximit y t o eac h other, bu t thei r lac k o f abilit y t o relat e eve n minimall y make s a socia l grou p unlikely. Th e retreatis t subcultur e ca n thu s no t b e rationall y regarde d a s a category o f gang o n th e contemporar y gan g scene . My viewpoin t is , as previousl y delineated , tha t contemporar y violent-dru g collectivities ar e multipurpos e gangs . An d i n thi s genre , blac k an d Chican o gangs encompas s man y devian t opportunit y subgroup s fo r gangste r WBs , Gs , and OGs . I n th e moder n gan g yo u can , unde r th e sam e gan g banner , b e a violent gangbanger , operat e a s a thievin g delinquent , o r us e an d participat e in th e commerc e o f drugs .

JAMES F . SHORT , JR. , AN D F R E D STRODBEC K

Short an d Strodbeck , togethe r an d individually , carrie d ou t a serie s o f gan g studies i n Chicag o ove r a numbe r o f year s an d wrot e a serie s o f articles , including "Yout h Gang s an d Society, " tha t contribut e enormousl y t o ou r understanding o f gang behavior. 15 Among th e conclusion s o f their varie d studie s i s the assertio n tha t aleator y (or chance ) element s pla y a considerabl e par t i n gan g behavior . Accordin g to Shor t an d Strodbec k gan g activities , whethe r fo r fu n o r profit , usuall y involve a degre e o f risk . Mos t o f th e tim e thes e activitie s ar e engage d i n without seriou s consequences , bu t sometime s somethin g happen s an d th e outcome i s calamitous . The y discus s th e implicatio n o f thes e aleator y risk s in th e followin g statement : Our us e o f th e ter m aleator y doe s no t restric t i t t o event s whic h ar e independent o f the action s o f the person s involved . I t was incidentally tru e that th e event s i n questio n wer e not , fo r thi s stratum , punishe d b y society . However, w e no w wis h t o g o beyon d thi s featur e an d direc t th e argumen t to instance s o f seriou s aggressio n i n whic h th e outcom e i s no t desire d either b y th e boy s o r th e community , an d fo r whic h seriou s consequence , like imprisonment , ma y resul t fro m th e respons e b y the large r society . W e do no t sa y that al l case s o f seriou s aggressio n resul t fro m actio n wit h suc h an aleator y element , bu t that , etiologically , thos e whic h d o shoul d b e distinguished fro m case s i n whic h seriou s injur y i s th e clea r inten t o f th e actor.16

Varied Theoretical Viewpoints I 17 7

Short an d Strodbec k adopte d a n approac h consisten t wit h th e earlie r povert y area researc h o f Clifford Sha w an d Henr y McKa y an d th e grou p delinquenc y perspective foun d i n th e theorie s o f Cohen , Clowar d an d Ohlin , an d Thrasher. The y foun d tha t i t wa s difficul t t o locat e gang s tha t corresponde d to thos e describe d i n mos t theories . Thi s le d the m t o examin e i n greate r depth th e processe s an d value s tha t lea d t o gan g delinquency . Short an d Strodbec k specif y five specifi c indice s o f gan g activity : (1 ) conflict; (2 ) institutiona l socia l activities ; (3 ) sexua l behavior , hangin g out , and sellin g alcohol ; (4 ) homosexuality , fatherin g illegitimat e children , an d common-law marriages ; an d (5 ) involvemen t i n minor , correlate d crimes , conflict, an d alcoho l use . The y observe d tha t thes e behavior s wer e no t greatly differen t fro m th e mor e routin e activitie s o f adolescen t males. 17 In accor d wit h m y findings the y determine d tha t gang s ha d a shiftin g membership an d structure , wit h allegiance s vacillatin g ove r time . Leadershi p was seldo m strong , an d generall y incapabl e o f exactin g disciplin e fro m members. Concomitantly , fe w stron g grou p norm s lai d claim s o n th e behav ior o f individua l gan g members . The y foun d i n Chicag o gangs , a s I di d i n L.A. gangs , tha t an y threat s t o th e statu s o f th e gan g wer e particularl y important an d conflic t ofte n emerge d fro m dispute s abou t th e reputatio n o f the gang .

BARBARA T O M S O N A N D E D N A R . F E L D E R

Tomson an d Felder , i n thei r boo k Gangs: A Response to the Urban World, analyze th e impac t o f th e neighborhoo d o n gangs. 18 Thei r genera l assump tion i s that gan g membershi p i s a respons e t o th e difficultie s o f the depresse d urban situation . Thei r researc h deal t wit h th e gan g member' s respons e t o the urba n structure , th e politica l structure , an d th e mas s media . Accordin g to Tomso n an d Felder , "thes e ar e institution s i n whic h the y ar e unlikel y t o have formalize d individua l contact s . . . fo r youngster s wh o ar e no t i n touc h with th e large r societ y th e gan g provide s a positiv e identit y fo r thei r individ ual members. " 1 9 They summariz e thei r viewpoin t a s follows : The urba n settin g in which gang s thrive reduce s varied pressures : the nee d to dea l successfull y wit h strangers , th e nee d t o dea l wit h a money-base d economy, loneliness, and lac k of privacy. The delinquen t respond s to thes e pressures b y identifyin g wit h th e gang , whic h offer s hi m symbol s o f iden tity, activities , an d help s hi m obtai n money , companionship , an d friends .

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. . . Th e purpos e o f th e politica l machiner y i s t o provid e service s an d resolve conflict s fo r member s o f th e society . Delinquent s asses s th e politi cal situatio n correctl y by concluding tha t the y do no t belong t o society an d are no t wanted . The y can , however , identif y wit h an d b e understoo d b y their gang. 20

IRVING A . S P E R G E L

In hi s first book o n gangs , Racketville, Slumtown, Haulberg, Sperge l explore d three differen t style s o f delinquenc y i n thre e differen t lower-clas s area s o f a large easter n city. 21 Spergel' s stud y wa s base d o n firsthand field-study inter views an d contain s th e verbati m response s o f gang youths . SpergeFs fundamenta l assumption s paralle l Clowar d an d Ohlin' s theorie s of gangs. H e assert s tha t delinquen t subculture s ar e create d an d thriv e unde r the impetu s o f sociall y unacceptabl e opportunitie s availabl e t o youth s fo r achieving acceptable , culturall y induce d goals . H e define d thre e majo r types o f delinquen t yout h subcultures : on e characterize d b y racke t activities ; another, b y violen t conflict ; an d a third , b y theft . Thes e patterns , accordin g to Spergel , depende d o n th e interactio n o f conventional an d crimina l oppor tunities. Sperge l state s tha t "dru g addictio n i n thes e neighborhood s develop s mainly a s a varian t an d transitiona l patter n fo r olde r adolescent s an d youn g adults, man y o f whom hav e bee n participant s i n th e majo r delinquent-yout h subcultures." 22 In a late r book , The Youth Gang Problem, Sperge l assert s tha t ther e ar e four basi c strategie s fo r dealin g wit h yout h gangs : (1 ) loca l communit y organizing an d mobilizatio n o f citizens , communit y groups , an d agencies ; (2) socia l intervention , ofte n outreac h counselin g an d detache d work ; (3 ) provision o f socia l an d economi c opportunities , especiall y jobs , training , an d remedial educatio n targete d t o gan g youths ; (4 ) suppression , includin g bot h formal an d informa l mechanism s o f control. 23 In accordanc e wit h m y viewpoint , Sperge l state s tha t th e idea l pla n o f intervention an d suppression , a s wel l a s prevention , depend s o n appropriat e analysis o f th e community' s gan g proble m an d th e resource s availabl e an d needed t o dea l wit h it . I n hi s approach , Sperge l emphasize s th e importanc e of polic e suppressio n an d interrelatin g thes e strategie s wit h priorit y strategie s of communit y mobilization . He specifie s tha t violen t gang s shoul d b e selecte d fo r specia l attention , based o n share d organizationa l an d community-grou p information . H e as -

Varied Theoretical Viewpoints I 17 9

serts tha t gan g youth s shoul d b e targete d fo r specia l controls , socia l services , and provisio n o f socia l opportunitie s i n th e followin g orde r o f priority : first, leadership an d cor e gan g youths ; second , high-ris k gang-pron e youth s wh o give clea r evidenc e o f beginnin g participatio n i n delinquen t o r crimina l gang activities ; an d third , regula r o r periphera l member s wit h specia l need s for socia l contro l an d interventio n throug h a variet y o f educationa l an d socializing services. 24

MALCOLM W . KLEI

N

Klein, i n hi s rol e a s directo r o f th e Universit y o f Souther n Californi a Delin quency Contro l Institute , ove r severa l decade s ha s carrie d ou t a large numbe r of research project s int o gan g structur e an d behavior . Hi s decades o f researc h findings o n gang s an d th e wor k o f othe r notabl e gan g researcher s an d theorist ar e incorporate d i n a boo k o f edite d articles , The Modern Gang Reader15 Based o n hi s studie s o f Chicano s an d blac k gang s i n Lo s Angeles , Klei n defines gang s a s any denotabl e adolescen t grou p o f youngster s wh o (a ) ar e generall y per ceived a s a distinct aggregatio n b y others i n thei r neighborhood , (b ) recog nize themselve s a s a denotabl e grou p (almos t invariabl y wit h a grou p name) an d (c ) hav e bee n involve d i n a sufficien t numbe r o f delinquen t incidents t o cal l fort h a consisten t negativ e respons e fro m neighborhoo d resident and/o r enforcemen t agencies. 26 Based o n hi s varie d researc h findings, Klei n conclude d tha t gan g leader ship i s no t a position , a s man y hav e theorized , bu t i s rathe r a collectio n o f functions. Leadershi p varie s wit h th e activity , suc h a s fighting, athletics , an d girls. H e assert s tha t th e gang' s leader s ar e ofte n difficul t t o pic k ou t excep t by the reaction s o f other members , an d tha t ag e i s an influenc e i n leadership . Also, accordin g t o Klein' s findings, gan g boy s portra y a caricatur e o f adolescence: They behav e an d reac t i n excess , and the y definitel y overpla y roles . Gan g boys hav e littl e confidenc e i n themselve s an d ar e insecur e wit h respec t t o their ow n abilitie s an d socia l relationships . Thes e feeling s o f inadequac y often resul t i n a dependenc e o n th e pee r grou p and , consequently , o n arrest-provoking behavior . Adolescent s float togethe r a s they rejec t an d ar e rejected b y thei r community . Thu s th e gan g i s a cluste r o f youth s hel d

180 / Varied Theoretical Viewpoints together b y thei r individua l incapacitie s rathe r tha n commo n goal s o r interests. I t serve s a nee d satisfactio n an d lead s t o delinquenc y onl y secondarily.27

MARTIN SANCHE Z JANKOWSK I

For his book Islands in the Streets, Jankowski conducted ethnographi c studie s of gangs ove r a ten-year perio d i n Ne w York, Boston , an d Lo s Angeles. 28 I n the proces s o f hi s research , h e wa s a participant-observe r o f thirty-seve n randomly selecte d gang s representin g eigh t differen t ethni c group s (includ ing Chicano , Dominican , Puert o Rican , Centra l American , Africa n Ameri can, an d Irish) . His work, base d o n "livin g the gan g life," provides a distinctive viewpoin t o n gangs . H e describe s gan g member s a s "defian t individualists" who possess several distinctive characte r traits , including com petitiveness, wariness , self-reliance , socia l isolation , an d stron g surviva l in stincts. Jankowski perceive s th e gang s h e studie d a s "formal-rational " organiza tions, havin g stron g organizationa l structures , well-define d roles , rule s tha t guide membe r activities , penalties fo r rul e violations , an ideology , and well defined mean s fo r generatin g bot h lega l an d illega l income . H e observe s that gang s functio n muc h lik e mos t group s an d maintain s tha t man y gang s have positiv e relationship s wit h peopl e i n thei r neighborhoods , ofte n per forming essentia l functions , suc h a s lookin g ou t fo r th e well-bein g o f th e community i n whic h the y live . I n thi s regard , th e function s includ e suc h things a s protectio n agains t unscrupulou s businesse s a s wel l a s organize d crime. H e label s the link s between gang s and thei r neighborhood s a s a form of "local patriotism. " 29 In hi s researc h Jankowsk i ha s utilized , a s I did, a numbe r o f gangsters t o assist hi m i n hi s researc h wit h thei r gang . H e note s tha t the y ar e involve d with a territorial imperativ e tha t include s violenc e for the protection o f their territory. H e als o perceive s th e gan g a s havin g a significan t leve l o f intens e camaraderie tha t involve s th e recreationa l ac t o f "kickin g back. " I n thi s regard, h e conclude s tha t th e us e o f almost al l drug s wit h th e exceptio n o f heroin i s condoned b y the gang. He i s one o f the fe w gan g researcher s wh o ha s focused i n o n personalit y factors i n hi s research . H e observe s tha t th e juvenile s wh o joi n gang s ar e those with wha t he terms defiant individualism . H e perceives these youths as the mos t competitiv e individual s i n a community , wh o organiz e an d joi n

Varied Theoretical Viewpoints / 18 1

gangs fo r th e purpos e o f acquirin g wha t h e term s th e scarc e resource s o f lower socioeconomi c communities . H e note s tha t thei r competitiv e edg e t o win thes e resource s account s fo r gangbangin g behavior . I n overview , Jankow ski conclude s tha t gan g behavio r i s ofte n a n appropriat e respons e t o th e pathological condition s tha t exis t i n th e inne r citie s o f the Unite d States .

WILLIAM B . SANDER S

Sanders' boo k Gang Bangs and Drive-bys i s based o n hi s researc h wit h gang s over a ten-yea r perio d i n th e Sa n Dieg o area. 30 H e utilize d wha t h e term s "by an y mean s necessar y research. " Hi s approac h employe d participant observation an d som e statistica l analysis . Apar t fro m hi s researc h findings, his boo k effectivel y delineate s a n excellen t researc h approac h fo r studyin g and analyzin g gangs . H e analyze s a panoram a o f gan g issues , includin g a n analysis o f th e gang' s motivatio n fo r violence , organizationa l characteristics , leadership factors , an d territoria l imperatives . From hi s researc h bas e Sander s define s th e gan g a s follows : A youth gan g i s any transpersona l grou p o f youths tha t show s a willingnes s to use deadl y violence t o claim an d defen d territory , and attac k riva l gangs, extort o r ro b money , o r engag e i n othe r crimina l behavio r a s a n activit y associated wit h it s group , an d i s recognize d b y itsel f an d it s immediat e community a s a distinc t dangerou s entity . Th e basi c structur e o f gang s i s one o f ag e an d gende r differentiatio n an d leadershi p i s informa l an d multiple. 31

JEROME H . SKOLNIC

K

Skolnick ha s contribute d t o th e understandin g o f gang behavio r i n a numbe r of articles . Notabl e amon g thes e i s his analysi s o f dru g gangs. 32 Base d o n hi s extensive interview s wit h priso n inmate s an d police , Skolnic k conclude s tha t there ar e tw o type s o f gangs : "entrepreneuria l gangs " an d "cultura l gangs. " His basi c premis e i s that a s gangs becom e mor e enmeshe d i n th e dru g trade , they becom e les s o f a strictl y cultura l phenomeno n an d mor e o f a busines s enterprise. Thi s evolution , h e concludes , pose s a significan t proble m fo r la w enforcement officials. 33 Skolnick present s th e viewpoin t tha t th e cultura l gan g i s mor e likel y t o involve gangbangin g an d som e socia l activities , an d thos e gangster s involve d

182 / Varied Theoretical Viewpoints in th e dru g trad e woul d b e mor e a part o f what h e refer s t o as the entrepre neurial gang . My research reveal s that both th e entrepreneuria l dru g activity and th e cultural aspect s of gang behavior exis t within th e same organization , which I refer t o as the multipurpos e gang .

JOHN M . HAGEDOR N

Hagedorn, i n hi s varie d writings , ha s focuse d o n th e injectio n o f th e dru g business int o gang s an d ho w this factor ha s affected th e gang' s structure an d function i n recen t years. Based o n hi s research int o gang s i n Milwaukee , h e posits th e concep t tha t mos t adul t gan g member s canno t b e describe d a s "committed long-ter m gan g participants " i n th e dru g economy . Mos t o f the gangsters he has interviewed revea l that they have been sporadicall y involve d in th e dru g trad e an d tha t the y mov e i n an d ou t o f th e gan g int o conven tional labo r activities. 34 Hagedorn develop s a typolog y o f adul t gan g member s an d identifie s them i n fou r categories . H e place s th e fou r idea l type s o n a continuu m o f conventional behavio r an d values : (1 ) "Legits " ar e thos e fe w gangster s wh o have gone legitimate and mature d ou t of the gang; (2) "Homeboys" are those gangsters, wh o compris e a majorit y o f bot h Africa n America n an d Latin o adult gan g members , wh o alternatel y wor k conventiona l job s an d tak e vari ous role s i n dru g sales ; (3 ) "Dope-fiends " ar e thos e gangster s wh o ar e addicted to cocaine and participate i n the dope business as a way to maintain access t o th e thei r drugs ; an d (4 ) "Ne w Jacks " are gangster s wh o regar d th e dope busines s a s a career. 35 Hagedorn' s las t three categorie s includ e mos t of the type s o f gangster s I studie d wh o ar e participant s i n th e multipurpos e g an g-

G E O R G E KNO X

Knox, a s edito r an d founde r o f The Journal of Gang Research, has mad e a major contributio n t o th e understandin g o f gangs . I n th e man y importan t and divers e articles published i n the journal , Knox and hi s colleagues i n th e "New Chicag o School " o f delinquenc y presen t a considerabl e amoun t o f valuable dat a abou t gangs. Apart from hi s contributions t o the journal , Knox has ove r th e pas t decad e writte n a numbe r o f significan t article s an d book s

Varied Theoretical Viewpoints I 18 3

on variou s aspect s o f th e gan g phenomenon . Hi s boo k An Introduction to Gangs i s an importan t contributio n t o th e field. 36 Notable amon g Knox' s othe r publication s i s his book Schools under Siege, an extensiv e stud y o f gangs i n schools , writte n wit h Davi d Lask e an d Edwar d Tromanhauser. 37 I n thei r boo k th e author s not e tha t researc h ove r th e pas t decade reveal s a direc t correlatio n betwee n th e presenc e o f gang s i n an d around school s an d increase s i n schoo l violence . The y asser t tha t th e rela tionship betwee n gang s an d school s hinge s o n severa l factors . (A) Stree t gan g member s hav e easie r acces s t o weapon s tha n d o non-gan g affiliated student s an d ar e mor e likel y t o us e thes e weapons ; (B ) gang s ca n more easil y affor d t o purchas e weapon s usin g th e mone y earne d fro m drugs; (C) historically territorial conflict s fue l gan g violence becaus e entre preneurial stree t gang s involve d i n dru g traffickin g us e terro r t o protec t their sale s marke t area ; (D ) th e presenc e o f stree t gang s i n school s in creases th e percentag e o f student s wh o carr y guns . Bot h gan g affiliate d and non-affiliate d student s begi n t o carr y weapon s fo r protection ; (E ) th e school environmen t bring s riva l gan g member s i n clos e proximit y t o on e another an d blur s haphazar d tur f line s whic h lead s t o confrontation s an d challenges withi n schools , o n schoo l propert y an d o n th e street s sur rounding th e schools. 38 Schools under Siege i s a relevan t boo k fo r schoo l administrator s sinc e i t presents viabl e method s fo r dealin g wit h gan g violenc e i n an d aroun d th e school. In anothe r usefu l researc h project , Kno x an d a numbe r o f associate s i n 1995 complete d a comprehensiv e stud y entitle d "Th e Economic s o f Gan g Life," whic h involve d gatherin g informatio n fro m ove r a thousan d gan g members. Th e premis e o f thei r researc h wa s "t o understan d th e cost s an d benefits associate d wit h gan g lif e i n Americ a today. " Th e researc h collecte d data i n differen t type s o f social contexts , includin g adul t an d juvenil e correc tional facilitie s an d communit y programs. 39 Their dat a wa s collecte d i n five states : California , Illinois , Iowa , Michi gan, an d Ohio . Kno x an d hi s associate s determine d i n thei r stud y tha t ther e were difference s betwee n gang s o n thei r leve l o f organizationa l sophistica tion. Accordin g t o thei r findings, the highe r leve l gang s wer e mor e organizationall y sophisticate d an d ap peared t o hav e a numbe r o f formalize d economi c function s an d capabili ties. I n thi s contex t the y determine d tha t mos t o f th e gang s the y analyze d

184 / Varied Theoretical Viewpoints

were fairl y sophisticated , ha d som e formalize d rules , an d thei r ow n argo t or gan g language . Thei r sampl e o f gan g member s include d bot h youth s and adults , "bu t th e to p leader s wer e fo r th e mos t par t adult s wit h lon g tenure i n the gang." 40 Although th e gang s tha t Kno x an d th e other s researche d i n Chicag o appea r to b e mor e organize d tha n th e gang s tha t I studied , the y appea r t o hav e th e component o f being multipurpos e gangs .

SUMMARY AN D C O N C L U S I O N S

Several centra l theme s emerg e fro m th e variou s notabl e theorie s an d re search report s tha t I hav e her e reviewed . Mos t gan g researcher s shar e th e following viewpoints : 1. gang s hav e a fierce involvemen t wit h thei r territor y i n thei r hoo d o r barrio, an d gang s wil l fight an d gangban g t o protect thei r turf ; 2. gangster s hav e differen t level s o f participatio n — partially base d o n ag e — and ca n be characterize d a s core o r margina l participants ; 3. differen t gang s hav e divers e pattern s o f leadership ; 4. man y gang s an d gangster s participat e intensel y i n th e commerc e an d th e use o f various drugs ; and 5. gang s are , i n part , generate d b y thei r cultura l milie u i n a respons e t o a society tha t block s thei r opportunit y t o achiev e th e success-goal s o f th e larger society . My revie w o f th e literatur e reveal s tha t gan g researcher s hav e amasse d a wealth o f significan t dat a o n gangs ; however , a s w e sociologist s ar e won t t o say a t th e en d o f almost ever y boo k an d article , mor e researc h i s needed. A t the 199 5 Academy o f Criminal Justic e Science s meeting s i n Boston , sociolo gists Scot t Decke r an d Ronal d Huff , base d o n thei r extensiv e researc h int o the field, presente d a valuabl e semina r an d pape r tha t attempte d t o summa rize earl y an d recen t field studie s o f gangs. Notabl e i n thei r presentatio n wa s data fro m Ronal d Huff' s book , Gangs in America. 41 In thei r presentatio n the y conclude d wit h a numbe r o f significan t an d relevant suggestion s fo r futur e researc h o n gangs , whic h wer e containe d i n an articl e b y Scot t Decker . Decke r delineate s a numbe r o f issue s an d questions tha t deserv e furthe r field studies :

Varied Theoretical Viewpoints / 18 5

(1) Doe s gan g membershi p preced e th e onse t o f seriou s criminality ? (2 ) What affect , i f any, doe s gan g membershi p hav e o n othe r member s i n th e family, an d conversely , what affect doe s the famil y hav e o n gan g members ? (3) What i s the proces s by which gan g member s leav e thei r gang ? (4 ) Ho w do gang s gro w i n size ? (5 ) Ho w d o gang s sprea d fro m on e cit y t o another ? (6) Ar e ther e link s betwee n gang s an d organize d crim e groups ? (7 ) Wha t is th e genesi s o f inter-gan g an d intra-gan g violence ? (8 ) Ho w ar e role s within th e gan g established , an d ho w ar e individual s selecte d fo r thos e roles? (9 ) Wha t rol e d o economi c factor s an d motivatio n pla y i n th e actions o f gangs and gan g members? (10 ) What i s the relationshi p betwee n gang member s an d socia l institutions ? (11 ) Wha t ar e th e protectiv e factor s that insulat e som e individual s fro m gan g membership ? an d (12 ) Ho w doe s the gan g chang e ove r time? 42 The perspective s o n gang s presente d i n thi s revie w o f the literatur e revea l two notabl e area s o f conflictin g viewpoint s o n gan g theor y an d researc h that requir e additiona l researc h an d analysis . On e involve s th e personalit y characteristics o f youth s wh o participat e i n gangs , D o gangster s manifes t emotional pathologie s tha t diffe r significantl y fro m nongangste r youths ? A second controversia l issu e i s th e structur e o f gangs , Ar e gang s th e cohesiv e groups perceive d b y som e theorist s o r th e inchoat e structure s tha t I hav e found i n m y research ? M y viewpoint s o n thes e tw o issue s hav e bee n deline ated throughou t th e book ; however , i n th e followin g chapter , I wil l presen t some additiona l clarificatio n o n thes e tw o significan t issue s i n th e contex t o f my theor y o f the gan g a s a near-group .

9. The Violen t Gan g a s a Near-Grou p

D

HE DEVELOPMEN T O F AN adequat e theor y o n th e violen t gan g requires a n extensiv e foundatio n o f relevan t researc h data . Th e importance o f such researc h fo r adequat e theor y buildin g an d th e pitfall s o f not carryin g ou t suc h empirica l investigatio n ar e cogentl y expresse d b y the sociologis t Rober t Merton : "Empirica l researc h initiates , reformulates , refocuses, and clarifies the theories and conceptions of sociology. It is evident that any theorist who i s remote fro m al l research, o f which h e learns only by hearsay, run s th e ris k o f bein g insulate d fro m th e ver y experience s mos t likely to turn hi s attention i n fruitful directions/' l

RESEARCH ISSUE S I N TH E D E V E L O P M E N T O F G A N G THEOR Y

It i s apparent fro m m y overal l analysi s o f the literatur e o n gang s tha t ther e are divers e sociologica l an d psychologica l viewpoint s o n th e organizatio n and behavio r o f gangs . Th e diversit y i s partl y explaine d b y th e chameleo n nature o f gangs, by differen t tim e period s engenderin g differen t change s i n gang structure an d behavior , an d perhap s mor e importantly , b y the perspec tive of the researcher . 186

The Violent Gang as a Near-Group I 18 7

Before presentin g m y theor y o n gangs , I believ e i t i s usefu l t o examin e some o f th e travail s an d issue s involve d i n th e proces s o f researchin g gang s as the y relat e t o definin g a relevan t social-psychologica l theor y o n gan g structure an d function . Different researcher s hav e studie d th e gan g fro m differen t perspectives . Camera position s i n th e productio n o f a film serv e a s a relevan t metaphor . Some gan g researcher s operat e i n th e ivor y tower , fro m a n academi c dis tance, havin g n o direc t communicatio n wit h th e gangste r subject s o f thei r research. The y bas e thei r theorie s o n report s fro m th e gan g battlefron t an d have a long-distanc e viewpoint . I n film parlanc e the y ar e viewin g th e gan g from a camer a lon g shot . Othe r researcher s perceiv e th e gan g i n a close-up . Their perceptio n i s based o n a study o f one o r tw o gan g entitie s u p clos e an d personal. Somewher e i n betwee n i s a two-shot . M y researc h camer a ha s attempted t o encompas s al l o f thes e perspectives , includin g wha t migh t b e termed a lon g trackin g sho t ove r a time spa n o f clos e t o fifty years. Differing perspective s o n gang s ma y als o b e explaine d b y th e ol d parabl e of th e si x blin d me n an d th e elephant . Afte r eac h ma n ha d inspecte d a par t of a n elephan t b y feelin g i t i n a particula r place , eac h on e wa s aske d t o describe th e appearanc e o f a n elephant . O f course , th e ma n wh o fel t th e trunk describe d th e snakelik e characteristic , th e ma n wh o touche d th e le g described i t accordingly , an d s o on , an d s o on . RESEARCH PROBLEM S AN D PITFALL S

The generall y suspiciou s violen t gangste r i s no t easil y approache d i n hi s habitat o n th e street s o f hi s barri o o r hood . Also , mos t gang s ten d t o change ove r a perio d o f tim e wit h suc h factor s a s famil y movement , arrests , incarcerations, polic e pressure , an d dru g involvement . Thes e factor s ten d t o change th e personne l an d structur e o f a gang , an d thi s als o impact s th e researcher's findings. Consequently , certai n type s o f forma l sociologica l re search ar e no t functiona l fo r researchin g gangs . The developmen t o f an effectiv e methodologica l desig n fo r systematicall y studying gang s remain s a challengin g an d formidabl e researc h problem . Long-distance view s abou t gang s emanatin g fro m questionnaire s tha t ar e no t administered directl y t o gangsters , outdate d researc h findings, o r researc h related t o delinquenc y i n genera l rathe r tha n t o th e gan g i n particula r ar e prone t o lea d t o theoretica l misconceptions . Another issu e tha t relate s t o som e o f th e contemporar y viewpoint s o n gangs i s tha t to o man y curren t theoretica l conception s o f gang s rel y to o

188 / The Violent Gang as a Near-Group

heavily o n th e theorie s an d empirica l dat a contribute d b y th e earl y Chicag o School. I t i s apparen t tha t ther e hav e bee n significan t socia l change s i n American societ y ove r th e pas t fifty years , an d thes e change s hav e altere d the sociocultura l causa l contex t an d th e structur e o f gangs . Th e earlie r methodologies o f usin g persona l documents , cas e materials , an d direc t inter views, characteristi c o f th e Chicag o Schoo l researc h approach , remai n vi brantly valid ; however , drawin g conclusion s abou t contemporar y gan g struc tures wit h outdate d gan g dat a ca n lea d t o erroneou s theories . The developmen t o f accurat e gan g theories , i n th e ligh t o f th e foregoin g research pitfalls , require s a n innovativ e typ e o f researc h tha t gather s a variet y of documentar y dat a abou t gang s throug h divers e method s i n differen t settings. Willia m Sanders , i n hi s boo k Gangbangs and Drive-bys, refer s t o this typ e o f data gatherin g a s researc h b y an y mean s necessary. 2 Sanders ' us e of variou s researc h method s fo r th e collectio n o f dat a serve s a s a viabl e approach t o studyin g gangs . An appropriat e mode l fo r curren t gan g researc h migh t ver y wel l b e the anthropologica l field-study approach , usuall y reserve d fo r mor e "exotic " foreign cultures . I n thi s typ e o f research , th e researche r literall y move s int o a barri o o r hoo d an d experience s th e variou s socia l force s operatin g i n th e community. Fro m thi s vantag e poin t h e o r sh e i s i n th e idea l positio n t o gather th e wid e rang e o f dat a tha t woul d prov e mos t usefu l towar d devel oping gan g theory . Suc h dat a woul d includ e informatio n abou t variou s type s of gangs , leadershi p patterns , th e meanin g o f membership , activit y analysis , violence patterns , gan g language , an d gang-yout h personalit y types . Willia m F. Whyte live d i n "Cornerville " nea r Boston , an d Marti n Sanche z Jankowsk i adapted thi s approac h fo r hi s book , Islands in the Street 3 I utilize d thi s i n my earl y gan g researc h i n Ne w Yor k an d t o som e exten t fo r thi s book , sinc e I liv e i n clos e proximit y t o th e gan g are a o f Venice, California . In th e developmen t o f m y theor y o f gangs , I hav e carrie d ou t gan g research wit h al l o f th e approache s allude d t o an d tw o additiona l method s that hav e seldo m bee n employed . M y fundamenta l dat a o n gang s i s derive d from traditiona l field researc h i n th e community , interview s wit h individua l gangsters, an d th e us e o f a n extensiv e writte n questionnair e tha t acquire d over sixt y usefu l responses . In additio n t o thes e researc h methods , m y researc h wit h gangster s i n prison, i n gan g focu s groups , i n grou p therap y an d psychodram a prove d t o b e valuable approache s fo r enhancin g m y understandin g o f th e phenomeno n of violen t gangs . I n m y researc h wit h gangster s i n prison , I foun d tha t my gangste r respondents ' boredo m wit h priso n lif e contribute d enormousl y

The Violent Gang as a Near-Group I 18 9

to m y researc h data . M y captive audience , havin g nothin g bette r t o d o an d having plent y o f time o n thei r hands , figuratively and literally , sa t for hour s in individua l interviews , i n gan g focu s groups , and i n therap y groups . The y were muc h mor e amenabl e t o discussing their gang organization an d behav ior, past and present , when the y were in prison than the y were on the streets. An importan t face t o f thei r willingnes s t o cooperat e wit h m y researc h interests whe n the y wer e i n priso n wa s relate d t o th e fac t tha t the y wer e already convicted an d sentenced . They had a limited resistanc e to discussing their past violent-gang behavior i n detail becaus e thei r revelation s would no t result i n an y additiona l punishment . O f course , th e murder s som e o f m y gang subject s ha d committe d an d admitte d t o ha d n o statut e o f limitatio n and wer e discusse d wit h a certai n leve l o f obfuscatio n an d discretion , wit h an assuranc e o n m y part that I would no t reveal this information . Another relativel y uniqu e aspec t o f m y priso n gan g researc h tha t le d t o openness an d cando r wa s the fac t tha t mos t o f the gangster s I studied wer e in a therapeutic-communit y treatmen t progra m tha t stresse d th e ope n an d public discussio n o f their pas t an d presen t persona l life . M y role a s a grou p therapist an d psychodramatis t i n th e progra m enable d m e t o collect dat a o n the participants i n m y groups from a more logical vantage point than simpl y interviewing the m abou t thei r motivation s an d persona l life . A considerable amount o f relevan t persona l dat a emerge d i n th e contex t o f th e grou p therapy session s I directed . A t times , afte r a n emotiona l therap y session , I would follo w u p wit h a one-on-on e discussio n o n a particularl y relevan t subject wit h a n individua l wh o ha d becom e emotionall y wide-ope n an d was highly motivated t o explore a significant persona l issu e in his life. In th e contex t o f m y groups , a s previousl y discussed , forme r rival s fro m different gang s were more amiable with eac h other . I would encourag e the m in th e nonviolen t an d nonthreatenin g environmen t o f a prison T C t o shar e their pas t experiences wit h eac h othe r i n a n effor t t o better understan d thei r violent emotions. The positiv e social environment o f the TC enable d forme r deadly enemies to see each othe r as human beings . In th e genera l priso n populatio n gangster s wer e separate d b y their racia l and ethni c background s b y choice , an d thi s wa s facilitate d b y th e priso n administration. A significan t impac t o f th e T C involve d th e integratio n o f around 20 0 Chicano , black , an d a fe w whit e convict s i n thei r cell s i n on e cellblock. Thi s integratio n enable d m e i n m y gan g focu s group s t o plac e a Crip an d a Bloo d o r a Chican o an d a blac k i n a face-to-fac e positio n an d have them discus s the senseless nature of their hatred o f each othe r as enemy gangsters.

190 / The Violent Gang as a Near-Group

After a heate d confrontation , I woul d say , "Her e i s a gu y wh o ha s man y of the sam e problem s o f family an d feeling s abou t societ y tha t yo u have . I n a way, despit e th e racia l an d enem y gan g bullshi t tha t divide s you , yo u hav e essentially th e sam e kind s o f problem s a s huma n beings . Wh y d o yo u hat e and kil l eac h other? " I n th e discussion s tha t usuall y ensued , som e gangster s would se e th e foolishnes s o f thei r hatre d fo r eac h other , th e senseles s natur e of gangbanging , an d revea l a grea t dea l o f persona l informatio n tha t wa s most usefu l i n understandin g thei r motivatio n fo r participatin g i n gangs . These insightfu l dialogue s produce d invaluabl e dat a fo r m y understandin g the genera l structur e an d functio n o f gangs . As a sid e effec t o f m y therapeuti c effort s i n thes e intensiv e grou p therap y and psychodram a sessions , I learne d a grea t dea l abou t th e participant' s family an d th e causa l contex t o f thei r participatio n i n thei r gan g o n a leve l that wa s bot h direc t an d personal . Th e dat a fro m m y therap y session s als o revealed a grea t dea l abou t th e meanin g o f th e gan g t o th e participant s an d about th e structur e an d functio n o f th e gan g i n th e gangster' s life . I t i s fro m this composit e an d conglomeratio n o f researc h dat a tha t I hav e collecte d over th e year s tha t I hav e develope d an d constructe d m y definitio n o f gang s and a basi c theor y o n th e structur e o f violent gangs .

WHAT I S A GANG ?

Sociologist Emil e Durkhei m exhort s th e sociologis t t o b e explicit : Every scientifi c investigatio n i s directed towar d a limited clas s o f phenom ena, include d i n th e sam e definition . Th e first step of the sociologist , then , ought t o b e t o defin e th e thing s h e treats , i n orde r tha t hi s subjec t matte r may b e known . A theory, indeed , ca n b e checke d onl y i f we kno w ho w t o recognize th e fact s o f which i t is intended t o give an account. 4 As previousl y allude d to , th e ter m "gang " ha s bee n varyingl y use d t o describe Thrasher' s gangs , the Capone-lik e adul t gang s o f the Roarin g Twen ties an d th e Mafia , Whyte' s Norto n Stree t group , Bloc h an d Niederhoffer' s Comanche adolescen t groups , Cohen' s delinquen t boys , Clowar d an d Oh lin's conflic t gangs , an d th e contemporar y Crip s an d Bloods . From m y perspective , a s previousl y defined , th e contemporar y violen t drug gan g incorporate s th e followin g basi c characteristic s an d activities : 1. Al l gang s hav e a nam e an d a territoria l neighborhoo d base , an d the y maintain a fierce proprietar y interes t i n thei r neighborhood . The y wil l

The Violent Gang as a Near-Group I 19 1 fight for th e territor y they clai m a s their ow n an d wil l attack an y interlopers who come int o their hood wh o belong to an enem y gang. 2. Joinin g a gan g ofte n involve s a for m o f jumpin g i n ( a ritua l tha t range s from informa l verba l acceptanc e t o a violent initiatio n rite) , an d leavin g the gang takes many forms . 3. Delinquen t an d crimina l act s involvin g burglar y an d thef t ar e importan t gang activities for achieving a rep and statu s i n the gang. 4. Senseles s violence , includin g drive-b y shooting s an d gangbangin g i s a basic gang activity. 5. Th e commerc e o f drugs, their use , and violen t act s fo r th e maintenanc e of drug territory are part of the gang configuration . 6. Gang s provid e a form o f social lif e an d camaraderie , involvin g gambling , getting high, hanging-out, an d partying .

G A N G STRUCTURE : T H E G A N G A S A N E A R - G R O U P

Many theorists , base d o n thei r researc h perspective , hav e determine d tha t gangs ar e ver y cohesiv e entities . Other s hav e depicte d gang s a s ver y loos e structures. M y researc h ha s le d m e t o perceiv e th e violen t gan g a s some where i n betwee n bein g a highl y define d grou p an d a loosel y organize d mob. The gan g is what I would ter m a "near-group." My viewpoin t o f th e gan g a s a near-grou p i s illuminate d b y bein g mor e specific an d definin g a "group " a s a sociologis t would . A standard grou p i s an identifiable , coherent , an d finite entit y mad e u p o f people wh o relat e t o each othe r o n the basis of defined norm s an d rule s for interaction . Member ship i n a group i s clearly defined , involvin g som e for m o f self-identificatio n and recognitio n b y other grou p member s tha t th e individua l belong s t o th e group. In most groups the role of each membe r i s clearly defined an d entail s certain rights , duties, and obligations . When al l of these factors ar e clear, the members of bona fide social groups can reciprocall y interac t with eac h othe r in terms of the accepted norm s of the group. Social group s hav e define d value s an d th e behaviora l expressio n o f these values ar e openl y accepte d i n th e large r society . Devian t an d illega l group s whose value s an d behaviora l enactment s ar e considere d antithetica l t o th e values an d goal s o f the large r societ y ten d t o b e les s clearl y defined , partl y because the y operat e outsid e o f the norm s an d law s o f the society . Becaus e the behavio r o f individuals wh o participat e i n devian t groups i s often illegal , the rights , duties , an d obligation s o f thei r participant s ar e ap t t o b e les s

192 / The Violent Gang as a Near-Group

clearly defined . I n brief , i n mos t crimina l an d devian t groups , includin g th e violent gang , th e definitio n o f wh o i s a member , th e norm s o f th e group , and th e expecte d behavio r o f participant s i n th e grou p ar e murkie r tha n i n groups tha t ar e sociall y acceptabl e an d fo r th e mos t par t confor m t o th e acknowledged norm s o f the large r society . For th e purpos e o f a better understandin g o f the structur e an d functio n o f violent gangs , I woul d posi t tha t i n term s o f structur e i n th e overal l socia l system ther e ar e thre e basi c type s o f collectivities: (1 ) socia l groups , (2 ) mob s or crowds , an d (3 ) wha t I hav e terme d near-groups . Socia l group s ar e coherent entitie s tha t hav e a clarit y abou t thei r norms , an d membershi p i n this typ e o f grou p i s obviou s t o bot h th e member s an d thei r group . A t th e other en d o f this continuu m o f group organizatio n i s mob o r a crowd . Thes e are spontaneou s collectivitie s tha t mee t sporadicall y fo r som e event , hav e limited o r n o continuity , ar e no t basicall y interactive , an d th e peopl e wh o participate i n thi s typ e o f collectivit y hav e n o membershi p statu s o r clea r roles. On a continuum , i n term s o f structur e an d behaviora l function , a near group i s somewhere i n betwee n a mo b o r crow d an d a define d socia l group . In a near-grou p th e definitio n o f membershi p an d leadershi p an d th e norm s and value s o f th e collectivit y ar e no t a s chaoti c a s foun d i n a mob , an d no t as coheren t a s foun d i n a sociall y acceptabl e group . Base d o n m y researc h and perspective , th e violen t gan g i s a near-group . The violen t gan g a s a near-grou p ha s th e followin g characteristic s tha t enable a sociall y disable d gangste r t o hav e a sens e (albei t synthetic ) o f belonging an d community : 1. Participant s i n th e near-grou p violen t gan g ar e generall y sociopathi c per sonalities. Th e mos t sociopathi c ar e cor e participant s o r leaders , an d th e less sociopathi c ar e mor e margina l members . Thes e individual s belon g t o the near-grou p gan g essentiall y becaus e the y d o no t hav e th e socia l abilit y to belon g t o mor e coheren t an d demandin g socia l groups . 2. Th e near-grou p gan g fo r th e sociall y disable d gangste r serve s a s a sociall y desirable adjustmen t patter n tha t no t onl y accept s bu t aggrandize s thei r macho-syndrome behavior . 3. Th e nondemandin g role s tha t characteriz e th e near-grou p violen t gan g structure, becaus e the y ar e imprecise , satisf y th e emotiona l need s o f it s participants wh o lac k th e abilit y t o becom e member s o f mor e sociall y demanding groups . 4. Th e behaviora l expectation s fo r participatin g i n th e gan g i s diffuse , an d i t

The Violent Gang as a Near-Group / 19 3

varies fo r eac h participant . Behavio r i s essentiall y emotio n motivate d within loosel y define d boundaries . Ther e i s a limited consensu s o f norma tive expectation s fo r behavio r i n th e near-grou p gang . 5. I n a near-group , cohesivenes s decrease s a s a participan t gangste r move s from th e cente r o f th e collectivit y t o th e periphery . Cor e participant s ar e at th e cente r o f th e gang , an d ther e ar e man y margina l gangster s wh o sporadically participat e les s ofte n an d les s intensel y i n th e gang' s varie d activities. 6. Limite d responsibilit y i s require d fo r belonging . Leadershi p i s ofte n self appointed an d varie s wit h th e activitie s o f th e gan g a t a particula r time . There i s a shiftin g an d personall y define d stratificatio n system . Participa tion i s ofte n i n flux, an d i t i s difficul t a t an y poin t i n tim e t o defin e th e exact numbe r o f participant s wh o compris e th e gang . 7. Ther e i s a limite d coheren t an d define d consensu s amon g participant s i n the collectivit y a s to th e near-grou p gang' s function s o r goals . 8. Norm s an d behavio r pattern s ar e generall y devian t and , consequently , i n conflict wit h th e inclusiv e socia l system' s prescription s fo r behavior . 9. Interactio n withi n th e collectivit y an d towar d th e oute r communit y i s often hostil e an d aggressive , wit h spontaneou s outburst s o f violenc e t o achieve impulsivel y fel t goals . Violen t behavior , especiall y extrem e an d bizarre violence , i s a highl y regarde d value , an d violen t behavio r contri butes enormousl y t o th e powe r an d statu s o f gangster s i n th e near-grou p violent gang . A numbe r o f researcher s hav e corroborate d m y viewpoin t o n th e gan g a s a near-group . Notabl e amon g thes e researcher s i s Howar d an d Barbar a Myerhoff, wh o hav e carrie d ou t extensiv e empirica l an d theoretica l researc h into gan g structure s i n genera l an d m y near-grou p theor y i n particular . I n their summar y i n a n incisiv e articl e o n th e subject , the y state , The sociologica l literatur e abou t gang s contain s a t leas t tw o sharpl y con flicting description s o f the exten t o f gang structur e an d th e natur e o f thei r values. I n th e mos t prevalen t view , th e gan g i s see n a s a kin d o f primar y group, highly structured , relativel y permanent an d autonomous , possessin g a well-developed delinquen t subcultur e whic h i s transmitted t o ne w mem bers. . . . Cohe n ha s identifie d th e primar y need s me t b y th e gan g a s those o f resolvin g statu s frustratio n fo r lower-clas s boys , an d providin g a n expression o f masculin e identificatio n fo r middle-clas s boys . Parson s ha s also emphasize d th e achievemen t o f sexua l identit y a s a proble m deal t with b y delinquent behavio r i n a gang.

194 / The Violent Gang as a Near-Group

Cloward an d Ohlin, followin g Merton' s conception , hav e specifie d th e discrepancy betwee n aspiration s towar d succes s goal s and opportunities for achieving the m a s th e proble m givin g ris e t o gan g behavior . Kvaraceu s and Mille r hav e stresse d th e inherent conflic t betwee n lower - and middleclass values and the delinquent's predispositio n t o the former i n explainin g gang behavior. Eisenstad t an d Bloch an d Niederhoffer hav e pointe d t o the gang as a collective respons e t o the adolescent's strivin g towar d th e attain ment o f adulthoo d an d th e frustration s attendan t o n th e transitio n fro m one ag e status t o another. Thes e author s identif y differen t component s o f the gan g subcultur e accordin g t o thei r interpretatio n o f it s function, bu t implicit o r explici t i n al l thes e position s i s th e vie w o f th e gan g a s a n integrated an d relatively cohesiv e group . A strikingl y differen t interpretatio n o f the structur e o f gang s describe s them a s more informal , short-lived , secondar y group s withou t a clear-cut , stable delinquen t structure . Lewi s Yablonsk y ha s suggested a conceptual ization o f the gan g a s a "near-group, " specifyin g th e followin g definitiv e characteristics: diffus e rol e definitions , limite d cohesion , impermanence , minimal consensu s o n norms, shifting membership , emotionall y disturbe d leaders, an d limited definitio n o f membership expectations . O n a contin uum o f th e exten t o f socia l organization , Yablonsk y locate s th e gan g midway betwee n th e mob at one end and the group a t the other. . . . The supervisor o f a large, long-live d detache d worke r progra m i n Los Angeles, with man y year s o f gan g experienc e ther e an d i n Harlem , ha s give n a description muc h lik e tha t o f Yablonsky . H e observe d tha t delinquen t gangs . . . and their antisocia l activitie s ar e committed i n small groups . . . . He foun d communicatio n betwee n member s t o be meage r an d sporadic , reflecting th e same limitation s i n social abilitie s that Yablonsky identified. 5

SIGNIFICANT FACTOR S THA T D E F I N E TH E V I O L E N T GANG A S A NEAR-GROUP

Many o f the followin g observation s hav e alread y bee n discusse d i n th e bod y of th e book ; however , i t i s usefu l t o presen t thes e characteristic s i n on e section. T h e following summarize s wha t I consider t o be the most significan t characteristics tha t defin e contemporar y violen t gang s a s near-groups. THE EMOTIONA L CHARACTERISTIC S O F GANGSTER S

The gangster' s personalit y i s formed i n th e depressed , deprived , an d violen t cultural milie u o f thei r hoo d o r barrio . Fo r youngster s growin g u p unde r

The Violent Gang as a Near-Group I 19 5

these onerou s conditions , whic h ofte n includ e a dysfunctiona l family , th e gang become s fo r man y minority-grou p youth s thei r onl y sourc e o f identity , status, an d emotiona l satisfaction . Ill-traine d t o participat e wit h an y degre e of success i n th e dominan t middle-clas s worl d o f language an d norm s foreig n to thei r own , the y construc t thei r ow n communit y — the gang . I n thei r gan g they se t goal s tha t ar e achievable ; the y buil d a n empire , par t realit y an d par t fantasy, tha t help s the m liv e throug h th e confusio n fro m adolescenc e int o early adulthood . Al l o f thes e factor s impac t o n thei r emotiona l characteris tics. A disproportionat e numbe r o f gangster s ar e sociopathic , i f no t clearl y i n their basi c personality , certainl y i n thei r unconscionabl e behavior . Thei r sociopathic personalit y i s mos t manifes t i n th e natur e o f thei r senseles s violent behavior . Pathological gan g youth s hav e difficult y i n functionin g i n normal , de manding groups . Th e demand s fo r performanc e an d responsibilit y i n th e cultural contex t o f th e gan g ar e readil y adapte d t o th e persona l need s o f these youths . Th e large r societ y wit h it s foreig n value s an d expectation s i s not compatibl e wit h thei r perceptio n o f th e world . Fro m m y perspective , th e interplay betwee n th e sociopathi c gangster' s pathologica l personalit y struc ture an d hi s gang' s organizatio n i s th e mos t effectiv e wa y t o understan d th e phenomenon o f contemporar y violen t gangs . A primar y motivatio n o f th e gangste r i s hi s continuin g ques t fo r respect , reputation, an d a sens e o f persona l power , whic h h e feel s i s lackin g becaus e of hi s lo w self-esteem . Th e acquisitio n o f respec t an d som e kin d o f reputa tion, eve n on e a s a killer , i s sough t t o nouris h thei r underlyin g feeling s o f low self-estee m an d feelin g lik e a nobody . The y pu t i n wor k i n thei r gan g b y committing act s o f senseles s violenc e i n a n effor t t o achiev e th e respec t an d personal powe r the y fee l i s missin g i n thei r inne r life . Man y gangster s ar e willing t o literall y di e fo r respect . Thi s driv e help s t o explai n thei r suicida l tendencies. A social-psychologica l perspectiv e tha t I hav e foun d helpfu l i n analyzin g the personalit y issu e i n a gang s youth' s motivatio n i s th e concep t o f existen tial validation . Thi s syndrom e basicall y involve s a gangster' s sens e o f alien ation fro m huma n feelin g o r meaning . Mos t relativel y norma l peopl e hav e a sense o f identit y an d existenc e i n thei r everyda y activities . The y d o no t require intens e emotiona l excitemen t t o kno w tha t the y ar e alive , tha t the y exist. I n contrast , som e pathologica l people , includin g sociopathi c gangsters , need extrem e Dyonesio n form s o f emotiona l arousa l t o fee l tha t the y ar e alive.

196 / The Violent Gang as a Near-Group Their sens e o f ennu i an d o f bein g alienated , ahuman , an d unfeelin g requires increasingl y heavie r dosage s o f bizarre an d extrem e emotiona l be havior t o validate th e fac t tha t the y really exist . Extreme, violent behavio r i s one patter n tha t give s th e sociopat h a glimmer o f being someone . I n som e respects, i n thi s context , violenc e i s an addiction . Man y gangster s hav e tol d me that they are addicted t o the emotiona l rus h the y experience i n an ac t of bizarre and senseles s violence. BELONGING

Because o f their personalit y problems , mos t participant s i n th e violen t gan g cannot b e clearl y o r fully define d a s member s sinc e th e values , norms , an d expectations fo r participatio n i n th e gan g ar e no t clearl y defined . I f a youth lives i n a particula r hoo d o r barrio , joinin g an d belongin g t o mos t violen t gangs is a relatively easy process. Membership ha s a quality of vagueness. The ritua l o f bein g formall y jumped-i n t o joi n a gan g i s ofte n a myt h presented b y gangsters to demonstrate tha t their gangs are more defined tha n they reall y are . There ar e n o hig h standard s fo r entranc e place d i n th e wa y of a Wannabee wh o wants to do the devian t work associated wit h becomin g a membe r an d risin g i n th e hierarchy . Th e mai n criterio n fo r belongin g t o the gan g i s a proclivit y towar d violen t an d delinquen t behavior . Ther e i s a mythology buil t u p aroun d joinin g an d initiatio n rites , such a s the require ment that a potential membe r stea l somethin g o r assault someone, but thes e entrance demand s ar e no t alway s fulfille d o r reall y expecte d t o tak e place . At th e whi m o f hi s homies , o n entry , th e individua l ma y ru n a violen t gauntlet, b e force d t o commi t a n ac t o f violence , o r simpl y b e accepte d because h e lives in the hood an d begin s to hang out with the gang. There i s little precis e definitio n o f role behavio r i n th e gang . I f qualifica tions an d standard s fo r belongin g wer e mor e precis e an d definite , mos t gangsters woul d b e unabl e t o participat e sinc e the y usuall y lac k th e socia l ability t o relat e t o other s i n a definitiv e way , an abilit y tha t i s necessary fo r assuming responsibilities an d belongin g to a socially acceptable group . The usua l over t rational e give n b y gang boys for joinin g a gang i s related to their nee d fo r a family tha t involv e their defense, protection , an d a feelin g of security. Although thi s i s the surfac e reaso n given , deeper analysi s reveal s that th e gan g i s a malleabl e vehicl e fo r adjustin g th e gan g boys ' persona l problems an d feeling s o f inadequacy . A youth's motivatio n fo r communit y and belonging to something has more value for him than the spurious natur e of the securit y an d affectio n tha t i s provided i n realit y b y his associates . H e

The Violent Gang as a Near-Group / 19 7 seldom finds the love and carin g o f a family o r community tha t h e seeks in the violen t gang ; however , thi s realit y i s les s importan t tha n hi s desir e fo r some form o f belonging, even i f it is illusory. Participation i n and belonging to the violent gang does provide a sense of power. I t als o provide s a channe l fo r expressin g a retaliator y aggressio n related t o other emotion s an d difficulties , suc h a s a response t o discrimina tion or an acting out of racial prejudic e itself . Thus man y youths in an effor t to cop e wit h a variety o f emotional problem s ac t out their persona l frustra tions an d aggressio n throug h th e gang . Th e gan g provide s a feeling o f selfprotection an d defense , albei t a fals e feelin g i n a hostil e worl d tha t th e paranoid gangste r himself has helped t o create. Unlike a norma l group , th e expectation s fo r participatio n i n th e near group violent gang' s activities i s unclear. Leadershi p an d leaders ar e characterized by megalomania, strong needs to control territory, and an emotionally distorted pictur e of the gang's organization. The image and size of the gang' s membership i s often exaggerate d an d glorified b y gang members to enhance their own feelings o f power. A consequence o f the sociopathi c disorde r tha t exist s i n man y gangster s fuels violen t behavio r eve n i n thei r ow n set. A considerable amoun t o f the gangster's tim e i s spent i n a pattern o f needling, ridiculing , o r fighting with his homies ; consequently , a grea t dea l o f thei r socia l participatio n an d camaraderie i s of a negative nature . The underlying them e o f these playful , but ofte n violen t street-corne r activitie s i s an attemp t t o prove one' s sel f by disparaging others. There is a continual verbal and sometimes physical attack and defens e goin g on . In mos t o f these "playful " bu t aggressive encounter s with hi s homies i s the underlyin g them e o f expressing a hostilit y an d rag e that emanates from th e gangster's depressed lif e situation . There i s a myt h i n man y violen t gang s tha t yo u ca n neve r rescin d you r belonging. I n th e Chican o gang s th e expressio n "po r vida, " meanin g "fo r life," i s the standard. Yet many youths do separate fro m th e gang in a variety of ways. They don't usually resign from a gang and give up their participatio n in a forma l way . After a sojour n i n priso n o r jail , a gangste r ca n voluntary decide t o give up gang life . Mos t of the time i f they are making a n effor t t o go straight, they will not be hassled i n their efforts. I n fact, in many instance s their desir e t o get a job and chang e thei r devian t lifestyl e i s encouraged b y their homies. It i s tru e tha t i n som e case s leavin g th e gan g ca n resul t i n violen t retribution; however , thi s i s ofte n don e sporadically , a t th e whi m o f othe r gangsters. There ar e no hard-and-fast rule s about quittin g the gang, as when

198 / The Violent Gang as a Near-Group

a membe r resign s o r retire s fro m a corporat e entity . Gangster s d o no t receiv e pink slips , however , o n som e occasion s thei r pin k sli p ma y tak e th e for m o f an assassinatio n fro m a homi e o r fro m a n enem y i n a drive-b y murder . And man y times , i n contradictio n o f th e mytholog y tha t a n individua l i s in th e gan g fo r life , a gangster ca n gracefull y retir e fro m gan g activit y withou t any retributio n fro m hi s associates . Thi s i s mos t tru e fo r veterano s o r OGs . They ca n retir e wit h dignity . A s on e activ e O G sai d abou t anothe r O G wh o had retired , He's thirty and h e pu t i n hi s work. H e wa s shot eigh t o r nine time s fighting for hi s homies , an d h e di d abou t te n year s i n th e joint . He' s marrie d an d has kids . He' s got a littl e job . H e jus t hang s ou t wit h u s sometimes , get s loaded, an d talk s abou t th e ol d day s whe n h e wa s gangbanging . Peopl e respect hi m fo r wha t h e did , an d i f a kid want s som e advic e o r a war starts, we migh t ge t his opinion o n wha t t o do. In brief , belongin g t o an d leavin g a gang i s not a s clearl y o r formall y define d as i t i s i n mor e coheren t socia l groups .

LEVELS O F PARTICIPATION : MARGINA L AN D CORE GANGSTER S

Gangsters participat e i n thei r gang s a t differen t time s wit h differen t level s o f involvement. Som e individual s ar e ver y margina l gangster s an d hav e a lim ited participatio n i n a gang, eve n thoug h the y appea r t o b e gangster s b y thei r demeanor an d th e wa y the y dress . Thes e margina l gan g youth s ma y presen t a gan g appearanc e fo r th e purpose s o f protection . The cor e categor y include s bot h th e G s an d O G leaders , wh o ar e a t th e center o f th e gang' s structur e an d ar e th e mos t dedicate d an d involve d gangsters. Cor e participant s i n a gan g ten d t o kno w eac h othe r o n a face-to face, primary-grou p level . The y liv e i n clos e proximit y t o eac h othe r i n th e hood, han g aroun d th e sam e location , pla y together, fight amon g themselves , worry together , an d pla n gan g strateg y fo r warfare . The solidarit y o f the cor e gangster s i s muc h greate r tha n tha t o f the oute r ring o f mor e margina l gan g participants . Gan g involvemen t i s clos e t o th e core gangster' s lifelin e o f activity , an d t o them , th e gan g constitute s thei r primary world . Thei r eg o strength , positio n i n th e world , an d an y statu s o r pleasure the y enjo y ar e tie d t o gan g activity . Their tur f an d activities , particu larly th e gang' s violence , giv e meanin g t o thei r existence .

The Violent Gang as a Near-Group I 19 9

LEADERS AN D LEADERSHI P

One gangste r commente d i n respons e t o th e questio n o n leadership : We don' t hav e anyon e a s a special leader . W e certainl y don' t elec t anyon e as a leader . I f a homi e put s i n a lo t o f wor k lik e hurtin g o r killin g som e enemies o r backin g u p hi s homie s wit h actio n rathe r tha n bullshit , h e i s looked a t a s a leader . Als o OG s ar e leader s becaus e the y bee n wit h th e gang fo r a lon g time , they'v e earne d thei r stripes , the y kno w ou r history , and peopl e respec t the m fo r lot s o f thing s they'v e don e t o hel p th e gan g be known . Most gan g leader s ar e essentiall y self-appointe d an d ten d t o assum e a leadership rol e i n a particula r activit y o f th e multipurpos e gang . OG s hav e a level o f leadership statu s base d o n thei r longevit y i n th e gan g an d th e violen t quality o f th e wor k the y hav e pu t i n a s a gangster . Man y gangste r leader s manifest paranoi d delusion s o f persecution an d grandeur . I n som e case s the y are attemptin g t o compensat e an d adjus t seriou s personalit y disorder s through actin g i n th e rol e o f powerfu l bu t pseudoleaders . Thei r wil d dream s of glory ofte n serv e thei r persona l pathologica l needs . THE DRU G FACTO R

Crack-cocaine an d heroin e ar e th e mai n drug s o f us e an d commerc e fo r gangsters. Crac k i s a commodity fo r bot h blac k an d Chican o gangs ; however , heroin i n th e 1990 s remain s a par t o f Chican o gan g culture . Crac k i s a heavily addictin g dru g tha t ha s dominate d hood s an d barrio s throughou t th e United State s sinc e abou t 1985 . Gangster s ar e involve d i n th e distributio n and sal e o f thes e drug s a t al l levels . Som e OG s an d G s hav e direc t contac t at th e ver y to p o f th e dru g busines s wit h manufacturer s an d distributor s o n an internationa l level . G s an d WBs , a t th e lowe r rung s o f th e dru g busines s ladder, delive r an d sel l drug s o n th e street . The commerc e o f drug s (especiall y crack-cocaine ) an d th e us e o f drug s by gangsters ha s a n impac t o n th e overal l structur e o f the gang . The gangster s who ar e centrall y involve d i n th e commerc e o f drug s ten d t o for m a mor e coherent an d cohesiv e structure d subgrou p i n th e contex t o f th e multipur pose gang . The y ar e i n a busines s tha t involve s th e performanc e o f rathe r specific role s i n th e buyin g an d sellin g o f drugs , an d thi s require s som e coherence t o their behavior . The y hav e t o handle specifi c amount s o f money , launder th e money , an d protec t thei r territor y fro m an y incursio n b y dealer s

200 / The Violent Gang as a Near-Group who ar e no t par t o f thei r organization . The y literall y hav e t o cal l th e shot s on assaultin g anyon e wh o intrude s o n thei r profit-makin g business . I n som e cases the y hav e th e responsibilit y o f exportin g thei r dru g busines s int o ne w markets. The entrepreneurial/corporat e drug-dealin g subgroup of the overall multipurpose gan g ha s mos t o f th e qualitie s o f cohesivenes s tha t exist s i n mos t normal coheren t groups . However , ther e ar e a number o f factors tha t affec t this structure . Thes e includ e th e fac t tha t th e dru g subgrou p o f the overal l gang is involved i n an illegal enterprise involving secrecy, due to the constan t threat of being arrested, incarcerated , o r killed. Another proble m tha t exist s in the commerc e o f drugs i s that some o f the purveyors o f the commodit y ge t hooked o n thei r product . Thi s usuall y lead s to th e abuse r bein g ostracize ^ fro m th e gang . However , eve n i n th e hars h world o f the violen t gang , there i s sometimes roo m fo r compassionat e help . When presse d o n th e subject , I was told b y a number o f hard-core gangster s that the y woul d ofte n mak e a n effor t t o counse l thei r homie s ou t o f usin g when the y wer e hooked . Whil e smokin g a joint , thes e "drug-counselors " would discus s thei r "clients " an d th e difficultie s o f treatin g a crackhead . (Although negativ e attitude s abou t crac k an d heroi n prevai l i n th e gang , marijuana an d alcoho l ar e perceive d a s harmless drug s tha t ar e smoked an d drunk o n a normal, day-by-day basis.) The evidenc e i s overwhelmingly clea r that the persistent use of any mind-altering dru g by participants i n any group has a n abnorma l impac t o n th e structur e an d functio n o f the group , and i n this regard man y gangs are near-groups because o f the dru g factor . VIOLENCE: GANGBANGIN G AN D GAN G WARFAR E

Illegal violence i s a basic characteristic o f the violent gang. The us e of illegal violence, eithe r rationall y o r irrationally , necessaril y affect s th e structur e o f any collectivity . A s previousl y discussed , ther e ar e tw o genera l type s o f violence enacte d i n the near-grou p violent gang. One ha s a level of rationality a s relate d t o dru g territory , th e administratio n o f a dru g busines s i n a n area, o r fo r th e punishmen t o f a snitc h wh o violate s th e gang' s cod e o f secrecy. The othe r for m o f gang violence, the gangbangin g pattern , i s senseless an d revolve s aroun d emotiona l issue s tha t hav e n o clea r purpos e o r consensus of definition fo r the participants i n this brutal activity . In mos t cases , gan g war s originat e ove r trivia . A territoria l violation , a "bad look, " a n exaggerate d argumen t ove r a girl , paranoi d revenge , o r a remark tha t i s perceived a s disrespectfu l ma y b e th e flash poin t fo r stirrin g

The Violent Gang as a Near-Group I 20 1

up a larg e collectio n o f youth s int o gan g warfare . Thes e absur d reason s ar e exaggerated an d sprea d throug h gan g network s i n distorte d way s t o inflam e many gangster s int o battle . Such surfac e provocation s giv e disturbe d youth s a caus e celebr e an d a legitimate banne r unde r whic h the y ca n ven t hostilitie s relate d t o othe r issues i n thei r lif e situation . Th e gangsters ' emotion s ar e fanne d throug h interaction an d produc e a kin d o f grou p contagion . Wha t start s ou t a s a ba d look fro m on e yout h ca n develo p int o a majo r battl e wit h a rea l o r imagine d enemy. Eac h yout h wh o become s involve d ca n projec t int o th e battl e whatever anger s o r hostilitie s h e ha s towar d school , hi s family , th e neighbor hood, prejudice , o r an y othe r anger-provokin g problem s h e ma y b e livin g with a t th e time . In gangbangin g tha t i s no t involve d wit h th e dru g business , a t a n "actua l gang-war," o r i n a drive-by , man y participant s hav e littl e o r n o ide a o f wh y they ar e ther e o r wha t the y ar e expecte d t o do , excep t assaul t someon e wh o appears t o b e a n enemy . OGs , Gs , citizens , an d sometime s th e polic e an d the pres s ar e ofte n caugh t u p i n th e fallou t contagio n o f gang-wa r hysteria . Although violen t gangster s ma y no t b e clea r abou t thei r motives , a gan g wa r can resul t i n injur y an d ofte n homicide . I n fact , th e confuse d natur e o f th e near-group gan g wit h it s fantas y qualitie s help s t o mak e i t a mor e highl y destructive instrumen t o f violenc e tha n i t woul d b e i f th e violenc e wer e organized i n th e mor e deliberat e an d coheren t fashio n o f L a Cos a Nostra . As previousl y described , i n th e pas t fifty years , gan g warfar e ha s escalate d from one-on-on e fistfights an d knifings , t o rat-pac k grou p attacks , t o th e grand for m o f th e drive-b y murde r — the dramati c approac h t o murde r tha t was invente d i n th e adult , organize d bootleggin g gang s durin g th e Roarin g Twenties. Thes e early , adult-gan g drive-by s mos t o f th e tim e ha d a precis e target. A contemporar y drive-b y i s sometime s a n actua l hi t o n a rea l enem y who ha s invade d a gang's dru g territory ; mor e ofte n tha n not , i t is a spontane ously organize d rando m hi t o n a n imagine d enem y tha t i s fuele d b y th e unspecified rag e o f gangsters wh o ar e hig h o n alcoho l o r drugs. Gangbangin g for som e youth s i s a socia l narcoti c i n it s ow n right . The followin g descriptio n o f a typica l drive-b y b y a participan t reveal s th e near-group natur e o f the violen t gang : We wer e hangin ' out , talkin ' shit , an d gettin g loaded . Thi s ca t "Littl e Snowman" — we calle d hi m tha t becaus e h e ha d a col d hear t — kept talkin' abou t ho w thes e Blood s ha d disse d hi m th e da y before. M y homie s had som e gun s tha t w e ha d stol e ou t o f thi s house , an d w e ha d a car .

202 / The Violent Gang as a Near-Group

Pretty soo n we'r e talkin ' abou t ho w w e had t o teach thos e motherfucker s a lesson the y wouldn' t forget . Myself , I didn't wan t t o g o — but ther e wa s n o way to back down . The nex t thin g I remember we'r e i n th e ca r an d rollin g o n ou r enemie s hood. Th e close r w e got t o thei r hood , th e highe r I got . I remembe r m y homie, O G Willie , wh o wa s leadin g ou r attack , screaming , "We'r e goin g to show those motherfucker s n o love! " I onl y ha d a pistol, bu t m y homi e wit h a n automati c spraye d thes e guy s on th e corner . Lik e i n th e movie s — they al l ducked , an d I sa w tw o guy s get hit an d g o down. We split , and fo r th e nex t wee k tha t wa s all w e talke d about — who di d wha t an d ho w thos e motherfucker s deserve d it . And ho w funny i t wa s t o watc h thi s on e dud e ge t hi t an d fal l int o som e garbag e cans. Tha t wee k w e al l watche d ou r back s 'caus e w e kne w the y woul d b e coming bac k a t us. This hysterica l drive-b y i s typical : a spontaneou s action , wit h n o specia l planning o r motive , whos e target s ca n includ e anyon e i n th e lin e o f fire, whose shooter s ar e typicall y hig h o n som e substanc e an d whos e participatio n in th e violenc e provide s a n eve n greate r emotiona l high , an d th e mor e bizarre a participant' s violen t act , th e greate r th e statu s h e i s accorded i n th e gang's postviolenc e dialogues . The foregoin g analysi s o f th e personalit y o f gangsters , thei r gangs ' organi zation, an d thei r basi c behavio r indicate s tha t gang s diffe r significantl y fro m most nondevian t norma l socia l groups . Thi s i s wh y I hav e characterize d th e gang a s a near-group . Th e social-psychologica l len s o f th e near-grou p pro vides a mor e insightfu l an d reality-base d perspectiv e fo r understandin g th e contemporary gang .

PARANOID PSEUDOCOMMUNITIES : WH Y GANGSTER S JOI N AN D BECOME ENMESHE D INT O NEAR-GROU P VIOLEN T GANG S

Norman Cameron' s insightfu l social-psychologica l concep t o f th e "paranoi d pseudocommunity" provide s a theoretica l perspectiv e tha t contribute s t o m y analysis o f why gangster s joi n an d becom e enmeshe d i n violen t gangs , an d i t further illuminate s m y viewpoin t o f the gan g a s a near-group. 6 His concept , briefl y stated , i s that emotionall y disordere d individual s wh o are paranoi d creat e a pseudocommunit y i n thei r mind , an d sometime s thes e delusions find credenc e i n reality . Thi s concep t i s usefu l i n analyzin g som e gangsters wh o perceiv e enem y gang s a s always ou t t o har m them . I n respons e to thi s impendin g violen t doom , the y organiz e thei r live s aroun d th e gan g i n

The Violent Gang as a Near-Group / 20 3

a continuin g defensiv e stance . O f course , ther e i s som e realit y t o thi s per spective o n th e hostil e worl d tha t surround s them ; however , mor e ofte n tha n not, thei r perceptio n o f enem y gang s a s being ou t t o ge t the m i s delusionary . The creatio n o f thi s menta l pseudocommunity , accordin g t o Cameron , results fro m a serie s o f event s tha t impac t a n individual . H e posit s that , i n general, a grou p make s certai n demand s o n it s participants , an d i n th e normative patter n o f life , th e individua l give s o f himsel f t o grou p demands . Most norma l individual s find thei r participatio n i n a grou p a satisfyin g experience an d ar e willin g t o adher e t o the normativ e demand s o f the group . In thei r dail y leve l o f grou p interaction , thei r participatio n i s validate d b y other individual s i n th e group . However, unde r certai n circumstance s individual s wit h sociall y inade quate personalit y developmen t (lik e gangsters ) fai l progressivel y t o adher e t o the group' s (society's ) minima l requirement s fo r behavior . Thi s result s i n their becomin g "sociall y disarticulated, " an d ver y often thes e individual s hav e to b e se t asid e fro m th e res t o f thei r communit y t o liv e unde r artificiall y simplified conditions. 7 I n m y view , derive d fro m Cameron' s thesis , th e violent gan g i s a creatio n tha t provide s thes e "artificiall y simplifie d condi tions." Cameron furthe r posit s tha t som e peopl e wit h sociall y inadequat e person alities becom e paranoid . H e states , The paranoi d person , becaus e o f poorl y develope d role-takin g ability , which ma y have bee n derive d fro m defectiv e socia l learnin g i n earlie r life , faces hi s rea l o r fancie d slight s an d discrimination s withou t adequat e give and-take i n hi s communicatio n wit h other s an d withou t competenc e i n the socia l interpretatio n o f motives an d intentions. 8 The gangster , whos e role-takin g skill s ar e impaire d i n thi s way , lack s th e ability t o appropriatel y asses s th e behavio r o f other s i n thei r interactio n wit h him. H e begin s t o tak e everythin g th e wron g way , an d becaus e o f hi s socia l inabilities t o thin k a s other s do , h e become s increasingl y alienate d an d disassociated fro m th e consensua l worl d o f realit y tha t i s perceive d b y mos t people. I n thi s context , th e gangster' s delusiona l fantasie s becom e hardened , and h e begin s t o se e an d experienc e thing s no t consensuall y validate d o r similarly fel t b y others . H e live s i n th e contex t o f what Camero n ha s terme d a paranoi d pseudocommunity . I n hi s paranoi d delusion s th e action s an d attitudes ascribe d b y hi m t o enem y gang s d o no t full y exis t i n reality . Enem y gangs an d thei r imminen t dange r t o hi m begi n t o exis t mainl y i n hi s pathological mind .

204 / The Violent Gang as a Near-Group Cameron's descriptio n o f this typ e o f paranoid perso n fits the personalit y of th e sociopathi c gangster . I n hi s paranoi d sensitivity , a ba d look , o r an y "dis" (disrespect ) become s a major issue . He to o ofte n respond s with a level of violence tha t i s out o f proportion t o the ac t that he interpret s o r imagine s has bee n perpetrate d o n hi m b y another gangste r o r by people i n th e large r society. He often feel s peopl e ar e out to get him. The fac t o f the rea l community' s respons e an d retaliatio n t o hi s devian t behavior serve s to strengthen th e gangster's suspicions an d distorte d interpre tations abou t th e socia l syste m an d it s institutions. H e utilize s this as furthe r evidence o f th e unfai r discriminatio n t o whic h h e i s bein g subjected . H e comes ou t int o th e ope n wit h over t actio n agains t hi s rea l an d suppose d enemies an d manage s t o brin g dow n furthe r socia l retaliation . Society' s retaliation include s arres t an d incarceration . Thi s make s th e interna l mind set o f th e paranoi d pseudocommunit y mor e objectiv e an d rea l t o him . A s Cameron states , "Th e reaction s o f th e rea l communit y i n no w unitin g against hi m ar e precisel y thos e whic h h e ha s bee n anticipatin g o n th e basi s of his delusiona l beliefs. " 9 Eve n thoug h mos t gangster s ar e awar e tha t the y are locke d u p becaus e the y hav e violate d th e law , the y ten d t o perceiv e society's respons e t o thei r devianc e a s unfair . Mos t incarcerate d criminals , gangsters included , se e themselve s a s innocen t victim s o f a discriminator y society. In summary , adaptin g Cameron' s theor y o f the paranoi d pseudocommu nity, I not e fou r mai n phase s i n th e proces s o f a gangster' s becomin g en meshed i n the paranoid pseudocommunit y o f the near-grou p violen t gang: 1. Defectiv e Socializatio n i s the first phase. Most gangsters have been physi cally, emotionally, o r sexually abused . Th e impac t o f this negativ e social ization b y thei r dysfunctiona l familie s produce s a disproportionat e num ber of sociopathic youths with limited socia l conscience o r ability to relate effectively t o othe r peopl e an d group s i n society . The y ar e a s Camero n indicates i n a state of social disarticulation . 2. Becaus e o f their paranoi d sociopathi c tendencies , thes e youth s ar e alien ated fro m th e mor e consensuall y rea l an d constructiv e communit y o f the larger society . Thei r negativ e self-feeling s o f difference , socia l ineffec tiveness, an d rejectio n becom e reinforce d an d hardene d b y society' s re sponse to their illega l and violent behavior . 3. Th e youth' s sociopathi c personalit y i s articulate d i n a pathologica l para noid reaction t o th e worl d aroun d him . Participatin g i n a gang give s th e sociopathic yout h som e illusionar y eg o strengt h an d contribute s t o a

The Violent Gang as a Near-Group / 20 5

reaction formatio n tha t take s th e for m o f a "tough-killer " macho-syn drome. 4. Th e violen t gan g become s fo r thi s typ e o f yout h a convenien t paranoi d pseudocommunity; i t function s b y alleviatin g hi s persona l inadequacie s and problems, at least temporarily. The structure of the near-group violent gang, with it s flexibility of size, power roles , and delusionar y possibilities , make i t a most convenien t an d acceptabl e collectivit y fo r th e sociopathi c gangster.

POLICY AN D T R E A T M E N T IMPLICATION S D E R I V E D FRO M PERCEIVING TH E G A N G A S A N E A R - G R O U P

It i s axiomatic i n an y medica l mode l tha t a correc t diagnosi s i s vital fo r th e solution o f a problem. In my view, the same reasoning applies to the effectiv e solution o f social problems . The curren t genera l perspectiv e o n th e gan g as a cohesiv e grou p tha t i s presente d b y man y theorist s i s no t i n accor d wit h the drug-dealing , gangbanging , indiscriminatel y murderin g characteristi c o f contemporary multipurpos e gangs . A consequence o f this erroneou s vie w is that it leads to ineffectual treatment . My perspectiv e o n violen t gangster' s a s sociopath s i n a near-group gan g structure correctly characterizes the devastating social problem that currentl y exists in cities throughout th e United States . From m y perspective, therefore , it is necessary from a policy and treatment perspective, to accurately diagnos e today's gangs as near-groups i n orde r t o develop an d implemen t appropriat e means for their effectiv e treatment . The therapeuti c communit y approach , i n m y view , provide s th e mos t promising approac h fo r teachin g gangster s ho w t o relat e t o constructiv e groups i n a positiv e community . I n simplisti c terms , th e T C approac h involves removin g th e gangste r fro m a destructive gan g and integratin g hi m into th e positiv e gan g h e wil l find i n a TC . A gangster's participatio n i n a TC ca n modif y hi s sociopathi c personalit y an d resocializ e him . Th e follow ing chapte r wil l delineat e a projecte d pla n fo r accomplishin g th e comple x and difficul t fea t o f retraining gangster s i n a TC fo r positiv e participatio n a s law-abiding citizens i n the larger society.

10. Joining a Positiv e Gang : A Plan fo r Treatin g Gangster s i n a Therapeutic Communit y

D

N GENERAL , ABOU T 6 5 percen t o f th e 1. 6 millio n prisoner s wh o have bee n i n custod y i n th e Unite d State s ar e rearreste d fo r variou s crimes withi n a few year s o f their release . A summary analysi s o f a five-year research project built into the Amity Prison Program i n California's Donava n Prison reveal s tha t onl y 3 5 percen t o f th e prisoner s wh o g o throug h thi s program ar e rearreste d fo r crime s i n a five-year perio d afte r release . I n comparison, 6 5 percen t o f th e contro l matche d grou p o f prisoner s i n th e general priso n populatio n wer e rearrested withi n five years.1 Research dat a fro m othe r T C program s i n othe r state s revea l simila r positive results . I n brief , th e Amit y T C progra m i n particular , an d T C programs i n general , have th e potentia l fo r reversin g th e recidivis m rat e an d having a profound effec t o n Americas overal l crim e and gan g problem. Based o n th e Amit y researc h an d othe r researc h result s tha t I hav e observed ove r a thirty-year period , I am persuade d tha t the TC methodolog y can b e a n effectiv e approach , i n concer t wit h others , for resocializin g gang sters. I n thi s context , i f instituted , th e followin g detaile d projecte d pla n would hav e a profoun d impac t o n controllin g an d amelioratin g America' s violent gang problem. 206

Joining a Positive Gang I 20 7

T H E PLA N

An effectiv e pla n fo r utilizin g th e T C approac h i n resocializin g gangster s could hav e fou r possibl e organizationa l forms : 1. A standar d community-base d T C tha t house s an d treat s th e variet y o f criminals/addicts. 2. A special T C i n th e communit y tha t focuse s o n th e gangste r problem . 3. A T C i n a cellbloc k o f a priso n tha t deal s wit h th e variet y o f offenders , including violen t gangsters . 4. A special cellbloc k i n a priso n fo r cor e gangsters . All o f these program s woul d requir e a combination o f a professional staf f an d staff personne l comprise d o f ex-gangster s wh o hav e themselve s successfull y been throug h a TC program .

T H E P L A C E M E N T O F C O R E AN D M A R G I N A L G A N G S T E R S

In th e prope r placemen t o f gan g youth s i n thi s variet y o f possibl e T C programs, a n issu e o f some significanc e i s differential placemen t o f cor e an d marginal gangsters . Cor e an d margina l gangster s shoul d b e place d i n differ ent type s o f TCs . Wannabee s an d margina l gangster s ar e mor e amenabl e t o treatment i n communit y TC s tha n cor e gangsters . Peelin g of f margina l gangsters fro m th e gangster s a t th e cor e an d reconnectin g the m t o construc tive socia l facilitie s tha t exis t i n th e communit y solve s par t o f the problem . These youth s shoul d b e referre d b y th e court s t o a community-typ e T C . Also, i n thi s context , som e olde r resident s o f a communit y T C (lik e Ed ) might functio n a s detache d gan g worker s wh o g o ou t i n th e communit y an d recruit youn g Wannabee s t o voluntaril y ente r thei r T C . The mor e sociopathi c cor e gangsters , afte r bein g arreste d an d convicte d for a n offense , shoul d b e place d throug h th e court s int o a priso n T C community, wher e ther e i s mor e tim e t o wor k wit h the m an d mor e contro l over thei r behavior . A priso n T C progra m fo r th e hard-cor e gan g yout h i s mor e appropriat e because i t i s necessar y t o us e th e powe r o f th e la w t o forc e the m int o a custodial T C program . A cor e gangste r lik e Ed , whe n force d i n cour t t o select betwee n doin g hi s tim e i n th e genera l populatio n o f a priso n o r i n a shorter-term T C gan g program , wil l mor e likel y selec t th e latter .

208 / Joining a Positive Gang

At first he wil l mak e thi s choic e becaus e h e believe s h e wil l b e wit h hi s homies, an d tha t h e wil l retur n t o gan g lif e a s usual i n custody . H e wil l b e surprised, however , t o find himsel f i n a n entirel y differen t situation , involv ing a T C gang-resocializatio n program . Thi s ne w situatio n i s directe d b y both savvy , university-trained professional s and , to his astonishment, som e of his former homies , in a program t o direct the newcomer' s behavioral chang e through a combinatio n o f grou p method s especiall y develope d fo r thi s purpose.

NECESSARY G R O U P S : TYPE S AN D SUBJECT S

In al l type s o f TCs , whethe r i n th e communit y o r i n prison , a numbe r o f basic grou p treatmen t method s an d focuse d grou p subject s ar e require d t o effect attitud e an d behaviora l change . Thos e require d includ e (1 ) a specia l group earl y o n i n th e progra m fo r th e indoctrinatio n o f the newcome r int o modifying hi s gangste r attitude s an d integratin g hi m int o th e positiv e gan g of the TC community ; (2 ) special TC encounte r groups ; (3) a general grou p psychotherapy approac h tha t focuse s o n self-disclosur e — with insight s int o the participant' s socializatio n proces s —and o n pas t behavior ; (4 ) psycho drama group s geare d towar d using rol e playin g fo r dealin g wit h th e variet y of gangster problems , especiall y focuse d o n hi s past senseless violen t behav ior; (5 ) a famil y focu s grou p tha t involve s discussion s wit h an d abou t th e gangster's family , especiall y hi s attitud e towar d hi s father ; (6 ) a n educatio n focus grou p tha t emphasize s an d stimulate s th e youth s towar d a genera l education abou t th e large r society ; an d (7 ) group s focuse d o n occupatio n selection an d trainin g geare d towar d preparin g th e yout h fo r lif e o n th e outside when h e leaves and ha s to find a job. These varie d group s ar e basi c type s tha t hav e alread y bee n effectivel y utilized i n th e severa l hundre d existin g TCs . Ther e i s evidenc e tha t thes e groups hav e benefite d thousand s o f former criminals/addicts . Ther e i s con siderable roo m fo r innovatio n i n th e furthe r developmen t an d actua l imple mentation o f these groups for gangsters in a TC program . Given thi s context, each o f thes e grou p approache s wil l b e discusse d i n th e followin g analysis , with som e emphasi s o n ho w the y ca n b e implemented , th e processe s in volved, an d th e goal s tha t ar e sough t an d ca n b e achieve d throug h thei r implementation.

Joining a Positive Gang I 20 9

INDOCTRINATION AN D ORIENTATIO N FOCU S GROUP S

These group s shoul d focu s o n introducin g th e clien t t o various phase s an d ramifications o f th e T C progra m tha t wil l b e encountere d i n th e recover y process. These group sessions analyze the overall structur e o f the TC organi zation an d th e value and purpos e o f various methods, such a s the encounte r group and psychodrama . The genera l goa l of these group s i s to integrate th e newcomer int o th e therapeuti c communit y h e ha s voluntaril y o r involun tarily joined . A necessar y earl y goa l involve s a serie s o f grou p discussion s directe d a t redefining th e gangster' s perceptio n o f hi s gan g an d pas t gan g life . Discus sions i n thes e group s shoul d focu s o n th e natur e o f gan g lif e an d wh y th e youth wa s motivated t o join and participat e i n gang violence. In this process, for example , it is necessary for hi m t o begin t o recognize tha t his gang is not really a famil y ful l o f lov e an d t o fac e som e o f th e hars h realitie s an d th e deadly futur e o f gan g life . A platitude o f th e gangster s i s that Ti l b e dea d before I' m thirty" ; such aggrandizin g o f his life o f suicidal violenc e need s t o be modified. H e has to recognize tha t he ha s a serious problem a s a gangster and tha t his gang is the vehicle tha t will put him eithe r i n priso n fo r mos t of his lif e o r i n a coffin . On e astut e gan g worke r describe d th e gangste r a s having a virulen t for m o f "AIDS, " "gangster s hav e AIDS , th e Addictio n t o Incarceration an d Deat h Syndrome. " Another attitudina l chang e involve s dealin g wit h hi s macho-syndrome . He can learn that the macho-syndrome ma y be a necessity for survival i n th e gang an d priso n world , bu t i s a hindranc e fo r hi m i n th e rea l worl d o f employment an d i n actually relating to a loving family i n the large r society. Basic to the contro l an d treatmen t o f the gangster problem is , therefore, a shift o f attitude o n thei r gan g an d it s deadly activitie s earl y i n th e program . The yout h need s to make a shift fro m legitimizing , indirectl y institutionaliz ing, and accepting violent-gang behavior as normal, expected behavio r i n his hood t o perceivin g i t a s a pathologica l an d negativ e entity . Along wit h thi s process i s th e necessit y fo r th e gangste r t o begi n t o recogniz e tha t ther e i s another mor e positive way of life fo r him, and tha t this can be accomplishe d if he quit s the violent gang and join s the "T C gang. " ENCOUNTER GROUP S

In th e earl y day s o f Synanon , th e first T C fo r criminals/addicts, Chuc k Dederich develope d th e simpl e bu t profoun d concep t tha t toug h guy s ha d

210 / Joining a Positive Gang

to b e talke d t o i n a toug h wa y t o ge t the m t o listen . Kindl y cajolin g a toug h gangster t o se e a point o f view usuall y doe s no t ge t through t o him. As a resul t of learnin g this , a n innovativ e method , th e "encounte r group " approac h fo r communication, wa s create d fo r utilizatio n i n T C groups . Th e encounte r group (hereafte r referre d t o a s EG ) i s a treatmen t metho d tha t i s especiall y valuable fo r reachin g sociopathi c gangsters . Briefly, th e E G forma t involve s te n t o fifteen individual s sittin g i n a circle . One individua l a t a tim e i s pu t o n th e ho t sea t an d talke d t o b y th e entir e group abou t som e issu e relate d t o hi s negativ e behavio r i n hi s pas t lif e o r i n the T C program . I n th e proces s th e perso n bein g helpe d i s challenge d o n some aspec t o f hi s devian t behavior , pas t o r present , i n a relativel y hars h wa y by th e group . He , o f course , ma y defen d himsel f o n a verbal level . I t ca n b e perceived a s a verba l an d emotiona l battlefiel d wher e a n individual' s delu sions, distorte d mach o self-image , an d negativ e behavior s ar e verball y at tacked b y th e grou p i n orde r t o hel p th e perso n bette r understan d th e realit y of hi s life , a t leas t a s see n b y othe r grou p member s wh o hav e share d a n addiction t o th e gangste r lifestyle . Th e metho d ofte n a t first involve s exagger ated statements , ridicule , an d analogy ; an d afte r th e perso n begin s t o listen , the situatio n i s discussed i n mor e rational , intellectual , an d eve n philosophi cal terms . The E G i s a comple x approac h tha t i s at th e cor e o f mos t grou p method s in a T C . Th e basi c proces s involve s th e grou p attac k o n th e self-deceptio n that characterize s th e resident . Fo r example , hi s belie f tha t th e violenc e h e committed wit h hi s homie s wa s a positiv e activity , necessar y fo r th e defens e of hi s turf , coul d com e unde r th e group' s scrutin y fo r it s absurdity . Anothe r issue tha t migh t b e th e subjec t o f a n E G grou p i s th e stupidit y o f black-on black o r Chicano-on-Chican o violence . A benefi t o f verball y attackin g thi s behavior i s that i n defendin g it , th e perso n o n th e ho t sea t wil l comprehen d the ridiculou s natur e o f the violence . The macho-syndrom e i s another importan t subjec t tha t ca n b e hammere d at i n a n EG , a s i n th e followin g example . On e youth , a newcome r i n th e T C , wa s overhear d givin g instruction s i n a secretiv e for m o f big-yar d priso n talk o n ho w t o mu g a person . Anothe r yout h ha d overhear d hi m an d i n th e E G sessio n brough t th e subjec t up . Th e first youth' s behavio r was attacke d by variou s member s o f th e group . Th e encounte r wa s le d b y Bill , a n olde r ex-gangster i n th e T C wh o ha d bee n throug h th e crimina l war s a s a gangster , a heroi n addict , an d a convict . H e wa s no w a staf f membe r i n th e T C . In th e encounte r sessio n Bil l belittle s th e tough-gu y gangste r attitud e a s being stupid . An d becaus e h e himsel f ha d a reputatio n o f pas t behavio r a s a

Joining a Positive Gang / 21 1 tough, violen t gangster , th e grou p listen s t o him . Professiona l university trained therapist s ar e no t i n a positio n t o attac k th e gangster' s macho syndrome i n th e sam e wa y a s a n ex-gangste r lik e Bill , wh o ha s live d th e tough-guy rol e fo r mos t o f his life , understand s th e necessit y o f i t i n priso n and i n the gang, and mos t importantly, ha s changed hi s own behavior . An importan t consequenc e o f th e E G i s tha t i t force s th e recoverin g gangster t o examin e hi s behavio r an d lifestyl e retrospectivel y an d introspec tively. I n m y view , th e E G i s a necessar y proces s i n al l T C wor k becaus e sociopathic gangster s d o no t usuall y respon d t o th e other , mor e supportiv e approaches unti l hi s basic self-deceptio n device s ar e vehemently confronte d by the group. A complicated characteristi c o f the therapeuti c community' s E G proces s is an approac h tha t i s the revers e o f that commonl y use d i n psychotherapy . In mos t traditiona l therapeuti c practice , th e startin g poin t fo r treatmen t i s usually th e interna l famil y dynamic s o f th e patient' s earl y lif e an d ho w h e was raised (o r no t raise d properly ) b y his parents . Generally , i n professiona l therapy th e assumptio n i s made tha t i f a person' s inner , earl y problem s ar e somehow resolved , he will stop acting out his "bad" behavior . In a TC th e startin g poin t i s the over t bad behavio r o f the newcomer . I n the EG , an d i n thei r lif e situatio n i n th e TC , th e grou p demand s positiv e work habits , trut h telling , an d nondevian t behavior . I f th e gangste r live s positively an d constructivel y i n a TC fo r on e o r tw o years , this wil l chang e his inner emotiona l dynamic s i n a positive way. A basic rule that obtains i n the EG i s that no physical violence i s allowed, and surprisingly , thi s dictu m i s almos t alway s followed . Consequently , th e normal respons e o f violence o n th e par t o f a gangster t o wha t h e construe s as disrespec t i s transforme d int o verba l discussio n abou t hi s behavio r an d other vita l issue s i n th e youth' s life . Th e E G approac h i s especially relevan t to an d therapeuti c fo r violen t gangsters . As a resul t o f thei r trainin g i n thi s type of group, they can learn how to channel thei r rage into verbal discussio n rather than thei r formerly automati c respons e o f physically violent behavior . The E G proces s ca n als o hel p a youth t o se e himsel f a s relevant other s do. Th e encounte r ofte n produce s informatio n an d vali d insight s int o hi s problems. I f at th e conclusio n o f his tur n o n th e ho t sea t a n individua l ha s been abl e t o han g o n t o an y o f hi s defense s abou t hi s behavior , the y ar e probably "vali d defenses. " I n th e E G th e gangste r i s force d t o examin e positive an d negativ e aspect s abou t himself , a s wel l a s som e dimension s about his behavior he would neve r have considered o n his own. This process often leave s him wit h a clearer knowledge o f his inner an d oute r world .

212 / Joining a Positive Gang It shoul d als o b e note d tha t a significan t par t o f th e proces s involve s support an d "pickin g up " a perso n a t th e en d o f o r afte r a n encounte r session. Her e th e positiv e aspect s o f the grou p ar e reinforce d wit h car e an d love. The encounter , paradoxically , i s an expressio n o f love. As one gangste r told anothe r a t th e en d o f a hars h grou p encounter , "I f I didn' t car e abou t you an d als o feel tha t you coul d change , I wouldn't tel l you th e thing s I do. It would b e foolish t o attack someon e wh o i s hopeless or helpless i n improv ing his behavior." In thi s way the encounte r grou p i s always supplemented an d enriche d i n a positiv e wa y by later informa l discussion s i n a "caring circle " of friends i n the TC . Al l resident s i n a TC ar e encourage d t o develo p a circl e o f peopl e with who m the y ca n discus s issue s brough t u p forcefull y i n th e E G i n a more casua l interpretive , analytic , an d supportiv e way . Thes e nurturing , supportive discussion s wit h a carin g circl e o f friends ar e mos t significan t i n the overal l grou p proces s fo r changin g th e gangster' s lifestyl e i n a T C i n a positive direction . SELF-DISCLOSING AN D NURTURIN G GROUP S

In a n informa l discussio n I had wit h a tough, former Chican o gangste r wh o was no w involve d i n a priso n T C program , I aske d him , "Wha t i s th e toughest part of this program fo r you?" Without missin g a beat he said, "Th e hardest par t o f this program i s talking i n fron t o f other guy s in group s abou t my early personal life i n my family, and ho w my father abuse d me . Mexicans have a kind o f rule that you 'don' t put your business ou t i n the street. ' S o for me talking about these personal thing s is very hard." In an effective T C fo r resocializing gangsters, in addition t o the encounte r groups an d othe r type s o f groups , self-disclosin g an d nurturin g group s ar e required. These group s deal wit h "puttin g your business ou t i n th e street " in the contex t of standard grou p therapy methods . There are special problems in the process of counseling most gang youths, especially sociopaths . The y ar e ofte n manipulative , recalcitrant , an d self deceptive. Consequently , th e therapis t mus t ofte n dea l wit h a tough facad e and deceptiv e tactics i n order to get through t o the youth an d hi s underlyin g real feelings . Onc e th e therapis t get s pas t th e youth' s crimina l mas k an d game playing, he ca n hel p b y counseling th e rea l person behin d th e facade . This kin d o f breakthroug h ofte n take s plac e i n grou p therap y i n a T C because a youth' s peer s ten d t o understan d eac h other s persona l back grounds.

joining a Positive Gang I 2 13

For gangsters , i n mos t case s thei r rag e emanate s fro m bein g physically , emotionally, o r sexuall y abuse d a s childre n b y thei r parent s — most usuall y their fathers . Mixe d int o thi s abus e syndrom e i s uncarin g abandonment . Tough guy s find thes e negativ e earl y lif e experience s difficul t t o tal k abou t because i t reveals an emotional par t of themselves that they have kept private in order to maintain thei r mach o fac e t o the world . In many respects the gangster's rage has not been repressed . In a nurturing group he begins to understand th e source of his hostility and how it has been displaced an d acte d ou t agains t th e wron g target . Thi s proces s ca n explai n the senseles s black-on-blac k an d Chicano-on-Chican o violenc e acte d ou t through th e gang . Onc e thi s i s understoo d b y a forme r gangster , i t i s on e vector i n th e diminutio n o f his violen t motivation s becaus e h e ca n se e tha t his early abusive childhoo d experienc e wa s the rea l enem y an d th e caus e of his violent behavior . The overal l goal of all the types of group approaches delineate d her e i s to help a recoverin g residen t dea l mor e effectivel y wit h thei r emotiona l prob lems, an d th e nurturin g grou p i s instrumenta l i n hi s openin g up . I n mos t respects, what I am referrin g t o i s a standard for m o f group therapy . A basic difference betwee n standar d grou p therap y an d th e typ e employe d i n a T C group i s tha t th e "grou p therapists " includ e hi s peer s an d paraprofessiona l ex-gangsters, in the contex t of a TC system . PSYCHODRAMA

In mos t TCs wit h which I have been involve d o r have studied, psychodram a and rol e trainin g ar e significan t method s utilize d fo r th e purpos e o f grou p psychotherapy. Psychodrama , a s has bee n describe d i n variou s session s wit h gangsters delineate d throughou t th e book , i s a very usefu l methodolog y fo r effectively treatin g the emotional problem s o f gangsters. In a psychodram a grou p session , beyon d simpl y talkin g abou t hi s prob lem, a person encounter s hi s conflicts an d psychi c pain i n a dramatic settin g that mor e closel y approximate s hi s real-lif e situatio n wit h a stand i n fo r th e person(s) with whom h e has a problem. For example , man y gangster s hav e hostilit y towar d thei r father , wh o ha s abused o r abandone d them . I n on e typica l psychodram a o n thi s issue , a sociopathic gangste r name d Toma s wh o ha d committe d man y violen t of fenses i n hi s crimina l caree r an d wa s no w i n priso n fo r murder , opene d u p about his hostility toward hi s father. A t one point i n the session, after h e ha d revealed a litany o f abuse b y his father, I handed hi m a "battoca" ( a rubbe r

214 / Joining a Positive Gang

bat) an d tol d hi m t o hi t a chai r wit h th e ba t fo r eac h abusiv e offens e hi s father ha d committe d o n him . H e wa s tol d t o stat e th e offens e an d tha t when h e wa s hitting the chai r (tha t represente d hi s father), i t was tantamoun t to retaliatin g agains t hi s father . At first hi s respons e wa s on e I ha d hear d man y time s whe n I invite d a protagonist i n a psychodram a t o ac t ou t hi s feeling s o f revenge . "O h no , man, I woul d neve r hi t m y father , h e woul d fuckin ' kil l me ! Thi s commen t would typicall y b e followe d b y a denia l o f thei r hatre d an d rag e sinc e man y youths tr y t o maintai n tha t thei r parent s ar e carin g people . Thi s yout h wa s encouraged b y th e grou p t o enac t hi s rage , sinc e man y o f the m kne w wha t was comin g fro m comment s h e ha d mad e i n grou p therapy . A s I usuall y do , I assure d Toma s tha t wha t h e wa s goin g t o d o woul d b e hel d i n strictes t confidence i n th e grou p an d hi s fathe r woul d neve r hea r abou t it . He bega n b y announcin g hi s father' s abuse s an d the n hittin g th e chair . A t first hi s blow s t o hi s father-chai r wer e ligh t ones , however , towar d th e en d o f his rol e playing , i n a kin d o f exorcism , th e enactmen t o f hi s rag e becam e increasingly intense . A s h e hi t th e chair , h e screame d a t hi s psychodramati c father throug h clenche d teeth : This i s fo r al l th e beating s yo u gav e fo r n o reaso n whe n I wa s a littl e ki d when yo u cam e hom e drunk . (Bang.) Thi s i s for th e time s you locke d m e in th e closet . (Bang.) Thi s i s for al l the time s you thre w m e u p agains t th e wall. (Bang.) Thi s i s for th e tim e yo u punishe d m e b y putting m y hand o n a ho t stov e fo r som e nothin g bullshi t thin g I had done . (Bang.) Thi s i s for the tim e yo u tie d u p m y arm s an d hun g m e lik e a piec e o f mea t i n th e cellar. (Bang). And ther e wa s more . After th e session , wit h th e ai d o f furthe r grou p discussion , other s opene d up an d share d th e abus e tha t the y ha d received . Th e sourc e o f thei r enor mous rag e becam e manifes t t o Toma s an d man y othe r member s o f th e group. The y ha d a bette r understandin g o f th e dynamic s motivatin g thei r senseless act s o f rage , tha t the y stemme d fro m thei r ow n abus e an d pushe d them t o commi t violenc e o n undeservin g victims , includin g enem y gangs . A face t o f th e emotiona l problem s o f gangster s tha t ofte n emerge s i n psychodrama i s tha t the y hav e committe d act s dictate d b y th e gang' s norm s that conflict s wit h thei r underlyin g emotions . I n on e memorabl e psycho drama tha t I directed , a gangste r acte d ou t whe n h e stabbe d a homi e i n prison becaus e hi s "friend " ha d snitche d o n someon e i n th e gang . H e

Joining a Positive Gang / 21 5

tearfully crie d hi s regrets throughout th e psychodram a abou t hi s violent act . He kept repeating, "I didn't want to hurt him , but I had t o do it." Other gangster s in the group sympathized wit h his plight, because almos t all o f the m ha d bee n involve d i n violen t act s tha t wen t agains t huma n feelings tha t they had burie d i n order to conform t o the expectation s o f their gang an d th e rule s o f priso n life . Th e psychodram a triggere d a n in-dept h discussion abou t th e tyrann y o f th e gang' s expectation s fo r thei r violen t behavior. On e resul t o f th e psychodram a wa s th e participants ' realizatio n that the y ha d th e persona l powe r t o sto p th e violence . Thi s ma y b e a n obvious fac t t o mos t people , bu t t o th e gangster s i n th e group , th e insigh t that they could contro l thei r destiny was a revelation! In psychodrama , th e resolutio n o f a problem doe s not necessaril y requir e an extensiv e analysi s or discussion becaus e th e subjec t o f a session i s experiencing th e emotion s an d resolvin g hi s proble m i n action . Ofte n whe n someone ha s ha d a dee p psychodramati c experience , ther e i s n o nee d fo r lengthy grou p discussio n o r analysis . Th e protagonis t ha s unravele d th e mystery of his problem i n action . In psychodram a session s therapeuti c benefit s accru e t o member s o f th e group othe r tha n th e centra l protagonist . Grou p participant s othe r tha n th e main protagonist i n the session are encouraged t o attempt to understand an d identify wit h aspect s o f thei r ow n live s tha t ar e reveale d i n th e session . Fo r group members , i t i s tantamoun t t o watchin g a dramati c pla y tha t reveal s their ow n problems o n the stage in front o f them. Psychodrama i s an importan t metho d fo r working with gangster s i n a T C because i t enable s the m t o examin e an d analyz e situation s an d scene s i n their live s tha t lea d t o thei r self - an d other-destructiv e behaviors . I n man y psychodrama session s that I have directed wit h gangsters, in their enactmen t of a violen t act , I hav e utilize d th e soliloqu y technique . I n thi s way , th e protagonist act s ou t hi s violen t ac t i n th e controlle d situatio n o f a psycho drama grou p an d expresse s hi s inne r feeling s a s h e i s committin g th e act . There ar e many gangster Hamlet s who don't plan to kill their uncle s — their soliloquies d o reveal , a s i n Tomas' s psychodrama , tha t thei r fathe r i s mor e likely to be the source and targe t of their homicidal emotions . The positiv e consequence o f acting out violent or deviant behavior i n th e controlled settin g of a psychodrama ofte n deter s the gangster involved i n this therapeutic proces s from th e necessity of acting out his violent proclivities i n real life . I n a psychodrama, unde r controlle d conditions , he ca n lear n mor e about the underlying familial source s and cause s of his violent behavior, an d

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develop skill s an d strategie s t o contro l hi s impulsiv e an d violen t behavio r patterns. FAMILY GROUP S

Most TC s attemp t t o hav e famil y groups , mainl y comprise d o f th e resident' s parents, mee t o n a regula r basis . Thes e group s ar e th e counterpar t o f th e AA's Al Anon, an d th e parent s participat e afte r th e individua l ha s move d int o the T C . I t i s importan t t o involv e th e gangster' s famil y i n som e wa y int o th e T C treatmen t program . O f course , man y youth s wh o participat e i n gang s d o not hav e coheren t famil y situations , an d i t i s difficult t o acquir e thei r usuall y dysfunctional family' s cooperatio n i n th e therapeuti c process . The Italia n T C syste m (ther e ar e ove r fort y TC s i n Italy ) utilize s a different an d perhap s a mor e effectiv e approac h t o th e famil y tha n thos e used i n America n TCs . Befor e someon e i s accepte d int o residence , th e applicants an d thei r familie s atten d indoctrinatio n group s fo r a fe w months , where the y lear n abou t variou s aspect s o f th e T C program . I n thi s wa y th e potential residen t get s a hea d star t o n becomin g involve d i n th e progra m with th e cooperatio n o f hi s famil y prio r t o enterin g th e T C . Typically i n thes e famil y groups , wor k i s begun o n th e potentia l resident' s problems. H e ma y wor k ou t a contrac t wit h hi s famil y fo r improvin g hi s behavior an d fo r becomin g dru g an d crim e fre e a s a prelud e t o enterin g th e T C . Thes e orientatio n an d indoctrinatio n group s facilitat e a mor e effectiv e learning experienc e whe n th e newcome r finally become s a full-tim e resi dent. Thi s migh t prov e t o b e a usefu l approac h fo r som e youth s enterin g a gang program . Befor e enterin g th e T C the y migh t b e abl e t o mak e som e progress i n disassociatin g fro m thei r homie s an d becomin g mor e positivel y involved wit h thei r famil y situation . Some discussion s o n famil y issue s involv e onl y residents . Othe r group s include parents , spouses , siblings , an d othe r relatives . Hoverin g ove r ever y type o f family-issu e sessio n i s th e concep t tha t th e recoverin g residen t i s th e nucleus o f a familia l socia l atom , an d hi s proble m i s inextricabl y boun d u p with hi s family system . This concep t encompasse s J . L. Moreno' s admonitio n that "treatmen t mus t alway s tak e int o accoun t th e person' s socia l atom , including famil y relationships. " EDUCATIONAL GROUP S

A statisti c base d o n a stud y o f Lo s Angele s hig h school s (1994 ) reveal s tha t 39 percen t o f blac k youth s dro p ou t o f hig h schoo l withou t graduating . Th e

Joining a Positive Gang / 21 7 same statisti c i s generally tru e o f Chican o an d Africa n America n youth s i n urban are a school s aroun d th e country . Thi s statisti c i s eve n highe r fo r youths who participate i n gangs. Consequently, gangsters are highly deficien t in terms of educational skill s and genera l knowledge . I have observed that, on their path to social reality in a TC, most residents become enormousl y motivate d t o lear n t o write , read , an d acquir e th e education the y misse d whe n the y wer e ou t o n th e streets . Thi s hunge r fo r knowledge i s fe d i n educationa l group s tha t focu s o n al l kind s o f subjects , including philosophical discussions . In man y TC s I have observe d resident s wit h a limited educationa l back ground enthusiasticall y participat e i n educationa l discussion s relate d t o ana lyzing suc h philosopher s a s Emerson , Plato , Kant , an d Spinoza ; learnin g about curren t event s relate d t o a rang e o f contemporary socia l an d politica l issues; socia l an d psychologica l theorie s abou t menta l health , includin g those o f Freud, Moreno , Fromm, an d Erikson ; racism an d it s roots; studying biological sciences ; discussin g grea t literatur e includin g Shakespeare ; an d opening u p thei r mind s t o classica l ar t an d music . Ther e i s evidenc e tha t youths who participate i n the gangster lif e ar e as basically intelligen t a s most other youth s and , i f presented wit h th e opportunit y an d properl y motivate d through a TC educationa l group , ca n becom e involve d i n intellectua l pur suits. In brief , T C educationa l group s ca n cove r th e rang e o f huma n subject s and becom e a n importan t pathwa y fo r youth s to move ou t o f their alienate d life i n a gan g int o intelligentl y participatin g i n th e large r society . I n man y TCs tha t I hav e researched , a n educationa l grou p proces s ofte n motivate s residents t o complet e thei r forma l hig h schoo l o r colleg e education s an d t o better determin e th e kin d o f life wor k the y wil l pursu e whe n the y graduat e from th e TC . JOB-PLANNING GROUP S

In a discussio n I had wit h a detache d gan g worker , h e tol d m e tha t on e o f his mos t difficul t task s i n workin g wit h gan g youth s wa s relate d t o finding and keepin g the m i n jobs . H e said , "Mos t o f thes e guys , especiall y cor e gangsters hav e neve r worke d a da y i n thei r life . And whe n I do ge t som e of them work , the y don' t las t ver y lon g o n th e job . The y ge t belligeren t wit h their boss, they show up late, or not at all." It is apparent tha t some effort ha s to b e mad e t o hel p youth s lear n ho w t o ge t a jo b an d t o understan d th e necessity of developing some occupational skill s if they are to succeed.

218 / Joining a Positive Gang

In orde r fo r a T C t o function , ther e ar e a variet y o f job s buil t int o the organizatio n tha t requir e workers . Man y TC s hav e ga s stations , ligh t manufacturing plants , and advertisin g specialty businesses for the purpose of helping to finance the organization's work. In the TC organization , there are business offic e jobs , housekeepin g an d kitche n jobs , an d manua l labor . These job s ar e filled b y resident s an d provid e realisti c on-the-jo b training , with th e necessar y backu p o f groups wher e the y ca n discus s problem s the y confront i n the process of their work. In the occupationa l group' s discussions, each resident' s efficacy an d incli nation towar d meaningfu l wor k ar e analyze d base d o n thei r wor k perfor mance. Th e group' s goal s ar e t o hel p resident s t o learn ho w to work an d t o clarify th e kin d o f wor k the y woul d lik e t o engag e i n whe n the y graduat e and retur n t o thei r community . Thes e group s foste r on-the-jo b trainin g an d clarify occupationa l goals . A focus i n educationa l group s on how to get a job (perhaps throug h rol e playing) , ho w t o hol d a job , an d th e necessit y o f learning som e trad e i s beneficia l fo r resident s i n thei r necessar y futur e occupations i n society after graduatin g from th e TC program .

FACTORS R E Q U I R E D FO R TH E E F F E C T I V E RESOCIALIZATION O F GANGSTER S

The foregoin g grou p methods hav e been effectiv e i n th e general applicatio n of the T C approac h wit h criminals/addicts , includin g forme r gangster s wh o have gon e throug h th e T C resocializatio n process . Ther e ar e som e basi c social-psychological factor s tha t I believe ar e necessar y fo r a successfu l T C program fo r gangsters . Followin g i s a summary revie w of these factor s an d a brief commentary o n how this projected T C pla n ca n impac t the resocializa tion o f a gangster. INVOLVEMENT

Initially th e T C societ y o f professiona l therapists , forme r criminals/addicts , and ex-gangste r staf f i s able t o involv e an d contro l th e newcome r b y providing a n interestin g socia l settin g comprise d o f understandin g associate s wh o will no t b e outmaneuvere d b y the newcomer' s manipulativ e behavior . Thi s kind o f staff understand s th e newcomer because man y of them were once i n his position.

Joining a Positive Gang / 21 9

ACHIEVABLE GOAL S

Within th e contex t o f th e T C system , wit h achievabl e ex-gangster s a s rol e models, the newcomer ca n (perhap s for the first time) see a realistic possibility for legitimate and constructiv e achievement , independence , an d prestige . A TC provide s a rational opportunit y structur e fo r th e newcomer . H e i s not restricted t o inmat e o r patien t statu s sinc e ther e i s n o inmate-staf f divisio n and all residents are immediately staff member s who are required t o do some work i n th e TC . A t firs t the y ar e assigne d simpl e tasks , lik e cleanin g o r working in the kitchen, but they can aspire to and achieve higher-status role s occupied b y people who they know were once i n their position . SOCIAL GROWT H

In th e proces s o f a forme r gangste r experiencin g an d acquirin g legitimat e and highe r socia l statu s i n a TC , th e residen t necessarily , a s a sid e effect , develops th e abilit y t o relate , communicate , an d wor k wit h others . Th e values o f truth , honesty , an d industr y becom e necessar y mean s t o thi s goa l of status achievement . Wit h enoug h practic e an d time , th e forme r gangste r socialized i n thi s wa y react s accordin g t o thes e newl y foun d value s i n a natural way . This i s a mos t effectiv e syste m fo r peopl e who , upo n entranc e to the TC, had a n egocentric/sociopathi c posture towar d life . THE DEVELOPMEN T O F EMPATH Y AN D SELF-ESTEE M

The constan t self-assessmen t require d i n dail y T C lif e an d i n th e grou p sessions, especially the nurturing and encounter groups, fosters the consolidation o f self-estee m an d empathy . Th e individual' s self-estimatio n i s unde r constant assessmen t b y relevan t others , wh o ar e sensitiv e t o an d concerne d about the individual. The process provides the opportunity for a youth almos t literally t o se e himsel f a s others do . The forme r gangste r i n thi s situatio n i s compelled, a s part o f this process, to develop the abilit y to identif y wit h an d understand others , i f only ou t o f a self-interest i n acquirin g highe r statu s i n the system. The sid e effects ar e personal growth , greater social awareness , an improved abilit y t o communicate , an d a greater facilit y fo r bein g empathi c about th e need s o f others . Th e developmen t o f empath y an d bette r self esteem ca n hav e th e impac t o f changin g a gangste r wit h a sociopathi c personality int o a caring, humanistic person .

220 / Joining a Positive Gang

SOCIAL CONTRO L

The self-contro l o f th e forme r gangster' s devianc e i s a by-produc t o f th e individual's participatio n i n th e T C organization . Conformit y t o th e norm s is necessar y fo r achievemen t i n th e TC . Anomie , th e dislocatio n o f socia l goals and th e mean s fo r acquirin g them , i s minimized. Th e norm s ar e valid and adhere d t o withi n th e socia l syste m o f th e T C sinc e th e mean s ar e available fo r legitimat e goa l attainmen t i n th e organizatio n a s a prelud e t o participation i n the overal l society. Another for m o f control i s embodied i n the threat o f ostracism. This, too, becomes a binding force . Th e relativ e newcome r i n a TC usuall y doe s no t feel adequat e t o participate i n th e large r society . Bu t after a sufficient perio d of positive social living in a TC, the resident no longer fears banishment an d is adequatel y prepare d fo r lif e outsid e (i f thi s i s hi s choice) . However , residents may remain voluntarily an d assume an ex-gangster paraprofessiona l role fo r workin g wit h newcomer s becaus e the y fee l a TC i s a vali d wa y of life. A NE W SOCIA L ROL E A S A T C THERAPIS T

Changing fro m a gangste r rol e t o a ne w "T C professional " perso n ha s th e possibility, as evidenced b y Ed and hundreds o f other ex-gangsters , of providing these individual s wit h a new an d valuabl e socia l role . That rol e ca n be , temporarily o r indefinitely , th e proces s o f socia l growt h an d developmen t while i n the TC. Upo n graduatio n h e ha s an opportunit y t o acquire a job as a counselo r i n th e T C tha t ha s change d hi m o r wor k i n thi s capacit y i n another TC . TC-traine d ex-criminals/addict s ar e increasingl y i n demand . (The Therapeutic Communitie s o f America organizatio n no w provides many job opportunities fo r TC professional s wh o qualify a s TC counselors. )

T H E SOCIA L VACCIN E THEOR Y FO R TREATIN G " A I D S " (ADDICTION T O INCARCERATIO N AN D D E A T H SYNDROME )

If the foregoin g projecte d T C pla n fo r a gangster i s effective, th e combine d impact o f varie d grou p modificatio n force s i n a T C ha s th e impac t o f providing him with a new identity, insulating him from th e need t o return t o his forme r gangste r lifestyle . I f successful , h e ha s develope d a n antigan g

Joining a Positive Gang / 22 1 attitude an d persona l identit y tha t enable s hi m t o lea d a happier , mor e productive lif e — and t o pas s on hi s newl y foun d antigan g attitud e t o other s immersed i n thei r deadl y gang-syndrome . Consequently , i n additio n t o hi s personal success , a n ex-gangste r T C graduat e ca n b e a valuabl e asse t a s a role mode l i n society' s overal l effort s a t preventing, controlling , an d possibl y eliminating violent gangs. The dynami c proces s o f th e T C approac h fo r resocializin g gangster s b y dealing wit h thei r addictio n t o incarceratio n an d deat h syndrom e suggest s a theory tha t I hav e developed , defined , an d labele d a s th e "socia l vaccin e theory." I originally develope d thi s for th e purpos e o f analyzing th e valu e of the T C approac h fo r criminals/addict s i n general ; however , I believe i t ha s an equall y appropriate value for the projected T C approac h fo r amelioratin g the gang problem. The theor y i s derive d fro m th e immunizatio n concep t an d th e us e o f vaccines fo r disease s tha t wa s first introduce d b y a n Englis h physician , Edward Jenner . Webster' s Ne w Worl d Dictionary' s definitio n specifie s tha t "a vaccine i s a living attenuated organis m tha t i s administered t o produce o r increase immunit y t o a particula r disease. " Dr . Jenne r demonstrate d tha t inserting a low leve l o f virus int o a person' s physiologica l syste m stimulate d antibodies, whic h woul d defen d an d preven t a n immunize d perso n fro m having a more virulent form o f the disease. Transposing thi s physiologica l concep t t o a socia l sphere , I woul d asser t that the social vaccine concep t woul d involv e the insertio n o f individuals, in this cas e ex-gangster s wit h a sociall y base d diseas e o f sociopathi c gangste r behavior, int o a virulent gang community for the purpose of immunizing th e community agains t the continuanc e o f violent gangs . My speculation i s that the forme r gangster s who are properly employe d i n a TC o r simply living in a law-abiding manner i n their hood create d a n "antibody" to the gang disease in the larger society. In thi s contex t I woul d sugges t tha t paraprofessiona l ex-gangster s ar e individuals who , onc e thei r proble m ha s bee n arrested , ca n i n tim e an d i n sufficient number s serv e a s antibodie s t o th e peculia r "AIDS " gang diseas e that exists in thei r communit y an d i n th e overall society . To some degre e th e force o f antialcoholic AA members ha s produced thi s kind o f antibody on an international leve l fo r helpin g t o preven t an d contro l alcoholism . I believ e this same approach would , if properly applied throug h th e TC methodology , prove to be effective i n helpin g to ameliorate th e gang problem. The socia l vaccin e applicatio n t o the gan g problem ma y be summarize d as follows: The individua l wh o ha s ha d th e gan g "AIDS, " has gone throug h

222 / Joining a Positive Gang the T C proces s o f recovery , an d i s no w functionin g effectivel y "AIDS"-fre e in a TC fo r gangster s or in hi s hood o r barrio provide s a kind o f antibody or social vaccine for his community an d the overall social system. In this regard ex-gangsters wh o hav e bee n immunize d agains t th e virulen t addictio n o f gang lif e ca n becom e antibodie s i n th e overal l socia l system , an d the y ca n be a vital forc e i n preventin g an d helpin g others , especially youngsters fro m their hood, to resist the deadly "AIDS" of violent gang life. In brief, I perceive th e TC pla n I have propose d fo r th e gan g problem a s a vita l therapeuti c syste m fo r immunizin g peopl e wh o hav e passe d throug h the fires of destructiv e gan g life . Th e ex-gangster s wh o successfull y emerg e from th e propose d T C pla n ca n provid e valuabl e researc h dat a an d a n antigang postur e tha t i s usefu l t o hel p preven t others , especiall y young , vulnerable individuals , fro m thei r participatio n i n senseles s violen t gangs . The projecte d T C syste m fo r treatin g gangster s ca n potentially produc e thousands of ex-gangster graduates, who in the role of paraprofessionals o r as active, concerne d citizen s i n thei r community , ca n significantl y contribut e to th e prevention , control , an d potentiall y th e eradicatio n o f th e virulen t disease of violent gangs in America.

Notes

NOTES T O TH E INTRODUCTIO N

1. Jimm y Cannon, New York Post, Februar y 22 , 1955. 2. Lewi s Yablonsky , The Violent Gang (London : Macmillan , 1962 ; rpt . New York: Penguin Books , 1966 ; rpt. New York: Irvington Press , 1983).

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1

1. I n hi s interview , "Tookie " mad e thes e insightfu l comment s t o Lo s Angeles Times reporte r Barbar a Becne l o n wh y youths participat e i n gang s an d th e comple x phenomenon o f black-on-black gan g violence. Barbar a Becnel , "An Interview wit h a Gang Leader," Los Angeles Times, August 22, 1993. 2. Elija h Anderson , "The Code o f The Streets, " Atlantic Monthly, Ma y 1994 , 64. 3. Selwy n Raab , "A New Breed o f Criminal," New York Times, March 20 , 1988. 4. Ibid . 5. Ibid . 6. "Warrin g Gangs Kee p Residents Fearful, " Los Angeles Times, July 16 , 1995. 7. Kod y Scott, Monster (New York: Penguin Books , 1994) , 78. 8. Richar d Clowar d an d Lloy d Ohlin , Delinquency and Opportunity (Ne w York: Free Press, 1960) , 54. 9. Kur t Lang and Glady s Lang, Collective Dynamics (Ne w York: Crowell, 1961) , 35. 10. Gregor y Boyle , "Hop e I s th e Onl y Antidote, " Los Angeles Times, Januar y 6 , 1995. 223

224 / Notes to Chapter 1

11. Henr y Loui s Gates , Jr. , "Th e Downtow n Chronicles : Sudde n Def, " New Yorker, Jun e 19 , 1995, 34-38.

N O T E S T O CHAPTE R 2

1. Herber t Asbury, Gangs of New York (Garden City , N.Y.: Garden Cit y Publish ing, 1928) . 2. Ibid. , 112 . 3. Lewi s Yablonsky, George Raft (Ne w York: McGraw-Hill, 1974) . 4. Henr y D . Sheldon , "Th e Institutiona l Activit y of Children," American Journal of Psychology (Marc h 1898) : 37. 5. J . Adam Puffer , "Boys ' Gangs," Pedogogical Seminar y (1905) : 56. 6. Ibid. , 3. 7. Frederic h Thrasher , The Gang: A Study of 1,313 Gangs (Chicago : Universit y of Chicago Press , 1926). 8. Ibid. , 62-63 . 9. Ibid. , 48. 10. Fran k Tannenbaum, Crime and the Community (Ne w York: Columbia Univer sity Press, 1939) , 46. 11. Ibid. , 12-13 . 12. Willia m F . Whyte , Street Corner Society (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1943) . 13. Ibid. , 255. 14. Working with Teenage Gangs (New York: New York City Youth Board , 1950) .

N O T E S T O CHAPTE R 3

1. "I n Brooklyn : A Wolf in $4 5 Sneakers, " Time, October 18 , 1981, 36. 2. Scott , Monster, 12.

N O T E S T O CHAPTE R 4

1. Dieg o Vigil , Barrio Gangs: Street Life and Identity in Southern California (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1988) . 2. Ibid. , 45. 3. Joa n Moore, Homeboys: Gangs, Drugs and Prisons in the Barrios of Los Angeles (Philadelphia: Temple Universit y Press, 1978) , 132. 4. Joh n Irwin , Prisons in Turmoil (Boston : Little Brown, 1980) . 5. Ibid. , 36. 6. Ibid. , 87.

Notes to Chapter 8 I 22 5

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5

1. Scott , Monster, 57. 2. Herve y Cleckley, The Mask of Sanity (St . Louis: Mosby, 1976) . 3. Harriso n Gough , " A Sociologica l Theor y o f Psychopathy/ ' American Journal of Sociology (March 1948) : 46. 4. Alber t Rabin , "Psychopathi c Personalities, " in Legal and Criminal Psychology, ed. Han s Toch (Austin : Holt, Rinehart, an d Winston, 1961) , 278. 5. Georg e Herber t Mead , Mind, Self, and Society (Chicago : Universit y o f Chi cago Press, 1934) , 132. 6. Harr y Stac k Sullivan , Conceptions of Psychiatry (New York: William Alanso n White Psychiatri c Foundation , 1947) , 145. 7. Joa n McCor d an d Willia m McCord , Origins of Crime (Ne w York: Columbi a University Press , 1959) , 5. 8. Edwi n Megarge e an d Ro y Golden, "Parenta l Attitude s o f Psychopathic Delin quents," Journal of Criminology (February 1973) : 56. 9. A s tol d t o Ale x Haley , The Autobiography of Malcolm X (Ne w York : Grov e Press, 1965) , 189.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

1. Reaching the Unreached (New York: New York City Youth Board , 1952) , 108. 2. Bell a Stumbo , "Eas t L.A . Gang: Youth Worke r Struggle s fo r Peac e i n Barrio, " Los Angeles Times, September 19 , 1976. 3. Lewi s Yablonsky, Psychodrama (New York : Basi c Books-HarperCollins , 1976 ; rpt. New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1992) .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 7

1. Lewi s Yablonsky , Synanon: The Tunnel Back (Toronto : Macmillan , 1965) ; Lewis Yablonsky , The Therapeutic Community (Lak e Worth , Fla. : Gardne r Press , 1989; rev. ed. 1994) . 2. Fo r a fulle r analysi s o f th e theory , methods , an d evaluation s o f th e T C ap proach, see George DeLeon , The Therapeutic Community: Perspectives and Approach (Springfield, 111. : Charles C . Thomas, 1986) .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 8

1. Alber t Cohen, Delinquent Boys (New York: Free Press , 1955) , 45. 2. Ibid. , 31. 3. Ibid. , 59 .

226 / Notes to Chapter 8

4. Ibid. , 132 . 5. Herber t Bloc k an d Alber t Niederhoffer , The Gang (Ne w York: Philosophica l Library, 1958) , 99. 6. Ibid. , 143. 7. Ibid. , 136 . 8. Walte r B . Miller , "Lowe r Clas s Cultur e a s a Generatin g Milie u o f Gan g Delinquency," Journal of Social Issues (March 1959) : 86. 9. Ibid. , 37. 10. Ibid. , 48. 11. Richar d Clowar d an d Lloy d Ohlin , Delinquency and Opportunity: A Theory of Gangs (New York: Free Press , 1960) , 56. 12. Ibid. , 126 . 13. Ibid. , 132 . 14. Ibid. , 52. 15. Jame s Short , Jr., and Fre d Strodbeck , "Yout h Gangs and Society, " Sociological Quarterly (winter 1974) : 48. 16. Ibid. , 19 . 17. Ibid. , 34. 18. Barbar a Tomso n an d Edn a R . Fielder, Gangs: A Response to the Urban World (Pacific Grove , Calif.: Brooks/Cole, 1975) . 19. Ibid. , 122 . 20. Ibid. , 87. 21. Irvin g A . Spergel , Racketville, Slumtown, Haulberg (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1964). 22. Ibid. , 39. 23. Irvin g A. Spergel, The Youth Gang Problem (Oxford: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1995), 37. 24. Ibid. , 53. 25. Malcol m W . Klein , Chery l L . Maxson , an d Jod y Miller , The Modem Gang Reader (Los Angeles: Roxbury, 1995) . 26. Malcol m W. Klein, Street Gangs and Street Workers (Ne w York: Prentice-Hall, 1971), 58. 27. Ibid. , 89. 28. Marti n Sanche z Jankowski , Islands in the Streets (Berkeley : Universit y o f California Press , 1991) , 47. 29. Ibid. , 56. 30. Willia m B . Sanders , Gangbangs and Drive-bys (Hawthorne, N.Y. : Aldine D e Gruyter, 1994) , 42. 31. Ibid. , 5. 32. Jerom e H . Skolnick , "Gang s an d Crim e Ol d a s Time ; bu t Drug s Chang e Gang Culture, " i n Modem Gang Reader, ed . Malcol m Klei n e t al . (Lo s Angeles : Roxbury, 1995) , 136. 33. Ibid. , 138 . 34. Joh n M . Hagedor n "Homeboys , Dop e Fiends , Legits , and Ne w Jacks " Criminology (May 1994) : 24. 35. Ibid. , 27.

Notes to Chapter 10 / 22 7

36. Georg e Knox , An Introduction to Gangs (Bristol , Ind. : Wyndham Hal l Press , 1995). 37. Georg e Knox , Davi d Laske , an d Edwar d Tromanhauser , Schools under Siege (Dubuque, Iowa : Kendall/Hunt, 1992) , 132. 38. Ibid. , 134 . 39. Georg e Knox , The Economics of Gang Life (Chicago : Nationa l Crim e Re search Center , 1995) . 40. Ibid. , 96. 41. Ronal d Huff , Gangs in America (Thousan d Oaks , Calif. : Sag e Publishers , 1991). 42. Scot t Decker , "Fiel d Studie s o f Gangs : A Synthesis o f The Pas t an d Sugges tions for Futur e Research " (Unpublished , 1995) , 10.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 9

1. Rober t Merton , Social Theory and Social Structure (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1957), 131. 2. Sanders , Gangbangs and Drive-bys, 24 . 3. Jankowski , Islands in the Streets, 56. 4. Emil e Durkheim , The Rules of Sociological Method (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1950), 65. 5. Barbar a G. Myerhoff an d Howar d L . Myerhoff, "Fiel d Observation s of Gangs," Social Forces (Marc h 1964) : 348. 6. Norma n Cameron , "Th e Paranoi d Pseudocommunity, " American Journal of Sociology (July 1943) . 7. Ibid. , 25. 8. Ibid. , 32. 9. Ibid. , 46.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1 0

1. Harr y Wexler , Research Reports on the Therapeutic Community (L a Jolla , Calif.: Center fo r Therapeutic Communit y Research , 1995) .

Index

AA. See Alcoholic Anonymou s Abuse: group psychotherapy for, 213-14 ; macho-syndrome and , 96-97; near-group affiliation and , 204 ; sociopathic personalit y and, 107 , 109 ; suicidal tendencie s and , 114. See also Sexual abus e Academy of Criminal Justic e Sciences , 199 5 meetings, 18 4 Activities, gang, 4; constructive counteractio n for, 129 , 133 ; function of , 197 ; indices of , 177; in 1950s , 44-45; in 1990s , 190-9 1 Addiction: violence as , 196 . See also Drug use Addiction t o Incarceration an d Deat h Syn drome (AIDS) , 209; treatment for , 220-2 2 Adult gangs, early, 29-3 0 Adult role models. See Role model s Adult status, and gan g participation, 171-7 2 Adult Youth Association, 132-35 ; community gang committee progra m of , 134-35 ; recreation programs of, 133-3 4 Affiliation, gang : criteria for , 22-23 , 196-97 ; degree of sociopathology and, 110 ; levels of, 65-74 , 184 , 198 ; public misperception s about, 66-68 ; rationale for , 6 , 19 6

Age, and gan g participation, 18 4 AIDS. See Addiction t o Incarceration an d Death Syndrom e Alcoholics Anonymous, 14 8 Alcohol use : gangs and, 200 ; parents and, 10 8 Aleatory elements, i n gang behavior, 17 6 Alienation, 204 ; American societ y and, 76-7 8 Alliances, gang, 46 American Me (Olmos) , 90, 97, 113 American society : alienation in , 76-78; changes in , and gan g structure, 188 ; disparities in, 20; and gan g participation, xviii, 116, 125-26 , 169 ; gangster imag e in , 2527. See also Social factor s Amity Prison Program , 80-81 , 88 ; results of , 161-64, 206. See also Therapeutic Com munity Approach Anderson, Elijah, 9 Anomie, 19-20 , 174 , 220 Anthropological field-stud y approach , i n gang research, 18 8 Anxiety, sociopathic gangster s and, 11 8 Armed robberies , 86-87, 161-6 2 Aryan Brotherhoo d (priso n gang) , 91 Asbury, Herbert, 29-3 0

229

230 / Index

Asian youth gangs , 75 Assassinations, prison-directed, 90-9 2 Atlantic Guards (gang) , 29 Attitudinal changes , therapeutic communit y and,209 AYA. See Adult Youth Association Bahn, Charles, 1 2 Balkans, The (gang) , 43-46 Barrio Gangs (Vigil), 73-74 Behavior: codes of: see Codes of behavior; collective, 24; sociopathic: see Sociopathic behavior Belonging, gang, 196-98 . See also Affiliation BGF. See Black Guerilla Famil y Bianchi, Kenneth, 10 2 Black Guerilla Famil y (prison gang), 91 Black Hand (secre t order), 32 Black male gangs, 78-88; versus Chican o gangs, 73; geographical distributio n of , 72 ; prototypical membe r of , 80-8 9 Black Panthers, 28, 82 Blacks, stereotype of, 6- 7 Bloch, Herbert, 171-7 2 Bloods. See L.A. Bloods Bonnarue style, 92 Bonnie and Clyde , 25 Bootleg gangs, 30-3 4 Bopping gang, 40 Bowery Boys (gang), 29 "Boy Gangs" (Puffer), 3 5 Boyle, Father Gregory, 24-2 5 Boys in the Hood (movie), 16 4 Broadus, Calvin. See Snoop Dogg y Dog Brown Beret s (political group) , 28 Bundy, Ted, 10 2 Buono, Anthony, 10 2 Burgess, Ernest, 3 5 Cameron, Norman , 202- 4 Cannon, Jimmy, xv-xvi Capone, Al, and gan g culture, 25, 30-31 Caring circle, therapeutic communit y and , 212 Cherkas, Marshall, 106- 7 Chicago gangs, 36-3 7 Chicago School , xiii, 35-38; and contempo rary research, 18 8 Chicano mal e gangs: versus black gangs, 73; characteristics of , 73-74 ; culture conflic t

and, 74-75; geographical distributio n of , 72; machismo and , 98-100; Mexican Revolution and , 98; in prison, 90-93. See also Mexican Mafi a Cholo (us e of term), 74 Cleckley, Hervey, 10 4 Cloward, Richard , 20 , 174-7 6 Codes of behavior: gangster, 64-65; in near group gang, 192-93 ; in therapeutic com munity, 15 3 Cohen, Albert, 169-7 1 Cohesiveness, gang: drug commerce and , 200; in 1950s , 45; in 1990s , 57-5 8 Collective behavior, gangs and, 24 Collectivity. See Group Communication, versu s violence, 153-54 , 211 Community: impac t of violence on , 13 ; revenge by, 204. See also Neighborhood Community gan g committee, 134-3 5 Community recreatio n centers , 13 2 Compassion: early socialization and , 110 , 117;sociopathologyand, 21 , 102, 104 , 111; therapeutic communit y and , 153 , 157, 219 Conflict gang , 17 5 Consequences, gangster perception of , 138 , 146-47 Constructive activities , 129 , 133 Contemporary gang(s) , 28; distinctive characteristics of, 3-4 , 54 ; versus La Cosa Nostra , 14. See also Multipurpose gan g Cooperative groups : gangs as, 38; therapy through: see Therapeutic Communit y Approach Core gangsters, 65, 68-71, 198 ; degree of sociopathology in, 110-11 ; employment prospects for, 115 ; intervention method s for , 127, 129 ; in near-group, 193 ; therapeutic community placement of , 207- 8 Corporate gangs, 41, 57-58, 181-8 2 Cortez, Leo, 130-3 1 Cough, Harrison , 10 4 Crack-cocaine: gangster attitude toward, 199— 200; and gan g structure, 1 5 Crime syndicate . See Mafia Criminal gang , 17 5 Criminal justic e system, 85 Crips. See L.A. Crips Crowd, 19 2 Cruz, Frankie. See Loco, Frankie

Index I 23 1

Cultural context : Chicano gang s and, 74-75; of gang behavior, 25-27 , 17 2 Cultural gangs , 181-8 2 Dahmer, Jeffrey, 10 2 Davidson, Irwin, 49 Dead Rabbit s (gang), 29 Decker, Scott , 18 4 Dederich, Charles, 148 , 209 Defective socia l ability, 115-1 6 Delinquency: Chicag o Schoo l theor y of, 37 38; and gan g identity, 4 Delinquency and Opportunity (Clowar d an d Ohlin), 17 4 Delinquent Boys (Cohen), 16 9 Delinquent gang , 15 , 41 Denney, Reginald, 21 , 64-65 Depression, and gan g evolution, 3 8 Desensitizing, process of, 21-22 , 77-7 8 Detached gan g work, 127-32 ; Cortez and , 130-31; ex-gangster involvemen t in , 165 66; goals of, 127 ; guidelines for, 129 ; of Los Angeles County Probatio n Depart ment, 131-32 ; potential problem s in , 127 29 Diagnosis, intervention and , 127-29 , 205 Dillinger, John, 25 Discipline: forms of , 108-9 ; and vie w of justice, 10 9 Discrimination: and blac k gangs, 78-88; and gang participation, 197 ; and immigran t gangs, 77 Dope-fiend, i n gangster typology, 18 2 Dozens, The (game) , x-xi Drive-by shooting: beginnings of, 30-31 ; con temporary form of , 201 ; early form of , 201; and gang identity, 4; participant's description of , 83-84 ; typical, 201- 2 Drug commerce: black gangsters and, 73; Chicano gangsters and, 73; contemporary gangs and, 3 ; expansion of , 13-14 ; gang structure and , 199-200 ; gang type according to, 181-82 ; 1950 s gangs and, 10 , 41; prison-directed, 92-93 ; violence and , 11-12, 17 ; Wannabees in , 60 Drug use: black gangsters and, 73 ; in contem porary gang, 175-76 ; in early gangs, 87; in 1950s gangs, 10 ; parental, 108-10 ; patterns of, 199-200 ; in retreatist gang, 175 ; violence and,20 2

Durkheim, Emile , 20, 174 , 190 Dusters (gang) , 29 "Economics o f Gang Life, The" (Knox), 18 3 Educational focu s group(s) , 208, 216-17 EG. See Encounter group(s ) Egocentrism: sociopathology and, 105 , 111, 117; substance abus e and, 10 8 Egyptian King s (gang), 46-54 El Rukins gang, 1 4 Emotional factors : i n bootleg gangs, 33-34; in early gangs, 86; in gang affiliation, 68 69; in gangster behavior, 18-25 , 194-96 ; in psychodrama, 214-15 ; in therapeutic com munity, 162 , 164; in violence, 34 , 120 Emotionally disturbe d behavior . See Sociopathic behavio r Empathy. See Compassion Employment, gangster : prospects for, 115 ; psychodrama preparatio n for , 146-47 ; in therapeutic communities , 154 , 156 , 158; therapeutic group s focused on , 208, 217 — 18 Encounter group(s) , 152 , 157 , 208, 209-12; versus psychotherapy, 21 1 Entrepreneurial gangs , 41, 57-58, 181-82 . See also Profit Excitement, concep t of , 17 3 Existential validation, 23 , 173, 195-96 Family(ies): of black gangsters, 73, 79; Chicago School analysis of, 37 ; of Chicano gangsters, 73; dysfunctional, an d gan g participation, 7-10 , 81 ; gang as, 20-21, 65 , 84; immigrant, and gan g participation, 74-77 ; sociopathology and , 105-7 ; therapeutic community as , 151; of Wannabees, 61. See also Parental socialization ; Father(s); Mother(s) Family focus group(s) , 208, 216 Farmer, Michael, murder of, 46-5 4 Father(s): abuse by, 109, 114, 213-14; as gangster role-models, 8-9, 108 ; hidden rag e at, 138; neglect by, 76 Felder, Edna R. , 177-7 8 Female gangsters, 114 ; male gangster perception of , 11 1 Females, gangster view of, 111-13 , 173-7 4 Films. See Movies Fluidity, gang, 187 , 193

232 / Index

Folklore, gangs in, 25 Functions, of gang, 3- 4 Funeral(s), gangster, 8 4 Future projectio n technique , 146-4 7

Guilt, sense of: developmen t i n therapeuti c community, 162-63 ; sociopathic gangster s and,104-5, 11 8 Guns. See Lethal weapon s

Gs: characteristics of , 58 ; as core gangsters, 69; in drug commerce, 10-11 ; graduation to status of, 62 ; role in gang, 18 , 58-59, 62; use of term, 5 9 Gang(s): basic types of, 15 , 40-43; characteristics of, 39 , 190-91 ; definitions of , 4 , 170, 179, 181 , 190-91; in first half of 20th cen tury, 28, 29-38; of 1920s , 30-34; of 1950s, ix, 28, 39-54; of 1960s-1980s , 28, 81-82; of 1990s : see Contemporary gang(s) ; use of term, 34-35 ; varieties of, xviii , 72. See also specific gang Gang, The (Bloc h an d Niederhoffer) , 17 1 Gang, The (Thrasher) , 36 Gangbanging, 4, 21; definition of , 11 ; versus drug commerce, 12 ; nature of , 200-20 1 Gangbangs, 111 . See also Gang rap e Ganghangs and Drive-bys (Sanders) , 181 , 188 Gang rape , 97. See also Gangbangs Gangs: A Response to the Urban World (Tomson and Felder) , 17 7 Gangs in America (Huff), 18 4 Gangs of New York (Asbury), 29-30 Gangsta rap : origins of, xi ; social influenc e of , 26-27; and vie w of sexuality, 11 1 Gangster(s): character trait s of, 180 ; core: see Core gangsters ; emotional characteristic s of, 194-96 ; female, 111 , 114; marginal: see Marginal gangsters ; transformation of , 161— 66, 220; typology of, 182 ; use of term, xviixviii, 58 Gang wars, 200-201 Ghetto hustler, 10 8 Giancana, Sam , 25 Golden, Roy , 106 Government policies, 16 , 125 Graduation ceremony , gang, 61-62 Graziano, Rocky, xv-xvi Group(s): definition of , 191 ; types of, 191-92 . See also specific group Group psychotherapy , 135-36 ; research through, 188-90 ; in therapeutic commu nity, 152 , 157 , 208, 212-13; value of, 146 47 Group treatment methods , TC, 208-1 8

Hagedorn, John ML , 182 Hawks, Howard, 31 Heroic killers, image of, 25-26 , 11 6 Heroin use : contemporary gang s and, 180 , 199-200; 1950 s gangs and,1 0 Hierarchy: in gang, 58-62 , 70-71; in near group, 193 ; in prison, 156 ; in therapeuti c community, 151-52 , 153 , 156-5 7 Highfield project , xiii Hill, John, 13 9 Hispanic gangs. See Chicano mal e gangs; Puerto Rica n gang s Homeboy: in gangster typology, 182 ; use of term, 5 9 Homeboys (Joan Moore) , 74 Homes (term), 59 Homie (term) , 59 Homophobia, gangster , 94, 112 Homosexuality: perception i n gangs, 94; practice i n gangs, 112-13 ; prison and , 94-95, 97, 112 ; view of women and, 11 1 "Hope I s the Only Antidote" (Boyle), 24-25 Huff, Ronald , 18 4 Ice T, 26, 11 3 Image, gangster, 66-6 7 Immediate pleasure , gangsters and, 10 5 Immigrant families, and gan g participation , 74-77 Immunization, T C and , 220-2 2 Indoctrination groups , 208, 209, 216 Initiation ritual : contemporary for m of , 4 , 32, 191; early form of , 32 , 45; myth about, 64, 82, 19 6 Insane Baby Crips, 60, 109 International violence , gangs and, 27 Interracial violence , 48; in prisons, 85, 88, 89, 90, 18 9 Intervention(s), 125-47 ; near-group theor y and, 205; strategies for, 178-79 ; treatment plan for , 206-22 . See also specific method Intraracial violence, 3 , 5-7; explanation for , 213 Introduction to Gangs, An (Knox) , 18 3 Irish gangs , 31

Index / 23 3

Irwin, John, 89 , 94-95 Islands in the Streets (Jankowski), 180 , 188 Italian gangs , 31-3 2 Italian TC system , 216 Jailhouse (use of term), 83 Jankowski, Martin Sanchez , 180-81 , 18 8 Jenner, Edward , 22 1 Jewish gangs , 31 Job(s). See Employment Job-planning groups, 208, 217-18 Johnson, Sterling , Jr., 11-1 2 Joining ritual. See Initiation ritua l Journal of Gang Research, The, 18 2 Jumping-in. See Initiation ritua l Karenga, Ron , 82 Kennedy, Attorney General Robert , 3 3 King, Martin Luther , 8 2 Klein, Malcolm W. , 179-8 0 Klika (use of term), 74 Knox, George, 182-8 4 L.A. Bloods, formation of , 80 , 83 L.A. Crips: drug commerce organizatio n in , 10-11, 13-14 ; formation of , 80 , 82; founders of, 6 ; origin o f name, 82-83 ; prototypical leader of, 80-8 9 La Cosa Nostra , versus contemporary gangs, 14 La Familia (priso n gang) , 91 Lang, Gladys, 24 Lang, Kurt, 24 Laske, David, 18 3 Leadership, gang: basis for, 22 , 199; characteristics of, 197 ; contemporary for m of , 38 ; early form of , 38 ; intervention wor k involving, 128 ; in near-group, 193 ; in 1950s , 4546, 48-49; versus TC leadership , 157 ; theories of, 179 ; in violent gang, 42, 45-46 Legit, in gangster typology, 18 2 Lethal weapons: contemporary gang s and, 3, 5, 14 ; gang status and, 60; 1950 s gangs and, 4-5; Wannabees and , 60 Lewin, Kurt, 6 Loco, Frankie, 48-49; as role model, 78 Los Angeles County Probatio n Department , detached gan g work of, 131-3 2 Los Angeles gangs. See L.A. Bloods; L.A. Crips

Los Angeles riots: 196 5 (Watts), 80; 1992, 21, 64-65 Love: early socialization and , 78; gangs and, 164; therapeutic communit y and , 164 , 212 "Lower Class Culture a s a Generating Milie u of Gang Delinquency " (Miller) , 17 3 Lower-class values, 17 3 Loyalty: in contemporary gangs , 20-21; i n early gangs, 84-85; female gangster s and , 114; neighborhood and , 180 ; sociopathology and, 117 ; in therapeutic community , 151,157 Lupo the Wolf, 32 Lying: pathological, 105 , 119-20; in psychodrama, 14 7 Machismo, 98-100 ; original concep t of , 10 0 Macho-syndrome, 18-19 , 94-97; causes of , 95-96; definition of , 95 ; factors leadin g to, 110; manhood theor y and, 172 ; neargroup gang and, 192 , 205; social validatio n of, 26 ; therapeutic communit y approac h to , 209, 210-11. See also Machismo Mafia: versus contemporary gangs , 14 ; in US, 31-32 Malcolm X , 108 Manhood: gan g participation and , 171-72 . See also Macho-syndrome Manson, Charlie , 10 2 Marginal gangsters , 65, 66-68, 198 ; degree of sociopathology in , 111 ; employment prospects for, 115 ; intervention method s for , 127, 129 ; in near-group, 193 ; TC place ment of, 20 7 Marijuana, us e in gangs, 200 Mask of Sanity, The (Cleckley) , 10 4 Masseria, Joe "the Boss, " 32 Mass media, and gangs , 26, 65-66, 11 6 Maximum securit y unit, 159-6 0 McCord,Joan, 10 6 McCord, William, 10 6 McKay, Henry, 35 , 36 McLaughlin, Paul , 12 McMullen, Jay, 46 McShane, Roger , 49-5 0 Mead, George Herbert , 35 , 105- 6 Megargee, Edwin, 10 6 Membership, gang: contemporary, 57-58 ; criteria for, 45; size of, 44 , 197 Merton, Robert , 20 , 174 , 186

234 / Index

Mexican Mafia , 90-93 ; and dru g trade, 1314; prison gangs and, 85 ; prototypical leader of, 62-6 4 Mexican Revolution , and Chican o gangs , 98 Miami Boy s (gang), 14 Miami Vice (TV show), 15 Middle-class values, 17 0 Miller, Walter B. , 173-7 4 Million Ma n March , 7 9 Mob, 19 2 Modern Gang Reader, The (Klein) , 17 9 Monster (Scott), 16 Monster Kod y Scott. See Scott, Kody Moore, Joan, 74 Moreno, J. L., 136 , 139, 216 Morningside Height s Gang Project, xiii-xiv , 36, 40-43 Mother(s): of gang victim, 50 , 52; response to gangster behavior, 53 ; single, and childre n socialization, 9-1 0 Movies, and gan g culture, 26, 65-66 M-S. See Macho-syndrome Mules, i n gang structure, 11 , 60 Multipurpose gang , 3-4 , 15-18 ; definition of , 16; evolution of , 87-8 8 Murder: bootleg gangs and, 32-33 ; contemporary gang and, 34 ; gangster perception of , 131; of Michael Farmer , 46-54; reactions after, 52 ; sociopathic facto r in , 101 , 117 Murrow, Edward R. , 46 Myerhoff, Barbara , 193-9 4 Myerhoff, Howard , 193-9 4 Myths, gangster, 64-65, 197 Near-group: definition of , 192 ; factors defin ing, 194-205 ; gang as, 191-94 ; phases in development of , 204-5 ; treatment implica tions derived from , 20 5 Neighborhood: an d gan g participation, 68, 81, 177 ; gangster loyalty to, 180 . See also Community Newark, New Jersey, x-xii New Jack, i n gangster typology, 18 2 New York City Youth Board , 39-40 ; goals of , 127 New York gangs: early adult, 29-30 ; factors producing, 75-78; in 1950s , xiii-xvi, 39, 43-46; pre-Prohibition, 31-3 2 Nidorf, Barry, 13 1 Niederhoffer, Arthur , 171-7 2

Norton Stree t Gang, 3 8 Nurturing groups, 212-1 3 OGs (origina l gangsters) : characteristics of , 59; as core gangsters, 69; in drug commerce, 10-11 ; origin o f term, 83 ; in prison gangs, 92; prototype of , 62-64 ; role in gang, 17-18 ; status of, 62 ; use of term, 5 9 Ohlin, Lloyd , 20, 174-7 6 Older gangsters. See OGs Olmos, Edward James, 90, 97, 113 Organized crime , in 1920s , 30-3 4 Orientation focu s groups , 208, 209, 216 Original gangsters . See OGs Paranoid pseudocommunity(ies) , 202-5 ; violent gang as, 205 Paraprofessional pee r therapist(s), 80-81, 161, 165-66, 220 Parental socialization : impac t of, 105-7 , 120— 21; substance abus e and, 108-10 . See also Family(ies) Parsons, Charles, 13-1 4 Participation, gang. See Affiliatio n Pathological violence , versus gang violence, 23-25, 68 Pelican Ba y prison, 63-6 4 Personality development, theorie s of, 105-6 , 185 Personality factors, i n gang participation, 180-81, 194-9 5 Police, perception of , 29 , 126 Political groups, and gangs , 28, 82 Porvida, 19 7 Postkilling reactions, 52 Poverty, and gan g involvement, 75-77 , 79, 169-71, 173-7 6 Power, gang participation and , 84 , 172 , 197 Prejudice: reverse , x. See also Discrimination Prison(s): effects of , xx , 206; and gangste r reputation, 86 , 92; homosexuality in , 94-95, 97, 112 ; inadequacies of , xix-xx , 155 ; inmate subculture in , 156 ; life in , 88; research in , 188-89 ; therapeutic communi ties in, 149 , 159, 207; versus therapeuti c community, 151 , 152, 155-6 1 Prison gangs, 85, 89-93 Prisons in Turmoil (Irwin) , 89 Probation camp , psychodrama in , 139-4 6

Index / 23 5

Profit: an d gang participation, 86-87 . See also Entrepreneurial gang s Prohibition, gangs during, 30-3 4 Psychodrama, 136-46 ; history of, 136 ; on machismo-syndrome, 99-100 ; methods of , 136; positive consequences of , 215-16 ; in probation camp , 139-46 ; research through , 188-90; in therapeutic community , 208, 213-16; value of, 146-47 ; on violence, 137-39 Psychopath, versus sociopath, 10 3 Psychotherapy: versus encounter group , 211. See also Group psychotherapy; Psychodrama Puerto Rican gangs , 75; prototypical membe r of, 75-7 8 Pug Uglies (gang) , 29 Qualifications: fo r gang leadership, 22, 199; for gang participation, 22-23 , 196-9 7 Quitting, gang, 191 , 197-98 Rabin, Albert, 10 4 Race: gang conflicts and , 48; gang identit y and, xviii; prison relation s and, 85 , 88, 89, 90, 189 ; therapeutic communit y relation s and,189-90 Racketville, Slumtown, Haulberg (Spergel), 178 Raft, George , 31 Rape, gang, 97, 111 Recreation, as gang intervention method , 132,133-34 Reflected appraisals , 10 6 Reles, Abe ("Kid Twist") , 33 Reputation: delinquency and , 4; gangster motivation and, 195 ; prison and , 86 , 92; in therapeutic community , 151-52 ; violence and, 10 , 42. See also Status Research, gang: by any means necessary, 181, 188; Chicago School , 35-38 ; contemporary requirements in , 188 ; methods for , xvi-xvii, 35 , 181, 187-88; New York City Youth Board , 39-40 ; perspectives in , 186— 87; in prison, 188-89 ; problems in , 187— 90; and theor y development, 186-91 ; in therapeutic community , 189-90 ; unanswered question s for, 185 . See also Theories) Retreatist gang, 17 5

Revenge: gangster perception of , 163 ; society and,204 Reverse prejudice, x RICO Act, 14,92-9 3 Role models: ex-gangsters as, 219; family members as, 7-10; gang leader as, 22, 78; Gs as, 59; intervention program s based on , 132-35; significance of , 10 5 Sanders, William B. , 181, 188 Scarface (movie), 31 School: alienation from , 77 ; gangs in, 183; gangster attitude toward, 60; suggestions for improvement, 126 ; therapeutic communit y and,208, 216-1 7 Schools under Siege (Knox, Laske, and Tromanhauser), 18 3 Scott, Kody, 16 , 43, 64; on gang murders, 101; graduation ceremon y of , 61-62 ; rationalization o f violence by, 118-19 ; sociopathic personality of, 10 3 Self-deception, 118-2 0 Self-disclosing groups , 212-1 3 Self-esteem, low , 120-21 ; factors leading to, 109-10; and suicida l tendencies , 115 ; therapy for, 156 , 219; and violence, 107 , 195 Self-hate, 6- 7 Senate Kefauve r committee , 3 3 Senseless violence, 191 ; logic of, 22-2 3 Settlement houses , 13 2 Sexual abuse: gangbangs, 97, 111 ; machosyndrome and , 96-97; as punitive measure , 97,112 Sexuality: gangster attitudes about, 111-13 . See also Homosexuality Shaw, Clifford, 35 , 36 Sheldon, Henr y D. , 34 Shoreline Crips , 17-18 ; subgroup within, 60 Short, James F., Jr., 176-7 7 Siegal, Benny "Bugsy," 25 Silence of the Lambs, The (movie) , 15 9 Simpson, O. J., 10 3 Skolnick, Jerome H. , 181-8 2 Smartness, concept of , 17 3 Smith, Susan , 10 2 Smoking (term) , 17 Snoop Doggy Dog, 26-2 7 Social ability , defective, 115-1 6 Social conscience , sociopathic gangster s and , 105,117

236 / Index

Social factors: for gang involvement, 77-78, 116, 125-26 , 184 ; for gang violence, 2527. See also American societ y Social gang, 15 , 40-41; disappearanc e of , 1 6 Social groups, 191-9 2 Socialization: low self-esteem du e to, 120-21 ; near-group developmen t and , 204; parental, impact of, 105-7 ; single mothers and , 9-10; sociopathic personalit y and, 105-7 ; in therapeutic community , 152-54 , 218 — 20; violence and, 107 , 195 Social life, gangs and, 4, 38 , 191, 197 Social programs, antigang, 1 6 Social vaccine theory, 220-2 2 Socioeconomic status : and gan g involvement , 75-77, 79 ; gang theories based on , 169-71 , 173-76, 178-79 ; restrictions impose d by, 116 Sociopathic behavior, 18 , 21-22; and gan g participation, 68-69; versus sociopathic personality, 101 ; violent gang and, 121 . See also Pathological violenc e Sociopathic personality : abuse and, 107 , 109; appearance o f normality in , 102-3 , 110 ; characteristics of , 105 , 111, 117, 118 ; definitions of, 103-5 ; degree of, an d gan g involvement, 110 ; elements of , 117 ; family socialization and , 105-7 ; gangster, cause s of, 105 ; in near-group violent gang, 192, 195; and paranoi d community , 204 ; versus sociopathic behavior, 10 1 Soledad prison , 85-86 , 89 Soliloquy technique, 215 Somebody Up There Likes Me (movie) , xv Spergel, Irving A., 178-7 9 Sponsor, TC and , 150-51 , 15 7 Sporadic discipline, effects of , 108- 9 Sports, 13 3 Status, gang: drug dealing and, 10 ; as social status, 19-20 ; versus therapeutic commu nity status, 219; as unifying bond , 69-71 ; weapons and, 60 . See also Reputation Street-corner society , 38 Strodbeck, Fred , 176-7 7 Structure, gang, 17-18 ; contemporary, 57-64 ; drug commerce and , 199-200 ; fluidity in, 187, 193 ; intervention base d on , 127 ; levels in, 183-84 ; near-group theory of, 191-94 ; in 1950s , 44-46; theories of, 180 , 181, 183-84, 18 5

Subgroups, gang, 60 Substance abuse , parental, 108-1 0 Success, social, through gan g participation, 115-16, 175 , 184 Sugar Hill (movie) , 9 Suicidal tendencies , gangsters and, 24-25, 113-15,195 Sullivan, Harr y Stack, 10 6 Synanon therapeuti c community , 149 , 209 Synanon: The Tunnel Back (Yablonsky), 150 Tannenbaum, Frank , 3 5 Tappan, Paul , 10 4 TC. See Therapeutic Communit y Approac h Territory: disputes over, 18 ; and gan g identity , 4, 180 , 184 Texas Syndicate (priso n gang), 91, 160 Theory(ies), gang, 169-85 ; research issue s in development of , 186-91 . See also Research Therapeutic Communit y Approach, 148-66 ; advantages of, 149 , 205; factors fo r succes s of, 218-20 ; former gangster s as leaders in, 165-66; for gangsters, 150-66 ; gangster transformation in , 161-64 , 220; geographical distribution of , 149 ; group treatmen t methods in , 208-18; immunizatio n through, 220-22 ; versus institutionaliza tion, 151 , 152, 155-61; in Italy, 216; organizational forms of, 207 ; origin of , 148 ; placement in , 207-8; in prison, 149 , 159, 207; prototypical participan t in , 150-54 ; research through , 189-90 ; results of, 206 ; therapeutic dynamic s of, 155-61 ; treatment plan for , 206-2 2 Therapeutic communit y programs , 12 6 Therapist(s), ex-gangsters as, 80-81, 161, 165-66, 220 Therapy. See Intervention(s ) Thomas, W. I., 35 Thrasher, Frederick , 35 , 36-37 Time dimensions , gangster perception of , 146-47 Tomson, Barbara, 177-7 8 Toughness, concept of , 17 3 Tromanhauser, Edward , 18 3 Trouble, concept of, 17 3 Trust, lack of, 78 , 107

Index I 23 7

Unione Siciliane , 32 United States . See American University of Southern Californi a Delin quency Control Institute , 17 9 Untouchables, the (gang) , 14 Upward mobility : in gang, 61-62; in thera peutic community , 156 - 58, 219 Urban life , and gan g participation, 177-7 8 Values: discrepancy in , and gan g participation, 169-70 ; lower-class, 173 ; middle-class, 170 Venice, California, 12-13 ; gangs of, 17-18 , 60 Veterano (term), 59 Victim(s): gangster self-perceptio n as , 204; of gang violence, ix, 5, 23 Vigil, Diego, 73-7 4 Villa, Pancho, 98 Violence, gang: as addiction, 196 ; versus communication, 153-54 , 211; drug commerc e and, 11-12 , 17 ; drug use and, 202 ; emotional factors in , 34 , 120 ; hierarchy according to, 58; impact o n community , 13 ; impromptu psychodram a on , 137-39 ; learning of, 77-78 ; in near-group, 193, 201; in 1950s , 4-5; in 1990s , 3; overt rationale for, 57 , 70; versus pathological violence, 23-25, 68; patterns of, 11 ; rac e and : see Interracial violence ; rationalizatio n of, 118-19 ; and reputation , 10 , 42; senseless, 22-23, 191 ; socialization and , 107 , 195; as social realization , 115-16 ; types of , 200-2; validation of , 22-23 , 25-27 , 116; victims of, ix , 5, 23; weapons availabilit y and, 1 4 Violent gang, 15 , 41-43; as near-group, 192 93, 194-205 ; as paranoid pseudocommu -

nity, 205; sociopathic factor in , 121 ; typical example of , 43-4 6 Violent Gang, The (Yablonsky) , xvii Wagner, Mayo r Robert, 3 9 Wannabees: aspirations of, 59-60 ; characteristics of, 58 , 61; in drug commerce, 11 ; graduation of , 61-62 ; original us e of term, 83; prototype of , 60-61 ; role i n gang, 18 , 5960, 83; subgroups of, 60 ; use of term, 59 , 83 Washington, Raymond , 6 Watts riots in Lo s Angeles (1965) , 80 WBs. See Wannabees West Side Gang Committee , 13 4 West Side Story (movie), 46 White Aryan Race . See Aryan Brotherhoo d Who Killed Michael Farmer? (documentary) , 47 Whyte, William F. , 38, 188 Williams, Damien, 21 , 64-65 Williams, Stanle y (Tookie) , 6- 7 Women. See Females; Mother(s ) Working-class: and gan g subculture, 169-71 ; values of, 17 3 World Federatio n o f Therapeutic Communi ties, 14 9 The Youth Gang Problem (Spergel) , 17 8 Youth gangs : in pre-1950 period, 34-35 ; in 1950s, 39-54; in 1990s . See Contemporary gang(s) "Youth Gangs and Society " (Short and Strod beck), 17 6 Zapata, Emilio , 98 Zip gun, 4- 5 Znaniecki, Florian , 3 5