From the Romans to the Railways: The Fate of Antiquities in Asia Minor 9004222197, 9789004222199

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From the Romans to the Railways

Technology and Change in History Editors

Adam Lucas Steven A. Walton

volume 13

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/tch

From the Romans to the Railways The Fate of Antiquities in Asia Minor By

Michael Greenhalgh

Leiden • boston 2013

Cover illustrations: Front cover: “Cnidus: view of colossal lion after being raised,” from Newton, C.T., & Pullan, R.P., A history of discoveries at Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and Branchidae, 2 vols, London 1862 & 1863. Rear cover, top: A decorative make-believe composite of antiquities to be seen throughout Asia Minor, from Laborde, Léon de, Voyage de l’Asie Mineure, 1838. Rear cover, bottom: Ibid., “Caramanie. Manière d’utiliser les restes de l’antiquité.” Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Greenhalgh, Michael.  From the Romans to the railways : the fate of antiquities in Asia Minor / by Michael Greenhalgh.   pages cm. — (Technology and change in history ; volume 13)  Includes bibliographical references and index.  ISBN 978-90-04-22219-9 (hardback : acid-free paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-25261-5 (e-book : acid-free paper) 1. Turkey—Antiquities, Roman—Conservation and restoration. 2. Turkey— Antiquities, Greek—Conservation and restoration. 3. Turkey—Antiquities—Conservation and restoration. I. Title.  DR431.G74 2013  363.6’909561—dc23

2013031667

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 1385-920x ISBN 978-90-04-22219-9 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-25261-5 (e-book) Copyright 2013 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

For Lauren and Kate Greenhalgh

Contents Preface .................................................................................................................

xiii

Introduction: “The Ruins of Departed Greatness” ................................. . Technology and Change – But Progress? ...................................... . Technologies Unsustainable without Expertise .......................... . Links between Technology and Culture ....................................... . Classical Civilization: The Exception Not the Norm ................. . Romanization ........................................................................................ . Learning about Asia Minor ............................................................... .Exploring, Recording, Writing .......................................................... . Preview of Conclusions ......................................................................

1 1 3 6 11 17 19 22 24

Section One

Technologies In The Evolving Landscape 1. The Country and Its Travellers ............................................................... A: The Country and Its Travellers ........................................................ Asia Minor: A Little-Known Land ................................................... The Interior: Terra Incognita ............................................................ Its Low Population ............................................................................... Industry and Idleness .......................................................................... A Non-Modern State ............................................................................ “Nothing is Ever Repaired in Turkey” ............................................ B: The Travellers and Technology ........................................................ The Technology of Books, Catalogues and Education .............. Technological Backwardness ............................................................ Lack of Charts and Roads .................................................................. Continuing Dearth of Good Maps ................................................... Telescopes, Chronometers, Barometers and Cameras .............. The Firman: An Official Laissez-Passer .......................................... Welcoming Locals ................................................................................ Rushing Around Confusing Sites ..................................................... Decadence and Reuse ......................................................................... Ten Green Bottles – Counting the Increase in Destruction ..... .Brigands and Nomads .........................................................................

31 31 31 35 37 38 40 42 44 45 47 49 50 53 55 58 58 60 64 67

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Disease ...................................................................................................... Smyrna: A Western Haven ......................................................................

73 73

2. Decline and Recycling of Ancient Settlements ................................. . Technological Decline ......................................................................... .Earthquakes ............................................................................................ . Cities Abandoned for Villages ........................................................... . Cities Shrink into Villages .................................................................. .Monumental Survivals ......................................................................... .Monumental Disappearances ........................................................... . A Site Which Survived: Hierapolis ................................................... . Part-Survival: Ephesus and Sagalassos ........................................... .Bursa: Ancient Town Obliterated by Rebuilding and Repairs .... Stripping Ancient Sites ............................................................................. . The Locals ............................................................................................... . Speedy Degradation of Sites .............................................................. . Agriculture and Antiquities ............................................................... .Making Sense of the Mess .................................................................. .Deforestation and Desertification .................................................... . Site “Biographies” .................................................................................. . Assos .................................................................................................... . Cyzicus ................................................................................................ . Laodicea on the Lycus .................................................................... .Nicomedia .......................................................................................... . Tarsus ................................................................................................... . Thyatira ............................................................................................... . Constantinople .................................................................................. . Post-Byzantine Degradation ......................................................... . Technological Gap between Constantinople and Asia Minor ..... . Conspicuous Theatres – Conspicuous Robbing .......................... . Tomb Terraces and Streets of Tombs ............................................. . Standing Walls and the Dangers of Demolition .......................... . Lime-Kilns and the Depletion of Antiquities ............................... . Storks and Antiquities ......................................................................... Fortress-Building from Antiquities .......................................................

81 82 86 87 90 94 97 99 101 103 104 105 106 107 109 111 112 112 114 115 116 119 120 121 124 125 127 131 132 134 136 136

3. Decline of the Road, Port and Transport Systems ........................... . Super-Technology and Roman Roads ............................................. . Survival or Collapse of Roman Roads ............................................. . When Did the Decline of Roman Roads Begin? .........................

147 148 149 152



contents

.Disused Roman Roads, Crumbling Modern Roads .................... .Using Roads in Asia Minor ................................................................ . Horse and Camels Confront Technologies Old and New ......... Transporting Antiquities in the Nineteenth Century ..................... . All-Weather Roads versus Railways ................................................ . Water Essential for Transporting Heavy Objects ........................ . Antiquities, Modern Towns and Immigrants ............................... Ancient Bridges in Anatolia .................................................................... . Repairing Ancient Bridges with Spolia .......................................... .Nineteenth-Century Degradations of Justinian’s Sangarius  Bridge ................................................................................................... . Repairing Ancient Bridges with Wood ........................................... .New Post-Antique Bridges ................................................................. Milestones ..................................................................................................... Modern Roads, Poor Technology .......................................................... . Wheeled Traffic ..................................................................................... Disused Ancient Ports on the West and South Coasts ................... . Lack of Maintenance ........................................................................... . Rivers and Pestilence ........................................................................... . Reconstruction Projects ...................................................................... Quarries and Transport ............................................................................ . Ancient Sites as Quarries .................................................................... .New Railways, Worse Roads? ............................................................ 4. Waterworks: Aqueducts, Fountains and Baths ................................. . The Roman Use of Water ................................................................... . Water in Post-Antique Asia Minor .................................................. . Classical Baths and Moslem Hammans ......................................... . Antiquities Built into Fountains ....................................................... . Fountains with Sarcophagi ................................................................ . Fountain-Basins with Other Antiquities ........................................ Using/Refurbishing Ancient Aqueducts, Constructing New  Ones ........................................................................................................... Sites Without Running Water ................................................................ . Consequences of Broken Water Supplies ...................................... . Side: Nomads and Kilns, but No Water ......................................... . Cisterns Ancient and Modern ...........................................................

ix 152 155 156 159 160 162 166 168 169 174 175 175 176 177 179 180 186 188 190 191 193 196 201 201 203 205 207 208 209 214 225 225 226 228

5. Houses in Wood; Churches and Mosques in Marble ...................... 233 . Conflicting Traditions .......................................................................... 233

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.Earthquakes Again ................................................................................ . Hubris and Other Reasons ................................................................. .Disparities Between Ancient and Modern Technologies ......... . Housing on Ancient Sites ................................................................... .Building in Wood .................................................................................. .Building in Mud-Brick ......................................................................... .Earth Roofs and Antiquities .............................................................. .Building with Antiquities ................................................................... . Antiquities for Structure or for Show? ........................................... .Mosaic Floors ......................................................................................... .Building with Antiquities and Wood .............................................. .Building with Antiquities and Mud-Brick ..................................... Churches and Mosques ............................................................................ .Overview: Temples, Churches and Mosques ................................ Churches ....................................................................................................... Mosques Beautified with Spolia ............................................................ . Population Fluctuations and Surviving Antiquities ...................

235 236 237 238 239 240 241 241 243 244 245 245 247 248 252 255 258

6. The Locals: Attitudes to Antiquities .................................................... . The Greek Spirit and Romanticism ................................................. .Indifference ............................................................................................. .Valuing Antiquities, Distinguishing Stones ................................... . Superstition and Ignorance ............................................................... . “Mischievous” Destruction ................................................................. . Antiquities Laws and Museums .......................................................

263 264 266 267 271 274 276

Section Two

The Western Impact 7. The Demands of Modernity: Filching the Building-Blocks of the Ancient World ................................................. . The Nineteenth-Century Building Surge and Its .  Consequences ................................................................................... . Foreign Looting Shrinks: From Marble to Terracotta ............... . Looting by Locals Intensifies ............................................................. War: Armies Devour Antiquities ........................................................... . The Crimea ............................................................................................. Ancient Columns and Gunpowder Projectiles ................................. . Ancient Columns into Projectiles .................................................... . The Dardanelles Guns .........................................................................

283 283 284 287 288 288 290 290 291



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. Sources for Projectiles ......................................................................... .Other Large Guns .................................................................................. .Modern Nineteenth-Century Warships Encounter Marble .  Technology ......................................................................................... . Advantage, Turkey ................................................................................ . Columns as Guns, Ammunition or Decoration ........................... Buildings for the Modern State ............................................................. Railways: The New Dawn ........................................................................ . A New Dawn for Commerce ............................................................. Clouds on the Horizon ............................................................................. . Slow, Costly and Non-Commercial Railway-Building ................ .Dangers of Foreign Technologies ..................................................... . Asia Minor as a Sideshow .................................................................. . Transport Over Drainage Technologies ......................................... .Imports Before Local Production ..................................................... Antiquities and Railways ......................................................................... . Constantinople ...................................................................................... .Examples of Destruction by Railway .............................................. . Archaeological Dilemmas: Excavation on the Cheap,  Protocols versus Access .................................................................. . See and Export Antiquities More Quickly – by Railway .......... . Railways for Prosperity – and Lime-Kilns ......................................

292 293

315 317 319

8. Classical Inscriptions: Discovery, Reuse and Treasure-Hunting ....................................................................................... .Epigraphy the Basis for Archaeological Study ............................. . The Importance of Inscriptions ........................................................ . Collecting Inscriptions ........................................................................ . Locals and Epigraphers ....................................................................... .Uncovering Inscriptions ...................................................................... .Inscriptions in Re-Use ......................................................................... . Wandering Stones and Site Identification .................................... . Stones Too Large to Wander Far? ................................................... . Some Inscribed Bases Survive, But Not Their Statues ............... . Re-Use and Reworking Antiquities for Cemeteries .................... Inscriptions and Hidden Treasure ........................................................ . Locals Built the Monuments ............................................................. . Foreigners Built the Monuments ..................................................... . Treasure in Columns at Sardis and Aezani ................................... . Funerary Antiquities and Treasure ................................................. .Manuscripts ............................................................................................

323 323 324 325 330 332 332 333 334 336 338 339 341 341 342 345 346

293 294 296 296 298 300 301 302 302 303 303 304 304 307 309

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 9. We Only Hear about Lord Elgin: Collecting Antiquities and Transporting Them Home ................................. Access, Excavate, Export ................................................................... Early Western Indifference to Antiquities ................................... Taking Antiquities Home .................................................................. Heavy Loads at Archaeological Sites .................................................. Ephesus ................................................................................................... Halicarnassus ........................................................................................ Xanthus ................................................................................................... Cnidus: The Lion Monument ........................................................... Heavy Sarcophagi ................................................................................ Gravity Wins .......................................................................................... Naval Technologies in the Service of Antiquities ...................... Dangers of Sea Transport .................................................................. Halicarnassus: A Fortress from the Mausoleum ............................. The Site ................................................................................................... The Monument ..................................................................................... The Firman ............................................................................................ Technology and the Turks ................................................................ Pergamon: Antiquities Recovered from a Byzantine Wall ..........

349 349 351 352 354 354 355 356 357 358 359 359 361 362 362 362 363 364 365

10. Tourism Meets Modernity in Asia Minor ......................................... Doing the Sights at Speed ................................................................. Ephesus Attracts Tourists ...................................................................... A Chip Off the Old Block: Kiln-Fodder or Souvenirs? .............. Destruction of the Seljuk Walls of Konya ......................................... Building the Walls ............................................................................... Documenting the Walls ..................................................................... Destroying the Walls .......................................................................... Amasra, Ankara and Bursa ............................................................... Modernity for Tourists and Locals .................................................

369 370 371 372 374 374 375 376 379 381

Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 385 Bibliography ...................................................................................................... 391 . Source Works ............................................................................................... 391 .Modern Scholarship ................................................................................... 413 Index .................................................................................................................... 433 Illustrations

Preface The theme of this book follows logically from those of four previous ones, namely The Survival of Roman Antiquities in the Middle Ages (London 1989), Islam and Marble from the Origins to Saddam Hussein (Canberra 2005), Marble Past, Monumental Present: Building with Antiquities in the Mediaeval Mediterranean (Leiden 2009), and Constantinople to Córdoba: Dismantling ancient architecture in the East, North Africa and Islamic Spain (Leiden 2012). Survival was narrowly focussed on Western Europe; Islam and Marble and Marble Past dealt with areas further East, where those antiquities obliterated by progress and newer technologies in the West survived in some profusion. The present work, Romans to Railways, takes a deeper look at a more geographically restricted environment and one, as is explained below, where circumstances conspired to allow many remains of the Graeco-Roman material world to survive well into the twentieth century. The endnotes generally refer to quotations from the works of travellers, and the footnotes to the work of modern scholars, except that a few long modern quotes, and some of those containing only examples, are consigned to the endnotes, while short references stay with the footnotes. The bibliography is divided into source works and modern scholarship, the division being roughly the 1920s. To avoid over-burdening the text itself, where the affiliation, profession or qualifications of travellers are relevant, these have been included at the first reference to that author’s work in the bibliography, together with remarks on the particular interest or scope of the work in question. I am grateful to many scholars for their help and advice in the work which led to this book, including: Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger; Fabio Barry; Robert Coates; James A. Harrell; Richard Hodges; Troels Myrup Kristensen; Andrew Lane; Paolo Liverani, and David B. Whitehouse. The research was done in the following institutions, which I thank both for their contents and for the help of their staff: Australian National University, Canberra; Australian Defence Force Academy, Canberra; Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris; Universitatsbibliothek der ­Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin; National Library of Australia, Canberra; Service Historique de la Défence (Terre), Vincennes; Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin; Victoria and Albert Museum Library, London; Warburg Institute, London.

D’Anville, Geographer to the King of France, produced in 1764 this map of Asia Minor in Antiquity. The insert is Waldseemuller’s 1513 map from the Strasburg edition of Ptolemy. The earlier map scarcely bothers with indications of relief, and concentrates on naming cities close to the sea – so that anyone using it to find Ephesus (which is actually now about 4 kilometres from the sea on the west coast) would get lost. Yet even the 1764

map is rudimentary in its notation of hills and valleys – and no roads are marked. Nevertheless this map, dated to 1764 in its cartouche, and from the premier scientific cartographer of France, is re-published in London in 1794 – an indication of the slow pace of scholarship, even in the later 18th century, devoted to deepening knowledge of Asia Minor and its topography.

Introduction “the ruins of departed greatness”[1] Technology and Change – But Progress? The explanation introducing the series in which this book appears (Technology and Change in History) affirms that “The role played by technology in transforming human societies has been a preoccupation of the modern period.” This is certainly the case, exemplified through studies of past technologies,1 and the phraseology suggests that technology is indeed itself a motor (although not necessarily the only one) for change, one that implies development, improvement, the pursuit of happiness, and perhaps progress. We might note that the place of technology in the Roman world (which gave the Romans the infrastructure to support monumentalized cities)2 has arguably been underplayed,3 despite its manifold links with the development of culture.4 In the modern world, of course, we are familiar with the idea of new technologies building on older ones: water power to steam to locomotives; gears to clocks and machine guns; electricity and batteries to transistors and computers. For without technologies such as steam, electricity, machines, sophisticated weapons and computers, how would our world be different from that of our recent ancestors? How much of that older world can be allowed to survive the March not just of Time, but of Progress? “Old things are passed away; behold, all things are become new,” as Corinthians 5:17 has it. Alas, would that life were so simple, so linear and so predictable! For what this book explores is Asia Minor between the end of Antiquity and the beginning of the twentieth century. By Asia Minor is meant the area so named by the Romans, that is Anatolia. It is common in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to use the term to refer to both Anatolia and 1 McClellan and Dorn 2006. Humphrey 2006 for overview. 2 Of course an earlier tradition as well: Gates 2011 chapters 13, 18, 24 and 25 for the context. 3 Wilson 2002, 1: “The study of ancient technology has generally been somewhat sidelined from mainstream ancient history; ancient technology is something to be admired when we encounter a structure like the Pont du Gard or the Colosseum, but it is not often considered as a major explanatory factor in historical processes of the Greek or Roman period. This is in striking contrast to the emphasis placed by medieval historians on technology as an agent of social change.” 4 Cuomo 2007 for overview.

2

introduction

Syria, the latter sometimes outshining the former in the hunt for antiquities.[2] Similarly, the term “Asiatic Turkey” sometimes took in the Holy Land. This was a land, parts of which were of course Greek before they were Roman, where once-successful technologies lay dormant, and where, as Hawley writes of Sardis, “from remotest times, it has been a custom of the people of Asia Minor to dismember the monuments of preceding generations regardless of all historic interest, if by doing so they could satisfy their present needs.”[3] The problems encountered in dealing with late antiquity in Asia Minor5 are the same as those in Rome itself, not only because of the innovations of Christianity,6 which emulated civic munificence7 and took over much of the reuse of earlier monuments,8 but also because of the obscurities of the economic decline in Anatolia,9 not to mention the obscurities of Late Antiquity itself.10 In fact, what happens here is counterintuitive to our modern mindset, for this is an area and a long period of time in which “progress” does not triumph. Lavan sees 5 Rheidt 2003 for overview, concentrating on Aezani. 6 Harris 1999, 9–15 for a list: textual sources; Christianisation of public space; material fabric; private invasion of public space; dead and living; population; political role of city; food distribution; transition from civic euergetism to Christan charity; economy; social structure; group violence; city and hinterland; city’s prestige and honour. Deichmann 1983, 14–46 Christiliche Archäologie: Geschichte, with good bibliography. Harl 2001 suggests three phases of Christianisation: 1) Mid 4th–late fifth century: the authorities erect some basilicas, because Christianity is still a minority religion, with the churches “positioned to attract crowds” (311); 2) Expansion and Christianisation of pagan shrines, e.g. Artemision; temples converted to churches in fifth century, e.g. Aphrodisias; 3) under Justinian (527– 565) construction of domed cathedral churches: “as yet few of these churches have received study inasmuch as attention is paid to the Classical monuments at most sites” (314). 7 Zuiderhoek 2009, 156–158 Christianity and Peter Brown, arguing that munificence now goes to the poor, and the élites’ “willingness to invest part of this wealth and political influence in the long-term preservation of the entire social order.” 8 Kolb 2008, for a close examination of Cyaneae: 374–417 Von Polis zum Bischofssitz: Kyaneai und das Yavu-Bergland in spätantiker und byzantinischer Zeit (4–14 Jh. N. Chr), with liberal use of spolia (see photos and plans) including the city walls, Abb. 434, 435, and the incorporation of part of a shield-bearing sarcophagus in the late antique West Gate: Abb. 436. Abb. 456 for architrave blocks with Greek inscriptions incorporated in a Turkish house.   9 Morony 2004; Liebeschuetz 2001, 39 “in the seventh century classical urbanism collapsed over much of Anatolia.” 43–54 “The onset of urban decline in west and central Anatolia” – author reckons stagnation followed by decline 43 “set in half a century before the great Persian invasion;” 293 after the Persian invasions and Arab raids “the economic exploitation of the Anatolian plateau had changed from arable farming to grazing, in other words the region was again farmed as it had been before the Roman occupation, and as it has continued to be farmed until very recent times.” Demandt 1984 for a truly monumental overview of opinions on the subject, from late antiquity to today; Lightfoot 2007b for a more optimistic view. 10 Rousseau 2012 passim for elucidatory essays.



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the economy as the best explanation for technological recession here.11 Indeed, many ancient monuments were forgotten or neglected, because they were inappropriate to the needs of contemporary life. The technological motors of Graeco-Roman civilization, together with the magnificent urban environment which they helped produce, meant little for succeeding centuries, not just in Asia Minor but everywhere the Romans had established domain. There are no “better than Roman” cities in the period covered by this book, and almost no aesthetic interest in the surviving remains on the part of the locals. These facts (no “progress” and little interest) are of inestimable importance for the survival of the material culture of ancient civilization, from inscriptions and aqueducts to town plans and buildings. But, unfortunately, the archaeological evidence of decline is fragmentary, confused, and generally undated.12 For some towns (such as Amorium)13 seem not to have declined for several centuries.14 Geography, general indifference and neglect (except for reusable building stone) ensured that much more has survived for study in Asia Minor than is the case anywhere else in the realms of the Roman Empire – and remnants of that material culture have survived when modernization would have meant their inevitable obliteration. Technologies Unsustainable without Expertise We should be careful not to misinterpret neglect (let alone absence of information) as an absence of skill. In the no fewer than 456 inscriptions of the fifth to seventh centuries at Korykos, 6% belong to people in the

11  Lavan 2007B xxxii: “the taxation cycle, along with regional and long-distance trade, which supported great agricultural and artisanal production during Late Antiquity. Cultural choice does not work well as an explanation for this phenomenon, as technological recession also affected regions such as the Aegean Islands and Western Asia Minor, which did not alter their religion, or political and cultural allegiances.” 12 Liebeschuetz 2001, 29–103 The Survival of the Cities. 13 Lightfoot 2007b, 269 Amorium: “has already produced a wealth of new material relating to the seventh through eleventh centuries. Here, at least, there was no apparent contraction in the size of the urban settlement, which retained its impressive circuit of fortifications and buildings that served the spiritual and physical needs of its inhabitants. To date, the excavations have uncovered near the center of the Lower City a large, aisled basilica church and a bathhouse, both of which appear to have functioned until the midninth century.” 14 Foss 1977b, 472: “I propose to use the archaeological evidence to illustrate the list of the twenty cities of Asia and to determine, if possible, the state of each in the tenth century.”

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construction business,15 so it was far from dead. Equally, at Smyrna, in the 1820s, large constructions were not unusual, for a church was rebuilt by Greek craftsmen, and “ornamented with twelve small columns of porphyry, taken from an ancient square, and of sufficient size to contain about six thousand persons standing.”[4] Again, different monuments on the same site can display great differences in constructional skill.16 As for the state of technological skill during the mediaeval centuries, accomplishment in various trades was evidently high, including architecture.17 The theme of this book is therefore the dormancy of the ancient technologies manifested in material culture in Asia Minor, and the decay, occasional destruction and recycling of that ancient material infrastructure of civic life,18 developed and installed at immense cost and with consummate skill by the Greeks and Romans, and on which there is a large bibliography for the whole of the Empire.19 How could later generations not build like the Romans, many of our travelers puzzled? The Romans had learned much from the Greeks, in architecture as in other disciplines, as was universally acknowledged. So why did not Rome polish Turkey, as “conquered Greece polished Rome,” wondered Eton in 1798? (he then went on to disparage the horizons and attainments of the locals).[5] But they were not polished, except by some reuse of columns, capitals and the like in mosque and church building; and it was not until the Renaissance (that is, the rebirth of interest in the antique) that building like the Romans and then like the Greeks was a viable idea, and then only in the West, far from our classical remains in Asia Minor or in mainland Greece. If some techniques survived, then they were mostly to do with agriculture, or with forestry (“the very same usages as were noticed by Xenophon”)[6] or in the carts used by washerwomen in the Troad,[7] which were naturally linked with ancient descriptions.[8] Such visual

15 Varinlioğlu 2007, 296: “marble cutters, sculptors, carpenters, tile-makers, quarrying experts, construction workers, and providers of straw, as well as contractors, surveyors, and architects. This evidence shows that men involved with construction activities could afford inscribed stone sarcophagi in the necropolis of the city, and that they occupied the upper echelons of the society.” 16 As at Sagalassos: Lavan 2007B, xxix. 17 Vryonis 1969/1970, 280, 282: “There is considerable evidence that side by side with Muslim architects, painters, and masons, their Christian and converted counterparts were active in Anatolia and the Balkans . . . Fascinating, but insufficiently studied, are the scores of stone masons’ markings on Seljuk buildings, many of which are, unmistakably, letters of the Greek alphabet.” 18 Summarised in Deichmann 1975, 30–40. 19 Hingley 2005, 162–194.



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c­ omparisons were common because travellers, the majority of whom had an interest in the classical past, wished to make what they saw accord with what they read. Hence Perrot compared threshing devices he saw in the plain of Boli with antique examples seen in bas-reliefs: “Quand le conducteur est debout, cet attelage rappelle le char antique tel qu’on le voit représenté dans les bas-reliefs.”[9] Hasselquist recounts how the local Greek dances were also to be seen on ancient reliefs.[10] But travellers also had their eyes open to current deficiencies, for they also noted the lack of good management of forests, which impoverished the ground because goats nibbled and destroyed all the young shoots: “On voit quelque-fois les tribus de Yourouk camper sur un plateau, incendiant les arbres, et laissant leurs chèvres errer dans les taillis et détruire toutes les jeunes pousses. L’année suivante les traces de ces ravages sont bien visibles, car tout est desséché autour du campement.”[11] And yet another type of chariot, devastating for antiquities, because of the depth and extent of ground it effortlessly turned over, was the tractor, but this reached Eastern Anatolia only in the later 1960s.[12] Many travellers, therefore, educated with improvement back home, and visiting points east in ever-increasing numbers,20 were familiar with what technology could do for Asia Minor. Some of them, who came from that section of society alert to land management, regretted that a land so rich could be rendered so poor by pernicious tax-farming, so that “the weight of this accumulated cupidity falls on the peasants, who are compelled to pay to the petty aga of their village the very last farthing that can be wrung from them,”[13] and peasants therefore had no incentive for innovation. Hence rather than fashioning a future, villages had recourse to the past, misappropriating ancient remains. Of course, marble floors made admirable threshing floors, and there must have been many more than the one Hamilton saw at Sidas Kaleh / Saittae in 1842.[14] And if Langlois is to be believed, shepherds in Cilicia in the 1850s not only occupied ancient tombs (some for themselves, some for the animals), but also used “les lampes sépulcrales que dans leur piété les anciens consacraient à leurs morts.”[15] For who needs electricity when the Romans could still supply oil lamps after more than a millennium?

20 Paravicini 1999–2001 for bibliographies of German, French and Dutch travellers; Kunze 2007 for a series of papers, including the Troad (23–30), Pergamum (145–148) and Pückler (99–114).

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introduction Links between Technology and Culture

Culture – fields, trees, and rivers as well as the built environment – is from the Latin “cultura,” cultivation. By implication, therefore, culture requires a process of continuing attention to the various technologies required to establish, function efficiently and rework where necessary. This is as important for buildings as it is for woods, fields, ports or rivers. In antiquity machinery and manpower were important to maintain and upgrade many of the processes in the cultivated environment. Wilson, for example, has studied “the relationship in the ancient world between the design and use of mechanical technology, social or political patronage and investment, and economic return” and focusing on water in lifting devices, grain mills, and mining, all of which could help per-capita growth.21 This book offers direct evidence of the tight links between culture and technology, for it will show that as knowledge of the various technologies required to maintain the urban environment declines, so also do the outward manifestations of material prosperity, from the physical environment itself to agriculture and trade. Without the applicable technologies, and without skilled and plentiful manpower, indeed, any sophisticated environment is virtually impossible to maintain.22 Sometimes, of course, because our travellers do not mention the discovery of any survivals, we can only note the lack of evidence, such as, for example, for hopper mills, and for water mills antedating Ottoman times.23 “Romans to Railways” concentrates on the Aegean, Marmara and Mediterranean regions of Asia Minor, as well as the Anatolian plateau as far east as Kayseri, and routes to the eastern parts of the region, around Antioch, and thence into Syria. These are the areas to which most Westerners travelled, and about which we therefore have detailed accounts long before any archaeological excavation, which (apart from disinterring individual pieces) does not antedate the early nineteenth century.24 Focussing on Asia Minor, the book does not cross into Europe, but the constructions of Constantinople appear as recipients of the

21   Wilson 2002. 22 Zanini 2007 384, 401 for early Byzantium: “the continued prevalence of the material culture connected with large-scale and high-quality building activity . . . the origins of this technological culture, and its progressive synthesis of a theoretical background inherited from Antiquity and a plurality of regional traditions.” 23 Curtis 2001 for a survey of ancient food technology and the machines used. 24 Murray 2007 162–280 for archaeological milestones in the 19th century.



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reworked antiquities, many of them brought from Asia Minor, and of course adjacent islands are sometimes mentioned. The account which follows includes the frequent reworking of building materials by parallel and successive cultures, which were varied:25 sedentary and nomadic, Christian, Jewish and Moslem. It examines the general dearth of new infrastructure in Anatolia from the eighth to the nineteenth century, and also the changing circumstances of declining population levels that caused antiquities and, often, town living and amenities, to be abandoned. For this there was ample evidence, as Bent noted in Cilicia Tracheia in 1891,[16] and as Pilhofer has recently discussed.26 Paton and Myres drew similar conclusions from sites in Caria, lacking spring water but provided with cisterns.[17] Reworking older material is surely a sign of renewal rather than of wilful destruction; as Bes observes, “One must cast aside the notion that the use of spolia was a sign of simpler, poorerquality building techniques: spolia were frequently re-cut, or hidden carefully under mortar and marble, so it does not follow that it diminished the quality of building work.”27 The book is divided into two sections, neither of which is watertight, the first dealing with the changes in the landscape from Late Antiquity, the second with the Western impact. The arrangement throughout is thematic rather than chronological, not least because hard documentary evidence (such as drawings or detailed descriptions) is so often completely lacking for earlier centuries (this must await Vital Cuinet at the end of the nineteenth century).28 Luckily, however, the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries produced a large number of reliable and detailed travellers’ accounts, sometimes from scholars equipped with classical textbooks to help situate their evaluations. In spite of great variations of climate and settlement, there are few variations across Asia Minor in the fate of ancient technologies in later centuries, except where topography plays a role (woodlands vs. desert, or with regard to water supply and storage, for example). It is not, therefore, necessary to try to draw distinctions between what happened in the various geographical areas – although, of course, the topography of important ancient cities was of crucial importance for scholarship.29 The aim of most travellers was to reconstruct on 25 Planhol 1958 253–263. 26 Pilhofer 2006, 97–103 for Romanization; 46–49 Neue Stadte, neue Strassen. 27 Bes 2007, 24. 28 Arnaud 2008, 191ff for his precursors. 29 Curtius 1872 for Ephesus, Pergamon, Smyrna and Sardis.

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the page the glory that was Greece and the grandeur that was Rome, building upon a tradition of the collecting of antiquities which went back even in England to the late sixteenth century.30 Their accounts often contain much detailed information on the degradation, change and reuse of the classical world and its technologies, which form the theme of this book. And in many instances, as we shall see, it was the pathfinding – literally – work of the travellers that stimulated excavation, and then the gathering of trophies into European museums.[18] Dealing occasionally with the Hellenistic Greeks (whose influence on Roman architecture in Asia Minor was extensive31), the investigation concentrates on the Romans, who imprinted the landscape very heavily with new types of monuments in new materials and in often bewildering variety.32 It ends with the age of the railways in the early twentieth century.33 This was a western technology, developed to help promote agriculture, industry and international commerce (as well as for covert strategic reasons), that increased the popularity of the region because it eventually brought tourists as well as commercial travellers; but this technology also destroyed, as their construction used very large quantities of antiquities (their very nature often unknown). Much the same happened further west. Would anyone dream or even suggest that any substantial proportion of antique sites or objects uncovered during the building of canals, then railways, then sophisticated motoryways, ever saw the light of day, let alone a museum? And since the lost monuments of Asia Minor were usually more important than those further west, so much greater was their loss. In essence, then, this book is a survey of what happened to the physical remains of Greek, Roman and Byzantine civilisation in Asia Minor, and it examines the degradation and occasional resurrection of the technologies employed by the ancient world in the construction of stone- and marble-built cities and their infrastructure. We should also take note at the start that the Romans were themselves great recyclers of materials, in Asia Minor as elsewhere, so that dismantling prestigious antiquities for 30 Hepple 2003, for William Camden. 31   Pohl 2002, with catalogue of temples, and plentiful illustrations. 32 Sartre 2007, 236–240 for planning and private changes wrought by Roman emphasis, including the introduction of amphitheatres, judicial basilicas (Cremna, Antioch in Pisidia), Xanthus, Hierapolis), ports (Atteleia, Ephesus), aqueducts (Ephesus, Aspendos, Side, Pergamon, Oinoanda), nymphaea (Ephesus, Side, Sagalassos, Antioch in Pisidia), baths and public toilets. 33 Karkar 1972 for an overview.



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other purposes was common practice under the Empire as well as much later.34 The practice was particularly evident in their milestones, many of which were used twice or even three times.[19] Unfortunately, however, our story contains more degradation than resurrection, partly because of the loss of interest in the type of city life exemplified by Hellenistic and Roman civilization. “Civilized,” after all, means “living in cities.” But after Antiquity, all the services required for the city to work amidst disease, earthquakes and invasion – city walls, drainage and sewage, water supply, small-time industries, and amenities such as theatres and temples35 – declined, as villages largely replaced cities, sometimes on the same site, as at Aezani.36 The timespans over which this decline happened are vague, and surely differ from place to place; but it was a change that left so many monuments mouldering in the Anatolian landscape, for example in Cappadocia.37 Why is the theme of this book important? Much attention, helped by archaeology and inscriptions, has been paid to the growth and domination of Rome. Perspectives have changed in recent years, and it is now usual to address decline as part of most archaeological packages. The marble bootprint of Rome was so enduring on the land of Asia Minor (and studied in detail by Barresi)38 so that the story of her monumental remains and their fate down the centuries is now easier to study than in previous decades. We can use reactions to these structures by locals and travellers to help assess how the world gradually changed, until the expansion and modernisation of the nineteenth century put an end to many antiquities. This process had no doubt occurred in Romanised Europe, but generally well before the Renaissance, and leaving few traces in contemporary writings. We are fortunate that, for Asia Minor, travellers often recorded the fate of antiquities, for this was either the main purpose of their visit, or a

34 Saradi-Mendelovici 1990, 50: “In a decree of the year 357, penalties were inflicted upon those who “should remove from a tomb either stones, marble, columns, or any other materials to be used for building purposes, or should do so with the intention of selling them.” From a decree of the year 363, we learn that people removed “the ornaments of tombs for the purpose of decorating banqueting halls or porticoes”!” 35 Dally 2003 for temples at Selge, Pergamon, and Sagalassos. 36 Rheidt 2010, Abb. 178 plan of Hellenistic Aizanoi; 180–182 for end of Antiquity, when older buildings were used to make the colonnaded street, including parts of the temple; 182 Byzantinische Burg und osmanische Dorfsiedlung. Foss 1977b for an overview of the ‘Twenty Cities” and their fate, as revealed by archaeology. 37 E.g. England et al. 2008 using lake sediments chart landscape abandonment (c. 670– 950), then revival and intensification in later centuries. 38 Barresi 2007, with catalogue of structures and epigraphy; 579–635 for bibliography.

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sideline interest of educated men and women. Many of them were also skilled in various technologies, from epigraphy and agriculture, geology and architecture, to military science and engineering, such as the comte de Clairac.39 If philosophy is a series of footnotes to Plato, then our travellers provide much more than footnotes to the lengthy demise of the monuments of the Roman world. Ambassadors occur frequently in the pages of this book, because they were often the enabling arm of the government back home, approving and promoting national aims to collect antiquities. They were the delegates of “His Majesty and His Ministers,” for example, who helped Chandler on his way in 1764, responsible “for the strongest and best Recommendations to the Ambassadors, Ministers, and Consuls, and also to the Turky Company in order to facilitate the Operations of such Persons.”[20] Consuls looked after trade interests, which is why Aleppo in Syria became such an important focus, and why Smyrna developed in the way it did.[21] The Ottoman Empire was large, so that Stratford Canning as ambassador to the Turkish Porte was instrumental in the excavation and collection of finds at Nineveh[22] as well as Halicarnassus.[23] Indeed, without his energy and funding, materials now in the British Museum would have gone to the Louvre,[24] an unbearable loss of kudos in an era when museology was an arm of politics,40 just as archaeology has developed to be.41 From 1840 to 1875, it was British archaeologists who conducted the largest digs in the Ottoman Empire,42 and French scholars such as Beulé were very conscious that this was a competition they were losing.[25] To improve the flow of antiquities, French consular officials were to be made aware that seeking them out would help their careers: “qu’après l’accomplissement de leurs devoirs diplomatiques, rien ne sera plus favorable à leur avancement.”[26] Researchers on the ground did their best, le Bas trying without success in 1844 to get the French admiral to ship a statue for him from Erythraea to Smyrna, so the British acquired it for the British Museum.[27]

39 Delaval and Froissard 2009: a member of the Corps of Engineers, and a good draughtsman. 43–48 for waterworks of Istanbul, including those set in hand by Sinan under Suleiman the Magnificent (1520–1566). 71–96 for Alexandria Troas, which he calls “Troye;” fig. 50 for plan of the city with its walls and harbours. He drew several statues there, incl fig. 77 “Statue d’homme assis trouvé près du port de Troye.” 40 McClelland 1994. Díaz-Andreu 2007, 29–59, Antiquities and Political Prestige in the Early Modern Era. 41  Conspicuously in the Middle East: cf. Kohl 2007, 189–205, 247–345. 42 Challis 2008, 1–22: Travel, Archaeology and the Ottoman Empire.



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Classical Civilization: The Exception Not the Norm Throughout the book, the argument will continue to emphasise the peculiarities of the technological context and remains left behind by the Romans when they took over Asia Minor.43 Everywhere in the ancient world, it was the marvels of Roman technology and organisation44 that were “out of the ordinary,” as was the luxury inherent in the manifold uses of a material such as marble. This required technology and skill to quarry, shift and erect, as well as an aesthetic mind-set that enjoyed and was willing to pay for such extravagances.45 The further the building site from the quarry, the more it cost – transport typically costing several times the “quarry door” cost.46 Working and building in marble cost more than doing so in limestone, making this another index of luxury,[28] since in most cases it had to be imported.47 Such marvels, tantalisingly described by Strabo,48 who was read by most of our travellers, were often imposed by triumphalist Roman élites on the local populations. In contrast village life, with restricted material comforts, without baths, aqueducts, nymphea, theatres, or stadia, was much more normal. Nevertheless, it was the vision of this past grandeur, “quand une civilisation avancée et une culture soignée mettaient en valeur les terres les plus fertiles,”[29] which saddened commentators when they compared it with the nineteenth-century reality. For most sites, the marble had to be transported sometimes over great distances or from abroad, giving the very material a cachet parallel to but much less trivial than designer labels today: just look at the marble, and judge the taste and wealth, the quantity, the width and the height!

43 Sartre 2003, 198–236 De la tutelle à la provincialisation. Les débuts de l’Anatolie romaine (189–31); 237–268 Les cités dans la tourmente (133–31) including the creation of new cities, a few colonies. 44 Anderson 1997, excellent overview with 68–118 The Organisation of Building; 119– 179 Manpower and Materials; 183–240 Planning and Layout of Cities and Towns; 241–287 Public Architecture and Shared Space. 45 Friedlaender 1920 II, for life and death: 327–346: Der Luxus der Wohngebäude; 356–366: Der Luxus der Totenbestättungen; Friedlaender 1920 III, for architecture and religion. 46 Western examples in Prak 2011. 47 Rivalland 2012, note 81 instances Perge, Side and Termessos. 48 Aujac 1994 896b: De façon générale, et en particulier pour ces villes d’Asie Mineure qui lui sont plus familières, Strabon s’attache à signaler et à décrire ce qui en constitue l’attrait, les gymnases, les théâtres ou amphithéâtres, les portiques, les temples, les palais des rois, et aussi les hommes illustres qui ont participé à la vie intellectuelle et contribué au prestige de la cité, attirant étudiants ou disciples.

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In the case of theatres such display was especially and intentionally conspicuous which, as we shall see, is why their marble fittings disappeared. Marble was chosen for monumental work not only because it could glisten, and was sometimes coloured and patterned,49 but also because of its durability, which was often greater than that of some granites.[30] In other words, marble monuments were intended to last much longer than a human life-span, and their builders were well aware of the element of rivalry and competition amongst cities in the search for extravagance and splendour,50 as were the rhetoricians such as Dio Chrysostom.[31] Indeed, whether in the Greek or Hellenistic, let alone the Persian context, the architectural and engineering constructions of the Romans were truly extraordinary, not least because they represented a significant investment for both the state and for rich private individuals or cities, for they were very expensive both to build and to maintain. Marble and limestone constructions were more-or-less durable, but not in the face of flood, fire and, especially, the violent and often devastating earthquakes to which the whole region was subject. Without the encouragement and presuppositions of the culture, there could be no such flowering of public architecture (baths, colonnades, theatres, fountains). The infrastructure was a given, because it had to be. And the whole armature of the city was intended to be considered as a whole, from drains to temples.51 It was as high-tech as the buildings; for without roads, ports and water supply little of substance could have been built, let alone maintained, repaired or rebuilt. As Mitchell notes, “public building is an activity which stands at the center of the traditions of munificence and liberality that shaped aristocratic behavior in the Graeco-Roman world.”52 Although in the absence of 49 Lazzarini 2009, 462–463 for distribution of stones from Asia Minor. 50 Gros 1985, 70: Les féroces rivalités entre les villes voisines (Nicomédie-Nicée, PruseApée etc) entraînent leurs responsables dans une sorte de compétition, mais qui converge avec l’idéologie officielle de l’elegantia, de la pulchritudo, de la majestas. 71: Dio talks up his projects without getting an echo from the crowds, and il est clair que les expropriations imposées par les projets de valorisation de certains quartiers suscitent dans la population l’idée qu’on veut détruire la ville, priver les gens de leurs maisons et de leur existence. Halfmann 2003 for a summary of his Die Städtbau und Bauherren im rom. Kleinasiens. Ein Vergleich zwischen Pergamon und Ephesos, in IstMitt Beih.43, 2001. 51  Uğurlu 2004, 19: “any component of the Roman urban fabric is coherent . . . the passage structures are arches, arch facades, public fountains, exedras and any kind of foursquare structures that are built along the streets or plazas . . . the architecture of connection and passage is there to be perceived and treated as a whole.” 52 Mitchell 1987, 333–334; Zuiderhoek 2009, 78–86 Gifts toward public building – a broad survey of the types gifted: religious 28%. Stoa 20% bath/gym 18% theatre 4% – see figs 5.2 and 5.3.



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excavation any evidence would usually have been obliterated, we might also suspect that many towns in Asia Minor were at some stage “marbled up” from earlier and inferior materials – as happened when Mérida, in a different part of the Empire, escaped its granite chrysalis to become a marble butterfly.53 How and why did Rome come to build such impressive cities in Asia Minor? After the ruination of cities under the late Republic (poor finances, ruined buildings, abandoned or silted ports),54 the Empire saw energetic building activity under Augustus, accelerating under the Flavians, and with an apex under Trajan and Antoninus Pius. A large rural labour force and some slaves built monuments in stone (sometimes local) and in marble hauled over the road system,55 and were also called to repair earthquake damage, which was often devastating.56 Fallout from volcanoes could be shorter-lived, but sometimes blighted harvests and lowered temperatures, thereby becoming a brake on building activities.57 It was the local élites who spent freely to have splendid structures erected, and “spent their money on decorating their cities in such splendor that the ruins still awe tourists today,”58 as for example at Ephesus.59 Inter-city rivalry no doubt spurred this on, and it was a tradition that continued under Christianity.60 Such spending – euergetism, a Greek tradition picked up by the Romans61 – transformed many cities, and is recorded, often very enthusiastically, in inscriptions.62 The Empire in the East, indeed, “witnessed 53 Basarrate 2003. 54 Sartre 1991, 299–303. 55 Sartre 1991, 282–288 Main d’oeuvre et exploitation. Some slavery, but also a large fund of rural labour to be called on when needed. 287 La force de travail des paysans d’Asie Mineure profite largement aux citadins . . . aux grands propriétaires, aux sanctuaires, à l’empéreur. 293 L’Anatolie, à l’ouest comme à l’est, fournit de nombreux exemples de la transformation de communautés tribales en cités de type ordinaire. 295–308 Le triomphe de la civilisation urbaine; 121–198 Le monde des cités, incl. 147–166 euergetism, the tradition of endowing or improving public buildings. 56 26BC, 17AD Tralles; 17AD Sardis, Philadelphia, Aigai, Myrina, Tmolos; 47AD Smyrna, Miletus, Ephesus; 120AD Nicaea, Nicomedia; 172AD Smyrna. Robert 1978 for such a ‘quake recorded in an inscription. 57 Arjava 2005, passim. 58 Harl 2001, 302; 302–305 for embellishment of cities under the Romans, including Aezani (“more than a showcase of fancy building”), Labranda and Hierapolis. 59 Quatember 2007, for Ti. Claudius Aristion, the maecanas responsible for the marble hall of the Harbour Baths, the Nymphaeum Traiani, a street fountain, and the Library of Celsus (the last in part only). 60 Salzmann 1999, 134 Role of the urban élite as civic leaders and patrons. 61   Gauthier 1985. 62 Cramme 2001, 85–211 Ephesus; 213–248 Didyma and Miletus; 248–258 Sardis; 258–270 Aezani. All this possible because of the profusion of inscriptions, listed 305–322. Sartre

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a proliferation of public benefactions during the first two centuries AD unmatched in earlier or later periods of Roman history,” but fell off sharply in the early third century,63 perhaps because available finance declined.64 Although we have already explained why the fate of such Greek and Roman technological achievements is of interest to us, how and why they survived remains to be explored. Put simply, it is because, except for lowclass private houses, their monuments were built by technological showoffs. In a nutshell, in comparison with most societies they over-engineered most of the built environment. Certainly the Romans imitated the Greeks and, like them, built long-enduring temples and the other infrastructure of civilization. But survival depended on building so solidly and with materials so durable (concrete as well as granite and marble) that their over-engineering transcends simple, functional technology and becomes a political and social statement about the solidity of the culture which erected them. Maintenance of such an elaborate infrastructure might also form part of such a statement, but this was near-impossible in successor societies apparently with a lower population, fewer experts with requisite skills, and less communication with an outside world which might have been able to provide them.65 Various of these aspects will be explored in the chapters which follow. Such grand and marbled antique structures were certainly remarkable achievements stamped on and integrated into the landscape. Their building, maintenance and use have received much attention, not least because of the profuse availability of inscriptions that tell us who built what, when, and sometimes at what cost and exactly why. Town development and renewal were probably frequent and routine in the Roman world,66 just like restoration67 which, in later centuries, was a substitute for new

1991, 121–198 Le monde des cités, incl. 147–166 evergetism; Sartre 2003, 248–258 La mise à sac de l’Anatolie romaine. 265–267 Misère et dépendance: les nouveaux aspects de l’évergétisme.” 63 Zuiderhoek 2009, 12; 154–159 for the decline of civic munificence, and refers to fig. 1,2 showing bulk of gifts fall between 109AD and 217AD, and then falling off sharply. 155 “the third century saw a changed Empire, where a reduced number of rural producers made elite incomes less secure.” 64 Schwarz 2001: detailed and interesting, but nothing to say about the state of affairs after the late 3rdC. 65 Meyer 2007, 251–256 for an overview. 66 E.g. Ratté 2003 for the expansion of Aphrodisias: fig. 2 for four plans of the city, Late Hellenistic, early Imperial, high Imperial, late antique. 67 Mundell Mango 2001, 48: at Constantinople: porticoed streets “built, for example, in the second century were repeatedly restored.”



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building,68 sometimes becoming shambolic.69 Epigraphers are fortunate, in that they can “rebuild” from their transcribed evidence an ideal picture of the past. However, the physical remains are quite another matter. Because today we take our mighty modern infrastructure for granted in the modern landscape, as already remarked little attention has been paid to the fact and details of the decline after Antiquity of earlier infrastructures – nor yet, indeed, to their very strangeness. This decline entailed no less than the almost total collapse of the physical environment and technological know-how necessary to support such structures in the days of their glory; whilst their bones (often white marble bones) survived everywhere the Romans had set foot. Their accounts also survived, the travels of St. Paul, for example, offering details on both the ease and the dangers of travelling around the Empire in Roman times.70 Everywhere, then, the Roman imprint was a deviation from what had come before and from what was to follow. It was the exception rather than the rule. This provides us with an elementary reason for the neglect by later generations of antique remains – precisely because they were exceptional. For example the circus, the social bath, the theatre and the monumental fountain were far from necessary for the sustenance of life, even if one basic, water itself, certainly was. Hence any assessment of the “decline and fall” of Romanitas must take its imposition on local populations into account. How else are we even to attempt an explanation for the lack of interest in an infrastructure and physical environment that seem automatically such a Good Thing to later Sellars-and-Yeatman eyes?71 This is, of course, because in the West an infrastructure at least partly dependent on the Roman example provided the building-blocks of international commerce and then, to feed it, an industrial revolution. Commerce, which developed from the seventeenth century under keen competition especially between the British and the French, needed both the raw materials and the markets that parts of Asia Minor, suitably developed, could 68 Matschke 2001, 315–316: for example, the program of Andronikos II (r. 1282–1328) “was expressly geared towards preserving the existing building stock, towards restoration and renovation instead of expansion and new construction.” 69 Orlandi 1999 for the Colosseum: 260, una scelta politica ben precisa; 263 frenetico e apparentamente caotico susseguirsi di rifacimenti e restauri che le iscrizioni documentano per le ultime fasi dell’uso dell’anfiteatro. 70 Reynier 2009, 47–57 for land and sea transport; 115–120 Phrygia, Galatia, Dardanelles; 130–134 Ephesus; 137–143 Ephesus to Greece; 159–165 Myra. 71  Sellars, W. C., and Yeatman, R. J., 1066 and All That: A Memorable History of England, comprising all the parts you can remember, including 103 Good Things, 5 Bad Kings and 2 Genuine Dates, London 1930.

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provide. Indeed, the puzzlement of travellers at the slow takeup by the Ottoman Empire of enabling technologies (“On s’étonne que la Turquie n’ait pas su ajouter à tous ces avantages ceux qu’elle aurait pu tirer du progrès des sciences naturelles en Occident”)[32] is a constant theme throughout this book,72 as are their invidious comparisons between modern Western technologies and the backwardness of Asia Minor in areas from farming and vehicles to roads and ports. As one traveller wrote in 1745: “they live indeed under the influence of the same heaven, and possess the same countries the antient Grecians did, but are far from being animated by the same spirit.”[33] Curiously, none of our travellers remark on the great eastward expansion of nations such as Portugal and Britain, which eventually turned the Mediterranean into a backwater, because the trade routes which had brought wealth to regions like Asia Minor73 and Syria withered as international trade was captured or controlled by western technology, in the shape of great sailing ships and then steam ships. Yet the region possessed great agricultural and mineral potential, still unexploited by the 1880s.[34] Its archives also offered historical potential: one contradiction in Ottoman scholarship is the extensive collection of documents recording historical events and daily activities (tax records, etc), and yet it was left to Westerners to write Ottoman history: “Most of the “ancient buildings” were saved and esteemed, not because they were considered as indicators of the past, but because they were associated with an atavistic patrimony. For this reason, the traditional Ottomans considered inconceivable the interest shown to ancient ruins by the first generation of European archaeologists.”74 In view of the provable lack of interest of later centuries in the civilised infrastructure of the ancient world, the very survivability of the ancient world’s largest construction projects is perhaps a little misleading. This is because often only the core structure remains, but the decorations and working parts (ovens, aqueducts, road surfaces, marble cladding, tiles, columns) have gone. Hence often all that remains is the very skeleton with all ‘useful’ elements abstracted for reuse elsewhere. In post-antique times, as already noted, such structures were in any case often considered useless – for who needed baths, roads or harbours any more, let alone theatres? Nevertheless, their very survival colours in various ways 72 Nicolaïdis 2011 for the lack of a continuing Ottoman tradition of interest in matters scientific, and the consequent need to call in Western experts. 73 Lybyer 1915, 580, 582. 74 Özdogan 1998, 114.



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the landscape of Anatolia from the mediaeval period right through to our day; and it is to the prevalent reuse of antiquities for different purposes that Texier rightly attributes the survival of many of them.[35] The interest of the theme resides both in the stamp which the Romans imprinted on the landscape, and in the various ways in which its monuments survived therein or were subsumed into later structures. Such an overview across the centuries therefore provides a crude measure of technological decline, change, and finally resurrection, which arrives under the influence of imported Western technologies (some of them in origin, of course, classically inspired). Some, such as Tchihatchef, believed that regeneration could only be forced on the Ottoman Empire by Western military action, followed by European immigration which would improve the human stock.[36] In the nineteenth century the Empire knew it had to modernize, but it has been argued that to do so with imported technologies was not in its best long-term interests.[37] In fact, the Empire managed some modernisation on its own: “technology transfer, the movement of innovations from the countries of their origins to the Ottoman lands, was crucial to the success of the Ottoman westernization project and at its very heart.”75 Romanization In summary, we might view Romanization76 as a change from earlier forms, voluntary or imposed, eagerly accepted or resisted,77 which radically altered the urban landscape, and as a process in which the changes in the East outdid those further West.78 Some of our travellers, such as 75 Quataert 1992, 1. 76 Sartre 2007 defined 229 as l’adoption, volontaire ou non, imposée par des groupes ou librement choisie, par des groupes ou des individus, de traits “culturels” empruntés à la civilisation romaine. One indicator is the continuing use of Greek, but private and official inscriptions are generally in Latin; Sartre 2008: Roman domination was acceptable to the Greeks because it ne remettait jamais en cause les fondements de l’identité grecque, le patriotisme local, la notion d’agôn, les dieux et le mythes de chacun. Pilhofer 2009, 9–16, and inscriptions city by city. Hingley 2005 72–90 for a discussion of “The material elements of Roman culture.” 77 Noelke et al 2003, but concentrating elsewhere than Asia Minor. 78 Wolf 1997, 1: for urbanisation “in terms of mean and peak size, of individual and total urban populations, of scale, elaboration and cost of monumental architecture and of density of urban settlement.” The eastern provinces outdo the West. 2: “Monumental architecture may have been central to Greek and Roman idealisations of civic life, and has been prominent in archaeological studies for obvious reasons.” But cities do not need monuments, and monumental architecture also appears in sanctuaries. For a study of Cilicia, cf. Sayar 2008: categorises the process as cities (1) founded on or adjacent to older

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Chantre,[38] seem to have been alert to what was a struggle between local and imported forms. The architectural stamp included the introduction of amphitheatres, judicial basilicas (Cremna, Antioch in Pisidia, Xanthus, Hierapolis), ports (Atteleia, Ephesus), aqueducts (Ephesus, Aspendos, Side, Pergamon, Oinoanda),79 nymphaea (a fountain dedicated to the nymphs, and often highly decorated with marble columns and statues; examples at Ephesus, Perge, Hierapolis, Laodicea, Antioch in Pisidia, Miletus),80 baths and public toilets – as well as cults which also formed foci for interaction and rivalry.81 We cannot tell whether marbled cities were actively resisted by indigenous populations; but it is perhaps a mark of their extra-normal complexion that after Antiquity some were completely abandoned, at least in part because they were impossible to maintain given decreasing population levels. And since appetite comes from eating (as the French have it), the technologies necessary to maintain any survivals also declined, whether from lack of interest or encroaching ignorance it is impossible to tell.82 “Abandonment or downgrading of buildings may not reflect re-urbanization but only a transformation of the character of urban life;” hence, for example, “a civic basilica might be allowed to fall into decay, or be adapted to serve a different purpose, or simply quarried for building materials.”83 This seems to have happened frequently in late antiquity, as earlier buildings were put to Christian use, with several technologies sometimes employed to overcome the problems of conversion.84 But the problems of societal change were broad,85 and we know the little we do about later attitudes to earlier architecture only settlements; (2) continuation of colonies; (3) founded or renamed by Seleucid or Ptolemaic kings; or (4) refounded when Seleucids ended and Roman domination began. 79 Stenton and Coulton 1986 for a detailed mapping. 80 Uğurlu 2004 Table 1 for listing; and for these six; sophisticated structures also at Sagalassos and Side; Blum 2009 for Miletus. 81   Tuckelt 1979 for a survey with a catalogue. Map I for distribution of Roman cults in Asia Minor 195–31BC, via the monuments (from statues and coins); Map II for Roman magistrates 133BC–14AD. The catalogue lists the finds, including the material they are made from. 82 Lewis 2007, 369 in Late Antiquity “while maintenance of existing structures some­ times, or perhaps usually, continued, new construction – a very different matter – markedly decreased . . . civil engineering suffered a severe setback.” 83 Liebeschuetz 2001, 29. 84 Overview in Emmel 2008. 85 Harris 1999, 9–15, for a list of various historical problems, valid for Asia Minor as well as for Rome: textual sources; Christianisation of public space; material fabric; private invasion of public space; dead and living; population; political role of city; food distribution; transition from civic euergetism to Christan charity; economy; social structure; group violence; city and hinterland; city’s prestige and honour.



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from what we can intuit from its reuse, rather than from contemporary accounts which address architecture, for there are none. Indeed, in an argument necessarily ex vacuo (a night during which no dogs barked, as Sherlock Holmes would have it), Lemerle attributes many of the problems to the later Byzantines, when a second Roman Empire collapsed, thanks to the inaction of key individuals.86 Learning about Asia Minor Although travelled from mediaeval times, Asia Minor was usually on the way to somewhere else, hence in part its strategic military and naval importance.87 Crusaders often used this route to the Holy Land; merchants and ambassadors did likewise to Persia, soldiers to India and, later, passengers wishing to travel the whole length of the Baghdad Railway. Lacking good roads or plentiful ports, the region was isolated until its “discovery” which is the subject of this book. The last of all antique lands to be visited for scholarly purposes, Asia Minor had become a target for classically-minded Western travellers from the later eighteenth century,88 when the more adventurous amongst them realised that more was to be seen to the east of the Italian peninsula than Greece alone. Of course, Greece and Palestine still ranked higher in terms of “interest from their associations with the past,”[39] as a British commentator wrote in 1843, and attracted many travellers.89 They realised that the ancient monuments and their sculptural and decorative adjuncts were far more numerous and better-preserved than anything further west. This was in part because population levels were lower, hence destruction per inhabitant also much lower. In this region, first antiquaries and then digging archaeologists (not necessarily a tautology) could, give or take the odd brigand, admire the monuments in peace. And there was plenty to be done as Tchihatchef, who spent five years exploring Asia Minor, noted in 1854.[40] This contrasts with Greece, where the Turks were accused of not taking care of the monuments,[41] and also 86 Lemerle 1977, 251–312 Byzance au tournant de son destin (1025–1118), 263ff Démobilisation de l’empire, with military difficulties, necessary alliances, economic ruin, concluding 312 that le rôle des individus a été faible, en cette période où les personnalités remarquables sont pourtant nombreuses: ils n’ont point créé les événements et les situations, ils les ont subis; la recherche des responsabilités est vaine. 87 Naval staff 1919 passim for the most comprehensive summary description of history, and communications; one of four volumes issued by the Admiralty on Asia Minor. 88 Manners 2007, 81–94, Through the eyes of travellers, for the 16th–18thC background. 89 Blume 2006 for overview.

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with the situation in nineteenth-century Algeria. There educated soldiers in the French invasion force (from 1830) also admired the monuments – but force majeure caused much destruction, first by the military, and then by later settlers. More stiff competition for the readers back home began to appear in the mid-nineteenth century as sites such as Nineveh were offering large quantities of spectacular and large-scale trophies by the 1840s.[42] If transport inside Asia Minor could range from the difficult to the nearly impossible (as we shall see later), Nineveh was conveniently close to river transport, and on one of the cruising routes of the Royal Navy; so drawings and then photographs of immovable monuments in Asia Minor had to compete with actual monuments from Babylonia on display in the British Museum. By those wishing to trace the history of humanity, digging was confidently seen by some as a method superior even to the study of the ancient authors.[43] Large ships were a necessary complement to the “rescue” of such trophies. Thus was Asia Minor caught, as it were, between easy sea transport around the main sites of Greece, and easy river transport in Mesopotamia. Philippe Le Bas, for example, was paid for by the French Government in 1842 to study and report on eastern lands, the Minister suggesting of course Greece, but also the islands and the coast of Asia Minor.[44] But the itinerary Le Bas presents, for one year’s travel, schedules most of the time for Greece, three months for the islands and, if “circumstances” require it, then Constantinople and, “pénétrant en Asie Mineure, visiter quelquesunes des contrées du nord, restées inconnues aux voyageurs, et de là descendre jusqu’à Smyrne, ou je m’embarquerais pour revenir en France.” Asia Minor, in other words, is not part of the main plan, but an available substitute.[45] In the event, however, he spent nearly two years in eastern lands, including parts of Asia Minor, and proclaimed that he had copied 5,000 inscriptions, equalling or surpassing the work of scholars from Cyriacus of Ancona to Ross and Fellows.[46] As he explains it, however, it was the thirst for yet more inscriptions that led him in 1846 in the best traditions of writing grant reports (“Il fallut donc prendre une détermination héroïque”) to go to Asia Minor.[47] Another reason to prefer Greece to Asia Minor was that Greece’s independence and regular government rendered the country safe: “les Grecs vivent sous un gouvernement régulier, les pèlerinages scientifiques ont recommencé avec une nouvelle ardeur, et de nouvelles richesses sont venues récompenser le zèle des savants qui les avaient entrepris.” This, indeed, was one supporting factor Le Bas used in 1842 asking for funds to go there.[48] To be fair, the Minister had explained



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to him that funding was divided between the Ministries of Interior and Public Instruction,[49] so perhaps he was confused by the bureaucracy. The value of the “late knowledge” for the subject of this book is that, with rare exceptions, it is the eighteenth- and especially nineteenthcentury authors whose horizon of interests often corresponds closely with our own. In consequence, from their often detailed accounts, we learn much more about the fate of antiquities than is the case with reports from the seventeenth century and earlier, which tend to be tight-lipped about monuments, much more space being devoted to pseudo-ethnography such as social and religious customs, baths and harems, as well as politics. Not all travellers, of course, were simply antiquarians, for some were naturalists, such as Tchihatchef, who deliberately made the fruits of his twenty years of exploration in Asia Minor intelligible to the general reader, and in the process made many exacting remarks about antiquities.[50] Coming from societies where various technologies from agriculture, industry, commerce and hydraulics to roads, ports and then railways were improving the quality and speed of life, and where many such changes and improvements had occurred within living memory, their advances at home naturally provided some of the measuring-sticks by which travellers could assess Asia Minor, which even by 1900 held international commerce in prospect rather than very often in practice.[51] They write about them at length, sometimes attempting to journey as inconspicuously as possible,[52] and always regretting the high cost of transport and the restraint this puts on the country’s “productive capabilities.”[53] Galt even daydreamed in 1812 about putting the region “under the beneficent protection of the British flag,” so that, based on the island of Tenedos, “we should command the whole trade and intercourse of the greatest part of Turkey in Europe with Asia Minor.”[54] “Commanding trade” referred to the monopoly held by local merchants and traders outside recognised Western entrepôts such as Smyrna and Aleppo; going to the source of goods to be traded was the aim of the Age of Exploration. But the largely camel-fed trade-routes of Syria and Asia Minor (even if in decline in the face of European competition) could not be taken over without military or naval force. Such a takeover was particularly attractive at the time of the Congress of Vienna (1815), for the Ottoman Empire included lands as extensive as France or what would be called Austria-Hungary. It included regions which, by the beginning of World War I, were to be Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece.

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introduction Exploring, Recording, Writing

There is one variety (and a very popular one) of travel writing of which we should be aware – namely those authors who wrote about a country without having visited it. This of course has been common in all ages, but especially prevalent in an age when accounts by actual travellers could be laced with apposite quotations from the ancient authors. One such author was the Dutch doctor, Olfert Dapper, who wrote a series of books about foreign parts, but never set foot outside Holland. Studiously done, his Naukeurige beschyving van Asie: behelfende de gewesten van Mesopotamie, Babylonie, Assyrie, Anatolie, of Klein Asie (Amsterdam 1680) offers, for example, moderately useful information on Alexandria Troas[55] and Pergamon.[56] Conder was another such author (cf. comments on his entry in the bibliography). The excellent coverage meant that travellers equipped with this book had everything they needed, for it summarised information on all necessary towns in Asia Minor. What such books could not do, of course, was to discover things; so that his entry on Xanthus (343–344) naturally has nothing on the important funerary monuments. Nevertheless, there were plentiful travellers into the Ottoman Empire from further West, meticulously recorded by Stéphane Yerasimos.90 But in an age of flourishing travel literature, it was easy to stay at home and rail against travellers who avoided dangers, glacial seas and deserts, as an anonymous author did in 1826: “Il faut aller en Espagne ou en Turquie pour rencontrer des brigands un peu passables et pour être dévalisé d’une manière tant soit peu poétique.”[57] Such light-heartedness did not chime with those many travellers, such as Lithgow, nervous about pirates along coasts where this scourge had been rife since Roman times.[58] Travellers such as Ampère in 1842 could yet pretend, in a knowing aside to his correspondant, that “aujourd’hui nul pays n’est nouveau.”[59] A constant theme was that ruins were the wreck of the past, as Laborde observed in 1828,[60] and another that so few of them could be reliably identified.[61] Ruins had, indeed, bulked large since the Renaissance in Western associations with the antique.91 Western organisations were well aware of what might be achieved by judicious exploration of Asia Minor, and of the manifold advantages of getting in early. Serious stay-at-home compilations such as Dapper’s were

90 Yerasimos 1991, with an analysis of reasons for travel, routes and destinations.  91   Forero-Mendoza 2002.



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useful as background briefing. Hence scholars at home compiled lists, and sent travellers out to collect the items. This kind of instruction-set has a long history, some of the most complete being issued to Paul Lucas for his 1704[62] and 1723 travels.[63] Similar lists were composed on the spot, such as by Galland in Constantinople in 1672/3,[64] making himself variously useful to Ambassador Nointel on classic ground.[65] There was plenty to explore, and targeted exploration began slowly, with Paul Lucas and Richard Pococke the first, writes Vivien de SaintMartin, “d’avoir parcouru l’Asie Mineure non accidentellement et comme lieu de passage, mais dans un but d’exploration special.”[66] Clarke noted in 1801–02 that “there is no part of the south of Lycia and Caria where a gulph, a bay, a river, or a promontory, can be pointed out, on which some vestige of former ages may not be discerned.”[67] These were riches which profited Byzantine architecture in the region, but also attracted piracy, which in its turn left several areas deserted for centuries.92 To cope with such extensive remains meant a lot of recording, although some of those back home did not want “fat volumes” of reports, but rather “judicious selection” of monuments to study.[68] Such would-be cherry-pickers, however, were thankfully in the minority. In 1827, for example, the Société de Géographie offered a prize for the exploration of Karamania: they required an account of everything from climate and population to plans of ancient towns and drawings of monuments. The prize was not awarded (presumably because the would-be prize-winner had to fund his expedition before submitting his manuscript for the prize), and was re-advertised again in 1830 and 1831.[69] Such a push for informed reconnaissance yielded little fruit, so that as late as 1887 Ramsay wished “to make a study of the local history of the whole central plateau of Asia Minor, tracing from the beginning of recorded history to the Mohammedan conquest the varying fortunes of every district.”[70] Unfortunately, the more one looked the more one found, and this much disturbed Sterrett, the energetic scholar. Hence as a result of his focussed collecting and travelling, he came increasingly to realise just how many antiquities Asia Minor contained. As a consequence, so panicked was he by the rate at which antiquities were disappearing that in 1907 he proposed a wide-ranging and highly admirable but totally impractical plan 92 Foss 1994, passim, and e.g. 19: near Aperlae, a report from the Third Crusade re. Kekova and its adjacant mainland coast: “in former times, on both sides of this port were large and beautiful cities . . . great ruins of walls are there till the present day, but no one lives in them because of the fear of pirates.”

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of surface exploration and then judicious digging.[71] His main interest was in classical survivals, and we might deduce that from such a close focus came a corresponding neglect of such later material.93 Because Byzantine buildings contained so many reused earlier materials, the relative neglect of Byzantine survivals (which continued, as Guillou complains,94 into the 1970s) correspondingly restricts our knowledge of the reuse of antiquities. Preview of Conclusions This study concludes that, although amounts of antiquities were certainly remodelled during post-Antique times, with mosques as well as churches built from antiquities, it was only in the course of the nineteenth century that extensive depredations depleted the ancient monuments. Briefly, this was because traditional house-building in Asia Minor, although variable, generally used wood, perhaps with stone for any foundations, and with a few antiquities inserted as quoins or as foundation blocks. Plentiful testimony describes villagers living beside still-standing ancient monuments, or with their poor cottages leaning up against them. Deliberate destruction, not for purposes of reuse, but through fanaticism, is hard to demonstrate, and surely rare;[72] preservation and transformation were more common.95 But with the nineteenth century came imported and modernising western ideas about stone housing and public buildings – the kind of buildings that contemporary Turkey conspicuously lacked.[73] This we might call a resurrection of Hellenistic and Roman ideas about the city-beautiful, which required stone and marble as indexes of sophistication. Now the greatest destruction occurred, as the Ottoman Empire (in our Asia Minor but including Jerusalem and Cairo where similar destruction took place) found it needed a whole range of new buildings to be “modern.” There were so many surviving antique remains that they were extensively used as quarries for rebuilding blocks. For why quarry afresh with 93 Vryonis 1975b, 354: “One of the greatest lacunae in our under-standing of Byzantine Asia Minor is our imperfect knowledge of the Byzantine monuments of this vast region. Though the efforts of William Ramsay and de Jerphanion had rescued much archaeological evidence of the Byzantine period, a great deal has been destroyed and thus lost forever to history.” 94 Guillou 1969 1152–1153 lists matters of town planning and reuse requiring attention. 95 Saradi-Mendelovici 1990, 47: “in late Antiquity Christians also had a positive attitude toward pagan monuments and transmitted this attitude to the Byzantium of later centuries. Hostility toward pagan monuments was far from being a general phenomenon.”



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all those antiquities available? After the Byzantine centuries, it appears that marble was not extracted from quarries until well into the Ottoman period.96 Many antiquities were conveniently by the sea-shore, so easily transportable, which was the only option when long-distance roads were so bad. As Tozer remarks, “squared blocks of stone are too tempting objects to be spared in a country where quarrying is almost unknown.”[74] Blocks toppled more from earthquakes than human intervention – and these sometimes buried the blocks rather than considerately leaving them on the ground.97 Certainly the Ottoman Turks had used many antiquities to build their great Imperial mosques in Constantinople (Sultan Achmet even going on site to encourage the workmen)[75] and in one tradition to decorate the Hippodrome with antiquities from Asia Minor;[76] but that thirst was soon slaked. By comparison the nineteenth century required multitudes of barracks and schools, hospitals, factories and railway stations. The truly enormous quantities of antiquities that vanished forever from Asia Minor during the last two centuries must be emphasised here. Our travellers were used to the landscapes of Western Europe, from which the Roman antiquities had been vacuumed up for centuries until there was little left above ground. Today, tourists can visit perhaps two dozen large, important and partly preserved ancient sites in Asia Minor, reaching them through a countryside largely devoid of monuments. But we know from travellers’ accounts that they saw the surviving signs of ancient settlement (columns, tombs, fountains, and reuse in the plentiful cemeteries) in enormous profusion kilometre after kilometre on the routes they followed. These millions of tons of antiquities have now disappeared, absorbed into the modernising boom not just of the nineteenth century, but also of the twentieth century, when Ankara as capital set the tone by erecting many buildings which would not have been out of place in the Europe whence they were inspired. Alas, even today, many villages are still far from the eye of competent authority, and scholars attest even in recent decades the continuing disappearance of ancient materials into village buildings – this even applied to Hittite materials, which Van der Osten was seeking in 1929.[77] This is hardly surprising, given the post-war population expansion in Turkey, the move into towns, the building of new 96 Sodini 1993, 162–165, Les matériaux et leur mise en oeuvre. 97 Bingöl 2007, 68 for Magnesia: “The huge impact made by the elements that collapsed during the earthquake can be seen particularly clearly from the column-tambours, which had penetrated through the pavement blocks and deep down into the ground.”

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roads, and the expansion of tourism and second homes. Anyone who travelled the coasts of western and southern Asia Minor into the 1960s would be amazed at the quantity of new building now to be seen. And, as this book will demonstrate, it is new building which is fatal to the survival of antiquities. The civilisation back home that Westerners compared with what they saw in Asia Minor, and which they brought with them in the form of steamships, roads, railways and tourists, was infinitely more destructive of ancient monuments than centuries of attention by architecturally “unsound” Byzantines, “barbarian” Turks, or building villagers. Ironically, respect for the technologies and artefacts of the ancient world, displayed via excavation, museums and tourism, marched in parallel with the destruction or abstraction of large quantities of Antiquity’s physical remains. A humiliating example of the precedence of the West over Greece was that the first casts of the Parthenon Marbles reached Athens from the British Museum in 1845.98 If the Crusaders came on foot or on horseback, by the 1850s new travellers were agitating for railways to be built;[78] by the 1870s they sometimes came in private yachts,[79] and by 1900 travellers entered Asia Minor in a railway carriage,[80] in which archaeologists could also conveniently carry their earth-moving tools. And only then were some travellers eager to examine Byzantine remains, about which earlier scholars could be decidedly sniffy.[81] This mindset was a pity since, as already noted, so many Byzantine buildings incorporated antiquities,99 the Byzantines continuing a keen commercial trade in white and coloured marbles,100 and being well aware of pagan monuments.101 And some travellers, blinded by the Glory that was Greece, found the Roman monuments more remarkable for richness than for finesse.[82] This book is an interpretative essay in the complexion of technological change,102 concentrating on the material environment. It relies heavily on   98 Gazi 1998.   99 Ruggieri 2005 for a well-illustrated survey of Caria, with plentiful references to spolia. Especially notable are 81–85 Myndus, where the church has massive reuse of marble blocks, laid a secco; 136–143 Gölköy, with large amounts of marble; 100–104 Lagina (near Turgut). 100 Sodini 1993, 164: Le marbre est donc apparu comme une denrée, avec ses contraintes (part réservée aux largesses impériales et donc exclue du commerce), faisant l’objet d’une diffusion de caractère souvent commercial.  101 Saradi-Mendelovici 1990, 59: “physical proximity of the Byzantines to pagan monuments is attested in many texts in all periods of their history.” 102 Lavan 2007B for Late Antiquity, xv–xl, with the headings innovation, stagnation, recession, technological survival, simpler solutions, innovations under pressure, and cultural replacement.



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what travellers actually report and, because of their breadth of interest, as well as concentrating on architecture and ruins also deals occasionally with carriages, ploughs, tools, olive presses, animal harnesses,[83] all technologies which contributed in some measure to promote or discourage the extraction, destruction and export of antiquities. 1  Hammond_1878_290 2  Schultze_1895_19–20 [ ]  3  Hawley_1918_131 [ ]  4  Mengous_1830_78 [ ]  5  Eton_1798_337–338 [ ]  6  Ainsworth_1839_222 [ ]  7  Clarke_1817_144 [ ]  8  Renoüard_de_ Bussierre_1829_I_180 [ ]  9  Perrot_1863_112–113 [ ]  10  Hasselquist_1769_37 [ ]  11  Texier_1843_264 [ ]  12  Mitford_1974_221b [ ]  13  Elliott_1838_II_82 [ ]  14  Hamilton_1842_II_ 143–144 [ ]  15  Langlois_1861_117 [ ]  16  Bent_1891_208 [ ]  17  Paton_&_Myres_ 1896_198 [ ]  18  Budge_1925_29 [ ]  19  Sterrett_1889_20 [ ]  20  Cust_1914_83 [ ]  21  Hasluck_1918–19_146 [ ]  22  Canning_1888_II_139 [ ]  23  Canning_1888_II_145 [ ]  24  Budge_1925_68 [ ]  25  Beulé_1873_237 [ ]  26  Beulé_1873_238–239 [ ]  27  Le_Bas_1888_122 [ ]  28  Roland_1987_399 [ ]  29  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_ I_163

30]  Clarke_1817_187 31]  Dio_Chrysostom_ 1946_257–261 [ ]  32  Andréossy_1828 XXXI–XXXII [ ]  33  Anon_1745_504 [ ]  34  Wilson_1884_310 [ ]  35  Texier_1844–1845_320 [ ]  36  Tchihatchef_1868_ 323–324 [ ]  37  Schoenberg_1977_368 [ ]  38  Chantre_1896_446 [ ]  39  Anon_Reviewer_1843_ 444–445 [ ]  40  Tchihatchef_1854_49 [ ]  41  Anon_antiquités_ grecques_1820_10 [ ]  42  Canning_1888_II_145 [ ]  43  Contenson_1901_45 [ ]  44  Le_Bas_1888_XIII [ ]  45  Le_Bas_1888_XV–XVI [ ]  46  Le_Bas_1888_XVIII [ ]  47  Le_Bas_1888_XXII– XXIIIB [ ]  48  Le_Bas_1888_XIV [ ]  49  Le_Bas_1888_XVI [ ]  50  Tchihatchef_1868_5–6 [ ]  51  Contenson_1901_132 [ ]  52  Callier_1835_10 [ ]  53  Farley_1878_121 [ ]  54  Galt_1812_402 [ ]  55  Dapper_1680_283 [ ]  56  Dapper_1680_288

57]  K_1826_407 58]  Lithgow_1632_162 [ ]  59  Ampère_1842_5 [ ]  60  Laborde_1838_2 [ ]  61  Tchihatchef_1854_66 [ ]  62  Omont_1902_331 [ ]  63  Omont_1902_372–373 [ ]  64  Omont_1902_956–957 [ ]  65  Vandal_1900_49 [ ]  66  Saint-Martin_1852_ 77–78 [ ]  67  Clarke_1817_275–276 [ ]  68  Omont_1902_711–712 [ ]  69  Bulletin_1827_154–156 [ ]  70  Ramsay_1887_461 [ ]  71  Sterrett_1907_7 [ ]  72  Ramsay_1911/12_43 [ ]  73  Fellows_1852_65 [ ]  74  Tozer_1869_I_6–7 [ ]  75  Gontaut-Biron_1889_ 372 [ ]  76  Poujoulat_1853_II_ 74–75 [ ]  77  Van_der_Osten_1929_ ix [ ]  78  Mordtmann_1924_289 [ ]  79  Wood_1877_151 [ ]  80  Ramsay_1902_258 [ ]  81  Texier_1843_265 [ ]  82  Casas_1822_347 [ ]  83  Dernschwam_1986_ 183–194

[ ] 

[

[

[ ] 

[

[



appendix

[ ] 1  Hammond_1878_290: “Everywhere in Western Asia it is the same – the traveller gazes on the ruins of departed greatness, which the modern inhabitants of half-populated towns and miserable villages regard either with superstitious wonder, or treat with ignorant contempt, using the architectural marvels of a former day as quarries whence to replace their own ill-built and crumbling edifices. Ephesus, Sardis, Miletus, Laodicea, Xanthus – where are they now? All in ruin and decay!” [ ] 2  Schultze_1895_19–20: Klein asie n. In den östlichen Ländern hat die Kunst des christlichen Altertums ihre höchste Ausbildung gefunden. Mächtiger und unmittelbarer wirkten dort die antiken Formen und Empfindungen weiter, am kräftigsten und erfolgreichsten in Kleinasien und an der macedonisch – thracischen Küste. Die christliche Architektur Syriens giebt eine Vorstellung von dem künstlerischen Können der östlichen Christenheit, und man darf eher annehmen, dass die Kleinasiaten Vollkommeneres schufen als umgekehrt. In den reichen Handelsemporien an der kleinasiatischen Küste und im Binnenlande mit ihren profanen und sacralen Prachtbauten fand die siegreiche Kirche um so mehr Veranlassung, auch auf diesem Gebiete ihr Wollen und Können kraftvoll einzusetzen. [ ] 3  Hawley_1918_131 Sardis: “Whoever visits this scene for the first time and notices how few are the fragments of friezes, architraves, columns, and walls, is apt to wonder what has become of the great masses of stone that once composed the temple, and why such parts of the columns as remain are entirely at the east end, and also why some that had capitals of graceful volutes and delicately carved bases are unfluted and bear marks that were to guide the sculptor in their completion. Yet the reasons are simple. From remotest times, it has been a custom of the people of Asia Minor to dismember the monuments of preceding generations regardless of all historic interest, if by doing so they could satisfy their present needs. So it happened that the beautiful marbles of Sardis were placed in the subsequent buildings of the Romans or Byzantines or burnt for lime, even as some of the ruins of Tralles are being burned by the Turks to-day. And the reason that the best preserved part of the temple is at the eastern end, is because, being nearest the hill of the acropolis, it was the first to be buried beneath the soil that washing from it gradually filled the little vale.” [ ] 4  Mengous_1830_78 in Smyrna: “One of our churches was burnt a few years ago, and although the Turks prohibited any work to be done in rebuilding it by day-light, the walls were reconstructed and the roof put on within the period of forty days, with such skill and despatch were our workmen able to pursue their business. It is well worthy of attention, as it is a handsome building, ornamented with twelve small columns of porphyry, taken from an ancient square, and of sufficient size to contain about six thousand persons standing.” [ ] 5  Eton_1798_337–338: “Conquered Greece polished Rome, but the conquerors were Romans. Conquered Greece did not polish Turkey, for the conquerors were Turks. The insensibility of thcse barians is astonishing: living amid the effulgence of genius, they have not caught one spark; they gaze with unfeeling stupidity on the wonder and boast of art, on their glorious monuments, on their temples, and conclude they were built by genii, and then destroy them, to burn the marble for lime to make stucco for their own tasteless houses, whence the fine arts are banished; where ignorance, tyranny, superstition, and gross sensuality only dwell in sad and stupidly-solemn pomp, or issuing out with savage fury, lay waste the country round, and imbrue their hands in the blood of the helpless, murdering without remorse those they have conquered. Thus the finest countries in the world are become deserts; part inhabited by savage beasts, and part by more savage men; the poor aborigines skulking in hiding places like the timid hare (which epithet the Turks give them in derision) while those beasts of prey roam abroad.” [ ] 6  Ainsworth_1839_222: “It is very interesting while traversing the forestsof Bithynia to observe in practice at the present day the very same usages as were noticed by Xenophon centuries ago, trees being still, as then, fired at their base and then felled, while small waggons yoked with male buffaloes came from the shore to carry away the wood. There are no villages, and the driver sleeps in his cloak every night till his work is done, and the carts are so constructed that their slope becomes excessive without causing any danger



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of an overthrow: the wood is used for ship-building, partly at Ak-chah Shehr and partly at Constantinople.” [ ] 7  Clarke_1817_144 (in the East 1801–1802) District of Troas, carts used by washerwomen: “The remains of customs belonging to the most remote ages are discernible in the shape and construction of the wicker cars, wherein the linen is brought upon these occasions, and which are used all over this country. In the first view of them, we recognised the form of an antient car, of Grecian sculpture, in the Vatican Collection at Rome; and this, although of Parian Marble, has been so carved as to resemble wicker-work; while its wheels are an imitation of those solid circular planes of timber used at this day, in Troas, and in many parts of Macedonia and Greece, for the cars of the country. They are expressly described by Homer.” [ ] 8  Renoüard_de_Bussierre_1829_I_180 in the Troad: En sortant de chez le pacha, nous nous dirigeâmes vers le tombeau d’Ajax (direction est); nous cheminions à peu de distance de la mer. Je remarquai, en passant, des chars à forme antique, dont les habitans se servaient pour transporter leurs récoltes; ils étaient exactement semblables à ce que nous décrivent les auteurs anciens. Le corps du char, arrondi par devant, et ouvert du côté opposé, était en osier; les roues étaient de simples palettes en bois, sans cercle ni jantes. Je fus également frappé de la méthode singulière suivie par les habitans de la campagne pour battre le graain; elle consiste à faire passer sur les gerbes couchées à terre en plein champ des planches armées de pointes et traînées circulairement par des chevaaux ou des boeufs. [ ] 9  Perrot_1863_112–113 plain of Boli: Au milieu des champs, beaucoup d’aires où l’on a déjà commencé le battage: il se fait au moyen d’une sorte de plancher mobile, long de deux à trois mètres, large d’un mètre environ, que traînent en cercle deux bœufs ou deux chevaux. Sur cette espèce de char se tient, tantôt assis, tantôt debout, une femme ou un jeune garçon qui guide les animaux et les excite de l’aiguillon. Quand le conducteur est debout, cet attelage rappelle le char antique tel qu’on le voit représenté dans les bas-reliefs. Le dessous de ce plancher est garni de pierres à fusil tranchantes, fixées entre des tresses de paille. Ces pierres ouvrent l’épi et coupent la paille. [ ] 10  Hasselquist_1769_37 after seeing a Greek dance at Smyrna: Cette danse me parut fort ancienne, & je fus confirmé dans ma conjecture par M. Peyssonel, Consul de France, qui étoit extrêmement versé dans les antiquités grecques. II m’assura avoir trouvé quelques monumens de marbre, sur lesquels elle étoit représentée telle que je venois de la voir. Elle est si agréable lorsqu’on la voit danser par des Grecques habillées suivant l’ancienne mode du pays, qu’elle l’emporte sur toutes les danses modernes. [ ] 11  Texier_1843_264 near Scala Nova: Toute cette partie du Mycale est couverte de belles forêts, et malgré l’incurie des Turcs, qui n’ont pas la moindre idée de l’aménagement des bois, cette contrée offrirait encore d’immenses ressources à une administration tant soit peu régulière. Ces propriétés publiques sont laissées à la merci des paysans, qui pour une très faible rétribution peuvent abattre les grands arbres. Les nomades ne paient pas davantage pour avoir le droit de pacage, qui est aussi ruineux pour les forêts que la dévastation de la hache. On voit quelque-fois les tribus de Yourouk camper sur un plateau, incendiant les arbres, et laissant leurs chèvres errer dans les taillis et détruire toutes les jeunes pousses. L’année suivante les traces de ces ravages sont bien visibles, car tout est desséché autour du campement. [ ] 12  Mitford_1974_221b Satala: “His [Biliotti’s 1874] account is a valuable source for social conditions in the villages during the late Ottoman period. The way of life at Satala depended on techniques that can have changed little since Roman times, and survived virtually unaltered until the introduction of tractors in the later 1960s.” [ ] 13  Elliott_1838_II_82 Salikli, on the road to Philadelphia: “The soil in this neighbourhood, like that of the whole country we traversed, is rich but untilled. Under any other government, population and cultivation would be rapidly increasing; but here both are on the decline: many lands that were once productive are now lying unheeded, their owners having fled or resigned a speculation which nature favors, but which the avarice of the aga, who demands half the produce, renders abortive. The system pursued by the Porte is that



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which prevailed in India previous to the introduction of British rule. The sovereign lets out his country to pashas, who divide their principalities among beys, and these make a subdivision of their districts among agas: each is bound to pay a certain sum to the superior of whom he holds, without reference to what he collects: thus, the object of all is to enrich themselves at the expense of their immediate inferiors. The weight of this accumulated cupidity falls on the peasants, who are compelled to pay to the petty aga of their village the very last farthing that can be wrung from them.” [ ] 14  Hamilton_1842_II_143–144 Sidas Kaléh, ancient Saettae/Saittae: “After proceeding three miles up the valley, on reaching the undulating summit of the ridge, I suddenly found myself amongst the tombs and sarcophagi of a ruined city, which had stood in a small plain to the N. W., surrounded by low hills covered with tombs and sepulchres. Descending to the plain I reached a ruined stadium extending from N. by E. to S. by W. The northern half, however, had been destroyed; while the southern portion, running into a recess in the hills, was nearly perfect. Many of the marble seats were still in situ, as well as the wall round the arena, about four feet in height. The foundations of numerous buildings exist upon the plain; and well-worked fragments of marble architraves, cornices, and columns were lying on the ground. In one spot an extensive marble pavement, nearly perfect, has been converted by the peasants into a threshing-floor; a most appropriate use, after driving their plough over the spots where temples and public buildings once stood! In the eastern part of the plain, to the ?.?. of the stadium, I found the remains of a small square building, probably a temple; in the centre of it was a well-constructed arched vault, like that at Azani, surrounded by massive foundations, intended to support the cella of the temple. The arch, like the rest of the building, was built entirely without cement. These ruins are called Sidas Kaleh by the Turks. I searched amongst them in vain for inscribed stones.” [ ] 15  Langlois_1861_117 (travelling 1851–1853) at Silifke, Nous descendîmes à la nécropole dite de Tekir-Hambar, en suivant l’ancienne voie des tombeaux. / Les antiques sépulchres se Sélefké sont, de tous ses monuments, ceux que le temps a le plus respectés. Des pâtres en ont converti plusieurs en étables pour leurs troupeaux; il en est même dans lesquels ils se sont établis avec leurs familles. Les lampes sépulcrales que dans leur piété les ancient consacraient à leurs morts, servent maintenant aux bergers qui ont fait leur demeure dans des asiles funèbres. [ ] 16  Bent_1891_208 Cilicia Tracheia: “The second portion of our investigations took us to the first plateau, a few hundred feet above the sea-level, all now covered with thick brushwood, consisting of wild olives and caroubs, myrtle, wait-a-bit thorn, liquorice, arbutus, &c., their dense growth covering the ground wherever the grey calcareous rocks permitted. There are evidences of high cultivation on this plateau in former times. Out of the brushwood, at a distance of very few miles, stand up numerous ruined towns and villages, most of which we closely examined. There were usually several wine-presses in each, an average size being 9 ft, by 5 for the press, out of which a finely cut lip conducted the liquid into a basin 3.5 feet in diameter. Each village had its massive sarcophagi, and occasionally a rock-cut relief of a man in armour with a lance in one hand and another weapon in the other: but it must have been during the late Roman period and under the Byzantine emperors that this district was most densely populated, for each village had a large Christian church.” [ ] 17  Paton_&_Myres_1896_198 in Caria: “The hilly country between the west border of the Kar Ova and Budruin is of a very porous variety of the limestone, and remarkable for its absolute lack of water. The whole supply is now derived from cisterns, which being whitewashed form conspicuous landmarks, especially along the roads. At present there is not a single village in this district, but the numerous, apparently pre-Hellenic, remains show that it was well populated at a remote period. The southern part of it as far as the coast is a large chiflik, now the property of a Greek of Budrum, M. Mangli, drained by a fan-shaped basin from Kizil Agach to Alizetin. / In this waterless section between the Kar Ova and Budrum, the line of the old road follows very closely that of the modern track,



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keeping close under the conspicuous range of hills which lines the northern coast, and crossing in detail the stream-beds which converge upon the southward valley in which M. Mangli’s farm lies close to the sea.” [ ] 18  Budge_1925_29 Claudius James Rich, and his work in Mesopotamia: “His copies of texts and his literary efforts were not published until 1836, by which time they had lost most of their value. But his Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan, London, 2 vols., 1836, created a deep impression on Oriental scholars; and it was entirely due to its publication that the French Government established a Vice-Consulate at Mosul, and sent Botta to excavate Nineveh, and that Stratford Canning despatched Layard to excavate both Nineveh and Calah (Nimrud). And it must never be forgotten that the beginning of the great and splendid collection of Assyrian and Babylonian antiquities now in the British Museum was Rich’s collection of inscribed cylinders, tablets, bricks, and miscellaneous antiquities from Kuyunjik, Nabi Yunis and Babil, which became the property of the nation in 1825.” [ ] 19  Sterrett_1889_20 milestones: “I found in all about one hundred inscribed milestones. Many of these were inscribed two and three times. When the road was originally built they erected along the entire line of the road milestones bearing inscriptions- dated by the name of the then reigning emperor and giving the name of the governor of the province who constructed the road. Now with the lapse of time the road and especially the bridges had fallen into decay. A new Emperor was wearing the purple at Rome, a new governor, who cared not for the works of long past predecessors, was now lording it in the province. This new governor would repair the roads and bridges, but instead of going to the expense of having new milestones made, he simply had his inscription cut on the old stones and directly over the old inscription without having first erased it. Now while the marks of the chisel were fresh and unweathered the new inscription might be read with comparative ease, but as soon as time and weather had worn off the freshness of the new inscription, then it became a matter of science to decipher the twain. It sometimes happened that a third inscription was cut over the already existing two. I have found several such milestones, and you can easily imagine my despair when brought face to face with such a stone.” [ ] 20  Cust_1914_83 Chandler’s expedition: At the meeting of the Society in April, 1764, the resolutions of the committee were adopted, it being also ordered “That a sum not exceeding Two Thousand pounds be appropriated to the above excellent Purpose; and ‘That when such Persons properly qualified can be procured and are approved of by the Society, an application be made to His Majesty and His Ministers for the strongest and best Recommendations to the Ambassadors, Ministers, and Consuls, and also to the Turky Company in order to facilitate the Operations of such Persons.’” [ ] 21  Hasluck_1918–19_146 of Smyrna: “The deciding factor in her supremacy may probably be found in the establishment of the consulates of the western merchants, whose choice seems to have been decided by the comparative freedom of a small town and by the growing importance of the trade in silk.” [ ] 22  Canning_1888_II_139 L_1834_70–71: La Grèce n’est qu’un immense désert où l’on ne rencontre qu’un petit nombre de villages et quelques villes éparses à une distance immense les unes des autres. Nauplie (Napoli di Romania), capitale actuelle du nouveau royaume, n’a commencé à sortir des décombres et de la fange que depuis l’arrivée du roi; on a bâti à la hâte et assez légèrement des maisons qu’on peut appeler très médiocres et même mauvaises. Le palais où réside le roi Otton vaut à peu près l’habitation du commandant d’une petite ville. Une rue longue et étroite est revêtue de mortier et non pavée, et cet ouvrage ne tarderait pas à être détruit, s’îl y avait à Nauplie un plus grand nombre de carrosses ou de charrettes; leur nombre est en proportion des sept équipages du roi, et il n’en vient pas une seule des environs; car tout le Hellas a un grand chemin, long de trois lieues, lequel va de Nauplie à Mycène. Partout les communications ont lieu au moyen de sentiers pour les chevaux, les mulets, les ânes et les piétons. [ ] 23  Canning_1888_II_145, writing in 1845 to his brother: “it will interest you more to know though it is still an awful secret that I have obtained a promise of the famous Halicarnassus



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Marbles the remnants of the Mausoleum which have been for centuries encased in the walls of a Turkish fortress, and which I hope to have on their way to England in a very few weeks. More than this, I have an agent at work among the mounds of Nineveh, and a letter received from him this morning announces the discovery of a marble chamber full of cuneiform inscriptions now by Major Rawlinson’s ingenuity interpretable and of an immense adjoining edifice, apparently a palace, which he is endeavouring to penetrate by cutting trenches through the mound, and which tradition assigns to Ashur the lieutenant, or more properly speaking, I suppose, the whipper-in, of Nimrod!!” [ ] 24  Budge_1925_68 Canning, Layard & Nimrud: “Stratford Canning did nothing by halves, and he agreed to provide out of his own pocket the funds necessary for giving the work a fair trial, just as Botta’s friends in Paris had done for him. It is morally certain that, but for the promptitude of Stratford Canning and his public-spirited behaviour on this occasion, the splendid collection of Ashurnasirpal’s sculptures which adorn the British Museum would now be filling a gallery in the Louvre.” [ ] 25  Beulé_1873_237: Le monde entier sait avec quelle prodigieuse rapidité le British Maseum s’est enrichi de marbres et de sculptures antiques depuis un demi-siècle; mais ce qu’il faut admirer, et ce qui devrait servir de modèle à des pays qui prétendent aimer les arts, c’est la persévérance des Anglais, c’est la continuité de leurs sacrifices, c’est leur vigilance qui ne laisse échapper aucune occasion, c’est l’intervention toujours prête du gouvernement, qui donne des instructions à ses agents dans les terres classiques, leur envoie de l’argent, des hommes, des navires, les soutient avec énergie contre le mauvais vouloir ou l’indolence des Orientaux et provoque par cette intelligente politique les plus importantes découvertes. [ ] 26  Beulé_1873_238–239: Le gouvernement français avait, du reste, donné l’exemple au gouvernement anglais, lorsqu’il avait mis coup sur coup à la disposition de trois consuls dans la haute Asie, Botta, Place, Fresnel, des sommes considérables votées par les chambres. Mais cela ne suffit pas il faudrait imiter à notre tour les Anglais, donner instructions à tous nos agents dans le Levant, tenir leur attention en éveil, et, sans en faire des archéologues de profession, les avertir que toutes leurs découvertes seront agréables à la France, que des fonds particuliers leur seront alloués, et qu’après l’accomplissement de leurs devoirs diplomatiques, rien ne sera plus favorable à leur avancement. Ce qui est arrivé à M. Newton montre quel serait le fruit d’une semblable organisation, toutes les fois qu’un poste serait confié à un homme instruit et résolu. [ ] 27  Le_Bas_1888_122 describing Plate 142 Statue trouvée a Erythrée: Cette belle statue drapée . . . se trouve aujourd’hui au Musée Britannique. Ce n’est pas la faute de Le Bas si elle n’est pas au Louvre. J’ai sous les yeux la minute d’une lettre qu’il écrivit le 10 septembre 1844 à l’amiral Turpin, commandant l’escadre du Levant, pour le prier de charger le brick de l’État, le Cerf, d’enlever cette statue et de la transporter à Smyrne. En même temps, il s’adressait à M. de Bourqueney, notre ambassadeur à Constantinople, pour obtenir un firman de la Porte au même effet. Je ne sais ni comment ni pourquoi ces démarches ont échoué. La statue avait été découverte à la fin de l’hiver de 1843. / La base de statue reproduite sous le no III a été trouvée à Erythrée, « dans des fouilles pratiquées près du port » (Le Bas). Elle a été transportée également au Musée Britannique. [ ] 28  Roland_1987_399 local resources and salaries for marble: Le coût des transports, en particulier des transports terrestres, explique les relations très directes entre les matériaux de construction et les ressources géologiques du site et de la région. Là où le marbre existe en abondance (Attique, certaines iles: Cyclades, Thasos, etc), il est également prédominant dans la construction. Lorsqu’il apparaît dans des régions pauvres en marbre, c’est toujours un signe de luxe et de richesse, et inévitablement le prix de la construction monte, puisque c’est un produit d’importation et qu’en outre les équipes de marbriers se déplacent avec le matériau et entraînent une augmentation des salaires. / C’est moins en effet par le prix du matériau que par l’accroissement des salaires que la construction en marbre voit augmenter ses coûts. En effet le travail de pose et surtout de finition (ravalement, sculpture, etc.) est plus long sur un matériau dur que sur les calcaires tendres. Si les fournitures et



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souvent la pose sont payées à la pièce, à l’unité, les sculptures et le ravalement sont payés à la journée, d’où une addition plus forte. [ ] 29  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_I_163 Smyrna: Que devait-ce être anciennement, quand une population immense couvrait toute cette surface de villages et de villes florissantes; quand un commerce maritime étendu les mettait en rapport avec toutes les côtes de la Méditerranée et quelques parties de celles de l’Océan; quand une civilisation avancée et une culture soignée mettaient en valeur les terres les plus fertiles; quand enfin dans ce pays tout était mouvement, industrie et liberté? / On ne peut expliquer ce que l’histoire raconte de cette côte d’Asie, on ne peut concevoir les monuments dont les restes frappent encore nos regards, et les étonnent par leur immensité, par leur nombre et leur beauté, qu’en réfléchissant qu’ils étaient le produit des circonstances que je viens d’indiquer. Ces monuments, dont on voit les restes sur la côte de l’Asie mineure, et qui appartenaient à une seule ville feraient aujourd’hui la gloire d’un roi et la parure d’un royaume. [ ] 30  Clarke_1817_187 (in the East 1801–1802) in the district of Troad: “we passed through Chemale, one hour distant from Bergas. Chemale is full of antiquities. In the coemetery we copied several Inscriptions; but they are too imperfect for insertion. Some granite columns were lying about, whose surfaces exhibited a very advanced state of decomposition. We had observed similar appearances Aené; proving that the granite had been exposed to the action of the atmosphere during a very long period; and also confirming a fact of importance; namely, that the durability of substances employed for purposes of sculpture and architecture, is not proportioned to their hardness. Marble, which is much softer than granite, is capable of resisting longer the combined attacks of air and moisture. The cause of decomposition in granite columns cannot have originated in their interment; since nothing tends more to preserve granite than exclusion from external air.” [ ] 31  Dio_Chrysostom_1946_257–261 (c.40–c.120 AD) declaiming his Forty-Seventh Discourse: a Speech in the Public Assembly at Bursa: “But let no one charge me with calling this city of ours a Stageira and a village; for I can declare on oath that no other city has appeared to me more excellent, even were it to possess only the smithy of So-and-so, which I, the ‘sacker of cities and citadels,’ tore down. / . . . Should I tear down at my own expense the work thus far accomplished and make everything just as it was before? But perhaps I shall not be able to do so. Or what shall I do, in Heaven’s name? Do tell me! For I thought as I perceived that other cities were ambitious in such matters – not merely the cities in Asia and Syria and Cilicia, but these neighbouring cities so close at hand, Nicomedia, Nicaea, and Caesarea yonder, well-born folk and very Greek, yet occupying a city much smaller than our own . . . I should not choose to have for my very own the palace of Darius or of Croesus, or to have my own ancestral dwelling golden in very truth instead of in name alone like the house of Nero. For there is no advantage in a golden house any more than there is in a golden pot or in the Persian plane tree. On the other hand, there is advantage when a city becomes good-looking, when it gets more air, open space, shade in summer and in winter sunshine beneath the shelter of a roof, and when, in place of cheap, squat wrecks of houses, it gains stately edifices that are worthy of a great city, the purpose being that, just as with well-bred colts and puppies, those who see them can forecast their future height if the legs are long and sturdy, whereas if they are short and stunted men say they will always remain so, thus it may be also with our city.” Ibid., 263–265: “However, just suit yourselves in these matters. For what concern of mine is the colonnade in this city? As if I could not promenade in any place I please – in the Painted Porch at Athens, in the Persian Porch at Sparta, in the golden colonnades in Rome, in those of Antioch and Tarsus – attended by marks of greater respect, or as if I expected that I alone should sally forth and promenade but no other citizen! Why, no one has either a municipal gymnasium all to himself where he exercises or a colonnade or a bath or any other public structure. Or else I have become demented or feeble-minded . . . For as things are now, if I take the business in hand and try go get the work done, some persons say I am acting the tyrant and tearing down the city and all its shrines. For of course it was I who set fire to the temple of Zeus! Yet I saved the statues from the scrap-pile, and now they are placed in the



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most conspicuous spot in the city. But if, on the contrary, I hold my peace, not wishing to make any one groan or to give offence to any one, you cry out, ‘Let the work proceed, or else let what has been accomplished to date be torn down!’ – as if by this you were taunting and reproaching me. Well, what do you wish me to do? For I will do whatever you say, and as to everything essential I will raise no objection, no matter if some one has done a job for which he has rendered no accounting, no matter if he is still at work and receiving funds regularly from the annual officials, just as if he were destined to continue receiving these funds for the jar that never fills, no matter what else may take place – for what have I to do with these matters? For I shall not go walking through your colonnade, you may be sure. But do you wish me to go ahead with the work, and to visit the proconsul and beg him to collect the subscriptions, gently and with regard to ability to pay, from those who have promised them? you ready to do even this; not only so, but even to contribute a portion of what has been subscribed myself, so as to lighten the burden of the rest.” [ ] 32  Andréossy_1828_XXXI–XXXII after noting the Turks’ methods of government: On s’étonne que la Turquie n’ait pas su ajouter à tous ces avantages ceux qu’elle aurait pu tirer du progrès des sciences naturelles en Occident. L’intolérance extrême de la religion de Mahomet. a rendu la Turquie stationnaire; elle a vécu de son fonds sans emprunter de ses voisins. Le mépris le plus prononcé pour tout ce qui n’est pas sectateur du Prophète a éloigné des Turcs les institutions et les établissemens utiles que l’Occident aurait pu leur fournir. Du mépris des hommes ils ont passé à celui des choses; et véritablement, la Turquie, sous beaucoup de rapports, est aujourd’hui très-arriérée. [ ] 33  Anon_1745_504: “The Turks seem to have no manner of genius or inclination for the improvement of arts or sciences, any more than for the manuring or cultivating their lands: they live indeed under the influence of the same heaven, and possess the same countries the antient Grecians did, but are far from being animated by the same spirit: a sluggish indolent way of life is preferred to every thing else; and the greatest of them saunter away the best part of their time among the women, in their harrams. [ ] 34  Wilson_1884_310: “With its magnificent seaboard, and its agricultural and mineral wealth, Anatolia should be one of the most prosperous countries in the world; its present miserable condition is due to centuries of misgovern- ment, but a time will come when its resources will again be developed, and it will then take the lead amongst the countries in the Levant.” [ ] 35  Texier_1844–1845_320: Ce qui a surtout contribué à la conservation des monuments antiques, en Europe comme en Asie, c’est l’heureuse application qu’ont pu en faire les peuples modernes à des destinations et à des usages utiles. La plupart des temples qui sont parvenus jusqu’à nous ont été convertis en églises dès les premiers temps du christianisme. Il est probable que depuis longtemps nous ne pourrions plus admirer le Panthéon d’Agrippa, si un pape n’eût conçu la pensée d’en faire un Panthéon chrétien, consacré à tous les martyrs de la foi. La pieuse consécration des tombeaux, les malédictions et les amendes dont étaient menacés ceux qui vendaient, qui diminuaient ou qui voulaient dépouiller les sépultures, n’ont pas empêché des mains sacrilèges de s’enrichir des trésors que contenaient les tombeaux célèbres. [ ] 36  Tchihatchef_1868_323–324 justifying military action to solve the “oriental question,” followed by European colonisation: La question de l’Orient placée une fois sur le terrain de la grande lutte européenne, l’une des conséquences les plus importantes qui en résulteront sera l’affranchissement du joug ottoman, non-seulement de l’Asie Mineure, mais encore de la Turquie d’Europe et de la Syrie. Sans doute, le premier acte de justice ne sera que le commencement de la tâche dont l’Europe se sera chargée, car il ne suffit pas de briser les fers de l’esclave, il faut encore guérir ses plaies et le mettre à même de tirer parti de sa liberté. Or, l’oeuvre de la destruction est plus aisée et plus prompte que celle de la réparation, et, en Asie Mineure surtout, une longue série de siècles d’esclavage et de barbarie ont créé de tels vides et accumulé tant d’obstacles, qu’il faudra du temps et beaucoup de persévérance pour combler les uns et faire disparaître les autres. Parmi ces grands travaux de régénération, figure au premier rang le développement de la population, et la fusion de



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la race qui y est actuellement établie avec les nouveaux éléments qu’il faudra demander à l’immigration européenne; une autre tâche également importante sera la fertilisation et le reboisement de vastes régions réduites aujourd’hui à l’état de déserts nus et stériles, mais qui, ainsi que nous l’avons vu, étaient jadis habités par une nombreuse population et revêtus d’une riche végétation arborescente. Ces tâches sont difficiles, quoique nullement impossibles. [ ] 37   Schoenberg_1977_368 railways: “They were usually built by foreigners who expected to make a profit. This meant conflict with the Ottoman government which stressed military needs as primary in deciding where to locate the railroad. The Ottoman government usually granted the concessions to the investors to insure an exclusive market to a given railroad. The result was that the railroads were not inter-connected in many areas . . . The Ottoman government could have followed a better policy in constructing the railroads. By allowing the Europeans to build the railroads, it acquired foreign technology at a heavy cost. It would have been better if the Ottoman Empire had directly built the railroads itself to eliminate the middleman costs with foreigners as advisers, not as investors and engineers.” [ ] 38  Chantre_1896_446 Kayseri: Des vestiges d’édifices publics tendraient à prouver qu’on essaya d’y introduire les habitudes romaines. Texier, qui a soigneusement parcouru les ruines éparses autour de la ville, crut avoir retrouvé l’emplacement du cirque de Césarée, un des monuments qui devaient être les plus fréquentés, étant donnée la passion de l’équitation, innée chez les Cappadociens. Quoi qu’il en soit, de ces édifices, peut-être somptueux, il ne reste pas d’autres traces que les fragments de marbres, nombreux il est vrai, qui ont servi à la réparation ou reconstruction de la forteresse et des monuments de la Césarée moderne. Nos promenades dans les alentours ne nous ont révélé que des ruines en pierre et en briques, tout à fait noircies par le temps et les incendies, d’églises byzantines, de chapelles, de maisons informes. C’est ce que l’on appelle ici la vieille ville (Eski-Chehir). [ ] 39  Anon_Reviewer_1843_444–445: “Among the countries, which will ever be surrounded with interest from their associations with the past, we must assign a high, perhaps the third, rank to Asia Minor. Palestine, as the birthplace of our religion, as the Holy Land heretofore consecrated by a Divine presence, will claim the most sacred sympathy from every Christian; and Greece next, with her many remaining emanations from the spirit of beauty, her poetry and eloquence, and the memories of high virtues which were the fit inspiration of both.” [ ] 40  Tchihatchef_1854_49: Ayant passé cinq années à explorer l’Asie Mineure sous le rapport des sciences naturelles et physiques, mes études m’ont mis dans le cas de voir de mes propres yeux, non seulement tous les monuments de l’antiquité qui y ont été décrits ou signalés jusqu’aujourd’hui, mais encore bien d’autres débris plus ou moins connus, et qui peut-être pourraient fournir des résultats intéressants, si on leur consacrait le temps et les connaissances spéciales que réclament les investigations archéologiques. [ ] 41  Anon_antiquités_grecques_1820_10: Dans les pays de l’Europe occidentale, les effets destructeurs de l’atmosphère sur les marbres, sont plus ou moins funestes aux ouvrages de l’art exposés en plein air. Mais dans la Grèce et dans l’Ionie, c est un effet tout contraire. Là, le climat est si doux et d’une température si égale, que la sculpture, les statues, les monumens exécutés il y a plus de deux mille ans, sont conservés comme sils venaient de sortir de l’atelier, ou du ciseau de l’artiste; aussi dans tous les monumens où les violences de la barbarie n’ont pas été imprimées, les productions, les travaux des sculpteurs grecs restent dans leur primitive beauté. / Si les Turcs avaient connu à quel haut degré de perfection et de valeur étaient portés les trésors de la sculpture et de l’architecture qu’ils possèdent; s’ils avaient apporté quelque soin à leur conservation, la Grèce elle-même serait devenue la propre et grande école d’étude et de perfectionnement dans les beaux-arts. [ ] 42  Canning_1888_II_145, writing in 1845 to his brother: “it will interest you more to know though it is still an awful secret that I have obtained a promise of the famous Halicarnassus Marbles the remnants of the Mausoleum which have been for centuries encased in the walls of a Turkish fortress, and which I hope to have on their way to England in a very



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few weeks. More than this, I have an agent at work among the mounds of Nineveh, and a letter received from him this morning announces the discovery of a marble chamber full of cuneiform inscriptions now by Major Rawlinson’s ingenuity interpretable and of an immense adjoining edifice, apparently a palace, which he is endeavouring to penetrate by cutting trenches through the mound, and which tradition assigns to Ashur the lieutenant, or more properly speaking, I suppose, the whipper-in, of Nimrod!!” [ ] 43  Contenson_1901_45: Revenant une première fois d’Orient, il y a quelques années, avec un assyriologue bien connu, je me souviens de l’enthousiasme avec lequel il me parlait des dernières découvertes en Chaldée. Je le vois encore se promenant avec moi sur le pont du paquebot tandis que nous voguions tranquillement vers la France: « Oui, monsieur, me répétait-il en s’animant dans son récit, nous n’aurons plus besoin, dans quelque temps, de recourir aux traditions et aux textes religieux et classiques pour retrouver l’origine de l’humanité. C’est sur le marbre, la pierre et la brique que nous lirons notre histoire jusqu’au premier homme; oui, entendez-vous? jusqu’au premier homme. Pour y arriver il suffira de remuer la terre. » / Sans doute ce savant avait raison. [ ] 44  Le_Bas_1888_XIII Villemain to Le Bas, October 1842: J’ai pensé, en effet, que si, avec plus de science et de conscience que Fourmont, un voyageur infatigable parcourant aujourd’hui la Grèce, non pas sûre et commode, mais ouverte du moins au nom français, y recueillait dans les ruines des villes et partout les traces d’inscriptions encore existantes, étendant cette recherche aux îles, aux côtes de l’Asie Mineure, il ferait inévitablement de très utiles rencontres pour l’érudition historique. [ ] 45  Le_Bas_1888_XV–XVI: Il me reste à vous parler de mon itinéraire. Les différentes parties de la Grèce, Monsieur le Ministre, ne sont pas, vous le savez, accessibles au voyageur dans toutes les saisons de l’année. Les provinces montagneuses du Péloponnèse et de la Grèce centrale lui sont, aussi bien que les lies, interdites durant l’hiver. Je me proposerais donc de passer cette saison à Athènes, et de la consacrer à exploiter les trois musées qu’on y a formés au temple de Thésée, au portique d’Hadrien et sur l’Acropole. Je collationnerais scrupuleusement tous les monuments épigraphiques qui figurent soit dans le Corpus de M. Bœckh, soit dans le Journal archéologique d’Athènes, et je transcrirais avec non moins de soin ceux qui sont encore inédits ou qui, imparfaitement reproduits, peuvent être considérés comme tels. Je profiterais des beaux jours pour faire des excursions dans les dèmes de l’Attique, où il reste beaucoup à découvrir; je visiterais aussi le Pirée, Salamine, la Mégaride, Égine, Calaurie, etc. / Le printemps venu, je parcourrais la Grèce centrale et le Péloponnèse, m’arrêtant surtout dans les lieux où il y a chance de parvenir à quelque découverte, notamment à Épidaure, à Argos, en Arcadie, en Messénie, en Élide, à Thèbes et à Delphes. / Vers l’été, je m’embarquerais pour les îles. Sciathos, Scopélos, Péparèthe, l’Eubée, les Cyclades et les Sporades, seraient explorées par moi avec un soin minutieux, et fourniraient, j’en suis sûr, une ample et féconde moisson. Trois mois au moins seraient nécessaires pour cette excursion, dans laquelle les variations fréquentes du vent obligent souvent le voyageur à rester plusieurs jours dans les lieux que quelques heures suffisent pour visiter en détail. Ces séjours forcés seraient employés à mettre en ordre mes papiers et à préparer mes expéditions ultérieures. Parvenu à Amorgos, je pourrais, si vous persistez dans cette intention, me rendre en Crète, à Rhodes, à Chypre, où, à la recherche des monuments de l’antiquité, j’ajouterais celle des documents qui pourraient être joints à la collection des Historiens occidentaux des croisades, que M. le comte Beugnot et moi nous publions sous les auspices de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. Deux mois au moins seraient nécessaires pour explorer convenablement ces grandes îles. Un autre mois serait consacré au retour et à la quarantaine, en sorte que tout le voyage entraînerait une absence d’un an. / Si les circonstances s’opposaient à ce que je visitasse la Crète, Rhodes et Chypre, je pourrais me rendre à Constantinople, et de là, pénétrant en Asie Mineure, visiter quelques-unes des contrées du nord, restées inconnues aux voyageurs, et de là descendre jusqu’à Smyrne, ou je m’embarquerais pour revenir en France. [ ] 46  Le_Bas_1888_XVIII what he did: J’ai visité successivement Athènes, l’Attique, Égine, Calaurie, la Mégaride, la Gorinthie, l’Achaïe, l’Élide, la Messénie, la Laconie jusqu’au cap Ténare, l’Argolide, l’Arcadie, Constantinople, la Bithynie, la Mysie orientale, la Phrygie



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Épictète, la Grande Phrygie, la Lydie, l’Ionie, la Carie, Andros, Ténos, Syros, Délos, Myconos, Paros, Patmos, la Béotie et la Phocide, et cela dans l’espace de dix-huit mois; car des vingttrois mois qu’a duré mon absence, du 1er janvier 1843 au 1er décembre 1814, il faut en déduire cinq, dont un consacré au voyage de Paris à Athènes, en passant par Naples, deux autres pendant lesquels les pluies d’hiver m’ont retenu à Smyrne, où il ne reste plus que bien peu à glaner, un autre absorbé par les quarantaines, et enfin le mois de mon retour en France. / Ma mission n’a donc pu, à vrai dire, être réellement productive que pendant un an et demi; mais les résultats, sous le rapport de l’épigraphie surtout, qui était le principal objet de mon voyage, ont été plus féconds qu’on n’était en droit de s’y attendre dans un pareil espace de temps. Cinq mille inscriptions, presque toutes grecques, dont deux mille au moins copiées et estampées à Athènes, et trois mille autres recueillies dans les autres parties du monde grec où j’ai pu diriger mes recherches, voilà à quel chiffre approximatif s’élève ma récolte, qui, je le dis sans exagération, égale, si elle ne la dépasse, pour les lieux que j’ai explorés, celle qui avait été faite par mes devanciers, depuis Cyriaque d’Ancône jusqu’à MM. Ross et Fellows. [ ] 47  Le_Bas_1888_XXII–XXIIIB: Au commencement de 1846, malgré la persévérance et l’opiniâtreté de mon travail, j’étais à peine parvenu à transcrire et à restaurer le tiers des inscriptions d’Athènes, et je me voyais dans l’impossibilité absolue de rien livrer encore à l’impression; et cependant je pouvais prévoir dès ce moment qu’elle ne tarderait pas à commencer. Il fallut donc prendre une détermination héroïque, et, renonçant à mon premier plan, débuter par les inscriptions de l’Asie Mineure qui ne présentaient pas les mêmes obstacles. C’étaient d’ailleurs celles qui offraient le plus de nouveauté; et comme avec le savant éditeur des deux premiers volumes du Corpus j’avais cru devoir adopter l’ordre géographique, le plus propre à venir en aide à l’histoire, je n’avais pas à craindre de me voir jamais aussi longtemps arrêté que pour Athènes. Au volume de l’Asie Mineure succéderait celui qui devait contenir les inscriptions de la Mégaride, du Péloponnèse, de la Grèce centrale et des îles, dans lequel je ne devais pas rencontrer plus d’empêchements qne dans le troisième, et pendant ce temps j’achèverais la transcription des inscriptions d’Athènes, et pourrais, en temps utile, combler la lacune que j’avais laissée derrière moi. [ ] 48  Le_Bas_1888_XIV Le Bas’ letter to the Minister [Villemain, who had written to him in October 1842 encouraging his interest in travel in Greece], November 1842, telling him his plans for an expedition: XIV: Depuis longtemps, Monsieur le Ministre, les savants français et étrangers ont compris les nombreux avantages que les études historiques en général, et notamment l’archéologie, pouvaient retirer de semblables explorations; et, en effet, il n’est pas une seule de celles qu’on a tentées qui n’ait produit des résultats aussi précieux qu’ils étaient inattendus. Sans parler ici des voyages entrepris en Grèce pendant la domination turque, et auxquels nous devons les inscriptions de. Fourmont et celles de Villoison, les bas-reliefs de Phigalie, les marbre d’Égine et tant d’autres riches dépouilles qu’il serait trop long d’énumérer, je me contenterai de rappeler les brillants résultats obtenus par la section d’architecture de la commission scientifique de Morée, la découverle des sculptures d’Olympie et d’une quantité considérable de monuments épigraphiques, paîrmi lesquels figure au premier rang l’inscription d’Égine que j’ai expliquée; la restauration d’un grand nombre de temples, de portiques, de théâtres, etc.; les plans topographiques de plusieurs grandes villes, telles que Messène, Mégalopolis, etc. Et cependant alors le Péloponnèse et les îles étaient à peine affranchis du joug ottoman; l’Attique et la Grèce centrale étaient encore esclaves et presque fermées aux voyageurs. Depuis que l’indépendance a été rendue à cette terre classique, depuis que, des golfes de Volo et de l’Arta jusqu’au cap Ténare, les Grecs vivent sous un gouvernement régulier, les pèlerinages scientifiques ont recommencé avec une nouvelle ardeur, et de nouvelles richesses sont venues récompenser le zèle des savants qui les avaient entrepris. – then writes of the German precursors. [ ] 49  Le_Bas_1888_XVI Villemain to Le Bas, November 1842: Tout ce qui concerne les recherches d’art se rattache aux attributions du ministère de l’intérieur; c’est ce département qui fait les frais de voyage d’une commission actuellement même occupée de recherches artistiques dans l’Asie Mineure. Il me serait donc impossible, tout en appréciant



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l’intérêt de cette partie de votre projet, d’en assurer l’exécution sur les fonds du ministère de l’instruction publique, qui ont une destination spécialement scientifique et littéraire, et je ne puis que vous prier de restreindre sous ce rapport l’objet de la mission qui vous serait confiée. [ ] 50  Tchihatchef_1868_5–6: une région aussi prédestinée à reprendre une place considérable dans l’histoire de l’humanité que l’est l’Asie Mineure; région qu’aujourd’hui moins que jamais il est permis d’ignorer, sous peine de renoncer au droit d’apprécier, à. leur juste valeur les éléments compliqués dont se compose la grande question d’Orient. C’est pour répondre autant qu’il m’est possible à un besoin de cette nature, que je désire présenter sous une forme accessible à tout le monde, même aux personnes les moins versées dans les sciences naturelles, le résumé de vingt années d’explorations auxquelles je me suis livré, afin d’étudier l’ensemble des conditions physiques de la plus intéressante partie de l’Orient. J’essayerai donc de passer successivement en revue les faits propres à donner une idée générale de la position géographique et du relief de l’Asie, de son climat, de sa végétation, de sa faune, de ses richesses minérales et de sa constitution géologique. [ ] 51  Contenson_1901_132: L’Anatolie, sentinelle avancée de l’Asie dans la direction de l’Europe, est admirablement placée pour s’ouvrir au commerce. Ceux qui se complaisent dans les vastes projets attendent avec impatience l’ouverture de la voie ferrée dont la concession vient d’être accordée par le Sultan et qui doit, traversant cette région, se diriger de Constantinople, par la vallée del’Euphrate, sur le golfe Persique et de là gagner les Indes par la Perse; perspective assurément attrayante de se rendre de Paris à Bombay sans quitter son sleeping-car, avec arrêts à Constantinople, Ninive, Bagdad et Babylone. Pour être terminée, il faudra à cette voie traverser les dures montagnes de l’Arménie, des cols de plus de 1,000 mètres, et ensuite des déserts longs comme plusieurs fois la France. [ ] 52  Callier_1835_10: La méthode que nous avions adoptée pour voyager avait fait naître trop d’obstacles pour que nous ne comprissions pas la nécessité de la modifier. Notre passage, dans les montagnes inexplorées de la Phrygie, nous avait suscité des embarras qu’il était urgent d’eviter pour l’avenir. Nous dûmes done adopter une méthode d’exploration qui se rapprochat davantage des usages du pays, et qui nous permit de passer comme inaperçus. Des pluies interminables nous retinrent long-temps a Smyrne, que nous quittâmes dès que les routes et le passage des rivières devinrent praticables. [ ] 53  Farley_1878_121: “It is hardly possible to point to an instance in which the injury caused by defective appliances for the transport of merchandise exceeds that from which Asiatic Turkey is at present suffering. In its effects, the state of the transit has the same tendency as the inland and export duties, in narrowing the circle of the country’s productive capabilities.” – and goes on to underline the excessive costs of railways there. [ ] 54  Galt_1812_402: “The kingdoms of Cyprus and of Candia, the great islands of Rhodes, of Scio, of Samos, of Mitilene, of Eubea, the Grecian and Adriatic archipelagos, the Minorcas, and the kingdoms of Corsica, of Sardinia, and of Sicily, may all be reduced to our subserviency and jurisdiction, by a smaller force than our gratuitous army now in the peninsula. In them we should find new vents to the overflowing products of our industry, and derive from them and their population, at once the sinews and the instruments of war. They are not like those countries which we have colonized from ourselves, and which have never ceased to drain the means of the mother country: they are matured and settled communities, habituated to contribute to the support of their supreme governments, and eager to send forth their youth on enterprizes in which they may renovate their ancient celebrity. They know that their long dilapidated means would replenish, and their much depressed genius would recover, and emulate its former greatness, under the beneficent protection of the British flag. With Tenedos we should command the outlet of the Black Sea, the Bosphorus, the gulph of Nicomedia, the Propontis, and the Hellespont. With Cyprus we might open an overland communication, through Egypt, to the Red Sea, and abbreviate the route to India no less than half its present length. By the Archipelago, we should command the whole trade and intercourse of the greatest part of Turkey in Europe with Asia Minor.”



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[ ] 55  Dapper_1680_283 at Alexandria Troas/Troy: De Otthomaniche keizers hebben zeer fracie stukken van deze puinhopen van daer doen vervoeren, om daer van tempels, en hunne Seraillen of vrou- woowen-timmers, te stighten. Het aller-heelste en ongerchondenste, dat over-gebleven is, is een boge aen den oever van de zee, dien men in het gaen na de schepen ziet . . . Een vierendecl mijls Westwaerts van Troje zijn drie bronnen van warme baden, die zout water hebben . . . De wegh van Troje, tot aen deze baden, is by-na geheel mt puinhopen van graffteden geboort of bezet, die van Grieken schijnen te zijn: dewijl men daer op Gricksche letteren gehouwen ziet: hoewel eenigen ook met Latijnsche letteren behouwen, en dien volgens ongetwijfelt van Latijnen zijn. [ ] 56  Dapper_1680_288 Pergamum: Niet verre van de Had, na‘t Zuid-weste, ziet men zeer groote steenen, die als van een kasteel of bolwerk schijnen te zijn. Onder zijn gewelven, die, om lijftoght en kriigstuigh te verbergen, schijnen gemaekt te zijn: hoewel daer heden bokken en schapen in stallen. / Acn de Zuidzijde der stad leggen, ter weder-zijden van den grooten wegh, twee kleine kunstige heuvelen, op de welke twee kleine vestingen gebouwt zijn, tot bewaring van den ingang der stad. Aen d‘Oostzijde leggen twee andere diergelijke heuvelen. Dicht daer by ziet men een groot marmer vat van cen en twintigh voeten in ’t ronde. / Langs den bergh, na ’t Zuid-weste, wordende puinhopen van eene water-leiding gezien, die noch met zes bogen over eene beke overflagen is. Ten Zuide van deze bergen zijn zes anderen, met groote gewelven, die de Turken Kisseray noemen. Van daer, noch meer na ’t Zuide te gaen, ziet men de puinhopen van een toneel, in het hangen van eenen heuvel: daer een zeer luftigh gezight over eene vlakte is . . . Ontrent drie mijlen van daer [church of S. Agatha], buiten den gemeinen wegh, worden over de veertigh kolommen gezien: welker zommigen diep in d‘aerde steken: en zommige in het gras plat neer leggen: hoewel geene puinhopen daer ontrent zijn. Daer na volght een vlek Maderkui, op cenen heuvel, en een uure gaens van Thyatire gelegen: daer een vliet dicht voor-by vloeit. / Over den vliet Selinus staet noch een fraeie en groote kerke, die met steene trappen opgaet, en eertijts S.Sofia genoemt was; maer is door de Turken tot eene Moske gemaekt. [ ] 57  K_1826_407: Un des premiers défauts de nos voyageurs actuels, c’est, ce me semble, de ne pas savoir choisir le théâtre de leurs excursions, ni les objets de leurs observations, ni enfin le mode convenable d’observer . . . / . . . /Les voyageurs qui parcourent l’Europe ne sont aujourd’hui que des voisins qui se visitent pour causer ensemble. Point de dangers glorieux, point d’aventures romanesques, point de déserts brûlans, de mers glaciales à traverser; point de lions à combattre, si ce ne sont les douaniers; les accidens les plus romanesques sont d’ordinaire une voiture versée ou un dîner manqué. Il faut aller en Espagne ou en Turquie pour rencontrer des brigands un peu passables et pour être dévalisé d’une manière tant soit peu poétique. [ ] 58  Lithgow_1632_162 in 1611: “Having left Pamphilia behind us, we fetched up the coast of Cylicia, sustaining many great dangers, both of tempestuous stormes, and invasions of damnable Pirats, who gave us divers assaults to their owne disadvantages; our saylage being swifter, then either their swallowing desires could follow, or our weake and inresolute defence could resist.” [ ] 59  Ampère_1842_5: Aujourd’hui nul pays n’est nouveau, tout le monde a été partout, et il faut avoir autant de confiance que j’en ai dans votre amitié pour oser vous adresser le récit d’une course en Ionie et en Lydie. [ ] 60  Laborde_1838_2: De ce naufrage de tous les souvenirs . . . qu’est-il resté? De ces grandeurs éphemères? Rien; que les ruines encore magnifiques des monuments élevés par la force éclairée, par la puissance assistée des sciences et des arts. [ ] 61  Tchihatchef_1854_66 Ionia: Si nous quittons le petit nombre d’endroits qui, en Ionie, offrent encore des monuments assez distinctement groupés et d’un caractère suffisamment prononcé pour être considérés comme les restes d’anciennes villes mentionnées par les anciens, nous trouvons, d’un autre côté, beaucoup de régions très-riches en débris mutilés, que leur état fragmentaire, ainsi que l’absence de toute autorité des auteurs classiques, ne permet point, du moins pour le moment, de rattacher à aucune cité connue ayant existé en ces lieux. Ainsi, de semblables débris sont très-répandus sur toute la sur-



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face de la plaine ondulée qui s’étend au sud de Smyrne et se rattache immédiatement à la vallée du Caïstre. J’ai vu entre autres, à deux heures de marche au sud-est du village Fortuna, plusieurs morceaux de corniches et de colonnes doriques, ainsi que des dalles, sur l’une desquelles se trouve une inscription bilingue. [ ] 62  Omont_1902_331 instructions from l’abbé Bignon, bibliothécaire du Roi, for Paul Lucas’ 1704 expedition, which includes Syria and Egypt: Il ira d’abord à Smyrne, Constantinople, Thessalonique et autres lieux de l’Archipel, où il aura soin de ramasser ce qu’il trouvera de médaillons grecs les plus beaux. / Pergame, Smyrne et Ephèse ont esté les villes où l’on en a le plus battu; il y séjournera, et, s’il peut pénétrer dans la Natolie, il se souviendra qu’on y en a aussy frapé beaucoup, et surtout des villes de Sardes, de Césarée et d’Ancire, aujourd’huy Angory. Il se voit dans cette dernière ville une inscription latine fort mémorable, où toute la vie d’Auguste est écrite et qu’on appelle Lapis Anciranus. Il la fera copier exactement, dans l’état où elle est; des marchands françois qui y sont établis pourront beaucoup Iuy aider. / Il ira aussy à Tarse en Caramaine, où l’on a autrefois frappé quantité de beaux médaillons en l’honneur de plusieurs empereurs, et, dans tous ces pays là, il pourra trouver plusieurs médailles en argent des empereurs et impératrices, des rois et reynes de Bithinie, de Pergame, de Gapadoce et du Pont; que s’il peut les avoir en médaillons, ou en or, ce seroit encore mieux. [ ] 63  Omont_1902_372–373 instructions for Lucas 1723 travels: Instruction pour le sr. Paul Lucas pendant son voyage qu’il va faire à Constantinople, dans la Bithynie, la Troade et la mer de Marmara: 1°. Estant arrivé à Constantinople, il achètera le plus de manuscrits qu’il pourra; il suivra pour cela le catalogue ancien qu’il a. 2° Il n’oubliera pas de prendre toutes les inscriptions qu’il trouvera, surtout les monuments anciens. 3° Il dessinera tous les basreliefs qu’il verra sur les marbres antiques. Il amassera le plus de médailles antiques qu’il pourra, de. toutes sortes de grandeurs et en tous métaux. 5° Il n’oubliera de prendre toutes les pierres gravées qu’il jugera dignes du Cabinet du Roy. 6° S’il se rencontroit qu’il fit la découverte de quelque vase précieux, comme d’agathe onyx ou autres pierres précieuses, il ne les laissera point. . . . 8. Il fera attention sur toutes les ruines qu’il rencontrera dans le cours de son voyage, savoir à quelle hauteur elles sont, le nom que l’on leur donne aujourd’hui, savoir si les traditions ne leur en ont point donné d’autre, ne pas oublier les histoires que l’on en fait, vraies ou fabuleuses. – etc etc. [ ] 64  Omont_1902_956–957 reprinted from Schefer’s Journal d’Antoine Galland (Schefer, Charles, ed., Journal d’Antoine Galland pendant son séjour à Constantinople 1672–1673, II, Paris 1881, 207–217), MÉMOIRE DES ANTIQUlTÉS QUI RESTENT ENCORE DE NOSTRE TEMPS DANS L’ARCHIPEL ET DANS LA GRECE: De l’Europe il faut passer dans l’Asie et venir à Smyrne, qui est présentement le plus grand abord qu’il y ait, à cause du commerce qu’une bonne partie de la chrestienté y exerce. / Quoy qu’elle soit une des douze anciennes villes de l’Ionie, elle a néantmoins fort peu de restes de sa splendeur d’autrefois. On n’y voit plus que quelques vieux restes de murailles, quelques inscriptions, un amphithéâtre qu’on destruit tous les jours, où saint Polycarpe a esté exposé aux flammes, et un vieux reste de temple hors de la ville, qu’on dit estre de Janus. On y déterre pourtant, de temps en temps, des petits bustes et figures de bronze. Smyrne, comme l’on sçait, est une des sept églises dont il est parlé dans l’Apocalypse. De là, pour visiter les six îiulres, les Anglois ont coustume de faire un voyage qui est fort curieux, dans lequel ils voient Milet, Ephèse, Sardes, Laodicée, Hiérapolis, Magnésie, Philadelphie, Pergame et Thyatira, où il y a plusieurs choses rares à remarquer. / Auparavant d’entrer dans le canal des Dardanelles, il faut descendre en terre, à peu près à moitié chemin entre Capo Jenizeri et Baba Bouroun, pour voir les ruines de Troie, que l’on dit estre très rares. [ ] 65  Vandal_1900_49 Galland: Compilateur de vieux livres, glaneur de légendes, de traditions, de récits populaires, il finirait par tirer de ce chaos une fleur de poésie, cette série de contes ensoleillés où revit toute l’imagination de l’Orient et qui ont enchanté tant die générations successives. Enfin, autant que Nointel lui-même, il avait le goût et la passion de l’antique: il savait le flairer, l’exhumer: de tout ce qu’ont laissé les civilisations grecque et romaine, monuments, statues, inscriptions, médailles, manuscrits, délicates figurines



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ou frustes débris, rien n’échappait à ce fréteur, à cet intrépide dénicheur d’objets d’art et de curiosité. Pour les grandes campagnes d’exploration qu’il méditait, Nointel ne pouvait désirer un compagnon plus utile, et ce collaborateur ne serait jamais un concurrent, car Galland ne cherchait qu’à se faire le serviteur modeste et infatigable de la science: sur le sol classique, l’excellent homme rencontrerait la célébrité en ne cherchant que l’étude. Nointel comptait l’envoyer à la découverte, le détacher en éclaireur, employer son aventureuse curiosité, consulter son goût, se servir de lui pour reconnaître les endroits à sonder, pour dresser la carte archéologique du Levant. [ ] 66  Saint-Martin_1852_77–78. [ ] 67  Clarke_1817_275–276 (in the East 1801–1802): “the whole coast of Asia Minor, from the Triopian Promontory to the confines of Syria, remarkable for some of the most interesting ruins of Greece, lies almost unexplored. Until the period at which this Journal was written, when the British fleet came to anchor in the spacious and beautiful Bay of Marmorice, the existence of such a harbour had not been ascertained: but there is no part of the south of Lycia and Caria where a gulph, a bay, a river, or a promontory, can be pointed out, on which some vestige of former ages may not be discerned: many of these are of the remotest antiquity; and all of them are calculated to throw light upon the passages in antient history.” [ ] 68  Omont_1902_711–712 the abbé Bignon to Guérin in August 1729: je vous diray que vous mérités des éloges et des remerciemens de l’application que vous avés donné à tâcher de nous enrichir de ces découvertes, mais que vous pourries doresnavant vous épargner un grande partie de cette fatigue, parceque ce qu’il y a de plus curieux se trouve déjà donné au public, ou du moins doit l’être incessament par les Anglois, et que, puisque tout le reste n’apprend que des noms peu importans, ce ne sera que multiplier des notions déjà communes. Toute l’Asie est pleine de pareils monumens, et, si on vouloit copier tout ce qui s’y en trouve, il y auroit de quoy en composer plusieurs gros volumes, dont l’utilité ne seroit pas fort considérable. Ce que je suis donc obligé de vous recommander pour l’avenir, c’est d’employer tout ce que vous avés et de science et de jours pour faire un choix judicieux de ce qui pourra mériter d’être copié; une seule pièce de copies nous fera plus de plaisir que cent autres, dont tout le mérite seroit d’être fidèlement tiré d’après l’antique. Tedium vitae? The advice to be selective is surely wrong, from the point of view of epigraphers . . .  [ ] 69  Bulletin_1827_154–156: Bulletin de la Société de Géographie 1827, 154–156, prize offered for exploration of Karamania, the author’s MS to be delivered by end of 1828: L’auteur présentera le pays sous son aspect physique; il en fera connaître le climat, le sol, les productions, la culture, l’industrie, le commerce el la population, donl il decrira les moeurs el les usages. Il donnera, autant qu il lui sera possible, le plan des villes anciennes, dessinera les monumens, copiera les inscriptions grecques, romaines, arméniennes et même musulmanes, qu’il rencontrera, et fera mention des monnaies anciennes qui lui seront offertes, en ayant soin d’indiquer les lieux où elles auront été trouvées. II poussera ses reconnaissances audela du mont Taurus, afin de pouvoir rattacher ses itinéraires à des villes connues, telles que Erekli, Konieh, Ak-sheer, Kara-Hissar, etc., et il cherchera même à pénétrer jusqu’a l’Euphrate. The Bulletin de la Société de Géographie 1829, 196–197 repeats the offer, with a closing date of the end of 1830. Ditto for 1832, 252–254, with closing date end of 1832. [ ] 70  Ramsay_1887_461: “The hope of the writer is to make a study of the local history of the whole central plateau of Asia Minor, tracing from the beginning of recorded history to the Mohammedan conquest the varying fortunes of every district, collecting the scanty indications of its social condition at different points in this long time, and essaying a picture of the growth and decay (which sometimes recur in a second cycle) of its civilization. The present study is restricted by the conditions of available space to the narrowest limits of a preliminary survey of the entire country of Phrygia.” [ ] 71  Sterrett_1907_7 “The surface exploration should precede the work of excavation, in order to determine upon all the sites worthyof excavation. One given country, whatever that countrymight be, whether Lydia, Caria, Lycia, Pisidia, Cilicia, or what not, should be



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made the basis, first, of a systematic surface exploration from the point of view of epigraphy, archaeology, history, architecture, geography, botany, geology, entomology, anthropology, and this systematic exploration should be followed by a systematic excavation of every site in the country whose ruins promise important discoveries. Annual preliminary and merely outline reports might be made, but the final publication of the results of the research work in a given country should not be made until the excavation of all the sites shall have been completed, for the reasons that the excavations will surely bring to light a wealth of information to be added to that already gained from the surface exploration. Then, and only then, a monograph on that given country should be published. This monograph would contain finished studies by epigraphists, historians, archaeologists, architects, botanists, geologists, entomologists, anthropologists, and it would be profusely illustrated. Such a publication, giving the results of such a work, would be one well worth the outlay and worth the work. It would be a rich mine for scholars of every class, for humanists and scientists alike. It would be a publication of permanent value. It would confer honor not only upon the men who had done the work, but upon the Carnegie Institution and upon our country, and it would be standard for centuries to come.” [ ] 72  Ramsay_1911–12_43: Sanctuary of Men, Antioch-towards-Pisidia: “The constructions in the hall of initiation are very obscure; and at first sight we found them almost unintelligible. They have for the most part been destroyed down to the floor; and the destruction is so complete that, as in the case of the central Sanctuary, it may be presumed to have been intentional. No mere chance destruction by Turkish peasants making use of the building would account for such systematic and complete ruin: the traveller is familiar with the ruin caused by ignorant peasants, but it is always sporadic, accidental, and often comparatively slight. The distance of the modern town, the inferior quality of the stones, and the difficulty of transport down a very steep and rough mountain, prove that the ruin was not caused by spoliation to make the buildings of the present or the old Turkish town: the ruins of the colonia Antiochia were much nearer and supplied better material. The marble, probably, was carried away from these buildings at the Sanctuary, but not the common stone.” – limestone blocks taken to build a nearby church. [ ] 73  Fellows_1852_65 Constantinople: “The proportion which the mosques bear in size to all other buildings is so colossal, that this alone renders them imposing: in fact there are no other public edifices, unless the bazaars may be so called.” [ ] 74  Tozer_1869_I_6–7 experienced an earthquake at Burnabashi in 1861: “It is to the frequent occurrence of these throughout Greece and Asia Minor, both in ancient and modem times, that the extraordinary disappearance of the old temples is for the most part to be referred. No doubt the hand of man has had much to do with the work of destruction, as squared blocks of stone are too tempting objects to be spared in a country where quarrying is almost unknown; but this cause would not be sufficient in itself to explain the downfall of so many massive buildings, especially in remote parts of the country.” [ ] 75  Gontaut-Biron_1889_372 Letter of August 1610 to the Queen, on the Sultan: On dirait que tout son soing est pour principalement à une mosquée qu’il faist bastir [the Sultan Achmet] à quoy il faict faire une merveilleuse dilligence. Mesmes pour presser davantage, il s’est allé loger sur les lieux depuis sept ou huict jours, et désire fort la veoir achever. Les dernières de Constantinople disent qu’il ne le fera pas. Sa taille me le feroit plustost croire que leur dire, quelque grand conte qu’ils en facent. [ ] 76  Poujoulat_1853_II_74–75 Suleiman the Magnificent: Le plus admiré des sultans de Stamboul ne fut pas le moins cruel. Mais ce prince, plein de génie, avait des aspirations vers le beau, le grand; son âme n’était pas toujours fermée à la pitié, et son esprit se passionna pour les chefs-d’œuvre des arts; il admira les statues d’airain d’Apollon, d’Hercule et de Diane qui décoraient le château royal d’Offen. Heurtant de front l’article du Koran qui interdit tonte représentation des êtres sortis des mains du Créateur, Soliman fit transporter ces statues à Stamboul, et ordonna à son vizir, Ibrahim-Pacha, de les placer dans cet hippodrome que Constantin et Théodose avaient jadis orné des images des dieux de Rome et de la Grèce. Le fanatisme musulman cria à l’irréligion, mais le peuple, tremblant



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au seul nom de Soliman et plus encore à celui d’Ibrahim, n’osa pas renverser les statues d’Offen. Un poète turc fit, à cette occasion, un distique satirique dans lequel il disait que le premier Ibrahim (Abraham) avait détruit les idoles, et que le second les élevait sur les places publiques. Bien que le malheureux poète n’eût pas prononcé le nom du padischah, et qu’il n’eut désigné que son vizir, il ne fût pas moins promené sur un Ane dans la ville et puis étranglé. Dix ans après, Ibrahim-Pacha mourut lui-même étranglé dans son lit pendant son sommeil par les ordres de Soliman, et le peuple de Stamboul mit alors en pièces les statues d’Offen. – And did Suleiman take any antiquities from Asia Minor? In another version, Ibrahim decorates his palace with them. [ ] 77  Van_der_Osten_1929_ix: “the ancient monuments are fast disappearing.” [ ] 78  Mordtmann_1924_289 (travelling 1850–1850), Ich habe nun schon wenigstens ein Dutzend Eisenbahnprojekte hier zu Lande erlebt, und alle fielen ins Wasser. Das letzte Projekt, welches noch am weistesten gedich und alle Bedingungen der Ausführbarkeit und der Lebensjährigkeit im hoöchsteb Grad vereinigtem das Projekt einer Bahn von Smyrna nack Aidin, ist schon fast wieder der Vergessenheit anheim gefallen – he is writing in June 1857. [ ] 79  Wood_1877_151 in 1869, at Ephesus “During the month of November, the Dowager Marchioness of Downshire, accompanied by her sons, the late Marquis of Downshire and Lord Arthur Hill, came to Smyrna in their steam yacht ‘Kathleen,’ and paid us a visit at Ephesus.” – i.e. private steam-cruising of the sites already in existence. [ ] 80  Ramsay_1902_258: “If you come from the west, you enter with Godfrey and the Crusaders at Dorylaion, or with Alexander the Great at Celkenee. Until a few years ago you entered the bridge on horse-back or on foot; now you enter in a railway-carriage.” [ ] 81  Texier_1843_265: Je n’étais pas arrivé au but de ma course. Il s’agissait de visiter les ruines de ce château de Fondoukli dont on m’avait parlé. / Le 3 septembre, au lever du soleil, à cinq heures du matin, Méhémet, qui se promenait la lunette à la main sur l’esplanade du couvent, vint m’èveiller en signalant la corvette qui faisait route vers ScalaNova. Nous montâmes à cheval, et je partis pour le château. Après avoir erré plusieurs heures dans des défilés impénétrables, qui étaient toujours dominés par ce château, je m’en approchai assez pour me convaincre que ce n’était qu’un ouvrage byzantin qui ne méritait pas une pareille perte de temps. [ ] 82  Casas_1822_347 Patara: Les ruines de Patara sont très-considérables; mais le seul édifice conservé est un immense Théâtre, reconstruit par l’empereur Adrien, ainsi que me l’a appris une inscription gravée sur l’un des murs extérieurs; et je serais tenté de rapporter au règne de cet empereur, l’époque de la construction des autres monumens, dont les débris ne m’ont offert que des fragmens d’architecture romaine, plus remarquables par la richesse des ornemens que par le fini de leur execution. J’ai passé quatre heures a Patara. [ ] 83  Dernschwam_1986_183–194 for Ankara, with illustrations of ploughs and wagon harness he saw on the way there; and solid wooden wheels on the carts. He copies inscriptions in the citadel, and roughly sketches a view of the town.

SECTION One

Technologies in the evolving landscape

chapter One

The Country and Its Travellers A: The Country and Its Travellers Asia Minor: A Little-Known Land The vast region of Asia Minor, with a central plateau and sea on three sides,[1] had been described by travellers for centuries, but was still largely explored by the mid-nineteenth century.1 At this date, Egypt was much better known, and the antiquities of Mesopotamia were already under investigation.2 William Hamilton wrote in 1842: No country in the world presents, perhaps, more interesting associations to the geographer, the historian, and the antiquary than Asia Minor. It has hitherto, however, been comparatively but little visited, and its geography has been very superficially explored. It is no exaggeration to say that there is scarcely a spot of ground, however small, throughout this extensive peninsula, which does not contain some relic of antiquity, or is not more or less connected with that history which, through an uninterrupted period of more than thirty centuries, records the most spirit-stirring events in the destinies of the human race.[2]

In 1876, Long enlarges on the attractions and current state of the region: What a field is presented in 673,000 square miles of some of the finest land in the world with harbours on three seas, mighty rivers and ports both on eastern and western waters, mines of iron, lead, copper, and silver in abundance; and a soil capable of producing any quantity of grain and cotton Regions renowned in story are now given over, under the Turks, to miasma and wild beasts, and the peasantry are abandoned to starvation.[3]

Bent noted in 1889 that “in the interior, where lawless tribes and scattered nationalities forbid the approach of the ordinary wayfarer, there exists a sort of terra incognita to which only a few pioneers with more hardihood than intelligence have penetrated.”[4] In 1854 Tchihatchef had remarked that this was true even of areas closest to Istanbul,[5] and he 1 Kiepert 1854 for a tour d’horizon. 2 Comptes rendus “Espace et voyageurs,” 2001, for a large series of travel reviews, not just to the Mediterranean area.

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used the same phrase of Pontus, “car non-seulement la plus grande partie des monuments qui pourraient y exister n’ont pas encore été visités, mais même ceux dont l’existence est constatée réclament une révision sérieuse.”[6] Indeed, the list of visitors to the interior is not lengthy, and perhaps for this reason plentiful examples of spolia reuse survive.3 SaintMartin wrote in 1863 that “il reste encore immensément à faire.”[7] And in 1893, for archaeologists trying to make sense of the landscape, it was still “the terra incognita of all others” for Hogarth.[8] For the naturalist Tchihatchef what the scholars – at least those who withstood the culture shock – were performing there was a kind of pilgrimage; but it was only the antiquities-rich areas that became known, so “voilà pourquoi l’Asie Mineure est restée inconnue sous le rapport de sa constitution physique beaucoup plus longtemps que d’autres régions.”[9] So rich was the country in antiquities and, in spite of a few railway lines, so severe the difficulties in getting to them easily, that these same kinds of comments continuing to appear about this unexplored land become repetitious in the early twentieth century. In 1903 Wace averred that “Brilliant results await the scientific explorer of important sites.”[10] In 1906 Nettancourt was relaying Curtius’ remarks on the cultural richness of the country,[11] and in 1907 Sterrett is still proclaiming the riches that could be expected from “a systematic search of the mere surface of Asia Minor.”[12] He also proclaimed the need for excavation, which “will illustrate Hellenistic and Graeco-Roman civilization, while a host of other cities and ruined churches would illustrate early Christian and Byzantine times.”[13] Fortunately, several sites have now been well dug, and plentiful information about their heyday and decline is available.4 Further, whereas earlier excavations tended to privilege monumental architecture, more recent ones have extended our knowledge to structures such as ordinary houses.5 It is not surprising that a land where long-distance commerce, let alone industry and all their supporting technologies, had collapsed over a millen3 Bryer 2002, 269–287 for a bibliography of travellers’ reports. Marek 2003 for illustrations of spolia in houses, farms and fortifications. 4 Radt 2006, for up-to-date overviews of work and discoveries at various sites, incl. Aizanoi, Alexandria Troas, Aphrodisias, Didyma, Ephesus, Herakleia, Hierapolis, Iasos, Knidus, Limyra, Magnesia, Miletus, Patara, Pergamon, Perge, Priene, Sagalassos and Sardis; includes early illustrations and photos. 5 Mitchell 2003, 24 “for the first century of work at the site the excavators of Pergamon were preoccupied with public civic architecture.” Paper also deals with Aphrodisias, Aezani and Sagalassos.



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nium previously was little known (especially its interior) to Renaissance and later Europe. The topography of Asia Minor is of narrow coastal plains with central plateaux approached through mountain ranges. Coastal areas were easier to know than the interior: maritime trade was, after all, needed to communicate around Asia Minor, most of whose cities were well inland.6 Itineraries and maps were scarce and, like many views of the monuments, tended to the picturesque rather than the detailed and factual.7 There was a dearth of accurate and detailed knowledge in the West about everywhere east of Italy. For the Grand Tour, essentially an eighteenth-century institution, rarely strayed further east; for this reason travellers’ accounts were very popular, and what they wrote and who they catered for has been a particular interest of recent scholarship.8 But there is a difference between lightweight travel narratives and serious knowledge: the list of known unknowns was very long and anyone with education could read about them in the ancient authors, and then compare what they found with the information travellers brought back. For apart from the west coast, Asia Minor was largely unknown until the eighteenth century, and arguably has still not received its due of scholarly effort and publications. For example the Bullettino dell’Istituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica, which was as it were the eyes of the fleet of antiquarians and archaeologists, in 1832 had one correspondent in each of Corfu, Malta, Sardegna, Zante, Constantinople, plus two in Naupflion, and Consul Brandt in Smyrna – that is, only one in Asia Minor. At the same date it had eleven in Tuscany. Consequently, many travellers’ accounts were vague about certain regions, so Malte-Brun, a veritable panjandrum of geographical knowledge, fell back on the ancients: “In describing these countries we must therefore be permitted, from the ignorance of the inhabitants, and the imperfect accounts of travellers, to avail ourselves of the precious records that have been left by the ancients.”[14] Hence, the discovery of Asia Minor by the West was relatively late, its population was low and its potential great, and in consequence of both 6 Faroqhi 1993, 75–103. 7 Manners 2007, for a well-illustrated survey; Kiepert 1881, 57–83 for a description of the region in antiquity. Ferguson 1987 for the travels of Lord Charlemont; 34: “There was only one publication available in English on travel in Asia Minor, namely E. Chishull’s Travels in Turkey and back to England (1747).” 8 Schiffer 1982; Brilli 2009, dealing with the British and French in the Orient (81–89), the themes of orientalism (such as the bath, harem, despotism, 111–159); L’avventura del viaggio (caravanserais, dragomans, caravans, insecurity, water, steamers, Cooks’ cruises, 181–237).

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features, a greater number of monuments had survived from Antiquity. This influenced Philippe Le Bas in 1816: frustrated by his inscriptioncopying in Athens, he took the “heroic decision” to go and work in Asia Minor,[15] where the potential for making significant discoveries was greater. “Heroic” is pitching matters a little high, but this unknown land was mysterious, and could be dangerous; and many travellers were apprehensive, as we shall see. Nor were these only to be classical discoveries, for Asia Minor soon intrigued scholars with its very imposing Hittite remains. It was also to become a target for Christian archaeology by the end of the nineteenth century when, it was averred, much remained to be discovered.9 Nor were Islamic antiquities completely neglected, although we must wonder just how many disappeared in the modernization of the nineteenth century without even being recorded. Even today, it is noteworthy how late some sites were visited and dug,10 and Arnaud can still write in 2008 that “une grande partie de l’Anatolie est mal documentée.”11 This is partly because of the restricted extent of many excavations.12 So for scholars in Europe the frustration was that they knew what had once existed in Asia Minor, and where, even if the “where” could not always be identified. But what survived? Listings and exploration were therefore in order. Peiresc, for example, a great scholar who largely stayed at home but who corresponded on a near-industrial scale, was well aware of the gap in knowledge various points east presented, and tried to persuade Holstenius in 1630 to go there.[16] His curiosity was personal, but Colbert developed a veritable national programme of research into antiquities; for example, in 1670, in one of many such instructions to his agents, he attempted to obtain for France reliefs at Nicaea, but without success.[17] It needed national political pull to make such tentacles work, and

  9 Schultze 1895, 16: Andererseits erschöpft im Orient, besonders in Kleinasien, das Bekannte nicht nur nicht das Vorhandene, sondern bildet, wie mit Gewissheit ausgesprochen werden darf, nur einen kleinen Bruchteil desselben. Umfangreiche und wertvolle Entdeckungen liegen noch vor uns, die nur des Entdeckers harren. Denn was bisher an Erforschung der altchristlichen Denkmäler des Ostens versucht wurde, ist nur ein Geringes. 10 E.g. Mitchell 1995, 1–28 Discovering Cremna. Includes good quotes from travelers and archaeologists; D’Andria 2003 for Hierapolis; Lightfoot 2007 for Amorium. 11   Arnaud 2008, 208. 12 Harl 2001, 301: “Excavations as yet have not revealed the full extent of the shrines and temples in and single city in Asia Minor . . . Even with a glance at any map of Turkey today, one can observe that the two dozen excavated sites (and surveys) are concentrated on the Aegean shore, along with its interlands of Lydia, Phrygia, and Caria, and on the southern Mediterranean littoral.” Broc 1981 for Expedition to the Morea.



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scholars further down the food chain had to look elsewhere for antiquities on which to focus. So even one of the most famous of all explications of Antiquity, Bernard de Montfaucon’s 15–volume L’Antiquité expliquée et illustrée en figures (Paris 1719–1724) took all its examples from the West, except of course for Egypt; and “the curiosity for antiquarian discovery was absorbed by the nearer attractions of Italy and Greece.”[18] The nineteenth century did things much more methodically and, in a type of venture popularised by Napoleon, sent out scientific missions with specific tasks in view,13 including detailed drawings in plan and elevation. It is some index of the extent of nineteenth-century destruction that the enormous and elaborate Description de l’Egypte provides exemplary accounts and illustrations of buildings that did not survive. The Interior: Terra Incognita “Lieutenant-Colonel Leake states, that he finds five-sixths of Asia Minor a blank. Not only are the names and boundaries of the ancient provinces obliterated, but the limits even of the present states cannot be ascertained with any precision.”[19] As a captain in Koehler’s mission to Syria, Leake had already crossed Asia Minor in 1800, where only five European travellers had preceeded him.14 The result of the realisation of just what remained to be discovered, documented and even brought home was that the thirst for pastures new was sometimes overwhelming. There were plenty of these: “vast tracts, either quite unknown, or known only from the vague relations of the orientalists, are interposed between the routes of European travellers.”[20] What happened was that the coastal regions became known first (and of course had been stripped first, as in Caria).[21] But as late as the 1850s, scholars such as Tchihatchef underlined how little known was the interior, how nobody had spent as much time there as he had, and that “il m’a paru utile d’indiquer aux archéologues qui y viendraient un jour ce qu’ils 13 Coutsinas 2009 for listings. 14 Marshall-Cornwall 1965, 358: “rode across Anatolia for 480 miles via Eskisehir, Konya and Karaman to Gilindire on the south coast, where they embarked on February 9 for Kyrenia in Cyprus. It was an astonishing ride, which they accomplished at an average rate of 23 miles a day across country practically unknown to Europeans. In fact, during the eighteenth century, only five Europeans had been able to record travels in Anatolia – Paul Lucas (1706), Otter (1734) Pococke (1739), Niebuhr (1766) and W. G. Browne (1797). During this journey, perhaps inspired by the Embassy Chaplain, who had been Professor of Arabic at Cambridge, young Leake became an ardent and intelligent archaeologist.”

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pourraient espérer d’y trouver.”[22] It was also clear that coast lines had changed sometimes radically, and silted, “so that the antiquary would in vain search on the surface for ruins embedded under his feet in the very spot where they are baffling his science and eluding his enquiries.”[23] This is, for example, the case at Pompeiopolis, where the Roman level is several metres beneath the present surface – and now sunk in poverty, whereas in ancient days it was prosperous and rich in grain.[24] Even in the early nineteenth century, sites very near the coast still remained to be explored. Fellows, for example, had already been twice to Lycia (in 1838 and 1840), said the French scholars Walckenaer and RaoulRochette, and they thought that another expedition “n’aurait pas probablement des résultats qui en compenseraient les fatigues.”[25] But Fellows’ second visit was undertaken in part because “I learned how completely unknown this country is to modern travellers, and how much importance the learned attached to many of my discoveries.”[26] The clinching argument for penetration of the interior (quality and quantity) was given by a reviewer in 1843: “unquestionably a higher idea of the extraordinary nature of Grecian civilization is to be derived from the relics to be found in Asia Minor, than from those of Athens itself.”[27] Note, however, that this opinion focusses on things Greek. Roman architecture, even given its connections with with the exuberant Beaux-Arts style, was often frowned upon by the purists, as we shall discover. Asia Minor was still wide open for discoveries half a century later, and assertions of how much remained to be examined (and looted) become repetitious – and echo similar sentiments from the earlier 1800s. The French were still specifying by 1850 where their traveller/investigators should go,[28] and they certainly needed to catch up with the British.[29] There was stiff international competition by the mid-1880s;[30] and, indeed, this caused Raveneau in 1892 to refer to “la lutte pour l’archéologie” and to follow it with a conspectus of what had and had not been thus far accomplished in scientific study of the region.[31] By the 1890s, Germany had beaten both France and England, at least in the important business of laying a railway infrastructure which would be essential for sending finds back to Berlin.[32] To read English opinion during the First World War, Germany had been planning expansion into Turkey for over half a century,[33] and culture certainly formed part of her would-be imperialism.15

15 Marchand 1996B. For the context, Díaz-Andreu 2007, 99–106, The Archaeology of Informal Imperialism.



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Indeed, as we shall see, many features of nineteenth-century collecting and museum-stocking were intensely nationalistic. This is probably a disease with which the politicians infected the scholars, the latter genus being well-known for its disinterested objectivity. In contrast, the nineteenth century was an age when the various academies cultivated and published materials from corresponding members in other countries, some of whom were actually stationed in eastern lands as consuls or traders. Archaeology, in other words, was already inextricably mixed up with politics and nationalism,16 and its practitioners wrote hard to settle which countries had won,[34] as well as to improve knowledge of monuments by studying as many as possible.[35] Its Low Population Asia Minor was sparsely populated, but with great agricultural and commercial potential. It is known that parts of the region flourished now and again, such as around Smyrna in 1611,[36] from what might have been a low in the fourteenth century,[37] after the destructions of earlier centuries.17 But the Smyrna region might well have been an exception. For, as one author put it in 1745, “Natolia, the most fertile country in the world, lies great part of it unmanured.”[38] Fellows echoed this a century later around Thyatira, one of the Seven Churches: “the land, which is always rich, would be valuable if sufficiently cultivated, but it is much neglected.”[39] Plenty of old cemeteries and few villages were a sure marker of population decline, as Mac Farlane noted near Bergama in 1829,[40] and Elliott approaching

16 Débarre 2009, 4: Le système d’interactions existant entre les savants, l’État prussien (à travers ses différentes institutions) et les autorités ottomanes révélait l’imbrication étroite des domaines politiques et scientifiques. Ces échanges permettaient donc d’interroger la notion de Kulturpolitik, définie comme le principe de la promotion de la culture par l’État (au travers notamment d’une diplomatie scientifique) et, réciproquement, comme le principe de la subordination de la production culturelle aux intérêts nationaux; Payot 2010, on the geopolitical ramifications of archaeology which, as the blurb says, est devenue un outil d’influence et de séduction dans la compétition international; Meskell 1998 for another broad view; Bernhardsson 2005 for Mesopotamia: 19–56 Early Encounters in Mesopotamia; 57–92 WWI and British Occupation; 130–163 Mandated Archaeology. Díaz-Andreu 2007, 99–130: Informal Imperialism in Europe and the Ottoman Empire: The Consolidation of the Mythical Roots of the West. Thomas 2004, 109: “Broadly speaking, the rise of nationalism in Europe coincided with the transformation of antiquarianism into archaeology.” Krings and Tassignon 2004 for some of the diggers and diplomats involved around 1900. Murray 2007 129–161 for The Archaeology of Origins, Nations and Empires. 17 Vryonis 1969/1970, 264–265, and notes 22 and 24 for listings.

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Adala (near Manisa) 1838.[41] Browne, in 1820, remarked above Nicaea “how small a proportion the cultivated soil bears to that which lies waste,”[42] just as in 1832 “the ploughshare now passes over a great part of the ancient city.”[43] In the same year Leake was shocked to find the few inhabitants of Mut “half-naked, and half-starved; and this in a valley which promises the greatest abundance and fertility, and which is certainly capable of supporting a large population.”[44] As Madden reported in 1829 on his way from Bursa to Magnesia, “the fatigue of the route is aggravated by the spectacle of a fine country and a rich soil uncultivated and unpeopled.”[45] In the 1850s, its potential was seen as great, its production a fraction of what it might be: “But such is the fertility of the hundredth part which is cultivated, that if there were roads, its produce would influence sensibly the markets of Europe.”[46] Tchihatchef in 1850 wondered how a country so rich in soil and minerals “occupe aujourd’hui dans le monde un rang si peu digne de son glorieux passé.”[47] In 1868, the same author underlined the help western science, including chemistry, could offer for the renaissance of Asia Minor.[48] A key question, and almost unanswerable, was just what the population of Asia Minor actually was, and how it changed over the years. Clarke in 1865 gives tables for the various populations in towns (Turks, Greeks, Armenians, Jews),[49] but emphasizes how little is really known about Turkish numbers.[50] Industry and Idleness By the later nineteenth century Europeans were beginning to look at the area for its investment possibilities, and to provide detailed facts and figures, not least those who wished to build railways for free in exchange for mineral rights. As Huntington wrote in 1909, “the special object in view is to reach the rich mines of copper, silver and other minerals which might be worked to great advantage if transportation facilities were provided. An American company has offered to finance the undertaking with no other guarantee than the right to work all the mines along the zone within easy reach of the proposed railroad.”[51] But Huntington did not realize that secret terms had already been negotiated between the Sultan and the Germans in 1899, providing the former with intelligence services, and the latter in the entity of the Berlin Museum with “further rights to keep artefacts German miners or archaeologists might discover while excavating on



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Ottoman territory.”18 Why find the sites to dig when railway construction, an enormous and mechanised technology that the archaeologists could only dream about until the coming of satellite technology,19 would find them for you? For railway construction, digging one long and glorious trench, could uncover many more antiquities than any archaeologist could contemplate unearthing. The companies earned their gratitude by passing a few antiquities into their eager hands, and then used the same railway to transport the majority of the loot back home quite legally, protected as they were by signed protocols. Thus Pratt could compare German railways in Turkey with Roman roads: “the main difference between Roman and German is to be found in the fact that the world which the former sought to conquer was far smaller than the one coveted by the latter.”[52] For travellers used to the enterprise of ever-developing western lands, the stasis in Asia Minor was disconcerting. They did not usually understand those factors already discussed which held villagers back from development in agriculture, housing or commerce. Schlumberger, praising the new railways in 1884, nevertheless pointed out to his European readers that they should not expect European rates of speed.[53] What could appear to some foreigners as fecklessness was, as Elliott recognised in 1838, in part the result of the avarice of the local agas, and the lack of control of the Porte: Under any other government, population and cultivation would be rapidly increasing; but here both are on the decline: many lands that were once productive are now lying unheeded, their owners having fled or resigned a speculation which nature favors, but which the avarice of the aga, who demands half the produce, renders abortive. The system pursued by the Porte is that which prevailed in India previous to the introduction of British rule . . . The weight of this accumulated cupidity falls on the peasants, who are compelled to pay to the petty aga of their village the very last farthing that can be wrung from them.[54]

His words were echoed by the Duc de Raguse in 1837.[55] One problem with this state of affairs was that it could not prevent the destructive results of nomadisation,20 a theme which runs through this book. 18 McMeekin 2010, 43. 19 Parcak 2009, 160–165, case study for Homs, Syria, including information about Asia Minor. 20 Vryonis 1975, 54 for one result: “In the second half of the twelfth century, the rural districts of Adramyttium, Chliara, and Pergamon were still uninhabited despite the fact

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Part of the reason for backwardness was the disparate nature of the enormous Ottoman state, and the absence of strong or effective central planning and direction, of forward planning, or sometimes of engagement with modern technologies; although the vigorous building campaigns throughout Anatolia, often re-using spolia, are an exception.21 (Roman remains were also a great temptation for later builders elsewhere, for example in Spain.)22 The Turks themselves, conscious of advances in Western countries, sent a deputation to the Sultan in the early 1850s, asking that taxes be collected in the autumn, and in kind; that roads be made to carry produce to market; and that harbours be made along the coast. But as Senior reports in 1859, “of which four promises only the second has been kept. The taxes are still levied in spring, there are no roads, and there are no harbours.”[56] Cicero himself had protested against the level of taxation in Asia Minor in his day, and Tchihatchef asked when the region’s depression was going to end: “habitée aujourd’hui par 3 millions d’individus, pauvres, démoralisés, disséminés au milieu des déserts, des marais et des ruines. Combien de temps cette longue expiation des grandeurs passées doit-elle durer encore, et quels sont les moyens pour hâter l’oeuvre d’une réhabilitation?”[57] Westerners correctly saw the Ottoman Empire as unlike their own sovereignties, not only because of the pot-pourri of races and religions which inhabited the land, often with their own systems of governance, but also without any efficient tax-collecting. Perrot noted in 1863 that it was only the supremacy of the Turks, who did not interfere with the intimate life of other groups, that held the mixture together: “elles n’adhèrent l’une à l’autre, elles ne sont maintenues ensemble dans une apparente unité que par la suprématie qu’une de ces races, la race turque, exerce sur toutes les autres, et par l’autorité d’un pouvoir central auquel on paie l’impôt, mais qui d’ailleurs ne s’ingère jamais dans les détails de la vie intérieure d’aucun de ces groupes.”[58] Perrot knew of what he wrote, for he spent seven months in Asia Minor, part of it copying the Augustan inscription at Ankara for Napoleon III.[59] Because of central incompetence, the tax system did not function; the peasantry was disaffected and impoverished, that they were well within the boundaries of the Byzantine Empire. Inasmuch as the nomadic raiders did not recognize firm boundaries, they had largely depopulated these fertile areas.” 21  Faroqhi 2000, 125–145 “Architects, pious foundations and architectural aesthetics.” 22 Schattner and Valdés Fernández 2009, with some papers on Italy and Germany.



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and had no incentive to improvement given the state of the infrastructure, even if the village settings could be attractive.[60] Misgovernment and lack of vision were the cause because, “with its magnificent seaboard, and its agricultural and mineral wealth, Anatolia should be one of the most prosperous countries in the world.”[61] All these aspects of finance and societal development had a positive impact on the survival of antiquities, for useable roads and workable ports would have meant easier export of antiquities. Without development, communities remained largely local, and campanilismo (minarettismo?) protected monuments as much as it damaged commerce and longdistance travel. Indeed, usury and bad roads went hand-in-hand, for even as late as 1906 “les paysans sont contraints de vendre leurs récoltes sur pied et de contracter des emprunts à des conditions désastreuses.” These were all causes holding back agriculture in a supremely fertile land “qui contribuent â maintenir l’agriculture de ce pays dans un état de grande infériorité, en raison surtout de la capacité productive de la terre.”[62] As we shall see, it was the coming of the railway which slowly changed this state of affairs. Around the coast, some advances were made, no doubt because such settlements were easier to reach and to infect with modern ideas. Hence Lejean in 1866 found parts of Galatia, and the coastal regions, well farmed, by both Turk and Greek (just as Rough Cilicia had been in the Roman and Byzantine periods).23 But in the interior he was much irritated by a setup he judged held back by sloth, where “le paysan, sans être précisément paresseux et torpide, engourdi par ses habitudes de résignation musulmane,” and in a declining population; so that he experienced “l’irritation continue qu’inspire à un agriculteur consciencieux un pays admirable habité par des fainéants, ou, ce qui revient au même, par de grands enfants sans initiative.”[63] Such a patronising attitude was also typical of Greek businessmen who, by the 1870s, could point to Athens and Bucharest as modern capitals, and contrast them with towns in Turkey.[64] Athens even boasted the Ecole Française, a scholarly institution for studying the ancient world,24 and sometimes for shipping some of it back to Paris. Some scholars went from that Ecole to Asia Minor,25 and were praised for what could be a precarious and indeed dangerous undertaking, and was perceived as such as late as 1872: “nous ne pouvons éprouver que de

23 Aydinoğlu 2010. 24 Le Roy 1996 for a survey. 25 Hellmann 1982 for details. Radet 1901, 351–372 for the School’s work in Asia Minor.

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la sympathie et du respect pour ces jeunes gens qui voyageaient dans des conditions précaires et parfois dangereuses.”26 Britain did likewise, also with a School in Athens.27 But not everyone was happy with the amount of juice squeezed out of the Anatolian orange, resultant monographs being in short supply.[65] Heroes all, no doubt, but the students in Athens tried to stick to Greek monuments.28 Director Théophile Homolle (1890–1903, 1912–1913) seems to protest too much over exertions there, obviously trying to insinuate Asia Minor into the schedule of the Ecole, for he “ne perd pas une occasion de répéter que l’Ecole d’Athènes ‘a toujours considéré l’Asie mineure comme partie essentielle de son domaine scientifique’ et bombarde l’Instruction publique de dépêches soulignant l’ancienneté et la supériorité de son Ecole” – i.e. competition!29 “Nothing is Ever Repaired in Turkey” Even as late as 1897, when at least some Western habits had intruded, Ramsay could say that “nothing is ever repaired in Turkey. A building once made is allowed to stand until it becomes uninhabitable.”[66] Go-getter Westerners were consequently amazed by what they construed as the do-nothing sloth of the Turks, “cette calme résignation aux maux de la vie.”[67] As just noted, this can be explained by the fix in which villagers found themselves due to the lack of initiative from the centre, or of a fair tax system which would fund technological infrastructure and development. Unless a Sultan was scheduled to use the roads, wrote Neale in 1851,[68] they did not repair roads, bridges or sometimes houses. This situation was in contrast to that in Europe, where the Roman road network was extensive, and is still traceable in many areas under later asphalt and Roman roads were frequently repaired, as in France.[69] All

26 Le Rider 1996, 1240–1241 for a list from 1872. 27 Gill 2004. 28 Duchêne 2003: under Director, Paul Foucard, 1878ff: Ces expéditions se concentrent, selon ses voeux, en mer Egée et en Asie Mineure dans la zone des colonies grecques. Elles doivent fournir en priorité du matériel épigraphique inédit, sans jamais négliger les blocs sculptués et les monnaies. Tassignon 2004, 175: Exception fait des voyages de G. Radet et de J. Chamonard, qui couvrirent la Phrygie et la Paphlagonie, peu d’Athéniens s’écartent des zones d’influence française qui étaient Izmir et son arrière pays, et le Sud, vraisemblablement pour des raison de facilité: c’étaient dans ces régions que se trouvaient les grandes colonies françaises et grecques. 29 Thobie 2006, 15; 141–168 Année 1932: L’Institut s’affirme: Recherches amplifiées en Anatolie.



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educated travellers knew about Roman roads in Europe and, in this as in other matters, compared what they saw at home with what they encountered in Asia Minor. Their frequent reaction, as we shall see throughout this book, was puzzlement. But had conditions deteriorated over time? Tournefort, usually an accurate and sensible observer, travelling in 1700– 1702, reports that the roads were well-kept and repaired: “The Poor look after the Conduit-Pipes, and those who have a tolerable Fortune repair the Causeys [elevated roads]. The Neighbourhood joins together to build Bridges over the deep Routs, and contribute to the Benefit of the Publick, according to their power.”[70] Leaving ancient buildings unrepaired was not necessarily bad for the antiquities: they were simply left alone to moulder further. This included, surprisingly, all of the gilt bronze letters on the Arch of Hadrian at Antalya, which were only filched after the removal of a wall.[71] At Aezani only the fixing-holes for the letters survive, but this site is still yielding new inscriptions.30 Similarly, later structures were often left to go to ruin, and any antiquities they incorporated recycled once again. One aspect particularly intrigued Gédoyn, the French consul at Aleppo in 1623–1625, when he visited Rhodes, namely that everything from the time of the Knights (who had left in 1522) had been left alone, even “les portes de la ville chargées de statues et représentations d’anciens Chevaliers” – all except, that is, for the Palace of the Grand Master, which was being sold off for building material.[72] Nonchalance regarding building was one thing, but the same attitude could also have an impact on actual survival, as we shall see when we consider water and rivers. Here, as a foretaste that such indifference can combine effortlessly with poor hygiene, is Newton at Bodrum in 1865, writing of a cistern: “A few years ago a soldier fell into it and was drowned. The Turks, instead of troubling themselves to fish the body out, ceased to use the water of the cistern, regarding it as polluted for ever,”[73] and this in a country which happily reused sarcophagi as fountain-basins. The destruction of ancient cities is sometimes laid at their door, and “without foreign assistance he will do nothing; ay, more, without foreign coercion he will do nothing. The country, as it is, did for his fathers, and it will do for him; and as for his posterity . . . Towns of mud bricks, mule-tracks for roads, the rich irrigated lowlands scorched up deserts, and from end to end of

30 Jes 2010, 74–84 for the inscription. Wörrle and Robu 2009.

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Asia Minor not one building with the faintest pretensions to architectural beauty.”[74] If non-repair of buildings was unfortunate, non-repair of agriculture was disastrous, its results only part-mitigated by the coming of railways and roads. Nomads were not simply on the outside of settled society, but actively and often violently opposed to it, destroying many towns and uprooting agricultural communities. As Vryonis remarks, “the very process by which the agricultural society was eroded strengthened and enriched the nomads and stimulated them to further expansion. Thus, we are witnessing the timeless struggle of farmer and herdsman, the sown and the desert,”31 and this continued to affect settled life in Asia Minor[75] and, because so many later communities built on top of them, perhaps the very survival of antique sites.32 Van Lennep, writing in 1870, notionally divided private from social building. His suggestion was that repair was a conspicuous act of virtue for Moslems, but a private one, and that this mentality therefore prevented any provision for repairing public works, even when to do so would benefit the public good: “And so it is that at Cassaba the Roman aqueduct, instead of being repaired, is filled with dung to keep it from leaking. Offers have been made by European engineers to make the repairs, but the Government refuse to provide the funds.”[76] Such a refusal is perhaps bound up with the status of the waqf endowment, which generally included an endowment not only for paying any staff, but also provided income (perhaps from other properties or farms) with which the endowed property could be maintained. The marble lining a nearby church there had already disappeared a generation earlier.[77] Hence it may be that lack of repairs does not stem from a lack of technical ability, but rather from the lack of a developed and universal concept of public utility. B: The Travellers and Technology We know what we do of Asia Minor because of the exertions of travellers and then archaeologists. Some, such as Ramsay, almost made it their home: “I have enjoyed the advantage of revisiting the country year after

31  Vryonis 1975, 52. 32 Gagniers 1969, 395: On sait l’attraction que les ruines de villes antiques, espaces pierreux et difficiles à cultiver, exercent encore aujourd’hui sur les derniers nomads anatoliens, qui y trouvent un de leurs ultimes refuges.



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year till 1891, and testing the ideas and combinations that had been shaping themselves in my mind.”[78] The travellers, from countries where ancient remains were generally scarce, were amazed by the very abundance of antiquities, to be seen in villages and graveyards, in fountains and by the roadside. They were especially taken with the fountains (and with drinking from them), and Hamilton noted that these “are often the result of the pure benevolence and genuine native hospitality of the Turkish peasant.”[79] Everywhere travellers met with locals puzzled over why they came: “for the Mohammedan mind can never fully believe that a man travels for any other object than gold: if Christianity had done nothing else in the East, it would be a great achievement that it has enabled simple villagers to believe that men can travel from mere desire of knowledge, and work for mere ideals.”[80] The Technology of Books, Catalogues and Education We should be careful to treat book production, and especially the production of pseudo-encyclopaedic catalogues, as a technology new to Turkey, or one which could usefully inculcate other necessary skills. The first printing press was set up in Constantinople in 1729, and produced seventeen works until 1742, when the religious authorities succeeded in shutting it down. Another attempt was made by a Briton in 1779; and a mournful task would be to count up how many travel books about Asia Minor were written in Turkish, or translated into Turkish, between 1800 and 1929. The first newspaper in Turkey was in 1795, the Bulletin des Nouvelles, published in French by a Frenchman; and no newspaper in Turkish appeared until 1831. Education was another technology: higher education usually took place abroad,33 and military education was from the mid-eighteenth century conducted in Turkey by European officers, principally French, and later German. Taken for granted in the West, and publishing large volumes of diverse travel literature from the eighteenth century, the printed book was a technology which uneducated villagers found suspicious: consulting a book (usually an ancient author or the work of a previous travel-writer)

33 Somel 2001 for educational reform from 1839, the aim of which was “was to raise a class of educated bureaucrats as a means of administrative centralization, and a design to inculcate authoritarian and religious values among the population for the legitimization of state authority.”

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was, as we shall see, proof-positive of secret knowledge on the part of these foreigners who had come to collect buried treasure. Realising the backwardness of the Empire, a series of reforms (the Tanzimat) was instituted between 1839 and 1878 to improve administration, tax collection, education and various aspects of society. The concomitant experiments with secularism led eventually to the coming of the Young Turks, the end of the Sultanate and the breakup of the Empire, already tottering by the time of the First World War. The Sultan, according to Williams, gave a succinct yet comprehensive account in 1889 of what was wrong with his country, and the problems to be encountered in improving it.[81] To state the obvious, had Turks been writing their own accounts of Asia Minor, there would have been much less scope for Westerners to explore, for the land would have been better known and published. There were, however, few Westerners who could read Turkish written in its Arabic script, or who paid attention to Turkish scholarly societies modelled on those in the West; and, in any case, the Ottoman Academy was founded only in 1851. Hence in comparison with travel to Greece and points west, Asia Minor was the terra incognita already alluded to, and not much visited. The further east (and Asia Minor is 1143 kilometres from Smyrna to Diyarbekir even by air34) the less visited, for Hogarth as late as 1893 could come up with a list of only ten significant travellers to such eastern parts.[82] We might also view the books produced by travellers as part of a cumulative tradition of knowledge, a simple concept in the West, but one unknown to the Turkish educational system. The aim of many travellers was therefore to add to the stock of knowledge, refining data on sites via the ancient authors and actual observation, and locating known but unplaced sites with the variety of technologies from chronometers and barometers to maps. Some travellers were too reliant on the ancient authors, and on previous modern travellers, and more than a few may be suspected of not visiting in any detail some of the sites they “describe.” Many were schooled in Homer, and were sometimes ecstatic at the very thought of the Troad, seen as the gateway to Asia Minor as well as to Constantinople. The travellers themselves almost became part of the story – the old idea that “il me semblait qu’en marchant sur cette terre

34 Not counting mountains and rivers, direct distances are as follows, in kilometres: Constantinople to Bodrum 710; to Ankara 352; to Smyrna 332; Smyrna-Ankara 520; BursaKonya 393.



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classique, je m’associais sous un certain rapport à son antique célébrité.”[83] As Grell notes, one might divide travellers into text-illustrators or truthsearchers.[84] The Troad was indeed fortunate in its location, since it could be reached by ship on the way to Constantinople, while roads were both bad and unsafe.[85] Some travellers, such as Paul Lucas, were energetic but unschooled, and got their accounts “fixed up” by more learned colleagues on return to Europe.[86] As Corancez complains in 1816, many books were concocted by plagiarism from earlier books, and “depuis cent ans on fait en Europe beaucoup de livres avec des livres.” His careful descriptions show he did indeed work to produce his own text.[87] Various strategies were suggested to feed the unquenchable thirst back home for information, since there was so much to see and so few visitors. Perhaps the silliest was Reinach’s 1886 encouragement to the “simple touriste” to note routes and make sketches.[88] By the 1880s the country was considered safer, and steamships and railways were bringing ever greater numbers of travellers. Progress in identification and discovery, however, remained slow. New technologies also served to broaden the horizons of travellers. For if in the late eighteenth century roads, robbers and sea communications dictated what Choiseul-Gouffier saw in 1776;[89] by the mid-nineteenth century a milk-run of must-see sites (amended, naturally, as railways came into being) had been established.[90] By 1912 books detailing railway journeys in Asia Minor were available.[91] But railways could not go everywhere and, off the beaten track, danger still lurked along bad roads. Even by 1908, therefore, the mountainous areas of Asia Minor remained largely unexplored.[92] As a result of such patchy exploration, we still have no overall picture of how the decline of late antiquity affected various regions.35 Technological Backwardness Asia Minor, all travellers soon discovered, was not like Western Europe. European travellers were always conscious of technology, because they 35 Varinlioğlu 2007, 312–313, writing of Isauria: “The conditions of life in the rural countryside during the turmoils of the late seventh and eighth centuries are unknown, and there is no evidence to support the assumption that rural settlements were abandoned in the seventh century in the aftermath of Persian and Arab raids . . . the conditions prevailing at coastal settlements do not necessarily hold true for uplands, and likewise the transformations that the cities underwent may have been different from those in the countryside. Furthermore, the impacts of the series of natural and human induced calamities differed substantially from one place to the other.”

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came from countries where technological improvements were under way or in prospect. These included agriculture and husbandry; canals, roads, ports and (from the mid-nineteenth century) railways; the iron industry producing bridges, farm machinery and factory machines for cloth and manufactured goods. The factory (in its modern meaning) was new in eighteenth-century Europe, and entailed the concentration of scattered and often country-based workers into new buildings, to be built in towns to which the workforce inevitably decamped. This synopsis for an undergraduate course on The Industrial Revolution is necessary to highlight the fact that not even the beginnings of anything similar was to be seen in Asia Minor until the end of the nineteenth century. Why no sooner? Because the infrastructure so necessary to the creation of a modern state did not exist, and what did exist was degraded. Laborde, for example, remarked in 1828 that the road ruts which in Europe would convict an administration of incompetence were almost a badge of honour in Asia Minor because they demonstrated the use of wheeled vehicles,[93] which were in very short supply.36 Several sightings were “collected” almost like antiquities, Fellows noting in 1839 that “within a few miles of this town I saw the trace of a cart-wheel.”[94] That travellers could so often make comparisons with ancient transport (such as Canning in 1809[95]) underlined the unsatisfactory nature of current conditions – for the region had plenty of wheeled traffic in Antiquity.37 It was therefore clear to Westerners that, although with great possibilities for agricultural development, Asia Minor was technologically backward, and in desperate need of “good roads, serviceable canals, and economically-made railways.” The rivers were torrents, the harbours mere mud, and the roads mere bridle-paths, hard-rutted in summer, and a sea of mud in the winter,[96] which was a state of affairs “unworthy of a great State.”[97] Indeed, the rivers offered little help for reliable transport.[98] In such a land, and with the exception of the minimal quantities hitherto reused as building materials or for some other purpose, antiquities were safe where they stood or fell. In a sense, travellers were caught in a state-wide technological dilemma: without development, how could one get antiquities out of the country, or even visit remote ancient cities? But with development the very antiq-

36 Tekeli and Ilkin 1996, 200: “Since camels were more economical, wheeled transport had been displaced from Asia Minor, except for the two-wheeled ox-carts used for shortdistance transports in rural areas. Thus four-wheeled coaches came to be introduced in Asia Minor only as late as the end of the nineteenth century.” 37 Littauer and Crouwel 1979 for a survey up to Alexander the Great.



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uities they sought would dwindle fast, as scholars such as Ramsay and Sterrett knew full well. Lack of Charts and Roads A leitmotif of this book is the gradual mapping and exploration of Asia Minor, and then the great spurt of familiarisation as railway engineers provided the first really thorough maps of the interior, necessarily with accurate gradients, which had not been needed for the more usual form of transport, which was on horseback. Some long-distance roads were undertaken, but few of them were completed. Were commerce to be encouraged, ports and harbours would need to be cleared or developed. It is noteworthy that it was the British, not the Turks, who surveyed the southern coast of Asia Minor (Beaufort in HMS Frederikssteen, 1811–1812) and then the western coast (Hoskyn in HMS Beacon, 1840–1841).38 Just why the Admiralty wanted such charts has to be guessed at, for Beaufort writes only about “this serious chasm in geography,” geography being a developing discipline.39 But we might guess that the Royal Navy, as ever one of the strong arms of far-reaching commerce, saw that Asia Minor was not just a key to travel further east including India, but also one way of counteracting French influence (itself also commerce-related) with the Ottoman Empire. Napoleon in Egypt had provided a nasty shock but, well before that, the French had been sending military and naval officers to help train and equip Turkish forces – if not to make many maps. By the later nineteenth century, British concerns were focussed on Russia’s intentions in Asia Minor, as they might affect the Great Game and India itself.[99] Beaufort and Hoskyn, naval officers both, rather than confining themselves to hydrography, also wrote accounts of the antiquities they saw. Beaufort emphasised the complete lack of coastal charts, and how undervisited the south coast was (the interior was, of course, even less known), with just about the only accounts being those of ancient geographers. Indeed, he notes that “the venerable remains of former opulence and grandeur, that every where forced themselves into notice, were too numerous and too interesting not to have found some admission among those 38 But Choiseul-Gouffier left France on the Atalante in 1776 whose captain, the Marquis de Chabert, was to make a naval chart of the Greek Archipelago. 39 Claval 2011, chap. III: La naissance de la géographie scientifique: des pionniers à l’évolutionnisme.

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remarks which more strictly belonged to the survey.”[100] This was perhaps in part because such remains, especially in gleaming marble, offered easy location-finding for ships. In other words his masters, the Admiralty, were happy to have him spend time documenting antiquities – just as the French War Ministry would be happy to receive similar reports from her soldiers after the invasion of Algeria in 1830. He goes further: making his hydrographic survey in Finike Bay, he took a swipe at an earlier Admiralty map, which had placed ruins where only shadowy rocks were to be seen: “We had more occasions than this to guard against the danger of trusting to appearances; which, hazardous at all times, is peculiarly so in visiting countries but little known, where the natural propensity to make discoveries cannot fail to excite the imagination in a more than ordinary degree.”[101] The French, in spite of themselves, admired such work, including collecting inscriptions, and wished their own officers had similar opportunities.[102] Texier had already done a little work from a ship,[103] but with nothing like the coverage of Beaufort. Excellent maps of Lycia and Caria were provided in 1884 by Benndorf and Niemann for their Reisen in Lykien und Karien, and they were officially funded. There is now a road (the D400) along the whole of the south coast, but prior to its building after WWII, long-distance communication was by sea, and some sites (such as Patara) were accessible only to shallow craft, while others were far from any possible harbour. Sea travel was then preferable to land travel, although Rome and Byzantium had operated a series of fast postal services right across Asia Minor. By 1600 a traveller remarked that it took a pigeon only four hours to take a message from Alexandretta to Aleppo, forty miles distant;[104] so here is another reason for not building long-distance roads. Even by the beginning of the twentieth century, little had improved: the farmers were still ignorant and ruined by usurers, the roads bad, cadastral maps non-existent, and produce unable to find its proper market. For example, although hans marked the old trade roads from Antalya to Konya, it was only in 1899 that construction started on a modern road linking port with inland centre.40 Continuing Dearth of Good Maps European maps outdistanced Ottoman ones not only in detail but also in accuracy; hence it was painful to compare recent maps of European 40 Güçlu 2001–2002.



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countries with what was definitively known of the landscapes of Anatolia, some of the “information” for which dated back to the Middle Ages.41 For archaeologists and historians, useable maps are still wanting.42 Consequently, travellers were not well equipped to tackle what was virtually an unknown land, even in the nineteenth century. The acknowledged dearth of modern maps prompted more than one counsel of despair, Keppel in 1831 advising “previous study of the geography of the country.” By this he meant “the perusal of such parts of the twelfth and thirteenth books of Strabo as relate to Phrygia, Lydia, Ionia, and Mysia.”[105] However, this would be useless without extensive searches for inscriptions naming and therefore helping to pin-point the location of ancient cities. It was such completely unrealistic suggestions that in 1820 had surely led Leake, “the greatest of modern topographers,”[106] who also sold antiquities to British museums,[107] to note that only Lucas and Kinneir “have yet traversed this country in different directions for exploratory purposes.”[108] Leake’s own NW-SE trajectory in 1800 was a limited one, but he equipped himself further by reading just about everything.43 Indeed, the gaps in the maps, themselves in part a tool for the Western penetration of the Ottoman Empire,44 indicated just how much was left to explore.[109] The travellers themselves were aware that many such early expeditions only scratched the surface, and left large blanks on the map of the interior, as Tchihatchef (the noted geologist and naturalist) remarked.[110] Le Bas used his contribution to geography to help blow his own trumpet for his two years in Asia Minor in 1840–1842.[111] Even Kiepert’s famous mapping (in various versions between 1840 and 1890, especially his Karte des osmanischen Reiches in Asien, of 1844 and 1869) was covered in blank patches, and included an amount of dubious hearsay information: “laisse encore des régions entières en blanc et n’en dessine beaucoup d’autres que sur la foi de renseignements souvent erronés.”[112] This was perhaps because it was partly based on data collected in the 1840s by Prussian mili41  Lelewel 1852, 6, 117 for some of the wild inaccuracies. 42 Project for a Historical and Archaeological Atlas of Ancient Asia Minor, by hadrien [email protected]: “Asia Minor has become undoubtly the greatest “archaeological park” of the world, with an incredible number of excavated sites – and to be excavated – in the future.” Cf. Anon Reviewer 1840 for a litany of complaints about how little the country was then known. Cf also http://calenda.revues.org/nouvelle16008.html. 43 Wagstaff 1987 fig. 1, and 28: “from the Gulf of Izmit to the Mediterranean, and to short excursions inland whilst on his way by sea from Alanya to Istanbul. In addition, he almost certainly visited the Troad in November 1799 . . . seems to have possessed a formidable command of the ancient authors, to have known the epigraphic and numismatic data becoming available in increasing quantities during his life time, to have been well read in the modern travellers and to have examined all the available maps.” 44 Débarre 2009, 12–14, Faire de la géographie un outil au service du politique.

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tary officers.[113] Kiepert himself made four trips to Asia Minor between 1841 and 1848 but, if Metheny’s 1905 complaint has value, he was perhaps too trusting of the locals: “In slightly traveled parts of the country the natives are suspicious of foreigners, and consequently give information which often proves false or misleading.”[114] By the 1860s, maps had not much improved, even for some coastal areas, so that some inspired government was needed to investigate and provide information on coastal regions, that is “qui fasse pour les provinces littorales ce qu’a fait l’expédition Vincke-Fischer pour un coin de la Cappadoce.”[115] Maps for much of the interior (except for those generated by railway companies)[116] were still lacking in 1907 and, as Sterrett complained, were still based on “dead-reckoning by the time consumed in the march of a horse” and where, in consequence, “there is no city on the plateau of Asia Minor, apart from the few railway surveys, whose situation is certain within several miles.”[117] Ramsay, writing in 1903, explains the problem in some detail.[118] So scholars needed the help of the railways, which in many cases were the documented destroyers of antiquities sited conveniently along their routes. Determined travellers could turn the absence of enabling technologies to their advantage and, by treading unmapped areas, discover cities lost since their mention in the ancient authors. Hence Fellows could declare in 1852 that in Lycia “I have discovered the remains of eleven cities not denoted in any map, and of which I believe it was not known that any traces existed”[119] – triumphalism in terra incognita, so to speak,45 to be placed alongside the enthusiastic totting up of newly discovered inscriptions, the more the better. There were indeed a lot to be catalogued here,46 as can be judged from modern accounts.47 Nor were there only GraecoRoman antiquities, but remains from other cultures as well, just as excit-

45 Challis 2008, 23–39 for Fellows in Lycia. 46 Brandt and Kolb 2005, Pl.5 for maps of the large number of poleis and antike Siedlungen in the area. 20–24; 83–98 Ländliche Siedlungsstruktur und Agrarwirtschaft: Komen-Zentren, Dörfer, Weiler und Gehöfte, with maps at Abb. 118 and 131 of ancient settlements, and also Roman Imperial ones; 119–132 Lykien, Pamphylien und Pisidien in der Spätantike (4–6 Jh. N. Chr.), and Abb. 171 for map of settlements in late antique and Byzantine periods. 47 Brandt and Kolb 2005, for a well illustrated account with photos of sites, maps and city plans. 119–132 for late antiquity. Abb. 45 Patara, the colonnaded street, with lots of bases and part-shafts in view, so presumably protected from looting by the drifting sands? The useful settlement maps deal with Roman Empire (Abb. 118 and 131) and late antiquity (Abb. 171).



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ing for a coup to enhance France’s prestige. In 1864 Perrot wrote to try and interest his principals back in Paris in some of these: En rapprochant les bas-reliefs de Boghaz-Keui et la belle tombe d’Aladja des figures colossales que j’ai eu le bonheur de découvrir à GhiaourKalé-si . . . des tombes et des forteresses phrygiennes que nous avons étudiées entre Koutahia et Sevri-hissar . . . on pourra, je n’en doute pas, mieux connaître cet art primitif de l’antique Asie, et mieux signaler les différences de style qui séparent l’art des Phrygiens de celui des Cappadociens, ou l’architecture propre aux anciennes populations asiatiques de celle qui a déjà subi l’influence de l’art grec.[120]

Telescopes, Chronometers, Barometers and Cameras Other Western technologies were needed fully to support and exploit travel and discovery. The first were writing and notebooks, pencils and other drawing devices used by Western visitors.48 Travellers might well have been aware of the Islamic contribution to optics in the Middle Ages, as well as to descriptive geography and map-making; but Western developments had long outstripped such work. Surveying instruments were essential for the land improvements progressing in Europe, especially England, from the eighteenth century, and it was such instruments which, along with barometers, equipped a map-maker in an unknown land such as Asia Minor. To them was added, of course, the chronometer, essential for accurate sea navigation, and in the absence of many established and measurable roads, useful in Asia Minor for fixing the distance (usually on horseback) between sites. For without an accurate map, wrote Clarke in 1817, distance is “estimated according to the number of hours in which caravans of camels, preceded by an ass, are occupied in performing them,” so that an hour is the equivalent of three miles.[121] Thus even simple accounts, such as that of Ange de Gardane, one of three secretaries to the French legation travelling from Scutari, in his Journal d’un voyage dans la Turquie-d’Asie et la Perse, fait en 1807 et 1808 (Paris and Marseille 1809) could be useful, even though all it does is a postman’s work of distances and names, giving “la simple narration d’un courrier: il marque la distance des lieux et la population” – without mentioning antiquities at all. Luckily, Roman roads sometimes included recognisable way-stations, rather like the later Seljuk hans, which often developed into small towns. Travellers 48 Piedmont-Palladino 2007.

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who knew some of the way-stations could therefore sometimes fill in the gaps by measuring distances, and contemplating possibly relevant heaps of ruins, as Hamilton was to do in the Sandukli Plain.[122] Ramsay tracked these down in 1882, remarking on how much had disappeared since Hamilton’s day, including complete villages with their inscriptions: “Environ deux milles au sud de Kara-Sandukli, il y a un village nommé Emir-Assar, où l’on me dit qu’il existait quelques amas de terre, mais point d’inscriptions. Le récit d’Hamilton prouve que beaucoup de vestiges ont disparu depuis son époque.”[123] However, travellers did possess one secret weapon in their constant search for antiquities: the telescope. Given the difficulties of terrain and danger of bandits, it is not surprising that the land was scanned with a telescope before any deviation was undertaken. Thus in 1874 Davis, at Naoulo (vicinity of Sagalassos), was told that a statue with its arm extended stood at one end of the lake, “but though we carefully examined the whole neighbourhood with the telescope we could perceive nothing of what they mentioned.”[124] He also espied Kremna/Cretopolis: “the glass showed heaps of ruins, but no building, nor even fragment of a building, appeared to be erect.”[125] The locals were also alert to the value of optics, and one agha tried to wheedle both telescope and spectacles out of Kinneir in 1818.[126] Photography was another Western technology which could entertain armchair travellers back home, and entice them to the East, as well as being of use to archaeology.49 With this developing technology bigger was usually better, but also heavier, so although we do have early photographs from Asia Minor (such as by Trémaux), they are small in scale. As Maxime du Camp, accompanying Flaubert to Egypt, noted in 1849, “Apprendre la photographie, c’est peu de chose; mais transporter l’outillage à dos de mulet, à dos de chameau, à dos d’homme, c’est un problème difficile.” And Egypt was flat, unlike Asia Minor or Algeria, where Moulin arrived with no less than 1100kg of luggage.50 Du Camp’s photographs published in 1852 (and a projected 125 plates) were of Egypt and Nubia, Palestine and Syria – no doubt because view of monuments in such countries were judged to be more popular, and would sell better, than view of Asia Minor. Photography would eventually triumph in printed publications toward the end of the nineteenth century but, until then, books illustrated with

49 Feyler 1987 for context and comparisons, including photography for publication. 50 Philippe 1996, 325.



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actual photographs were for the luxury end of the market. For the mass market, it was much cheaper to make line illustrations or lithographs from photographs, since these could much more easily be printed. This, however, led some to complain about the inexactitude of such prints in comparison with the accuracy of photographs.[127] The costs of publishing photographs can be illustrated by Trémaux’ advertisement of 1862 for his Exploration Archéologique en Asie Mineure, exécutée pendant la Guerre de Crimée: Plus de cinquante localités ou cités antiques ont fourni les documents de cette exploration; elle comprend des ruines de villes antiques presque entières; avec leur enceinte et des monuments de toute espèce parfois peu endommagés. On y remarque des enceintes fortifiées, des camps retranchés, des stades, des théâtres, des temples, des basiliques, des thermes, des palestres, des agora, des hippodromes qui ont jusqu’à deux fois la grandeur du plus grand cirque de Rome, des aqueducs, dont l’un, plus élevé que celui du Gard, a cinq à six fois sa longueur, etc. en outre, des médailles, un grand nombre d’inscriptions grecques et quelques-unes latines. Cet ouvrage, en cours de publication, formera 43 livraisons de 5 Planches in-folio avec texte. Prix de chaque livraison 10 fr.

In addition to Westerners doing their own photography in Asia Minor, locals also opened studios to sell them, such as Frères Abdullah in 1858. By the 1890s, as we might expect, Smyrna had several such studios, together with shops selling photographic equipment. The Firman: An Official Laissez-Passer Layard, in 1839, wrote of a lack of maps, of knowledge of people and customs, of the language and of “beaten tracks” and without intelligence even of the spots likely to be dangerous. He had a “firman,” a laissez-passer from someone in authority (anyone from the Sultan downward), but still “we were warned that in parts of the country we proposed to visit the Porte exercised little authority, and that we must be prepared to meet with populations and tribes that owed scant allegiance to the Sultan.”[128] By the nineteenth century, for extensive travel (and any digging, let alone military protection) a laissez-passer from Constantinople was required, and travel had to be coordinated so as to miss the fever season. In 1804 a firman was needed to visit the mosques of Constantinople;[129] and at Konya in 1823, Irby camped outside the walls, but might have learned more about the town had he been armed with a firman.[130] In 1837 a firman was even required simply to visit Ephesus,[131] and also to enter Haghia Sophia,

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at considerable expense.[132] On the other hand, the location was important; and Clarke in the Troad in 1801–1802, simply removed an inscription and sent it to Cambridge, mentioning no permission whatever.[133] Rayet spent months in 1874 trying to get a firman for his travels around the Maeander Valley, and arrived on-site at a bad time of year.[134] Bribery was sometimes necessary to obtain official permission. For example, the firman needed to rebuild two Armenian chapels at Afyon Karahisar had to come “from the Port [viz. Constantinople], which the pasha refused to procure for the proprietors” – that is, it required a larger bribe than the petitioners could afford.[135] Neither were the Turks fools, for they were quickly alert to just how some Europeans intended to use their firmans. Before about the 1870s, permission to export antiquities was also usually expressed in a firman, or thanks to some arrangement reached with local authorities. European governments were happy to provide lists of desiderata, and to encourage their travellers to return with antiquities, and sometimes provided funds and a ship, such as to Newton at Bodrum. The French, conscious that the British were stealing a march on them, even pleaded in 1835 for additional funds in the Chambre des Députés for Texier: “Les Anglais, dont les voyageurs sont en général aventureux et habiles, y avaient commencé depuis longtemps d’intéressantes recherches; mais depuis quelques années, nous les avons dépassés.”[136] Written by an obviously accomplished bureaucrat, this appeal effortlessly linked chauvinism with an appeal to national pride. Beulé felt likewise, remarking that this unimportant vice-consul at Mytilene had pulled himself up by his archaeological work, ending up first as Ambassador at Rome, and then as Keeper at the British Museum.[137] Ambassadors were naturally skilled in obtaining firmans. A tradition has it that some of Nointel’s marbles when he left the city of Constantinople in 1680 were built into steps in Pera.[138] It is unknown just how many he collected, but they seem to have come from Athens and the islands rather than Asia Minor,[139] and workmen followed in his suite to extract them.[140] Choiseul-Gouffier, French Ambassador 1784–1793, made a series of pro-archaeological reconnaissances, listing suitable targets for digging: “fixait successivement, en Grèce et en Asie Mineure, les localités où il était utile de fouiller le sol, de lever des plans, de dessiner des vues, et pour ces conquêtes pacifiques, lentement toutefois et péniblement obtenues, qui enrichissaient ses collections.”[141] But some ambassadors obviously went too far in what they asked for. Thus the British Ambassador in 1840 reported to Fellows that “the Porte objects to the extent and to the gen-



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erality of the demand”[142] for Fellows’ exploration in Lycia. This was fair enough, since instructions to the ship’s captain were “to sail to Smyrna for the firman, and thence to the nearest safe anchorage to the mouth of the river Xanthus, and there to put on board and bring away to Malta such objects as should be pointed out by Mr. Fellows”[143] to haul away the loot. Once obtained, using the firman could present further problems. As Hamilton discovered at Halicarnassus in 1842, “the Agha, although he looked at the firmahn, did not appear able to read it. He refused to allow us to see the castle, but added that we might go about wherever else we pleased,”[144] so Hamilton had to be rowed around the outside, and missed seeing the bas-reliefs. A running joke, repeated in several fortresses across Greece and Turkey, was that the firman allowed the visitor to enter this or that fortress – but that there was no instruction to let him out again. Sometimes it was necessary to avoid a rapacious and ignorant local agha, as Chandler found at Hierapolis in 1775: “the janizary returned to us, exclaiming, as at Ezki-hissar, that we were among rebels and robbers; that neither equity, our firhman, or the grand signior would avail us; that, unless we would repent too late, it behoved us to hasten away.”[145] Where the local official was alert, and digging was not mentioned on the firman, work had to be abandoned, as Sterrett found at Serpek in 1888: “at the last moment the village priest asked me for my firman and as I did not have one for digging I was compelled to give up my plan of examining the tomb.”[146] The interpretation of firmans could also turn into an objectlesson in restrictive philology: thus in 1843 Fellows found that “taking down” stones at Ephesus was allowed, but that “the authority did not extend to taking the stones away” from the site.[147] Since firmans were simply written, official commands from some central authority, they could also occasionally serve for the protection of antiquities. Sometimes statue-parts got separated, and only occasionally reunited, as in a lucky coincidence at Bursa.[148] For the Sultans the firman problem did not exist: if they needed paving slabs for the Golden Horn, these could be had at Cyzicus, and “les sultans avaient donné à leurs architectes de véritables firmans d’exploitation” early in the twentieth century,[149] so that the Sultan’s architects could destroy sites for materials, rather than for archaeological knowledge. But their firmans could also be protective, for they caused elements of Lagina to be transported for the museum at Constantinople.[150]

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chapter one Welcoming Locals

The locals, generally welcoming and helpful, could be splendidly vague over directions and sites, as Choisy found in 1876.[151] Few travellers spoke much Turkish, Fellows admitting the fact, though Hamilton and Ramsay were exceptions: “I possessed a certain ease and fluency in Turkish,” writes the latter.[152] Their books are more informative as a result. Nevertheless, the hospitality of the Turks charmed many a traveller – and brought benefits to the Turk as well.[153] Layard’s experiences in European Turkey in 1839 encouraged him to proceed to Asia Minor: “We had everywhere received the greatest attention and civility from the authorities and the people, and during the whole of our journey we had been exposed to no difficulty, and had not suffered the slightest loss.”[154] Throughout many travellers’ and archaeologists’ accounts is the sentiment of making discoveries in an unknown land, and intense competition in so doing. Some English travellers, write two Frenchmen, would give five hundred sterling for intelligence on an unknown monument, and “quel triomphe que celui de déterrer une colonne ignorée, de mettre en lumière une inscription inédite!” But there were plenty of antiquities to go round, so perhaps the finders should patent what they discovered, as one traveller wrote in 1833, perhaps not entirely seriously.[155] Rushing Around Confusing Sites Perhaps anxieties over safety (discussed below) encouraged the tendency of many travellers to rush around, excited as they were by so many ancient remains. On the other hand, not all travellers were fascinated by what they saw, and a few seemed to treat their arduous journeys as a via dolorosa, where merely setting eyes on a site counted as a hit, with no need to spend much time drooling over the details. Cultural duty called, though sometimes it did not fascinate. Part of the problem was the chaotic state of most sites, with buildings thrown down in confusion by earthquakes, immortalised by Alan Dunn’s New Yorker cartoon of 1965 of a man amidst Roman ruins asking his wife, who has the guidebook, “How much more of this before we come to something?” (Ruins were also, of course, a potent symbol that worked their magic, at least on the European imagination.)51 Such confusion no doubt 51 Farnoux 2004: popularisation through travel, texts and images, with archaeologists revealing (22) un héritage vaguement européen ou dangéreusement national.



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deterred travellers from staying longer, but the culprits already mentioned were far from alone: in 1806 Chateaubriand spent only one day at Pergamon,[156] just as Busbecq had passed only one day at Ankara,[157] and Davis under four hours at Aphrodisias.[158] Emerson, in 1829, missed Hierapolis altogether, “though at a very few miles distance from our route.”[159] In 1831, Keppel did nothing more than change horses at Nicaea, perhaps because the antiquities in reuse were of no interest to him.[160] Dorr, in 1856, contented himself with viewing Cilicia from shipboard, and he could not visit Tarsus, for time was pressing;[161] and at Smyrna he brought away a souvenir from the supposed church of S. Polycarp, which “will serve to remind us of our visit to the scene of his labours and sufferings.”[162] Poujoulat in 1840 noted that half-an-hour sufficed for Sardis, but this was for the settlement, where so much was under ground, and so little above it. He was no doubt keen to get on to the temple, where he describes the two standing columns, and the huge amount of surrounding débris: Les plus intéressantes ruines de l’antique cité sont à trois quarts d’heure au sud-ouest du moulin, dans un vallon pittoresque au fond duquel coule une rivière qui descend du mont Tmolus. Ces ruines sont celles du temple de Cybèle; deux colonnes ioniques sont encore debout; autour de ces colonnes gisent des tronçons, des fûts, des entablements, des corniches, de grands chapiteaux d’un admirable travail; l’architecture grecque n’a peut être rien enfanté de plus parfait.[163]

He was not alone, Wiles in 1832 having characterised Sardis’ remains as consisting “principally of undistinguishable masses of rubbish.”[164] Spending so little time at such a site was also to be compared with the time it took to get there, such as three days for Mengous to cover sixty miles to Sardis in 1830.[165] For travellers such as Morritt in 1794, “old stones and rubbish” had to be leavened with accounts of great deeds and great men to make them interesting.[166] In 1820 Turner visited Miletus, but “the only ruin in sufficient preservation to deserve notice” was the theatre,[167] the site which later which provided rooms-full of façades for Berlin, and of which plentiful remains still stood. Presumably the marshy ground (not to mention the snakes) made close examination difficult. Perhaps the locals were trying to charge too much for the coins and medals, as they did to the Duc de Raguse in 1837.[168] But then again, Turner was the man who spent only half a day at Ephesus.[169] In 1875 Fritz von Farenheid, concentrating on Greece, went to Sardis and Kassaba, then hurried back to Smyrna to catch a steamer.[170] The Rev. Smith is a similar case: he included Asia Minor in the title of his 1897 book, but his acquaintance with the region consists of sailing through the islands and anchoring at Smyrna, spending

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the night on board, and visiting Ephesus in a day by railway.[171] Four days in Smyrna, then off on another steamer to Athens. Calas, in 1900, describes the coast around Cape Gelydonia, and some ruins, but only from the ship.[172] And he is living proof of the painful decisions tourists have to make, or have made for them: for he gets off the ship at Antalya, but grumbles even at this, since their time was to be so limited in Palestine![173] Basterot, at Smyrna in 1869, missed the daily train to Ephesus, so never got there, any more than he set foot on the south coast.[174] But the real stand-out here is Davis in 1874. At Sagalassos and Kremna, he “could only give three or four hours in each case, and even for that, very great fatigue and exposure had to be endured . . . not a single entire edifice now remains erect,”[175] and he then lost the plan he had made. Perhaps the massive piles of broken ruins provided his alibi for such sloppiness: “friezes, architraves, fragments of roofing carved in lozenges, and a great heap of broken columns lie piled together and overgrown with brushwood, but we found no inscription.”[176] This is the same Sagalassos that Hamilton characterised in 1842 as the most striking and interesting site in Asia Minor,[177] where Fellows in 1839 saw “one of the most beautiful and perfect theatres I ever saw or heard of,”[178] and Arundell in 1834 was delighted by the temple near the acropolis.[179] Seiff described the site the year after Davis visited, emphasising the variety and richness of its survivals.[180] Davis did no better at Geyre (Aphrodisias), praising the marble as he passed through, but without halting: he had to catch his steamer at Smyrna. He reached Colossae at 1100h, and was in the next village by 1430h. He arrived exhausted at Aydin, and did not visit ancient Tralles because “the ruins of the ancient Tralles are high above the town, on a flat terrace projecting from the mountain, so that to visit them would have necessitated another day’s ride.”[181] One wonders why he didn’t stay at home. Decadence and Reuse Another possible reason for some of the rushing on the part of the more educated travellers was that the aesthetics of the mostly Roman sites sometimes jarred, because they had been schooled to find Greek architecture pure, and Roman architecture decadent and inflated (compare Renaissance and Baroque for the art historians of the later nineteenth century). Rayet stated this point of view plainly when he visited Miletus in 1874: “Les édifices encore debout sont tous de l’époque romaine ou du



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moyen âge.”[182] This was a dismissive comment at a period when things Greek were revered above all others. For Collignon at Sagalassos, that marvellous site, the structures offered only “un intérêt secondaire,”[183] because of the late date of her monuments, Asia Minor being so poor in monuments of “la belle époque.”[184] Nor did the reuse of ancient materials gain high marks. At Ghiediz, not far from Aezani, it startled Keppel to see the mosque made of Hellenic blocks, and fragments of two antique statues built into a Turkish bridge, and an inscription on the balustrade, “which has been placed there not with reference to the characters on it, but as its size accidentally suited the purpose of the builder.”[185] Pompeiopolis also had an antiquities-rich bridge, with chaotically misplaced pieces of entablature: “les parapets sont formés de pièces d’entablement de la plus grande beauté, mais employées d’une manière barbare et posées sans intelligence.”[186] The epithet “barbarian” was also employed by those who did not understand or appreciate that, by reusing antiquities in their cemeteries, these were preserved rather than destroyed. Naturally, Antiquity was perfect, and barbarians got worse as time went on, one opining that “les maîtres d’aujourd’hui, mille fois plus barbaresque que ceux des âges antiques, ont pris à tâche d’effacer ce que le temps avait respecté des oeuvres écloses pendant l’époque romaine.”[187] Hammer, a considerable scholar, and on the Viennese ambassadorial staff at Constantinople 1802– 1807, was one such traveller, inveighing against the builders of Nicaea’s walls, and against those Christians dismantling ancient architecture, suggesting they destroyed more than the more tolerant Turks, for they “ont plus démoli, ruiné et détruit, que les Turcs, leurs successeurs, plus tolérans et moins coupables qu’eux.”[188] Barbarism was a convenient epithet, gainsaid by sensible men such as Andréossy.[189] But it was frequently used as an excuse wheeled out by people like Stratford Canning, who should have known better.[190] He should also have known better than to steal antiquities himself, recounting how he smuggled a statue out of Samos.[191] Léon de Laborde held more balanced views, perhaps because he was both more knowledgeable and more observant. For him, the poorest modern graves left antiquities intact, the slightly rich inverted and recarved column-stumps or stelai, and only the richest completely reworked the antique material: cette indifférence n’est pas particulière aux habitants d’Aezani; elle est commune à tous les paysans turcs et bien excusable dans leur état de pauvreté. Sont-ils un peu plus riches, ils retournent la stèle et se font graver à l’extrémité opposée quelques versets du Coran; sont-ils tout à fait riches, ils

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chapter one mutilent les monuments, et d’un beau fragment de sculpture ils font une pierre neuve taillée carrément et surmontée d’un turban.[192]

Laborde distinguished easily between the suave and clumsy parts of the walls of Nicaea,[193] and saved his praise for the Seljuk walls of Konya, [194] for the Seljuks were especially attached to the reuse of ancient materials in their structures, and clearly for display rather than just as building blocks.52 The Seljuks are therefore especially deserving of attention in this book, for the numerous antiquities they helped to preserve by reusing them (and there may have been many marble-rich buildings which have not survived, such as a thirteenth-century castle built on the road from Aleppo to Gaziantep53). They sometimes built directly on top of Byzantine structures, using their remains for the foundations or footings of their own buildings, as at Sidi-el-Ghazy, south of Eskisehir, with a tekke founded by Alaeddin’s mother;[195] perhaps they did likewise for the fortress Collignon saw between Anemurium and Khilindri.[196] Seljuk love of classical antiquities was one of the reasons Raoul-Rochette suggested in 1850 that an effort be made to study Islamic architecture,[197] and in 1911 Sterrett tried to drum up money to study Seljuk as well as Greek and Roman architecture.[198] But a mission was still required in 1928, when still there were monuments abandoned and in ruins: “les monuments anciens étaient laissés à l’abandon et que nombre d’entre eux sont aujourd’hui en piteux état.”[199] One misapprehension amongst some tourists was that it was only the “iconoclastic Turk” who had been responsible for dismantling the ancient world. Scott-Stevenson as late as 1881 exclaimed that “when I see (as I have often seen), the fine cut stones of the olden times, broken up and fitted into our puny buildings, I cannot refrain from comparing the noble and majestic work of the ancients, with the hideous little efforts of modern engineering.”[200] Had earlier travellers been attuned to examine Byzantine buildings as well as antique ones, they would easily have recognised massive reuse, such as along the coast of Lycia or that of the

52 Redford 1993, passim. 53 Morray 1993, 138: Ibn al-’Adim writes of the local ruler, (1203–1253): “He built in the citadel fine dwelling-places, and gave them different sorts of decoration in marble and gold. His contemporaries built houses at the foot of the castle (rabad), and dwelt in them. Among these Ahmad constructed a palace. He was fastidious as to the way it was built: its woodwork (manjur) and its marble and gold decoration.”



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Sea of Marmara.54 However, most travellers (whenever they visited) soon realised that recycled antiquities were the norm, and that a circular trajectory was common, where ancient monuments are dismantled to build tombs, and these in their turn to build palaces, suggesting that recycling and recomposition were Nature’s norm: “c’est comme la nature qui modifie sans cesse ses formes, qui détruit pour créer, qui crée pour détruire, et qui compose chaque saison avec les débris des saisons précédentes.”[201] Again, it seemed natural to travellers to have to dig down for antiquities, because at so many sites everything visible had already gone for building, as Radet explains in 1895 for Chéhir-Euïuk.[202] Equally intriguing for travellers were the uses to which antiquities were put (as can be seen throughout this book); Dallaway provides a partial listing,[203] but some found such mangling “grievous to look upon.”[204] A practice which caught the nervous attention of nearly every traveller was the Turkish custom of saluting seaborne foreign ships with shotted cannon of enormous size, the cannonballs being carved from ancient marble or granite blocks. Most travellers to Asia Minor arrived at Smyrna (where Ramsay suggested an English School of Archaeology should be built)[205] or through the Dardanelles. Both were protected by gigantic cannon, so these antique-fashioned balls were fired right in front of them. Many can still be seen on land around Canakkale (where column-shafts were also scattered around)[206] and on the other side of the straits; and I am told they also litter the sea-bed of the straits. Many of these projectiles were sourced from antique granite blocks at Alexandria Troas, also to be seen in the vicinity.[207] Gazi Hassan Pasha, a famous late-eighteenthcentury warrior, was supposedly a great re-user of such antiquities.[208] This aspect of reuse will be dealt with later at length, because of the enormous quantities of spolia it consumed.55

54 Foss 1994, passim for plentiful examples in Lycia; Mango and Ševčenko 1975 for Sea of Marmara. 55 Deichmann 1975, 3, spolia defined as der Wiederverwendung älterer Werkstücke in einem gleichen oder ähnlichen Zusammenhang, in der gleichen oder einer ähnlichen schmückenden oder strukturellen Funktion kurz behandeten; 94 Die Spolienverwendung ermöglicht einen tiefen Einblick in die schöpferschen Kräfte der Spätantike, besonders in bezug auf das Problem der Form als gewolten Ausdruck eines Sinnes: die Form ist ja bei einem wiederverwendeten Werkstück nicht für den neuen Zweck geschaffen, sondern sie wird, zuweilen umgedeutet, übernommen. Damit erweist sich in der Spätantike dir klassische-antike Kunst und Baugesannung, und mit ihr die klassische Kunstübung, als gleichsam ausgehöhlt, also zerstört und damit beendet.

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chapter one Ten Green Bottles56 – Counting the Increase in Destruction

We know that population increased in some of the towns of Asia Minor from about the mid-nineteenth century because, in the absence of full censuses, the increased pace of the destruction for building is a convenient barometer. Increased spoliation brought with it a general difficulty which remained unsolved until the mid-twentieth century and the sanitising of archaeological sites. That is, travellers never knew what exactly they might find at any site, because their aspect changed more or less quickly, depending on the robbing activities of the locals, which often involved excavation. Carrying earlier travellers’ accounts was all very well (ditto Strabo), but the descriptions rarely tallied with what remained, as the pace of destruction picked up, and materials were sought for new building. Tracking descriptions of Sardis illustrates the problem. Van Egmont, in the early eighteenth century, counted six columns standing at the temple.[209] Fuller in 1829 was confused, for where Chandler in 1775 had seen five columns standing, he counted only two.[210] Hammond in 1878 found one still standing, and the second recently “overthrown by the Turks to be burnt for lime.”[211] Cockerell also suggests that three of the great columns were blown up in the early nineteenth century “by a Greek who thought he might find gold in them,”[212] and Mac Farlane thought likewise.[213] However, it is conceivable that an earthquake, rather than spoliation, had tumbled several columns,[214] Butler suggesting that “a considerable number” stood through the Middle Ages, but were collapsed before the mid-seventeenth century.[215] As for the Marble Court at Sardis, now reconstructed:57 a substantial quantity of its original marble was missing; but where this went is not known. Counting standing columns and other visible antiquities was a popular version of “ten green bottles” that every traveller equipped with earlier accounts could play, underlining continuing degradation of antiquities,[216] and at a great variety of sites. This was certainly Morritt’s experience at Alexandria Troas in 1794, when he could not find what earlier travellers had described.[217] Of course, the problem was exacerbated near the sea, for example at the rich Byzantine sites of Lycia;58 or indeed at Alexandria 56 An English counting song-game for children, registering one bottle fewer with every round; a similar song-game goes “There were ten in the bed and the little one said, roll over.” 57 Yegül 1976, 181–184. 58 Foss 1994, passim.



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Troas itself, where ships could cart material off to Constantinople. Such looting confused the travellers. Arriving with an earlier traveller’s account to hand, they could not recognise the site from the descriptions therein, so that au milieu de ce bouleversement successif, les voyageurs n’ont jamais pu retrouver, à différens intervalles, les mêmes monumens, les mêmes débris; la destruction prenait à chaque époque une autre face, et le spectacle des ruines changeait sans cesse. Le premier avait laissé des monumens que le temps n’avait pas trop frappés, le second en retrouvait à peine des traces; l’un avait découvert des statues ou des inscriptions, un autre revenait et cherchait en vain les inscriptions et les statues.[218]

At Adana, for example, the search for building materials must have completely obliterated the aqueduct.[219] And further west, Le Brun at Perinthus/Heraclea in the later seventeenth century, looked for the famous amphitheatre, and “on en voit encore quelques beaux restes.”[220] But the scene was one of confusion: he saw statues fallen from their pedestals, and pedestals still in place: car outre les Temples, les Bains, and un grand nombre d’autres édifices publics, on y voyoit encore plusieurs belles Statues, qui étoient élevées dans les Places Publiques, à la mémoire de ceux qui avoient rendu quelque service important à la Ville. Ces Statues ont été toutes renversées et brisées par la barbarie des Siècles suivants . . . leurs pié-d’estaux, avec leurs Inscriptions qui sont restées, sont encore des preuves suffisantes de la reconnoissance des Perinthiens envers leurs bienfaiteurs.[221]

But these, too, soon went, for the city was by the sea and, as Fermanel had already noted in 1668, was too close for comfort to the capital, voracious for reusable antiquities: “son mal’heur a esté de s’étre trouvée si peu esloignée de Constantinople.”[222] Even closer to home, Galata, on the other side of the Golden Horn, had a puzzling lack of antiquities[223] thanks in large part to their walls, built by the Genoese.[224] At Comana, in Cappadocia, once so rich and famous,[225] Chantre describes how splendid capitals abounded in the village(“les chapiteaux ornés de feuilles d’acanthe abondent dans le village”) though only a single monument survived in his day.[226] But even sites far from the sea were being dismantled during the nineteenth century: at Aezani, the locals told Mac Farlane in 1847 that within living memory nearly twice as many columns had been standing, and that some had been toppled for their iron or lead, others “to supply materials for building hovels and stables”[227] – such as what must have been a late antique spolia-built structure at Tchardak.[228] At this site, so sumptuous

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it was perhaps built with Imperial help,59 four columns had gone by the time of Fellows’ visit in 1839 to adorn the governor’s house at Kutayha.[229] He had not bothered to visit the easily identifiable nearby quarries, where he would have found ready-cut blocks, only a few of them damaged and unusable.[230] Helbig, in 1892, believed some columns had been brought down by fire, in the search for treasure.[231] Recent fieldwork has confirmed just how antiquities were scattered around adjacent villages,60 just as excavation has confirmed the profusion of columns and colonnades once gracing the site.61 Castellan made the same observation of the ruins of the temple at nearby Lampsacus in 1820.[232] Similar destructions happened elsewhere, as at Balahissar/Pessinus, described by Hamilton in the 1840s,[233] where the devastation so great that they were of more interest “to the geographer than to the antiquary.”[234] In 1864 Perrot could no longer find structures described by Texier at this same site and, as did other scholars, came to the conclusion that Texier rushed around and was unreliable because he was trying to do too much in too short a time, and therefore misjudged and misdescribed several important antiquities: “d’après le plan qu’il en a dressé, nous espérions trouver sur le terrain matière à d’intéressantes études. La réalité a été loin de répondre à nos espérances. M. Texier, comme il le dit lui-même, a examiné très-rapidement ces ruines, et ce premier coup d’œil l’a trompé sur l’importance des vestiges encore subsistants.”[235] (This unreliability can be confirmed from a modern assessment of Justinian’s bridge over the Sangarius.62) In 1870 Van Lennep noted scavenging at Balahissar for structures at Sivri Hissar, saw that there were plenty of remains left, and predicted that “the difficulties of transportation are such that no one is likely to disturb them for centuries to come.”[236] He was wrong, for the ruins had completely disappeared by the end of the century. As Perrot remarked in 1872, Sivri was a new town, but was built by consuming the ruins of the ancient settlement,[237] which were disappearing daily: “les antiquités les plus importantes sont

59 Mitchell 1987, 345. 60 Wörrle 2010: between 1995/2003 visited nearly 40 villages and catalogued 350 objects, incluidng 30 fountains, most with decorative Türgrabsteine or rosettes from the underside of Byzantine ambones; cf Abb. 147 showing a cow drinking at a fountain in Hacimahut, with just such an ambo rosette. 61  Rheidt 2010, very well illustrated with photos, plans and reconstructions; Abb. 3 for reconstruction of the temple area, with enormous numbers of columns using in the enclosing precinct, and in the two further precincts in front of it. Abb. 5 and 6 for the late antique (early fifth century?) colonnaded street. 62 Whitby 1985, 134: “His plan is seriously misleading.”



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ainsi détruites journellement sans rencontrer le moindre obstacle.”[238] This had perhaps been happening at Eskishehir for decades when, in 1895, it was quarrymen looking for stones who opened a trench in which the archaeologists found some inscriptions: “les carriers d’Eski-Chéhir ont ouvert une tranchée où nous avons exécuté des fouilles. Nous avons ainsi mis à jour d’immenses blocs de marbre qui, tous, portaient des inscriptions.”[239] So here are Western scholars profiting from local scavengers (as they did from railway construction) to copy the inscriptions they found. We may assume that they were not interested in the marble blocks themselves which, no doubt, were soon cut up for reuse elsewhere. From the above examples, it is evident that the pace of destruction picked up as town populations increased, and as the demands of modernity and for handy ancient blocks took hold. For most travellers, of course, modernity was to be encouraged, but commentators such as Engelhardt in 1884 saw the iron horse as an innovation comparable to the Trojan Horse. It introduced foreign elements to the country which would inevitably conquer her via international commerce, for “les mosulmans n’étaient-ils pas directement menacés dans leur suprématie et dans leurs possessions traditionnelles par un rapprochement matériel qui ouvrirait leur territoire au commerce universel, en y développant les colonies étrangères?”[240] Engelhardt was certainly correct that modernisation would effect great changes, and that most of these would be initiated by foreigners. After all, as Schoenberg points out, the modernisation problems involved both the often difficult geography of Asia Minor and the lack of funds for expensive infrastructure projects.[241] Brigands and Nomads In 1820 Leake gives a long list of the dangers and inconveniences awaiting the traveller. Since he was an old hand, and since kudos accrued to all heroes by completing difficult tasks, one cannot help suspecting he did so with relish: In Asia Minor among the numerous impediments to a traveller’s success must be chiefly reckoned the deserted state of the country, which often puts the common necessaries and conveniences of travelling out of his reach; the continual disputes and wars among the persons in power; the precarious authority of the government of Constantinople, which rendering its protection ineffectual, makes the traveller’s success depend upon the personal character of the governor of each district; and the ignorance and suspicious temper of the Turks, who have no idea of scientific travelling; who cannot

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chapter one imagine any other motive for our visits to that country than a preparation for hostile invasion, or a search after treasures among the ruins of antiquity, and whose suspicions of this nature are of course most strong in the provinces which, like Asia Minor, are the least frequented by us. If the traveller’s prudence or good fortune protect him from all these sources of danger, as well as from plague, banditti, and other perils incidental to a semibarbarous state of society, he has still to dread the loss of health from the combined effects of climate, fatigue, and privation, a misfortune which seldom fails to check his career before he has completed his projected tour.[242]

All the uncertainties Leake lists affected travellers as well, but it was the locals who suffered most. Brigands, and their cousins the sea-pirates, were always a danger. Some nomads were savagely opposed to settlements, the agriculture of which disrupted their pasture – and many villages were destroyed by them. Disease, in the absence of either widespread drainage or medical care, debilitated whole areas. All three scourges meant that antiquities were safer because external access to them was thus restricted. Unfortunately, there is no way of measuring the level of brigandage, but suspicions that it was always high must remain. For example, the great series of Seljuk khans are rich in antiquities,63 even sometimes figured ones[243] (and there may well have been more of these).64 But these works of splendid architecture are explained by Ramsay, who found Seljuk monuments “the most beautiful ruins in Asia Minor,”[244] not as ornaments of civilisation, but as protective enclosures. “They are really fortresses in a dangerous country. As a rule they were not centres of population, but stood out like fortified islands in the great sea of the nomad wilderness. They attest the weakness rather than the strength of Seldjuk power.”[245] The roads they built[246] could be used by brigands as well as by camel trains. Often the locals were certainly afraid of brigands, Tournefort recounting how a promising site for antiquities had to be missed: “For we did not stop there at all, and the Carriers thought of nothing but how to escape the Robbers.”[247] Perhaps brigandage was why some people near Mylasa were still living under the apparent protection of a mediaeval fort in 1854.[248] In 63 Harada and Cimok 2008 II, 8 Two milestones without inscriptions used with column stumps to support the roof of Kulak Murat Han (Caballucome) near Egribayat. 64 Roux 1972, 371: Sur environ cent caravansérails anatoliens érigés surtout au xiiie siècle dont nous conservons au moins des vestiges importants, une douzaine seulement offrent encore des figures d’hommes et d’animaux. La proportion semble faible, mais il est probable que plusieurs autres édifices ont perdu leur décor primitif.



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Asia Minor as elsewhere, the insecurity of Late Antiquity and succeeding centuries is, indeed, exemplified by a surge in the number of fortresses, which attracted the surrounding population, as in mediaeval Amorium.65 These were still needed against ravaging nomads around Ayas in 1835.[249] Further along the coast Korykos, well known and much visited since the Middle Ages,[250] was also once a centre of brigandage. It was inhabited by the 1870s,[251] although it had been completely deserted fifty years earlier.[252] It is a similar story at Kanlidivani.[253] This is possibly because it was a pirates’ lair, the very site named after their boats.66 Pirates certainly made sea travel sometimes perilous, and landing difficult, as Dallam discovered in 1599: In the morninge, when we did thinke to have gone a shore, we espied 4 gallis and a frigett, which came stealinge by the shore. The gallis stayed a league of, under the shore of Asia the lesse, but the frigett came into the roode to se what we wear, and thar came to an anker; the which when our Mr. persaved, not knowinge what There intent was, he caused anker to be wayed with all speed, and beinge under saile, the frigett went before us, and also the gallis; for than our Mr. purposed to goo that way which before he Durste not adventur . . . Even in the straighteste place these four gallis stayed for us, but when they se our strengthe and bouldnes, they weare afrayed of us.[254]

Approach by sea remained dangerous: Casas sailing from Rhodes for the mainland in 1822 was shadowed by a Greek corsair.[255] So was the country unsafe for travel, as some fainthearts from the West maintained? Some brigands were indeed dangerous, as Perrot heard tell at Ankara in 1851, the problem exacerbated because of non-existant local policing.[256] Of course, safety was a matter of individual perception, and varied from region to region, but brigandage was certainly rife, and a brake on commerce. As Poyet remarked in 1859, the central government should take a hand and get serious about stamping out the problem, for this was an “état de choses qui pourrait aisément cesser, si le gouvernement turc voulait y songer sérieusement.”[257] Brigandage also left legends.

65 Lightfoot 2007b_274: “the fortified city provided secure surroundings in which produce could be stored and processed. It was a symptom of the special conditions that existed in Anatolia in the second half of the seventh and throughout the eighth centuries as a result of frequent Arab attack. Those few cities that still had defensible and defended walls in fact garnered to themselves a larger population, attracting people from more vulnerable outlying areas. A close symbiosis between city and territory can therefore be postulated at dark-age Amorium.” 66 Arslan and Önen 2011: “many sites in Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, and Ionia, which were somehow related with piracy, were widely called Korykos or Korykeia.”

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At Aezani, as Arundell noted, “I may be mistaken in supposing that the architectural remains at Ephesus, though more richly decorated, present no purer specimen of the art than the temple at Azani.”[258] But this was not the local explanation, for the columns had been erected to sit upon, and were therefore safe from brigands.[259] Ramsay defined the nomadization of Asia Minor as follows: “the soil passed out of cultivation; the population decreased; the Christian cities were isolated from each other by a sea of nomad wandering tribes; intercourse, and consequently trades and manufactures, were to a great extent destroyed.”[260] Evidence for whether this happened as early as he believes would be useful, for others such as Sir Charles Wilson set it later.[261] Aucher-Eloy brings this diagnosis to the 1840s, and affirms that such destruction never happened in Christian villages; instead, he restricts it (surely unfairly?) to the Turks: “Je n’ai jamais entendu parler d’un village grec ou arménien qui ait été abandonné.”[262] In 1891, Bent described their destructiveness of the forests, because “then they lay bare whole tracts of country, that they may have fodder for their flocks, and nothing is so destructive to timber as the habit they have of tapping the fir-trees near the root for the turpentine.”[263] Without doubt many nomads also practised brigandage, witness the need for Seljuk hans. Indeed, Ramsay maintained that it was nomads who “prevented the Sultans from inheriting fully the Roman bequest, because they largely destroyed it”[264] – an interesting notion, for which solid evidence would be welcome. But that the nomads were a problem is clear and, together with the coming of Islam, much of the decline in Asia Minor is laid at their door.67 Indeed, fortified islands, apparently mediaeval, did exist in the Latmic Lake:[265] were these responses to the problem of prowling nomads? Even an army officer in Cappadocia in 1835 was apprehensive about encountering them, maintaining that they tainted surrounding areas as well, complaining about their pillaging propensities, and lack of hospitality: “Ce qui avait rebuté tous les voyageurs européens, c’etait l’extrême difficulté de pénétrer an milieu des tribus nomades dont l’inhospitalité et les habitudes de pillage inspirent la terreur à toutes les 67 Vryonis 1975; summarised in Vryonis 1975b, 354: “The decline of Byzantine civilization in Anatolia is closely related to the two distinct phenomena of nomadization and Islamization, themselves the direct results of the double nature of the Turkish conquests: nomadic and sultanic . . . when they entered an area the local population was frequently killed or enslaved, or else it fled, abandoning land and possessions to the nomads and their flocks. Consequently, much of the Greek rural population disappeared and many villages and towns were destroyed.”



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contrées qui avoisinent leur territoire.”[266] Two decades earlier Cockerell had taken two marines with him when he went to visit Pompeiopolis,[267] and perhaps the site’s wildness was why so many antiquities survived there into the mid-century.[268] As well as brigandage, organised nomads also operated a cartel. For, until the takeover by the railways, they held the monopoly on camel-trains and thus on internal commerce.[269] Other beasts of burden were less used, and carts not at all in 1856, according to Rolleston. Camels were in themselves retrograde for, as Tchihatchef suggested in 1877, the camel replaced the horse in Asia Minor, and was a sign of decadence – indeed, “un monument de sa décadence.”[270] Charting any danger level from brigandage is difficult, for solid evidence is hard to come by; but Williams at least, in 1921, thought the roads ever less safe because of brigands, Kurds and imported Circassians.[271] Just what the impact of nomadism was on antiquities is difficult to determine.68 At Cyrene, in Tripolitania, for example, the only inhabitants were nomads and there were few visitors, so statues from the theatre, and columns, survived into the nineteenth century.[272] Bent reports on nomads living for part of the year in structures created from ruins, or indeed in ancient tombs.[273] On the other hand, many travellers were convinced that hatred of fixed living led to much destruction, as Hamilton averred around Kara Bounar in 1842: ravaged by wars, there were also “the Kurds and other nomad tribes, who, until fifty years ago, and even later, infested these plains, in their hatred of fixed habitations, towns or villages, destroyed them wherever they were able.”[274] He adduces the same explanation for ruined villages in Karamania: “It would seem that the period of their prosperity must have been during the reigns of the Sultans of Iconium, and that they were laid waste by the nomad tribes, who afterwards settled in this part of Asia Minor, and still inhabit the plain during the winter.”[275] Ampère similarly complained that the Plain of Magnesia held not so much as a café, being inhabited only by nomads,[276] not to mention the marshy ground, on which a path had been made with ancient marbles.[277] The migrating Kurdish tribes terrified the locals, and “détruisent les moissons en faisant paître dans les champs de blé leurs chameaux et leurs moutons,”[278] which of course effectively destroyed crops for future years. Nomads could not reside amongst farmers, for their (mis-) use of the land was very different.

68 Planhol 1958 for an overview of Pamphylia and Pisidia.

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All this may well be true, but there are also plentiful accounts of nomads pitching their tents amongst antiquities, where sometimes they surely made use of ancient wells, cisterns or fountains, and doing them no harm. This accords with Senior’s contention that one sign of abandonment and depopulation was the nomads who wandered around, avoiding towns: “The Irooks live in tents; and, besides their pastoral employments, weave carpets and coarse cloths. The Turcomans are purely pastoral, and sometimes build temporary villages of wood coated with mud. I remember finding one near Sardis on the same spot for two successive years.”[279] The Turkish village at Sardis was indeed of mud-brick or pisé on fieldstone or spolia, and several structures have been excavated.69 But was this the exception or the rule? For not all nomads lived in tents: in Cilicia Tracheia in 1891 Bent records them as having “constructed a few hovels out of the neighbouring ruins,” and he stayed in one.[280] Were these nomads simply in the process of adopting settled life, perhaps? Around Mount Olympus in the 1830s, nomads were the only people taking crops from the lands, “qui restent abandonnées et incultes par le défaut de population.”[281] In Cappadocia in 1898, Chantre reported that the nomads destroyed forests and crops, letting the land revert to steppe.[282] In Kayseri, the summer heat made the inhabitants decamp to flimsy tent-like structures well outside the town.[283] This was a town described in 1890 as “a collection of decaying hovels.”[284] Were these also bandits? Hamilton in 1839 sees ruins to the mountainous south and south-east of Kayseri, where everyone is a bandit: “tous ses habitants passent pour des voleurs.”[285] Kinneir visited the same ruins twenty years earlier, but they had already been denuded: “no columns, no sculptured marble, nor even a single Greek or Latin inscription.”[286] The government attempted to get the nomads to settle down into villages, but their reputation as fearsome brigands survived to the end of the nineteenth century.[287] In contrast, it is the villages in Anatolia that are now being depopulated, Fliche estimating that, whereas in 1970, more than 60% of Turks lived in rural areas, today that proportion has been reversed.70 Unfortunately, this does not mean that a lower population spells less destruction from development, since it is precisely the increased population in towns which has a thirst for building and road development, from which antiquities continue to suffer.

69 Crane 1987, 48–49. 70 Fliche 2006. 



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Disease In addition, because so little attention was paid to the technologies of water management or the consequences of deforestation,71 the country was never safe from plague or malaria, which kept travellers away from some locations, and in the course of this book we shall come across several instances where such adverse conditions affected the survival of antiquities. Elliott, for example, admired Halicarnassus/Bodrum from the sea, because “the plague was in the town, and we did not enter it.”[288] Lithgow recounted how sailors frequently died, and how their ships shunned some Turkish ports in favour of healthier landfalls.[289] Chandler admired some of the antiquities of Segacik in 1775 (perhaps still there in 1830)[290] “but hastily, fearing some infection, for the plague was known to be near.”[291] Frankland, in 1829, was in Smyrna at the wrong time of year for it to be safe to visit Ephesus,[292] although one opinion was that the area was unhealthy all year round.[293] Stagnant water was a sign of a lack of irrigation skills, and no doubt exacerbated depopulation, whereas nomads could avoid malaria by transhumance, decamping from the plains in the summer. Smyrna: A Western Haven This chapter concludes with an assessment of Smyrna, an important town because of its location at the very western edge of Asia Minor, with the best communications of anywhere in Turkey except for Constantinople itself. This town which was the western gateway to Asia Minor, deserves a detailed examination for three reasons. The first is that it was a lavishly ornamented ancient city, once with plentiful monuments, as Strabo described.72 The second is because the city was in antiquity an important port with a large harbour set back from a bay protected by fortresses overlooking the approaching gulf.[294] The third is because it was the first “modern” and “western” city in the eastern parts of the Ottoman Empire, 71    Thirgood 1981, 52–53 for a summary of what little is known. 72 Aujac 1994 896 for Smyrna: Autre ville qui parle au cœur: Smyrne, qualifiée de “la plus belle de toutes” (XIV, 1, 37). Strabon vante l’alignement des rues bien pavées de pierre, les vastes portiques carrés, à deux étages, la bibliothèque, le portique consacré à Homère avec un autel et une statue de bois, et surtout le port que l’on peut fermer. Seul inconvénient, l’absence d’égouts enterrés sous les rues pavées.

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an important trading centre with the West, growing during the seventeenth century,[295] and a natural target for nineteenth-century travellers. For many Westerners, Smyrna was Asia Minor, for they did not always venture far into the interior. It imported the majority of manufactured goods from the West, and was to be the route for the export of Anatolian produce out of the region.73 We know more about Smyrna than any other city except Constantinople, because so many travellers wrote about it. Because of its commerce, it was the natural and obvious starting-point for the first railway in Asia Minor. But it was also a centre for a much older trade. For just as Aleppo in Syria was an important entrepôt for camel trains arriving from further East, and where European factors awaited the goods for onward sale, so Smyrna served the same purpose, and the only Westerners who went further east were travellers exploring ancient remains, rather than merchants trying to break the camel-borne monopolies. Smyrna was indeed a haven. It was the only constructed port in the vilayet,[296] although apparently so difficult to exit in a contrary wind that some goods came overland from Scala Nova.[297] Sections of the town were particularly Europeanised, and knowledge and discoveries depended on the energy of the visitors.[298] Hadrian had conspicuously supplied the city with 120 columns from Synnada, and others from Numidia and Mons Porphyrites, to build the Gymnasium.74 In 1725, there were still statues to be discovered within the town, and exported to France.[299] In the Turkish section of the town, Galt found several reused antiquities in 1813.[300] By 1837, however, “it contains not a single antiquity, or an object of art.”[301] Outside it, restrictive and safe itineraries meant that discovery was a slow process, and for some areas we can indeed write of “explorers” right through the nineteenth century. In 1842, Ampère noted that leaving Smyrna was a journey into the unknown.[302] Even within the city, and in the mid-nineteenth century, the state of the roads and drains left much to be desired.[303] This focus on Smyrna was good for the antiquities of Asia Minor, and formed a natural focus for guide books;[304] but it was bad for the pace of discoveries, let alone the growth of commerce, because travellers’ attention was diverted from the interior.[305] It also encouraged travellers to do less than they might otherwise have done. One surprising example is the

73 Frangakis 1985, 149. 74 Mitchell 1987, 344.



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Comte de Caylus, author in the 1750s and 1760s of one of the large and wellillustrated compendia of antiquities. Landing at Smyrna in 1716, he visited Ephesus, then Constantinople, followed the court to Adrianople, and came home via the Dardanelles and Alexandria Troas.[306] This skimped journey raises as many questions as Winckelmann’s strange reluctance to go to Greece. These days an academic convention encourages scholars to write the book after doing the fieldwork. But in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries Smyrna proved so great an attraction (westernised hotels and food, consuls, communications) that some authors were tempted to remain there, venturing but little into the dangerous interior. This is surely one reason why the interior of Asia Minor was not explored thoroughly by many authors who visited that land by visiting only Smyrna (and perhaps Ephesus) rather than anywhere further afield. Fortunately this has now changed, and many recent publications, some of them online, have expanded our knowledge of our region.75 Like Constantinople, Smyrna appears here as a ruin-field because both cities were, as far as their antiquities were concerned, a victim of their growth and success, the ancient city being well-nigh obliterated for materials with which to build the new one. This is because, at Smyrna, antiquities were dismantled to put into new buildings from at least 1675.[307] One index of this is how little was left of the agora.76 The theatre was dismantled in part to build a covered market, and perhaps other structures.[308] Indeed, “all the buildings in the part of the Turkish town near the theatre bear testimony to the depredations which have been committed on its ruins.”[309] The theatre, indeed, was gone by the mid-eighteenth century.[310] The immense circus was by 1700 a depression without surviving blocks,[311] all that remained being “its Figure in the Ground.”[312] Whether the palace of the local Agha was built from antiquities is not known, but likely, for it was rich in marble,[313] as was his mosque, supposedly built with antiquities from churches.[314] Its amphitheatre was already being dismantled in the 1630s to build a fort[315] to protect the Gulf approaches. Apart from some stone seats seen by the Chevalier d’Arvieux in 1654,[316] the amphitheatre was long gone, and a century later the circus 75 E.g. http://www.akmedanmed.com – “News of archaeology from Anatolia’s Mediter­ ranean areas,” and http://www.akmedadalya.com – “Adalya: The Annual of the Suna and Înan Kiraç Research Institute on Mediterranean Civilizations.” 76 Naumann and Kantar 1950, profusely illustrated. Excavations 1932–1941. 91–106 for a catalogue of the sculpture retrieved, including full-sized statues, but mostly fragments, including a collection (Taf. 37) from a high relief panel – were these chiselled off so that the panel could be reused?

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was no more than a depression in the ground.[317] Gédoyn says he saw the remains of “amphitheatres” there in the 1620s,[318] but Tavernier in the 1630s asserted that its blocks were shipped to the straits of the bay to build a fortress, the very same one that foreign ships were constrained to salute.[319] As Hobhouse (later Lord Broughton) observed in 1817, both stadium and theatre had disappeared by his day.[320] Beaujour in 1829 had remarked on that city’s almost complete lack of antiquities[321] over a century after Fermanel had seen a temple “qui est en son entier,” as well as an early church recently unearthed.[322] The great mid-nineteenth century bazaar fire also had the Government taking old stones to rebuild the houses, and finding a mosaic floor in the process.[323] By the 1860s, what is more, Smyrna was importing marble,[324] presumably a sign that local antiquities were running out, or perhaps that scavenging them was frowned upon. As a result, perhaps, by the early twentieth century the wealthier residents of Smyrna had their houses faced with marble.[325] Again, as Chandler remarks in 1775, “perhaps no place has contributed more than Smyrna to enrich the collections and cabinets of the curious in Europe.”[326] With an eye to surreptitious collecting, visitors found plenty to interest them at “Old Smyrna,” (the acropolis) and in 1830 broke a head off a statue, “being unable to remove it entire.”[327] Michaud and Poujoulat in 1836 could still pick up a colossal marble hand which they thought came from the theatre,[328] just as English merchants, and Tavernier, had picked up and taken home fragments of statues, some colossal, in the 1630s, which was no disservice to the locals, since the Turks had already ruined so much: “quando I Turchi fanno le cave essi difformano e spezzano tutte le statue.”[329] But why not filch that which was going to be destroyed? The morality tale of the colossal bust decorating the gate of the Smyrna acropolis illustrates this point. It begins with routine mutilation by throwing stones at it,[330] and culminates with the firman from Constantinople (in the early 1850s?) that “especially heads” should be sent there. The head was struck off the shoulders, rolled down the hill, and then “it lay long at the foot of the hill, as it was rolled down, and is supposed to have been at last burnt for lime.”[331] Travel from Smyrna into the interior got progressively easier. Chandler, sent out by the Society of Dilettanti in 1764, with £2000, was advised that “in about twelve months visit every place worthy your notice within eight and ten days journey of Smyrna” to take measurements of time and distance, as well as plans and drawings of monuments and bas-reliefs, and to copy inscriptions.[332] But by 1870 the railway had opened up parts of the country. Thus the stationmaster at Ephesus was providing horses to



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the site, and acting as a guide.[333] In 1896 the stationmaster near Sardis also proved a fount of knowledge,[334] and there were houses near the station which (wonder of wonders) incorporated antiquities.[335] It does not seem to have been unusual for antiquities to be taken elsewhere from Sardis around this date.[336] The city was indeed becoming modern, and able to serve not only commerce but tourism as well. After the creation of what Carles calls in 1906 an “entirely artificial” port[337] and with its railway connections, Smyrna became the preeminent place for modern tourism in Asia Minor. 1  Wilson_1884_308 2  Hamilton_1842_I_xv [ ]  3  Long_1876_183 [ ]  4  Bent_1889_11 [ ]  5  Tchihatchef_1854_52–53 [ ]  6  Tchihatchef_1854_104 [ ]  7  Saint-Martin_1863_277 [ ]  8  Hogarth_1893_645b [ ]  9  Tchihatchef_1877_3–5 [ ]  10  Wace_1903_335 [ ]  11  Nettancourt_1906_58 [ ]  12  Sterrett_1907_1 [ ]  13  Sterrett_1907_6 [ ]  14  Malte_Brun_1824_64 [ ]  15  Le_Bas_1888_XXII– XXIII [ ]  16  Omont_1902_x [ ]  17  Omont_1902_34–35 [ ]  18  Anon_Reviewer_1843_ 445 [ ]  19  Conder_1830_95 [ ]  20  Malte_Brun_1824_89 [ ]  21  Paton_&_Myres_1896_ 243 [ ]  22  Tchihatchef_1854_ 50–51 [ ]  23  Elliott_1838_162 [ ]  24  Tchihatchef_1868_ 122–123 [ ]  25  Walckenaer_&_RaoulRochette_1850_235b [ ]  26  Fellows_1841_iii [ ]  27  Anon_Reviewer_1843_ 447 [ ]  28  Walckenaer_&_RaoulRochette_1850_234 [ ]  29  Grell_1981_61 [ ]  30  AJA_II_1886_212–213 [ ]  31  Raveneau_1892_175 [ ]  32  Pratt_1915_334

33]  Pratt_1915_332 34]  Budge_1925_ix–xi [ ]  35  Le_Bas_1888_IX [ ]  36  Lithgow_1632_155–156 [ ]  37  Ibn_Battuta_1877_ II_310 [ ]  38  Anon_1745_504b [ ]  39  Fellows_1839_22 [ ]  40  Mac_Farlane_1829_ 293–294 [ ]  41  Elliott_1838_99 [ ]  42  Browne_1820_107 [ ]  43  Prime_1876_141 [ ]  44  Leake_1820_237b [ ]  45  Madden_1829_I_145 [ ]  46  Senior_1859_192 [ ]  47  Tchihatchef_1850_732 [ ]  48  Tchihatchef_1868_ 333–334 [ ]  49  Clarke_1865_283–287 [ ]  50  Clarke_1865_282 [ ]  51  Huntington_1909_691 [ ]  52  Pratt_1915_343–344 [ ]  53  Schlumberger 1884, 397–425: slowness was accompanied by lack of comfort. [ ]  54  Elliott_1838_82 [ ]  55  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_ I_165 [ ]  56  Senior_1859_178 [ ]  57  Tchihatchef_1868_ 301–302 [ ]  58  Perrot_1863_323–324 [ ]  59  Radet_1901_352 [ ]  60  Dallaway_1797_173 [ ]  61  Wilson_1884_310 [ ]  62  Regelsperger_1906_281 [ ]  63  Lejean_1866_310–311 [ ]  64  Geary_1878_349–350

[ ] 

[

[ ] 

[

65]  Radet_1901_212–213 66]  Ramsay_1897b_44–45 [ ]  67  Perrot_1867_iv [ ]  68  Neale_1851_202 [ ]  69  Caylus_1761_IV_378– 379 [ ]  70  Tournefort_II_1718_ 61–62 [ ]  71  Ramsay_1883c_258 [ ]  72  Gédoyn_1909_151 [ ]  73  Newton_1865_II 61 [ ]  74  Barkley_1891_130–131 [ ]  75  Williams_1921_69–70 [ ]  76  Van_Lennep_1870_II_ 288 [ ]  77  Texier_1837_232 [ ]  78  Ramsay_1895_xii [ ]  79  Hamilton_1842_I_141 [ ]  80  Ramsay_1897b_12a [ ]  81  Williams_1921_143 [ ]  82  Hogarth_1893_645a [ ]  83  Renoüard_de_ Bussierre_1829_I_175 [ ]  84  Grell_1981_47 [ ]  85  Grell_1981_51 [ ]  86  Omont_1902_318 [ ]  87  Corancez_1816_ix–x [ ]  88  Reinach_1886_105 [ ]  89  Pingaud_1887_38–39 [ ]  90  Cortambert_1852_ 532–533 [ ]  91  Eisenstein_1912 [ ]  92  Hogarth_1908_559 [ ]  93  Laborde_1838_16 [ ]  94  Fellows_1839_22–23 [ ]  95  Canning_1888_I_63 [ ]  96  Farley_1878_130 [ ]  97  Collas_1865_320 [ ]  98  Cuinet_1894_428 [ ]  99  Long_1876_193 [ [

78 100]  Beaufort_1818_vii–ix 101]  Beaufort_1818_35–36 [ 102]  Perrot_1876_41 [ 103]  Rapports_de_ l’Académie_1837_24–26 [ 104]  Bent_1893_32 [ 105]  Keppel_1831_II_ 368–369 [ 106]  Ramsay_1890_51 [ 107]  Cust_1914_148 [ 108]  Leake_1820_187 [ 109]  Anon_Reviewer_ 1843_452–452 [ ]  110  Tchihatchef_1854_61 [ ]  111  Le_Bas_1888_XVIII– XIXB [ ]  112  Reinach_1886_109 [ ]  113  AJA_VI_1890_347–348 [ ]  114  Metheny_1905_155 [ ]  115  Lejean_1866_309–310 [ ]  116  Sterrett_1907_2–3 [ ]  117  Sterrett_1907_2 [ ]  118  Ramsay_1903_409 [ ]  119  Fellows_1852_ix [ 120]  Perrot_1864_477–478 [ ]  121  Clarke_1817_154 [ 122]  Hamilton_1842_II_169 [ 123]  Ramsay_1882_504–505 [ 124]  Davis_1874_137 [ 125]  Davis_1874_198 [ 126]  Kinneir_1818_263 [ 127]  Le_Bon_1889_2–3 [ 128]  Layard_1903_I_156 [ 129]  Wittman_1804_86 [ 130]  Irby_1823_494–495 [ ]  131  Claridge_1837_182 [ 132]  Claridge_1837_146 [ 133]  Clarke_1817_110–111 [ 134]  Rayet_1874_9 [ 135]  Kinneir_1818_231 [ 136]  Rapports_de_ l’Académie_1837_23 [ 137]  Beulé_1873_239 [ 138]  Vandal_1900_255 [ 139]  Omont_1902_197 [ 140]  Vandal_1900_126–127 [ ]  141  Pingaud_1887_158 [ 142]  Fellows_1843_3 [ 143]  Fellows_1843_6 [ 144]  Hamilton_1842_II_ 33–34 [ 145]  Chandler_1825_I_302 [ 146]  Sterrett_1888_15 [ 147]  Fellows_1843_12

chapter one 148]  Mendel_1909_256 149]  Picard_&_MacridyBey_1921_437 [ 150]  Cuinet_1894_III_661 [ ]  151  Choisy_1876_116 [ 152]  Ramsay_1897b_15 [ 153]  Arundell_1834_II_ 84–85 [ 154]  Layard_1903_I_157 [ 155]  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_I_1833_212–213 [ 156]  Chateaubriand_1822_ II_33–34 [ 157]  Busbecq_I_1881_ 138–139 [ 158]  Davis_1874_76 [ 159]  Emerson_1829_103 [ 160]  Keppel_1831_II_ 165–166. [ ]  161  Dorr_1856_307 [ 162]  Dorr_1856_328 [ 163]  Poujoulat_1840_I_ 36–37 [ 164]  Wines_1832_II_160 [ 165]  Mengous_1830_85 [ 166]  Morritt_1914_110 [ 167]  Turner_1820_III_94 [ 168]  Duc_de_ Raguse_1837_I_191–192 [ 169]  Turner_1820_III_ 131–132 [ 170]  Fritz von Farenheid 1875, 68–70 [ ]  171  Smith_1897_219 [ 172]  Calas_1900_53 [ 173]  Calas_1900_57–58 [ 174]  Basterot_1869_44 [ 175]  Davis_1874_158 [ 176]  Davis_1874_159 [ 177]  Hamilton_1842_I_487 [ 178]  Fellows_1839_167 [ 179]  Arundell_1834_II_34 [ 180]  Seiff_1875_446–447 [ ]  181  Davis_1874_166; Davis_1874_285–286; Davis_1874_295 [ 182]  Rayet_1874_9–10 [ 183]  Collignon_1880b [ 184]  Collignon_1880– 1897_42–43 [ 185]  Keppel_1831_II_ 242–244 [ 186]  PTF_ Consul_1811_36–37

[

[

[

[

187]  Chantre_1896–1898_ 417 [ 188]  Hammer_1820_ 305–307 [ 189]  Andréossy_1828_ XXXI–XXXIIB [ 190]  Canning_1888_II_140 [ ]  191  Canning_1888_I_515 [ 192]  Laborde_1838_57 [ 193]  Laborde_1838_40 [ 194]  Laborde_1838_116–117 [ 195]  Radet_1895_446–447 [ 196]  Collignon_1880– 1897_70 [ 197]  Raoul-Rochette_ 1850_236 [ 198]  Sterrett_1911_11 [ 199]  Dussaud_1928_137 [ 200]  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_270 [ 201]  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_I_1833_ 256–257 [ 202]  Radet_1895_497 [ 203]  Dallaway_1797_ 291–292 [ 204]  Monk_1851_I_67 [ 205]  Ramsay_1881_306–307 [ 206]  Clarke_1817_84 [ 207]  Duc_de_Raguse_ 1837_II_143; Hunt_ 1817_135 [ 208]  Hobhouse_1817_ 117–118 [ 209]  Van_Egmont_1759_147 [ 210]  Fuller_1829_53 [ ]  211  Hammond_1878_290 [ 212]  Cockerell_1903_ 144–145 [ 213]  Mac_Farlane_1829_ 422–423 [ 214]  Elliott_1838_78 [ 215]  Butler_1925_14 [ 216]  Mac_Farlane_1829_ 419–420 [ 217]  Morritt_1914_138 [ 218]  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_I_1833_356– 357 [ 219]  Langlois_1854b_77 [ 220]  Le_Brun_I_1725_211 [ 221]  Le_Brun_I_1725_212– 213 [ 222]  Fermanel_1668_330 [



the country and its travellers

223]  Dallegio_d’Alessio_ 1946_218 [ 224]  Dallegio_d’Alessio_ 1946_231 [ 225]  Sterrett_1888_239 [ 226]  Chantre_1896–1898_ 15–16 [ 227]  Mac_Farlane_1850_I_ 289–290 [ 228]  Castellan_1820_278– 280 [ 229]  Fellows_1839_145 [ 230]  Choisy_1876_161 [ 231]  Helbig_1892_49 [ 232]  Castellan_1820_257 [ 233]  Hamilton_1842_I_439 [ 234]  Hamilton_1842_I_ 440–441 [ 235]  Perrot_1864_447 [ 236]  Van_Lennep_1870_ II_210–211 [ 237]  Perrot_1872_I_207 [ 238]  Saint-Martin_1873_115 [ 239]  Radet_1895_497–498 [ 240]  Engelhardt_1884_ 42–43 [ 241]  Schoenberg_1977_359 [ 242]  Leake_1820_186 [ 243]  Pococke_1772_V_149 [ 244]  Ramsay_1890_34 [ 245]  Ramsay_1916_25–26; Ramsay_1902_264 [ 246]  Fitzner_1902_99 [ 247]  Tournefort_II_1718_ 352 [ 248]  Tchihatchef_1854_ 71–72 [ 249]  Callier_1835_250 [ 250]  Langlois_1861_199–206 [ 251]  Favre_&_Mandrot_ 1878_121 [ 252]  Cockerell_1903_188 [ 253]  Langlois_1861_220 [ 254]  Bent_1893_42 [ 255]  Casas_1822_346 [ 256]  Perrot_1863_574 [ 257]  Poyet_1859_209 [ 258]  Arundell_1834_II_351 [ 259]  Choisy_1876_134 [

260]  Ramsay_1902_263 261]  Bryce_1902_277 [ 262]  Aucher-Eloy_1843_I_ 323 [ 263]  Bent_1891b_272 [ 264]  Ramsay_1916_31 [ 265]  Cousin_1898_369b [ 266]  Callier_1835_240 [ 267]  Cockerell_1903_189b [ 268]  Langlois_1854a_14 [ 269]  Poyet_1859_214–215 [ 270]  Tchihatchef_1877_ 194–195 [ 271]  Williams_1921_254– 255 [ 272]  Russell_1835_175 [ 273]  Bent_1891b_271 [ 274]  Hamilton_1842_II_ 313–314 [ 275]  Hamilton_1842_II_327 [ 276]  Ampère_1842_11 [ 277]  Tournefort_1718_II_195 [ 278]  Tchihatchef_1850_857 [ 279]  Senior_1859_191 [ 280]  Bent_1891_208b [ 281]  Duc_de_Raguse_ 1837_II_122 [ 282]  Chantre_1898_xii [ 283]  Childs_1917_199a [ 284]  Barkley_1891_142–143 [ 285]  Hamilton_1839b_ 178–179 [ 286]  Kinneir_1818_100–102 [ 287]  Collignon_1880– 1897_11–12 [ 288]  Elliott_1838_164 [ 289]  Lithgow_1632_170 [ 290]  Conder_1830_120 [ 291]  Chandler_1825_I_ 117–118 [ 292]  Frankland_1829_263 [ 293]  Conder_1830_134 [ 294]  Woodruff_1831_ 152–153 [ 295]  Hasluck_1918–19_ 140–141 [ 296]  Cuinet_1894_399 [ 297]  Hasluck_1918–19_ 142–143

79

298]  Omont_1902_737 299]  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_ 79–80 [ 300]  Galt_1813_271 [ 301]  Claridge_1837_180 [ 302]  Ampère_1842_6 [ 303]  Rolleston_1856_11 [ 304]  Conder_1830_100 [ 305]  Ramsay_1890_81b [ 306]  Caylus_1767_VII_iv [ 307]  Arundell_1834_II_401 [ 308]  Schubert_1838_I_ 275–276; Spon_&_ Wheler_1679_231 [ 309]  Hamilton_1842_I_ 56–57 [ 310]  Tournefort_1741_341 [ ]  311  Tournefort_1741_343 [ 312]  Thompson_1744_II_ 290 [ 313]  Woodruff_1831_161–162 [ 314]  Wines_1832_II_143 [ 315]  Tavernier_1682_50 [ 316]  Laurent_I_1735_48 [ 317]  Pococke_1772_V_12 [ 318]  Gédoyn_1909_154–155 [ 319]  Tavernier_1682_50–51 [ 320]  Hobhouse_1817_75–76 [ 321]  Beaujour_1829_II_ 162–163 [ 322]  Fermanel_1668_307 [ 323]  RA_X_1853–1854_120 [ 324]  Farley_1862_93 [ 325]  Hawley_1918_68 [ 326]  Chandler_1825_I_79 [ 327]  Mengous_1830_62 [ 328]  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_III_1834_345 [ 329]  Tavernier_1682_51 [ 330]  Laurent_I_1735_45 [ 331]  Senior_1859_194 [ 332]  Cust_1914_84–87 [ 333]  Burton_1870_84–86 [ 334]  Le_Camus_1896_217 [ 335]  Keil_&_ Premerstein_1910_15 [ 336]  Sayce_1880_87 [ 337]  Carles_1906_61–62

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appendix

[ ] 1  Wilson_1884_308: “Anatolia may be briefly described as an elevated plateau which rises gradually from about 2500 feet on the west to some 4500 feet on the east, near the foot of the Anti-Taurus Mountains. On the south the plateau is supported, or buttressed, by the Taurus range, which in some places rises little above the level of the plateau, but in others, as in the mountains of Lycia and the Bulghar Dagh, attains a considerable altitude, 7000 feet to 8000 feet; the north side is similarly buttressed by a range of varying altitude, which has no distinctive name. On the west the edge of the plateau is much broken by numerous broad valleys, and is of no great height except near the Sea of Marmora, where the range of the Mysian Olympus rises far above the general level; on the east the AntiTaurus supports a higher plateau, which extends eastwards towards Erzerurn. This last plateau also rises from west to east, and is equally supported on the south by the Taurus, which ever attains a higher altitude, as it proceeds eastward, until it culminates in the lofty snow-clad mountains on the Persian frontier. Here and there minor ranges, such as the Phrygian Mountains and the Sultan Dagh, south of the road from Afium Karahissar to Konieh, rise above the level of the Anatolian plateau; and there are several remarkable mountains of volcanic origin, of which Mount Argseus, 13,100 feet high, is the loftiest and best known. A large portion of the plateau is, however, almost level, and the central district is occupied by a great treeless plain of the most dreary and uninviting character.” [ ] 2  Hamilton_1842_I_xv: “No country in the world presents, perhaps, more interesting associations to the geographer, the historian, and the antiquary than Asia Minor. It has hitherto, however, been comparatively but little visited, and its geography has been very superficially explored. It is no exaggeration to say that there is scarcely a spot of ground, however small, throughout this extensive peninsula, which does not contain some relic of antiquity, or is not more or less connected with that History which, through an uninterrupted period of more than thirty centuries, records the most spirit-stirring events in the destinies of the human race, and during which time this country attracted the attention of the world as the battle-field of powerful nations. / Other countries and other people have flourished for a time, and may have left behind them a stronger feeling of interest in the thoughts and speculations of mankind. But this remarkable difference exists between them, that, while they have attracted paramount attention for a century or more, having risen to eminence only to fall into a greater depth of barbarism, Asia Minor has continued to be a main point of interest and attraction from the very beginning of the historic period.” [ ] 3  Long_1876_183 if Asia Minor were taken over by the Russians: “Would not that civilization which is turning the Krimea into a garden, and has planted the fair city of Odessa in localities last century overrun by Tartar hordes, be extended to the south of the Black Sea; and would not Asia Minor’s great resources be developed by railroads, canals, and all the machinery of civilized life which is changing the face of Russia itself, where we see that, notwithstanding the Protective system, England carries on a good trade with Odessa and St. Petersburg? Would not the Christians of Turkey be placed in a higher position, and Turkish intolerance be suppressed, by the temporal power and pride of the Moslem being fully broken? / Asia Minor must fall to the lot of some European Power; and what Power but Russia is in the position to take the helm? What a field is presented in 673,000 square miles of some of the finest land in the world with harbours on three seas, mighty rivers and ports both on eastern and western waters, mines of iron, lead, copper, and silver in abundance; and a soil capable of producing any quantity of grain and cotton Regions renowned in story are now given over, under the Turks, to miasma and wild beasts, and the peasantry are abandoned to starvation.” [ ] 4  Bent_1889_11: “Asia Minor is still a vast labyrinth of more or less unexplored memories of the past; travellers of today pay hurried visits to the cities near the coast, but in the interior, where lawless tribes and scattered nationalities forbid the approach of the ordinary wayfarer, there exists a sort of terra incognita to which only a few pioneers with more hardihood than intelligence have penetrated. This will be a future playground for the enterprising of the 20th century, and when the line which is now in project is opened right



full endnote texts chapter one

through the heart of Asia Minor it will be possible for the traveller en route for India to pass a few pleasant days in places with which no one is now acquainted, and be carried to his destination through Mesopotamia, where he may search for traces of the Garden of Eden and the cradle of mankind.” [ ] 5  Tchihatchef_1854_52–53: Bien que de toutes les parties de l’Asie la Bithynie soit la plus rapprochée de la capitale de l’Empire Ottoman, et conséquemment la plus propre aux explorations des savants européens, elle n’en contient pas moins des régions assez étendues qui peuvent être placées au nombre des moins connues, non-seulement sous le rapport de la topographie et des sciences naturelles, pour lesquelles toute l’Asie Mineure est pour ainsi dire toujours une terre vierge, mais encore sous le point de vue de l’archéologie, qui a joui jusqu’aujourd’hui du privilège d’avoir fait en Asie Mineure plus de conquêtes que toutes les autres sciences. [ ] 6  Tchihatchef_1854_104 Pontus: Il n’en est point du Pont comme de la Paphlagonie, car non-seulement la plus grande partie des monuments qui pourraient y exister n’ont pas encore été visités, mais même ceux dont l’existence est constatée réclament une révision sérieuse. Le fait est qu’une bonne partie de la région pontique est encore terra incognita, ce qui est, entre autres, le cas de la contrée arrosée par le Termésou (Thermodon) et de presque toutes les vallées qui traversent l’Iris et ses affluents. C’est pourquoi j’aurai l’honneur de vous entretenir un moment de ces parages si peu connus, que j’ai explorés l’été passé (1853). [ ] 7  Saint-Martin_1863_277: L’Asie Mineure, comme la Syrie, est une terre de prédilection pour les voyageurs archéologues. L’action du temps, les convulsions de la nature, et plus encore la main des barbares qui depuis huit siècles pèse sur ces contrées jadis si prospères, n’ont laissé que des ruines là où s’élevèrent autrefois tant de cités fameuses et de somptueux monuments; mais au milieu de ces misères et de cet aspect de désolation, chaque pas signale un débris et réveille un souvenir. Aussi la Péninsule Anatolique a-t-elle été littéralement sillonnée, depuis le milieu du dix-huitième siècle, par une multitude de voyageurs savants, attentifs à retrouver les restes des villes disparues, à en fixer le site, à en restituer les monuments et les inscriptions, plus encore qu’à étudier le sol el à rétablir la carte actuelle du pays. Des matériaux immenses ont été recueillis et patiemment élaborés; et cependant, malgré ce qui a été fait par des explorateurs tels que Chandler, Lechevalier, Leake, Beaufort, Arundell, William Hainilton, Forbes, Alexandre de Laborde, Callier, Texier, Philippe Lebas, Waddington et bien d’autres, il reste encore immensément à faire. [ ] 8  Hogarth_1893_645b: “The peninsula is so large, so difficult to traverse, and withal of so varied a character in different districts, that much exploration must still be undertaken before either its ancient or modern geography can be known satisfactorily. To the archaeologists it is the terra incognita of all others, which still hides among its mountains and under its soil the relics of a dozen civilisations: to the geographer it is a land of wild scenery and remarkable natural phenomena, a meeting-place of many races and creeds, the bridge between Europe and Asia now as in the past.” [ ] 9  Tchihatchef_1877_3–5: L’Européen n’a pas plutôt mis le pied dans cette contrée, qu’il se sent placé complètement en dehors du monde intellectuel qu’il connaît, et qu’il comprend que sur ce terrain nouveau pour lui, il ne peut compter ni sur l’indulgence ni sur la tolérance des habitants qu’à l’aide de son action personnelle et à la condition absolue de ne paraître suspect sous aucun rapport, condition incompatible avec la tâche du naturaliste dont les plus simples opérations impressionnent les indigènes comme des actes mystérieux recelant des intentions hostiles, sacrilèges ou dangereuses; tandis qu’ils comprennent et protègent volontiers l’artiste et l’archéologue qui contemplent les monuments en ruines témoignant des victoires du Croissant sur la Croix. Aussi, aujourd’hui encore, la plupart des monuments de l’antiquité sont-ils qualifiés dans l’Orient, surtout dans l’Asie Mineure, de châteaux génois (djenovès Kâlé); ce culte voué par les Européens aux cendres de leurs prétendus ancêtres n’a donc rien de blessant pour les populations musulmanes; d’ailleurs, elles ont fini par s’habituer à ce genre de pèlerinages qui se produisent incessamment, presque toujours dans les mêmes directions, et qui sont pour elles



appendix

un objet de lucre. Voilà pourquoi l’Asie Mineure est restée inconnue sons le rapport de sa constitution physique beaucoup plus longtemps que d’autres régions, bien qu’il n’en existe pas que l’Europe ait autant d’intérêt à connaître précisément sous ce rapport, le seul qui donne la mesure de l’importance utilitaire d’un pays, surtout quand il s’agit d’une région aussi prédestinée à reprendre une place considérable dans l’histoire de l’humanité que l’est l’Asie Mineure; région qu’aujourd’hui moins que jamais il est permis d’ignorer, sous peine de renoncer au droit d’apprécier à leur juste valeur les éléments compliqués dont se compose la grande question d’Orient. [ ] 10  Wace_1903_335: “I should like in particular to direct the attention of English archaeologists to Western Asia Minor as a field of research that is practically untouched, especially as regards remains of the Hellenistic period. Brilliant results await the scientific explorer of important sites such as Sardis, Tralles, Laodicea, and Apamea, and all these are extremely easy of access. The English traveller cannot help feeling ashamed of English archaeology when he sees the unintelligible mass of ruins and brushwood that covers the site of the Artemisium at Ephesus.” [ ] 11  Nettancourt_1906_58: On connaît le mot de l’historien allemand Curtius sur l’Asie Mineure: «Ily a peu de pays où plus d’histoire se soit pressée en moins d’espace, et de fait, aujourd’hui, rien qu’à contempler la carte, partout ou presque partout où parait le nom d’un village moderne, se lève le fantôme d’une ville antique. Si un grand nombre de vestiges historiques se trouvent à la surface du sol, ses entrailles en recèlent bien d’autres qui se sont enfoncés sous leur propre poids et celui des siècles. Présentement, l’est du pays attire plutôt l’œil par ses souvenirs seldjoucides, tandis que l’ouest est principalement fertile en ruines grecques et romaines. [ ] 12  Sterrett_1907_1: “Beyond all doubt Asia Minor is the country from which in the near future important additions to the sum of human knowledge are to be expected. What could be had easily in Asia Minor, even as a result of a rapid ride through the country, has already been garnered, largely through the untiring efforts of Sir William Ramsay and those whom he has trained in field research-work, one of whom is the writer of this. But what yet remains to be done is of far greater importance than what has already been accomplished . . . / The additions to human knowledge that may be expected from a systematic search of the mere surface of Asia Minor will be manifold in nature. Such a systematic search through the country will throw much light on ancient geography, on local, regal, imperial, municipal history and legislation, on the history of Christianity in the earlier centuries of our era, on customs and manners, on pagan religious rites, ceremonies and usages, on the location and importance of ancient cities, in short on every conceivable subject affected by the collection and proper assimilation of Greek and Latin inscriptions, combined with a patient study of the topography and geography.” [ ] 13  Sterrett_1907_6: If surface exploration was his Project A, then Project B is as follows: “priceless treasures for archaeology, for history, for art, for architecture, lie buried beneath the soil. Here only excavations will avail, and systematic excavations pursued to an absolute finish should go hand in hand with the systematic exploration of the surface. There can be no doubt but that excavations will greatly advance the science of the past, and that the discoveries made will throw a bright light upon the history of the world for more than two milleniums . . . Antioch and Laodicea ad Lycum, and a host of similar cities will illustrate Hellenistic and Graeco-Roman civilization, while a host of other cities and ruined churches would illustrate early Christian and Byzantine times. This latter is a much neglected field and scholars are calling aloud to have it exploited by experts.” [ ] 14  Malte_Brun_1824_64 Asia Minor and as far S as the Euphrates; “The population only has undergone a change; nature remains essentially the same. In describing these countries we must therefore be permitted, from the ignorance of the inhabitants, and the imperfect accounts of travellers, to avail ourselves of the precious records that have been left by the ancients. We have already, on the authority of Strabo, exhibited a very complete view of the ancient geography of those regions. Strabo will still serve as our guide while we bring together the detached elements of which their modern geography is composed.



full endnote texts chapter one

But, to enable our readers the better to enjoy a view so complex and extensive, we shall separate it into its principal groups, and shall in the present book confine our attention to the peninsula of Asia Minor, along with the coast of the Euxine Sea.” [ ] 15  Le_Bas_1888_XXII–XXIII Le Bas (in his Preface, written 1856): Au commencement de 1816, malgré la persévérance et l’opiniâtreté de mon travail, j’étais à peine parvenu à transcrire et à restaurer le tiers des inscriptions d’Athènes, et je me voyais dans l’impossibilité absolue de rien livrer encore à l’impression; et cependant je pouvais prévoir dès ce moment qu’elle ne tarderait pas à commencer. Il fallut donc prendre une détermination héroïque, et, renonçant à mon premier plan, débuter par les inscriptions de l’Asie Mineure qui ne présentaient pas les mêmes obstacles. C’étaient d’ailleurs celles qui offraient le plus de nouveauté; et comme avec le savant éditeur des deux premiers volumes du Corpus j’avais cru devoir adopter l’ordre géographique, le plus propre à venir en aide à l’histoire, je n’avais pas à craindre de me voir jamais aussi longtemps arrêté que pour Athènes. Au volume de l’Asie Mineure succéderait celui qui devait contenir les inscriptions de la Mégaride, du Péloponnèse, de la Grèce centrale et des îles, dans lequel je ne devais pas rencontrer plus d’empêchements qne dans le troisième, et pendant ce temps j’achèverais la transcription des inscriptions d’Athènes, et pourrais, en temps utile, combler la lacune que j’avais laissée derrière moi. [ ] 16  Omont_1902_x: In a letter in 1630 Peiresc tries (unsuccessfully) to persuade Holstenius to go east: Mais ce que j’y trouve de plus considérable est qu’il faict estat d’aller, pour l’amour d’un homme de lettres comme vous, en personne, avec des galères du Grand Seigneur, ou autrement, pour aller visiter et faire fouiller dans les ruines d’Athènes et autres lieux plus célèbres de la Grèce, et surtout dans la bibliothèque du Mont Athos, ne voulant rien espargner pour la descouverte et acquisition des bons livres et autres notables singularitez et monuments de l’antiquité. Il faict mesmes estat de passer en Terre Sainte et de voir en passant par l’Asie Mineur tout ce qui s’y pourra recognoistre de plus recommandable. Voyez si ce party se peult honnestement refuser. Il ne vous astraindra poinct à plus de séjour que vous ne vouldrez, et vous donnera toutes sortes de bonnes adresses et supports pour voyager par tout le Levant, où vous voudrez. [ ] 17  Omont_1902_34–35 M. de Monceaux, under orders from Colbert (mainly after Greek MSS, and coins and medals), reporting on instructions left in 1670 for M. Laisné (about whom little is known): Il me souvient qu’on me donna avis qu’à Nicée, qui n’est pas loin de Constantinople, au fond du golphe de Nicomédie, il y avoit de très beaux bas-reliefs sur une façade et arc de triomphe antiques. On en peut faire la demande au caïmacan et gagner l’aga pour une somme. Il y a trois bas-reliefs de marbre, qui sont au dessus d’une porte du château, que j’offrois de payer à ceux qui les descendroient jusques à la marine, mais le caïmacan ayant refusé de les faire ôter en son nom, je m’en départis pour ne pas essuyer une avarice aprèz qu’il auroit pris mon argent, comme c’étoit son dessein. On peut faire tenter son successeur là dessus, en cas que celuy-cy n’en soit plus gouverneur; possible qu’il sera moins scrupuleux que l’autre et qu’il y apportera plus de facilité. [ ] 18  Anon_Reviewer_1843_445: “Since this country has been under the undisturbed dominion of the Grand Seignior, few of its districts have been accurately examined, Except the coast line, where trade was always carried on to a considerable extent with one or other of the maritime powers of Europe; and the ruined sites df the Seven Churches, to which pilgrims were attracted by the desire to learn the existing state of places so renowned in the Apostolic ages; little was known either of the condition of the present, or the relics of the past inhabitants. The curiosity for antiquarian discovery was absorbed by the nearer attractions of Italy and Greece; and till lately there has existed a strong impression of the insecurity of travelling in this country, and of the lawless habits of the tribes that are to be found in it – an impression which does not seem to be well founded.” [ ] 19  Conder_1830_95: “Lieutenant-Colonel Leake states, that he finds five-sixths of Asia Minor a blank, Not only are the names and boundaries of the ancient provinces obliterated, but the limits even of the present states cannot be ascertained with any precision.”



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[ ] 20 Malte_Brun_1824_89: “Here we conclude our topographical sketch of Asia Minor and the neighbouring islands. It has necessarily been rapid, because vast tracts, either quite unknown, or known only from the vague relations of the orientalists, are interposed between the routes of European travellers, routes which are neither sufficiently numerous, nor sufficiently diversified to furnish us with a modern topography equal to that which may be extracted from the Greek and Roman writers.” [ ] 21  Paton_&_Myres_1896_243: “The surface of the Karian coastland has for the most part been so closely denuded since classical times, that early sites such as Assarlik, Chink Chalar, and Alizetin seem hardly worth excavating; and consequently such evidence as can be gleaned from the tombs is of the greater proportionate importance. But the tombs are also unfortunately in most cases either collapsed and in need of elaborate and systematic excavation, or else completely rifled or denuded like the town sites.” [ ] 22  Tchihatchef_1854_50–51: lorsque je considérais que de tous ceux qui ont jusqu’ici parcouru l’Asie Mineure, personne encore n’avait consacré à cette contrée autant de temps que moi, et ne l’avait sillonnée en autant de directions différentes, j’ai commencé à me persuader qu’il y aurait aussi quelque mérite peut-être à faciliter aux autres les découvertes qu’on a été dans l’impossibilité de faire soi-même. Or, comme j’ai été plus d’une fois dans le cas de traverser des régions qu’on n’avait pas visitées avant moi, il m’a paru utile d’indiquer aux archéologues qui y viendraient un jour ce qu’ils pourraient espérer dy trouver, et de les mettre à même déjuger de l’ensemble des ruines existant aujourd’hui en Asie Mineure, non-seulement par les grands monuments bien caractérisés et identifiés avec les cités qu’ils représentent, mais encore par la distribution géographique des accumulations et traînées de débris de toute espèce, débris qui sont en quelque sorte de vrais disjecti membra poetœ et qui, quoique souvent indéchiffrables pour le moment, pourraient, mieux examinés, fournir un jour leur contingent de lumière et de révélation, soit en indiquant l’emplacement de certaines cités mentionnées par les anciens, soit en se rattachant à celles dont les ruines ont déjà été reconnues. [ ] 23  Elliott_1838_162 coast near the plain of Mylasa: “The changes that have taken place in the outline of this coast owing to successive depositions of earth render it extremely difficult to trace with exactness the site of towns whose ruins exhibit no remarkable and distinctive features. Ancient islands now form part of the continent, and cities once washed by the sea are many miles inland; lakes have been filled and rivers have changed their courses; while in many cases the soil has been raised ten or twenty yards, so that the antiquary would in vain search on the surface for ruins embedded under his feet in the very spot where they are baffling his science and eluding his enquiries.” [ ] 24  Tchihatchef_1868_122–123 contrasts then and now: Selon Cornélius Nepos (Vit. Ages., 3–6), sous la domination persane, la Carie était considérée comme la plus riche province de l’Asie Mineure; aujourd’hui elle est au nombre des plus pauvres; enfin les parages de Soli en Cilicie, remarquables aujourd’hui seulement par les ruines de l’antique Pompéopolis disséminées au milieu d’une contrée déserte, infestée par les brigands, les pirates et les fièvres, étaient jadis célèbres, selon Théophraste (VIII, 8), par les qualités supérieures de froment qu’ils produisaient. [ ] 25  Walckenaer_&_Raoul-Rochette_1850_235b: La Lycie a été deux fois explorée par M. Felloras [sic], et quelques uns de ses monuments les plus remarquables sont aujourd’hui à Londres. Une troisième exploration n’aurait pas probablement des résultats qui en compenseraient les fatigues: aussi nous avons pensé qu’il était inutile d’appeler sur ce pays l’attention particulière de M. Anger. [ ] 26  Fellows_1841_iii: “On my visit to Asia Minor in 1838, of which I gave an account in my former Journal, I found that the district of ancient Lycia was so rich in all that is most interesting to the traveller, that, my time then allowing of only a short excursion into it, I could not but feel a strong desire to return at a future day, and explore it more carefully. / This desire was increased when, on reaching England, I learned how completely unknown this country is to modern travellers, and how much importance the learned attached to many of my discoveries.”



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[ ] 27  Anon_Reviewer_1843_447: “Unquestionably a higher idea of the extraordinary nature of Grecian civilization is to be derived from the relics to be found in Asia Minor, than from those of Athens itself. In the latter, doubtless, works of exquisite design are yet existing in better preservation, and scattered in greater profusion. But in Asia Minor we are struck not only by the mere number of the cities, but also by the deep root, the perfect possession, which the Greek spirit had so manifestly taken of the whole country. The beautiful erections that are left, do not appear as solitary trophies of a conqueror’s vanity – such as the Romans left in the shape of a fortress or an aqueduct in chosen spots of their subjugated provinces. The Greeks themselves built cities and peopled them. Every where are found temples where the deities of Greece were worshipped; stadia for the celebration of their games; theatres for the representation of their dramas – the very sites of which proclaim that love of the beautiful so universally manifested among the Greeks.” [ ] 28  Walckenaer_&_Raoul-Rochette_1850_234: La seconde partie du voyage aurait pour but l’étude des monuments de la grande école ionique, et comprendrait l’exploration des villes grecques les plus importantes, depuis Smyrne jusqu’à Cnide. / Dans cette région, temples, théâtres, stades, gymnases, tombeaux, monuments de toute espèce, s’offrirent, pour ainsi dire, à chaque pas. Que de points à signaler à l’attention du voyageur! Teos, Notium, Éphèse, Priène, Milet, Héraclée du Latmos, les branchides, Halicarnasse, Guide, Stratonicée, Labranda, Milassa. Les manuscrits de M. Huyot, conservés à la Bibliothèque nationale, offriront sans doute à M. Anger les renseignements les plus précieux pour cette partie de son voyage, et nous ne pouvons que l’engager à les étudier avec attention. [ ] 29  Grell_1981_61: Les voyages des Britanniques au Levant furent réguliers et systématiques. La Société des Dilettanti, fondée en 1734, encouragea et finança des voyages archéologiques. En revanche, force est de constater l’absence et l’effacement des Français: il n’y a pas d’étude sur la Troade avant les expéditions de Choiseul-Gouffier dans les années 1780. Les Anglais pour leur part visitèrent la Troade l’Iliade à la main et nous leur sommes redevables des premières découvertes qui conduisirent à la reconstitution progressive de la Troade homérique ainsi qu’à la résurrection du passé. [ ] 30  AJA_II_1886_212–213: “There seems to be a general impulse, of late years, to a thorough exploration of the important provinces of Asia Minor, and many countries are vying with each other in expeditions sent out for the purpose: Germany, with her work at Pergamon under Humann and Conze; Austria, with her Lanckoronski expeditions to Lykia and Pamphylia; England, with Mr. Ramsay whose work has been so important for the geography of the least-known parts of the country; and America, with Dr. Sterrett, whose collection of inedited inscriptions will be, when published, the third great event in Anatolian epigraphy. The entire field is thus being thoroughly gone over, in its monuments, epigraphy and geography. From this energetic and continuous work the most important results may be expected, and Asia Minor, until now the least-known, will become one of the most familiar of Eastern lands. The questions of the Hittites, of the relation of the Greeks of Asia Minor to the Oriental Empires, to the native races, and to Greece, will all receive new light.” [ ] 31  Raveneau_1892_175: On sait combien est vive en Asie Mineure la lutte pour l’archéologie. Français, Allemands, Anglais, voire même Américains recueillent des inscriptions et des vases, exhument des villes enfouies et par aventure nous renseignent sur les routes prises, sur les régions parcourues. Mieux préparés, mieux entraînés aux observations géographiques, les élèves du l’École française d’Athènes auraient pu avancer bien davantage notre connaissance de l’Asie Mineure. Il est utile, néanmoins de consulter leurs itinéraires dans le Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique et de se reporter aussi aux publications de l’Institut allemand et de l’École anglaise d’Athènes. Si la côte nord a été quelque, peu négligée, la partie occidentale a été visitée par von Diest, un des compagnons de Kiepert, par Humann (Lydie), par Paton (Lycie). L’ouvrage de Langronski sur la Pisidie, l’exploration de la Cilicie par Bent (1889), les études plus spécialement géographiques de Bukovsky dans le sud-ouest, de Wilson dans le Taurus, nous font mieux, connaître la cote méridionale. Les recherches de Chantre sont une contribution importante, à l’ethnographie de l’Asie



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Mineure. La traversée de la péninsule est exécutée par Elisiéiev, presque, en pure perte, puisque le voyageur perd ses notes et ses collections. / On le voit, l’objet que se proposent la plupart de ces explorateurs n’intéresse qu’indirectement la géographie: l’investigation scientifique, de l’Asie Mineure n’est sérieusement poussée qu’en certains points, à la périphérie. L’ouvrage d’ensemble de Tchihatchev était une oeuvre prématurée, partant incomplète et inexacte. Par contre la cartographie progresse, elle devance même la conquête, définitive du sol. La carte de l’Asie turque de Stebnitzky vient s’ajouter à la belle collection des cartes russes sorties de l’atelier de Tiflis. Mais sauf cette exception, le monopole cartographique de l’Asie Mineure reste à H. Kiepert. Par ses voyages répétés dans le pays, par ses observations personnelles, par la critique, ingénieuse à laquelle il soumet les documents employés, Kiepert prend et nous donne de l’Asie Mineure une connaissance chaque jour plus nette et plus complète. La comparaison de sa première carte parue en 1855 avec ses deux dernières montre les progrès constants de la méthode et de l’information. En 1890–1891 Kiepert nous livre les trois fascicules de l’Asie Mineure occidentale (1: 250,000). La netteté et la sûreté de la composition, une exécution parfaite, donnent un grand prix à cette publication nouvelle. [ ] 32  Pratt_1915_334: “Germany had by this time [1895] already secured a footing on the soil of Asiatic Turkey by virtue of the Anatolian Railway. The first section – a length of about seventy miles, extending from Haidar Pacha (situate on the north-eastern coast of the Sea of Marmara, and opposite Constantinople) to Ismidt – was built in 1875 by German engineers to the order of the Turkish Government. It was transferred in 1888 to a German syndicate, nominees of the Deutsche Bank. Under the powers then conferred upon them, the syndicate opened an extension, on the east, to Angora, in 1892, and another, on the south, to Konia, in 1896, the total length of line being thus increased to 633 miles.” [ ] 33  Pratt_1915_332: “In 1848 Wilhelm Roscher, the leading expounder of the historical school of political economy in Germany, selected Asia Minor as Germany’s share in the Turkish spoils, when- ever the division thereof should take place; and Johann Karl Robertus (1805–1875), the founder of the so-called scientific socialism in Germany, expressed the hope that he would live long enough to see Turkey fall into the hands of Germany, and, also, to see German soldiers on the shores of the Bosporus.” [ ] 34  Budge_1925_ix–xi: “there seems to exist a rather widespread desire, especially on the Continent, and among the followers of Continental scholars in England, to belittle the works of English Assyriologists, and to obscure the fact that the science of Assyriology was founded by Englishmen, and developed entirely by the Trustees of the British Museum and their staff. The English built the main edifice of Assyriology, and other nations constructed the outlying buildings . . . The object of this book is to tell the general reader how Rawlinson founded the science of Assyriology, how it was established solely by the Trustees of the British Museum, and to show how the study of it passed from England into Germany and other European countries, and finally into America, where it has taken deep root.” [ ] 35  Le_Bas_1888_IX: Un des maîtres de l’archéologie moderne, Edouard Gerhard, a dit avec une haute raison: « Celui qui a vu un monument de l’art, n’a rien vu; celui qui en a vu mille, en a vu un. » Nous voulons faciliter à tous la connaissance des mille monuments qui rend seule possible et féconde l’intelligence des monuments isolés. Nous voulons que la méthode comparative en archéologie cesse d’être, pour le plus grand nombre, un idéal impossible à réaliser. Tels sont le plan et le but de notre Bibliothèque: au public de dire si nous sommes dans la bonne voie. [ ] 36  Lithgow_1632_155–156 near Smyrna in 1611: “Truely, neare unto this City, I saw a long continuing plaine, abounding in Cornes, Wines, all sorts of fruitfull herbage, and so infinitely peopled, that methought Nature seemed, with the peoples industry to contend, the one by propagating creatures, the other by admirable agriculture.”



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[ ] 37  Ibn_Battuta_1877_II_310 (travelling 1325–1354) Smyrna: grande ville située sur le rivage de la mer, mais dont la portion la plus considérable est en ruines. Elle possède un château contigu à sa partie supérieure. [ ] 38  Anon_1745_504b: “Natolia, the most fertile country in the world, lies great part of it unmanured, and several provinces of that empire, which formerly were exceeding populous, and abounded in all things, are now become perfect desarts, scarce any thing but ruins are to be seen in those countries, which were heretofore famous for fine cities and elegant buildings.” [ ] 39  Fellows_1839_22: “The country as we approached Acsa became very low and marshy, and seemed only occupied by wild ducks, swans, plovers, and water-hens. For some miles we passed over a paved road, for the most part of stones rounded by the rivers; but along the edge of the road, which was built up with more care, I frequently saw marble cornices and beautifully cut stones; and in the walls and burial-ground at the entrance of the town there were numerous pieces of columns, many of granite, stuck in the ground as Turkish gravestones. The scenery has been all day extremely beautiful, and the land, which is always rich, would be valuable if sufficiently cultivated, but it is much neglected.” [ ] 40  Mac_Farlane_1829_293–294 after the Hermus river, on the way to Pergamum: “we passed cemeteries and cemeteries, but no villages. Each cemetery contained numerous fragments of Grecian columns, capitals, friezes, &c. The size of the cemeteries give evidence of the existence of a Turkish population at no very remote period, of which hardly a trace is now to be seen; and the mutilated monuments of art refer, with a penetrating voice, to the far gone dats, when these regions shone foremost in civilization, when their plains were cultivated and populous, the cities frequent, and adorned with temples, statues and other works.” [ ] 41  Elliott_1838_99 approaching Adala: “The country, rich in resources but devoid of living agents, teems only with the dead. In a ride of six hours to Adala, we passed cemetery after cemetery, silent, large, and full, and but two solitary villages.” [ ] 42  Browne_1820_107 from a vantage-point above Nicaea: “It is from these elevations that the traveller may observe how small a proportion the cultivated soil bears to that which lies waste. Yet in this quarter the motives that excite to activity, industry and good cultivation, are more powerful, and the tracts of neglected surface much less extensive than in other parts of Anatolia.” [ ] 43  Prime_1876_141 Nicaea in 1832: “Indeed, almost every thing seems to have been rebuilt again and again. Even the very mud cottages of the present generation are composed of fragments of the fine arts; and in them, as well as in those parts of the walls of the city that have been repaired, are inserted here arid there mutilated bas-reliefs and Greek inscriptions, often turned upside down. But most of the habitations of this once crowded population are totally obliterated. The ploughshare now passes over a great part of the ancient city; the sepulchres of the dead are ploughed up, and fields of wheat and mulberry now occupy the sites of ancient palaces and temples and mausoleums.” [ ] 44  Leake_1820_237b Mut: Some of the people we saw living under sheds, and in the caverns of the rocks. Among these Turkish ruins and abodes of misery may be traced the plan of the antient Greek city. Its chief streets and temples, and other public buildings, may be clearly distinguished, and long colonnades and porticoes with the lower parts of the columns in their original places. Pillars of verd-antique, breccia, and other marble, lie half-buried in different parts, or support the remains of ruined mosques and houses. Most of the inhabitants whom we saw appeared half-naked, and half-starved; and this in a valley which promises the greatest abundance and fertility, and which is certainly capable of supporting a large population.” [ ] 45  Madden_1829_I_145: “the fatigue of the route is aggavated by the spectacle of a fine country and a rich soil uncultivated and unpeopled; for the first time in my life, I travelled vrhole days without seeing a peasant, and indeed, from Brusa to Magnesia, without viewing as many scattered houses as would form a decent hamlet. Nothing could be more dreary, than to traverse a country for which nature had done every thing, and man noth-



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ing; the desolation I encountered at every step proclaimed the Moslem to be an enemy to national prosperity in particular, and to human happiness in general. In short, the traces of despotism were written in legible characters on the soil, and the stamp of degradation was imprinted on the features of the few wretched peasants we encountered in the towns. It was evident, indeed, that the country through which I passed was ‘a land of tyrants and a den of slaves.’” [ ] 46  Senior_1859_192: “‘How much of Asia Minor,’ I said, ‘do you suppose to be uncultivated?’ / ‘Ninety-nine hundredths,’ he answered; ‘if you go from hence towards Magnesia, you will ride ten hours through fine land without seeing a human habitation. But such is the fertility of the hundredth part which is cultivated, that if there were roads, its produce would influence sensibly the markets of Europe. A few years ago the crop of madder failed in the south of France. The export from Smyrna doubled, and in a great measure supplied the loss. If we had roads, we should drive the French madder out of the market.’” [ ] 47  Tchihatchef_1850_732: La nature, on le voit, a été prodigue envers l’Asie Mineure; elle lui a tout donné, richesses agricoles et richesses minérales. On se demande comment un empire qui compte parmi ses provinces un si riche territoire occupe aujourd’hui dans le monde un rang si peu digne de son glorieux passé. Le mot de cette énigme est dans l’organisation vicieuse de l’administration turque. Déjà on a pu voir combien le régime auquel est soumise l’Asie Mineure nuit au développement de sa prospérité matérielle. Il me reste à traiter cette question d’un point de vue plus large et dans ses rapports avec la prospérité générale de l’empire ottoman. [ ] 48  Tchihatchef_1868_333–334: L’accroissement du chiffre de la population de l’Asie Mineure aurait pour conséquence immanquable la restitution aux nombreuses régions arides des conditions de fertilité qu’elles avaient jadis. Ce sont surtout les plateaux de la Lycaonie qui deviendraient l’objet des premiers efforts des colons, dont l’énergie et l’habileté ne se laisseront point décourager par l’aspect que présentent ces lieux aujourd’hui. Ces vastes surfaces calcaires, complètement déboisées et plus ou moins revêtues d’efflorescences salines, produisent en effet une impression tellement triste, que si l’on y ramenait les habitants qui les occupaient jadis et les avaient couvertes de splendides cités et de jardins verdoyants, ils refuseraient probablement ce tardif héritage, en déclarant qu’il n’est plus susceptible d’avoir une valeur quelconque. / Heureusement le progrès des sciences chimiques, et le prodigieux développement de l’agriculture et de l’économie rurale qui en est résulté, nous fournissent des ressources inconnues aux anciens, en sorte que si nous sommes plus avancés qu’eux dans l’art funeste de la destruction, en revanche nous possédons des moyens de réparation qui leur manquaient. Ainsi, sous le double rapport de l’exploitation des terrains calcaires imprégnés de sel, et du développement de la végétation arborescente dans les endroits qui en sont privés, deux mesures ont été récemment proposées [then gives details]. [ ] 49  Clarke_1865_283–287 for tables of Asia Minor towns with populations divided Greeks, Armenians, Jews, Turks. Ibid., 288–293 for comparative populations at various dates, details from authors such as Spon, Dallaway, Pococke, Hamilton, Choiseul-Gouffier, Kinneir, Prokesch and the like. Some samples: Ankara declining in earlier 19thC, but back to 54,000 in 1838 – Afyon is larger for all the dates cited. Manisa from 12,000 in 1675, up to 50,000 in 1841–54. Smyrna reckoned as growing from 100,000 in 1715 to 180,000 in 1864. Konya has 60,000 in 1767, 30,000 in 1834. [ ] 50  Clarke_1865_282: “The value of the evidence I have employed, as collected by Kiepert, can be readily estimated. A traveller is generally quartered in the house of a Greek, commonly the official head of the nation, millet bashi, or khoja bashi. He can answer pretty well as to the number of Greek houses, and on such occasions he does not put it down too low. He knows the number of Jewish and Armenian houses, but here his evidence is not so safe. As to the Mussulman population, he can give nothing reliable.” [ ] 51  Huntington_1909_691: “The plans under discussion provide for a railroad which shall start on the Black Sea, presumably at Samsun, and go southward across the central plateau to Sivas, about 4,500 feet above the sea, and then southeast to Diarbekr at the



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southern foot of the plateau, whence it will continue into Mesopotamia to join the longtalked-of Baghdad Railway. From Sivas branches will run east and west along the plateau. The special object in view is to reach the rich mines of copper, silver and other minerals which might be worked to great advantage if transporta-tion facilities were provided. An American company has offered to finance the undertaking with no other guarantee than the right to work all the mines along the zone within easy reach of the proposed railroad.” [ ] 52  Pratt_1915_343–344: “In the wide scope of their aggressive purpose, the Baghdad Railway and its associated hues can best be compared with those roads which the Romans, in the days of their pride – the pride that came before their fall – built for the better achievement of their own aims as world-conquerors. Apart from the fact that the roads now in question are iron roads, and that the locomotive has superseded the chariot, the main difference between Roman and German is to be found in the fact that the world which the former sought to conquer was far smaller than the one coveted by the latter.” [ ] 53  Schlumberger 1884, 397–425: slowness was accompanied by lack of comfort. [ ] 54  Elliott_1838_82 at Saliklee, on the road to Philadelphia: “The soil in this neighbourhood, like that of the whole country we traversed, is rich but untilled. Under any other government, population and cultivation would be rapidly increasing; but here both are on the decline: many lands that were once productive are now lying unheeded, their owners having fled or resigned a speculation which nature favors, but which the avarice of the aga, who demands half the produce, renders abortive. The system pursued by the Porte is that which prevailed in India previous to the introduction of British rule. The sovereign lets out his country to pashas, who divide their principalities among beys, and these make a subdivision of their districts among agas: each is bound to pay a certain sum to the superior of whom he holds, without reference to what he collects: thus, the object of all is to enrich themselves at the expense of their immediate inferiors. The weight of this accumulated cupidity falls on the peasants, who are compelled to pay to the petty aga of their village the very last farthing that can be wrung from them.” [ ] 55  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_I_165 written at Smyrna: Comme il n’y a aucun moyen en Turquie de détruire le chaos des abus et d’établir quelque chose de régulier, ce désordre ira toujours en augmentant. Les besoins du gouvernement, se faisant chaque jour sentir davantage, autoriseront de nouvelles exactions, qui croîtront en raison composée de l’avidité de ses agents, à qui ces besoins serviront de prétexte pour piller et pour tout prendre. Pour arriver à une régénération, il faudrait sur le trône de Constantinople un homme d’un ordre tout à fait supérieur, qui sût se dégager de l’entourage misérable qui l’enlace; il faudrait que cet homme eut pour le seconder dans ses travaux un bon nombre d’individus capables et éclairés, qui comprissent l’esprit du pays, les éléments qui le constituent, et la manière de s’en servir; il faudrait enfin un concours de circonstances impossibles à renconrer, et qu’il est impossible de faire naître. [ ] 56  Senior_1859_178 a deputation “five or six years ago” to the Sultan: “Soliman Pasha, addressing the Sultan, said, These 400 excellent men, deputies from all your Majesty’s provinces, say, that they are most happy under your Majesty’s rule, and ‘have only four wishes: – First, that, whereas the taxes are collected in spring, and they have no money till after the harvest in autumn, the collection of the taxes be post-poned until autumn. Secondly, that the tithes may be taken in kind, instead of being taken as they now are in money, at a price of produce arbitrarily fixed by the tithe collector. Thirdly, that roads may be made to enable them to carry their produce to market. Fourthly, that harbours be made along the coast. / All which requests your Majesty has granted. I have, therefore, informed them – First, that in future the taxes will be collected in autumn. Secondly, that the tithes will be collected in kind. Thirdly, that roads will be immediately made throughout the empire. Fourthly, that harbours will be immediately made along the whole coast.’ “/ Of which four promises only the second has been kept. The taxes are still levied in spring, there are no roads, and there are no harbours.”



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[ ] 57  Tchihatchef_1868_301–302: Aussi, les hommes d’État de Rome étaient bien loin de méconnaître tout le prix d’une province telle que l’Asie Mineure, car dans une lettre adressée au Sénat (en date de Cilicie, l’an 703 de Rome), Cicéron lui représente la nécessité de soulager les charges exorbitantes qui pesaient sur l’Asie Mineure, en lui rappelant que « le budjet du peuple romain n’avait nulle part de source aussi précieuse pour ses recettes; » et pourtant Rome possédait alors les régions les plus productives et les plus riches du monde! / Telle a été jadis l’Asie Mineure, habitée aujourd’hui par 3 millions d’individus, pauvres, démoralisés, disséminés au milieu des déserts, des marais et des ruines. Combien de temps cette longue expiation des grandeurs passées doit-elle durer encore, et quels sont les moyens pour hâter l’oeuvre d’une réhabilitation? Ce sont là des questions épineuses, mais qui s’imposent irrésistiblement dans un moment où toutes les grandes questions de remaniement et de régénération sociale et politique sont non seulement à l’ordre du jour, jour, mais encore à la veille de quitter les sphères abstraites de la discussion pour entrer dans l’arène positive de l’action. [ ] 58  Perrot_1863_323–324: Les sujets du sultan, tout le monde le sait, ne forment pas, comme ceux de la plupart des souverains occidentaux, une masse homogène, ayant, à tout prendre, mêmes intérêts et mêmes passions, composée de groupes qui peuvent différer d’origine, de langue et de religion, mais qui se mêlent et se pénètrent à chaque instant et en mille manières, qui se sentent tous profondément solidaires les uns des autres. En un mot, il n’y a pas en Turquie de nation proprement dite, mais autant de nations que de races ou plutôt que de communions, juxtaposées et non fondues, ni en train de se fondre, dans la vaste étendue de cet immense empire: elles n’adhèrent l’une à l’autre, elles ne sont maintenues ensemble dans une apparente unité que par la suprématie qu’une de ces races, la race turque, exerce sur toutes les autres, et par l’autorité d’un pouvoir central auquel on paie l’impôt, mais qui d’ailleurs ne s’ingère jamais dans les détails de la vie intérieure d’aucun de ces groupes. [ ] 59  Radet_1901_352: Depuis que Bousbeke, en 1555, avait découvert et transcrit le texte latin du Testament politique d’Auguste, le « Monument d’Ancyre » avait plus d’une fois attiré l’attention. Tournefort, en 1701, avait constaté l’existence d’une traduction grecque, dont Paul Lucas, en 1705, avait pris copie. Mais, en dépit des efforts d’Hamilton en 1836, de Mordtmann en 1869, la connaissance de cette inscription célèbre n’avait pas fait de sérieux progrès. Napoléon III résolut d’en obtenir une édition définitive. Georges Perrot fut chargé de cette tâche. Le 15 avril 1861, il débarquait à Constantinople, où ses collaborateurs Edmond Guillaume et Jules Delbet ne tardèrent pas à le rejoindre. Une tournée en Mysie préluda au voyage galate. Le 2 mai, nos trois compagnons touchaient à Nicomédie. De là, par Nicée et Brousse, ils gagnaient Cyzique. Puis, s’enfonçant dans l’intérieur, ils traversèrent la nécropole de Midas. Le 30 juin, ils rentraient à Péra. Dans la seconde moitié de leur expédition, Héraclée Politique fut leur station initiale. Ils y abordèrent le 16 juillet. Le 11 août, après un fructueux séjour à Uskub et à Boli, ils atteignirent Angora. Ils en repartirent le 29 octobre pour visiter les châteaux rupestres de la Ptérie. D’Amasia, ils firent un. crochet sur Zilleh et revirent la mer, le 15 décembre, à Samsoun. Le 20, ils mouillaient dans le Bosphore, en face de Top-Hané. Ils avaient consacré sept mois à l’exploration des bassins du Rhyndaque, du Sangarius et de l’Halys. [ ] 60  Dallaway_1797_173 Nicaea to Bursa: “At some distance the villages are very engaging from their eligible situations, but nothing can be more disgusting than their poverty, when we enter them. Nothing is seen to evince the industry and decent habits of a happy peasantry.” [ ] 61  Wilson_1884_310: “With its magnificent seaboard, and its agricultural and mineral wealth, Anatolia should be one of the most prosperous countries in the world; its present miserable condition is due to centuries of misgovernment, but a time will come when its resources will again be developed, and it will then take the lead amongst the countries in the Levant.” [ ] 62  Regelseperger_1906_281: Contrée fertile, la Turquie d’Asie doit uniquement sa richesse à l’agriculture, mais la population agricole est pauvre et ruinée par les usuriers.



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Manquant d’argent comptant, les paysans sont contraints de vendre leurs récoltes sur pied et de contracter des emprunts à des conditions désastreuses. La rareté de la main d’œuvre et l’insécurité des campagnes s’opposent à l’extension des cultures. D’autre part, l’insuffisance des voies de communication rend très difficile, sinon impossible, la vente et l’exportation des produits de l’agriculture. Enfin, l’absence de cadastre et de toute garantie pour la délimitation de la propriété, l’ignorance extraordinaire des agriculteurs, sont autant de causes qui contribuent â maintenir l’agriculture de ce pays dans un état de grande infériorité, en raison surtout de la capacité productive de la terre. [ ] 63  Lejean_1866_310–311: Je m’occupe avec ardeur d’une étude assez neuve: celle de l’agriculture, et en général des forces productives de l’Anatolie. Cette magnifique province, si riche aux diverses époques de son autonomie, a toujours la même vigueur de production qu’il y a vingt siècles. Dans les provinces que j’ai parcourues, j’ai trouvé deux races agricoles fort diverses: le paysan du littoral, Turc ou Grec, est actif, intelligent, un peu routinier comme tous les paysans, mais en somme une population d’avenir. Dans l’intérieur, tout est Turc: là, le paysan, sans être précisément paresseux, et torpide, engourdi par ses habitudes de résignation musulmane, du reste moral, honnête, sans fanatisme violent, sans grand besoin de bien-être. Dans les villages mixtes où j’ai passé, le chrétien est à l’aise; le musulman est pauvre, mais ne semble rien désirer de mieux. Le grand mal est la rareté spécifique de la population, et ce mal ne promet pas de diminuer, car la race turque subit un décroissement rapide dont les causes sont trop longues à expliquer ici. J’ai éprouvé dans les districts intérieurs du Khodavendjar et en Khodja-Hi l’irritation continue qu’inspire à un agriculteur consciencieux un pays admirable habité par des fainéants, ou, ce qui revient au même, par de grands enfants sans initiative. Quant à la Galatie centrale, c’est tout autre chose: la Champagne pouilleuse est un Éden à côté. Figurez-vous des steppes blanchâtres, avec quelques cavités où les torrents ont roulé un peu de terre brune: là, les paysans turcs font du jardinage, ce à quoi ils ne s’entendent pas trop mal. Il faut convenir que les GalloGrecs n’ont pas abusé des droits de la victoire en s’ emparant de ce triste pays; il est vrai que le Gaulois n’a jamais eu l’esprit très-pratique. [ ] 64  Geary_1878_349–350: “‘So long as England can prevent Turkey from toppling over,’ said a Greek banker to me, ‘she will do so, and neither the Greeks nor the other Christians will get anything. As for the Turks themselves, they can do nothing. They have no head for business; they cannot conduct their own affairs as other people can. How then can they govern the Christian populations properly? When you go to Athens you will see good streets and roads, just as in any other European city; it is the same at Bucharest. It is very different in the cities which the Turks still govern. They have done a little for Constantinople itself, though even there nearly everything has really been done by the Greeks and other Christians – but which of the other towns is fit to live in?’ . . . The patronizing air with which the poor Turks were excused for their shortcomings, on the ground that they could not help being imbecile, was very characteristic of the attitude assumed, by educated Greeks, with regard to their former oppressors.” [ ] 65  Radet_1901_212–213: Ce Bulletin [de Correspondance Hellénique] qui, du temps d’Albert Dumont, s’attachait à recueillir les informations fraîches, à noter les étapes de la science, à fixer le détail contemporain où, plus tard, l’historien ressaisit la chaleur de la vie, il affectait maintenant de ne viser qu’à l’impersonnelle vérité sans date, de n’être qu’une manière d’herbier à inscriptions. / Il y eut des lacunes plus graves. Est-il croyable que de tant d’explorations en Asie Mineure, la géographie, la topographie, l’ethnographie n’aient retiré presque aucun bénéfice? Est-il croyable que de tant d’itinéraires à travers des contrées vierges, pas un seul n’ait été publié dans le Bulletin? Les griefs de Ramsay, d’Hirschfeld, de Kiepert à ce sujet peuvent n’être pas exempts de partialité; mais les mêmes critiques se sont élevées chez nous. Les anciens envois, observe M. Perrot, « étaient, pour la plupart, des descriptions détaillées d’un district de la Grèce continentale ou d’une des îles de l’Archipel, description qu’accompagnait l’histoire du pays . . . N’a-t-on pas renoncé d’une manière trop absolue à cette forme, qui avait bien ses avantages? Les pensionnaires, dans ces dernières années, ont beaucoup parcouru l’Asie Mineure et l’ont quelquefois



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traversée de part en part, de Scutari ou de Smyrne à Adalia ou à Tarse. De ces pointes hardies, ils ont rapporté beaucoup d’inscriptions inédites et quelques textes de première importance; mais on aurait été heureux de voir ces courses aboutir à des monographies où les documents lapidaires n’auraient pas été relevés seuls, où auraient été signalés tous les vestiges de l’Antiquité, voire même de la période byzantine, où auraient été décrites, vallée par vallée, ville par ville, des contrées encore aussi mal connues que la Bithynie et la Paphlagonie, que la Carie et la Phrygie. » [ ] 66  Ramsay_1897b_44–45: “Nothing is ever repaired in Turkey, A building once made is allowed to stand until it becomes uninhabitable. In the better houses, the ground floor is used for stables and lumber-room, and the dwelling rooms are all on the upper floor. If one of the steps in the wooden ladder or staircase that leads to the dwelling-rooms is broken, you must make a greater effort at that point, such is the will of God: so long as it is possible to ascend, things will be left untouched. Apparently, when a house decays, it is preferred to build a new one elsewhere. Hence the traveller is often struck by the number of ruined hovels, through which he has to pass before reaching the inhabited part of a town. Konia, for example, seems to be a city of the dead, if you enter it from some directions, for you ride through streets of roofless, empty, mud-brick houses. The author of Anadol speaks at Kaisari about ‘the neglected aspect; great khans are deserted and crumbling to ruins, warehouses empty, bazaars only half occupied, and not a street without its rows of uninhabited houses, and many gaps where houses had fallen altogether . . . all displayed a depressed and languishing appearance, as if life were fast waning from Caesarea.’ In 1890 the parts of Kaisari which I saw were much better: the development of Armenian activity in recent years had caused a general renovation.” [ ] 67  Perrot_1867_iv: puzzled by the oriental: Nous avons bien peine à comprendre cette calme résignation aux maux de la vie qu’inspirent des croyances fatalistes sucées avec le sang de génération en génération. [ ] 68  Neale_1851_202: “It is on such occasions as these, when the Sultan himself, or any member of his family, travels, that bridges and roads in Turkey stand any chance of repair. We of Alexandretta benefitted to this extent – that an old bridge was repaired, which led over a morass in the centre of the marshes. Previously to this occasion, it had remained for years in a very bad condition, though the caravans to Aleppo passed over it daily, and seldom without a camel or two sprawling in the water, to the great damage of the clean new bales of Manchester manufactures slung upon their backs.” [ ] 69  Caylus_1761_IV_378–379 & Pl.CXIV, Chartres-Orleans road: Voici le plan de cette Voye Romaine, & la route qu’elle suît: il est aisé de la reconnoître sur le terrein; elle subsiste dans sa totalité, & sa construction est élevée de 2 à 3 pieds, quelquefois de plus, au-dessus des terres riveraines: cette espèce de chaussée est large de 15 jusqu’à 18 pieds; elle est composée de lits de pierres, & d’autres lits de terre, placés dans les intervalles: cette voye eft aujourd’hui rompue dans toute sa longueur, par cinq ou six ornières trèsprofondes, qui la rendent impraticable. Les Ponts & Chaussées ont formé le projet de la réparer incessamment; la dépense même sera médiocre; & quand elle seroit plus considérable, elle ne peut entrer en comparaison, avec l’avantage de fournir une pareille communication dans l’intérieur du Royaume. [ ] 70  Tournefort_II_1718_61–62 roads – surely optimistic: “As Charity and Love of one’s Neighbour are the most essential Points of the Mahometan Religion, the Highways are generally kept mighty well; and there are Springs of Water common enough, because they are wanted for making the Ablutions. The Poor look after the Conduit-Pipes, and those who have a tolerable Fortune repair the Causeys. The Neighbourhood joins together to build Bridges over the deep Routs, and contribute to the Benefit of the Publick, according to their power. The Workmen take no Hire, but find Masons and Labourers gratis for the several sorts of Work.” [ ] 71  Ramsay_1883c_258 Attaleia: The gateway on the east wall of Attaleia leading to Perga was built in the reign of Hadrian. It was closed by a Turkish wall, which was recently removed, and the beautiful work of the Roman gâte disclosed. Several of the stones in the



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Turkish masonry bore inscriptions, which were copied by Sir C. Wilson. On one of the stones was the inscription, similar to that in Le Bas, 1360 . . . and the tower on the left of the gateway was built by the same lady, Julia Sancta (C.I.G. no.4340h).When the Turkish wall was removed, the original dedication to the emperor Hadrian, in letters of bronze gilt, was quite perfect; but the letters soon disappeared except a few which were preserved by Sir C. Wilson. [ ] 72  Gédoyn_1909_151 (French consul at Aleppo 1623–1625) Rhodes: chose extraordinaire entre les Turcs (qui détruisent partout et ne bâtissent jamais sans une extrême nécessité), qu’ils aient laissé celte place en son point, les mêmes huis aux maisons, les armes des chevaliers dessus, les auberges garnies de leurs frontispices, écriteaux, armes et noms des nations qui les habitaient, les portes de la ville chargées de statues et représentations d’anciens Chevaliers avec les éloges et discours faisans mention de leurs conquêtes et braves exploits de guerre contre les mêmes Turcs, les murailles garnies de tous les canons qu’ils y ont laissés, mais la plupart démontés et vermoulus par le temps . . . the castle, seat of the Grand Master, in Rhodes town: ce château, dis-je, est grandement détruit et s’empire tous les jours par le consentement du Gouverneur qui en permet la démolition et vend ses ruines à très vil prix, mais les fossés ne sont aucunement comblés, ni les remparts, boulevards et bastions endommagés, non plus que ses fortes et doubles murailles, de façon qu’il serait aisé de s’en aider en peu de temps. [ ] 73  Newton_1865_II_61 Bodrum: “The Turks change nothing in their fortresses. There is in this castle a magnificent cistern cut in the rock, full of water. A few years ago a soldier fell into it and was drowned. The Turks, instead of troubling themselves to fish the body out, ceased to use the water of the cistern, regarding it as polluted for ever.” [ ] 74  Barkley_1891_130–131: “The other drawback is the Turk. Without foreign assistance he will do nothing; ay, more, without foreign coercion he will do nothing. The country, as it is, did for his fathers, and it will do for him; and as for his posterity, they must look out for themselves. A barren and unfruitful land; a miserable, half-starved peasantry; an empty exchequer, and the steady periodical loss of provinces is better than the active assistance of Europeans in any shape, except that of loans. And further, like a wild, untamed, savage animal, his instinct is to destroy and not to create. See what he has done for the noble towns of the old Greeks and Romans, the roads and canals, the palaces and temples that he found in all directions when he first swarmed over the country! Not one stone stands upon another, the canals are filled up, and the remains of the marble temples lie scattered about as horse-blocks and tombstones. In the place of these what do we find? Towns of mud bricks, mule-tracks for roads, the rich irrigated lowlands scorched up deserts, and from end to end of Asia Minor not one building with the faintest pretensions to architectural beauty. To the last the Turk will resist all interference; but should a strong European power find its interests so compromised by the present state of affairs as to make it worth its while to coerce him, and insist on good government, the task will not be so difficult as may be supposed. The Turks, as soon as they realize the fact that they cannot resist longer, will succumb to fate, and even often lie on their backs and enjoy the blessings others produce – blessings which they of themselves are incapable of reaching out a hand to grasp.” [ ] 75  Williams_1921_69–70: “The Tartar under Jenghiz Khan destroyed the irrigation canals of Mesopotamia which, after 800 years, the English are now restoring. A single one dug and diked on old lines and plans has whitened 50,000 acres with cotton in the last two years. The mountain valleys of the Taurus and the Armenian table-land lost its irrigation in the same way. So did western Asia Minor and north Syria. Ever since, 2,500,000 nomads have wandered to and fro through central Asia Minor where once were cities, villages, and fertile fields. How much population was lost in the process is a mere guess. Estimates current now are 20,000,000 for Asiatic Turkey alone. My own estimate is 30,000,000 now, based on the English census of Basra, Bagdad, and Mosul. All over Turkey, the “Tells” or conical hills that once held villages, the empty sites of towns and cities, the size of temples, churches, and mosques of the past, now unfilled, suggest that Asiatic Turkey once had 50,000,000, perhaps 60,000,000 population. It would have it again, if a country like the



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United States, trusted by all, at a time when all races ask for the leadership of the American people, were to take up the job.” Bring in Woodrow Wilson, perhaps? [ ] 76  Van_Lennep_1870_II_288 Kassaba: “The Turks have no provision for repairing public works; it is one of the beauties of the Muslem faith that such deeds are great acts of virtue, which will meet with special rewards in heaven. It has therefore either been taken for granted that such things would be attended to, or else fear has been entertained that any public provision would take away the merit of those charitable deeds: and it is well known that every public building or work is going to ruin in this land. Once in a long period a man who has amassed riches by murder and rapine will, under the influence of some twinges of conscience, leave a few ‘purses’ to repair an old bridge, or to bring water into a long dried-up fountain. But these may truly be regarded as rare exceptions to the general rule. And so it is that at Cassaba the Roman aqueduct, instead of being repaired, is filled with dung to keep it from leaking. Offers have been made by European engineers to make the repairs, but the Government refuse to provide the funds. The water is remarkably fine and pure near the spring, and many people go there to fetch their store of it; but by the time it reaches the town through the aqueduct it becomes a dark-coloured and filthy fluid, quite unfit to be used as a beverage.” [ ] 77  Texier_1837_232 near Cassaba: Sur le sommet de cette montagne est une enceinte fortifiée, flanquée détours rondes et carrées renfermant une ville: nous ignorons son nom. Non loin du pied de la montagne, dans la vallée, existe une superbe église byzantine parfaitement conservée, et que nous avons dessinée. A droite et à gauche de la nef existent deux baptistères octogones fort curieux. Cette église est bâtie en moellons avec des rangs de briques à la romaine; elle était couverte d’une vaste coupole de 8m60 de diamètre; tout l’intérieur était revêtu de marbre; les corniches seules existent encore. / Les bas-côtés y les narthex et l’exonarthex sont couverts en voûtes d’arête. [ ] 78  Ramsay_1895_xii: “Before I entered Asia Minor in May 1880, I had been pondering for months over the problems of its history; and since that time it has been my last thought as I fell asleep and my first on waking. Rarely has a space of five hours elapsed by day or by night in which some point of Phrygian antiquities or topography has not been occupying my mind. I have turned over each problem, attempted almost every possible combination, tried numberless changes from various points of view, and gradually month by month the subject has grown clearer. I have enjoyed the advantage of revisiting the country year after year till 1891, and testing the ideas and combinations that had been shaping themselves in my mind. In the later visits I have known what to look for, and where to look for it; and have often been able to guide the natives of the district to the spot I wanted (to their own great astonishment), pick up the evidence required, and pass on after a few minutes’ stay. In those later visits it has often been brought home to me how much time was wasted on my earlier journeys through want of knowledge. If I criticize some mistakes and misconceptions of other travellers, I can do so because I have made the same errors myself; their misconceptions are old friends of mine, which have kept me company in long weary rides, which have deluded me and lured me on to spend time and health in proving their real character.” [ ] 79  Hamilton_1842_I_141: “We were much struck, on all the roads in Asia Minor, at the great number of fountains which we met with. They are invaluable to the traveller over the parched and dried-up plains, and are often the result of the pure benevolence and genuine native hospitality of the Turkish peasant. In some places, where there is no spring or supply of water to form a running stream, the charitable inhabitant of a neighbouring village places a large vessel of water in a rude hut, built either of stone or boughs, to shade it from the sun; this jar or vessel is filled daily, or as often as necessity requires, and the water is sometimes brought from a distance of many miles.” [ ] 80  Ramsay_1897b_12a: “The men are convinced by them, for the Mohammedan mind can never fully believe that a man travels for any other object than gold: if Christianity had done nothing else in the East, it would be a great achievement that it has enabled simple villagers to believe that men can travel from mere desire of knowledge, and work for mere ideals. When matters in the village get to this stage, and every one makes up his



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mind that you are searching for gold, relations are sometimes imperilled; and, as it is useless further to deny that gold is your aim, the best way is to promise to give to all a fair share of whatever is found, and to urge them to co-operate and to keep strict watch on their neighbours and on yourself.” [ ] 81  Williams_1921_143: “Abdul Hamid maintained the old tradition without faltering. He was the first to turn to the possibility of America’s saving his realm from European conquest. In 1889 the absolute ruler of 30,000,000 in that day frankly laid his troubles and perplexities before a young American billionaire who came to Constantinople in his steam yacht. His realm, Abdul Hamid explained, needed everything: ports, roads, railroads, irrigation, mining, manufactures. European capital meant European control in the end and European meddling at all points. As sultan, he could trust no one, at home or abroad. Every government in Europe was ready to seize something. England had just broken the ‘word of an Englishman’ and taken Egypt. He spoke only for his realm, not himself. To what purpse was a man sultan if he could not advance and improve his realm? No growth could give him personally more than he already had. An American he could trust.” [ ] 82  Hogarth_1893_645a: “The districts visited by us in the past two years are among the most remote in Asia Minor, but only in Pontus did we explore virgin soil. The Konia district has been traversed by many before us, by Prof. Ramsay himself more than once, and by myself in 1887. In the ‘Low Taurus’ we followed, more or less closely, the lead of Messrs. Hamilton, Laborde, Davis, Colonel Stewart, and Mr. Theodore Bent. The Anti-Taurus has been visited by Mr. Ainsworth, Sir Charles Wilson, Major Bennet, and Messrs. Sterrett and Ramsay, not to mention others less definitely bent on exploration; and our sometimeconsuls traversed all important passes in the High Taurus. Asia Minor is, therefore, far from unknown, and the Geographical Society itself has heard a lucid and comprehensive account of it from Sir Charles Wilson.” [ ] 83  Renoüard_de_Bussierre_1829_I_175 the Troad: Je ne chercherai point à vous peindre l’émotion que j’éprouvai en foulant pour la première fois le sol de la Troade. Le même sentiment, exprimé par d’autres voyageurs, m’a paru exagéré; cependant je fus soumis également à son influence. Au souvenir des exploits dont ces lieux, avaient été les témoins, se mêlait en une sorte d’orgueil: il me semblait qu’en marchant sur cette terre classique, je m’associais sous un certain rapport à son antique célébrité. [ ] 84  Grell_1981_47: Nous ne proposons pas, dans le cadre de cet article, une étude de géographie historique; nous ne tentons pas non plus de résoudre les épineux problèmes que suscite la géographie homérique, sur lesquels on s’est vainement penché depuis Schliemann. Notre dessein est autre: présenter des textes, peu connus pour certains, qui permettent de retracer l’histoire de la quête de Troie. Une telle histoire est plus complexe qu’il n’y paraît de prime abord. Elle suppose, en effet, l’analyse du cheminement intellectuel qui, depuis la Renaissance, a conduit les lecteurs de l’Iliade à rechercher le site de Troie. Schématiquement, on peut définir deux catégories de voyageurs, dont les motivations diffèrent: les « illustrateurs de textes » d’une part, de l’autre les «chercheurs de vérité». En l’espace de quatre siècles les progrès sont évidents, tant en ce qui concerne la connaissance que l’expérience, la réflexion et les méthodes d’investigation. Mais ces progrès ne sont pas linéaires, il y a des retours en arrière, et des bonds en avant; tel système de pensée s’avère plus fécond qu’un autre: car humanistes, «classiques», hommes des Lumières ou de l’âge industriel raisonnent différemment et n’entretiennent pas le même rapport avec l’antiquité. Il est donc plus exact de parler de quêtes successives de Troie, plutôt que d’une quête unique. [ ] 85  Grell_1981_51: Pierre Belon du Mans fut un des tout premiers visiteurs à laisser un récit. C’est en se rendant à Constantinople qu’il demanda à faire escale en Troade. La plupart de ses successeurs firent d’ailleurs de même; avant le xviiie siècle on ne voyagea pas au Levant dans le seul but de visiter Troie. La route maritime, vers Constantinople, était moins dangereuse que la voie terrestre. Elle empruntait les Dardanelles et les navires longeaient ainsi la Troade; les voyageurs les plus curieux, profitant de l’occasion, deman-



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daient à s’arrêter, le temps de parcourir les vestiges. Ces arrêts n’étaient d’ailleurs pas sans danger, car les brigands infestaient la région. [ ] 86  Omont_1902_318 account, in the éloge of the abbé Banier, Histoire de l’Académie royale des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres XVI 1751, 304, of Lucas’ apparent use as a swashbuckling traveller who then sought help from the scholars who stayed at home: Le sieur Paul Lucas n’a voit jamais fait aucune sorte d’études: il s’étoit seulement accoutumé à courir le monde dès sa plus tendre jeunesse. Quelques médailles singulières rapportées d’un premier voyage, et retenues ensuite pour le Cabinet du Roy, lui valurent un brevet d’antiquaire, avec quelques fonds pour retourner au Levant. Là il acquit, par une espèce de routine, l’art de juger de l’antiquité d’une médaille ou d’une pierre gravée, au seul tact et au simple coup d’oeil, sans savoir d’ailleurs ce qu’elles signifioient, ni ce qu’elles représentoient; il prenoit toutes les inscriptions, en quelque langue qu’elles fussent, en appliquant sur les marbres où il les voyoit, un papier mouillé, de la même grandeur, pour les y imprimer: il achetoit sur les lieux des desseins des monumens, leur description et tous ces petits mémoires qu’on y offre presque pour rien aux curieux. A son retour, il cherchoit quelque savant qui voulût rédiger ses matériaux informes, y mettre de l’ordre, de l’érudition, de l’agrément, enfin tout ce qui leur manquoit. Son premier voyage fut ainsi publié par M. Baudelot, le second par M. Fourmont l’aîné, et le troisième par M. l’abbé Banier, tous trois de cette Académie; et, corome aucun d’eux n’y a mis son nom, une partie du public, des journalistes même y ont été trompés. Ils ont loué le voyageur de sa merveilleuse sagacité; ils ont applaudi à la comparaison qu’il fait sans cesse de ses découvertes avec celles d’Hérodote et de Strabon; ils lui ont su gré d’avoir relevé quelques méprises de Pline et de Pausanias; ils lui ont fait citer avec grâce Homère, Lucien, Cicéron, Horace et Virgile. [ ] 87  Corancez_1816_ix–x: Depuis cent ans on fait en Europe beaucoup de livres avec des livres. La moitié de celui-ci sera au moins à l’abri de ce reproche: car il y est question d’une contrée neuve, sur laquelle il n’y avoit aucun document. Que si le lecteur oppose encore à l’intérêt de l’objet décrit la foiblesse de la description, au mérite du sujet le vice de l’ouvrage, j’appellerai pour dernière excuse de cet ouvrage même, le motif qui me l’a fait entreprendre; les charmes de l’étude, le besoin de l’occupation pour l’homme privé de ses attachemens et forcé de trouver en lui-même toutes ses ressources. – and he does indeed seem to have visited the locations he describes, wandering off now and then to address the Crusades (e.g. at Antioch). [ ] 88  Reinach_1886_105 topographical observations: C’est là une tâche qu’on ne peut vouloir imposer au simple touriste qui voyage avec une canne graduée et une boussole de poche. Toute-fois, même réduit à ces ressources, il pourra, dans un pays aussi mal connu que l’Asie Mineure, rendre de véritables services à la géographie, en notant exactement les routes qu’il suivra et en prenant quelques croquis d’ensemble du terrain. [ ] 89  Pingaud_1887_38–39 in 1776: Il visita d’abord, monté sur une méchante barque de louage, la plupart des Cyclades, et à son arrivée à Smyrne, le consul français lui facilita les moyens de parcourir une partie du littoral de l’Asie Mineure. Après avoir pris une vue rapide de l’Ionie, de la Carie, entre Rhodes et Milet, il traversa la Troade à pied, franchit ensuite les Dardanelles et visita les bords de la mer de Marmara jusques et y compris Constantinople. Puis, cinglant droit à Athènes, il accompht son pèlerinage aux lieux les plus mémorables de la péninsule hellénique, tels que le Parnasse et Olympie, et rentra enfin en France par Salonique, la Bosnie et les Etats vénitiens. Cette excursion avait duré plus d’une année, non sans dangers et sans épreuves. [ ] 90  Cortambert_1852_532–533 Mgr Mislin: after arriving at Constantinople, Il navigue sur la mer de Marmara, et rappelle l’intérêt qui se rattache aux villes de la côte asiatique de ce petit et magnifique bassin: Chalcedoine, Nicodémie, Nicée, dont les noms sont, à divers titres, chers au clergé catholique; Cyzique, Lampsaque, plus connues dans l’histoire des Grecs et des Romains. Il passe les Dardanelles, mentionne les onze chateaux forts qui les défendent, six en Europe, cinq en Asie, munis de monceaux de boulets de marbre qu’on a formés des colonnes d’Alexandria-Troas. Il a naturellement un souvenir pour Troie; il visite Tenédos, cette ancienne Insula dives opum, aujourd’hui si pauvre; Métellin, cette



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voluptueuse Lesbos de l’antiquité, maintenant silencieuse et désolée; Smyrne, au port magnifique, à l’aspect délicieux, à l’intérieur disgracieux, à la population cosmopolite, étrangement mèlée de Turcs, de Grecs, de Juifs, d’Arméniens, de Francs; ville si animée et si riche par son commerce, malgré tous ses malheurs, ses incendies, ses tremblements de terre, ses pestes. Mgr Mislin passe à Khio, qui, bien que désolée par les Turcs, est encore féconde en vins excellents, en terebentbine, en mastic; il parle d’Ephese, qui l’intéresse moins par son ancien et célèbre temple que par le souvenir de saint Paul et celui de saint Jean; cet illustre évangéliste y est mort, et c’est à cause de lui que l’emplacement actuel de la ville s’appelle Aia-Soulouk (Saint-Théologien). Bientot on rencontre Samos, qui rappelle a la fois le culte de Junon, Pythagore, Anacreon, Hérodote, Polycrate et saint Paul; Nicaria, qui est l’ancienne Icaria; Pathmos, ou saint Jean, exilé, ecrivit l’Apocalypse; l’antique Milet, cette reine des colonies grecques de l’Asie Mineure, qui, au temps de Strabon, était au bord de la mer, et se trouve aujourd’hui assez loin dans l’intérieur; la presqu’ile de Boudroun, ou brillait autrefois Halicarnasse, et près de laquelle sont répanduesde nombreuses petites îles piltoresques; Cos, qui rappelle Hippocrate et encore saint Paul, dont presque toute l’Asie Mineure atteste les travaux apostoliques; Rhodes, pleine de souvenirs chrétiens – and so on to Syria. In other words, a good description of the milk run. [ ] 91  Eisenstein_1912 A profusely illustrated guidebook, featuring railways, of course: 122 Eisenbahnfahrt von Eregli nach Konia; 123–124 ditto Afyon to Smyrna; 135–154 ditto Smyrna to Ephesus. [ ] 92  Hogarth_1908_559: “How often and minutely a country may be explored, but yet, if it be not under a government of the European type, how little visited its mountains will remain, may be illustrated from yet another region in Western Asia, namely, Asia Minor. This region has been most patiently surveyed for its antiquities by expeditions of all nationalities during something more than a century, but archaeologists have only just bethought themselves that they have neglected, from first to last, those most likely places, the hill-tops.” [ ] 93  Laborde_1838_16 à vingt minutes de distance de Mermera, près d’une fontaine construite en fragments antiques, dont l’un porte une inscriptions grecque. Ibid., 115 Comment on his Caramanie, Pl.XXX, 131: Je dessinai ce croquis, preuve surabondante de l’existence de nombreux fragments de l’antiquité. Employés partout comme matériaux de construction, ils servent ici comme ustensiles de ménage: d’un chapiteau on a fait la margelle d’un puits, d’un fragment de statue le contr-poids de la bascule, d’un couvercle de sarcophage l’auge pour abreuvoir les bestiaux. [ ] 94  Fellows_1839_22–23 near Acsa/Thyatira: “Within a few miles of this town I saw the trace of a cart-wheel, and I find that such vehicles are occasionally used here in husbandry; these are the first carriages that I have seen or heard of in Asia Minor; and here there are no roads, but they carry the produce from the field to the farm, and then roll it into the town in carts, the street being made wide enough to admit them.” [ ] 95  Lane-Poole_1888_I_63 Canning in West Asia Minor in 1809: “One of the first objects that drew my attention on the road was a threshing-floor of primitive construction, reminding me of Virgil’s description in the Georgics (I. 173 ff.) On just such a floor in the open air were spread the loosened sheaves with the grain still in the ear, and over them, round and round, a rustic was driving a pair of horses attached to a broad sledge, which was turned up in front and studded underneath with numerous pieces of flint let into the wood . . . on the plain of Troy I had seen a reminiscence of the ancient car, high in front, open behind, and raised on wheels of solid timber not broken into spokes. Every waggon that I met asserted its legitimate descent by groaning and creaking in the most classical discords. When all was hushed in the stillness of evening, the forests would tell of their savage inhabitants. After a deep roll of thunder I once heard a long howl that seemed to proceed from innumerable beasts alarmed by the storm and answering each other through the breadth and length of the shaggy wilderness.” [ ] 96  Farley_1878_130: “Well-made roads, good canals, and inexpensive railways are desiderata for Asiatic Turkey, as so long as the present defective system of internal com-



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munication exists, the full development of the country’s agricultural resources must be seriously retarded. Rivers, harbours, and highways there may be in abundance; but if the first of these be simply tortuous torrents, the second a compound of mud and gullies, and the third mere bridle paths, composed of iron-bound ruts in summer, and all but impassable sloughs of mud in winter, their utility is but of minimum value. Good roads, serviceable canals, and economically-made railways are, besides, civilizing agents of the highest order, while, on the other hand, their absence restrains enterprise, diverts trade, and lessens cultivation.” [ ] 97  Collas_1865_320: Abbiamo avuto l’occasione, disgraziatamente troppo frequente, di porre in rilievo, il cattivo stato di alcune vie tuttora esistenti e l’assenza di strade praticabili, atte ai trasporti, in tutte le località senza eccezione; i grandi centri dell’interno e i porti di mare che non possono comunicare fra loro o colle località agricole che gli avvicinano, se non con difficoltà che accrescono enormemente il prezzo delle derrate; e durante l’inverno, essendo la circolazione impossibile, le relazioni loro per necessità sospese. Questa organizzazione, indegna di un grande Stato, retaggio delle precedenti amministrazioni, la cui trascuratezza e incuria sono diventate proverbiali, non poteva non attirare l’attenzione del Governo attuale, la cui costante preoccupazione è lo sviluppo delle risorse dell’impero. [ ] 98  Cuinet_1894_428 Vilayet of Smyrna: C’est avec la même facilité et la même économie de temps et d’argent que dans les pays les plus avancés dans la voie du progrès matériel, que s’effectuent les transports par chemins de fer et chaussées carrossables dans le merkez-sandjak de Smyrne. Les ports et rades de son littoral lui ouvrent largement les routes maritimes; mais les transports fluviaux sont loin d’avoir à leur disposition les ressources précieuses qu’ils trouvent ailleurs. La plupart des cours d’eau ne sont qu’en partie navigables, et plusieurs même ne sauraient rendre, en leur état actuel, aucun service aux relations commerciales intérieures, privées ainsi d’un des moyens les plus commodes et les moins coûteux pour les petits centres producteurs éloignés des marchés intermédiaires et des chemins de fer. [ ] 99  Long_1876_193: “The issue, however, comes to this: If England opposes the Russian advance in Turkey, Russia will checkmate her by a policy in Central Asia disturbing to the position and prestige of England in India. She has a leverage here, which will be very strong when her railway lines towards the Indian frontier shall be completed – a work that may be finished within the next ten years, restoring the old trade route between Central Europe, Central Asia, North China, and North India; and where goods go troops can proceed.” [ 100] Beaufort_1818_vii–ix (travelling 1811–1812): “At a few of the western ports, it is true, some recent travellers had touched in their voyage to Egypt; others had landed at Adalia, on their way to the interior; and as the road from Constantinople to Syria, crosses the eastern extremity, some casual notices were to be found of the principal places in that quarter; but of the remainder of this great range of country, the only accounts extant were those left by the antient geographers; and, there was no nautical description of the coast, nor any charts whatever by which the mariner could steer . . . To settle the hydrography and to ascertain the naval resources, was the main design of the expedition; and the multiplied labours attendant on a survey of such magnitude, added to an excusable impatience for the accpmplishment of the task in order to resume the more obvious pursuits of a cruising frigate, allowed but little time for indulging the examination of other objects. Yet the venerable remains of former opulence and grandeur, that every where forced themselves into notice, were too numerous and too interesting not to have found some admission among those remarks which more strictly belonged to the survey” – but notes M. Corancez’s Itinéraire d’une partie peu connue de l’Asie Mineure, of 1809. [ ] 101  Beaufort_1818_35–36 (travelling 1811–1812) Finike Bay: “In a ketch of Phineka Bay, which is annexed to a published chart of the Archipelago, ‘Large Ruins’ are marked upon the eastern shore: taking their existence for granted, and persuaded that we had seen them from the ship with a telescope, we were not a little amused on reaching the spot, to find that what we had arranged in our minds, as castles, and turrets, and embattled walls, were



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but the dark shadows of deeply indented cliffs, without any vestige of buildings. We had more occasions than this to guard against the danger of trusting to appearances; which, hazardous at all times, is peculiarly so in visiting countries but little known, where the natural propensity to make discoveries cannot fail to excite the imagination in a more than ordinary degree.” [ 102] Perrot_1876_41: M. A. Martin, lieutenant de vaisseau, me communique les textes suivants, récemment trouvés à Smyrne et à Clazoménes. Nous ne saurions trop remercier cet officier distingué des communications qu’il nous adresse. On sait combien d’intéressantes découvertes épigraphiques et archéologiques la science a dues à des officiers de la marine anglaise tels que MM. Beaufort, Spralt et Forbes. Si M. Martin se trouvait dans une situation qui lui assurât une liberté de mouvement comme celle dont ces officiers ont joui pendant qu’ils faisaient, pour leurs cartes marines, le relevé des côtes de la mer Egée, que ne pourrions-nous pas attendre de son intelligente curiosité. [ 103] Rapports_de_l’Académie_1837_24–26 in Spring 1835, Texier is given a goëlette la Mésange, to go along the coast of Karamania as far as Tarsus; with brief report on Texier’s cruise to the Institut Royal de France, and extract 38–45 from his report. [ 104] Bent_1893_32 Dallam (travelling 1599–1600) on pigeon post Alexandretta-Aleppo, 42 miles distant: “For, as we weare sittinge in our marchantes house talkinge, and pidgons weare a feedinge in the house before us, thare came a whyte cote pidgon flyinge in, and lyghte on the grounde amongeste his fellowes, the which, when one of the marchantes saw, he sayd: Welcom, Honoste Tom, and, takinge him upe, thare was tied with a thred under his wynge, a letter, the bignes of a twelve penc, and it was Dated but four houres before. After that I saw the lyke done, and alwayes in 4 houres.” [ 105] Keppel_1831_II_368–369: “Thus, without any previous preparation, for accident alone induced me to visit Asia Minor, I have been the means of making known the sites of six ancient cities; namely, Azani, Cadi, Julio-Gordus, Attalia, Maeonia, and Bagse. I have, besides, traced the Hermus to its source, and have thrown a considerable light on the course of the Rhyndacus. The object of alluding to these discoveries, is to shew the antiquarian traveller the prospect he has of a successful search, and to induce him to visit this classical and interesting region, which has hitherto remained a blank in all modern maps. / At a more favourable season of the year than that in which I travelled, this journey might be performed with perfect ease and safety. / Much useless labour might be saved by a previous study of the geography of the country. For this purpose, the traveller would be benefited by the perusal of such parts of the twelfth and thirteenth books of Strabo as relate to Phrygia, Lydia, Ionia, and Mysia.” – and also recommends Leake. [ 106] Ramsay_1890_51: “Topography is the foundation of history. No one who has familiarised himself with Attic history in books and has afterwards ascended Pentelicus and seen that history spread forth before him in the valleys and mountains and sea that have moulded it, will ever disbelieve in the value of topography as an aid to history. What idea of Attic history could be got, if we were uncertain whether Athens was situated in the plain of the Kephissos or a few miles further east beyond Hymettus! I had often wondered why the plain of Marathon was so long connected with Chalcis and separated from Attica. The wonder ceased when from Pentelicus I saw it connected with Chalcis by the quiet landlocked sea that tempted navigation, and separated from Attica by the rugged and difficult mountains. Yet few that study Greek history, and play the part of examiner or examinee in it, realise what we owe to the greatest of modern topographers, Leake.” [ 107] Cust_1914_148: “Another distinguished traveller and collector was Captain (afterwards Lieut-Colonel) William Martin Leake, who, being sent on a mission to Turkey for military purposes, took the opportunity of travelling in and exploring Asia Minor. He was associated with William Richard Hamilton in conveying the Elgin Marbles to England. Leake had a special genius, as well as an indefatigable zeal, for topographical research, and in spite of the multifarious researches of later scholars, his works relating to his explorations in Greece and Asia Minor, and to classical topography in general, still retain their position as standard authorities. He had a small collection of marbles, which he presented



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to the British Museum, and one of bronzes, vases, gems, and coins, which were purchased by the University of Cambridge and are now in the Fitzwilliam Museum.” [ 108] Leake_1820_187: “Among modern travellers two only have yet traversed this country in different directions for exploratory purposes: Paul Lucas in the years 1705 and 1706, and Captain Macdonald Kinneir in the years 1813 and 1814. The rest have merely followed a single route in passing through it; and even the travels of the two persons just named amount only to a description of three or four routes instead of one; the state of the provinces and mode of travelling having rendered it impossible to make any of those excursions from the main road, without which the geography of an unknown country cannot possibly be ascertained. It even appears from the journal of Mr. Macdonald Kinneir that the difficulties of travelling in Asia Minor have rather increased than diminished.” [ 109] Anon_Reviewer_1843_452–452: “The researches of Messrs Hamilton and Fellowes, fruitful as they have proved, have by no means exhausted the rich store strewed over the country they visited. In fact, they have done little more than indicate what a plentiful harvest of discovery is yet left for future travellers to reap. The traces of their routes given upon their own charts, show at a glance how great an extent of those regions is yet to be explored; and many of the cities they saw, but which their time allowed them only to traverse hastily, are well worth a more leisurely examination. In some of them, the number and good preservation of the marble sculptures and edifices promise much interesting information.” [ ] 110  Tchihatchef_1854_61 in Mysia, and except for the well-known coast: tandis que les portions centrales, comme par exemple l’espace entre Belikes et Koutaya, ont été très-peu explorées et pourraient bien renfermer des ruines intéressantes, quoique les écrits des anciens géographes qui nous sont parvenus n’y mentionnent aucune ville considérable. Une circonstance qui m’a surtout suggéré cette conjecture, c’est l’existence d’un assez grand nombre de fragments d’architecture ancienne au milieu de la contrée montagneuse et déserte que je traversai pour me rendre de Bolat à Koutaya, contrée tellement peu connue que, jusqu’à la publication de ma carte de l’Asie Mineure, elle figurait presque en blanc sur toutes les cartes qui existaient jusqu’alors. [ ] 111  Le_Bas_1888_XVIII–XIXB: Je n’aurai pas moins contribué aux progrès de la géographie comparée, en déterminant, souvent d’une manière certaine, l’emplacement de plusieurs villes de l’Asie Mineure, et en pénétrant le premier dans la partie de cette contrée comprise entre le lac d’Apollonia au nord, le cours de l’Hermus au sud, le Macestus à l’ouest et le Rhyndacus à l’est, partie désignée encore sur la carte de la Phrygie que M. Kiepert a publiée en 1840 par les mots de terra incognita; enfin, par les plans topographiques que M. Landron a dressés, et par les vues pittoresques qu’il a prises des lieux antiques que nous avons visités les premiers, ou dont les voyageurs qui nous ont précédés n’avaient pas fait connaître l’aspect. [ ] 112  Reinach_1886_109 existing maps: S’il voyage sur les côtes, il le consignera sur les feuilles de l’Amirauté anglaise qui a publié d’excellentes cartes du littoral méditerranéen. Comme il est pratiquement impossible d’emporter toutes ces cartes, on ne saurait trop conseiller au voyageur de déterminer exactement son itinéraire avant le départ et de ne pas se proposer de trop voir, ce qui est le moyen de ne rien voir utilement. Aussitôt qu’on pénétre dans l’intérieur de la contrée, les cartes exactes font défaut: celle de Kiepert, qui est la meilleure, laisse encore des régions entières en blanc et n’en dessine beaucoup d’autres que sur la foi de renseignements souvent erronés. [ ] 113  AJA_VI_1890_347–348: “KIEPERT’S MAP OF WESTERN ASIA MINOR. From Dietrich Reimer, Berlin, we receive the first four out of fifteen sheets of a map, by Dr. Heinrich Kiepert, of Western Asia Minor on a scale of 1: 250,000. In this work the veteran cartographer, now just completing his seventy-second year, returns in part to an early task. Half a century ago, as he relates, Moltke and other Prussian officers, on coming home from the Turkish service, intrusted to him the geographic data amassed in their official military journeys in Asia Minor, to which he added his own recent observations in the western portion of the peninsula, and, availing himself of all extant literary sources, produced in



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1844 a map of Asia Minor on a much smaller scale than the present fragment (1:1,000,000). This map, repeatedly copied, and which has been of the greatest utility to travellers, has hitherto not been superseded, though the Russians have for political purposes within twenty years constructed a larger one (1: 840,000). Dr. Kiepert has now used a great deal of unpublished material, and has received much aid from the labors of archaeologists like Profs. Ramsay and Sterrett (who repay their debt to him), especially in the identification of places; all which he acknowledges most conscientiously and in detail. It is needless to add more to this account of Kiepert’s always authoritative work. He has supplied the Turkish and the classical names, using for the former the transliteration recommended by a committee of the Paris Geographical Society. French and English equivalents are often annexed. N. Y. E. Post, July 7.” [ ] 114  Metheny_1905_155: “Until maps can be made from actual surveys, those of Dr. Kiepert will remain the standard for travelers. In many instances we find places not mapped; and others so misnamed, or misplaced, or both, that the traveler has nothing on which to rely. Whole districts remain unvisited and uncharted up to the present time. In slightly traveled parts of the country the natives are suspicious of foreigners, and consequently give information which often proves false or misleading.” [ ] 115  Lejean_1866_309–310: Les relevés géodésiques que je fais avec soin me montrent à quel point la topographie de la Péninsule est encore mal connue. Les cartes vraiment admirables de Kiepert et Bolotof dessinent les grands traits, mais rien de plus. Dieu veuille inspirer à quelque gouvernement européen, ami de la science, d’envoyer ici une mission sérieuse, qui fasse pour les provinces littorales ce qu’a fait l’expédition Vincke-Fischer pour un coin de la Cappadoce. [ ] 116  Sterrett_1907_2–3 “There is therefore no trustworthy map of Asia Minor, for all alike are mere pretence. There is no city on the plateau of Asia Minor, apart from the few railway surveys, whose situation is certain within several miles. Owing to this fact the route surveys, however good, however much they may approach perfection, whether made by Kiepert, Ramsay, von Diest, Admiral Spratt or Major Bennet, are mere makeshifts, because not made on the basis of triangulation and the use of the sextant, chronometer, and trocheameter. Therefore in adapting special route surveys to the general map this uncertainty is exasperating, because the traveller can not make his own routes fit into the general scheme. An end to all this would be made by an expedition equipped as suggested by the present writer.” [ ] 117  Sterrett_1907_2: “The extant maps of Asia Minor and Asia in general are based on dead-reckoning by the time consumed in the march of a horse. The convention upon which geographers have had to work is that in one hour an average horse will pass over three miles and one-half. But this convention is wholly unsatisfactory, because the time of march will vary; the horse will travel rapidly or slowly, as the road is good or poor, level or hilly. Ramsay’s experience is that driving-time varies between six and twelve minutes per kilometer. There is therefore no trustworthy map of Asia Minor, for all alike are mere pretence. There is no city on the plateau of Asia Minor, apart from the few railway surveys, whose situation is certain within several miles.” [ ] 118  Ramsay_1903_409: “There is, as is well known, no good map or trustworthy map of Asia Minor. There is no city on the plateau whose situation is certain within several miles. In attempting to adapt route-surveys between such places as Angora and Konia, or Sivri-Hissar and Ak-Sheher, to the map, this uncertainty be-comes exasperating. The most practically useful maps to the traveller in the country are the district maps of travellers like Colonel von Diest or Admiral Sprat, who delineated what they saw in the order that they saw it. But such maps are not so useful when the traveller comes to plot his own routes and fit them into the general scheme. Then the uncertainty comes in to baffle his attempt. The late Prof. H. Kiepert more than once mentioned this uncertainty to the present writer. All general maps are equally affected by it. With the means now available, this uncertainty ought now to be put an end to; but people are so much taken up with more distant and more popular enterprises that the small sum needed to do this work, so useful and (one



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might almost say) indispensable in the questions that must be settled in the near future, is not likely to be available.” [ ] 119  Fellows_1852_ix: “In this small province I have discovered the remains of eleven cities not denoted in any map, and of which I believe it was not known that any traces existed. These eleven, with Xanthus and Tlos described in my former Journal, and the eleven other cities along the coast visited by former travellers, make together twenty-four of the thirty-six cities mentioned by Pliny as having left remains still seen in his age. I also observed, and have noticed in my Journal, many other piles of ruins not included in the above nunbers.” [ 120] Perrot_1864_477–478: J’appellerai l’attention de Votre Excellence sur l’importance que présente, pour l’histoire politique, religieuse et artistique de l’Asie Mineure, ce groupe des monuments de la Ptérie, dont MM. Texier, Hamilton et Barth avaient indiqué chacun quelques parties, mais que les premiers nous avons étudiés et reproduits complètement. Les savants pourront, je l’espère, grâce aux dessins nombreux que nous rapportons, dissiper un peu les ténèbres qui enveloppent encore ces populations mal connues, sorte d’avant-garde que la race sémitique avait poussée vers le nord, au delà du Taurus. En rapprochant les bas-reliefs de Boghaz-Keui et la belle tombe d’Aladja des figures colossales que j’ai eu le bonheur de découvrir à Ghiaour-Kalési, au sud-ouest d’Ancyre, des tombes et des forteresses phrygiennes que nous avons étudiées entre Koutahia et Sevri-hissar; en comparant les uns aux autres tous ces ouvrages taillés dans le roc, on pourra, je n’en doute pas, mieux connaître cet art primitif de l’antique Asie, et mieux signaler les différences de style qui séparent l’art des Phrygiens de celui des Cappadociens, ou l’architecture propre aux anciennes populations asiatiques de celle qui a déjà subi l’influence de l’art grec, tout en gardant quelque chose des vieilles traditions, ainsi les tombes de Delikli-tach et d’Aladja, de celles d’Amassia. Il y a là toute une source d’études intéressantes qui pourront s’appuyer sur des matériaux authentiques et dignes de toute confiance. [ ] 121  Clarke_1817_154 (in the East 1801–1802) District of Troas: “Distances in Turkey being everywhere estimated according to the number of hours in which caravans of camels, preceded by an ass, are occupied in performing them, the Reader is requested to consider every such hour as equivalent to three of our English miles. After riding, according to this estimate, an hour and a half towards the south-east, we descended to the village of Araplar.” [ 122] Hamilton_1842_II_169 in the plain of Sandukli, in Asia Minor: “the village of Emir Hassan Kieui, where are some large blocks near the roadside, and immediately reached the site of an ancient town near the centre of the plain. Many lines of walls, formed of square blocks of stone, with doors and gateways, all marking the direction of streets in situ, covered the ground for some distance. They were not high, but the foundations were perfect, and a plan might easily be made of the whole place. To the north of the road a hill rises above the plain, which has served as the Acropolis: it is a detached table-land of lacustrine formation, of which there are several in different parts of the plain, and remains of walls may still be traced round a great part of the summit. On the west side I found a Greek inscription, carved upon the smooth surface of the rock, which had been cut to represent a sarcophagus. This, although of no great importance in itself as a work of art, is conclusive evidence of the real antiquity of the place. The village of Emir Hassan Kieui has been raised entirely upon the ancient ruins, and near it are the solid foundations of several square and oblong buildings, some of which are of considerable size. In the burialground were two sepulchral monuments with inscriptions, but too much obliterated to be deciphered. / These ruins in all probability mark the site of Euphorbium.” [ 123] Ramsay_1882_504–505: nom. A Sandukli même, nous ne trouvons pas de restes anciens et la ville paraît une fondation du moyen-âge; mais au petit village de KaraSandukli, à 4 milles au N. 0., il y a des restes considérables d’une ancienne cité. Des fragments de construction encore en place s’élèvent du sol: les lignes des murs peuvent être suivies par endroits, et une colline basse voisine de ces vestiges est couverte des traces que la vie antique laisse après elle. La mosquée du petit village contient une grande et magnifique porte de marbre, de pur travail grec, dont un dessin, exécuté par M. A. C. Blunt,



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sera publié ultérieurement dans le Journal of Hellenic Studies. A l’extérieur de la mosquée est une inscription en l’honneur de Septime Sévère, élevée par la cité des Brouzenoi. Il ne peut donc y avoir de doute sur l’identité de cet emplacement et de Brouzos: c’est le portail d’un de ses temples qui est conservé dans la mosquée de Kara-sandukli. / Ces ruines sont apparemment les mêmes que celles qu’a décrites Hamilton (Travels II, 169), comme situées près du village d’Emir Hassan Keui. Environ deux milles au sud de Kara-Sandukli, il y a un village nommé Emir-Assar, où l’on me dit qu’il existait quelques amas de terre, mais point d’inscriptions. Le récit d’Hamilton prouve que beaucoup de vestiges ont disparu depuis son époque. [ 124] Davis_1874_137 at the village of Naoulo: “The people of the village told us that at the west end of the lake stood a statue with its arm extended, but even had their information been less vague, to visit it would have taken us far out of our way. / They even pointed out the spot where the figure stood; but though we carefully examined the whole neighbourhood with the telescope we could perceive nothing of what they mentioned.” [ 125] Davis_1874_198: “I was surprised at the number of cemeteries along the roadside; but the villages to which they had belonged, had disappeared, or these may be onlyq the graves of the many passers-by who have died while traversing this much frequented road. The site of the ancient Cretopolis is on a hill to the right. The glass showed heaps of ruins, but no building, nor even fragment of a building, appeared to be erect.” [ 126] Kinneir_1818_263 at Gaiwa, trying to get horses, and approaching a second time the aga, who “said that he had ordered them to he ready for us next morning at sun-rise, adding, that he hoped we would give him a spy-glass and a pair of spectacles in return for his exertions.” [ 127] Le_Bon_1889_2–3 C’est surtout pour les monuments orientaux chargés de détails qu’il y a, entre le dessin artistique et la reproduction photographique, un véritable abîme. En comparant, par exemple, les dessins de divers monuments de l’Inde, qui figurent dans L’ancien Ouvrage de Langlès, avec des photographies de ces mêmes monuments, il m’aurait été souvent bien difficile, sans le texte, de réussir à les identifier. Quand il s’agit de reproductions de ligures, l’abime dont je parlais plus haut est vraiment immense. On s’en convaincra aisément en comparant certains bas-reliefs reproduits par des dessinateurs avec les photographies des mêmes bas-reliefs. C’est à se demander si l’artiste, au lieu de voir les choses comme elles sont, ne les voit pas d’après un type particulier fixé dans sa tête et surtout dans sa main par son éducation classique. Le graveur lui-même altère inconsciemment les photographies reportées sur bois. J’en suis arrivé à faire presque exclusivement usage de la photogravure pour mes Ouvrages sur l’Orient, tels que la Civilisation des Arabes, la Civilisation de l’Inde, etc., bien qu’elle soit très inférieure comme aspect à la gravure sur bois. [ 128] Layard_1903_I_156 in 1839, about to set out on the journey through Asia Minor: “We were now about to penetrate into regions untraversed by Europeans, and where we should have to rely entirely upon our own resources. We were no longer to follow beaten tracks, with post-houses and khans, but to make our way as we best could through an unknown country by the help of our compass and our very imperfect maps. We were ignorant of the language and of the manners of the people. We had not been able to obtain any information as to the state of the provinces which we were about to visit, whether travelling in them was dangerous or not, what precautions it was necessary for us to take, and how far we should be able to follow the route we had laid out for ourselves. We had procured through the Consul-General at Constantinople an Imperial firman, such as was usually given to European travellers, and Bouyourouldis for the local authorities. But we were warned that in parts of the country we proposed to visit the Porte exercised little authority, and that we must be prepared to meet with populations and tribes that owed scant allegiance to the Sultan.” [ 129] Wittman_1804_86: “A firman, or written order from the Sultan, having been procured for that purpose, a party was made on the eighteenth to visit the interior of the mosques at Constantinople.”



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[ 130] Irby_1823_494–495 Konya: “The post-house where we lodged was outside the walls; we did not, therefore, enter the citadel, as we were informed the pashaws permission was necessary; and such was the cowardly conduct of our Tartar, Mustafia, that we could not persuade him even to ask whether there were any antiquities within the walls: he said, that we must not think of such things in Turkish towns.” [ ] 131  Claridge_1837_182 from Smyrna: “To visit this celebrated city, the traveller must procure the Bey’s firman, and a trusty Tartar guide, which he may obtain through the English Consul. Horses, also, should be hired for three days, at one dollar a day each, and provisions laid in for the same time, as no sort of accommodation will be found on the road. A ride of from fifteen to eighteen hours brings you in sight of the Acropolis, and of the place where once stood the far-famed Temple of Diana.” [ 132] Claridge_1837_146: “To inspect the interior of the mosque, the Sultan’s own firman must be obtained, which may be done through the ambassador, at a cost of from ten to twelve pounds.” [ 133] Clarke_1817_110–111 (in the East 1801–1802) in the plain of Troy, Halil Elly: “a village near the Thymbrius, in whose vicinity we had been instructed to seek for the remains of a Temple once sacred to the Thymbrean Apollo. The ruins were conspicuous enough, and they seemed to be rather the remains of ten temples than of one. The earth to a very considerable extent was covered by subverted and broken columns of marble and of granite, and every order of architecture was visible in their remains. Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian capitals lay dispersed in all directions, and some of these were of great beauty. We observed a bas-relief representing a person on horseback pursued by a winged figure; also a beautiful representation, sculptured after the same manner, of Ceres in her car drawn by two scaly serpents. Of three Inscriptions which we copied among these Ruins, the first was engraven upon the shaft of a marble pillar. This we removed, and brought to England. It is now in the Vestibule of the Public Library at Cambridge.” [ 134] Rayet_1874_9: in 1872: Je n’obtins du gouvernement turc les firmans nécessaires qu’après plusieurs mois de pénibles négociations, et je ne pus arriver dans la vallée du Méandre que dans la seconde quinzaine de septembre, à un moment de l’année où les fièvres et le mauvais temps allaient beaucoup augmenter la difficulté de l’entreprise. [ 135] Kinneir_1818_231. [ 136] Rapports_de_l’Académie_1837_23 Le Comte de Laborde in the Chambre des Députés 1 June 1835, an argument about paying Texier more: Vous le savez, Messieurs, l’Asie Mineure est, de tous les pays classiques, le moins connu et le plus important à connaître. Les Anglais, dont les voyageurs sont en général aventureux et habiles, y avaient commencé depuis longtemps d’intéressantes recherches; mais depuis quelques années, nous les avons dépassés. Says he has been there, and j’avais avec moi une nombreuse suite, des firmans étendus, un Tartarre de la Porte – and here is Texier, a young man in poor health, poorly paid, who has fait des découvertes pour lesquelles, je le répète, j’aurai pu éprouver de l’envie – Texier ends up with an additional 12,000 francs. [ 137] Beulé_1873_239: M. Newton était nommé par lord Granville vice-consul à Milylène. C’était la première fois qu’il allait dans le Levant, et son vice-consulat avait peu d’importance; toutefois le Foreign-Office, en lui donnant ses instructions, lui recommandait particulièrement de saisir toutes les occasions d’acquérir des antiquités. On l’autorisait à étendre ses recherches au delà des limites de son consulat; une faible somme lui était allouée annuellement pour l’indemniser de ses frais de voyage. / M. Newton est resté sept ans en Orient, depuis 1852 jusqu’en 1859. Pendant ces sept années il a déployé une telle activité, acquis des connaissances acquis des connaissances si spéciales, enrichi le Musée britannique avec une telle abondance, qu’on n’a cru pouvoir le récompenser dignement, à son retour, qu’en le nommant d’abord consul à Rome, et bientôt, à Londres, conservateur des antiquités grecques et romaines du Musée. [ 138] Vandal_1900_255 Nointel (ambassador 1670–1680) returned to Paris with his cargo of marbles, but une tradition conservée à Constantinople veut qu’en fait de marbres, il n’ait pas tout emporté: certains blocs recueillis par lui seraient aujourd’hui encastrés dans les gradins qui soutiennent les rues montantes de Péra.



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[ 139] Omont_1902_197 in a note relayed from Spon: Nointel nous fit voir chez luy plus de curiositez que nous n’en aurions vu dans tout le reste de Constantinople. Nous y vîmes environ trente marbres ou inscriptions antiques, qu’il a apportées d’Athènes ou de l’Archipel. [ 140] Vandal_1900_126–127 on Nointel among the islands: Partout, il faisait prendre des vues et dessiner des croquis . . . Une troupe d’ouvriers suivait l’ambassadeur pour enlever les marbres qu’il désignerait; lui-même jetait sur le papier quantité de notes, destinées à se transformer en de savants mémoires . . . A Paros, Nointel joint à son butin une cargaison de marbres. [ ] 141  Pingaud_1887_158 in Constantinople: Ainsi appuyé sur une collaboration multiple à Constantinople et à Paris, il fixait successivement, en Grèce et en Asie Mineure, les localités où il était utile de fouiller le sol, de lever des plans, de dessiner des vues, et pour ces conquêtes pacifiques, lentement toutefois et péniblement obtenues, qui enrichissaient ses collections, il négociait plus heureusement que pour la défense de l’empire. Kauffer [his secretary & collaborator], assisté de Le Chevalier [the Hellenist], s’aventura, le 6 décembre 1785, dans cette enceinte de Stamboul la bien gardée, qu’il était encore périlleux aux infidèles de franchir sans la protection d’un janissaire, et ils y travaillèrent près de six mois, bravant la peste et les regards hostiles. Ils parcoururent les jardins et les places publiques, obtinrent même, à force de présents, l’accès des mosquées, et recherchèrent au seuil, à l’intérieur ou au faîte des monuments mutilés ou profanés par Mahomet, les traces encore visibles de l’antiquité païenne et chrétienne. Une main complaisante leur ouvrit le château des Sept-Tours, où ils retrouvèrent la célèbre Porte Dorée de Théodose qu’on croyait détruite. [ 142] Fellows_1843_3 by 1840, having applied for a firman via Posonby, the Ambassador, who responded that “but I regret to say the Porte objects to the extent and to the generality of the demand”: “At this period I had discovered thirteen other cities in Lycia, and each containing works of ancient art. Returning to England, I again laid before the public my Journal, and with increased zeal the Government applied to Lord Ponsonby; but it was not until October 1841 that the Trustees of the Museum received information that the firman was at last obtained, and was left in the hands of the Consul at Smyrna, at the same time urging the necessity of its being promptly acted upon, and stating the difficulties experienced in obtaining the document.” [ 143] Fellows_1843_6 on the ship that took him to Lycia: “The orders to the Captain were simply to this effect: ‘To sail to Smyrna for the firman, and thence to the nearest safe anchorage to the mouth of the river Xanthus, and there to put on board and bring away to Malta such objects as should be pointed out by Mr. Fellows.’” [ 144] Hamilton_1842_II_33–34 Halicarnassus: “Near the Agha’s konak we copied a few imperfect inscriptions, and saw many blocks of marble, and broken columns built into the walls of the houses. Unfortunately we had neither interpreter nor tatar with us, and the Agha, although he looked at the firmahn, did not appear able to read it. He refused to allow us to see the castle, but added that we might go about wherever else we pleased. With regard to the castle, indeed, he said he had nothing to do with it; that there was a commandant, to whom we must apply for leave. This officer, however, was not to be found, and we much doubted his individuality apart from the Agha. The utmost we could obtain was leave to row round the fort in our boat without being molested: consequently ill returning to the ship we stopped some time under the bastion copying the bas-reliefs in the outer wall, representing combats on foot and on horseback, and executed with all the vigour and beauty of the frieze of the Parthenon. We here saw three pieces, about four feet square, and a fourth within the ditch; others had been seen by former travellers, and eleven of these were published by Dalton in 1752, but without doing justice to the originals as works of art. Besides these bas-reliefs, many shields of a later date, with armorial bearings, have been built into the wall, as well as numerous columns of various dimensions.



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Within the ditch we saw a large headless statue of white marble, apparently in imperial robes, standing in a niche.” [ 145] Chandler_1825_I_302 Hierapolis: “We are now to relate the occasion of our sudden departure from Hierapolis. While we were busy at the theatre, the aga of a village eastward came to bathe with a considerable retinue, and two of his men summoned our janizary to appear before him. He was sitting beneath a wall, in the shade of the large ruin; and among the Turks with him were a couple, whom we had treated on the preceding day with coffee. He allied, that we had knowledge of hidden treasure, and had already filled with it the provision chests, which he had seen by our tent; and demanded one of them for his share. He treated the janizary as mocking him, when he endeavoured to explain the nature of our errand, and the manner in which we had been employed. The janizary returned to us, exclaiming, as at Ezki-hissar, that we were among rebels and robbers; that neither equity, our firhman, or the grand signior would avail us; that, unless we would repent too late, it behoved us to hasten away.” [ 146] Sterrett_1888_15: “we turn east to Serpek, a village called also Ambar Arasii. I made arrangements to have the great white marble tomb excavated which Davis (Life in Asiatic Turkey, p.280) had actually excavated; but at the last moment the village priest asked me for my firman and as I did not have one for digging I was compelled to give up my plan of examining the tomb. Its fame is sung far and wide; it is now completely buried beneath a street There are considerable traces of an ancient town here.” [ 147] Fellows_1843_12 on the dodginess of firmans and local authority: “The Rev. V. Arundell also obtained leave to ‘take down’ some sculpture from a gateway at Ephesus, which he accomplished with difficulty: here the Aga interposed, stating that the authority did not extend to taking the stones away. They were consequently left, and afterwards, in the course of time, destroyed.” [ 148] Mendel_1909_256 Bursa Museum: 4. (55, 83) Fragment d’une statue colossale de Tyché. Le buste (inv. 55) a été trouvé à Eski-chéhir, le fragment de la corne 83) à Brousse; selon toute vraisemblance, la statue se trouvait donc à Dorylée; le rapprochement, fait au musée, ne prête à aucun doute, les deux bords de la cas sure se rejoignant exactement; marbre blanc. [ 149] Picard_&_Macridy-Bey_1921_437 note on Cyzicus, after referring to Cyriaco: A une époque plus récente, ce sont encore les pierres de Cyzique qni ont servi pour la construction et l’entretien des quais de la Corne d’Or. A cet effet, les sultans avaient donné à leurs architectes de véritables firmans d’exploitation. Nous avons pu voir récemment, dans une collection particulière de Constantinople, diverses statues cyzicéniennes d’époque grécoromaine, inédites, et provenant ainsi des édifices mis à mal; elles ont été, au moins, sauvées de la destruction, et il sera intéressant de les faire connaître quelque jour. [ 150] Cuinet_1894_III_661 Lagina, in the sandjak of Mentéché: Lagina. – Non loin de Stratonicée, près du village de Lagina, S. E. Hamdy Bey, directeur du Musée impérial de Constantinople, a découvert récemment les restes d’un temple, jadis décoré de nombreuses sculptures, qui sont autant de chefs-d’œuvre de l’art antique. Elles ont été retrouvées intactes dans les fouilles exécutées par S. E. Hamdy Bey. / En vertu d’un Iradé Impérial qu’il a obtenu de S. Ill. le sultan, le monument entier sera transporté à Constantinople, où il prendra place à côté du nouveau musée élevé spécialement pour les autres découvertes, si importantes pour la science archéologique et l’art grec de l’époque Alexandrine, qui ont été récemment faites à Saïda (Sidon) par le directeur du Musée impérial. / Le monument de Lagina sera réédifié, et les magnifiques sculptures qui en formaient la frise seront remises à leur place primitive. [ ] 151  Choisy_1876_116 on way to Karask and Kutayha: La rue de Dudurgha est littéralement encombrée de fûts de colonnes, tombeaux, supports de sarcophages à symboles chrétiens: « Où a-t-on trouvé cela? – Loin. – De quel côté? – Partout. – L’endroit d’où viennent ces pierres, quelqu’un m’yconduira-t-il bien? – Qui sait? – En rencontrerons-nous sur



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la route? – Itchallah! (s’il plaît à Dieu). » Voilà un second échantillon, et un échantillon bien authentique, de la conversation turque. [ 152] Ramsay_1897b_15. [ 153] Arundell_1834_II_84–85: “It would be both ungrateful and unjust to detract in the remotest manner from the noble charity to which the way-worn, destitute, and fainting traveller is indebted so much in every town and village of Asia Minor; and therefore it is with no other object than to relieve the dryness of a travelling journal, that I venture to say the Turks have another motive for their hospitality. / According to a very ancient and generally received tradition, too firmly established in the mind of every good Mussulman to be doubted for a moment, the arrival of every stranger under his roof brings nine good fortunes to the proprietor and his family. Of these, the stranger is supposed to devour one, but eight still remain for the good of the oda.” [ 154] Layard_1903_I_157 in 1839: “one or two travellers who were well acquainted with Turkey, and especially Sir Charles Fellows, who had explored many parts of Asia Minor previously unvisited by Europeans, spoke to us in the highest terms of the Turkish populations – of their honesty, hospitality, and courtesy to strangers, and expressed their conviction that we should run no danger whatever in trusting ourselves amongst them. Our experience in travelling through the European provinces of Turkey – without a servant and without any knowledge of the language – fully confirmed their opinions. We had everywhere received the greatest attention and civility from the authorities and the people, and during the whole of our journey we had been exposed to no difficulty, and had not suffered the slightest loss. The person and property of a traveller appeared to us indeed to be as safe as in England. We had certainly every reason to be well satisfied with all we had seen of the Turks, and we did not hesitate to trust ourselves amongst them in Asia.” [ 155] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_I_1833_212–213: les plus curieux à entendre sont quelquefois ceux qui vont à la recherche des ruines de l’antiquité. Il faut voir l’amour-propre que certains amateurs mettent à leurs découvjertes. Dans cette science, comme dans toutes les autres, on court, après ce qui est nouveau. Je connais des Anglais qui donneraient cinq cents livres sterling à celui qui leur enseignierait une ruine dont personne n’a parlé. Quel triomphe que celui de déterrer une colonne ignorée, de mettre en lumière une inscription inédite! . . . Cette émulation de découvertes, et les petites vanités qui l’accompagnent, peuvent nous faire sourire; mais elles ont aussi leur bon côté; je souhaite que ces travers innocens nous aident à trouver d’autres ruines. Il y a encore dans l’Asie-Mineure assez de villes perdues, pour faire la fortune et la gloire de plus d’un voyageur; et comme il est juste que chacun jouisse de ce qu’il a fait, je pense que, dans ce cas, un amateur ferait bien de placer le mérite de ses découvertes sous la sauvegarde d’un brevet d’invention. [ 156] Chateaubriand_1822_II_33–34 Pergamon: j’allai voir les ruines de la citadelle. Je trouvai les débris de trois enceintes de murailles, les restes d’un théâtre et d’un temple (peut-être celui de Minerve Porte-Victoire). Je remarquai quelques fragmens agréables de sculpture; entr’autres, une frise ornée de guirlandes que soutiennent des têtes de bœufs et des aigles. – spent only one day at Pergamon. [ 157] Busbecq_I_1881_138–139 (Ambassador to Turkey 1582–1589) – stayed only one day at Ankara. [ 158] Davis_1874_76 Aphrodisias: “In an enclosure belonging to one of the peasants we saw two large sarcophagi. These are now used for making ‘petmez,’ and one of them is, I believe, the richly ornamented Byzantine sarcophagus described by Sir C. Fellows. “To what base uses, &c.” – NB he and his party spent 0840–1220 at the site. [ 159] Emerson_1829_103: “Our time did not permit us to visit the remains of Hierapolis, though at a very few miles distance from our route, but we had a distinct view of the celebrated petrified cliff.” [ 160] Keppel_1831_II_165–166. [ ] 161  Dorr_1856_307 leaving Mersin: “We remained in the harbour about four hours, which was not a sufficient time to allow us, either to visit Tarsous, or to go to some exten-



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sive ruins a few miles up the bay; supposed to be those of an ancient city. Numerous columns of these curious ruins, still standing, were distinctly to be seen, as we passed out the harbour.” [ 162] Dorr_1856_328 Smyrna, supposed church of S. Polycarp: “We brought away with us a small fragment of that old ruin, which, if it be not a part of the church in which Polycarp preached, will serve to remind us of our visit to the scene of his labours and sufferings.” [ 163] Poujoulat_1840_I_36–37 Sardis: Une demi-heure nous suffit pour voir les restes de la cité de Crésus. Derrière le moulin sont les débris d’une église qui fut dédiée à la sainte Vierge. Cette église a été construite avec des colonnes, des chapiteaux qui ont probablement appartenu au temple de Cybéle, si célèbre à Sardes dans les temps païens. Au nordest du moulin apparaissent les ruines d’une autre église consacrée à saint Jean. De fortes murailles de briques se montrent au milieu de remplacement de la ville; ce sont là, dit-on, les restes de la Gérusia ou palais de Crésus. L’édifice devait être très-grand, car ses fondations s’étendent au loin. Cette demeure de roi sert maintenant de bergerie aux vaches. La citadelle est au sud de ces débris . . . Les plus intéressantes ruines de l’antique cité sont à trois quarts d’heure au sud-ouest du moulin, dans un vallon pittoresque au fond duquel coule une rivière qui descend du mont Tmolus. Ces ruines sont celles du temple de Cybèle; deux colonnes ioniques sont encore debout; autour de ces colonnes gisent des tronçons, des fûts, des entablements, des corniches, de grands chapiteaux d’un admirable travail; l’architecture grecque n’a peut être rien enfanté de plus parfait. [ 164] Wines_1832_II_160 Sardis, after describing the temple: “The other remains at Sardis are considerably extensive, but they consist principally of undistinguishable masses of rubbish. There is a pile of ruins pointed out as those of one of the seven churches of Asia, but the strong suspicion from which one cannot escape that they are apocryphal, destroys in a great measure the pleasure he would otherwise feel in contemplating them. The ruin that passes under the name of the palace of Croesus, is better preserved than any other except the temple, and was evidently a building of great magnificence, and of prodigious extent and solidity; but whether it was really the palace of the richest of monarchs, or a gymnasium, or a public bath-house, cannot, at this time of day be determined.” [ 165] Mengous_1830_85 Sardis: “I once visited Sardis, in company with a Frenchman, who was distantly connected with our family by marriage, and much interested in antiquarian researches. We were three days on the way, being on horseback, and the distance we had to travel, about sixty miles.” [ 166] Morritt_1914_110 (travelling 1794–1796) Smyrna in 1794: “I own I always expected more pleasure from a country than from the ancient buildings in their present ruined state, and when an author gives me a long account of old stones and rubbish without containing one remark on a country interesting on account of great actions, and the birthplace of the first men of the world, I think him perhaps a good antiquarian, but certainly not a classical traveller.” [ 167] Turner_1820_III_94 Miletus: “I saw many foundations, and some walls of houses, and distinguished the remnants of an aqueduct; but the only ruin in sufficient preservation to deserve notice was a large theatre, built, as usual, on a semicircular hill.” [ 168] Duc_de_Raguse_1837_I_191–192 Miletus: Une centaine de paysans, réunis dans des cabanes adossées à ces ruines, donnaient un peu de vie à cette vaste plaine. Leur industrie habituelle est l’agriculture: ils cultivent le coton. C’est là, pour la première fois, que je vis des champs de cette plante. La vente de monnaies et de médailles anciennes est une industrie accidentelle pour ces hommes; mais, ignorants et avides, ils n’ont aucune idée de ce qui donne du prix à ces objets, et nos demandes ayant fait hausser leurs prétentions, nous ne pûmes en acheter qu’en petit nombre et de peu de valeur. [ 169] Turner_1820_III_131–132 Ephesus, where he spent half a day: “Of the Roman city there were only a few remains on the southern side of the plain; but the pillage committed on it by the Saracenick Princes, to furnish materials for their buildings, is every where evident, particularly at the north-east extremity of the plain.”



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170] Fritz von Farenheid 1875, 68–70. 171] Smith_1897_219 from Smyrna: “We have planned a visit to Ephesus for this day, and as we desire to go and return on the same day by regular train we lose no time in getting to the railway station. A ride of two hours over a plain covered with vineyards, fig and olive trees, all looking bright and fresh in their early spring attire, brings us to the little station of Ayassalouk, near to which are the ruins of ancient Ephesus. The first object that attracts the attention on leaving the train is the tall supporting columns and arches of the aqueduct which supplied Ephesus with water. But what are those things standing like sentinels on the top of each of these columns? They are storks, watching at the sides of their mates as they sit upon their nests. No one seems inclined to harm them, and they are as tame as doves. But to the stranger’s eye it seems a weird and fantastic sight to see those birds of the swamp in sole possession of these remains of ancient greatness.” [ 172] Calas_1900_53 sailing along the S coast after rounding Cape Gelydonia: Il n’est pas rare d’apercevoir quelques ruines sur les falaises pittoresques que lèche la mer. Que ces parages ont dû être animés jadis! Et l’on comprend que cette terre si belle, que cette mer si avenante aient appelé là de nombreuses colonies. Sans cesse, ces rives étaient visitées par les voyageurs qui allaient et venaient entre l’Europe et l’Asie; la navigation d’alors, ne possédant pas les magnifiques ressources de la vapeur, n’était guère que du cabotage; les navires suivaient la côte, prêts à se réfugier à l’approche du mauvais temps dans les abris naturels que leur offraient les découpures du rivage voisin. [ 173] Calas_1900_57–58 Actually gets off the ship at Antalya, which is the extent of his footing on the land of Asia Minor, to spend of course only one day there, but has to anchor in the bay, and go in to the quay by small boat: Sur un quai très étroit, qui déborde au pied des murailles, se presse une population multicolore pour laquelle nous devons être une aubaine inaccoutumée; car on ne vient guère à Adalia, qui est en dehors des grandes routes maritimes. Nous nous demandions même pourquoi on nous faisait dépenser une journée dans ce coin perdu d’Anatolie, alors que notre temps d’excursion en Palestine était si limité! ne valait-il pas mieux nous donner un jour de plus à Jérusalem? Certes, aucun de nous n’a regretté sa visite à Adalia; c’est si bon de planter les dents dans une pêche qui a encore son duvet, de cueillir au passage une ville qui n’a pas été déflorée par les attouchements de la civilisation. Ici tout est nature au premier chef, bêtes et gens, rues et passants, demeures et habitants. [ 174] Basterot_1869_44 Cilicia from the sea: Ces côtes de la Caramanie sont admirables, trois rangées de montagnes s’étagent l’une sur l’autre, de vastes forêts avec des bois de construction pour des flottes entières, descendent des sommets et s’étendent jusqu’à la mer de tous côtés des îles, des havres bien abrités, des promontoires hardis. Mais tout est désert, on dirait que ce sol s’est lassé de porter des hommes. Ces côtes se nommaient autrefois Lycie, Pamphylie, Cilicie. [ 175] Davis_1874_158 Sagalassos: “It must be admitted, however, that the remains of Sagalassus as at present existing scarcely come up to this description; for not a single entire edifice now remains erect, and hardly even any ruin of importance, although the stupendous foundations, columns, &c., everywhere to be found sufficiently mark its former magnificence.” [ 176] Davis_1874_159 Sagalassos, evidently earthquake, for beyond the stream, the Aksu: “is a heap of large square limestone blocks on the lefthand side, apparently the ruins of two small forts or block-houses. Further on, upon the right, is the ruin of a small circular building of fine workmanship. Friezes, architraves, fragments of roofing carved in lozenges, and a great heap of broken columns lie piled together and overgrown with brushwood, but we found no inscription.” And again ibid., 164: “The number and variety of the pillars, pedestals for statues, &c., &c., which encumber the paved area of the Temple, Agora, and the line of the covered street, or portico, is most surprising – they must amount to several hundreds – but I did not observe one unbroken or uninjured. Most are fluted. Intermingled with them are numbers of hexagonal pedestals, and I noticed one extremely fine octagonal pillar.” [ [



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[ 177] Hamilton_1842_I_487 Sagalassos: “There is I believe no other ruined city in Asia Minor the situation and extensive remains of which are so striking or so interesting, or which give so perfect an idea of the magnificent combination of temples, palaces, porticoes, theatres, and gymnasia, fountains and tombs, which adorned the cities of the ancient world.” Etc etc. [ 178] Fellows_1839_167 Sagalassos: “Tombs we did pass, and then climbed up steep hills which were covered with broken tiles, crockery of terra cotta, lamps, jugs, pieces of glass, etc., but none of sufficient value to be worth picking up. At length I saw many squared stones which had been rolled down the hills, and above me on all the overhanging rocks were the foundations of walls. What was my surprise to find, on ascending, the extensive remains of a superb city, containing seven or eight temples, and three other long buildings, ornamented with cornices and columns, and with rows of pedestals on either side! I know not what these buildings may have been, but from their forming long avenues I imagine they were agoras. / On the side of a higher hill is one of the most beautiful and perfect theatres I ever saw or heard of; the seats, and the greater part of the proscenium remain; the walls of the front have partly fallen, but the splendid cornices and statuary are but little broken. I walked almost round, in the arched lobby, entering as the people did above two thousand years ago.” [ 179] Arundell_1834_II_34 Sagalassos, the “temple near the acropolis”: “The ground plan of the temple is perfect, and though the columns are thrown down, the exact position of each can be clearly made out. It was of that kind called peripteri, the order Corinthian. The cell was sixty-two feet six inches long, by thirty-one feet six inches wide. Breadth from the cell, of the flanks on which the side columns were placed, eight feet and a half. On each of the flanks were nine columns, eight feet and a half distant from each other. The pronaos had only four columns, and the same number in the posticus. The columns, which are fluted, are three feet in diameter.” [ 180] Seiff_1875_446–447 Sagalassos: Als dann in südöstlicher Richtung weiter schreitend, trafen wir auf die Ruine eines viereckigen, thurmartigen Gebäudes, hinter dem in der lothrechten Felswand, bis zu ziemlicher Höhe, zahlreiche kleine, halbrunde Nischen ausgearbeit sind, die wahrscheinlich zur Aufnahme von Aschenurnen gedient haben und theilweis mit griechischen Inschriften versehen sind. Ein zweites thurmartiges Gebäude steht östlich davon. Trümmer aller Art, darunter kolossale Console verwittern zu seinen Füssen, In der Nähe fanden wir Bruchstücke eines Basreliefs, eine weibliche Figur darstellend; von Blumen und Fruchtfestons umgeben. Canellirte Säulenschäfte und reich ornamentirte Gebälktheile sprechen dafür, dass hier dereinst ein Prachtgebäude gestanden hat, dessen Bestimmung aber, ohne genauere Untersuchung, nicht mehr kenntlich ist. Etwas tiefer, nach Norden durch eine starke und, wie mir schien, sehr alte Futtermauer begrenzt, liegt ein mit Marmor getäfelter Platz, im wildesten Durcheinander mit Bruchstücken bedeckt, darunter schwächere, canellirte Säulenschäfte in grosser Zahl; ein mächtiges Kapital, zu einem achteckigen Pfeiler gehörend, von dem Theile daneben liegen, mit einem Kopf, innerhalb eines Festons, geziert etc. Auch Piedestals stehen dazwischen umher, welche mit Figuren geschmückt den Platz umgeben zu haben scheinen, der wahrscheinlich die Agora der alten Stadt war. [ ] 181  Davis_1874_166 Sagalassos: “For travellers, who can of necessity only afford time for a cursory examination, it is almost impossible to reduce to any orderly mental arrangement such a chaotic mass as the ruins of this fine old city present. It was the same at Kremna. Could we have remained several days on the spot we might have given a more detailed description, but as it was we could only give three or four hours in each case, and even for that, very great fatigue and exposure had to be endured; and, unfortunately, after all, I lost afterwards the rough plan I had taken of these most interesting places.” Davis_1874_285–286: “We passed through Geera without halting. The position of the town is good; and, doubtless, it was healthy, although extremely hot in summer. The beauty of its ruins, and their material – fine white marble – so different to that of the older Greek cities of the interior, all testify to the wealth of this place in old times.” – i.e. they are hur-



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rying to get to the steamer in Smyrna. Davis_1874_295: “Aidin possesses some very interesting relics of antiquity: amongst others (as we heard), one of the best preserved and most beautiful of sarcophagi lies in the courtyard of the Government house. But we were so utterly exhausted by the intense and stifling heat that I do not think anything would have induced us to stay another day there; and the ruins of the ancient Tralles are high above the town, on a flat terrace projecting from the mountain, so that to visit them would have necessitated another day’s ride.” [ 182] Rayet_1874_9–10 at Miletus, looking from the theatre: En face, dans une plaine basse qui sépare la colline des premières pentes des plateaux, s’étendait la partie la plus considérable de l’ancienne ville. Les édifices encore debout sont tous de l’époque romaine ou du moyen âge: on distingue surtout des thermes assez considérables, une fontaine monumentale dépouillée de sa décoration, auprès d’elle d’autres thermes encore, et, en face du théâtre même, une construction qui a dû être un gymnase. Mais sur le sol sont épars de tous côtés, en grand nombre, des débris d’architecture dorique, qui prouvent que l’époque impériale n’avait pas fait disparaître entièrement les œuvres de l’âge de l’Indépendance. Quant aux murs, ils ne s’élèvent au-dessus du niveau actuel du sol qu’en un seul point, prés du théâtre, et sur une longueur de quelques mètres à peine. / Un petit village turc occupe le centre des ruines; il s’appelle Balat. [ 183] Collignon_1880b for June 1880, writing of Sagalassos: Au reste, les ruines, postérieures pour la plupart au second siècle de l’ère chrétienne, n’offrent, au point de vue de la valeur esthétique, qu’un intérêt secondaire. Le calcaire gris de la montagne, qui a fourni les matériaux de construction, ne se prête pas à un travail fini, et les restes de colonnades, les fragmens de sculptures, les sarcophages ornés de bucranes, de guirlandes, de bustes en relief, accusent un art grossier. L’intérieur de l’Asie-Mineure est assez pauvre en monumens de la belle époque de l’art. Ce qui attire l’attention du voyageur, ce sont les médailles, les inscriptions, qui sont d’un secours inestimable pour restituer la vie politique et municipale de ces cités asiatiques, hellénisées par la conquête macédonienne et par les nombreuses colonies grecques établies sur les côtes; ce sont surtout les monumens d’une religion très particulière qui conserva, dans une fusion imparfaite avec les religions de la Grèce, tous ses caractères originaux. [ 184] Collignon_1880–1897_42–43 Sagalassos: jusqu’à mi-hauteur de l’Aghlasan-Dagh, où s’étagent les ruines de la ville antique de Sagalassus. Le Français Paul Lucas, qui voyageait en 1706, a laissé de ces ruines une description enthousiaste. Ces débris, dit-il, « appartiennent plutôt au pays des fées qu’à des villes véritablement existantes. » L’admiration du voyageur français s’explique par la singulière situation de la ville antique. Les ruines s’étagent sur le versant de l’un des contreforts de l’Aghlasan-Dagh; elles grimpent le long des escarpements, posées, comme un troupeau de chèvres, sur les pointes de roc qui hérissent le flanc de la montagne. On imagine aisément ce que devait être la ville pisidienne de Sagalassus, avec ses monuments, portiques, temples, théâtre, retranchée dans une position inaccessible. Au reste, les ruines, postérieures pour la plupart au second siècle de l’ère chrétienne, n’offrent, au point de vue de la valeur esthétique, qu’un intérêt secondaire. Le calcaire gris de la montagne, qui a fourni les matériaux de construction, ne se prête pas à un travail fini, et les restes de colonnades, les fragments de sculptures, les sarcophages ornés de bucranes, de guirlandes, de bustes en relief, accusent un art grossier. L’intérieur de l’Asie-Mineure est assez pauvre en monuments de la belle époque de l’art. Ce qui attire l’attention du voyageur, ce sont les médailles, les inscriptions, qui sont d’un secours inestimable pour restituer la vie politique et municipale de ces cités asiatiques, hellénisées par la conquête macédonienne et par les nombreuses colonies grecques établies sur les côtes; ce sont surtout les monuments d’une religion très particulière qui conserva, dans une fusion imparfaite avec les religions de la Grèce, tous ses caractères originaux. [ 185] Keppel_1831_II_242–244 “Ghiediz, the Cadi of the ancients,” near Aezani: “The moment I dismounted, I sallied forth on my antiquarian pursuit. This place cannot boast of the same splendid specimens of antiquity as Azani; still there are sufficient remains to identify it as the site of an ancient town; I found in several places the capitals of pillars of



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the Corinthian and other orders of architecture. Of this, the post-house itself is an example, where these capitals form the bases of rude wooden pillars which have been found useful in supporting the ill-constructed building. On a fountain in the bazaar is a votive altar sacred to Aesculapius . . . The principal Turkish mosque is built of large Hellenic blocks, about which it is impossible to be deceived, as no such blocks have ever been employed by the Turks: hence it may be fairly inferred, that it was formerly an ancient temple. / On the balustrade of a bridge of Turkish structure, is an inscribed stone, which has been placed there not with reference to the characters on it, but as its size accidentally suited the purpose of the builder. / Near the arch of the same bridge, is a complete illustration of the Turks’ thorough indifference to the fine arts. Laid in with the other stones of which the bridge is built, are the fragments of two very fine white marble statues of a male and female. The first of these represents a man wanting the head and legs, in Grecian or Roman armour. The other the body of a woman from the hips downwards, in loose flowing drapery.” [ 186] PTF_Consul_1811_36–37, Pompeiopolis: the bridge which gives the settlement its modern name: Le pont a été construit sous le Bas-Empire; les parapets sont formés de pièces d’entablement de la plus grande beauté, mais employées d’une manière barbare et posées sans intelligence. J’ai vu parmi ces ruines les restes d’une frise dont le travail et les proportions donnent une grande idée du monument qu’elle embellissoit; mais aussi tout à côté gissent, sans honneur et sans inspirer des regrets, quelques chapiteaux informes, couverts de croix, de monogrammes, de têtes d’animaux et de plantes dont les analogues n’existent pas dans la nature. [ 187] Chantre_1896–1898_417 Ankara, cemeteries avec leurs innombrables débris païens: sculptures, colonnes, stèles qui en font les pierres funéraires, sont pleins d’enseignements sur le néant des choses d’ici-bas. Les maîtres d’aujourd’hui, mille fois plus barbaresque ceux des âges antiques, ont pris à tâche d’effacer ce que le temps avait respecté des oeuvres écloses pendant l’époque romaine. L’ignorance, le parti pris d’étouffer tout ce qui ne fut pas oeuvre de l’Islam, fait qu’en celle terre d’Asie Mineure les ruines s’entassent; les premiers occupants du sol s’en vont au loin tenter fortune, s’ils le peuvent, ou bien végètent tristement, dans l’espoir d’un avenir meilleur. La tristesse est dans l’air. [ 188] Hammer_1820_305–307 Nicaea walls: La main barbare qui a élevé ces murs, y a placé des bas-reliefs pêle-mêle avec diédestaux, des colonnes, des autels et des sarcophages, dans lesquels elle n’a vu que des pierres de construction. / L’aspect de tant de monurnens sacrés et profanes dégradés et dévastés remplit l’âme d’une juste indignation contre le génie destructeur de Constantin et des premiers empereurs chrétiens qui ont plus démoli, ruiné et détruit, que les Turcs, leurs successeurs, plus tolérans et moins coupables qu’eux. Ceux-ci se sont contentés de changer quelques églises en mosquées, ils en ont laissé subsister d’autres, et ils sont excusables d’avoir effacé par le ciseau des inscriptions qu’ils n’entendoient pas. Ceux-là ont détruit jusqu’à leurs fondemens les temples des Romains; ils n’ont pas laissé subsister pierre sur pierre, et rien ne peut excuser le zèle fanatique avec lequel ils ont anéanti les monumens de l’antiquité consacrés dans la langue de leurs pères. Les barbares! ils ont cru remplacer ces temples, ces péristyles, par des murs gigantesques formés d’immenses blocs de pierre; ils ont accablé les arcs de triomphe par des voûtes d’une lourdeur écrasante; ils ont transformé des autels en pignons, et des colonnes en pierre d’attente; ils ont tourné en dedans les marbres couverts d’inscriptions, et scié les sarcophages. Les barbares! ils ont cru rivaliser les murs de Babylone, et se rendre immortels en plaçant leurs noms sur les tours qu’ils ont élevées avec les débris des beaux siècles de l’antiquité. Rien de plus mélancolique, mais aussi rien de plus pittoresque que l’aspect de ces murs et de ces tours tapissés de bas en haut de verdure, et couverts du feuillage des arbres qui sortent de leur pied et poussent sur leurs terrasses. [ 189] Andréossy_1828_XXXI–XXXIIB: Mais on aurait tort de croire que les Turcs sont ce qu’on appelle des barbares; on les juge mal parce qu’on ne les voit que de loin, ou qu’on veut les juger d’après soi. Un canal de sept lieues seulement sépare l’Angleterre de la France: a-t-on une connaissance même approximative de ce pays si voisin qu’une foule



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de personnes ont vu, sur lequel on a beaucoup écrit, et dont on a tant parlé? Les Turcs sont bons maîtres; sobres, patiens, religieux, hospitaliers. Doués en général de beaucoup de jugement et d’esprit naturel, ils n’ont que des idées simples, et en arrivent plus directement à leur but. S’ils n’acquièrent point d’instruction théorique, ils n’ont pas non plus des connaissances mal digérées; et rien n’est plus dangereux que les demi-connaissances. On les.accuse de mollesse et d’oisiveté: en Europe on ne sait jouir qu’en s’agitant; là pour jouir il est de principe de ne pas se mouvoir. Du reste, l’Empire ottoman est peuplé d’hommes actifs, robustes et propres à braver les fatigues comme les dangers. Le fanatisme religieux décuplait autrefois à la guerre les forces des Musulmans; aujourd’hui ce fanatisme est bien diminué: il pourrait être excité de nouveau, mais je doute qu’on pût lui rendre cette énergie qui, dans les beaux temps de l’Islamisme, distingua si éminemment les Guerriers de la Foi. [ 190] Canning_1888_II_140, in 1845 at Bodrum: “Alison’s report, albeit not that of a specialist, was convincing as to the importance of the sculptures, and the ambassador redoubled his exertions to induce the Porte to grant him permission to remove them. It was not however till 1846 that he triumphed over Turkish procrastination and had the satisfaction of learning, not only that he had leave to extract the marbles from the walls in which they were embedded, but that the Sultan, in sign of his high regard, was graciously pleased to make them a personal gift to the ambassador himself. Any ordinary present would have been respectfully declined, but these monuments of Greek art were too precious to be lost for a scruple, and they would enrich, not the Elchi [i.e. himself], but the British nation. The gift was accordingly accepted with gratitude, and Alison was again sent out to complete his task by superintending the removal of the antiquities. The work was successfully accomplished at a cost of three or four hundred pounds, and twelve out of the seventeen slabs of the frieze of the Order, representing combats of Greeks and Amazons, executed in the finest Parian marble, which now adorn the walls of the British Museum, are the fruits of these operations.” – and Canning presented the frieze to the nation. [ ] 191  Lane-Poole_1888_I_515 Canning in 1832 nearly gets caught on Samos: “At the moment of embarkation, it came to my knowledge that the prince in petto had obtained the Sultan’s consent to his appointment and left the Samians to whistle for their constitution. It looked as if I had been purposely entrapped. In fact, it was too late for me to take any counter step. There was no room even for explanation. All I could do was to shew my indignation by protesting, and bundling out of the ship an antique statue, which I had received some days before from my ingenious auxiliary.” [ 192] Laborde_1838_57 Aezani, the modern cemetery behind the agora: il n’y a de moderne que ce qu’on y enterre: toutes les pierres dressées sur les tombes sont arrachées aux monuments antiques, les familles des Abdallah, des Achmet et des Ibrahim trouvant tout simple de placer sur le tombeau des défunts les inscriptions tumulaires des Grecs et des Romains morts il y a plusieurs siècles et qui invoquent les divinités païennes. Cette indifférence n’est pas particulière aux habitants d’Aezani; elle est commune à tous les paysans turcs et bien excusable dans leur état de pauvreté. Sont-ils un peu plus riches, ils retournent la stèle et se font graver à l’extrémité oppossée quelques versets du Coran; sont-ils tout à fait riches, ils mutilent les monuments, et d’un beau fragment de sculpture ils font une pierre neuve taillée carrément et surmontée d’un turban. [ 193] Laborde_1838_40 the walls of Nicaea: A droite et à gauche [he has just been discussing the Constantinople Gate], les anciens maçons ont voulu faire parade de leur misère. Des inscriptions et des bas-reliefs en marbre, arrachés à divers monuments, montrent de tous côtés leurs faces mutilées, au milieu d’un appareil vulgaire de petites pierres et de briques de grandes dimensions – but he does make a slight exception for the marble walls and towers, which indiquent, non pas une belle époque, mais un certain luxe. [ 194] Laborde_1838_116–117 the Seljuks in the walls at Konya traitèrent les monuments des arts avec un respect et un goût d’arrangement qui n’est comparable qu’aux dispositions élégantes adoptées en pleine renaissence par l’Italie, sous l’impulsion d’un Raphaël et d’un Léon X.



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[ 195] Radet_1895_446–447 at Sidi-el-Ghazy: Les édifices dont est couronnée l’ancienne acropole de Nacoléa ont une triple destination: il y a le couvent proprement dit le turbé ou tombeau de Sidi-el-Battal, et un imaret ou hospice à l’usage des étudiants pauvres. Le tout forme un vaste rectangle dont trois faces sont en constructions à coupules, tandis que la quatrième s’adosse à la montagne: la façade nord, qui regarde la plaine, contient l’imaret; la façade orientale, qui renferme les cellules des derviches, donne sur le ravin au fond duquel se tasse la ville; le façade méridionale a pour centre la turbé du Saint et pour ailes, vers l’est, une mosquée à minaret, vers l’ouest, une ancienne basilique chrétienne. Car les Sejoukides n’ont pas créé de toutes pièces ces monuments; ils ont utilisé le plus souvent des assises byzantines et, dans la cour intérieure du tekké, sur le parvis aux dalles de marbre, se voient encore une infinité de colonnes, d’architraves, de chapiteaux, de piédestaux, de rinceaux, qui là se dressent en portique, là s’arrondissent en balustrade autour de là vasque d’une fontaine, là gisent dans un coin, pêle-mêle, attendant depuis des siècles qu’on leur assigne un emploi. [ 196] Collignon_1880–1897_70: Deux jours de marche séparent Anemour de Khilindri. Nous pouvons voir longtemps la silhouette de l’île de Chypre, dont le bleu pâle se confond presque avec celui du ciel. A quelques heures d’Anemour, nous laissons sur la droite les belles ruines d’un château turc, de l’époque seldjoukide. A l’intérieur, c’est une véritable petite ville; rien n’y manque, ni la mosquée, ni le konak, ni le harem et ses vastes dépendances. Les murs épais et crénelés, les portes disposées obliquement pour éviter toute surprise et mettre l’assaillant à découvert, montrent un savant appareil de défense. Ces ruines éveillent l’idée de la vie féodale telle que l’avait faite le moyen âge ottoman, et dont il ne reste plus trace dans la Turquie contemporaine. L’esprit militaire a disparu; les beys ne sont plus que de grands propriétaires campagnards, vivant du produit de leurs terres et des revenus de leurs troupeaux; on dit d’un bey, pour évaluer sa fortune, qu’il a cent ou deux cents chameaux. [ 197] Raoul-Rochette_1850_236: A Caraman commencera une autre étude, celle de l’architecture arabe, particulière aux princes Seldjoucides et aux premiers empereurs Ottomans. Les Seldjoucides avaient introduit dans les pays conquis par leurs armes, au centre de l’Asie Mineure, un gout rare parmi les Turcs. Les murs de Konieh, bâtis par eux, et qui ont préservé de la destruction de précieux restes de 1’antiquité, attestent leur amour pour les arts et leur respect pour les monuments d’un autre âge. / Les mosquées de Caraman et de Konieh peuvent être considérées comme des types remarquables, qu’il serait intéressant de comparer avec d’autres mosquées anciennes, telles que celles de Yalavatch, Afiouin, Karahissar, Brousse et Nicée. [ 198] Sterrett_1911_11: “Monuments belonging to the Seljuk Period: The splendid architecture and art of the Seljuk period, though borrowed from Hellas, is well worthy of study and investigation at the hands of expert architects. The glorious, but alas ruined, Mosques of Seljuk Konia, Sivas, and other cities cry aloud for preservation in proper publications. The same is true of the long series of ruined or ruinous kahns that are scattered up and down the old Seljuk empire, the chief and king of them all being that princely pile, the Sultan Kahn. Incidentally, too, these Kahns tell a story of the trade-routes in the Seljuk period.” [ 199] Dussaud_1928_137 On sait que, sous l’ancien régime, les monuments anciens étaient laissés à l’abandon et que nombre d’entre eux sont aujourd’hui en piteux état. Le Ministère de l’Instruction publique d’Angora vient de décider qu’une mission composée de hauts fonctionnaires turcs visiterait les centres artistiques de l’Anatolie, opérerait le classement méthodique des édifices et édicterait les mesures nécessaires pour leur conservation, II faut féliciter le gouvernement turc d’entreprendre cette tâche méritoire, parce que coûteuse et de longue haleine, mais urgente. / La direction de cette mission d’études a été confiée à notre savant compatriote, M. Gabriel, professeur à l’Université de Strasbourg, actuellement en mission à Stamboul. Dès maintenant, par Angora, Gésarée et Siwas, est commencée l’exploration méthodique de la Cappadoce et du Pont. [ 200] Scott-Stevenson_1881_270 Bor, near Nigde: “We stopped by many an old marble column with pedestal of gigantic size. The hewn stones that lay beside them measured



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often twelve feet in length, four in breadth and two in depth. We have often wondered what machinery can have been used to lift these vast blocks. When I see (as I have often seen), the fine cut stones of the olden times, broken up and fitted into our puny buildings, I cannot refrain from comparing the noble and majestic work of the ancients, with the hideous little efforts of modem engineering. It is only the iconoclastic Turk that could have pulled down these grand structures, for they must have been strong enough to have defied the war of the elements during centuries of the future.” [ 201] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_I_1833_256–257 cemeteries at Smyrna: Nous avons réconnu que chez les Turcs la demeure des morts est plus ornée et plus solidement bâtie que celle des vivans; les cimetières présentent souvent d’élégans mausolées revêtus de belles colonnes; il est peu de tombeaux qui ne soient ornés de marbre avec des inscriptions, quelquefois tracées en lettres d’or; souvent ce sont des marbres arrachés à des ruinés d’anciens édifices, des colonnes enlevées a dès monumens antiques qui viennent décorer les cercueils; on réprendra quelque jour aux cercueils leurs ornemens pour en construire des édifices nouveaux; ainsi va le monde; on bâtit dés sépulcres avec les pierres des palais; et des palais avec le marbre des sépulcres; c’est comme la nature qui modifie sans cesse ses formes, qui détruit pour créer, qui crée pour détruire, et qui compose chaque saison avec les débris des saisons précédentes. [ 202] Radet_1895_497 Chéhir-Euïuk: Le mamelon de Chéhir-Euïuk s’élève d’une douzaine de mètres au-dessus du niveau de la plaine. Sa position culminante attire le regard et on l’aperçoit très bien de tous les coins de la vaste arène nue dont il occupe le centre. Il se termine par un petit plateau à peu près ovale duit le circuit garde encore la trace de huit tours reliées entre elles par des remparts. Aucun bloc de grosse dimension ne subsiste à fleur de sol; tout ce qui pouvait convenir à des constructions a été enlevé; mais tours et remparts se reconstituent sans peine grâce aux trous d’évidement, aux lignes d’excavation, aux amas de briques et de mortier, aux pierrailles qui proviennent de la maçonnerie. A l’angle nordouest de la colline, qui offre tous les traits caractéristiques d’une acropole, l’hémicycle d’un théâtre se creuse dans le flanc supérieur du talus, en contre-bas de l’ancien mur d’enceinte. Ici encore, assises, gradins, tout ce qui était apparent, tout ce qui pouvait se transformer en matériaux pour bâtisses a disparu. Le monument détruit n’en est pas moins reconnaissable du premier coup d’œil à la régularité parfaite de sa courbe hémisphérique. [ 203] Dallaway_1797_291–292 at Klissekeuy (near Smyrna?), found inscriptions from Carina: “Every contiguous village is supplied with the spoils of antiquity, which are commonly used for the following purposes. Sarcophagi become troughts for fountains; mutilated pillars and cornices ornament the graves in great abundance, as each individual is distinguished; and capitals, when of large dimensions, are turned upside down, and being hollowed out, are placed in the middle of the street, and used publicly for bruising wheat and rice, as in a mortar. In building their houses, they bury all the blocks they can find, for a foundation. Such a destruction of what more polished nations would so carefully preserve, cannot candidly be attributed to a barbarous pleasure in defacing these beautiful reliques, but an ignorance of their value, and a saving of labour; for many works of the ancients, of no immediate use, and too large or distant for convenient removal, retain, even yet, a surprising degree of perfection. In surveing a temple, a mutilation of the ornamental parts is rarely seen, as having been wantonly performed, like the broken niches, and decapitated saints, around many of the cathedrals of England.” [ 204] Monk_1851_I_67 Kutayah: “The old city walls, which surround the remains of the castle, as well as the flanking towers, are in great measure standing, though partially in ruins. The manner in which fine marble columns, capitals, and entablatures, have been broken up and used in building the towers was grievous to look upon.” [ 205] Ramsay_1881_306–307: “In conclusion, I may express the hope that Professor Jebb’s wish, expressed in the last number of this Journal, may soon be realised by the permanent establishment of an English School of Archaeology. Much, however, might be said in favour of placing it in Smyrna rather than in Athens, and while imitating the older French and German institutions, making a new departure in the style of Avork. Greece has plenty of highly educated archaeologists already at work there; Asia Minor has only occasional



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visitors. An English school, established even on a small scale, might in fifteen years do a very great Avork in Asia Minor. Even at present, when a little more attention is beginning to be paid to its antiquities, not a month passes Avithout some new discovery. But if Asia Minor is to be the special field of a new school, it must be permanently placed there, able to take advantage of every opportunity.” [ 206] Clarke_1817_84 (in the East 1801–1802) at Canakkale: “we landed, and walked to the town of the Dardanelles. In our way, we observed the shafts of several pillars of granite; some of these had been placed upright in the earth, as posts, by means of which to fasten cables for vessels; others were dispersed and neglected.” [ 207] Duc_de_Raguse_1837_II_143 Alexandria Troas: Des ruines magnifiques existaient encore il y a quarante ans. La plus grande partie a été employée à des constructions faites à Constantinople, aux Dardanelles et sur la côte, et a disparu ainsi. Les colonnes de marbre ont été sciées en tronçons arrondis en forme de boulets, pour fournir les approvisionnements des bouches à feu gigantesques qui défendent le détroit. Il ne reste debout que quelques parties des épaisses murailles d’un palais d’ordre dorique d’une grande étendue. See also Hunt_1817_135. [ 208] Hobhouse_1817_117–118: “The ruins of Alexandria have supplied the fortresses of the Dardanelles with balls, ever since the time of the famous Gazi Hassan Pasha, who having a chiflik, or country-house, at Erkissi-Keui, a village in the Troad, was well acquainted with a vast fund of materials to be found in his neighbourhood, and completed the destruction of many columns, some fragments of which, as yet not consumed, are now seen in different parts of this coast. If I mistake not, stone was used for this purpose previously to iron, or at least promiscuously with that metal, on the first invention of cannons, not only by the Turks, but the nations of Christendom.” [ 209] Van_Egmont_1759_147 (travelling 1707–1720?) Sardis: “Before we reached the spot where ancient Sardis stood, we saw at the foot of the eminence, on which the castle of Sardis is built, six pillars of remarkable beauty. They were of the Ionic order, about twenty feet in height, and stood at the distance of twelve feet from each other, forming a very grand ruin. The capitals were still intire, one only excepted, which was fallen down, and another something mutilated. On two of these pillars, and the remainder of a frontispiece, was a transverse stone, of such enormous weight, that it is difficult to conceive how it was possible to be placed at such a height. The ground is covered with fragments of very large pillars . . . The stone of these pillars was the same with that we had seen on the mountain; very white, but not equal to marble.” [ 210] Fuller_1829_53 Sardis: “When Chandler visited Sardis five columns of the portico were standing, but two only now remain, and they are buried in the ground to nearly half their height. They are fluted for a short space below the capitals, the rest of the shafts being plain, – a peculiarity which has been thought to indicate that they were never finished.” [ ] 211  Hammond_1878_290: “Everywhere in Western Asia it is the same – the traveller gazes on the ruins of departed greatness, which the modern inhabitants of half-populated towns and miserable villages regard either with superstitious wonder, or treat with ignorant contempt, using the architectural marvels of a former day as quarries whence to replace their own ill-built and crumbling edifices. Ephesus, Sardis, Miletus, Laodicea, Xanthus – where are they now? All in ruin and decay!” [ 212] Cockerell_1903_144–145 (travelling 1810–1817) Sardis: “Besides the fine situation there is only one other thing to notice, viz. the Ionic temple. I spent my first day in examining it and making a drawing of it. Only three of the five columns still standing in Chandler’s time remain erect; the other two were blown up three years ago by a Greek who thought he might find gold in them. The whole temple is buried many feet deep. As I wished very much to see the base of the column, I got a Cretan whom I found here professedly buying tobacco, but I suspect a fugitive from his home for some murder to dig for me. I had to give it up after we had got down ten feet without reaching it. One ought to be here for a month, and then, as the earth is very soft, one could do the thing thoroughly. Nobody would interfere.”



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[ 213] Mac_Farlane_1829_422–423 Sardis, after rehearsing destruction of the columns for treasure, or for the lead, but “The fact is, they have been blown up by gunpowder, reduced to blocks, and sold at neighbouring towns to masons and cutter of tombstones; and as other materials are wanted, the two columns which yet remain will be blasted in the same manner.” [ 214] Elliott_1838_78 Sardis, the Temple: “Within thirty yards of these [two standing] columns a sufficient number of entire stones and capitals lie scattered over the ground to form six or seven more pillars, besides such as may be buried in the accumulated rubbish of centuries. Amidst this fallen mass, in only a single case does one stone remain upon another.” [ 215] Butler_1925_14: “It seems quite certain that a considerable number of the columns still remained erect during the whole period. [i.e. after the 7thC] The thirteen at the east end, which preserve half their height, plainly did not fall, nor were they overthrown, until the earth about them had risen, practically to the level at which it was found when the excavations began in 1910. At the west end other columns were standing until a very late period; for several fluted drums were found at this end on the surface and many more immediately below the surface of the ploughed field. That they had fallen, and had not been intendonally pulled down, would seem probable from the fact that they were not entirely broken up for lime. One would suppose that they must have collapsed before the middle of the seventeenth century, because they are not mentioned by the early visitors who give the number of intact columns as six at the east end. But Stanfield’s drawing, made shortly before 1837, shows the lower parts of these columns still in situ. Those at the west end were quite certainly the one in front of the north anta and that on the inner row on the north side of the main axis, for their plinths were in place, and two broken capitals were found near them not far below the surface. In addition to these it is probable that columns of the inner porch were standing on the south side of the main axis, and possibly one or more on the north flank; for fragments of three varieties of carved bases were found in the vicinity, not deeply buried.” [ 216] Mac_Farlane_1829_419–420 the temple columns at Sardis, summarised as follows: 1700, Chishull: 6, all entire; 1750 Peysonnel: 3 columns with their architraves, and 3 detached columns; 1765 Chandler: 5 columns; 1812 Cockerell: 3 standed columns and the truncated portions of four others; 1828 2 columns and one piece of shaft, seen by this author. [ 217] Morritt_1914_138 (travelling 1794–1796) Alexandria Troas in 1794: “At Alexandria we found the walls much more ruined than Chevalier represents them. There are some foundations of temples, though stripped of their ornaments, and the ruins of a theatre and stadium. The principal remain, and which he mentions, is a large square building of coarse granite. Its front consists of three arches, the middle one larger than the other two; a low row of arches, which on one side are open, run all round the other three sides. The front has been adorned with a fine cornice with ova and dentelles. You will see that Chandler and Chevalier disagree about this building the first calling it a gymnasium, the other baths. It seems to me very likely that the gymnasium might contain baths, but I am not acquainted enough with ruins to talk about it. I can only say that, seen through the beautiful trees which now cover the ground of the city, it seemed as picturesque a ruin as I could imagine. I have accurate drawings of both the inside and the out. / We rode to some warm baths near, though all the marble sarcophagi near them mentioned by Chevalier have long been taken away to adorn fountains for the Turks or serve as cannon-ball at the Dardanelles. We then rode towards Troy, and slept just by the monument of Aesyetes, in the house of the Captain Pasha, which Chevalier mentions.” [ 218] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_I_1833_356–357 Alexandria Troas: Vous savez que, depuis plusieurs siècles, les ruines de cette ville ont été pour les Turcs comme une carrière inépuisable. Il n’est pas un monument à Constantinople et sur les bords de l’Hellespont, qui n’ait eu sa part des dépouilles d’Alexandrie. La mosquée d’Achmet, la plus belle de Stamboul, a été construite presque tout entière avec des pierres ou des colonnes de la cité. Au milieu de ce bouleversement successif, les voyageurs n’ont jamais pu retrouver, à différens inter-



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valles, les mêmes monumens, les mêmes débris; la destruction prenait à chaque époque une autre face, et le spectacle des ruines changeait sans cesse. Le premier avait laissé des monumens que le temps n’avait pas trop frappés, le second en retrouvait à peine des traces; l’un avait découvert des statues ou des inscriptions, un autre revenait et cherchait en vain les inscriptions et les statues. [ 219] Langlois_1854b_77 cites an inscription at Adana: L’aqueduc dont il est fait mention dans cette inscription métrique existait encore à Adana au siècle dernier. Paul Lucas en parle dans son voyage en Asie Mineure. Mais aujourd’hui ce monument a entièrement disparu, et personne n’a même pu m’en indiquer l’emplacement. [ 220] Le_Brun_I_1725_211 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) Perinthus/Heraclea, presentday Marmaraereglisi, in the Gulf of Rodosto: C’étoit-là sans doute qu’étoit ce superbe Amphithéâtre d’Heraclée y qui passoit chez les Anciens pour une des Sept Merveilles du Monde. On en voit encore quelques beaux restes, & entr’autres des Caves pleines d’une eau fort fraîche & fort claire, qui servent à présent de citernes. De ces Caves ou Bassins, qui sont assurement remplis d’eau vive, puis qu’elles font dans un lieu trop élevé pour n’être que des citernes; on tiroit l’eau en haut par le moyen de plusieurs tuyaux, & on la conduisoit dans tous les endroits de l’Amphithéâtre, où l’on en avoit besoin. [ 221] Le_Brun_I_1725_212–213 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) Perinthus/Heraclea, present-day Marmara Ereglisi, in the Gulf of Rodosto, apart from the amphitheatre: Ce bâtiment n’étoît pas la seule chose remarquable qu’il y eût à Heraclée; car outre les Temples, les Bains, & un grand nombre d’autres édifices publics, on y voyoit encore plusieurs belles Statues, qui étoient élevées dans les Places Publiques, à la mémoire de ceux qui avoient rendu quelque service important à la Ville. Ces Statues ont été toutes renversées et brisées par la barbarie des Siècles suivants . . . leurs pié-d’estaux, avec leurs Inscriptions qui sont restées, sont encore des preuves suffisantes de la reconnoissance des Perinthiens envers leurs bienfaiteurs. Ainsi l’on ne sauroit douter de la genérosité des anciens Heracleotes, ni que cette Ville n’ait été l’ancienne Perinthus. Les Inscripcions Grecques & Latines qu’on voit en divers endroits en sont de bons témoins, & les beaux restes d’Antiquité qu’on y trouva . . . / On en trouve des assurances presque dans toutes les rues. Mais la plus grande de toutes ces inscriptions est enclavée dans une épaisse muraille de l’Eglise Cathédrale de cette Ville, qui a sa vue sur la rue qui s’étend du côté d’Andrinople; elle est en Grec, & consacrée à la bonne Fortune de l’Empéreur Sévère. [ 222] Fermanel_1668_330 Perinthos/Heraclea, near Siliviri (NB outside Constantinople on Sea of Marmara): Au milieu de cette ville il y avoit un Amphitheatre tout de Marbre, qui estoit si magnifique qu’il passoit pour une des merveilles de ce temps-là: toutes ces beautez maintenant sont effacées, & son mal’heur a esté de s’étre trouvée si peu esloignée de Constantinople: elle seroit encore en un estat bien plus déplorable n’estoit so Port, & le commerce qu’elle fait de Laines et de Cuirs qui la font subsister. [ 223] Dallegio_d’Alessio_1946_218: Quiconque consulte un ouvrage sur Constantinople, description archéologique ou étude d’ensemble, s’étonne de ne trouver que peu de chose sur la topographie ancienne de Galata et de ses environs. La disparition des monuments anciens ne justifie nullement le dédain manifesté par les divers auteurs qui se sont occupés du passé de la capitale byzantine. Il en est de même des plans archéologiques; quant aux quelques notices parues sur Galata, elles ne concernent que la période génoise. [ 224] Dallegio_d’Alessio_1946_231: En fait d’antiquités, Galata ne possède plus rien aujourd’hui. C’est la constatation qu’ont faite tous les voyageurs. Lorsque les Génois élevèrent leurs remparts, ils utilisèrent les matériaux anciens qu’ils trouvèrent sur place et plusieurs monuments durent ainsi disparaître. Aussi les murailles de la ville présentaientelles des fragments de marbre, d’inscriptions et de stèles funéraires. C’est ainsi que disparut l’ancienne Sykai, le bourg déjà important au début du ve siècle, restauré par Justinien et par ses successeurs. Plus qu’ailleurs il importe donc de signaler les moindres débris d’inscriptions, de sculptures et de tombeaux. [ 225] Sterrett_1888_239 Comana: “The ruins of Comana are by no means extensive. Chief among them are the temple, the ruins of the theatre, and a highly ornamental portal. / Comana was once so rich in temples and brilliant edifices that it bore the name of the



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‘Golden.’ Even in the time of the first crusaders it was pulcherrima and opima. For the line of march of the first crusade, see Ritter, Klein- Asien II. pp. 265–272.” [ 226] Chantre_1896–1898_15–16 Comana, in Cappadocia: Un édifice, temple de petites dimensions, mais en superbe marbre blanc, s’élève au milieu même de Schar . . . Quelques fragments de murs latéraux donnent une idée assez nette de ce que fut cet édifice, dont la reconstitution serait des plus faciles. Tout ce qui est tombé n’offre qu’un amas de fragments de frises, de chapiteaux sculptés avec soin: oves, denticules, perles, rinceaux, feuilles d’acanthes, courent partout, transformant le marbre en une véritable dentelle. / En dehors de cet édifice, on peut dire que les chapiteaux ornés de feuilles d’acanthe abondent dans le village. / Après avoir relevé une inscription grecque qui si- trouve sur une pierre cubique dans une rue de Schar, nous partons, munis de nos appareils photographiques, vers le premier temple romain que nous avions rencontré un peu avant le village. / Cet édifice offre encore aujourd’hui deux façades, celles de l’Ouest et du Nord. La façade Ouest se compose d’un soubassement et d’un étage percé de trois ouvertures eu plein cintre et surmonté d’un fronton.Ce monument, de 12 à 13 mètres de longueur sur une.largeur de 8 à 10 mètres, était entouré d’un mur en gros blocs supportant une colonnade. Les fragments d’une dizaine de colonnes gisent sur le sol. Une seule est restée debout sur son socle . . . / Un autre temple, de petites dimensions, en forme de rectangle arrondi dans le fond, se voit à quelque distance de Schar. Les murs sont en blocs de marbre taillés, à grand appareil, et la muraille ronde, en pierres maçonnées. Une stèle git sur ce point; elle porte des inscriptions sur ses trois faces. Non loin de ce petit édifice, qui a pu être un tombeau de famille, ou un temple dédié à une divinité particulière, coule une source abondante, fraîche et délicieuse, entourée elle-même de fragments de colonnes dont l’une porte une inscription très fruste, et des débris de murs. Cette fontaine a joué, elle aussi, un rôle d’une certaine importance, et ses eaux jouissaient de vertus connues des pèlerins. Des ombrages formaient aux alentours un bosquet charmant où l’on devait aimer à s’asseoir, après que les cérémonies et les rites étaient accomplis. [ 227] Mac_Farlane_1850_I_289–290 Aezani: “A good deal of the work of destruction at the Temple had been perpetrated of late years, and a vast deal of it within the memory of man. Some of the old villagers told us that they remembered when there were nearly twice as many columns erect [author reports N side with 12, and front with 6]. Those missing had been knocked down to supply materials for building hovels and stables; some of the fragments were to be seen in the village, others had been carried away: some had been destroyed merely for the sake of the little iron and lead that united the several parts of a column or fixed it to the frieze. The old men said that it was hard work; but a Turk will labour to destroy, although he will not labour to build, and the temptation of a few pounds’ weight of iron and lead is irresistible to these destitute people. At the instigation of Sir Stratford Canning and other influential persons an imperial ordonnance has been issued against any future destruction of similar edifices or any ancient remains. The order comes too late in the day; nearly everything in Turkey has been already destroyed. And who is there to attend to the execution of the order or to the punishment of transgressors? Who among the great Turks travels to see? Who is there in these wilds to make a report? What does a Pasha of Brusa care about our reverence for antiquity and Grecian art, or for the preservation of a few columns? Mustapha Nouree Pasha, in one of the accesses of fanaticism to which he is said to be liable, would gladly hear that the last column had been overturned, and that not one stone had been left upon another in the Temple of the infidel.” [ 228] Castellan_1820_278–280 The village of Tchardak, on the sea, somewhere near Lampsacus: Sur la place de la mosquée, nous avons aperçu divers fragmens antiques, et je soupçonne que cette mosquée elle-même fut construite sur d’anciennes fondations: le porche en est soutenu par des colonnes. Notre curiosité ayant été remarquée, on nous conduisit avec un empressement et une bienveillance qu’on a rarement ici pour les étrangers, vers un vaste bâtiment qui sert d’écurie. Le comble repose sur deux rangs de colonnes antiques de différens diamètres. Les chapiteaux ne sont pas, à beaucoup près, assortis aux colonnes, ni même en proportion avec elles: quelques uns sont posés en sens inverse;



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elles ne sont pas elles-mêmes uniformément alignées et espacées, et l’on pourroit presque douter qu’elles eussent été fondées en ce lieu. L’obscurité qui y régnoit, et l’impatience que témoignoient nos conducteurs, surtout lorsque nous voulions prendre des mesures, nous ont empêchés de vérifier si nous étions réellement sur l’emplacement d’un temple antique qui n’auroit pas encore été remarqué des voyageurs . . . Il devoit appartenir à une ville assez importante, bâtie sur l’emplacement du village de Tchardak. Ce n’est pas, au surplus, l’édifice en lui-même, qui me feroit supposer l’existence de cette ville; ce seroit plutôt les divers ordres dont il est composé. En effet, la variété des chapiteaux et des colonnes semble indiquer la préexistence de monumens divers, dont ils seroient les débris. Si les Turcs les avoient employés à l’ornement d’une mosquée on pourroit croire que l’importance qu’ils attachent à ce genre de monument auroit vaincu leur paresse, et les auroit engagés à faire venir ces colonnes de Lampsaque; mais l’usage qu’ils en ont fait, éloigne absolument l’idée d’une telle supposition, et prouve qu’ils les ont trouvées sous leur main. Il est probable que la plus grande partie de ces colonnes étoit sur pied, et qu’ils ont rétabli le moins mal qu’ils ont pu celles qui manquoient, les couronnant de divers chapiteaux trouvés dans le voisinage pour atteindre la hauteur de celles qui étoient entières, et asseoir le toit d’une manière régulière et horizontale. / Ce qui nous a fait encore supposer que nous foulions un sol historique, c’est un aqueduc pour la conduite des eaux qui alimentent les fontaines de Tchardak. Ces fontaines sont aussi plus nombreuses qu’il ne faut pour un très-petit village. On y remarque d’ailleurs des fragmens de sculpture antique, dont on s’est servi fort maladroittement pour les décorer. L’aqueduc se trouve, en remontant la petite rivière, vers l’extrémité de la vallée, au levant. Il existe dans le même endroit d’autres ruines que nous n’avons pas examinées avec assez de soin pour les décrire. [ 229] Fellows_1839_145 Aezani: “At the foot of the Acropolis, which is for the most part artificially raised upon fine substantial arches of massive stone similar to the vaults of Nicaea, stand several pillars of another temple; and between these and the river is a single column, now occupied by the nest of a stork, four similar ones having been just removed and used in the erection of a Governor’s house at Kootaya.” [ 230] Choisy_1876_161 near Aezani, at Kurd-Kale: En descendant, je m’arrête près d’une carrière de marbre d’où l’on dit que sont sortis les matériaux d’Aezani. Le fait est au moins vraisemblable; le marbre est bien le même: même blancheur azurée, même grain, même aspect: On distingue sur les parois de l’excavation la trace des instruments tranchants. Aux abords, quelques pierres dégrossies, abandonnées comme rebuts; dans la carrière même, un fût de colonne à demi extrait, déjà arrondi en cylindre, et qu’on a laissé sur place à cause d’une veine dangereuse. Point d’inscriptions, point de marques de carrière. [ 231] Helbig_1892_49 Aizanoi, Les stupides habitants de Tchavder-Hissar ont eu recours au feu pour démolir ce temple . . . L’espoir d’y trouver des trésors fut la cause de cet acte de vandalisme. The locals, he says, believe it was a fortress. [ 232] Castellan_1820_257 at the temple at Lampsacus: Un Turc qui nous avoit suivis, goûtoit des plaisirs d’une autre sorte. Immobile, accroupi sur ces marbres y il fumoit sa pipe, jetant un regard dédaigneux sur les ruines dont il étoit entouré; ou bien il calculoit le profit qu’on en pouvoit tirer en sciant, par exemple, des tronçons de colonnes pour en faire des meules de moulin ou d’autres ustensiles d’un ordre encore moins relevé. Ce temple, nous a-t-il dit, subsistoit encore il n’y avoit pas très-long-temps; on pouvoit même alors pénétrer dans des constructions souterraines qui s’étendoient jusqu’à la ville, mais dont on a prudemment muré les issues. [ 233] Hamilton_1842_I_439 Bala Hissar/Pessinus, ten miles from Sevri Hissar: “After a ride of two hours and a half we reached the Acropolis, situated at the Southem extremity of the narrow plateau, from whence the ground fell rapidly on all sides, except towards the north. Many portions of a well-built marble wall by which it has been surrounded are still standing, hut some parts have been repaired with the ruins of other buildings and fragments of sepulchral monuments. Descending from hence E.S.E. towards the village, the road led through an extensive burial-ground, a storehouse of broken shafts of columns of various characters and dimensions, some of which are plain, and others deeply fluted. Every step we advanced gave evidence of the importance and magnificence of the public



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buildings with which the city which once occupied this site must have been adorned, and convinced me that it was one of no mean repute in the former history of Asia Minor. Advancing towards the village, the sloping sides of the hill are covered with heaps of marble blocks and broken columns, sculptured architraves and friezes, each of which marks the site of a prostrate temple, a triumphal arch, or other public edifice. Near the village are also the remains of an extensive portico, or stoa, of which many columns are still in situ and the front of a temple standing on a rustic basement with six or seven fluted columns facing the S.W.” [ 234] Hamilton_1842_I_440–441 Bala Hissar/Pessinus, ten miles from Sevri Hissar: “Immediately to the east of the village are many substructions and walls composed of marble blocks marking the sites of houses and the lines of streets, similar to what 1 afterwards found on the hill below; and about 250 yards up the valley, also to the east, are the remains of the theatre facing ?.E. The marble seats of the Cavea were almost all there, chiefly laid in a hollow on the hill side; but the scena was entirely gone, its site being only marked by a low mound of earth and rubbish. As far as I could judge from its ruined state, it was in extent more than a semicircle, the sides of the Cavea appearing to open out, and to diverge, instead of having the excess beyond the semicircle formed by producing the same curve at either extremity, as is usual in the Asiatic theatres, or of continuing the sides parallel to each other, as in the theatres of European Greece. In the colonnade near the village were several angular columns of a peculiar form. Below the village I followed the valley to the S. by W. for about a mile, where it makes a bend to the S. by E. The hills were covered with many blocks of marble and broken columns lying about in confused masses on both sides, but particularly towards the east. At the farthest point which I reached were the remains of several tombs and sarcophagi, solid and well carved. . . . / These ruins are undoubtedly of great interest from their extent, but such is their state of devastation, that they are more interesting to the geographer than to the antiquary.” [ 235] Perrot_1864_447 Balahissar: C’est M. Ch. Texier qui a eu l’honneur de signaler le premier à l’attention les ruines de cette ville fameuse, et de leur donner leur vrai nom; d’après le plan qu’il en a dressé, nous espérions trouver sur le terrain matière à d’intéressantes études. La réalité a été loin de répondre à nos espérances. M. Texier, comme il le dit lui-même, a examiné très-rapidement ces ruines, et ce premier coup d’œil l’a trompé sur l’importance des vestiges encore subsistants. Il est des édifices qu’il indique et dont nous n’avons plus trouvé trace, tandis qu’ailleurs les débris étaient trop confus et trop dépourvus de caractère pour qu’il fût possible d’y saisir une disposition quelconque. [ 236] Van_Lennep_1870_II_210–211 Balahissar: “Balahissar is old Pessinus, well known more than 1000 years ago for its beautiful marble temples and other public buildings. The ruins are comparatively in a virgin state. A little digging has taken place just outside the village on the south, where fine marble slabs have been taken up to be used for building purposes at Sivri Hissar. There cannot be any doubt, however, that a rich mine of fine remains lies hidden under the ground; but the difficulties of transportation are such that no one is likely to disturb them for centuries to come.” [ 237] Perrot_1872_I_207 Sivri-Hissar est d’ailleurs une ville toute moderne, bâtie sous la domination turque, et qui ne contient rien d’intéressant que quelques inscriptions apportées des ruines voisines de Pessinunte . . . Ces ruines ont servi et servent encore de carrière aux habitants de Sivri-Hissar; les paysans du hameau de Bala-Hissar n’ont guère d’autre occupation que de fouiller ce vaste amas de décombres et d’en extraire les plus beaux blocs, les dalles les plus larges, pour les conduite, sur de grossiers chariots ou à dos d’âne, aux maçons et aux marbriers de Sivri-Hissar. La ville modern consomme et détruit ainsi à pièce la ville ancienne; heureusement qu’on ne bâtit pas beaucoup à Sivri-Hissar, et que les Turcs et les Arméniens sont assez paresseux pou ne pas se donner toujours la peine de tailler à nouveau les stèles qui leur servent de pierres tombales. [ 238] Saint-Martin_1873_115 Après Ancyre, l’exploration de MM. Perrot et Guillaume se dirigea sur l’ancienne Pessinonte; ils dressèrent un plan détaillé de la cité galate. / Malheureusement pour l’archéologie, il existe dans le voisinage une petite ville turque dont



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la prospérité provoque des constructions incessantes, et l’emplacement de Pessinonte est devenu une sorte de carrière d’où l’on extrait des matériaux. Les marbres les plus précieux, les antiquités les plus importantes sont ainsi détruits journellement sans rencontrer le moindre obstacle. – M. Perrot a émis le vœu qu’on envoyât de temps en temps dans ces parages de jeunes savants pour recueillir ou conserver ces débris. M. Waddington croit aussi qu’il y aurait intérêt à agir de la sorte. [ 239] Radet_1895_497–498 Chéhir-Euïuk: Tout le pourtour de l’acropole est semé de débris. Ce sont, au pied du théâtre, des deux côtés de la route qui va d’Eski-Chéhir à Moutaloub-Keuï, une traînée de blocs épars; plus au nord, un petit pont jeté sur un ravin et la margelle d’un puits, le tout fait de matériaux antiques; au nord-est, des mines d’habitations; à l’est, sur une longueur de quarante-trois mètres, les soubassements d’un grand édifice qui parait avoir été an temple et qui semble de construction grecque, si l’on en juge par la grandeur des blocs, la technique du travail, le fini de l’ajustement. / A l’angle sud-est, sur une butte qui se relie à l’éminence principale, plusieurs stèles funéraires ornées de reliefs et de dédicaces gisent autour d’une sorte de caveau sépulcral dont les belles assises de marbre s’enfoncent assez profondément en terre. Il n’est pas douteux qu’il faille placer en cet endroit la nécropole. / A l’angle sud-ouest s’étale une seconde butte qu’une série de terrasses rattaché à l’acropole. Entre l’acropole et la butte, les carriers d’Eski-Chéhir ont ouvert une tranchée où nous avons exécuté des fouilles. Nous avons ainsi mis à jour d’immenses blocs de marbre qui, tous, portaient des inscriptions. L’un d’eux se reliait à des blocs semblables par des voûtes en plein cintre, ce qui suppose une sorte de monument à portique. Un autre fait partie d’un piédestal de statue. Nous devons être ici sur l’emplacement de l’agora. [ 240] Engelhardt_1884_42–43: Fuad-pacha se plaisait à dire que les capitaux engagés dans l’affaire appelleraient l’attention des pays qui les auraient fournis et que par suite, la politique de conservation qui avait prévalu en 1856, de théorique, qu’elle était restée dans une certaine mesure, deviendrait plus positive et plus efficace. Il ajoutait même dans ses entretiens particuliers avec les chefs des missions étrangères, qu’en multipliant les moyens de circulation par terre et par eau, l’on arriverait plus vite à la fusion des interdis et par conséquent a celle des races, qu’en promulguant des lois prématurées et irritantes. / Ces vues n’étaient-elles point d’un esprit quelque peu spéculatif et le patriotisme qui était en tout son guide, ne voilait-il pas au minister une partie de la vérité? La question d’Orient aurait-elle existé sans l’isolement séculaire d’un peuple qui a vécu en Europe comme certaines tribus confinées dans les montagnes asiatiques? N’était-il pas à présumer que par des communications journalières et désormais ininterrompues, la Turquie inondée aussi bien des produits de l’industrie que des idées de l’Occident, subtrait à la longue une transformation qui en ferait un pays de conquête? En d’autres termes, les mosulmans n’étaientils pas directement menacés dans leur suprématie et dans leurs possessions traditionnelles par un rapprochement matériel qui ouvrirait leur territoire au commerce universel, en y développant les colonies étrangères? La locomotive lancée de Vienne ou de Pest ne seraitelle pas pour eux comme le cheval de Troie portant dans ses flancs la destruction et la mort? / C’était bien la pensée de certains voisins de la Porte qui s’étaient inscrits depuis longtemps parmi les futurs co-partageants de l’empire d’Osman: Les chemins de fer vaincront la Turquie, me disait en 1869 l’un des membres de la régence de Servie préposé au département de la guerre; ils feront plus pour la solution du problème oriental que les canons rayés. [ 241] Schoenberg_1977_359: “Asia Minor makes up 97 per cent of the 767,119 square kilometers of the present-day Turkish Republic. Asia Minor geographically can be divided into Anatolia and Cilicia. Cilicia is technically part of the Fertile Crescent but the Pontic, Amanus, and Taurus Mountains are formidable barriers . . . Anatolia, the main part of Asiatic Turkey, is basically a semi-arid, central plateau, about 1000 metres above sea level, surrounded by a ring of mountains which makes transport difficult. The coast line of modern Turkey on the Black, Aegean, and Mediterranean Seas suffers from a scarcity of natural harbours. The Dardanelle and Bosporus Straits and the Sea of Marmara are subject to fogs



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and storms during a great deal of the year along with other bodies of water that surround Turkey. The rivers of Turkey are only navigable for short distances near the deltas. Turkey is blessed basically with only one good harbour – the Golden Horn in Istanbul, which is one of the world’s best harbours. Geography favours transport on land from east to west, from Asia to Europe, and on water north to south, from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean Sea. The contour of Turkish geography because of lack of good roads favours transport by water. Eastern Thrace, the European section of Turkey, is topographically composed of gently rolling hills.” [ 242] Leake_1820_186: “In Asia Minor among the numerous impediments to a traveller’s success must be chiefly reckoned the deserted state of the country, which often puts the common necessaries and conveniences of travelling out of his reach; the continual disputes and wars among the persons in power; the precarious authority of the government of Constantinople, which rendering its protection ineffectual, makes the traveller’s success depend upon the personal character of the governor of each district; and the ignorance and suspicious temper of the Turks, who have no idea of scientific travelling; who cannot imagine; any other motive for our visits to that country than a preparation for hostile invasion, or a search after treasures among the ruins of antiquity, and whose suspicions of this nature are of course most strong in the provinces which, like Asia Minor, are the least frequented by us. If the traveller’s prudence or good fortune protect him from all these sources of danger, as well as from plague, banditti, and other perils incidental to a semibarbarous state of society, he has still to dread the loss of health from the combined effects of climate, fatigue, and privation, a misfortune which seldom fails to check his career before he has completed his projected tour.” [ 243] Pococke_1772_V_149 (in the Orient 1737–1742): crosses the Sultan Emir, which he believes is the Cadmus: Il y a près du pont où nous passâmes le Lycus un ancien caravanserai de marbre blanc appelle Accan, lequel a sans doute été bâti avec les matériaux de quelque ancien édifice. Je vis dans les murailles la tête d’une statue une tête de Méduse en relief, & sur une autre pierre un relief qui représente deux dragons. [ 244] Ramsay_1890_34: “The Seljuk monuments, almost unknown to Europeans, are the most beautiful ruins in Asia Minor.” [ 245] Ramsay_1916_25–26: “The Turkmens were an unruly and even a dangerous element in the country. Peaceful merchants did not venture to travel along the roads except in large caravans, which had to be always on their guard against attack from the Nomads. The Seldjuk Sultans in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries attempted to protect the great lines of communication by means of splendid khans. These khans are places of large size and military strength, built for defence with loop-holed walls of great thickness; and they could easily be maintained against the attacks of large bands of Nomad assailants. / A German traveller has laid emphasis on the character of these great Seldjuk khans, as a proof of the high standard of civilization which characterized the Seldjuk Empire of Roum; but that proof depends upon what is meant by civilization. They indeed possess a stateliness and architectural dignity and beauty which are extremely impressive. Generally they stand alone in a desert, with only a few wretched hovels of the modern remnant of population in the neighbourhood, or even absolutely solitary with no habitation for miles around, and they thus rightly give the impression that they belong to a far higher standard of civilization than the modern. In the realm of art they are eminent; but they do not prove that peace or order or good organization characterized the Seldjuk rule. They are really fortresses in a dangerous country. As a rule they were not centres of population, but stood out like fortified islands in the great sea of the nomad wilderness. They attest the weakness rather than the strength of Seldjuk power. The Seldjuk Turkish Sultans had no footing in the desert, except within the walls of those fortified refuges. The Turkmen was the enemy of the Seldjuk Turk, just as later he was hostile to the Osmanli Sultans: rarely indeed an active enemy, but a proud and unruly and almost alien element in a very loosely organized Empire.” Ramsay_1902_264 Seljuk khans: “the great Seljuk khans are almost like fortresses, with their massive walls and their single well-protected entrance. Not a trace remains of any similar Roman or Byzantine building,



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and this furnishes a conclusive proof that the inns and mansiones of the civilized empire were buildings of a much humbler and more evanescent character; private initiative then furnished sufficient entertainment for travellers without the artistic and architectural magnificence of the Seljuk khans, and forts were not needed. The khans attest a high development of art, but not a sound condition of society and government . . . The truth is that such buildings as the Seljuk khans were not built or wanted in the Roman and the Byzantine period. But in the Seljuk time the caravans, which maintained trade and communication between the surviving cities of the land, required the shelter and protection of those vast fortress-like constructions, for the roads connecting the greatest cities of the Seljuk state were unsafe. The cities were like islands in the ocean of nomadism; and the khans furnished harbours of refuge at short intervals in the dangerous voyage from city to city. If the country is safer in more recent times, the reason is that caravans and commerce were gradually destroyed on almost all roads, trade dwindled and died out, every town became perforce self-sufficient, and the empire ceased to be an articulated organism. On the few roads along which the markets of Europe still attracted a certain amount of caravan-traffic the danger continued, but where there were no travellers to rob and no trade to plunder, the nomads were either at peace or employed in mutual warfare, especially where the nomad Turkmens met the nomad Kurds. Hence the older travellers describe them all, Kurds and Turkmens alike, as unruly and dangerous, while the traveller at the present day finds them generally quite peaceful and quiet.” [ 246] Fitzner_1902_99 the Seljuks and land transport: Als die Zügel der Macht den Händen der entarteten Byzantiner zu entgleiten begannen, da wuchs die Unsicherheit im Lande, und die nicht geschützten und nicht gebesserten Strassen waren allmählichem Verfall ausgesetzt, dem erst die kräftige Herrschaft der Seldschukenkaiser entgegentreten konnte. In dieser glanzreichen Zeit erwachte das von schweren Kriegsnöten heimgesuchte Land zu neuem Leben, Handel und Wandel regten sich, eine eigene Kunst konnte sich entfalten. Fersische Baumeister wurden in das Land gerufen, sie schufen nicht nur prächtige Sultanspaläste, sondern erbauten breite Strassen, hochgewölbte Brücken und geräumige Karawansereien als Stützpunkte des Verkehrs. [ 247] Tournefort_II_1718_352: “we lay at Caragamous, after a Journey of ten Hours cross one of the finest Plains in Asia; but uncultivated, without Trees, very dry, tho marshy in some Places, and interspers’d with low small Hills. The old Marbles, which are in the Church-yards, plainly shew that there has been formerly some famous City: But how should we come at the Name of it, supposing it might be found upon some Inscription? For we did not stop there at all, and the Carriers thought of nothing but how to escape the Robbers.” [ 248] Tchihatchef_1854_71–72 near Mylas: A deux heures au sud -sud-est de Mylassa se trouve une hauteur couronnée par le village de Betchin-Kalessi; ce sont quelques masures turques qui se sont nichées dans le pan d’une muraille ancienne, munie de tours, dont quelques débris sont encore debout; la muraille paraît être la ruine d’un fort, sa construction rappelle plutôt le moyen âge que l’antiquité classique, car le tout est en petites pierres et non en dalles. [ 249] Callier_1835_250: Après six heurs de marche dans cette plaine abandonnée, j’arrivai au chateau d’Ayas situé sur des rochers dont les pieds sont baignés par la mer. Nous eûmes une peine infinie a nous faire ouvrir cette forteresse ou quelques familles turkmènes s’abritent avec leurs troupeaux contre les attaques de peuplades vagabondes qui vivent de meurtre et de pillage. Pour éviter toute surprise de la part des brigands, les portes restent toujours fermées pendant la nuit et des gens armés veillent sur les murs. Comme autrefois sous la domination romaine, ces pays sont toujours infestés de voleurs qu’on ne peut soumettre. Pompée et Cicéron avaient été successivement charges de les détruire. [ 250] Langlois_1861_199–206 Korykos: for liberal citations from Middle Ages onwards of those who have visited the fortress and surrounding city. [ 251] Favre_&_Mandrot_1878_121: Aïas (l’antique Aegae) a été au moyen âge un port des plus commerçants. On l’appelait alors Laïas ou Lajazzo, et les revenus de sa douane enrichissaient les rois de la petite Arménie. Ce n’est plus qu’un monceau de ruines de



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diverses époques éparses dans une plaine déserte. Parmi ces ruines la seule qui conserve encore quelque apparence est le château arménien au bord de la mer sur l’ancien port. Son enceinte a été transformée en village par les habitants du pays. Il y a aussi à quelques minutes du rivage, sur une petite île, les débris d’un château de mer. This must be Korykos: so does Callier_1835_250 really mean Ayas? [ 252] Cockerell_1903_188 (travelling 1810–1817) Korykos: “The one on the mainland, which I take to be the ancient Coricus, is a place of great strength. There is a moat thirty feet wide, cut in solid rock, to disconnect from the land, and double walls and towers. There are many ruins of modern churches and monasteries and numberless sarcophagi of ancient and early Christian times, but the whole place, town and castles, is absolutely deserted.” [ 253] Langlois_1861_220 (travelling 1851–1853): A une journée de marche des ruines de Corycus, au nord-est . . . se trouvent de belles ruines, débris d’une ville byzantine . . . / . . . En raison de sa position si peu accessible et de son isolement, cette ville est restée en quelque sort ignorée; et, en effet, son nom ne figure point sur les cartes de MM. Kiepert et Tchihatcheff. Au milieu des débris de cette vieille cité, des Turkomans ont bâti quelques cabanes auxquelles ils donnent le nom de Kannidéli. [ 254] Bent_1893_42 Dallam (travelling 1599–1600) approached by ships between Samos and Asia Minor: “But in the morninge, when we did thinke to have gone a shore, we espied 4 gallis and a frigett, which came stealinge by the shore. The gallis stayed a league of, under the shore of Asia the lesse, but the frigett came into the roode to se what we wear, and thar came to an anker; the which when our Mr. persaved, not knowinge what There intent was, he caused anker to be wayed with all speed, and beinge under saile, the frigett went before us, and also the gallis; for than our Mr. purposed to goo that way which before he Durste not adventur; for whearas we should have lefte this ilande on our Righte hand, now we lefte it on our lefte hand, and ventured to goo be twyxte Samose and the mayne land of Asia the less, the which is a marvalus straite pasege for suche a ship as ours was. Even in the straighteste place these four gallis stayed for us, but when they se our strengthe and bouldnes, they weare afrayed of us.” [ 255] Casas_1822_346 sailing from Rhodes, and after avoiding the Egyptian fleet, A peine échappé a ce premier danger, au moment ou nous allions mettre pied à terre sur la côte d’Asie, nous avons été visités par le canot d’un corsaire Grec; je me suis fait connaître en ma qualité d’agent du Roi de France, et nous en avons été quittés pour la peur. [ 256] Perrot_1863_574 (travelling in 1851): Nous avons appris en chemin que, sur cette route même d’Angora à Kaledjik, la veille du jour où nous y passions, une quinzaine de personnes ont été dépouillées par six voleurs, des Kurdes de l’Haïmaneh; c’étaient de jeunes paysans qui portaient à la ville de la paille, du bois et autres denrées. On leur a pris leurs cognées, leurs habits, les meilleurs de leurs chevaux. Dans le village où l’on nous conte cette aventure, je demande si on a porté plainte au pacha. « Qu’y ferait-il?» nous répond-on. Il ne se peut rien dire de plus fort contre l’administration turque que ce mot naïf, dont ceux qui le prononcent sont loin de comprendre toute la gravité. [ 257] Poyet_1859_209 brigands: Si je me suis aussi étendu sur l’état physique et moral de ces bandes de brigands, qui peuplent et infestent l’Anatolie, c’est que leur présence est un immense obstacle au commerce, à l’industrie, au progrès, en un mot à la civilisation de cette contrée: état de choses qui pourrait aisement cesser, si le gouvernement turc voulait y songer sérieusement. [ 258] Arundell_1834_II_351 letter of 1829 from Earl of Ashburnham on the ruins of Aezani, which he “discovered” in 1824: “Most, or all of the architectural remains, at this place, are of the same material as the temple. Among them I should mention a bridge, many columns apparently standing in the situations for which they were originally designed, and long lines of tombs, as the most perfect and conspicuous objects among the multitude of ruins, that are widely scattered around the modern and inconsiderable village of Chavdour. / I will only add that I have no where seen in Asia Minor, so much of ancient architecture standing as at Chavdour. The ruins of Ephesus or of Assos, may be as numerous or more



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so; but they do not convey nearly so perfect a notion of what they originally were, and from this cause, as well as from my inability to appreciate their merit, I may be mistaken in supposing that the architectural remains at Ephesus, though more richly decorated, present no purer specimen of the art than the temple at Azani.” [ 259] Choisy_1876_134 Villagers and their legend about Aezani: Nous voyageons de compagnie avec des paysans de Tchavdir: ces Turcs s’offrent à nous guider un instant, et nous content les légendes de leurs ruines, l’origine des colonnes d’Aezani. Il y avait, paraît-il, des brigands dans la contrée, et les gens du pays n’ont rien imaginé de mieux, pour se soustraire à leurs vexations, que d’élever les colonnes et se loger sur leurs sommets. [ 260] Ramsay_1902_263: “The picture that those Byzantine writers set before us has been summed up by the present writer in the following words: “The nomad Turkmens spread over the face of the land; the soil passed out of cultivation; the population decreased; the Christian cities were isolated from each other by a sea of nomad wandering tribes; intercourse, and consequently trades and manufactures, were to a great extent destroyed; and gradually the Christians in most places acquiesced, as we have seen, in the Oriental spirit and the Oriental religion of the dominant race. It is a remarkable instance of degeneration from civilized to barbarian society, and one which it would be instructive to study in detail; but the general fact is summed up in the phrase, the nomadization of Asia Minor.” [ 261] Bryce_1902_277 comment by Sir Charles Wilson on Ramsay’s paper: “We have contemporary records of the way in which the nomads devastated the country. They cared nothing for town life; all that they thought about was food for their flocks and herds. For three centuries a succession of nomad tribes passed through the country; they ate up everything as they went; they cared nothing for agriculture, or whether the people in the towns starved or lived; and they entirely ruined perhaps one of the richest countries in the world. I think that Prof. Ramsay has placed the ruin of the country by the nomads a little too early. I should be inclined to attribute it to the passage of the Mongols through Asia Minor, and all that the Mongols left behind them was swept away by the advance of Timur and his Tartars. But I entirely agree with him as to the way in which the towns were isolated by the advance of the nomads, and the difficulty of keeping up communication between town and town. I may perhaps mention that the Seljuk Turks, who must be distinguished from the Osmanli Turks who followed them, were not only great builders of khans, but of other public buildings. I do not think anything impressed me more, as a mark of the great power and architectural skill of the Seljuks, or rather of the foreign architects employed by them, than the great works at Alaya, on the south coast of Asia Minor, which I might almost call the Portsmouth of the Seljuk Empire. The slips and other buildings connected with the navy of the Seljuks were built in the same solid manner as the beautiful khans which are scattered over the country. So also with regard to the mosque architecture.” [ 262] Aucher-Eloy_1843_I_323: Causes de la dépopulation parmi les Turcs. Il faut, je crois, l’attribuer à l’apathie de ce peuple et à son éloignement pour le travail; il a conservé les habitudes du nomade. Sa religion favorise encore cette disposition par les cinq prières quotidiennes. Partout où le pays est habité par des Turcs, comme dans la majeure partie de la Galatie, à Angora par exemple, où les rayas n’ont point le droit de cultiver la terre, l’agriculture languit ou même s’annulle entièrement (Voir ce que j’ai dit des villages des environs de Brousse). Les avanies et la mauvaise administration contribuent moins à ce déplorable résultat que l’insouciance de ce peuple. Les Grecs et les Arméniens, amis du travail et intelligents, se maintiennent; ils réalisent l’ingénieuse allégorie de Deucalion et de Pyrrha, qui marchent toujours en jetant derrière eux des pierres, c’est-à-dire en cultivant la terre: ils l’ont couverte d’habitants. Je n’ai jamais entendu parler d’un village grec ou arménien qui ait été abandonné, si ce n’est pourtant en Chypre. [ 263] Bent_1891b_272: “These nomads are very destructive to the country they travel over; lighting their fires beneath trees, they ruthlessly destroy acres of timber, and the valleys of this part of the Taurus are rich in tall, straight fir-trees used for masts; then they lay bare whole tracts of country, that they may have fodder for their flocks, and nothing



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is so destructive to timber as the habit they have of tapping the fir-trees near the root for the turpentine. A deep notch is cut, and the turpentine all flows to this part. After a while the tree is cut down, and the wood in the vicinity of the notch is used for torches, the only light they make use of. Again, they bark the cedars to make their beehives, and for roofing purposes, and are the most destructive enemy the forests of Asia Minor have. Luckily, the vast extent of forest and the sparsity of inhabitants makes,the destruction of timber less marked; but it is a steady destruction if slow, and must in the end ruin the forests of the country.” [ 264] Ramsay_1916_31 Nomads: “Just because they are so truly nomad, they are untrue to the old Anatolian type, which was settled and peaceful. The nomadization of the country was the means by which Turkey broke down the old Roman (or Graeco-Roman) society. That well-knit society, weak in many ways and unfit to defend itself against barbaric assault, possessed in spite of its weaknesses a remarkable cohesive strength, which enabled it to withstand and to recover from the tremendous assaults of the Arabs. The first Mohammedan attacks lasted for three centuries, and there was hardly a city in all Asia Minor that was not captured at least once. Yet the social fabric of Roman law and organization stood firm and regained its older cohesive unity. / The nomads prevented the Sultans from inheriting fully the Roman bequest, because they largely destroyed it. In the spasmodic attempts made by individual Sultans to reorganize the Empire, the nomads presented themselves as a difficulty that must be eliminated before organization could be achieved.” [ 265] Cousin_1898_369b the Latmic Gulf (Miletus area) in 1889, the Latmic Lake: Ile de Ehisia-Assar. Elle est remplie de ruines superbes: remparts, tours, chapelles, etc. Quand on fait en bateau le tour de l’île, on se rend compte de l’art avec lequel elle a été mise en état de défense. / L’accès de l’île est partout difficile, sauf dans le petit port. Le reste du rivage est protégé, soit naturellement par des rochers surmontés eux-mêmes de remparts, soit artificiellement par de hautes murailles, qui en certains endroits ont conservé la précision de leurs arêtes. / A l’intérieur, ruines d’une église byzantine. Au dessus de la porte d’entrée, inscription. Au dessus de l’inscription, une moulure ainsi décorée: au milieu, une croix grecque; de chaque côté de la croix, cinq arceaux soutenus par des colonnes torses et contenant alternativement une double croix et une branche gravées. Ibid. 370–371 the Latmic Gulf (Miletus area) in 1889, the Latmic Lake: nous allons aborder à l’île de Kapi-kéré. Ici encore le rivage est partout fortifié et gardé, excepté pour un endroit, où le rocher très élevé et absolument à pic sert de défense naturelle. Les deux points où l’on peut débarquer sont également fortifiés: l’une des entrées est sous une voûte, l’autre entre deux rochers qui se rejoignent un peu plus haut et ne laissent qu’un très étroit passage. / A l’intérieur, ruines d’une église byzantine qui semble avoir été bâtie sur les ruines d’un temple païen. Le soubassement parfaitement régulier est en belles pierres. Au dessus, le mur, d’ailleurs bien appareillé, est fait de pierres antiques, mais avec mélange de pierres différentes, qui dénotent par leur présence une époque postérieure. On trouve aussi des métopes encastrées. Il est certain qu’il y avait dans l’île des constructions antiques qui ont été réemployées à l’époque byzantine. Dans les fortifications du rivage, on trouve aussi des pierres plus anciennes et des métopes. C’est sans doute Héraclée du Latmos qui a fourni à toutes ces îles les pierres taillées et les rares inscriptions qui s’y rencontrent. [ 266] Callier_1835_240: Nos travaux en Cappadoce, dans la petite Armenie, dans le pays de Sophène et en Mesopotamie circonscrivaient une lacune jusqu’a ce jour inexplorée. Ce qui avait rebuté tous les voyageurs européens, c’etait l’extrême difficulté de pénétrer an milieu des tribus nomades dont l’inhospitalité et les habitudes de pillage inspirent la terreur à toutes les contrées qui avoisinent leur territoire. – so even an army officer was apprehensive. [ 267] Cockerell_1903_189b (travelling 1810–1817): “At Pompeiopolis, as we had understood that the Turks of this part of the country were particularly dangerous, I took with me two marines as a guard to visit the ruins. Seen from the sea they presented a truly startling grandeur. The plan of the city is noble in the extreme one single colonnade passes right



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through it from the port to the gate leading out into the country, and forty of its columns are still standing. The remainder, making about two hundred, lie as they fell. The town was defended by a fine wall with towers to it, enclosing a theatre and the port.” [ 268] Langlois_1854a_14 Pompeiopolis: Un théâtre, des bains, divers édifices et les magnifiques colonnes du dromos, dont quarante-trois se dressent encore au milieu des ruines, témoignent de tout ce qu’a fait Pompée pour la splendeur de cette ville. [ 269] Poyet_1859_214–215 nomads: C’est par eux seuls que s’effectue tout le transport de l’Asie Mineure, par voie de chameaux, ce qui leur rend des revenus considérables, et les fait maîtres d’un argent qui ne reparaîtra jamais plus dans le commerce, car tout le numéraire qu’ils parviennent à acquérir, reste enfoui, ou sert à l’achat de nouveaux bestiaux. Le nombre incalculable de chameaux qui sillonnent en tous sens l’Anatolie leur appartient en grande partie. Il est des achirats [emigrants, or tribes] dont la population s’élève à près de 10 000 âmes, et qui semble tous les jours s’accroître. [ 270] Tchihatchef_1877_194–195 in Asia Minor: l’immigration des tribus turques en apportant les éléments d’un peuple pasteur, aura fini par substituer le chameau au cheval, ou du moins par rejeter ce dernier à une place secondaire. En définitive le chameau n’est en Asie Mineure qu’un monument de sa décadence, et tel paraît être également le cas à l’égard de l’Égypte, car, là aussi, son introduction doit être postérieure à l’antique civilisation de la terre des Pharaons. [ 271] Williams_1921_254–255: “Decade by decade the roads of eastern Turkey have become more unsafe from Circassian and Kurd. The former was a new immigration by Abdul Aziz in 1865, when Schamyl had surrendered to Russia and the defeated Moslems of the Caucasus turned to the head of their faith and the harems which for generations had willingly held so many of their willing young girls. The Circassian immigrant tribes spread across the Russian frontier into Turkey, robbing and plundering over northeast Turkey until they reached the northern edge of the Mesopotamian plain at Ras-el-Ain. They were the first to show how unsafe a few armed men could make the roads. They began attacks on Christian villages, taking their land as ‘guests of the Sultan’ and by way of reprisal for the Christian occupation of their own lands. The Kurds became dangerous on a large scale when Sultan Abdul Hamid began Armenian massacre by arming them as ‘Hamidieh,’ Turkish irregular cavalry, worthless in the late war, perilous to their friends, the instrument of Christian slaughter. Greek brigandage sprang up anew after 1860 in eastern Asia Minor, back of Smyrna. The nomads of Asia Minor ceased to be harmless and peaceful. The Arabs of the desert encroached on the plow along the Euphrates and on the flanks of Syria to the west of their campfires.” [ 272] Russell_1835_175 the theatres at Cyrene, relaying Beechey: “The pillars which once ornamented the scene in the larger of these buildings had been thrown from the basement on which they formerly stood, and were scattered in various places along the whole length of the range. Among them were several statues, which appeared to have been portraits, executed with great freedom and taste, and beyond were the Corinthian capitals of the columns, which had rolled in their fall to some distance from their position. These, as well as the bases, were composed of a fine white marble, the polish of which was in general very perfect; and the shafts, consisting of a coloured species, were formed of single pieces, which added considerably to the effect produced by the costliness of the material.” [ 273] Bent_1891b_271: “Most of the inhabitants of the low-lying, towns and villages go up to the mountains for their yaela in summer; so that during this period you can never be quite sure that you have got a genuine Yourouk or not for your study. The Yourouks are a finer race than the Takhtagee, lithe of limb and seldon under six feet in height. / Some of them have adopted a semi-sedentary life for three months of the year, dwelling in hovels erected out of ancient ruins, in the tombs of the ancient Greeks, but as soon as spring, comes their abodes become uninhabitable from vermin, and they betake themselves again to their tents. They are an exceedingly peaceful and law-abiding race, a great contrast to their neigh-bours the Afshars, Kourds, and Circassians, whose habitat is more to the east, and the Turks look upon them as the policemen of the mountains, and they are always



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ready to give information concerning the thefts and smuggling of the less peaceful tribes, several instances of which came under our notice. [ 274] Hamilton_1842_II_313–314 near the volcanic hills of Kara Bounar: “Soon after reaching the small plain on the other side, bounded by barren undulating hills of marble, part of the downs of Lycaonia, we passed close to a low insulated mound, the Acropolis of an ancient city, having many tombs excavated in the neighbouring hill; by the side of one of these I found a Greek inscription cut in the rock, part of which was still legible. The tombs were generally small with a stone ledge inside; the entrance appeared to have been closed with a marble slab, and they were principally placed along the line of an ancient road, leading obliquely up the hill-side towards the N.E. The Acropolis had, at some period, been surrounded with a wall and ditch, still visible: it is about a quarter of a mile in circumference at its base, and on its summit were foundations of walls and fragments of pottery. Considerable remains of buildings, houses, streets, &c., adorned with fallen columns, extended round it in every direction, amongst which was a marble pedestal. The remains were chiefly N. and S. of the Acropolis; most of them appeared to be of more recent date than the inscription, as if constructed with the ruins of older buildings. Indeed, when we recollect the wars which have ravaged these exposed districts even since the period of their first invasion by the Saracens, it ought not to excite surprise that scarcely one stone remains upon another, not only of the old towns themselves, but even of those which have risen out of their ashes. Added to this, the Kurds and other nomad tribes, who, until fifty years ago, and even later, infested these plains, in their hatred of fixed habitations, towns or villages, destroyed them wherever they were able. / I also observed many pits formed of large blocks of stone, intended either for cisterns or for keeping corn, as is still the practice in Turkish villages. At the southern extremity of the ruins I saw the foundations of a large building, probably a temple and lying on the ground several of those flat double columns characteristic of the Byzantine age, and used in the galleries under the roof or ceiling.” [ 275] Hamilton_1842_II_327: “Two miles beyond Bossola another ruined village called Sosta, distinguished by the remains of a large mosque, was pointed out W.S.W. from the road. The many villages of this description which we have seen in the plain since leaving Karaman, generally situated at a short distance from the road, formed a remarkable feature in this day’s journey. It would seem that the period of their prosperity must have been during the reigns of the Sultans of Iconium, and that they were laid waste by the nomad tribes, who afterwards settled in this part of Asia Minor, and still inhabit the plain during the winter. Haply, too, the churches and other buildings of the older towns had been destroyed by these very Sultans for the sake of their marble fragments, which they required for their mosques and colleges. It is, therefore, the more extraordinary, not that so little remains of the towns in the plain, but that so much is still remaining at Maden Sheher: this is probably owing to the circumstance that everything there is built of rough coarse trachyte, a hard and unprofitable stone, and quite uselcss in the construction of their mosques and other edifices.” [ 276] Ampère_1842_11 Magnesia: II n’y a dans la plaine de Magnésie ni ville, ni village, ni hameau, pas même un café. Le seul monument moderne est une petite église qui a été changée en mosquée. Ce lieu n’est habité que par des nomades, qui placent leurs tentes sur les croupes inférieures des montagnes, et font paître leurs troupeaux dans la plaine. Les uns sont des Turcomans comme ceux que nous avions rencontrés le jour où nous avions quitté Smyrne, et que nous devions trouver dans toutes les plaines jusqu’à notre retour. Ces Turcomans ont des tentes noires formant un carré long et présentant à peu près la configuration d’une cabane. Les autres sont des Tartares (Tatardji), dont les tentes, différentes de celles des Turcomans, sont grises et de forme circulaire. [ 277] Tournefort_1718_II_195 at Magnesia: On passe les Marais qui sont entre l’Hermus & Magnesie sur une belle jettée d’un quart de lieuë de long, dans laquelle on a employé quantité de marbres & de jaspes antiques; il y en a quelques-uns dans les murailles de la ville, mais nous n’y découvrîmes aucune Inscription.



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[ 278] Tchihatchef_1850_857: L’Asie Mineure doit donc être comptée parmi les parties de l’empire qui ont le plus souffert des réformes mal exécutées de l’acte de Gulhané. Dans les pachaliks de Sivas, de Marach, d’Angora et tant d’autres, j’ai vu une quantité de villages livrés, pieds et poings liés, à la merci des tribus kurdes et avchares, qui non-seulement prélèvent sur les habitans des contributions arbitraires, mais encore aux époques de leurs migrations détruisent les moissons en faisant paître dans les champs de blé leurs chameaux et leurs moutons. Quand les habitans sont chrétiens, la fureur de ces hordes vagabondes ne connaît plus de bornes. [ 279] Senior_1859_191: “A strong proof of the depopulation of the country is the presence of nomadic tribes, Irooks and Turcomans, who wander over it in parties of from thirty to forty families, carrying with them cattle, camels, horses, and sheep in thousands, encamping and feeding on the unoccupied lands. The Irooks live in tents; and, besides their pastoral employments, weave carpets and coarse cloths. The Turcomans are purely pastoral, and sometimes build temporary villages of wood coated with mud. I remember finding one near Sardis on the same spot for two successive years.” [ 280] Bent_1891_208b Cilicia Tracheia: “Leaving Sebaste-Elaeussa (mod. Ayash) we ascended gradually for a mile along an ancient paved road, until we came to an encampment of some nomad Yourouks, who have constructed a few hovels out of the neighbouring ruins; in one of these we stayed for four days, as it afforded us a good central point for our observations. / About a mile beyond this encampment are the ruins of an extensive town, built round the lip of the first of the three great caves or depressions which we came across. The approach to the town is by a shallow gorge with numerous rock-cut tombs and fine reliefs cut in the calcareous limestone, representing men in armour with lances and battle-axes, figures reclining on couches, and women with closely fitting robes.” – they are near Kanli-Divani/Kanytellis. [ 281] Duc_de_Raguse_1837_II_122 the plateau around Mount Olympus: Ces pâturages sont occupés en été par des Turcomans, peuple pasteur, qui change de résidence suivant les saisons, et va camper dans les vallées ou sur les montagnes, selon qu’elles offrent des moyens de subsistance pour leurs bestiaux. Ils tirent ainsi quelques produits de ces terres, qui restent abandonnées et incultes par le défaut de population, dans cette Asie-Mineure autrefois si peuplée, si riche et si puissante. [ 282] Chantre_1898_xii Cappadocia: Les productions du pays sont peu variées. Les forêts que les pasteurs nomades s’acharnent à détruire depuis des siècles ont en partie disparu, et bien que la culture des céréales et de la vigne soit assez développée, la majeure partie du sol est couverte de steppes sur lesquels on élève de nombreux troupeaux de chevaux, d’ânes, de moutons et de chèvres. [ 283] Childs_1917_199a Maxaca, near Kayseri: “Among them stand little yailas, the makeshift buildings used as dwellings by owners when summer heat causes the narrow streets and packed dwellings of Kaisariyeh to be almost unendurable. No sooner is the site reached than you find the soil as plentifully mixed with fragments of brick and stone and marble as a field on the chalk is sprinkled with flints. The dry walls between gardens are formed of piled fragments, and similar materials help for the yailas. Vines are spread on undisturbed masses of concrete or brickwork which have been foundations.” [ 284] Barkley_1891_142–143 Kayseri: “Doubtless in the days of its greatness the present town was only a suburb or business quarter, for even now may be seen on the neighbouring hills foundations and massive blocks of stone, marble, and other building materials. Besides, history tells us that in the day of Valerian, when it was plundered and pillaged by the Persians, the inhabitants amounted to four hundred thousand, and therefore, to contain them, the town must have been very much larger than it is now with its population of only twenty-thousand . . . It was annexed to the Roman Empire in the time of Tiberius, and then in his honour its ancient name of ‘Muzaca’ was changed to that of Caesarea. Temples were built and consecrated to the emperor. It possessed an amphitheatre, baths, and other public buildings, and maintained its greatness until the Eastern savages came in, destroyed all, and left it as it is to-day, a collection of decaying hovels containing a population of sav-



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age, bigoted, ignorant, corrupt Turks, with the poor, cringing, unmanly Armenians as their subjects, and with only a few scattered stones lying prostrate and broken, together with the traces of the foundations of the once-splendid buildings, to show what the old town had been in the days before them.” [ 285] Hamilton_1839b_178–179: Je partis de Césarée et passai la nuit à un couvent grec, où j’obtins des moines et de l’évêque ou despote, beaucoup de renseigements géographiques curieux, notamment sur des ruines existant à l’est et au sud-est de Césarée, mais dans un canton sauvage, montagneux et inhospitalier, appartenant nominalement à Ibrahim Pacha; tous ses habitants passent pour des voleurs; ils font des incursions sur le territoire turc, et enlèvent les bestiaux des pacifiques habitants de la plaine. Le couvent est à 10 milles à l’est sud-est de Césarée, et à environ 1,000 pieds au dessus de la plaine. [ 286] Kinnear_1818_100–102 Caesarea: “The sides of the hills to the S. of the town are strewed with mouldering piles of rubbish, and the ruins of other edifices may plainly be discovered towards the N. and E. Those on the S. side are about a quarter of a mile from the suburb, and called Eski Shehr, or the old city, where, on the summit of a small hill, and close to a perpendicular rock, a modern structure seems to have been erected upon the foundations of a more noble edifice. Under this building, a number of subterraneous passages have been hewn out of the rock; and about fifty paces more in advance you perceive the vestiges of a large and solid superstructure, which presents a parallelogram of one hundred and seventy paces in length and eighty in width. A part of the wall, built of stone and excellent cement, is still standing, and although the exterior incrustation has been removed it is fifteen feet in thickness. There appear to have been several courts; and a second wall, running at right angles with that just alluded to, is nearly thirty feet in height, and cased with a fine kind of brick, having in its centre a gateway consisting of three arches, one in the middle about eighteen feet in height, and another on each side of smaller dimensions. At the end of the building runs a third wall similar to those already described; they all bear the marks of great antiquity, and the arches are semicircular, in the Roman style, not pointed according to the fashion of the Moors. From this spot my guide led the way into an adjacent suburb to a ruin more extensive than any I had hitherto seen, but so surrounded and hid by modern edifices, erected in the courts and along its walls, that we could form no idea of its original shape. In one part the remains of the ancient walls are about forty feet above the roof of an adjoining building. It presents one end of a vast arched hall, sixteen paces wide, arid at least thirty feet more elevated than the spot where I measured it, The fragments of decayed buildings, mantled with shrubs and ivy, are seen on all sides above the level of the suburb, but I looked in vain for any monument of refinement or elegance; there were no columns, no sculptured marble, nor even a single Greek or Latin inscription.” [ 287] Collignon_1880–1897_11–12 near Dalyan/Kaunos: Le petit fleuve du Sari-Sou traverse une vallée d’aspect triste, envahie par les ajoncs. Des Turkomans ou Yourouks y ont établi leur campement. Le voyageur en Anatolie rencontre souvent ces nomades, qui forment une véritable population errante. Tantôt on croise leurs caravanes en marche, tantôt on les trouve installés sous leurs petites tentes de laine noire; les chevaux, maigres et pleins de feu, paissent en liberté; devant les tentes les femmes tissent des étoffes grossières, pendant que des marmots en guenilles se vautrent au milieu des chèvres et des brebis. Des tapis, la grosse gourde à mette l’eau, des vases de bois taillés à la hache dans un billot de sapin, constituent tout le mobilier des tentes. Depuis la réorganisation de la Turquie en vilayets, sandjaks et cazas, le gouvernement ottoman a essayé d’astreindre ces nomades à vie sédentaire. Dans le vilayet d’Adana, où ils sont nombreux et où plusieurs actes de pillage commis par eux avaient inquiété l’autorité turque, le vali leur défendit une année de passer l’été dans la montagne et de s’écarter de la ville. La mortalité fut telle chez ces Turkomans, accoutumés à fuir les chaleurs de la plaine dans leurs campements d’été, que le vali a renoncé à maintenir ses ordres. [ 288] Elliott_1838_164 Bodrum: “It was the ancient Halicarnassus, where that mind was formed which combined in the page of history the charms of genius with the sobriety of truth. The plague was in the town, and we did not enter it; but as we gazed on the pros-



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pect, behind, mountains lost in the clouds; in front, the bay spreading its arms round the city, as a nurse fostering it in the bosom of loveliness; the grandeur of the opposite coast; and the sea reflecting every beauty in its glassy mirror.” [ 289] Lithgow_1632_170 in 1611: “The great Traffique which now is at this place, was formerly at Scanderona or Alexandretta, a little more Eastward; but by reason of the infectious ayre, that corrupted the bloud of strangers, proceeding of two high Mountaines; who are supposed to be a part of Mount Caucasus, which withhold the prospect of the Sunne from the In-dwellers, more then three howers in the morning. So that in my knowledge, I have knowne dye in one ship, and a moneths time, twenty Marriners: for this cause the Christian ships were glad to have their commodities brought to Tripoly, which is a more wholesome and convenient place.” [ 290] Conder_1830_120 in the Gulf of Smyrna: “Segigeck is a league to the S.W. of it; a mud-built village within a castle, about half a mile in circumference, with a very fine secure harbour. It was anciently called Gerae, and was the port of Teos towards the north. The fortress is said to have been erected by the Genoese. Fragments of marbles, broken columns, and imperfect inscriptions, are scattered in all directions. This place is reckoned eight hours from Smyrna. Nearly four miles from this place, and fronting the sea on the south side, are the ruins of Teos, now called Bodrun.” [ 291] Chandler_1825_I_117–118: “Segigeck is a large square ordinary fortress, erected, it is said, by the Genoese, on a flat; with a few brass cannon toward the sea. It was anciently called Gerae, was the port of the city Teos toward the north, and had been peopled with Chalcidensians, who arrived under Geres. It encloses some mean mud-built houses. In the wall next the water are several inscribed marbles, the colour a blue-gray, transported from Teos. Another is fixed in a fountain without the south gate. In the hot bath are two large fragments placed upside down, and serving for seats, which I examined, but hastily, fearing some infection, as the plague was known to be near. All these have been published by the learned Chishull. By a mosque, and in the burying-grounds, are some scattered fragments, and a sepulchral inscription or two. This place is reckoned eight hours from Smyrna. A view of it is given in the Ionian Antiquities.” [ 292] Frankland_1829_263: at Smyrna: “I wished much to visit Ephesus, but no one would join me in such an excursion, at this period of the year, fearful of the malaria, which always haunts that spot. I was, therefore, forced to relinquish the project.” [ 293] Conder_1830_134 citing the Missionary Register of 1822, 167: “The plain of Ephesus is now very unhealthy, owing to the fogs and mist which almost continually rest upon it. The land, however, is rich, and the surrounding country is both fertile and healthy. The adjacent hills would furnish many delightful situations for villages, if the difficulties were removed, which are thrown in the way, by a despotic government, oppressive agas, and wandering banditti.” [ 294] Woodruff_1831_152–153 Smyrna: “The port of Smyrna is capable of containing the largest navy in the world. On account of the extent and convenience of its harbor, it has become the common rendezvous of merchants from the four parts of the world, and the staple of their commerce; so that it is the first port for trade in the Turkish dominions. Its situation is delightful; and approaching it by sea, it has the appearance of a capacious amphitheatre, crowded at the summits with the ruins of an ancient castle. The bay is extensile, the anchorage. excellent, and the water so deep that ships of considerable burden may anchor close by the wharf. Many English, and some American merchants reside here, and they have consuls to protect them.” [ 295] Hasluck_1918–19_140–141: “The rise of modern Smyrna can be dated pretty accurately from the second quarter of the seventeenth century. Her mediaeval history closes abruptly with the sack by Timour in I4o2, or at latest with the abortive attempt of the Rhodian knights to re-establish a footing there in I413.2 Between this date and the beginning of the seventeenth century Smyrna figures but once, and that passively, in history. In 1472 a Venetian fleet under Mocenigo, raiding the coasts of Asia Minor, made its way into Smyrna bay and sacked the town. On this occasion, as a participant in the raid informs us, the invaders found there a rich booty, due to the fact that Smyrna had for a long period



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enjoyed immunity from war owing to her retired position off the main routes of navigation. / It is clear that Smyrna at this date, so far from being the great staple of the trade between Asia Minor and Europe she afterwards became, had not even the minor importance of a frequented local outlet. It is not till the opening of the seventeenth century that we begin again to find notices of the city. Between 1472 and 1600, indeed, we cannot cite the name of a single traveller who put in there: up to this date Chios, not Smyrna, was the port at which ships called habitually on their way to and from Europe and Constantinople, as also between Constantinople and the Syrian and Egyptian ports. After 1600 the number of travellers on these routes known to have visited Smyrna steadily increases, and half-way through the century her rivals are ousted and her predominance assured; Chios, though still frequented, becomes a secondary port of call.” [ 296] Cuinet_1894_399 Vilayet of Smyrna: Bien que les alluvions sans cesse apportées sur les côtes aient comblé des golfes, englobé des lies disparues dans les nouveaux terrains avec plusieurs ports jadis célèbres, il subsiste encore le long de ces côtes un certain nombre de bons ports naturels, tous bien connus et assidûment fréquentés. Parmi les principaux, on peut citer ceux de Phocée, de Tchesmé, de Sighadjik, de Kulluk, de Boudroum, de Marmaris et de Makri. Ce dernier, très vaste, a souvent abrité des flottes étrangères, qui se plaisent à y faire de longues escales. / Il n’y a sur toute l’étendue de ces rivages si amplement développés, qu’un seul port artificiel, celui de Smyrne. La concession des quais et de la jetée formant port d’abri date seulement du 25 novembre 1867, et les travaux, après diverses péripéties qui ont rendu nécessaire la conclusion d’actes additionnels successifs, ont été achevés en août 1875. L’historique succinct de cette entreprise se trouve plus loin avec une courte description de l’ensemble du nouveau port, au chapitre spécial de la ville de Smyrne. / Parmi les rades les plus importantes, on peut citer celles de Dikili, de Vourla et de Scala-nuova. [ 297] Hasluck_1918–19_142–143: “Undue stress has certainly been laid on the natural advantages of Smyrna harbour. Though the port itself is safe and convenient, the great depth of the winding bay at the head of which the city stands is a distinct disadvantage for sailing-ships, though little felt since the coming of steam, whereas the natural harbours of Phocaea are both safe and handy for ships of limited tonnage. The disadvantages of Smyrna are made clear by the attempt made about 1650 by the French to introduce goods to Smyrna by way of Scala Nuova and thence overland, and by the experience of the English traveller Turner, who, wishing to cross from Athens to Smyrna in 1814, was compelled to make his bargain for Phocaea, ‘the boatmen not being willing to enter the port of Smyrna on account of the dificulty of escaping from it with a contrary wind.’ Without artificial stimulus Smyrna was likely to have remained, as she had been in 1472, ‘lontana dalla navigazione,’ safe but obscure.” [ 298] Omont_1902_737 le 30 juillet 1755, le P. Souciet, arrivé à Smyrne, répondait à un questionnaire que lui avait remis son frère sur divers points d’archéologie et pour la recherche des médailles et des manuscrits: . . . 3. Comme j’ai fait peu de voyages, surtout par terre, je n’ai presque vû aucunes statues, inscriptions ou bas-reliefs, et le peu que j’en ai vu étoit fort défiguré. Ibid., 746–747 and the note: Peyssonnel avait été nommé, en 1768, consul à Smyme, après la mort de Péleran. En 1749, il expédiait à Paris une cargaison de marbres antiques destinés à la Bibliothèque du roi, qui étaient arrivés à Marseille, le 29 juin de la même année. [ 299] Le_Bruyn_1725_I_79–80 Smyrna: A une petite lieuë de la Ville, en allant vers le Château, on trouve, à ce que l’on croit, l’endroit ou étoit l’ancienne Smyrne; on y voit aussi encore quelques restes d’Antiquitez. / C’est autour de-là qu on trouve sous terre la plupart des Statues, comme il arriva dans le tems que je demeurois â Constantinople: Des Turcs fouillant par hazard dans cet endroit, en trouvèrent quatre qui, à ce qu’on dit, étoient fort belles. Un de nos Marchands les acheta, & pour avoir la permission de les faire enlever, il fit un présent au Cadi, ou juge du lieu. / Cette nouvelle étant venue aux oreilles de Monsieur de Guilleragues, qui étoit alors Ambassadeur de France à la Porte, il pria le Marchand qui les avoir achetées de les lui vouloir céder, vrai-semblablement dans



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le dessein de s’en faire honneur, & de les envoyer au Roy son maître. Mais le Marchand les lui refusa le plus civilement qu’il put. / A quelque-tems de-là trois de ces Statues furent chargées sur un Vaisseau François qui partoit pout Marseille. Il fut pris par les Corsaires d’Alger, qui étoient alors en guerre avec la France; mais leur Vaisseau alla échoüer vers la Côte de Ligourne. Les trois Statues furent retirées de l’eau, & ensuite envoyées à Paris par la Nation Françoise, & de Paris on les porta à Versailles où elles sont à present toutes quatre. [ 300] Galt_1813_271 Smyrna: “In passing along the streets of the Turkish part of the town, I have seen in several places broken marble pillars and capitals; but I have not met with any edifice that has the appearance of antiquity. The Khans, or places where the travelling merchants reside, are the handsomest buildings in Smyrna, and some of them, from their extent, might almost be called magnificent.” [ 301] Claridge_1837_180. [ 302] Ampère_1842_6 leaving Smyrna: Le premier jour, nous sommes tout entiers à l’étonnement que nous cause la nouveauté de notre situation, entrant dans un pays qui nous est entièrement inconnu, et, sauf deux ou trois points de notre route, n’ayant aucune idée de ce que nous allons rencontrer. [ 303] Rolleston_1856_11: “The pavement in the Greek, as in the other quarters, differs from that in the Turkish, by possessing no causeway; as in the Turkish quarter, stones of all sizes are placed promiscuously in all parts of the roadway, but no attempt is made at any distinction in the Greek quarter between the middle and the sides of the street. A covered drain runs under the middle of most of the streets, and a stream of water rushes through it with considerable rapidity and volume. The roofing of these drains is often allowed to fall in, and it is surprising for how long a period the dangerous hole thus formed is allowed to remain unrepaired. In many parts of this quarter, however, especially in those towards its northern boundary, we find in place of a covered stream of sharply-flowing water, a sluggish broad uncovered drain, as offensive to the senses of the by-passer as deleterious to the health and vigour of those who live upon its banks.” [ 304] Conder_1830_100: “We shall now proceed to describe the principal places in this interesting region; and we cannot do better than follow the example of Dr. Pococke, who, on visiting Asia Minor, embarked at Mitylene, and landed at Smyrna. This city, if it may not be termed the capital, is, in a commercial point of view, the first in consideration and importance; and since the destruction of Aleppo, it has become the emporium of the Levant. It may, therefore, with the greatest propriety, take the lead in a topographical account of the modern state of the country.” – then large chunks from Pococke and Chandler. [ 305] Ramsay_1890_81b: “Another cause of change lies in the growth of Smyrna, which has become the commercial capital of Turkey. Railways from Smyrna have crept up the country into Lydia and Phrygia. One follows the general line of the old ‘Royal Road,’ until it has reached the foot of the plateau and is confronted with that step of 2000 feet, which is required to place it on the plateau. The other keeps closely to the line of the great trade route, and has already reached Apameia. The expansion of commerce between Asia Minor and the west has made these railways, in spite of many difficulties interposed by government. One ground for the action of the government concerns us. These railways would make Smyrna the central city of Asia Minor, but the government wishes that Constantinople should continue to be the governing centre; and that wish has led to the projected railway from Constantinople to Ankyra (Angora), which as a commercial enterprise has no prospect of being remunerative for a long time.” [ 306] Caylus_1767_VII_iv, supplement, Eloge historique de M. le comte de Caylus, by M. le Beau, Secretaire perpetuel de l’Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, read 1766. After Italy, Sicily and Malta, returning 1715, in 1716, iv: Il partit avec M. de Bonac, qui alloit relever M. Desalleurs à la Porte Ottomane. Arrivé à Smyrne il profita d’un délai de quelques jours pour visiter les ruines d’Ephese, qui n’en sont éloignées que d’environ une journée – braving brigands to do so. vi on the ruins of Ephesus: donc les Turcs ont enlevé,



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coupé, scié, renversé, placé sans ordre & sans règle les colonnes & les chapiteaux, pour batir leurs maisons & leurs Mosquées, fit, dit-il, sur son esprit le même effet, que le plus grand nombre des explications modernes des anciens monumens produiroit sur l’esprit d’un ancien Grec éclairé, qui reviendroit au monde. Mais à mon avis ces cabanes des Turcs si mal constuites des plus beaux ornemens de l’ancienne Architectture, représenteroient peut-être encore mieux ces ouvrages de Prose ou de Poésie, dans lesquels les riches inventions des Anciens se trouvent transportées malgré elles, tronquées, déplacées, défigurées par une imitation maladroite & grossiere. He then followed the court to Adrianople, did the Dardanelles, but did not attempt Troy, vii: Ce fut là le terme qu’il mit à ses recherches dans le Levant – though he did go to London twice! [ 307] Arundell_1834_II_401 Smyrna: “The city wall, which, descending from the castle, included the stadium on the one hand, and the theatre on the other, has been long since demolished, and even its ruins removed. The stones were employed in the erection of the public buildings by the Vizier Achmet in 1675.” [ 308] Schubert_1838_I_275–276: „Wie diesem Bildniss ist es dann freilich auch den vormals so viel und hochgepriesenen Bauwerfen des klassischen Smyrna selber ergangen. Das prachtvolle Theater, es war das grösseste in Asien, ist von den Osmanen bis auf wenige Reste, die etwa schon bei der türkischen besitznahme einem Theil der benachbarten Wohnhäuser ausmachten, aus einander gerissen und seine marmornen Mauerstücke zum Erbauen der Kaufmannshallen und andrer öffentlicher gebäude verwendet worden. Spon_&_Wheler_1679_231 Smyrna: Lorsque nous étions à Smyrne on achevoit d’y bâtir un Bezessein, voûté de pierres de taille, & long de quatre cens pas, qui prend jour par de petits dômes couverts de plomb, & qui sera fermé par quatre portes, aux cotez & aux extrémités. On y élevoit aussi tout joignant un grand Kan de pierre de taille, mais pour mettre en état ces deux édifices, ils en détruisent un autre qui ne faisoit pas un des moindres ornemens de la Ville. C’est un théâtre antique, qui est sur le panchant delà colline, comme l’on monte à la Citadelle. [ 309] Hamilton_1842_I_56–57 Smyrna, the theatre: “The proscenium is entirely gone; but at the western extremity of the cavea, the substructions of the marble seat, and a vaulted passage of large dimensions and great beauty of construction, still remain. The proscenium must have been of colossal magnitude, to have filled up the hollow between the two extremities of the wings, which are still visible. . . . All the buildings in the part of the Turkish town near the theatre bear testimony to the depredations which have been committed on its ruins. High walls are entirely built of blocks of stone derived from that extensive quarry; and the neighbouring burial-grounds, like those in the vicinity of the well-known Caravan Bridge, are filled with fragments of ancient art.” [ 310] Tournefort_1741_341 (travelling 1700–1702) Smyrna, up toward the castle: “The Turks have quite demolish’d one of the finest marble Theatres in Asia, which stood upon the Brow of this Mountain, on the side which looks to the Road where the Ships lie. They have used all these Marbles in building a fine Bezestein and a great Caravansera.” [ ] 311  Tournefort_1741_343 (travelling 1700–1702) Smyrna, the circus: “This Circus is so much destroy’d, that no more of it remains, as I may say, but the Mould; they have carry’d away all the Marbles, but the Pit retains its antient Figure. It is a kind of Dale of four hundred fixty-five feet long, and one hundred and twenty wide; the Top is terminated in a Semicircle, and the Bottom opens in a Square.” [ 312] Thompson_1744_II_290 Smyrna: “But to proceed to the Circus: This is so entirely destroy’d, and the Marbles all carried away, that nothing remains of it but its Figure in the Ground. It is a kind of Pit about two hundred and fifty Paces long, and fifty in Breadth, one End of it being semi-circular, and the other square, but the Walls that inclosed it, as I have just observ’d, are quite demolish’d, and the Stones made use of to other Purposes. From the Hill where this Circus was built, we have a fine View of the adjacent Country, which is very delightful, being full of Olive-Yards and Vineyards.” [ 313] Woodruff_1831_161–162 Smyrna, Palace of Solyman Aga: “On one of these squares stands the summer house, containing a grand resorvoir or pontano, designed as well for the irrigation of the garden as for bathing. This building is about 40 feet square, built



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wholly of hewn and polished marble, excepting the roof, which is open lattice-work, of wood, and covered with grape vines. The floor is elevated 11 feet from the surface of the ground. The ascent is by two flights of marble stairs. In the centre is the reservoir, 20 feet square, and 6 deep. The water is conducted hither by subterranean aqueducts, and thrown in by a jette d’eau, placed at each corner. The water now in it, is 4 feet deep . . . On the north, or street side, stand the stables; a marble building of 170 feet long, and 40 byoad, in which are now standing 15 or 20 beautiful Arabian steeds of different colors.” [ 314] Wines_1832_II_143 Smyrna: “The Smyrniot Turks, however, pride themselves much on the new Mosque, where the Pacha worships, called Hisshargiamisi. Its exterior is ornamented with black and white marble, said to have been obtained by rifling Christian burialplaces; and its shape is that of an oblong rectangle, differing only slightly from a square.” [ 315] Tavernier_1682_50 (travelling 1631–1633) at Smyrna the “anfiteatro”: I Turchi l’hanno quasi tutto messo a terra, e colli sassi che ne cavarono trasportati sei miglia lontano dalla citta fabbricarono una fortezza sopra il golfo, in un luogo dove il passo e stretto. [ 316] Laurent_I_1735_48 Smyrna, the amphitheatre, dated 1654: Ce qui reste de cet amphithéâtre marque qu’il a été très-vaste & très-magnifique, les murs etoient solides. On voit encore dans le côté le plus élevé & le plus entier, des sieges de pierres en manière de Tribunaux, où se plaçoient les Juges des jeux, ou des executions de ceux qui étoient condamnez à la mort. [ 317] Pococke_1772_V_12 circus at Smyrna: Ce cirque est si fort détruit qu’il n’en reste que le moule; on en a emporté tous les marbres; mais le creux a retenu l’ancienne figure. C’est une espéce de vallée de quatre cent soixante-cinq pieds de long, sur cent vingt de largeur. [ 318] Gédoyn_1909_154–155 (French consul at Aleppo 1623–1625): J’ai passé à Smyrne, capitale autrefois de l’empire d’Orient, glorieuse d’avoir gardé son nom jusqu’aujourd’hui et d’être la mère du fameux Homère, où j’ai vu de grands restes de vieux palais, d’amphithéâtres et d’autres antiquités. [ 319] Tavernier_1682_50–51 (in the Orient from 1631) Smyrna, amphitheatre: I Turchi l’hanno quasi tutto messo a terra, e colli sassi che ne cavarono trasportati sei miglia lontano dalla città fabbricarono una fortezza sopra il golfo, in un luogo dove il passo e stretto: la qual fortezza i vascelli sono costretti di salutare all’entrarci, e da essa prender licenza all’uscirne. Consultarono trà di loro, se per isfugire la spesa di trasportare da cosi lontano i sassi, si dovessero più presto servire di quelli delli sepolcri de’Christiani e degli Hebrei, che sono accanto alla riva; ma fosse per non disgustarli, overo che non fussero buoni i sassi, ne presero pochi, e si servirono di quelli dell’anfiteatro. [ 320] Hobhouse_1817_75–76 Smyrna, the theatre & stadium: “What may be called the principal buildings of the town, are the Bazar and Bezestein, and a han called Vizir Han, built nearly a century and a half ago, and chiefly constructed out of the marble ruins from the site of the ancient theatre in the north side of the castle-hill. The mountain Pagus itself contained veins of fine marble, and some vestiges of the quarries are now to be seen under the spot once occupied by the theatre, which, from a pedestal found by Mr. Spon on the spot, has been supposed the work of the Emperor Claudius. The site of this building, as well as that of the Stadium, is still visible to those accustomed to the position usually chosen for such places in the Grecian cities, whose architects assisted themselves in forming these structures, by raising only a part of the circular range of seats on arches, and excavating the remainder of the amphitheatre out of the slope of a hill. Every part of the buildings themselves has disappeared.” [ 321] Beaujour_1829_II_162–163 Smyrna: Il semblerait donc que la ville actuelle, bâtie sur le même emplacement que la seconde, décrite par Strabon, devrait au moins conserver quelques restes de ses anciens monuments; mais ils ont presque tous disparu, et l’on y cherche en vain ses superbes portiques, ses temples resplendissant de marbre, son musée, sa bibliothèque, son Homérium enfin, où la statue du plus grand des poètes était exposée, comme celle d’un dieu, aux hommages publics. On montre seulement, près de la longue rue voisine du port et habitée par les marchands européens, les restes d’un mur massif que l’on présume être celui du gymnase, et dans l’intérieur de la ville, près d’un cimetière



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musulman ombragé par de superbes allées de cyprès, quatre ou cinq colonnes brûlées, qui paraissent être des débris du temple de la Fortune, d’après une inscription trouvée sur ce lieu, autour d’un autel en marbre, consacré à cette déesse. Toutes les autres ruines paraissent être du moyen âge; mais parmi ces ruines on doit distinguer les murs de la ville, à demi croulés, qui s’élevaient en rampant jusqu’à la citadelle et qui renfermaient dans leur enceinte un stade et un théâtre dont on voit encore les gradins, et surtout les murs mieux conservés de la citadelle, dont une des portes, faisant face à l’ouest, est ornée d’une tête de marbre à cheveux bouclés, comme celle d’un Apollon ou d’une amazone, et dont une autre, faisant face au nord, est surmontée d’aigles romaines et d’une inscription en l’honneur de Jean Comnène. [ 322] Fermanel_1668_307 Smyrna: Il est vray qu’il y a encor un Temple dedié à Ianus, qui est en son entier: il est construit de grosses pierres de taille, qui ne sont jointes par aucun ciment, mais dont la liaison consiste en la bonne symmetrie de sa construction; il est vouté de pareilles pierres & d’une égale structure; ils est vray qu’il n’a que douze pieds en quarré, le surplus a esté abysmé par les tremblemens de terre, & il y a eu si grand nombre d’Edifices enfoüis de cette manière, que ceux qui veulent presentement bastir, trouvent en creusant les fondemens du bastiment qu’ils veulent faire, beaucoup plus de matériaux qu’il ne leur en faut pour achever leur Edifice. Trois ou quatre années avant que nous y passasmes, on trouva sous terre une Eglise encore toute entière. [ 323] RA_X_1853–1854_120: – On écrit de Smyrne: « Le gouvernement turc a permis de chercher et de prendre dans un vaste terrain situé sur le mont Papus [sic: should be Pagus], les pierres nécessaires pour la reconstruction des maisons détruites par l’incendie du bazar. Sans parler ni des immenses blocs de marbre taillés qui couvrent le penchant de cette montagne du côté du sud, où l’on suppose avoir été élevé le temple d’Esculape, ni des architraves richement sculptés d’arabesques qui gisent à une demi-lieue de distance sur le sommet de la montagne, je ne mentionnerai que la magnifique mosaïque découverte non loin de ces derniers fragments. Aucune ruine et aucune description n’indiquent à quel genre d’édifice elle appartenait. On la mit à jour en cherchant des matériaux à 80 centimètres au-dessous d’une couche de glaise et de gravois. Les dessins se composaient d’arabesques très-artistement exécutées. On en sauva deux morceaux d’un mètre carré. Les cubes, de la grandeur de 8 millimètres, sont en terre cuite rouge, en marbre jaune et blanc, en quartz et en d’autres matières colorées. Les couleurs sont si fraîches, qu’elles semblent avoir conservé toute leur vigueur et transparence primitives; les cubes sont si adhérents les uns aux autres, qu’on a pu en transporter les morceaux conservés sans les casser, quoiqu’ils fussent détachés de la couche de ciment de 4 centimètres d’épaisseur sur laquelle ils étaient placés. » [ 324] Farley_1862_93: 269,175 cases and pieces of marble and stone IMPORTED into Smyrna in 1857, value 100,520 piastres – but this pales before imports of rice and tobacco (over 13m piastres each). Ibid. 94: no exports of marble listed from Smyrna, the main exports being barley (over 7m piastres), figs (25m piastres), carpets (over 5m), raisins (over 41m) and silk (over 14m). [ 325] Hawley_1918_68 Smyrna: “The view from this northern water-front over the harbour and the surrounding mountains has attracted many of the wealthiest residents, some of whom occupy imposing-looking houses several stories high and faced with marble. The foreign legations also have their homes here.” [ 326] Chandler_1825_I_79 Smyrna: “The ancient city has supplied materials for the public edifices erected by the Turks. The bezesten, or market, which was unfinished in 1675, and the vizir-khan, were both raised with the white marble of the theatre. The very ruins of the porticoes and temples are vanished. We saw remains of one only; some shafts of columns of variegated marble, much injured, in the way ascending through the town to the castle. Many pedestals, statues, inscriptions, and medals, have been and are still discovered in digging. Perhaps no place has contributed more than Smyrna to enrich the collections and cabinets of the curious in Europe.”



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[ 327] Mengous_1830_62 Smyrna: “At the distance of about three or four miles were seen a multitude of ancient stones, very irregularly scattered about, which are supposed to mark the site of ancient Smyrna. To that place I paid a visit after the war, in company with Mr. Gridley, the American missionary, and was greatly interested by examining the numerous remains of antiquity that so greatly abound there. There are blocks of marble of different sizes, some bearing inscriptions, and others relievos of much beauty, though many are quite rough, or barely cut for building. The Turks have taken many of the finest stones to use as sepulchral monuments in their burying ground, rejecting, however, those which have inscriptions or the sign of the cross. Of the latter, several are found among the remains, which tends to prove that they were Christian monuments. Some of the stones which are now erected over the Turkish graves, are fine specimens of sculpture, respresenting different figures and animals, generally about three or four feet in height. Others have been engraved with Turkish inscriptions. While walking among the ruins, we discovered a relievo, from which, being unable to remove it entire, we broke a head off to take with us.” [ 328] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_III_1834_346 Smyrna, but the hand was heavy. Thinking it might belong to a representation of Smyrna, cette réflexion nous a fait revenir sur nos pas, car notre découverte prenait une espèce d’importance, mais la main de la nymphe avait disparu; nous avons jugé que les Grecs qui avaient passé auprès de nous, s’étaient emparés de cette main mutilée, persuadés qu’elle était pleine d’or, et qu’elle devait les enrichir. De notre côté, nous nous reprochions d’avoir laissé derrière nous une véritable merveille . . . [but the hand was heavy. Thinking it might belong to a representation of Smyrna,] cette réflexion nous a fait revenir sur nos pas, car notre découverte prenait une espèce d’importance, mais la main de la nymphe avait disparu; nous avons jugé que les Grecs qui avaient passé auprès de nous, s’étaient emparés de cette main mutilée, persuadés qu’elle était pleine d’or, et qu’elle devait les enrichir. De notre côté, nous nous reprochions d’avoir laissé derrière nous une véritable merveille. [ 329] Tavernier_1682_51 (in the Orient from 1631) Smyrna: I mercanti Inglesi hanno fatto cavare nelle rovine delle Smirne, e c’hanno trovato di molte statue belle, e trasportatele al loro paese: anzi ongi giorno ne cavano, ma quando I Turchi fanno le cave essi difformano e spezzano tutte le statue. Puossi congetturare da un dito d’un piede d’una statua cavatoci, il quale io pago caro, e’l mandai a Parigi ad una persona di qualità, che ci fussero delle statue d’un’altezza prodigiosa. [ 330] Laurent_I_1735_45 Smyrna chateau, dated 1654: On voit sur la porte de ce Château une tête de femme trois fois plus grosse que la nature, que les gens du Pais disent être celle d’une Princesse qui a bâtie la Ville de Smirne & lui a donné son nom. Les Turcs lui ont cassé le nés à coups de pierres, & lui ont gâté le visage en plusieurs endroits. Ils font le même traitement à toutes les statues qui leur tombent entre les mains. [ 331] Senior_1859_194 acropolis at Smyrna: “Near one of the gates was a colossal bust. About eight years ago, an order was received to send to Constantinople all remains of ancient art, particularly heads. This bust was detached from its place in the wall; but as the firman specified heads, the Turks cut off the head, and rolled it down the hill, on its way to Constantinople, leaving the neck and shoulders under the wall. Here Mr. Spiegelthal found them, and being struck by their beauty, sent them to Berlin; and then tried to get the head. It could not be heard of at Constantinople, and at last he ascertained that it lay long at the foot of the hill, as it was rolled down, and is supposed to have been at last burnt for lime. / In a burial ground on the side of the hill we saw four Greek columns still standing, assigned to a temple of Esculapius, and farther on are the ruins of an amphitheatre. What remains is of good Greek construction, and to prevent its utter destruction Herr Spiegelthal has bought it.” [ 332] Cust_1914_84–87 for Chandler’s instructions: “to some parts of the East, in order to collect informations, and to make observations relative to the ancient state of these countries, and to such monuments of antiquity as are still remaining . . . (2) . . . that you do procure the exactest plans and measures possible of the buildings you shall find, making



full endnote texts chapter one

accurate drawings of the basreliefs and ornaments, and taking such views as you shall judge proper; copying all the inscriptions you shall meet with, and remarking every circumstance, which can contribute towards giving the best idea of the ancient and present state of these places . . . (3) . . . that by a judicious distribution of your time and business you may, with proper diligence, in about twelve months visit every place worthy your notice within eight and ten days journey of Smyrna. It may be most advisable to begin with such objects as are less distant from that city, and which may give you an opportunity of soon transmitting to the Society a specimen of your labours. You will be exact in marking distances and the direction in which you travel, by frequently observing your watches and pocket compasses, and you will take the variation as often as you can.” – nothing on bringing antiquities back home! [ 333] Burton_1870_84–86 Ephesus: “Which may easily be visited in a day, as there is a railway to Ayaslouk, forty-eight miles from Smyrna and about three from the ruins. The return ticket for 2nd class, which is very comfortable, costs 17 francs; the train leaves usually at 9 a.m. and arrives at 12.15. There is no necessity to take a guide with you, as the station master at Ayaslouk serves in that capacity; he will also procure horses, which cost five francs each for the day. It is advisable to let him know by letter the day before, so as not to suffer disappointment with regard to the horses. The station has a refreshment room, where pale ale, cold meat, bread, cheese, sardines, &c., may be had for lunch . . . Great numbers of the pillars, capitals, and marbles are continually being brought to Smyrna for building purposes; at this present moment a church is being constructed abnost entirely of these debris. An examination of the principal objects and return to the station take about three hours; but if you would visit the whole of the ruins in a scientific way, it would take more than double that time.” [ 334] Le_Camus_1896_217 Sardis: une intéressante conversation avec le chef de gare. C’est plus qu’un employé, il a une culture réelle, et nous trouvons auprès de lui d’utiles indications, tandis que Henry prend quelques vues d’Alasheir [with his camera]. Il nous fait observer que l’ancienne ville fut un peu au levant de la ville actuelle . . . / La nécropole de Philadelphie fut là même où se trouve la gare. En créant de belles vignes, qu’il nous fait admirer, M. Fiorovich a trouvé trois couches de tombeaux superposes. Les plus profonds, à 5 mètres environ sous le sol, étaient voûtés en briques, mais vides, et depuis longtemps violés. [ 335] Keil_&_Premerstein_1910_15 at Sardis for inscriptions to be found on site, nur in den Häusern beim Bahnhof, dann in den Jurukenansiedlungen Tschaltaly östlich von der Akropolis, Mustafa Bey Gariasy beim alten Stadion und dem Doppeldorfe Sart im Tale des Paktolos – plus Byzantine wall in acropolis. #170 Iulia Gordos a stele .525 x .525m filled with a Greek inscription – and a Turkish outline ornament with two cypresses cut directly over it, and a brief inscription on the verso. [ 336] Sayce_1880_87 “On our way from the Gygaean Lake to Urghanlu we were entertained by a Turkish gentleman, Achmet Bey, whose chiflik or farm is not far from Achmetlhi. He showed me a marble lion’s head built into the wall of one of his farmbuildings, which he said had come from Sardes.” [ 337] Carles_1906_61–62 Smyrne, actuellement la première ville de la Turquie d’Asie, offre une preuve tangible des avantages que peuvent procurer des travaux intelligemment compris et bien conduits. Pour créer le port, entièrement artificiel, et éviter l’ensablement, le cours de l’Hermus a été détourné; puis des quais et deux immenses bassins, l’un fermé et l’autre ouvert, ont été construits. Cette ville, placée en quelque sorte à l’intérieur des terres, est devenue le débouché d’une région essentiellement minière et agricole. / Reliée aux grandes exploitations et aux centres commerciaux de toute la partie occidentale de l’Asie Mineure par des lignes de chemin de fer dont les gares ont été ou seront définitivement construites sur les quais mêmes où accostent et prennent charge les navires, elle assure au commerce toute l’économie de temps et d’argent qu’il peut désirer, grâce à la simplification des moyens de transport puisque la voie de fer précède immédiatement la voie de mer.

chapter two

decline and recycling of ancient settlements Decline happened in the centuries following the fall of the Roman Empire and, in the absence of much contemporary information about this (except for tangential conclusions drawn from inscriptions), we must have recourse to the valuable results of recent archaeological digs, which now often tend to concern themselves with the evidence and mechanisms of decline. Of course very few settlements have been dug in modern times, so results can only be partial, although helped by analyses of settlements under Byzantium,1 and of travel in Byzantium.2 This chapter examines what we know of the decline of ancient settlements in Asia Minor, and the various reasons why some monuments survived while others did not. We begin with a short overview of decline, because it is this which prepares the ground – and the monuments. A summary follows of what is known about the abandonment of ancient sites, proceeding to an overview of survival and destruction from the point of view of the travellers, who saw and reported much more evidence than survives today. We then pass to a few sites the antiquities of which survived, at least in part. This is followed by short accounts of the funereal consequences of a lack of attention to the technologies of sustainability – the influence of deforestation, desertification and agriculture, and then by the “biographies” of a range of sites which were more or less destroyed over the centuries. Each of these will give a different snapshot because of local circumstances, but all spoliated sites usually have a family resemblance. Constantinople is given a more extensive treatment, because attitudes to

1 E.g. Hunger 1990 for Phrygia and Pisidia: settlement history (62–70); history prior to the Arab invasions (71–124), then churches (125–138) and roads (139–160). Foss 1977b, 486: “Almost all the cities suffered a substantial decline . . . In some instances, the reduction was drastic . . . The cities reached their lowest point in the seventh and eighth centuries. By the time of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, some recovery and growth had taken place, but in no case did the revived towns bear much resemblance to the ancient cities which they succeeded. Urban life, upon which the classical Mediterranean culture had been based, was virtually at an end; one of the richest lands of classical civilisation was now dominated by villages and fortresses.” 2 Bravo García 2007 for an overview.

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the reuse of antiquities in the capital affected (usually for the worse) what survived in or disappeared from Asia Minor. Technological Decline Why did those technologies which sustained and embellished the ancient world, especially building,3 dependent upon an elaborate infrastructure, go into decline from perhaps the third century? As already intimated, did not successor-administrations and inhabitants recognise that architecture-wise the relicts of antiquity were valuable, and that it was in their civilized interests to keep the infrastructure supporting town living in good repair? The short answer is that, although the succeeding centuries saw the expected mix of continuity and change,4 we do not know, as quotable quotes on the matter are lacking. For certain ancient-world buildingtypes, people voted with their feet. The church, synagogue and mosque frequently adopt the forms of the ancient basilica or even temple; and bathing joins baptism as a popular way of enjoying ancient bath structures. These were sometimes intact, but often patched and mended, and with any splendour stripped out, although the water still sometimes flowed. But that towns went into decline in late antiquity is not in doubt, nor that their Christianisation itself occasioned great changes, and required the conversion of many ancient monuments not just from temples into churches,5 but also to other new uses,6 as well as changes to urban layout and foci.7 Also lost, after the conspicuous exception of Justinian and his 3 Humphrey 2006, 53–66. 4 Brenk 2003, Meyer 2007, passim. 5 Frantz 1965 for conversion in Athens. 6 Brandes 1995; Matschke 1995; Brand 2003. Rheidt 2003 Taf. 94 and 95, showing 2ndC and 5/6thC stadium, theatre and gymnasium now in ruins; T. of Zeus is a church, and the colonnaded street has pargely gone (with a smithy in part of it), and a church in the small baths to the NE of the T. of Zeus. Taf. 97a and 97b for ambos in town fountains at Agari (5 kilometres W of Aezani) and map showing six villages with such ambos (surely from Aezani) and twelve with other early Byzantine pieces. The problem, 239–240, Sie können kaum mehr als die Aufgabe der Tempel, Thermen, Theater feststellen, vieillecht noch Kirchenbauten in die Ruinen der antiken Monumental-bauten, bestenfalls aber den Neubau von Kirchen, die an Grösse und Künstlerischer Qualität dennoch bei weitem nicht an die Werke vergangener Epochen heranreichen. Also deals with process of Christianisation, addressing the Colonnaded Street erected in Late Antiquity, and an excellent discussion of reuse. 7 Thür 2003, for Ephesus, process 273 nicht so sehr durch monumentale christliche Kirchen und sonstige Kultbauten charakterisiert, sondern durch eine gewachsene Bedeutung der Strassenräume, die als topographischer Ort der Prozessionen anfurendig



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large churches, was any tendency to build very big, a predilection revived by the Ottomans after 1453.8 The long answer will become gradually apparent in succeeding chapters, but its main outlines are clear, and are very close to the state of affairs our travellers find much later in the Ottoman Empire. The first feature is a decline in centralised authority both civil and military all over the Roman world, accompanied by declining tax income, hence by an inability to sustain a very expensive infrastructure, and especially a decline in maritime commerce as it prospered under the Roman Empire.9 Lawlessness and lack of security follow; maintenance of roads declines, not least because (in Asia Minor at least) anything more than local trade largely disappears; and monuments including temples and tombs are often dismantled to build encircling walls to protect a diminishing population from invasion10 and destruction. Theatres and amphitheatres made good fortresses, since they were no longer used for their original purposes. But temples could also serve. In other words, the intricately connected infrastructure broke up, there were to be fewer grand projects whether under Byzantine or Moslem governance – and hence there remained huge quantities of decaying building stock, standing, fallen or buried, unsuited to contemporary living requirements. This is because of a variable interest in the Roman canon of the City Beautiful. Byzantine Constantinople retained many of the monuments of the antique city, and upgraded some of them; but predictably, in a culture which did not believe in unnecessary quarrying and consequent transport, most new constructions were to be built with the materials conveniently available from crumbling antiquities, such as huge column-shafts from Alexandria Troas.[1] Moslem rulers and magnates all over their Empire concentrated their efforts on individual structures, occasionally “palaces,” but usually connected with religion (such as mosques and madrassas), rather than on any public arena of what Westerners would recognise as town planning. And although there never was any cult of the antique in Islamic architecture,11 reuse was frequent for prestige structures. und prunkvoll hergerichtet worden – see especially her Taf. 100–101 to show the transformation via plans of the city. Brands 2003 for overview; Brenk 2005, especially 1–67 for seven papers dealing with the town planning and architectural aspects of christianisation.  8 Prak 2011.   9 Rougé 1966. 10 Planhol 1968, 220–224 and, for a later period, 257–270; 225–243 for nomadism; Planhol 1958 85ff for “La tourmente du XIIe siècle” in Pamphylia and Pisidia. 11 Rogers 1976, 76: “There has never been a cult of the antique in Islamic architecture: whatever’s new is best.”

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The second feature follows from the first. Often the population declined and moved into villages. Movement was perhaps because of an increase in disease cultured in the non-functioning cities. Just as some modern cemeteries seemed to Galt in 1812 to be source of disease,[2] so surviving water supplies in abandoned towns now sometimes fed malarial swamps rather than embellished fountains. This is because aqueducts do not have taps, and there is no way of turning them off to stop the flow. Damaged aqueducts are particularly dangerous if not repaired, and leaked water can condemn vast areas to malaria, as was the case of the Roman Campagna until Mussolini. Even assuming cultured classical horizons (theatres? grand baths? porticoes? basilicas for business or law?), where was the workforce to build, maintain and rebuild? This contrasted with ancient practice, where rebuilding following the frequent earthquakes was perhaps the norm, as at Smyrna.12 But rebuilding is technologically complicated, as can be seen in the efforts on today’s sites to attract yet more tourists: sufficient fragments remained at sites such as Sagalassos, Pergamon, and Ephesus for archaeologists to rebuild some of the monuments,13 but this would be impossible without mechanical aids and machines, not to mention railway tracks to ferry away the silt and detritus overlying the ancient remains. The third feature is a knock-on effect from the first and the second. Industry and commerce declined, hence roads and ports as well, because they were no longer needed. With such wealth-generators gone, horizons became local, and most aspirations for building the City Beautiful vanished. This is an important broad theme for technological development and transfer, since localisation inevitably restricts that breadth of experience, competition and emulation which are often motors of innovative change, and which had been conspicuous in the beautification of Asia

12 Franco 2005, 2ndC rhetorical activity in Smyrna, including his praise of the past and of the founding fathers (423–424). 471–511 The earthquake, perhaps 178 AD, the lament on the city’s destruction, request for aid from the Emperor, the praise of reconstruction. 13 Radt 2006, at Sagalassos of the Hellenistic Fountain House (328), the Augustan NW heroon (340) and the Antonine Nymphaeum (341) with the comment by Waelkens, 340, “When the vast majority of a building’s architectural elements are preserved, the best way to conserve them is through anastylosis, whereby a building is re-erected using its original elements, only introducing freshly carved stones of matching material, where this is structurally necessary.” But just what constitutes a reconstruction? cf. Schmidt 1997, 50: “Reconstruction, then, falls in the realm of tourist attractions, and as such should not be part of archaeological sites. Activities on authentic sites should be restricted to measures that preserve historic buildings and monuments: conservation, restoration, and anastylosis.”



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Minor in antiquity.14 Such broader horizons survived only in the great centres where ancient technologies were in part still to be seen, in our specific case, Constantinople. Even here, in the capital of the Empire, the new was built at the expense of the old, and the Byzantine churches that replaced classical temples and recycled their materials, mostly disappeared as the city was embellished with grand mosques, themselves certain proof of high levels of technical skill. Indeed, Constantinople may have been the only city able to rebuild or interested in rebuilding after disasters, holding political power, and still able to call on technological and architectural expertise of a high order. Asia Minor is just across the water, and often subject to extensive and destructive earthquakes. But no mosques in that vast region compare in size, sophistication or richness with the behemoths in the capital. This is not the place for a disquisition on the reasons for the decline of the Roman Empire or, in modern parlance, for its transformation (a weasel word if ever there was one,15 so finely attuned is it to attracting funds from the European Union) into something else. But great changes there were, the most far reaching being the abandonment of a large proportion of towns and cities. For Ramsay, the explanation was simple: “The Roman civilization had weakened the stamina of the nation, and a long continuance of peace had made the general population feeble, unwarlike, perfectly content to be defended by a professional army, which had become almost a caste.”[3] What is more, such a network of cities, connected by roads, provided easy pickings for Arab invaders.[4] The only way to even try and measure mediaeval population is, of course, a complete census of settlements (not the same thing as a census of inhabitants) of any area. This has been done, for example, for Lycia and Pamphylia, and shows a very large number of 4th-7th-century settlements abandoned thereafter,16 the latter period being when “classical urbanism collapsed over much of Anatolia,”17 as far as can be discerned from the patchy excavation, and then given the coup de grâce by the Persian invasions. Nevertheless, conspicuous monuments survive there.18 The evidence for accurate census 14 Cf. the broad survey in a 2005 conference in Tours: http://calenda.revues.org/ nouvelle5303.html. 15 Liebeschuetz 2006: it all depends on one’s point of view. 478: “The end of the classical world did involve a great deal both of loss and decline.” 16 Hellenkemper and Hild 2004, cf. enclosed map, with settlement colour keyed by date. 17 Liebeschuetz 2001, 39. 18 Metzger 1990, brief history of study of Lycia, with short and authoritative accounts of all the main monuments, well illustrated and referenced.

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figures except for restricted periods is meagre indeed.19 A whole range of “scenarios of technical change” has been suggested by Mannoni, ranging from utility or changes in demand, to changes in taste, economic collapse, unavailability of labour or materials, and the collapse of communications.20 Not all apply in every instance, of course. Earthquakes A major element in decline was the often extensive destruction caused by earthquakes, clues for some of which survive in the archaeological record.21 Antique inscriptions often proclaim rebuilding, an index of the efficiency of the state, sometimes after natural disasters or for upgrading, for the Emperors’ “responses showcased imperial philanthropy while symbolizing the power and presence of the Roman state even in far off provinces.”22 Similarly, crumbling structures are eloquent testimony to later lack of interest in them – or lack of funds, manpower, or the requisite technological skills. Hence at certain sites, walls simply fell down, the more easily to be collected by scavengers. If they fell down early enough, they survived because eventually covered by topsoil. Thus earthquakes are often intimately connected not just with the reuse of antiquities, but also with archaeology as well.23 Indeed, the effect of earthquakes on antiquities was often easy to see, Texier pointing out in 1862 how at several sites columns, capitals and friezes had all collapsed in the same direction, and remained in order on the ground.[5] After Antiquity, just what monuments were brought down by earthquakes is usually impossible to determine, because inscriptions are lacking. From the eleventh century, however, there are plentiful reports of earthquake damage, although most are not fine-grained enough to deal

19 Barkan 1957 for census collections under Suleiman the Magnificent, and increases in population 1520/1580 (e.g. Table 4): during this period populations more than doubled in Bursa, Ankara and Konya, and Istanbul went from 400,000 to 700,000. The lacunae are that little is known or shown of population before or after this date bracket. Table 5 shows the populations of Asia Minor split up into Moslems (sedentary and nomad), Christians and Jews. Nomad numbers are substantial. Russell 1960 for attempts to extrapolate the numbers of people in Asia Minor from the numbers of hearths recorded: reckons 6m inhabitants in the early 16thC. 20 Mannoni 2007, xliv–lviii. 21  Nur 2008 chap. 4, and figs 8.1–8.10 for maps showing their effect on Asia Minor at various periods. 22 Higgins 2009, 3; includes details of archaeological evidence for Asia Minor and Antioch. 23 Guidoboni 1989, 398ff.; cf. 720–721 for maps of seismology of Greece and Asia Minor.



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with individual buildings, and the accounts of the nature and extent of destruction are generally formulaic.24 Naturally, however, it was the most solid of ancient structures which survived best, or those built into a hill (as were several theatres). Emerson visited Laodicea in 1829, and observed that “around the hill, in every direction, are remnants of theatres, an amphitheatre, an odeum, &c.; all which, from the solidity of their materials, or the circumstance of their being sunk into the hill, have been enabled to resist the shocks of earthquakes or of time. Interspersed with these are the vestiges of ruined walls, arches, inscribed slabs of stone, fallen columns, and sarcophagi; but not one perfect or very striking object meets the eye, all is alike desolate and decayed.”[6] Stochove may be correct in believing that broken columns and other antiquities found when digging are a sign of destruction by earthquakes.[7] Similar evidence for earthquakes “revealing” antiquities occurs at Patara, where Spratt and Forbes found what they thought might be “the oracle of Apollo Patareus. The stones of which the column is built are displaced from each other in a singular manner, as if by a revolving motion of an earthquake.”[8] Not that earthquakes necessarily revealed antiquities: they could hide them as well, perhaps for ever. The best example of this is outside our area, on the island of Santorini, where fine ruins to be seen in the seventeenth century later disappeared, and Lawson recounts in 1910 the story he heard from an old islander: He mentioned among other things a large hall with columns round it which had long since been buried – presumably by volcanic eruption. This hall was of magnificent proportions, ‘as fine,’ to use the old man’s own description, ‘as the piazza of Syra or even of Athens’ . . . [and from the seventeenth century account] Among these ruins have been found some fine marble columns perfectly complete, and some rich tombs; and among others there are four which would bear comparison in point of beauty with those of our kings, if they were not damaged; several marble statues in Roman style lie overturned upon the ground. On the pedestal of the statue of Trajan there is still to be read at the present day a very fine Greek panegyric of that powerful Emperor, as also on that of the statue of Marcus Antoninus.[9]

Cities Abandoned for Villages Scholarly research should generate evidence of population movement into the countryside, sometimes because services had broken down, or

24 Guidoboni and Comastri 2005 for accounts, with maps, for the 11th–15th centuries. Guidoboni and Ebel 2009 for the assessment and interpretation of various kinds of sources.

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for easier access to water. Unfortunately, archaeology has concentrated on towns,25 so that what actually happened in the countryside still needs to be studied in yet more detail, and Asia Minor is behind in this regard.26 Multiple forces were at work, including a diminished population inhabiting a declining infrastructure. In some areas, such as around Elaiussa Sebaste, lack of agricultural attention might have depleted the topsoil, as Bell remarks in 1906: “The whole country must have been carefully cultivated to support so large a population and I surmise that it has undergone changes similar to those that have taken place in the mountains of Northern Syria.”[10] Near Elaiussa Sebaste, Collignon described a Byzantine town called “Baba” by the locals, with walls intact, but with débris and columns disappearing under a desert of enigmatic sand as one approached the sea: “Quelques débris antiques, des fûts de colonnes, des murs massifs d’appareil hellénique méritent d’être notés; ce sont les seules traces de la civilisation grecque dans ce désert étrange qui ne livre pas son énigme au voyageur.”[11] Not every antique site was abandoned, dependent in part on the state of the water supply. Sardis broke up into a series of small villages;27 Selge was occupied by a 200-year-old Turkish village, but its antiquities continued to disappear.28 Kars Bazaar must have been important in Antiquity for, as the Mudir told Gertrude Bell, “When we want cut stones, we have only to dig in the ground.”[12] Alishan confirmed this in the 1880s, noting not just a convent converted into a mosque, but also the plentiful marble columns, capitals and other pieces to be dug up in the vicinity: “on y voit des ruines, des marbres, des colonnes, des chapiteaux et d’autres pièces, qu’on découvre en creusant un peu le terrain . . . Autour de la cour de la maison du gouverneur, 25 ou 30 colonnes sont encore debout, mais plus ou moins brisées.”[13] A few years later, Bent found as

25 Dally and Ratté 2011 for the archaeological evidence of the status of towns in late antiquity, with papers on Ephesus, Sardis and Aphrodisias, as well as Constantinople. 26 Varinlioğlu 2007, 287: “the shift of interest to the countryside and everyday life, accompanied by the development of new methods in the study of landscapes, has fundamentally transformed scholarly research on Italy, Greece, North Africa, and the Levant.” Bowden 2004, part four: Recent rural survey in Turkey and adjacent areas. 27 Crane 1987, 43–46. 28 Machatschek and Schwarz 1981, 123–125 Das Türkische Bauerndorf im Ruinengebiet, and pl.87–88. Perhaps a 200-year-old village, now with c.850 inhabitants. See also Taf. XV and XXIX, the latter showing how antiquities are integrated into today’s farm. 125: in 1969 a guardian was appointed to watch over the antiquities: es ist zu hoffen, dass damit die weitere Ausplünderung und Dezionierung des Denkmalbestandes wirksam verhindert werden konnen. Abb 26–27 for incorporation of columns of the lower agora in modern buildings. Abb. 75 and 77 for unfinished (i.e. merely blocked out) sarcophagi in the N and E necropoleis.



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the floor of a reed cottage here a tessellated pavement with a Christian inscription, and suggests the location was “the site of villas and summer residences for the inhabitants of Anazarba.”[14] “A very antient pavement” was also to be seen in Bonarbashy, in the village street.[15] Such availability might have been general, as Layard was informed in Eski Karahissar in 1839: “when I asked the owner of the oda whence the sculptured marble slabs and blocks, of which most of the houses were built, were brought, he replied that the inhabitants had only to dig anywhere around the village, and they at once found as many as they required.”[16] This is because the village was near the Synnada/Docimion quarries: Hamilton found a Roman bath in the village, and some fine friezes in the walls of the mosque, and reasoned that “were probably worked near the quarries for the greater facility of transport, as is still done at Carrara.”[17] Similarly Laborde, in 1826, worked out that most of the antiquities seen in the local houses were blocks from the quarries, discarded or never dispatched.[18] It seems likely that the majority of towns, such as Colossae, were never reoccupied after their antique collapse.[19] At Hierapolis in Phrygia, in spite of earthquakes and mass removal of materials, some survival in the city through the Middle Ages can be traced.29 There were various rebuilds and periods of abandonment,30 at least partly in its fountains,31 and the earlier structures used to build the later ones, as happened with the scenae frons at Nyssa.32 In places such as Sagalassos, decline and fall has been examined by archaeology:33 here, a 7th-century earthquake put an end to town life34 but, even a century earlier, no more buildings were being 29 Arthur and Bruno 2007. Guidoboni and Ebel 2009, 418–436 for traces of earthquakes in archaeological sites and in monuments. D’Andria and Caggia 2007 for the effects of change on various of the monuments. 30 Scardozzi 2008, 40–43 for proto-Byzantine period, V-mid VIIC, with some rebuilding following a later 4thC earthquake. Hierapolis now an important centre of Christianity, so martyria are built; Temple of Apollo is dismantled and its materials reused or turned into lime. The nearby Nymphaeum is restored, including reused material. The Martyrium of S. Philip is the most ambitious monument. 44–47 Mid-Byzantine, Seljuk and Ottoman, from after mid-VIIC, when an earthquake devastated the city, and several churches were not rebuilt. This also brought down the scaenae frons of the theatre. Thence a progressive “ruralization,” with houses built which do not respect the grid. The Great Baths continue as perhaps an administrative centre. 1354: earthquake; 1385 city ceased to be seat of a bishop; site abandoned to nomads. 31  Dorl-Klingenschmid 2001, 34 Hierapolis, 84 Perge, 106 Side. 32 Kadioğlu 2006: at Nyssa the Hadrianic facade collapsed (was this earthquake of 178AD?), and elements were reused in the later build. 33 Martens 2007 for the streets at Sagalassos: these were maintained, but gradually decayed from the second half of the 6thC. 34 Waelkens 2006 for Sagalassos: prosperity into the 7thC. Excellent survey of the literature. Includes encroachment on public space, and subdivision of buildings, and

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erected.35 What survived the earlier centuries mostly went during the nineteenth century, and Clarke watched several such dismantlings in the Troad in 1817,[20] where towns such as Beyramitch were constructed largely from local antiquities.[21] Cities Shrink into Villages Unfortunately, in some cases, cities simply shrank to village size, and their inhabitants fed for centuries off the ruins, as it were. For it was not only on completely abandoned sites that ancient ruins were to be found, but inhabited towns and villages as well, such as Ayasoluk, Silifke, Thyatira and Miletus. As Mitchell has it, writing of Pisidia: “Villages superceded cities, or earlier cities were now regarded as villages.” And he states with admirable scepticism the archaeological problem as well: “After the expiry of the Classical city, the archaeologist is faced by the problem of what to look for. An archaeologist does not find what she does not seek.”36 This can lead to some strange imbalances, such as the case of Arabic MSS at Oxyrhynchus (a site also once rich in marble antiquities,[22] including its mosques),[23] abandoned as less important than classical remains.37 This was a common story, found also, for example, in the temples of Athens.38 Ayasoluk, near Ephesus, contained many antiquities, but access to them was not always easy. Wood in 1877 sought permission to take and replace stones from the mosque,39 which he thought might come from the archaic Artemision. But he was refused, for the mosque was sacred. The structure was already ruined by 1829,[24] and its minaret down by 1842:[25] “a solitary stork was sitting on its ruins,” wrote Burgess in 1835, “and an their abandonment, as a theme. City destroyed by an earthquake in mid-7thC and never rebuilt. 35 Martens 2007, 345; 342, 347–8: here all the churches were erected from spolia, as was some late drainage. 36 Mitchell 2000, 145. 37 On Oxford University’s Oxyrhynchus: A City and its Texts, Virtual Exhibition: A Millenium of Documents: “The site has produced substantial quantities of written Arabic material, although the Oxyrhynchus collection does not contain as much of this as it might have done, because Grenfell and Hunt were concerned with the classical period and therefore aborted excavation in areas that were proving to contain only Islamic rubbish . . . dates ranging from the late 9th century to the 15th century AD.” 38 Frantz 1965, 194: “The excavation of the Asklepieion in 1876, with the single purpose of exposing the remains of the classical period and recovering ancient inscriptions and other marbles from the later masonry, effectively destroyed most of the architectural evidence for the date of the construction of the Early Christian church.” 39 Otto-Dorn 1950 for the Isa Bey Mosque, with photos; account writen before its restoration. Excellent description, citing travellers where pertinent.



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unbroken silence pervaded the empty halls.”[26] Wood found it roofless and in use as a cattle byre.[27] Although much survived into the fifteenth century,[28] Silifke in 1839 was “a mere heap of ruins” with only “a few fever-stricken inhabitants.” But antique remains were to be seen all around, including a temple converted into a church.[29] There were column-shafts in the khan, sarcophagi used as fountains, plentiful antiquities built into the fortress,[30] and the remains of two temples and a church;[31] these were in addition to (in the terminology of 1823) “many other indescribable ruins.”[32] But the marble at the theatre had gone by the 1850s,[33] although remains of a Byzantine church were still to be seen.[34] Miletus in 1825 had the remains of some churches, and abandoned mosques, and “a very few Turkish families,”[35] and its theatre vaults intact, because “constructed with such solidity as not easily to be demolished.”[36] In Spon and Wheler’s day, only a few shepherds lived there.[37] It was, remarked the Duc de Raguse, “une immense et magnifique carrière, un énorme magasin de morceaux de marbre blanc.”[38] In 1889 Cousin listed some remains, perhaps from the site, in surrounding villages.[39] Akhisar, on the site of the ancient Thyatira, boasted a khan in the 1670s with “environ trente colonnes avec leurs chapiteaux & pied d’estaux de marbre, disposées confusément en dedans pour soutenir le couvert.”[40] The town also had a mosque converted from a church, and although Smith in 1834 noted “its foundations and some broken and fallen columns bespoke a high antiquity,” local hostility prevented access past the portico.[41] Fellows, in 1839, near to Akhisar, found a well-coping made from a capital, and a cemetery full of spolia: “the people said that they were brought from Sardis; but this is scarcely probable, as they would have had to be carried a very considerable distance.”[42] Plenty of antiquities still survived at Akhisar in 1896, “que des mains barbares ont enchâssés dans des murs de terre glaise,” and which the locals still maintained had come from Sardis.[43] There was also a great sarcophagus in the middle of the mosque courtyard, with an inscription which one Turk did not wish to be copied, for he thought it the tomb of a Moslem saint, “s’imaginant que c’étoit un tombeau de quelqu’un de leurs Saints.”[44] This was neither bizarre nor unusual, since plenty of turbe were constructed from ancient remains, as at Aksehir,[45] or at Eskisehir, where they have been catalogued.40 But then, the whole plain was rich in antiquities – so many that

40 Altinsapan 2010, antiquities incorporated in the ff. turbe: 60–62 Aziz Aga; 76–78 Sari Lala ?14thC; 87–88 Makuf; 111–112 Kadincik Ana; 135–136 Bahseyis Baba; 141–142 Yilankirkan;

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they sometimes overwhelmed the interest or application of the locals: “a sarcophagus lies by the side of the excavation whence it seems to have been lately dug, and what appears to be the corner of another has been laid bare by the spade; but the natives have so little taste for antiquities and are so unenterprising, that they regard the labor of disinterring it as more than the probable benefit.”[46] In some cases, even small cities were depleted or abandoned by the time travellers saw them. One example is Nicaea. Its Ottoman buildings, constructed largely from antiquities, perhaps helped make up the “beautiful streets” Le Brun saw at the end of the seventeenth century. These included the still-standing antiquities and inscription-rich gates, of course ruined by the Turks: “entr’autres il y a au Sud-Est une fort somptueuse Porte, en manière d’Arc-de-Triomphe. Elle est toute de marbre avec plusieurs bas reliefs, & enrichie de diverses Inscriptions Grecques & Latines, mais toutes gâtées par les Turcs.”[47] Even today Nicaea does not fill its walls; and in Fellows’ day, in the 1850s, it was a mile from the walls to the village inside them.[48] Indeed, it was already in ruins by 1824,[49] and estimated to fill only about one-twentieth of its area in 1850 (in 1840 Poujoulat entered through a hole in the walls),[50] so shrunk was it from an earlier prosperity. “At a very recent date the place had been larger, as was shown by ruins of modern houses; and at one period, since the Turkish conquest, the town must have been very considerable, as was denoted by the extensive ruins of good stone khans, public baths, and mosques. The Osmanlees had let all things go to entire ruin except one bath and two mosques.”[51] As a consequence of such a low population, in 1867 one crossed fields inside the walls to get to the houses.[52] Hammer called it a neglected park with no signs of the ancient city – “un parc négligé . . . vous cherchez Nicée dans Nicée même.”[53] When Marcellus visited in 1839, he admired three mosques rich in marble, but only one was open and in use.[54] Plenty of antiquities were left alone for centuries, gradually being covered in earth: the life-size seated figures on the Sacred Way between Miletus and Didyma, for example, had all lost their head. But some of them were buried up to the neck, as Newton described in the mid-nineteenth century,[55] and then unfortunately some were mutilated by the locals, as he then relates. Beulé notes how the statues were carted off to England with much greater ease than had been the case with the great

146–147 Himnet Bab 13thC; 157 Elveren; 191–192 Hoca Yunus dated 1276; 198–199 Mahmud Suzani 1348; 205–206 Ibrahim Kardes 14thC.



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lion at Cnidus.[56] By this date, what is more, Didyma had acquired a new village (“le centre d’un village considérable qui n’existait pas il y a un siècle”)[57] suggesting, surely, that the locals were simply not interested in statues. Certainly in 1837 the Duc de Raguse was bowled over by the freshness of the ruins, and even imagined how easy the temple would be to rebuild: “C’est une immense et magnifique carrière, un énorme magasin de morceaux de marbre blanc, dont chacun est taillé, poli et sculpté.”[58] It was indeed a quarry, and Texier in 1862 noted how antiquities were disappearing from the site day by day.[59] In 1892 at Aydin, an earthquake toppled buildings including a mosque, so in 1902 villagers went to nearby Tralles for building stone – and uncovered the well-known marble statues, which went straight away to the museum in Constantinople.[60] After all, what could the villagers do with them? Half a century earlier, they would have been sold to some Western tourist; but this source of income was no longer feasible.41 Marble blocks were a different matter, and in 1856 “We found the marble remains in a rapid process of transformation into headstones for Jewish graves, and we saw several columns being scooped out into the form of stone drinking troughs.”[61] There is now so little at Tralles partly because of the railway network around Aydin, which pioneered railways, with the Aydin-Smyrna line built 1856–1866. Much more had been available in the mid-eighteenth century. Pococke then saw a double portico with courtyard, a theatre, and the ruins of suburbs: “on voit du côté de l’orient les débris d’un portique à deux rangs de colonnes, qui règne autour d’une cour d’environ cent pieds en quarré, & à côté un théatre sur la croupe de la montagne, dont la façade regarde le midi. Il est fort vaste & il paroît y avoir eu cinquante rangs de sièges. Au-dessus du côté du couchant, sont des arches qui appartenoient probablement à quelque grand édifice, & plus loin les ruines d’un fauxbourg qui occupoit un espace de terrein considerable.”[62] But by the 1840s, the ruins were being plundered “every day” to make Turkish and Jewish tombstones,[63] perhaps producing the small fragments of statues and inscriptions which the archaeologists found in 1902,[64] plus remains of a stoa with a church built into it.[65] Even by 1843, well before the railway line, some locals were disturbed about barbarian destruction of this once-splendid site.[66]

41 Özgan 1995 for Tralles, 8–12 for Geschichte und Stand der Forschung. First official dig is 1888, German and after the coming of the railway. Most of the finds are “found in the ruins of Tralleis,” and nothing on buildings with which they might have been associated.

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The cloud of an earthquake then had a silver lining: having destroyed one of the mosques at Aydin, workers in 1902 looking for stone to rebuild it found the famous statues already mentioned, one of which came from a Byzantine wall, for it “reposait sur des débris de mur et était engagée en partie dans un petit mur de construction byzantine.”[67] These finds may have occasioned a pause; but the destruction of the site continued,[68] although Le Camus, after noting how most of the big blocks had been taken for reuse in the town,[69] suggests that the locals might have hesitated to destroy a church completely.[70] The theatre seats at Tralles had long since disappeared,[71] but the site had not been excavated by 1918[72] in spite of the statue finds. A parallel case is Cremna (an idyllic spot for Rott in 1908)[73] where, in the 1960s, “during the winter months, teams of up to forty men had spent days at a time on the site, digging in the ruins for whatever they could find” – with the result that in 1969 they uncovered 13 full-size marble statues, “evidently too large to be removed from the site in secret.”42 Because of transport difficulties (or uselessness to the villagers?) they went to Burdur Museum. Sites such as Tralles made concerned antiquarians jumpy. Would archaeologists get there before local picks had destroyed everything, asked Deschamps in 1894?[74] Too late: Arundell already records the industrious dismantling and chipping activity on the site in 1828,[75] and Fellows a decade later that the “elevated ground has been laid open in many places, which are worked as quarries for the modern town; the troughs and cisterns now in use have all been pedestals, capitals of columns, or tombs.”[76] A few pedestals survived at Alexandria Troas, and Chandler in 1775 records a Venetian officer taking one aboard his ship.[77] Monumental Survivals In spite of the sad chronicle of destruction which forms the bulk of this chapter, conspicuous survivals were far more numerous in Asia Minor than in Greece or Italy, and of course it was these survivals which attracted the attention of travellers – including statues, which had some kind of life and even popularity during late antiquity.43 With a smaller population to interfere with and dismantle antiquities, and thanks in part to the decline in applicable technologies from the mediaeval period onwards, there was a higher concentration of prestigious cities and sanctuaries there than any42 Mitchell 1995, 16. 43 Surveys and bibliography in Lavan and Mulryan 2011, 439–502.



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where else in the ancient world (even than in Algeria, before the French invasion of 1830). As already alluded to in the Introduction, this terra incognita was visited by educated travellers whose topographical and antiquarian descriptions, especially in the nineteenth century, were often exact and detailed. This was fortunate: it meant that perceptive descriptions of the use and reuse of ancient technology and materials were being written at a time when their destruction was either imminent or ongoing. And so it is that the surviving monuments in Asia Minor get better described than elsewhere because more of them survived into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, during a period of relative – only relative – peace. From a variety of accounts we can learn about the filching of monuments by locals for building purposes as well as the abstraction (legal or illegal) of antiquities for overseas museums, with the difficulties of both extraction and transport. Indeed, timing is crucially important here: imagine how much more we would know about the Roman landscape in Italy were we to possess such detailed accounts from a period before the great expansion (and destruction) of the later Middle Ages! But compiling lists was either too easy or too difficult, given the quantity of survivals. For example, as Tchihatchef noted in the 1860s, just a few weeks in Lycia could turn up the remains of twenty antique cities – so the yield from further work would surely be further treasures: “on ne peut s’empêcher de contempler d’avance tous les trésors que l’on retirera un jour de l’intérieur du sol classique de l’Asie Mineure.”[78] And Lycia was, averred Waddington in 1853, the best-known region of all Asia Minor.[79] Trémaux wrote in 1861 of “des villes presque entières avec des monuments de toutes espèces dont quelques-uns sont à peine endommagés.”[80] In the lower town of Pergamon in 1850, “the walls of the Turkish houses are full of relics of marble, with ornaments of the richest Grecian art. I have sketched many, but they are innumerable.”[81] What is more, antique blocks “are to be had for nothing, and are therefore used for every purpose”[82] – with the result that no temple sites could be identified.[83] Survival depended on location and access. In some areas, hilly sites such as Cadyanda and Tlos[84] remain today much as they were described in the nineteenth century, for there has been little new settlement thereby and decline had set in during late antiquity.44 Bodrum, on the other hand, is very different from Beaufort’s[85] or de Breuvery’s excited 1829 description, when a walk in and outside the walls produced a catalogue of inter44 Tietz 2006.

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esting antiquities, from enormous and grand walls, roads, tombs and funerary altars: On suit fort longtemps les murs de la ville antique construits en grands blocs. – Colonnes couvertes d’inscriptions verticales fort singulières. – Sur le chemin de Boudroum à Pétesse, on rencontre des restes d’une chaussée antique de marbre fort bien construite. / Promenades dans Boudroum – Rocher percé le long des murs antiques; leur grandeur. – On en suit toute la ligne dans là vallée, à droite du château, jusqu’au dessus d’un rocher sur la; ville; puis ils gravissent la colline au coin de laquelle est une tour, vont ceindre une autre colline, reviennent au rocher percé, serpentent un peu dans la vallée et gravissent la colline des tombeaux. – Singuliers rochers de marbre qui semblent des ruines. / Quantité d’autels funéraires! – Découverte de quelques colonnes qui portent encore une frise. – Découverte d’un emplacement nivelé soutenu d’énormes murs, où se voient les restes de colonnes doriques cannelées, de marbre blanc, d’un mètre de diamètre: peut-être le Mausolée?[86]

Some antique landscapes survived just about intact into the nineteenth century, even if only as fields of ruins (such as Askelon,[87] or Leuctra near Plataea, which Clarke saw being scavenged),[88] although the advance of vegetation sometimes broke them up handily so that looters could rob them, as on Cephalonia.[89] Elsewhere, however, in some instances antique remains were not so clearly visible in the landscape. In Thessaly in 1835, Leake had to hunt hard for ancient Tricca in the modern town, the fortress and the Turkish cemetery[90] – but he also came across Hellenistic cities with walls near-intact and suburbs traceable.[91] Thessaly received archaeological attention from Greece after being incorporated into the Greek state in 1881, when antiquities were collected in local schools.45 In Cilicia in 1890 Bent spent nights in ancient tombs and yuruk tents, amazed by the wildness of the countryside – “Until the tenth century of our era, it was probably one of the most flourishing corners of the world, as is testified by the innumerable ruins of towns and villages crowded upon it, not only on the coast-line, but up to a height of 6000 feet.”[92] Indeed, the prosperity of Anatolia in some early Ottoman centuries46 may also have led to a mirror-image of the destruction of antiquities to be found in the nineteenth century, although “given the sparseness of the registered settled population in many parts of Anatolia during those years, it seems

45 Gallis 1979, 3. 46 Erder and Faroqhi 1980 for figures and estimates for the 16th century.



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likely that every town needed a disproportionately large hinterland to supply it with grain, meat and vegetables.”47 But how could some sites survive almost untouched? For example Leake, in 1824, was astonished that Apamea, the capital of Phrygia, remained unexplored – than which “there cannot be a stronger proof of the little progress yet made in geographical discovery.”[93] Spratt and Forbes in 1847 were elated by locating Corydalla, yet not an hour thence they found “a well-built theatre, remains of temples and of early Christian churches, inscribed pedestals and sculptured sarcophagi, proclaimed a city of some importance; nor were we long in finding, among the inscriptions, evidence of the name of the site, which proved to be that of Rhodiapolis.”[94] Hence, like the deliberately visible theatres, sarcophagi were a giveaway for nearly towns, as Tchihatchef found in Pamphylia[95] and on the Alabanda-Mylasa road.[96] Ramsay explained the puzzle of surviving-disappearing sites by referring to roads: a decline of either communications or water meant the abandonment of sites, just as “in modern times, water supply determines situation and survival.”[97] Or as he also summarised the matter: change in the lines of the road; military strength, or water supply.[98] Water was indeed key, its supply not necessarily well-managed. Thus Tchihatchef noted in 1850 that the Turks capriciously abandoned mines with water leakage, and therefore repeated the process instead of repairing the existing mine: “on va creuser un peu plus loin un petit trou qui ne tarde pas à être délaissé comme le premier.”[99] Sterrett, again, came upon a large Graeco-Roman village between Lamas and Orenkieu “with many doorways, and several arches, which evidently belonged to substructures of buildings, still standing” – but all the Turcomans reused was the ancient cistern.[100] Monumental Disappearances But if large quantities of monuments survived, some were ruins flat to the ground, others were disappearing by the day, as travellers observed, especially those calibrating what they saw against ancient sites described in the early 1700s but completely gone by the 1880s.[101] Indeed, for some travellers even the ruins seemed to have disappeared, as Roberts wrote in

47 Faroqhi 1990, 125.

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1738 of the cities of Revelation.[102] Certainly, comparing earlier accounts with today’s remains underlines the great extent of losses.48 Waddington in 1853 bemoaned the loss of antiquities at Cnidus, noting how many “cyclopean” monuments and inscriptions had already gone: “dans aucune autre ville de l’Asie-Mineure je n’ai vu autant de monuments d’architecture cyclopéenne; mais à mon regret tous les marbres, et par conséquent toutes les inscriptions, avaient disparu.” And for such disappearances he blamed “une expédition scientifique anglaise” (he means the Dilettanti, there in 1812) and also the Pacha of Egypt, who had sailed off with marble for a new palace in Cairo.[103] Of course, Cnidus was particularly vulnerable because it was so visible from the sea, and only a short way from Rhodes: Lord Charlemont, for example, visited the site in 1749.49 Similarly Beaufort in 1811–1812 condemned “the ruffian industry” of Cnidus’ destroyers, which was “one promiscuous mass of ruins.”[104] No doubt it was the accessibility of its harbours, even when part-choked with débris[105] that made spoliation easy,[106] and its convenience that made it a suitable lair for corsairs.[107] At Antalya the Pasha’s palace (date unknown) was also decorated with marbles,[108] in a city graced by a spolia-rich Byzantine church.50 At least some of the spolia in Antalya came from Phaselis,51 near which the Genoese had built a “superb port.”[109] In 1850, Mac Farlane at Aezani was certain that antiquities would continue to disappear fast, presumably to replace the current village: “a collection of tumble-down pigstyes. It contained about eighty hovels.”[110] Monk in 1851 hoped that much would nevertheless survive “the miserable efforts and the inefficient tools of the peasants of Tchaldarr.”[111] Judging by the “great numbers of fluted columns, and immense fragments of cornice and architrave” that Taylor saw 48 Gyselen 1996 for an overview of disappearances of monuments of various periods, dealing with Aleppo and Smyrna, as well as further afield. 49 Ferguson 1987, 33: “Antiquities and classical epigraphy were two of his main interests, and he made a collection of Greek inscriptions. On landing anywhere in Greek territory, almost his first enquiry was about the existence of old marbles. At Bodrum, on the Turkish coast north of Rhodes, he found, and correctly identified, sculptured blocks from the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus . . . While these discoveries are minor ones in the history of archaeology, they are nevertheless remarkable for an amateur aged twenty-one.” 50 Kaymak 2009: the final chapter is the catalogue of spolia and architectural elements dating from Antiquity and Byzantine periods. The city was especially fine in the 12th century, though declining after the Fourth Crusade: Erdem 2001–2003. Alpaslan 2003 for Byzantine spolia in Antalya and Lycia. 51 Schäfer 1981, 37, material from Phaselis transported to Antalya, where two inscriptions thence have been found in the new fortifications, 912–916. 175–176 for chronology of the city, which dies when the Seljuks take it in ?1158, then Antalya in 1207; but almost nothing on decline of Phaselis.



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on and around the temple platform in 1855,[112] he was correct. But since there had been plentiful heaps of fallen shafts around the town in 1831 much material, wrote Keppel, must already have been taken to surrounding villages,[113] and Le Bas listed some of his finds in the area in 1888.[114] Even later, buildings near Aezani also disappeared within a generation.[115] Elsewhere, at Satala, ashlar-faced structures standing 8 metres high in 1874 are now no more than rubble cores.[116] And at Geune, monuments described by Hamilton over fifty years before had just about gone by the end of the century: “The ruins have become much more ruinous since Hamilton’s visit.”[117] Nor has this process ended: as Ousterhout wrote in 1995, “more fieldwork is necessary to document the vanishing heritage in the eastern Mediterranean and in the Near East.”52 An exception to this state of affairs is the splendid survey of reuse conducted in and around Aezani,53 with the spread already sketched out by our travellers Keppel and Le Bas. A Site Which Survived: Hierapolis At the once-untouched and much-visited54 site of Hierapolis55 coinage indicates some occupation perhaps into the fourteenth century, and some areas protected by being covered in detritus,56 but this did not much affect the monuments. In 1679 Spon and Wheler had seen there “un fort beau bain de marbre blanc enrichi tout autour de colonnes qui sont tombées dedans.”[118] This was presumably a constructed bath, not just a pool, which has since disappeared; although perhaps the travellers mean the

52 Ousterhout 1995, 48. Lowenthal 1998 for a timely evisceration of that rubbery term, “heritage,” which he carefully distinguishes from “history.” 53 Niewöhner 2007: 156–163 for listing A–Z by community; 137–142 for listing of finds by type, referenced to catalogue and the 64 multi-image plates. The map opposite p. 70 shows Roman/Byzantine sites, and also later settlements which also reuse Byzantine material. 69–73 for settlement history of the area. 54 Silvestrelli 2000 for literary and epigraphic sources, history of archaeological research (396–423), and bibliography by date from T. Smith in 1674 down to 1999. 55 Scardozzi 2008, 125–126 for theatre and its anastylosis; 118 Sanctuary of Apollo and Nymphaeum; 113 Great Baths; 94–95 Martyrium of S. Philip. 56 Arthur 2002: good sketch of degradation of the environment, e.g. agora fills with rubbish, water supply replaced with pithoi at intervals along the main street, perhaps up to tenth century; no coins found datable later than Constantine Doukas (1059–67) around the agora, so that area presumably abandoned. But there are indeed Byzantine and Seljuk coins elsewhere on the site, and ceramic evidence suggests occupation in 12thC and 13thC, and perhaps into 14thC.

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Nymphaeum, and it was once lined with marble.[119] Pococke in the 1730s describes tombs stretching for a mile, and a colonnade 500 paces long, terminated by a triumphal arch.[120] In 1843 “the feeling of utter loneliness and desolation is the same there as in the neighbouring locality of Laodicea. Not a habitation is to be seen.”[121] In 1876, the Roman gates were intact, and both theatre and baths looked as if they had been abandoned yesterday.[122] Indeed, Mengous had picked up marble antiquities there in 1830 (“a head of Socrates in marble, which I afterwards sold for sixteen dollars”[123] – not from the theatre) and Le Camus was also offered statues in 1896, but had no way of transporting them.[124] The Cathedral reused several elements of the ancient city.57 As for the theatre, Poujoulat averred in 1840 that it was the best in the whole of the East: “il n’y a pas dans tout l’Orient un théâtre en meilleur état que celui d’Hiérapolis.”[125] Much of the scenae frons was collapsed but available in 1775,[126] and was still apparently untouched in the early nineteenth century,[127] although some antiquities from the site had already vanished.[128] The especially good preservation of the theatre was thanks in part to the accumulation of soil covering its lower reaches after its collapse,58 including the marble doors and bas-reliefs which Pococke admired in the mid-eighteenth century.[129] This excavated site, though much of it survives to this day, also provides evidence of just how neatly dismantling could happen,59 and how thoroughly.60 At Hierapolis, most theatre seats survived into the twentieth century,[130] as they did in part at Claros.[131] But much of the site had been comprehensively stripped, as Cochran judged in 1887: “it has long since

57 Ciotta and Quaglino 2002: Tav.2b this church had a 12–column colonnade at ground level, and ditto arcaded above. 58 Bejor 2002: At some period (after 352) part of it fell down and “voluta mutilazione della decorazione statuaria; creazione di un nuovo piano all’interno del logeion. Then Definitivo collasso dell’edificio, con crollo, a più riprese, della decorazione e dei blocchi della frontescena e del logeion. When the new floor was made using fallen blocks (Tav 1a), it was used for some non-theatrical purpose, in 5thC–6thC. Reckons final collapse was shortly after 627: similar collapse led to abandonment of the Casa dei Capitelli Ionici around this date. 59 Altunel 2000 on Hierapolis, Fig. 8 showing how the W wall of the agora simply fell down like regimented dominoes – making it easy (in other instances) for reusers to collect materials. Here the fallen wall seems to remain intact. The tombs as Hierapolis also show earthquake damage. 60 D’Andria 2001 for Hierapolis: 104–107 Agora had a grand stoa-basilica, but only “marble architectural fragments” survive. 110–111 Nymphaeum of the Tritons, again, only fragments and the odd relief survive from this 70m long building. It had two ranks of columns and marble reliefs. Travertine for the structure, marble for decoration. Erected third decade of 3rdC, and destroyed by earthquake; reconstruction in Uğurlu 2004, fig. 24.



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been degraded into a common quarry for the lime-burner and builder, following the Goth, who has stolen its sculptures, besides mutilating what he failed to carry away” – leaving little but marble chippings strewn around. But he cannot resist speculating how much lay buried – “and any enterprising syndicate purchasing the site from the Porte, with the exclusive power to dig and remove – which I understand can be obtained for a mere song – would likely reap a speedy harvest of ancient art of priceless value, besides other old-world objects of worth.”[132] Perhaps some Turks did destroy “blasphemous figures,”[133] but this was surely rare, and most destruction would be to use the materials for other purposes. Part-Survival: Ephesus and Sagalassos A large and important city in antiquity, the Austrians have excavated here for more than a century.61 Ephesus survived better than many sites because its civic life is known to have lasted into late antiquity, and because its location on a silting harbour, which developed into a malarial marsh, was some protection against spoliation.62 The marsh itself also contained antiquities, and also the remains of a Roman road.[134] Some of the city’s amenities, such as the Street of the Curetes, were refurbished in the fifth century and later; and in one interpretation, the street “presented a display of imperial power which was actively acknowledged and celebrated there . . . we seem to have a new kind of imperial space.”63 No doubt refurbishment was necessary as a result of mid-4th-century earthquakes. What with the devastation they caused, this must have been an heroic effort by a declining population.64 Carile estimates 180,000 including slaves at the beginning of the third century, and notes that the Arabs in 781 enslaved only 7000. Some monuments declined and were plundered: the C. Laecarius Bassus Nymphaeum, for example, lost roughly 50% of its sculpture, presumably turned into lime, rather than exported as 61 Wiplinger and Wlach 1996. 62 Brückner 2008: useful maps and sections for changes over the whole of Ephesus. Abb. 9 for maps of Ephesus in the Imperial period. 63 Roueché 2009, 162; her purpose is “to consider the location and the function of imperial statues and related texts in the Kuretenstrasse, in the late antique period.” 64 Thür 1999, 106–107 and Plans 1–3; Thür 2003, this process 273 nicht so sehr durch monumentale christliche Kirchen und sonstige Kultbauten charakterisiert, sondern durch eine gewachsene Bedeutung der Strassenräume, die als topographischer Ort der Prozessionen anfurendig und prunkvoll hergerichtet worden: see especially her Taf. 100– 101 to show the transformation via plans of the city.

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antiquities.65 Baths (including the Baths of Scolastica), theatre, stadium,66 and agora were also renewed in late antiquity. The exact status of the harbour in succeeding centuries is difficult to resolve. It might well have been functioning sufficient for barges to bring stone from Claros to near Ayasoluk for the Justinianic church in the sixth century.67 But in the tenth century, Nicephorus Phocas’ expedition to Crete left from Scala Nova (Kusadasi) just down the coast,68 perhaps because of silting at Ephesus, or even for fear of her malarial swamps. That “New Harbour” of Kusadasi subsequently expanded and, by the mid-eighteenth century, was plundering antique structures in the area for building materials.[135] By 1837, “once the seat of enterprize and active commerce, Ephesus is deserted.”[136] And travellers as early as Gédoyn (French consul at Aleppo 1623–1625) recognised that the old monuments had been demolished to provide later buildings.[137] So silted was the area that even identifying the site of the Artemision was difficult. Galt, for example, says “I saw nothing which any man in his sober senses, could say that he is sure may have belonged to it.”[138] Justinian’s church was probably identified with the present mosque, since neither Tournefort in 1741,[139] nor Arundell in 1834, could locate the remains of the real church,[140] perhaps because there were houses inside the lower fortress, or because the ruin-field was so low-lying. Clearly, excavations were necessary and, already in 1842, Jaubert called on rich men to fund excavations there, for this treasure-trove was completely untouched: “c’est une mine complètement inexploitée.”[141] He was wrong, since its remains had already been plundered for centuries. Many of the monuments of Sagalassos, still not the easiest site in Asia Minor to reach, also survived spoliators, and the archaeological campaign since 1990. This has revealed much about how its later inhabitants dealt with monuments. The Temple of Antoninus Pius, for example, had its gables and cornices dismantled in late antiquity – done in neat groups which still survive, so that the frieze of the temple could be reused in the north wall of the western basilica. Some frieze slabs might have been surplus to requirements, for they went into what were apparently sheep pens.69 Similarly the porticoes found on the main north-south street were also dismantled, “and their blocks reused in the construction of long-walls 65 Rathmayer 2011, fig. 9.7 for a reconstruction: 14 sculpture slots on the two orders. 66 Stubenrauch 2006, cat. 13. 67 Plommer 1962, 126–127. 68 Carile 1999, 134–136; 142–144 Ephesus in 10–14thC. A monastic centre, inhabitants moving to Ayasoluk (around S. John) as the port became useless, from 12thC. 69 Waelkens 1990, 190–193.



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on either side of the street and of tower-like constructions above the steps connecting the various street sections.”70 Bursa: Ancient Town Obliterated by Rebuilding and Repairs Just how old was the tradition of non-repair is difficult to determine, and was certainly affected by the frequency of earthquakes (especially the devastating one of 1855), which meant that Bursa more than once had to be rebuilt rather than just repaired. At some periods the population was also sparse, Tournefort remarking on the fact in 1700–1702. Perhaps we should distinguish between villages, where things fell down and were not usually rebuilt or repaired; and towns such as Bursa. Here Perrot’s impression was that lack of maintenance was recent, since older Ottoman monuments were patched up with plaster instead of being repaired with the necessary marble;[142] or, as he also remarks, “tant que durent les choses, ils s’en servent; le jour où elles viennent à leur manquer, ils s’en passent.”[143] But then perhaps he missed the paving, some of it at least made from ancient slabs; for antiquities were frequently reused in mosques at Bursa, for example, in Mendel’s census of 1909: “Dalle de revêtement. Brousse, Tchékirgué, mosquée de Khoudavendikiar: marbre blanc; le revers est poli, ayant servi dans un dallage,”[144] that is, Christian interlaced strapwork. If Perrot is correct, it is for this reluctance (or inability?) to repair thoroughly that monasteries, and the Moslem tombs they had become, simply fell into ruin.[145] Rebuilding was apparently the earlier motto at Bursa. However, as a consequence, even in 1700 there were “but little Signs of Antiquity in the City, because it has been rebuilt many times.”[146] Some of the antiquities went into the city’s gates,[147] while one gateway to the citadel was “constructed of large marble cornices.”[148] Mendel is doubtful about such an explanation, suggesting that Bursa was never sufficiently important to merit a large supply of reusable monuments.[149] Again, much of the old material had already gone into the citadel palace, the fortifications, and the tombs.71 By the 1840s, the palace buildings in the citadel at Bursa had gone, to be replaced by a kitchen garden: “un jardin potager, cultivé par une pauvre famille grecque, remplace tout cela.”[150] Again, many examples of reuse have been “cleaned” from Bursa’s monuments in recent

70 Waelkens 1990, 193. 71  Pralong and Grélois 2003.

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years.72 In the environs, prominent antiquities were noted by Tchihatchef at Uskub/Eskibagh in 1854, where some walls were constructed of antiquities, perhaps in the Middle Ages, many with inscriptions reversed: “leur position prouve qu’elles ne sont point à leur place primitive, et que par conséquent le mur aura été reconstruit des débris d’un autre monument plus ancien; car on y voit fréquemment les pierres disposées en sens inverses des inscriptions qu’elles portent, de telle manière que celles-ci se présentent tantôt renversées verticalement, tantôt couchées latéralement.”[151] Although he identified the general period of reuse, he yet condemned the practice, looking forward to the dismantling of such masses of “treasures”, and their rescue from barbarism and despotism: “il serait vraiment temps que toute cette masse de trésors, accumulés, pour ainsi dire, à la porte de Constantinople, fût enfin ravie à l’oubli séculaire auquel l’ont condamnée la barbarie et le despotisme.”[152] In fact, much reuse has been catalogued by Ötüken in the region of Bursa, and in almost bewildering variety and quantity, of both classical and Byzantine monuments.73 Eloquent testimony for how Asia Minor changed in the later nineteenth century is provided by the restoration following the 1855 earthquake which devastated Bursa. Thanks to an energetic governor, this “impoverished and ruined” city rose again, while “the fine remains of monuments that once adorned this cradle of the empire have been repaired with the utmost taste and skill, while the welfare of the modern city has been studied with equal solicitude.”[153] This same earthquake devastated Murad’s mosque (d.1389), and in 1886 Walker describes how the minaret rocked when the wind blew, and how the inside of the turbe was a ruin: “The handsome porphyry and verde-antique columns, which formerly supported the roof, are some of them standing, it is true, but having been shaken to pieces, they have been patched up again, bound with hoops of iron to keep them together, and covered with plaster.”[154] This was not unusual, and many epigraphers could not read inscriptions because they had been plastered over.[155] Stripping Ancient Sites If ancient sites were often easily identifiable when they were cities or towns, countryside sanctuaries could be much more difficult to find, espe72 Wilde 1909 for examples of sculpture found in the citadel, and Byzantine material set in walls. 73 Ötüken 1996, catalogued by type.



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cially when silting or vegetation were taken into account. Some ancient towns, visible because ruins were poking up among the vegetation, were almost completely obliterated, because they were dug over by people looking for building materials or treasure, and only the discards were left on the surface. Agriculture required extensive clearance if the ground were to be satisfactorily sown and ploughed. Penury also played a part in destroying antiquities: thus, strapped for cash, in 1840 a community in the Vilayet of Smyrna could build its church only by using nearby antiquities and, while some of the antiquities were used to ornament the new building, others, including inscriptions, were destroyed to make lime[156] – perhaps difficult to avoid given the local geology.[157] Paton and Myres thought that this was the same reason why no marble survived at Alinda.[158] Ingenuity was perhaps lacking, since in the Gulf of Smyrna, many quarry-cut blocks were still to be seen in the 1840s,[159] ready for re-use, but not used. The Locals Many sites lost major quantities of antiquities at increasing speed during the nineteenth century so that, as we have already seen, any collection of ten green bottles was inexorably reduced to any quantity down to none at all. Usually it was locals who plundered their own sites, and often left chaos behind them. But not always, for the purblind enthusiasm of archaeologists for things classical probably destroyed as much evidence of later occupation (and reuse) on important sites as ever did a few local villagers,74 who would dig up what they could after the archaeologists had left, as Budge recounts for Iraq.[160] But when stripping proceeded apace, as at Nefez-Keui, the plentiful remains in the 1860s[161] evidently disappeared, leaving the locals able to collect together only small materials from ancient graves, that they could then sell to travellers.[162]

74 Frantz 1965, 201: “The zeal with which the classically-oriented archaeologists of the nineteenth century stripped away from Athenian temples all possible reminders of their post-classical history has rendered unduly complicated the task of dating their conversion. The nature of the required alterations made it impossible to eradicate completely all traces and these, supplemented by descriptions and drawings by the early travelers, have sometimes made it possible to reconstruct the general appearance of both exterior and interior. But the systematic removal, without recording, of wall masonry and, in many cases, even of foundations, destroyed at the same time almost all chronological evidence.”

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Our travellers witnessed the stripping of ancient sites, or could deduce it by comparing what they saw on the ground with earlier written accounts. At Bodrum/Halicarnassus, where extensive remains were recorded in 1820,[163] material from temples was disappearing by the mid-nineteenth century.[164] As for the Mausoleum itself, so deliciously near Rhodes, by the excavators’ reckoning 172 marble column drums are missing, and only fragmentary marble blocks survive on-site.[165] At Cadyanda in 1841, Fellows thought the site looked like a mason’s yard, “with stones well squared, parts of columns, cornices, triglyphs and pedestals,”[166] all ready to be carted away. Near Eskisehir, a group of pedestals actually gave an ancient site its nickname.[167] And at Lampsacus on the Dardanelles, Hamilton in 1842 witnessed antique blocks about to enter upon their third existence, for they were being extracted from a Genoese fortress in order to make a marble fountain.[168] (The Genoese seem to have been particularly interested in re-using antiquities, for which compare Amasra,[169] the Gulf of Smyrna,[170] and Oulabat).[171] Spon and Wheler reported that some columns at Lampsacus (which had minds of their own, it seems) simply did not wish to be incorporated into a mosque.[172] But in the previous decades, many of the blocks of the once-splendid temple there had simply vanished, taken by the locals for funerary monuments: “On nous assura que d’autres colonnes, restes d’un édifice consacré à Vénus, étaient encore debout à un quart de lieue de distance; nous nous y rendîmes: malheureusement le vandalisme des habitans les avait renversées pour les convertir en monumens tumulaires.”[173] It was presumably such spolia that Michaud and Poujoulat picked over in a local cemetery,[174] and the local mosques probably benefited.[175] At Kiz Hisar, near Nigde (itself part-built with reused antiquities),[176] Hamilton visited a village which sat right on top of an antique settlement, as was clear from the plethora of antiquities which he described.[177] Such successive reuse also happened in the villages, antique to Byzantine to Turkish cemetery, as Cousin remarks in Caria: “comme toujours, les ruines des monuments antiques ont servi à élever d’autres monuments à l’époque byzantine, et quand ceux-ci à leur tour sont tombés en ruines, l’endroit a servi de carrière aux Turcs pour leurs cimetières.”[178] This “desecration” of antiquities disgusted Castellan, and he lists building hovels and stables, constructing dykes and lining wells, such reuse painful to his sensitive classicising soul: “On ne peut faire un pas sans gémir de voir dénaturer ces restes venérables, et disparoître en un instant le témoignage de tant de siècles de gloire.”[179]



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As a result of such stripping of antique sites, epigraphers were well aware of how inscriptions scattered through a clutch of villages usually indicated an ancient site nearby. The villagers were equally aware of the sources of their stones, as Hobhouse found in the Troad: “the Turks and Greeks of the country seldom point at a fragment of granite, or porphyry, an inscribed marble, or carved pillar, inserted in the walls of the moscks and churches in the neighbouring villages, without informing you, that it was brought from Esky-Stambol, the name given to a collection of huts amongst the ruins of Troas.”[180] In 1808 MacGill spent a night in a mason’s house near Alexandria Troas: “a man of an interesting countenance, but one who has destroyed more antiquities than he has hairs on his bushy beard,” who gave him an account of his work.[181] Indeed, epigraphers were sometimes forced to rely on masons, who knew where to find antiquities. Hamilton at Ishkeli in 1842 describes how they had destroyed much of the site: “the hill is now surrounded by a deep ditch where the wall once stood, which is in many places entirely removed.” But these same masons provided him with pedestals extracted from the same hill, “which I perambulated while my treasure-seekers were digging out the inscriptions.”[182] At Nicomedia in 1555 Dernschwam, in Turkey 1553–1555 as part of a delegation from Ferdinand I, copied a base which had just been excavated, and which then went to a mosque in Constantinople (“werden sj auch zerchnaiden und per Constantinapel furen zur des teufels tempell”), probably the Suleymaniye.75 Agriculture and Antiquities Agriculture did move forward in nineteenth-century Anatolia, when “vast untilled regions were brought under the plow.”76 But this happened slowly, and the Duc de Raguse estimated in 1837 that large areas of Asia Minor were practically a desert from the point of view of agriculture.[183] Ploughing the soil provided another mechanism for the exposure of antiquities because, after lying antiquities had been cleared up into piles or walls, the process brought small items to light. The excavators at Claros in 1912, for example, despairing of finding the Temple of Apollo Clarios (which turned out to be 3.5 metres and more underground[184] – about the same as Alabanda),[185] were invited by a peasant into his field to examine 75 Grélois 2003, 156. 76 Quataert 1994, 843.

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a block of marble his plough kept striking – and after digging down 0.6 metres and then to the ground level at 3.6 metres, there it was![186] Again, at Ephesus in 1829 “the ground, in consequence of its frequent irrigations, is highly productive, and at the time of our visit was covered in many places with luxuriant crops,”[187] another mechanism whereby the antiquities slept safely beneath the rich topsoil. But the peasants lived at Ayasoluk, not on the site which, in the 1630s, had no houses and did not look like a city: “non ha più somiglianza di città, ma è rovinata senza niuna casa.”[188] In 1837 the Duc de Raguse found “three or four” inhabitants there, all in rags, and a few more fishermen,[189] presumably because of the risk of malaria. However, clearing antiquities from ploughed fields, and building them into walls, much confused the work of scholars, as Tchihatchef discovered at Alabanda in 1854.[190] Much worse were the Seljuk areas, because conversely they reused antiquities so energetically: for, as Anderson remarked, “where the Seldjuks built, ancient remains have almost entirely disappeared.”[191] This perhaps also applied to column-shafts, used as fences when Irby visited Elaiussa in 1823,[192] but not to the thirty capitals Fellows saw at Assos in 1852, “placed up in a line for a fence,”[193] some of which have survived. Did farming protect such sites? In 1825, for example, “The site of Nysa, as well as of Tralles, was covered with corn, and fences of piled stones.”[194] Robert, fifty years ago at Anazarda, thought otherwise: “c’est un abus qu’il faudra contenir et réprimer,”[195] though he does not suggest how this might be achieved. But ploughs uncovered even statues, as at Alexandria Troas.[196] Absence of crops, on the other hand, left soil which, especially after rain, uncovered coins and medals. So depopulation, and the absence of agriculture, was some safeguard against their discovery, resale, or melting down.[197] If an ancient site were to be ploughed, a half-way-house for antiquities scavengers was provided by those locals who cleared cut antique blocks into field-walls, so that they could till the soil. This happened at Cyzicus[198] and at Hadriani, thereby leaving a jigsaw-puzzle for travellers and subsequent archaeologists.[199] At Anazarba in 1878, a site rich in ruins, Favre and Mandrot found only three families ploughing inside the walls. They were probably so few because they had to go a great distance to fetch water[200] – another example of lack of water helping preserve an ancient site. In addition, much of the architecture was in local limestone,[201] probably responsible for the fact that so much survives at Anazarba even today.



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After decades or more of industrious scavenging, there was often little to be seen above ground. This was the state of affairs Layard found in 1839 on the road to Konya: all had been reused in later structures in the nearby villages.[202] Such reuse was a procedure which some found distasteful, but the results of such misuse were often described in detail, as Mac Farlane at Nicaea in 1850, annoyed that the ancient city had been obliterated by reuse of its elements in later structures: “That loathsome people, the Greeks of the Lower Empire (who in the end had their revenge on the conquering Turks, by inoculating them with their own worst vices), had evidently worked up in these extensive fortifications nearly all the beautiful materials of the smaller but classical city.”[203] In other instances, where the ancient city included a citadel and a lower town, only the upper antiquities survived; thus at Alabanda, as Fellows wrote in 1841, “the ruins of the city below are mysterious,” and only the upper monuments could be described.[204] Tromelin had seen much more, including marble, when he visited in 1800.[205] Preparing land for ploughing could, as we have seen, jumble antiquities very confusingly. But matters got worse because, as agriculture advanced, and with it new railways which could carry away their crops,[206] so the antiquities suffered further, and the commercial balance of the region was further disturbed.[207] In contrast, pastoralists wreaked less damage on the antiquities than farmers. It was therefore advantageous to the remains that Sardis, in the early eighteenth century, was no more than a village of herdsmen, “living in wretched cottages of clay,”[208] and little different when Cockerell visited a century later.[209] At Sardis also, the nomads dwelt in their tents, making no use of any shelter offered by the ruins.[210] This might have been customary, since only shepherds were near the site in the later seventeenth century.[211] Making Sense of the Mess One major difficulty, with the many ruined sites travellers encountered was that, as a result of abandonment, neglect, earthquakes and mining for usable blocks, very little on the surface made much sense. This was the case if they held the ancient authors in hand, especially those simple souls who expected (very wrongly) to be able to use them as guidebooks. Naturally, they were correspondingly disappointed by what little they saw, always assuming they had been able to identify the name of the ruins

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amongst which they stood. For, by reading such authors, conveniently excerpted in summaries of ancient life and manners,77 they could conjure up a vision of just how luxuriously the ancients had lived, and of the technologies which sustained them, and then visit conglomerations of mud and marble spolia where once splendid cities had stood – such as the Seven Cities of the Apocalypse.[212] This disparity between the written word and what they saw on the ground was especially acute in regions like Lycaonia, where vast stretches which the ancient authors said were heavily populated were, by the time Tchihatchef travelled in 1854, virtual deserts. His solution was for scholars to study not the antiquities (for all these had gone from their original location) but rather the later buildings into which they migrated (this is the same man who had already written, quoted above, of such reuse as barbarism and despotism): Vu l’absence presque complète de ruines sur place, les explorations archéologiques devront particulièrement avoir pour objet l’examen des constructions modernes, toutes plus ou moins composées d’éléments antiques. Parmi ces constructions, figurent les villages répandus sur plusieurs points généralement peu fréquentés de la Lycaonie, ainsi que les khans nombreux, qui, dans cette contrée, ont une magnificence qu’on chercherait vainement dans les autres parties de l’Asie Mineure; car ils paraissent remonter à l’époque des Seldjukides, qui, comme on sait, avaient acquis, sous la dynastie des sultans d’Iconium, un certain degré de splendeur et de civilisation.[213]

If this does makes him a progenitor of spolia studies, it also emphasises just how much splendid architecture was built with antiquities, splendour by most scholars only for those elements of the classical world on which they focussed, cherry-picked to the detriment of the Moslem architecture of later ages. This point is important, once again because of timing. That is, the purblind interest in the classical to the exclusion of later architectures meant that they – Byzantine, Seljuk and later – were studied in earnest only from about the end of the nineteenth century; in consequence, many more such later buildings disappeared in the various building booms, and we know less about them than would have been the case had the attention of scholars in earlier decades been broader.

77 Marquardt 1886, 607–768: Wohnung und häusliche Einrichtung, with 617–634 for the working of stone.



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Deforestation and Desertification Tchihatchef  ’s desert was merely an absence of antiquities. But the problem was much more serious in other regions (he lists Bithynia, Pontus, Phrygia and Cilicia)[214] where the landscape had changed radically since antiquity; this was a problem across many parts of the Mediterranean.78 This was the case in parts of Cilicia due, suggested Favre and Mandrot, to deforestation. Citing Korykos, they contrast the landscape of earlier centuries, of which the plentiful remains testified to its erstwhile fertility and prosperity, with the arid sand and rocks of their own day: “Là aussi le déboisement a dû faire son œuvre! Toutes les époques sont représentées sur cette côte déserte, depuis l’antiquité grecque jusqu’aux derniers jours de l’activité turque . . . Car ce pays si désolé a été jadis couvert de villes: Eleusa-Sébaste, Korykos et d’autres; ces rochers arides étaient au moyen âge revêtus de sombres forêts.”[215] Some travellers simply did not realise how changes in settlement patterns had changed the landscape – although some were indeed alert to the ravages caused to both landscape and settled communities by nomads. Deforestation was indeed a problem over large parts of Asia Minor, due in various measures to poor husbandry of resources and lack of re-planting, over-aggressive agriculture, and the burden of population. The abundant use of wood for housing is one indicator of how forests once flourished. But the balance in many areas changed with increasing nomadism: their animals ate the young shoots of the self-seeding trees and, having chased off whole villages because agriculture was antipathetic to pastoralism, whole areas of Asia Minor were left as desert. As Thirgood recounts, “With the transition from agriculture to pastoralism, the supply of food diminished and with it the population. A decreasing population, in turn, was unable to supply the labour necessary to maintain old standards of water engineering and terraced agriculture on which the prosperity and well-being of the countryside and town had rested.”79 This mixture of desertification and deforestation probably spelled the end of many ancient settlements, with nomads at various periods providing the death-blow. And when the water ceased flowing, whole settlements were abandoned, their buildings left behind to turn into ruins. This is the cycle of events, probably over many centuries, which left sites such as Korykos and Elaiussa full of monuments, but in a sandy wilderness

78 Hughes 2005 for the context, 59–86 for the Middle Ages. 79 Thirgood 1981, 60.

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which could no longer support daily life, but only archaeological digs, until the long-distance road and then the tourists arrived. Site “Biographies” There follows a series of short accounts of various settlements which lay out what is known about the dismantling of their ancient remains, thereby making clear to us why sites so famous in antiquity, and thus described in the ancient authors, are only rarely among the must-see sites today. The longest biography comes at the end: Constantinople herself, still one of the great cities of the world, with museums rich in antiquities. But, thanks to centuries of Byzantine and Ottoman stripping and rebuilding, it has not for centuries been a city displaying antiquities in proportion to its size and fame. What stands out from the following is the fact that, at sites such as Assos and Nicomedia, stripping was an organised business, as it was elsewhere in the Mediterranean, such as Algeria, where speculators (and not just local house-builders) were involved from the 1840s.[216] Assos This is today a small village with a few remains and some fine cemeteries; once much richer, it was described in 1840 as “the Pompeii of Asia Minor, as it serves to convey to the mind a more complete notion of a Grecian city than any other that has hitherto been discovered.”[217] Already it was considered by Clarke in 1879 to have been so flattened, and its sarcophagi rifled, so that “architectural investigations were here altogether hopeless.”[218] Much ancient material might have gone into the Turkish fort, surmises Clarke, for the town faces the Greek island of Mytilene; but he thought the marble went into the kilns long before the nineteenth century.[219] Much industry was required to denude Assos, described extensively by Leake in 1820,[220] and where Fellows in 1839 saw thirty Doric capitals reused as a fence.[221] Indeed Racznski, in 1830, thought everything had been brought down by an earthquake, and he praised the beauties of the theatre, where “I believe it would not be difficult to collect all the blocks which were employed in building it.”[222] Abbot recorded “systematic destruction” in 1864[223] and, by the 1880s, the acropolis at Assos seems already to have been covered with modern military installations[224] Scholars have certainly made fine reconstructive drawings of Assos in its splendour; but the site was largely destroyed before being



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adequately studied. This happened because, as at Priene, the local masons soon heard of the squared blocks the archaeologists were unearthing from the foundations of the temple – after all, the archaeologists had done their work for them! Hence, writes Clarke in 1898, “its squared stones being much in demand among the Greek masons of the Southern Troad.”[225] But of course, this is just part of an old story, for many of its column drums and coffered beams had been used centuries earlier further down the hill. So at Assos, “as in countless sites of Asia Minor . . . when their monuments have been so demolished that restoration is not possible, the loss to science is irreparable.”[226] Indeed, if much of the material from the acropolis has gone, the broken sarcophagi bring home Clarke’s point. They were holed because the vessels themselves were too heavy and unwieldy to break up easily. Not so the lids, however, for at Assos in 1883 Reinach saw camel-loads of broken-up sarcophagus lids departing the site, evidently for new constructions in the interior.[227] Again, all sarcophagi found underground in 1881 were promptly rifled, and marble veneer stripped from tomb monuments.[228] These could have been for cutting into tombstones;[229] or, equally, for housing, since Sterrett found a ruined house at Dulgerler incorporating many grave stelai as well as two sarcophagus lids.[230] Since the street of tombs of perhaps 300m near the walls of Assos is still today one of the most impressive anywhere, and since Fellows in 1839 writes of “the Via Sacra, or Street of Tombs, extending for miles,”[231] we can imagine from this disparity that many hundreds of sarcophagi did indeed leave the site in the nineteenth century. Those that remained had been sacked, and Ludlow in 1882 found only some poor ones intact,[232] vessels which presumably the spoliators knew it was pointless to disturb. On this site, the steep hill also helped transport right down from the acropolis to the waiting sea.[233] At least, the columns rolled down, but presumably not the sarcophagi: “Some of them are seven and eight feet high, and of a proportionate breadth and length: they have been hewn out of one massive block of grey granite, and their covers out of another.”[234] By the 1890s if not before, stripping Assos was surely far from an haphazard operation: but then, so had been the dismantling of the temple during the Middle Ages for, from the distribution of antiquities around the antique site, Clarke believes them to have been stockpiled centrally, and then redistributed for new building: Thus the coffered beams, before mentioned as having been found upon the lower level, show, by the very fact of their discovery nearly half a kilometer one from another, that they must have been removed from some common centre. Of exceptional length, and plane upon three long sides, they were

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Cyzicus There are perhaps four reasons why Cyzicus (the site of a very tall temple, though not in the very largest class)[236] was left as a field of rubble. The marble blocks were too heavy to reuse, and the foundation material of granite “decomposes with great rapidity on exposure to the atmosphere.”[237] A third was that earthquakes had toppled blocks which had then been re-cut as needed, leaving many chippings strewn about.[238] But not even enough chippings survived to measure the diameter of the great temple’s columns.[239] A fourth was that in 1835 there survived “a quay built of solid blocks of granite, which still extends to a depth of water sufficient for galleys to approach it,”[240] although the ports proper were long silted up.[241] Being by the sea, Cyzicus suffered badly from spoliation, and from an early date. Hasluck charts two centuries’ dismantling in the theatre by citing travellers’ accounts,[242] notes the devastation caused to the great temple in the thirteen years between Cyriacus of Ancona’s well-known visits in 1431[243] and 1444,[244] and summarises them.[245] Cyriacus’ invocation to princes to halt such barbarian destruction went unheeded.[246] Some reliefs from Cyzicus went to Constantinople and Bursa perhaps in the sixteenth century, in Bursa ending up on the paving of a mosque.[247] In 1643 Stochove described the gates and walls as mostly intact and “basties de grandes pierres de marbre brut sans ciment.”[248] Le Brun, travelling 1674–1693 and 1701–1708, knew that Cyzicus had been a big city, from ancient accounts and because the theatre could hold over 12,000; but he found no signs of ancient grandeur except for the enormous piledup ruins – “si ce n’est aux ruïnes effroyables de ses superbes bâtiments qu’on y voit entassées les-unes sur les autres.”[249] And indeed, by then the great temple had disappeared almost completely. Nevertheless, some of the city’s inscriptions percolated back to France.[250] The theatre seems to have largely gone by the end of the seventeenth century, because a man who had seen it described the number of ranks of seating to Pococke in the 1730s.[251] Sestini, in 1785, pulled a statue out of the sea at the marina,[252] and he also visited the “Besestein” (in fact the substructures of the temple), concluding that they were shipyards.[253] By the late eighteenth century, Cyzicus’ antiquities were already disappearing fast,[254] so that the only feature remarked upon by Lechevalier in



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1800 are the city’s walls.[255] Porter had visited in 1835, and found “pieces of white marble cornices, chips broken from Corinthian capitals, parts of friezes, pieces of broken columns, in fact, parts of every description of sculpture which enters into architecture were to be found strewed here and there, and all around.”[256] By the 1860s, an attempt even to determine the dimensions of the great temple had to be done from miscellaneous fragments, so little remained above ground,[257] and not a column remained standing on the site by 1872, let alone recognisable ruins.[258] The amphitheatre which Rustafjaell saw in 1902, itself in part built from spolia, no longer survives.[259] From all this we should conclude that Cyzicus was very efficiently stripped, helped no doubt by the Slav masons and builders who had settled near the ruins in the eighteenth century, and had grown from seven to two hundred families.[260] In consequence, inscriptions from Cyzicus subsequently reused in building work were probably very plentiful.[261] Nearby, on the Gulf of Adramit, was it really necessary for peasants to ream out capitals as troughs for cattle?[262] Could they find no easier technique? Laodicea on the Lycus The richer the site, the more intensive its stripping, and over a longer period, with many visiting travellers.80 Laodicea ad Lycum is not to be confused with Lattakia, which had already been stripped of some of its rich marbles by Saladin,[263] presumably for his own building works,81 and perhaps to recreate a veneered magnificence which goes back to the Greeks.[264] In the 1670s Laodicea was said to contain “four theatres” looking as if they were built recently: “quatre théâtres [viz. temples] de marbre aussi polis & aussi entiers que s’ils avoient été bâtis depuis peu.”[265] The marble revetments to the buildings were gone when Pococke inspected the site in the mid-eighteenth century.[266] Or rather, the veneer had gone from the walls, but Fellows in 1839 “saw many remains of thin slabs of

80 Traversari 2000, 31–40, with contemporary illustrations; to grasp how comprehensively the site has been flattened, see the aerial photos, Tav I–XVI, and especially XVI for the Teatro Maggiore. 81  Korn 1998, for Saladin’s building work in Damascus, Jerusalem and Cairo, with tables of building activity in the three cities, but little compared with the activities of some later Mamluks.

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marble for lining or covering the walls, still partially retaining the cement which attached them”[267] – so such veneer was presumably much sought after, and what he saw were breakages. These were useless for building, of course; but plentiful remains were still reported there in 1820.[268] Blocks were taken to Denizli (an hour’s journey away) for conversion into tombstones and building materials by masons who were destroying inscriptions daily, as Arundell (who also got a tour of the various dismantling and excavating operations)[269] records.[270] When Elliott saw the site in 1838 only “wolves and jackals” lived there,[271] but perhaps he was there at the wrong time of year, for Fellows notes that the site was populated by nomads in 1841.[272] He also noted fragments of marble wall veneer with the cement still attached.[273] In 1842 Hamilton found one of its two theatres “in a state of great preservation,” and noted pedestals and the remains of a colonnade.[274] The nearby Ak-Khan was so called, writes Choisy, because of its white marble, not that this beautiful ruin was any consolation for the antiquities that had been lost in its construction: “de la couleur des marbres antiques dont l’édifice tout entier fut construit . . . et la beauté de la ruine que nous retrouvons est loin de compenser l’intérêt ou la valeur de celles qu’elle nous a fait perdre.”[275] In 1775 Chandler traced the late city wall, “with broken columns and pieces of marble used in its later repairs. Within, the whole surface is strewed with pedestals and fragments.”[276] The site was deserted in 1838, as Elliott had noted; and Fellows, at Denizli in 1840, confirms the reuse in the streets of Denizli;[277] so that by the 1870s not one building at nearby Laodicea remained standing,[278] just as ancient cities such as Aristion disappeared into Afyon-Kara-Hisar.[279] Yet for Clark, even in 1914, so rich were even the remaining ruins that they seemed to be inexhaustible.[280] Nicomedia Diocletian made Nicomedia (modern Izmit) the capital of the Eastern Empire in 286, and it remained so until Licinius’ defeat by Constantine in 324.82 Thanks to Diocletian, this city supposedly once rivalled Rome,[281] although Galt, in 1812, doubted the veracity of the ancient authors on the subject precisely because he saw so little of interest there.[282] This is probably because so much disappeared over the centuries. For if Ward-Perkins

82 Mayer 2002, 29–31.



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is correct about the key role of the city in the marble trade,83 then we might imagine quays once piled with marble for export, just as they were piled for import at Ostia, where so much stock has survived to this day. No doubt much went into the buildings of Constantinople, from Byzantine times onward. But whatever glory the city contained in antiquity, it did not endure, for a great earthquake in 358 reduced it to ruins. It was rebuilt, and also received various buildings under Justinian. Thereafter the city shrank again,84 and no doubt the inhabitants withdrew to the citadel. Because of its proximity to Constantinople, the useful remains of the city probably began to disappear early: the Byzantines were among the first to plunder it for building materials,85 but the pace perhaps picked up soon after the conquest of 1453. Scavenging for marble appears to have been in full swing when Chesneau visited in 1547, with activities concentrated on the citadel, full of old ruins and large chunks of columns: “C’est une ancienne ville de qui l’on a beaucoup parlé; mais il n’en reste que de vieilles masures et de gros morceaux de colonnes abbatües; si ce n’est que le chasteau, situé sur une colline, est plus entier.”[283] In 1555, we learn from Dernschwam that the antiquities came down the acropolis hill, with its standing walls and “palace”[284] (rolled or easily dragged, one assumes), and were sawn up as required, the power being provided by the still-operating ancient aqueduct.[285] This might have been working on a near-industrial scale, since the Suleymaniye was building (1550–1558) during Dernschwam’s visit, and he gives a brief overview of this water-powered saw-mill’s workings.86 But even supplying the Suleymaniye did not clear out the antiquities, for there were still a few ruins, “remnants of column and architrave,” when Busbecq arrived in the 1580s. A slab-sawn column survives at Jerash, and the remains of such sawing work at Ephesus – both dated to the sixth century.87 Perhaps, therefore, the machine Dernschwam saw was part of a continuing tradition. The relief on a 3rdC sarcophagus at Hierapolis 83 Ward-Perkins 1980. 84 Van Dam 2003, 82–83 for decline of Nicomedia in the face of Constantinople. 85 Foss 1996, 1–15 Nicomedia in late antiquity; 16–28 Byzantine Nicomedia, with an amount of reuse. 86 Grélois 2003, 156 for the saw: the aqueduct still flows, felt auff ein sag muel (mill), dorin zuro (saws) die marmelstaine sagen. The saws are in a runnel to keep them straight, above the block, and in den ritz schut er ainczing sandt zur und oben auff tropfft es selbs wasser zu, des machtz also resch und fydeltz durch. 87 Grewe 2009, for discussion of such a machine on a sarcophagus at Hierapolis; author then proceeds to reconstruct what the relief shows, 439–448, including the design of machines he thinks sawed at Jerash and Ephesus.

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confirms that the Romans did indeed have a crank and connecting-rod system, previous thought to be a mediaeval invention.88 Just what remains had already gone by ship to Constantinople is unclear, since Busbecq, who was in the region 1582–1589, relates that “shortly before our arrival, a long wall of white marble had been discovered under the earth by some people who had been digging, which, I am inclined to think, formed part of the ancient palace of the kings of Bithynia.”[286] Much material had already been discovered on what was presumably the same site, as Dernschwam relates in 1555.[287] In the 1790s, the large building called by the Turks the “Old Palace” (the same structure?) was still being dismantled: “There are very few remains here; the only one we have seen worth notice is the remains of an old palace, which covers the top of a small elevation, and of which a square building yet remains entire all but the roof. It is built of very large hewn stone, and floored with marble, and seems to have been a very magnificent room; it is now filled with bushes and shrubs that make it a very picturesque ruin. There is little doubt but it has been an ancient palace, and the Turks give it the name of Eski-Sera, or the old palace.”[288] Parts of an amphitheatre and city walls were also visible in 1812,[289] and there were “many broken columns of marble and porphery” lying around the palace.[290] This palace was traditionally that of Diocletian, and its remains went into the palace of Mehmet II in 1833, and then that of his son Abdul Meçit, successfully obliterating most of them.89 One reason all this eighteenth- and nineteenth century destruction of ancient Nicomedia was possible was surely the great three-day earthquake of 1719. This completely destroyed the town, after which many of the inhabitants simply built wooden houses alongside the stone ruins (“cherchant encore à braver tant de désastres, dressèrent des maisons de bois, à côté de ces imposantes ruines”)[291] some of which, of course, they built into sturdier houses.[292] Travellers described this continuing destruction. In 1835, Porter was outraged to see “the materials of a beautiful temple [still the palace], built at Nicomedia by Dioclesian, and dedicated by him to the gods, in progress of being moved off by cartloads, to build a woolen-cap factory.”[293] Four years later Marcellus saw only an arcaded pavilion and a stretch of wall: “un grand pavillon percé de quatre arcades, et un pan de mur encore debout.”[294] By 1842, perhaps 88 Grewe 2009; Kessener 2010. 89 Boulhol 1994, for references to the earlier literature.



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only smaller ruins were left, and were being converted daily into tombstones[295] In the 1860s, parts of the early foundation walls of the acropolis were still in place,[296] perhaps because there were easier pickings lower down the hill. Or, indeed, because nearby Moudania was being dug at this time to provide materials for a jetty.[297] Inscriptions were all over Nicomedia, not only in the antique structures themselves, but also rebuilt into later structures, so that travellers should examine houses and cemeteries for inscriptions in Greek and Latin: “Les Voyageurs, qui sont curieux de voir quantité de belles Inscriptions, peuvent en partie contenter leur envie dans cette Ville; car il n’y a pas une rue, ni un Cimetière, ou l’on n’en trouve quelques morceaux, & quelquefois même d’entières, tant en Grec qu’en Latin,”[298] as Le Brun recounted when he visited at the turn of the 17th–18th century. As we have already seen, many travellers were in Asia Minor to collect inscriptions, but they only wished to copy them, not (usually) to cart them away. At Nicomedia as elsewhere when spoliation was in progress they often noticed them disappearing into builders’ yards or into limekilns with some dispatch. Presumably, then, they came to some arrangement with the locals, who would allow their finds to be copied before being carted away for reuse, sometimes in very large quantities. Some of these perhaps went into the tombstone carvers’ yard noticed by Ainsworth in 1839.[299] “Walls and drains” was Moustier’s summary in 1864.[300] Perrot in 1872 had to scrabble around to find antique fragments rejected for modern building projects (such as cornices, capitals and column-stumps), since much had been already cut up and reworked into “new” blocks, and statues exported to Constantinople: “Sur les chantiers on n’avait laissé que les débris dont l’architecte avait cru ne pas pouvoir tirer parti, des morceaux de corniche, des fûts et des chapiteaux . . . On avait rencontré aussi des blocs de pierre ou de marbre portant des inscriptions, mais la plupart avaient déjà été retaillés et employés dans la construction.”[301] Tarsus The monuments of Tarsus were largely ruined by the mid-nineteenth century. Part of the theatre was standing in 1854, but subsequently disappeared.[302] Langlois, sent out by the French government to search for antiquities, and writing in 1854, was upbeat about Tarsus and, true to the credo of the archaeologist earning his funding and eager for yet more, was determined to find what he was seeking, although he had to admit that the

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inhabitants were filching stone from the gymnasium for their own buildings.[303] Hence he noted somewhat dishonestly that “Tarsous renferme de beaux monuments,”[304] but in fact these had already disappeared a generation earlier.[305] He needed results, so dug deep into a necropolis of Kusuk-Kolah, already dug over; but he reports only terracottas, presumably precisely because there was no more marble to be seen,[306] and he had to scrape around for Christian antiquities with which to satisfy his principals.[307] This is some indication of how spectacular museum-filling antiquities were in increasingly short supply – terracottas now being considered acceptable, whereas they had not been collected in quantity in previous decades. At Tarsus in the 1870s, the local caimacan pulled down one of the city gates to make a causeway outside the city: “The inhabitants requested to be allowed to buy the stones, so as to save the gateway; but were curtly told to mind their own business. In this way, one of the oldest and most interesting memorials has been destroyed through the ignorance and jealousy of the Turkish governor.”[308] This merely completed the filching of materials from the walls, which Cockerell noted half a century earlier;[309] so that Scott-Stevenson in 1881 could describe only a crumbling city gate, of which even the repairs were now crumbling away.[310] By the end of the nineteenth century, then, nothing antique was to be seen, except for the “Tomb of Sardanapalus,” and some errant inscriptions in later structures, “des inscriptions sur des pierres isolées enchâssées çà et là dans quelques constructions récentes.”[311] Yet this tomb, called the Dunuk Tasch, was already a wreck, and all Langlois found were fragments of marble,[312] evidence of how thoroughly it had been stripped. In 1775 Chandler noted that the same had happened to tombs at Teos, leaving only their shells.[313] By the end of the nineteenth century, nearly everything was gone, and Collignon can do no more than note who came, and what they took.[314] Thyatira In Spon and Wheler’s day in the 1670s the inhabitants of Thyatira lived in houses of earth or turf,[315] although the khan at nearby Balamont was built with antiquities.[316] Nor, in 1838, could the villagers be bothered to search for antiquities, for (as already cited) “they regard the labor of disinterring it as more than the probable benefit.”[317] The cemeteries all around were rich in antiquities from that city,[318] and in “several other parts of the town, the sheds are made to repose upon truncated columns.”[319] (This was probably more the rule than the exception: cf. Sinope).[320]



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Not all the inhabitants of Thyatira were feckless: in 1835 Burgess came across the Armenians there dismantling a second church on the site, to build a third one, presumably using some of the antiquities they found in their trenches.[321] And Bailie in 1843 reports a near-perfect sarcophagus there.[322] Nevertheless, Choisy found nothing standing of interest there in 1876.[323] Little wonder, since Fellows had already determined in 1839 that the modern town “teems with relics of a former splendid city.”[324] Constantinople The story of the further degradation of the already much-ruined Eastern capital is a sad one, in spite of some accommodation to the layout of the existing city.90 For a variety of reasons, Constantinople under late Byzantium91 was a series of villages with interspersed ruin-fields and plenty of ruinous buildings when the Ottomans entered the city in 1453 – “the dead center of a dead empire,” as Inalcik has it, and with perhaps no more than 17,000 inhabitants by 1477.92 Spolia furnished the Hippodrome with antiquities, and certainly impressed many Byzantine beholders;93 and how many antiquities of these survived the sack of 1204, and when they were destroyed, is no puzzle to some.94 But who are the destroyers, and who the collectors of antiquities?95 There are maps and views of

90 Kafescioğlu 2005, and Kafescioğlu 2009, 136ff. 91  Matschke 2001, 315: “Large urban areas remained undeveloped and uninhabited. The existing building stock was outdated. Many buildings were practically in ruins and could only be partly used, if at all.” Matschke 2008, 263–305 Baugeschehen und Bauleute in spätbyzantinischen Konstantinopel, including the great problem of finding building material: 298–304 for details, including spolia, as well as wood for ships and houses. See note 118 for details, and speculation on stone sources. 92 Inalcik 1969/1970, 231, 247. 93 Mango 1963; however, 67: “between the reign of Justinian and the middle of the twelfth century there does not appear to be a single ekphrasis devoted to a work of ancient art;” this contrasts with the aesthetic efforts in early Christian centuries further west: Brenk 2005, 193–203 Spolia da Costantino a Carlo Magno: estetica versus ideologia; and 205–219 Spolia e loro effetto sull’estetica della varietas. Attorno al problema dei capitelli alternanti. 94 Bassett 1991; Bassett 2004, 2, of 1204: “There is no question but that the better part of the Constantinopolitan collection was destroyed at this time. Indeed, the wealth of Byzantine artefacts that first appeared in western Europe in the thirteenth century, among them not only relics and reliquaries but also the Horses of San Marco, confirm the extent of looting and destruction.” Looting, yes, but very partial: did any marble antiquities go back to Europe? Then: “What the Crusaders did not destroy was probably ransacked . . . when the city fell to the Ottoman Turks.” 95 Cf Mango 1963, 70: “I know of no Byzantine collector of antiquities after the fifth century A.D.;” and 68 for 1204: “Once the city had fallen, most of the bronze statues were sent to the melting pot. Some were removed to the West: the four horses on the façade

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the City, but exactly what was destroyed, and when, can be difficult to determine,96 just as it is difficult to know when marble antiquities were reused, some leaving the City.97 The fact of the accumulation of antiquities in the new capital of Constantinople, and their political purpose,98 was well known to earlier centuries,[325] just as the City was seen by the West as a land of marvels.99 So it is unsurprising both that antiquities continued to flow there after the Ottoman Conquest in 1453, and also that a few antiquities were preserved100 – although Andréossy notes that monuments further west were no better treated, pointing out that “la vie des monumens, c’est leur emploi, c’est leur utilité.”[326] Ottoman narratives of the building of the Suleymaniye note that its marbles were world-famous, “each type having been brought from a different region . . . the story of the origin and gathering of these marbles is at least as important as their typology and visuality.”101 For Fellows, in 1852, the marbles in the capital “have been transported from all parts of Asia Minor, and can only be looked upon as remains of the country at large.”[327] Materials went to Constantinople from Alexandria Troas from the 1640s and probably long before, as Stochove[328] and later Clarke suspected.[329] Indeed, Della Valle in 1615 says he saw bases at Alexandria Troas as large as those of the Pantheon, and large shafts as well.[330] It is impossible to know how much stone was transported to Constantinople, but Gontaut-Biron (who, if he ever ventured into Asia Minor, does not write about it) notes the takeover by Christian galley slaves in 1610 of a ship full of stones destined for the Sultan Ahmet Mosque, then building.[331] This accords with Cafar Efendi’s account of construction of the Sultan Ahmet, which quotes 12 types of marbles “as responding in twelve different ways to the hammers of the

of San Marco and the colossus of Barletta survive as the only reminders of this spoliation. The historian Nicetas Choniates wrote a dirge on the statues that were then destroyed. He describes eighteen of them, surely only a small fraction of the total.”   96 Manners 1997, passim.    97 Zollt 1994, 323–325 for reuse in the Sea Palace façade, one in Rumeli Hisar and one from Saraçhane 325–327; also group in Venice S. Marco 346; and of course S. John at Ephesus; 359–362 for influence of metropolitan styles in Asia Minor. 98 Mayer 2002, 105–174. 99 Ducellier 1984. 100 Vryonis 1991, 40, of cultural ambiguity: “In the case of Constantine, it was pagan sculpture; in the case of Mehmed, it was a taste for pagan and Christian literature, bureaucrats, statuary, and religious relics.” 101  Morkoç 2010, 204, in the section 203–206: Marbles: Materiality and Meaning.



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stonemasons.”102 Travellers in 1800 still fancied that the large shafts they saw around the mosques were rejects from Imperial building projects.[332] One aspect of building in the capital of which we should be clear is that it was not the Ottomans who first pirated material from earlier structures there, for this had already become the practice in late Byzantium, when “Many cases have been substantiated of construction work carried out with material taken not from ruins but from buildings that were still intact and in use, which were sacrificed either voluntarily or compulsorily to make way for new buildings.”103 Mehmet the Conqueror (who visited Troy to see “its ruins and the traces of the ancient city”)104 continued the Byzantine tradition of importing stone from Asia Minor. For example, in order to build the fortress at the “throat” of the Bosphorus which he needed to put a stranglehold on the Byzantine capital, he knocked down churches and temples. It took 2,000 workmen three months with materials brought in from Asia Minor, as well as from ruins, including a church, on the Bosphorus itself: “outre les matériaux amenés d’Asie, on employa encore les ruines des édifices et des églises du Bosphore, particulièrement des colonnes de la magnifique église de l’archange Michel, sur le golfe de Sosthène.”[333] Some of these reused antiquities may later have found another life in monuments at Adrianople.[334] For Buchwald, “Byzantine civilization can be seen as a Christian retrofit of Roman civilization, in which the Roman structural shell was transformed to suit the new forms and functions required by the new religion.”105 And indeed, Ottoman Islam frequently used earlier forms and reused earlier materials, as we shall see, if not, apparently, sarcophagi for burial, which the Romans did, with sometimes several bodies in one vessel.[335] Tertiary reuse was probably common: thus the discovery of a Christian cemetery near the walls of Constantinople in 1868 provided building materials for the new War Office, after the inscriptions had been chiselled off.[336] Scholars such as Teule in 1842, thinking of the 102 Morkoç 2010, 205–206. 103 Matschke 2001, 327. 104 Ousterhout 2004, 165. 105 Buchwald 1999: Some retrofits are inconspicuous from the outside (Parthenon, Didymaion), but others took more work, such as Syracuse, Uzancaburç, where in the latter cella walls were removed and new colonnades inserted. Most radical of all was Aphrodisias, 7: “the conversions included the most prominent and best known temples of Antiquity.” 7: “the basilican church form was used in each of the noted conversions.” He suggests that this was seen as exemplary, and symbolic of the concept “church.” 9–13 the transformation of Christian basilicas into domed churches at e.g. Lower City Church in Amorium, domed phase of S. John at Ephesus, and S. Nicholas at Myra.

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riches retrieved from the soil of Rome, hoped to find similar riches under the palaces, forum and circus, “de retrouver un jour quelques débris semblables de la Vieille Constantinople, sous la première écorce de son terrain, là où furent des palais, le forum, et surtout le grand cirque.”[337] They were to be largely disappointed, because of the obliteration caused by the modernising buildings of the nineteenth century city, as well as by the great marble mosque projects of previous centuries. Post-Byzantine Degradation The Ottomans built a different city, and certainly renewed it, partly by importing new settlers, and partly by reusing in the process the remains of the Roman and Byzantine monuments near and far, and blending in Byzantine elements (probably without any overtones of meaning, let alone reverence) “precisely because the Byzantines were an integral part of the emerging Ottoman state.”106 Coloured marbles, of particular esteem in Roman Turkey,107 vanished with the rest, especially from nearly all churches in Constantinople;108 but this was for decorative use, not statuary.109 The result dazzled travellers such as Gédoyn in 1623.[338] For even if Mehmet collected some European scholars to hone the geography of the Empire,110 the sultans’ interest in the grandeur of its ancient or Byzantine monuments was slight and, in this, we might make a connection with the Byzantines, who likewise displayed little ideological interest in earlier monuments.[339] Certainly, Haghia Sophia was preserved and, certainly, many mosques were built as variations on that theme.111 But none of the earlier (Byzantine) palaces were occupied (Mehmet starting an “eski saray” which was soon itself to be abandoned),112 and apparently no attempts were made to refurbish let alone rebuild them. So that what was left of the Great Palace 106 Ousterhout 1995, 60; Ousterhout 2004, passim. 107 Barresi 2003, 291–297. 108 Apart from the Chora and Kalenderhane, the surviving churches-then-mosques of Constantinople have lost their marble veneer: Pammakaristos/Fethiye Camii; Constantin Lips/Fenari Isa Camii; H. Eirene; Sergius and Bacchus; John Stoudion. 109 Schneider 1986, 62–63 for Harbour Monument at Miletus, of which fragments survive; now in Izmir. 110 Emiralioğlu 2007, passim. 111  Morkoç 2010, 252–258 Sinan’s Dialogue with Haghia Sophia, especially useful for its liberal quotes from contemporary Turkish texts. 112 Manners 1997, 90: “The Eski Saray is shown as comprising a large central building surrounded by a high wall. Within the grounds is a tall column with a spiral decoration, clearly the column erected by the Emperor Theodosius around A.D. 386.”



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was swallowed up in the Sultan Achmet Mosque, and much marble was reduced into admittedly superior-quality lime plaster.[340] Monuments from outside the city, for example from Selymbria, were dismantled to feed some of the new mosques[341] and, presumably, the palace. Chesneau in 1547 noted that the seraglio was rich in coloured marbles, “merveilleusement beau et y ont esté portées de grosses pierres de marbre de toutes couleurs.”[342] Granted, some antiquities were displayed in later buildings,113 and some were collected in the grounds of Topkapi,114 including sarcophagi from the Holy Apostles; but that church was obliterated by the Fatih Mosque. It seems more likely that antiquities were collected together for recycling (for example, in the various kiosks of Topkapi) than to form a museum – although a story has it that Heraclius’ sarcophagus, when unearthed in 1836, was retained because of the tradition that the Emperor had converted to Islam.[343] But antiquities were not used in Constantinople for general building purposes: the locals maintained that wood and sun-dried mud-brick were the best materials against earthquakes. Indeed, with its wooden houses and its bad roads, some travellers found the city uninteresting, perhaps because of the difficulty in entering the mosques.[344] Because of the frequent earthquakes, fewer structures of any great age survived there than was the case in (for example) Rome. The problem can be exemplified by the 1755 earthquake, from which “The damage was considerable, but only amongst the old stone or brick buildings, as mosches, the seven towers, publick hans, and old walls.”[345] Indeed, building enormous mosques in Constantinople was courageous: the Fatih, for example, suffered earthquake damage in 1509, 1557 and 1754, and was brought down in 1766, only to be rebuilt in 1771. This is a chapter of accidents which helps explain why the re-cutting and reuse of antiquities was continuous rather than circumscribed by initial building dates. Technological Gap between Constantinople and Asia Minor It is worth emphasizing in a book on the history of technology that the Empire could evidently call on great architectural and engineering expertise to build such mosques, but also that such expertise rarely flowed into 113 Kafescioğlu 2009, 216ff for reliefs from the Theodosius Column base displayed in the Bayazid II Bath. 114 Tezcan 1989, with 566 photographs, several showing old excavations, plus the railway, and materials retrieved from the sea walls. For railway and adjacent, see 105–107, 144–149; Zollt 1994, 323–325 for three such reused capitals.

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Asia Minor, where roads, ports and buildings awaited the application of skills evidently much more available to Turkey-in-Europe. Constantinople, indeed, seems to have a completely different mind-set. This is a metropolitan aesthetic, which has no truck with obviously reused antiquities, but which prefers to cut away any evidence of an earlier appearance so that reuse would appear as new – antiseptic, simple, and with clean lines. By the mid-nineteenth century such attitudes of metropolis versus provinces (sophistication versus making-do) might conceivably have saved a few antiquities. For Perrot remarks in 1851 that villa-owners outside Ankara got their fountain-basins and lions from the capital.[346] They were arguably made of marble imported from Carrara, although he does not mention this – when surely there was plenty of marble still around to be re-cut. Of course, the Sultans had already taken much material for their capital: Porter, an observant visitor in 1835, tried touring the Sea of Marmara, but soon saw that “it is in vain to search for any of the remains of ancient cities in the neighbourhood of Constantinople, that were worth removing. All that is left is a mass of rubbish; or bricks and mortar, united with unhewn stone, forming the underground work of ancient buildings.”[347] In contrast we may think of Asia Minor as indeed provincial, and much less sophisticated, happy through successive centuries to reuse antiquities in full view. This meant everything including the kitchen sink (usually a sarcophagus vessel) thrown into mosques and prestigious houses and often left in full view. This was a way of doing things which perhaps began with the Seljuks and especially their hans.115 But this did not happen in Constantinople, where the houses were traditionally of wood, and Ottoman palaces were built from newly quarried or re-cut stone; for a suave regularity is apparently now prized over the haphazard display of ancient bits and pieces. The city was almost useless for hunting epigraphers, because of the re-cutting of antique blocks – compare the city of Rome, where pristine antique inscriptions have been retrieved in very large quantities, not least parts of the enormous Marble Plan. As a result of Constantinople’s clean-marble requirements, and although the plentiful records make clear just how many antiquities were collected for the enormous amount of building work undertaken there, over several centuries, almost the only identifiable survivals from so many tons of spolia

115 Anadolu . . . Kervansaraylari 2007, antiquities reused, and photographed, in 89–103 Kizilören Han; 123–139 Mübarizeddin Ertokus Kervansarayi; 195–209 Zazadin Han; 287–303 Ak Han; 347–357 Obruk Han.



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imports are column sets inside mosques and their courtyards and porticos. And while we contemplate these, we might well wonder just how many Ottoman columns and capitals are in fact re-cut ancient ones. Were such clean-marble propensities influenced by the West? Venice and Pisa in the days of their glory were happy to import and display antiquities without re-cutting them. But in Renaissance Italy displaying antiquities as spolia in new buildings was no longer the vogue, as we can see in S. Maria del Popolo, where Raphael’s Chigi Chapel re-cuts several prestigious varieties of marble. Such re-cut materials will then continue to ornament chapels in Baroque Rome and elsewhere, with no recognizable spolia pieces in sight. In Constantinople as in Rome, antiquities saved from re-cutting requirements, or surplus to them, would eventually form the nuclei of new museums.116 Conspicuous Theatres – Conspicuous Robbing Most large ancient settlements possessed a theatre. This was easy to strip because it was visible, usually completely above ground, and remaining so. For theatres were generally built into hillsides, saving structural work; as well as offering a good view to the spectators, they were intended to be visible from a distance. These were the most solid structures of the whole of Antiquity: even at Xanthus, where the seats are rippled by movement of the earth, they were difficult for earthquakes to destroy completely, so that the stage scenery often collapsed, but the seating remained in place. With nothing in the cavea to fall down upon them, spoliators no doubt felt safer dealing with a theatre than any standing (and perhaps wobbly) structure. Not surprisingly, therefore, marble seats were a favourite target for robbing: they were relatively light, and generally uniform, which was an important feature for reuse in bulk in later buildings. And after all, such structures were always on a slope, so sliding or rolling the blocks was presumably quite easy. (As a note here we might add that stadia were also frequent in Asia Minor (Stubenrauch117 catalogues 35 of them) and likewise tended to lose any marble seating or cladding they had.) We can make a crude estimate of the development of stone-built towns in the nineteenth century by sketching the dismantling of theatres for 116 Shaw 2003, 31–44 “Moving toward the museum: the collection of antique spolia” for general overview. Murray 1904 for a survey of the early history of museums. 117 Stubenrauch 2006, 27–141; author usefully relates scholarly activity for each site.

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their building blocks. Trying to order such a list by date of spoliation is impossible, as several of the comments quoted in the following alphabetical list make clear: – Aezani in 1840 had a theatre whose ranks of seats “au nombre de quarante-cinq, sont encore comme au temps de la gloire d’Asania.”[348] – Apamea Myrleorum/Moudania in the 1860s, Perrot managed to identify the location only because the capitan pasha was dismantling the theatre in order to build a quay at Constantinople.[349] (Did any of the seats or thrones from such theatres go to decorate sultans’ retreats near Constantinople?)[350] Perrot reports again in 1872: the marble seats and the scenae frons were now carted off to build a jetty at Moudania itself as soon as they were unearthed.[351] – Hamilton found seats reused in a later wall at Apollonia in 1842.[352] – Assos: Ludlow in 1882 says the theatre was near-perfect at the beginning of the century, and was then dismantled partly for local housing but largely (he suspects) for transport by sea to Constantinople: “Ce monument était encore, vers le commencement de ce siècle, l’un des plus parfaits en son genre. Malheureusement il a bien souffert depuis lors, ayant servi pendant longtemps comme carrière de pierres de taille, non seulement pour la faible population du voisinage, mais peut-être même pour les constructeurs de Constantinople. Il en a pourtant échappé assez, grâce surtout aux terres meubles emportées par la pluie sur les pentes de l’acropole, pour rendre facile une restauration.”[353] Most of the theatre was a mere hollow in the ground by 1864,[354] for the site was conveniently on the sea. – Balahissar: blocks, including theatre seats, were being dug up and carted away when Van Lennep was there in 1870.[355] – Bargylia: the large theatre had part of its proscenium intact in 1837, as well as “un petit théâtre orné de grandes colonnes corinthiennes de marbre blanc.”[356] – Bodrum: much was gone when Beaufort assessed the site in 1811– 1812.[357] – Claros: large parts of the theatre (the choicest location for marble) survived until 1887. Then Cochran saw evidence of that “sorry work within the last few days, as the front of the stone seats, almost from the bottom to the top, were littered with fresh cleavings of white marble, and several blocks lay at one side newly dressed and ready for removal.”[358] – Colossae was stripped of useful items such as theatre seats by the midnineteenth century, although large blocks still lay all around.[359] So



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thoroughly was it dismantled that in 1896 Le Camus’ horse “found” the theatre by stumbling on the wheat-covered cavea.[360] The despoiled marbles were probably long gone, perhaps to Denizli (which certainly obtained stone from Laodicea),[361] or to the nearer town of Chonae, birthplace of the historian Nicetas. This was now the modern village of Chonos, once with a magnificent church, and where “numerous columns and other fragments of antiquity, are noticed by Mr. Arundel, as existing in all the walls and houses.”[362] Arundell undoubtedly had the right idea of who knew what about antique cities: “I asked a Greek mason, (when at Denizli in 1834), if he knew anything of the town of Colossae? He replied, without hesitation, “perfectly well, and that it stood at Khonas, though no remains were now to be met with.’ ”[363] Didyma: the theatre site was only discovered in 2011, obviously flat to the ground: perhaps spoliators took its materials rather than the enormous blocks from the temple? Ephesus: just how the “vast ranges of marble seats”[364] of the theatre were transported elsewhere, and when, is not known. It might, however, have been as early as the fourteenth century, since a hoard with coins of Naples, Rhodes, the Seljuks, Venice, Genoa, and the Papal States was found there in 1877.[365] Wherever they went, Ephesus had few theatre seats by 1918, and of its scaenae frons “broken shafts, capitals, and shattered architraves with exquisite carvings occupy the floor.”[366] Gazipasha on the south coast. Here both columns and theatre seats had gone by the 1820s.[367] Heracleia: the theatre was disappearing as Viquesnel was visiting in 1868,[368] although Trémaux noted two theatres there, and had described one as “presque entièrement conservé” in 1861.[369] Hierapolis: the theatre seats still intact in 1830, and many other antiquities still in evidence.[370] Katra: on the S. coast, Hoskyn when he visited in 1842 found that nearly all the seats had been removed.[371] Laodicea: Pococke could describe the scenae frons of one of the theatres in the 1730s;[372] and at least in 1839, the theatre seats “still remain tolerably perfect,”[373] though this would soon change.118 Marble was still scattered around the odeon there in 1896, but this was already

118  Traversari 2000, 64–65 and figures for the stadium, where Pococke noted l’ampia entrata e la serie di galerie: now few ruins remain, and 85% of the seats have gone.

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going.[374] When excavators got to the nymphaeum (another kind of theatre) in the 1960s, not one complete column was retrieved.119 – Magnesia120 had perhaps already lost its theatre seats by the 1730s, in favour of nearby Guzelhissar.[375] Certainly, Dallaway in 1797 thought he got there several centuries too late to see anything worthwhile, since everything useful had been reworked,[376] although Schubert in 1838 found plenty to interest him at the same site.121 Conder, writing in 1830, exemplifies the compile-a-book tradition with information nearly a century out of date, citing Van Egmont to the effect that there were still plenty of antiquities on this site![377] – Nyssa: large sections of the scenae frons (except for the third order) survive, perhaps because it was underground: 90% of basic architectural elements of the scaenae frons remain in situ. First Order: 14 bases survive, one complete shaft, and 12 capitals; Second Order: 7 attic bases, some fragmentary shafts, and 2 composite capitals; Third Order: little survives except for two fragments of shafts, and eight capitals.122 – Pergamon: the marble from the theatre was supplying a neighbouring cemetery in 1797.[378] Large remains of an amphitheatre-naumachia survived at Pergamon in 1845,[379] so perhaps these suffered the same fate. – Side: here the seats remain today in very good condition, surely because the lime-burners could find plenty of other ruins to occupy them – such as the fallen elements of the scenae frons, conveniently at ground level.[380] – Silifke: only the vomitoria survived in 1823, converted into housing.[381] – Smyrna: The seats at Smyrna went into the modern town before Chandler arrived there in 1775.[382] – Stratonikeia seems to have had a near-intact theatre in the 1730s.[383] If we could trust Conder, it was still intact, with the ruins of the proscenium, in 1830.[384] It would be interesting to learn just what was destroyed in the immediately adjacent (and government-owned) coal mining operation. This is not likely to happen, and mining operations,

119   Gagniers 1969, 69ff. 120 Bingöl 2007, 43–49 for history of research at this site. 121  Schubert 1838 I, 323–332. 122 Kadioğlu 2006, 159; 5–10 for travellers’ accounts and digging history of the town of Nyssa, with extracts from accounts; 363–386 for details, dating, measurements and bibliography for scaenae frontes throughout Asia Minor, 19 in all.



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in the form of an intrusive road, were still muscling in on the archaeological site from 2007.123 – Telmessos: the theatre seats, conveniently on the shore, went for building work at Scutari.[385] But few lived here in the mid-nineteenth century, for the marshy region was unhealthy.[386] – Teos: all the seats had gone by 1925,[387] and the adjacent temple already lacked its walls when Pococke saw it in the 1730s.[388] Again, what he identified as a naumachia was already down to its basement courses: “il est si près de la mer, qu’il n’est pas étonnant qu’on en ait emporté les pierres.”[389] – Trajanopolis: Ahadkoi, visited by Hamilton in 1837: “a theatre, with half the scena and proscenium standing, built of very large blocks of stone. All the seats of the cavea are gone, but the hollow clearly remaining.”[390] Tomb Terraces and Streets of Tombs Tombs were often just as conspicuous as theatres, and only a few were carted away for reuse as fountain basins, or broken up into slabs. Display is incompatible with the security of the contents, and long streets of tombs, including some very imposing temple-tombs,124 were readily available to robbers, as were tumuli,[391] lacking only a permanent sign reading “rob me” – although Elliott was surprised that those near Sardis did not appear to have been plundered.[392] Nor were such sights noted only in Asia Minor: in the 1730s Shaw describes one similar street at Hydra, in Tunisia.[393] Once robbed and damaged, the lid removed or the vessel simply holed, these heavy and generally useless objects were left alone, which is why they survive in such large numbers all over Asia Minor. Such streets of tombs could indicate adjacent towns, some of which (as Davis discovered) might have completely disappeared.[394] Locals naturally became expert in ferreting out things of value from tombs, as on Cyprus.[395] Ranks of tombs survive at Telmessus,[396] at 123 Şahin 2008, 54: “since I did not want my signature beneath a permission to further damage the beautiful ancient city of Stratonikeia, I resigned from the directorate of excavations. Unfortunately, the work to change the course of the road was resumed the day after my resignation and is now almost completed.” 124 Cormack 2004 for a broad survey dealing with tomb-types, architecture and decoration, rituals, and epitaphs, followed by a catalogue of temple tombs in Asia Minor, these features summarised in a foldout index of architectural features.

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smaller towns such as Erythrae[397] and Alinda,[398] in the Maeander Valley,[399] and on small islands such as Cos, together with later reuse.[400] At Aphrodisias they stretched half a mile to the west.[401] In some cases such robbing no doubt went hand-in-hand with stone-robbing,125 as we find at Ankialou, in Thrace, where antiquities from the ancient site on which the modern town sat were collected in the courtyard of the Bishopric.[402] These have gone, as have those near Mut (described by Walpole in 1820[403] and still largely surviving in 1880)[404] including an avenue to the necropolis.[405] The same fate visited most of those near Laodicea.[406] At Patara, right on the coast, they had all been opened.[407] So that as Gertrude Bell rode in 1906 along such a street of tombs near Ayas, “it seemed to me that we must be the only survivors in a world through which the Last Trump had long since sounded: the graves were open and all the dead had risen and there was no life upon the earth.”[408] A similar impression was created at Surmeneh, in the plain of the Cayster, in Lydia, where a complete town was traceable: “Sarcophagi lay about in the fields and at the foot of the hills, and the foundations and houses of a considerable town, of which the lines of streets and walls, &c, formed of huge blocks of stone and marble, might be traced to a great distance. In the center was an open space without any buildings, apparently the market-place.”[409] Again, at some sites travellers saw clearly streets within towns, as well as tomb streets outside them. Side’s grid was easily followed in the seventeenth century,[410] but no longer. Many tomb looters did not know the value that Westerners would attribute to what they found, generally believing whatever they discovered to be of value to a Westerner. Many were consequently disillusioned, and reacted badly to deflating bargaining: “Cette confiance est si ridicule que nous cherchons à la détruire, et nous évaluons au plus juste prix toutes les pièces de la collection. Peine inutile. Le vieux est désolé, mais point convaincu: posément, les yeux courroucés, les mains nerveuses, il ferme le médaillier et repousse le tiroir.”[411] Standing Walls and the Dangers of Demolition Given earthquakes, collecting antiquities on ancient sites was easy, but Butler (who gives an excellent account of spoliation of the temple)[412]

125 Kalinowski 2005, 494–5 for stone-robbing and tomb-robbing at Bir Ftouha, Carthage.



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surmises that, at Sardis, toppling a column to reuse its elements was too difficult and dangerous. So it was toppled and damaged blocks which went to the kilns from the fourth century onwards. One period of dismantling is fixed as 569/615, from the evidence of coins between these dates, and some partly-broken blocks and iron tools.[413] On this same site, indeed, there is little activity from 668 to 867, suggesting to the excavators a great landslide which protected the antiquities it buried from further harm,[414] but only after “the entire middle section of the temple was broken up and carried away at least as early as the seventh century.”[415] Chandler reports on what disappeared at Sardis between 1699 and 1775, but not by what agency.[416] Why did so many antique and late antique walls, often of bath or gymnasium complexes, remain standing into the nineteenth century? This might derive from the solidity or otherwise of their construction, as already noted. Antique walls with rubble cores (such as baths) or built with immense dry-laid and clamped blocks were at danger only from serious earthquakes. But late antique walls are not noted for their structure let alone for their elegance. Just what could be done with such walls varied. At Magnesia in 1775, Chandler found that a Turk had bought a structure on the acropolis, but “the arcade is too solid a building to be easily and suddenly demolished”[417] – although obviously he was going to tackle the job, in order to reuse its materials. Yet at Tralles/Aydin in the 1870s, Turkish masons did not attempt to dismantle a late antique wall because they thought the task too dangerous.[418] Rogers surmises that brick minarets were left alone for the same reason.126 Could this be because the techniques employed in their building were varied and unpredictable? Or, given that ancient cement could be notoriously tenacious, was it because such walls simply represented too much work for the rubble which would be liberated? Collapsed walls were certainly easier to plunder: for example, it is surmised that the colossal cult statues at Claros were attacked (an attack abandoned for some reason) only when the temple colonnade had fallen, and the column-drums and then the wall-blocks were removed: “les tambours des colonnes du côté ouest ont disparu d’abord pour faciliter les transports de pierre, puis les blocs des murs ont été évacués et l’on était en train de s’attaquer au groupe

126 Rogers 1976, 76, the Danishmendid minarets of the Great Mosques of Kayseri and Sivas “would almost certainly have been demolished for their baked brick, but for the fact that, like Victorian factory chimneys, it was too dangerous or costly to demolish them.”

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cultuel, désormais privé du mur de fond auquel il était adossé, lorsque l’exploitation s’arrêta.”127 Lime-kilns and the Depletion of Antiquities How much marble did the lime-burners destroy? Do numbers of accounts increase in the nineteenth century because there were more travellers shocked by the practice, or more kilns catering for an increased level of building? The following alphabetical survey indicates just how widespread was destruction for lime, and hence how much was needed for new building: Athens: here Galt attributed the disappearance of the columns of Jupiter Olympus to lime-burning.[419] But in 1812, the lime must have been exported from nearby Piraeus, for modern Athens did not then exist. Archaeologists have of course uncovered many kilns, as at Hierapolis.128 Only the dearth of remains can help to tell us. Cyzicus: the temple here was huge enough to be visible from far out to sea. Perhaps in decline by the seventh century (its mint closed in 616), the structure must have been dismantled for centuries, so that visitors in 1701,[420] let alone in 1835, do not even mention it.[421] The substructures remain, at least in part because their unsuitable stone could not be burned in the kilns.[422] These must be what Hamilton saw in 1842.[423] He does not mention the temple, while remarking that so little remains of the ancient site,[424] including the theatre, where he saw not one marble seat,[425] but this was because it had already been stripped by the 1730s.[426] Poor quality local granite has also been suggested for the degradation of Cyzicus (admittedly conveniently by the sea), with no large centres of population nearby. And there were to be even fewer ruins, for a kiln at Cyzicus was still in business in 1912.[427] Ephesus: of the enormous Temple of Diana, the Artemision, little remained, for it lay nearly 7 metres deep in the alluvium. Hence travellers (in any case frequently misled by the descriptions of ancient authors) invariably mis-identified something else at Ephesus as the remains, for example Falkener,[428] or the Duc de Raguse[429] – amazed by the grandeur of the Great Gymnasium.[430] When found, however, the pathetic 127 Holtzmann 1993. 128 D’Andria 2001 fig. 4.24 for Hierapolis in the fifth century-6thC, with destroyed agora occupied by lime kilns.



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and dog-eared remnants of the Temple provided witness to great mediaeval industry – for Wood found a fifteen-foot-wide limekiln on the very steps of that once-great temple.[431] Euromos: near Mylasa, in 1775, writes Chandler, “its marbles have been melted away, as it were piecemeal, in the furnaces for making lime, which are still in use, by the ruin.”[432] So active were they that Elliott in 1838 saw much less at the site.[433] But everything is relative. Euromos is still today one of the best-preserved of temples, partly because some of its elements were retrieved from an adjacent field-wall.[434] Again, it seems likely that a larger temple in the town itself, and seen standing by Pococke, satisfied much of the local needs.[435] Pergamon: a chance sighting by Carl Humann, who was engaged in building a road from Dikeli to Pergamon, prevented yet more of the Great Altar feeding the kilns129 – but much of the Trajaneum had already been stripped.130 Pompeiopolis: in 1868 Dumont describes a hive of activity and dismantling from dawn til dark.[436] A little later, in 1880, Guérin describes how column-shafts from the abundant colonnades were sapped there and overthrown, to be chopped into transportable lumps, or thrown into the kilns to obtain building materials for nearby Mersin,[437] whence materials had also been extracted since the 1860s.[438] In the same period, Collignon saw the city wall being dismantled for its blocks, to be used at Mersin, and feared for the survival of the remaining remnants of the colonnade.[439] Nor were Mut and Pompeiopolis the only towns with colonnades: Bodrum-kalessi also boasted them, with churches adjacent,[440] as did other sites in Pamphylia and Pisidia.131 Some of these monuments have survived, no doubt because this site is completely empty, “vide de toute habitation moderne.”[441] That was then: now there are multistorey blocks of flats directly behind the famous remnants of the colonnade. Samos: in 1843, Ross points out the loss of theatre seats and the limekiln in the orchestra.[442] Sestini, Pliny in hand in 1779, thought what he saw to be later structures.[443]

129 Queyrel 2005 31 for Pergamon: Carl Humann (1839–1896) was an engineer charged with programming road improvement; in 1865 and 1866 saw blocks going into the kilns, and had the Grand Vizir forbid the practice. Dörner 1989, 24–36 Das grosse Fernstrassenprojekt des Brüder Humann. 231–323 Forschungen und Unternehmungen in Kleinasien. 130 Millas 2005, 124–125 for aerial view of Perganum, Trajaneum, stripped of much of its marble. Radt 1999 for 120 Jahr der Pergamon-Grabung. 131 Rivalland 2012.

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Smyrna: local building needs here despatched the circus by the mideighteenth century,[444] the stones of which were probably already loosened and cast down by earthquakes.[445] Storks and Antiquities One inadvertant protector of antiquities in Asia Minor is the stork, much prized by the locals because thought to bring good fortune, and to kill locusts and snakes.[446] With its propensity for nesting as high as possible, antique columns were evidently favourite, meaning that these were left standing at several sites when otherwise they might have been toppled, as at Sardis.[447] Presumably such high places were left alone precisely to attract good fortune, rather than for any intrinsic value perceived in such antiquities. Hobhouse noticed them in the ruins of several ancient cities.[448] The Church of S. John at Pergamon was dilapidated but “covered with storks’ nests”,[449] and it was not the only structure there thus endowed and towering over the modern huts. For, as Fellows wrote in 1852, “triumphal arches and houses in ruins are to be seen in the town, with the Turks’ huts among them, bearing the same proportion to them as the nests of the storks to the ruined palaces, in which they alone now reign.”[450] At Ankara the huge column of marble drums (apparently believed by some Turks to be a grave marker)[451] was topped by several nests. Van Lennep records it in 1870: “We also visited a solitary column on the edge of the town in the same direction. It is 50 feet high, and of white marble. Most of the column is made of thin circular pieces of marble set upon each other. Much of the capital has fallen, and the rest will soon follow. The storks have made their nest upon the summit.”[452] The storks were still there in 1898.[453] At Aezani, one column was left standing by the Turks because it had a stork’s nest on top of it.[454] Storks were also able antiquities guardians at Philadelphia,[455] and at Enegil, the latter on another tall Roman column.[456] Fortress-Building from Antiquities Most late antique and post-antique fortresses were built from materials that lay to hand, thereby protecting them from casual destruction, and sometimes perhaps displaying them for decorative purposes. Indeed, Byzantine fortresses were common in Asia Minor, and travellers such as Hamilton were attracted to them partly by the antiquities they con-



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tained, but more especially by the possibility of finding inscriptions, as at a fortress near Aidinjik,[457] and then near Aksehir.[458] At Amyzon, the Byzantine fort incorporated many inscriptions, and architectural members which allowed a better knowledge of the sanctuary.[459] The finest surviving example is Parecchia, on Paros, where the town was still rich in antiquities in the early eighteenth century.[460] For many Turks, the very appellation “old fortress” (Eski Hissar) denoted hidden treasure, perhaps from knowledge hidden in the reused inscriptions.[461] Sometimes, indeed, such fortresses were actually built inside antique structures, as happened at Miletus.132 While the fortress-proper was on top of the theatre, the scenae frons was also sealed off in such a way that its marble architecture and statues, fallen in a heap, were in large part preserved, as Rayet observed in 1874.[462] Yet when Leake saw the residents fortifying Aksehir in 1824, they were using reeds and mud-bricks – not antiquities from the ruins.[463] At Ayasoluk, the walls were built in part from funerary antiquities so that, as Le Camus remarks, the dead were dispossessed to protect the living, utility triumphing over sentimentality: “Ainsi on a dépouillé les morts pour défendre les vivants. L’humanité est plus utilitaire que sentimentale.”[464] Indeed, it is probably a general principle that defences use whatever unassigned materials are to hand. The Aurelian Walls of Rome reused both brick and marble over several centuries of refurbishments;133 and the late-antique fortifications in France nearly always use antiquities; but this is not necessarily any indication of rush, only of convenience. This principle applies to all periods. For the siege of Cremna in 278, for example, older materials were reused in the towers – and the villagers of Çamlik were still collecting building materials from them in the 1960s,134 as were those of Ovacik in the 1970s.135 Much the same happened at Pergamon, where Kolb catalogues some repairs and the rebuilding of parts of the walls with architectural blocks, which were spolia placed on older foundations.136 And several Phrygian fortresses probably had their blocks reused in later structures, as at Karalar.[465] 132 Niewöhner 2009 for Byzantine Miletus. 133 Dey 2011: recycled bricks used in several sections, as proved by pre-Aurelian brick stamps; 63–67 also reused marble at gates such as Porta Appia (52–53); reuse of bricks also in the 8thC etc refurbishments. 134 Mitchell 1995, 190–191. 135 Harrison 1979, 237. 136 Kolb 2004, 185–186. Complains 186 of blinkered view of various scholars who avaient à charge un dossier limité, une seule entité architectural ou un seul type de document, en

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In late antiquity and after, town walls were no longer of much use, at least in part because populations had shrunk and such large areas, even if inhabitable, were not defensible. Unless the town enceintes were very small,[466] even smaller fortresses were the answer, usually built (for obvious reasons) where earlier ones had been, and using whatever materials were nearby – another indication of reduced manpower.137 Some sites were part-protected by water. At Nicaea in the fourteenth century, Ibn Battuta probably mistook the overflow from untended aqueducts as simply the embrace of the lake. Such forts were presumably defended by ballistae and other throwing machines, evidence for them being provided by the balls used, of which there is still a plentiful (Hellenistic?) supply at Pergamon.138 This was itself a fortress built from antiquities,[467] as were the later city walls.139 There is even an example of technological misuse at Pergamon, provided by an innovative and dangerous gunpowder battery. This was raised in the Genoese fort by boring out classical columns and providing them with touch-holes,[468] and was being dismantled when Elliott saw it in 1838,[469] but one “cannon” was still there in 1845.[470] Morritt in 1794 walked up the acropolis on a causeway formed of column-shafts, thought of the “the whimsical engineers” who erected the battery, and concluded that “if fired, they would do much more harm to their neighbours than to the enemy.”[471] Part of the fortress140 included a Byzantine wall, no less than 6m thick, and containing the famous reliefs.[472] Byzantine walls were excellent places in which to find antiquities, since they were frequently constructed largely from them. Edhem-Bey, for example, found a négligeant et minimisant les incursions enemies, ils n’ont pas mis en relation ces traces manifestes de destructions avec les actes de violence guerrière. Crow 2007, 280 for estimates of the enormous manpower requirements of building the walls of Constantinople and other infrastructure such as water supply. 137 Niewöhner 2010 for change from decoration to practicality: Golden Gate, Aphrodisias, Sagalassos and Hierapolis, plus Miletus with spolia also built in (fig. 8). 138 Kohl 2004, 190–191 for the arsenals with their nearly 1,000 boulets, which author thinks are outgoing, not incoming [but why so many abandoned?]. Author thinks the boulets were abandoned during the Hellenistic period, and that the “arsenals” might in fact be granaries, given the dozen hand-mills found nearby. 139 Klinkott 2001, Pl.1.5 and 1.6 for spolia including column drums from Temple of Athena in wall A3–4 and wall A4–5, by the arsenal at the very top of the hill, and not adjacent to the temple. Pl. 18 for the late Roman wall at the bottom of the hill near the town, and also the corner tower C3, built with spolia similar to those in the late Roman wall C2c-d, so recycling again. Ditto pl. 20, 21, showing late Byzantine reuse down by the town. 109–110 for listing of earthquakes in Asia Minor, 3rdC-14thC. Abb. 6–10 for plans of the fortifications from late Roman, early Byzantine, Commnenian, Laskarid and Palaeologan periods. 140 Liebeschuetz 2001, 48 Byzantine wall with Great Altar material at Pergamon done to make a castron, “a refuge for the population living in the settlement in the plain.”



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figured bas-relief in a wall at Alabanda,[473] and another in a trench.[474] Consequently we find such antiquities-rich walls all over Asia Minor, such as in the agora at Miletus, changed by the erection of such a wall, and a watchtower.141 Such walls were overwhelmingly parts of later fortifications, serving a shrunken community and therefore employing materials that such a community no longer needed. And on the south coast, in Cilicia Tracheia, several prosperous antique communities had their antiquities removed for fortress-building, such as by the Armenians for Korykos itself.[475] Here a few huts with embedded antiquities survived into the 1850s,[476] and other abutted temples or sarcophagi: “quelques huttes adossées aux temples, aux sarcophages, ou fixées dans les interstices des dalles, un petit nombre de familles turques ont établi dans ces parages leurs quartiers d’hiver.”[477] There had been marble colonnades in the fifteenth century.[478] No considerable towns survived.[479] Korykos was also far from the only Armenian fortress that reused antiquities.142 The city of Ankara, once walled, and still with a fortified citadel, has been much tidied-up and built over during the past century. Presumably the first clean-up of antique-rich houses was when it became the capital of Turkey in 1923, not coincidentally at a time when European modernity had hold of forward-thinkers and builders in Turkey. Ankara stood in a plain which probably contained as many ancient ruins as did that around Konya. It was a city of remnants, not of standing antique structures, with in 1700 “nothing in the Streets but Pillars and old Marbles.”[480] Its streets were strewn with marble and a pinkish porphyry, as Tournefort wrote in 1718, incorporating columns smooth, cylindrical, spiral and decorated: “la plupart des colomnes sont lisses & cilindriques, quelques-unes canelées en spire, les plus singulières sont ovales, ornées d’une plate-bande par devant & par derrière laquelle, règne aussi tout le long du piédestal & du chapiteau.”[481] Little changed for a century and a half for, as Van Lennep remarked in 1870: “remains of ancient art and splendour are met with at every step.”[482] Outside the city, in 1842 Ainsworth noted “several massive but irregular ruins of temples, guard-houses, and other public buildings.”[483] The amphitheatre had also gone by 1891, except for the foundation blocks, “too heavy to remove, and being composed of granite were too hard to break up.” But there still survived “here and there a

141  Cain and Pfanner 2009. 142 Voisin 2002 for an illustrated survey, including Ayas and Anamur.

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marble cornice of great size, or fluted marble column reclined half in and half out of the ground, whilst in the town itself in almost every courtyard handsome capitals may be seen used as horse blocks, or, having had a round hole cut in the flat surface at the top, are converted into mortars to pound corn in.”[484] Ankara also had town walls, partly rebuilt in the nineteenth century,[485] full of antiquities, and including lions “as large as life, when Kinneir saw them in 1818.”[486] But this was not all, for material from what Kinneir thought might have been the amphitheatre was also being removed,[487] an indication of how early that site was looted. However, there was plenty to loot, for the approach to Ankara was across a landscape strewn with antiquities, both in cemeteries, and the ruins of unrecognisable buildings, “les ruines informes de plusieurs vieux edifices,”[488] described by Poujoulat in 1840 as mere débris.[489] Some of these structures evidently went early into the city walls, where the Smyrna Gate is described in 1818 as built partly from sculptures and temple fragments, sometimes large ones.[490] This was apparently a triple wall, and Gallois in 1907 notes their use of antiquities.[491] The city walls were probably demolished soon afterwards, and the materials used in modern buildings. Indeed, many fragments were built into the city walls, and lay along the roads outside the city. The north-west gate, for example, had jambs “made of fine cornices standing on end.”[492] The walls of the citadel of Ankara, perhaps seventh century in date, have survived. They contain large quantities of antiquities pagan and Christian, plus stone pipes from the siphon tapping an aqueduct.143 This was proof positive that the water system at this height was not functioning when they were built. Many antiquities are displayed, including basreliefs on one of the gates, which have now disappeared, but which were described by Kinneir in 1818.[493] These were obviously sited intentionally, but this is not necessarily the case with all the antiquities. Inscriptions were placed some face-inward, some face-outward, and other antiquities (herms, pedestals, cornices) are clearly heaped into the wall as they came to hand, without anything we might recognise as aesthetic balance: “They have indifferently made use of Pillars, Architraves, Capitals, Bases, and other antient Pieces, intermingled with Masonry, to build the Wall, especially in the Towers and Gates, which nevertheless are not at all the more beautiful; for the Towers are square, and the Gates plain.”[494] Was 143 Foss 1977, 64.



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the citadel at Ankara still a military installation during part of the nineteenth century? By its end, it was used to house foreign migrants, and gypsies also lived there.[495] Kinneir, admiring the lions in the citadel, suggests that “I conjecture that some great building must have once stood near this place, as an adjoining mosque abounds with the most beautiful columns.”[496] These great buildings certainly received a new lease of life as spolia in adjacent mosques.144 The twelfth-century Alaadin Mosque, close by the citadel walls, incorporates a portico of marble shafts and miscellaneous capitals, and with elegant altars as gateposts. The Aslanhane Mosque (1290) has a marble entrance, and miscellaneous antiquities in its walls; inside, splendid capitals are supported by tall wooden trunks; the tombs in its precincts also contain many spolia. The Ahi Elvan Mosque, of 1413, also has tall wooden trunks supporting a variety of antique marble capitals. Conceivably, Ankara retained so much into the twentieth century because her population apparently halved over the course of the nineteenth century, and business declined. But Chantre in 1896 believed the railway and schools would revive the city, helped by the modernisation inculcated in the schools by Christian teachers: “Mais, espérons-le, le chemin de fer, puis la création récente d’écoles parfaitement dirigées par des Frères de la doctrine chrétienne et des religieuses arméniennes, dont quelques-unes sont venues faire leurs études en France, auront une heureuse influence sur la nouvelle génération.”[497] 1  Spon_&_Wheler_1679_ 151–152 [ ]  2  Galt_1812_236 [ ]  3  Ramsay_1902_261 [ ]  4  Ramsay_1902_262 [ ]  5  Texier_1862_331 [ ]  6  Emerson_1829_100–101 [ ]  7  Stochove_1643_17 [ ]  8  Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_ I_31 [ ]  9  Lawson_1910_339 [ ]  10  Bell_1906–1907_I_388 [ ]  11  Collignon_1880–1897_ 12–13 [ ]  12  Bell_1906–1907_I_10 [ ]  13  Alishan_1899_224 [ ] 

14]  Bent_1890b_233 15]  Clarke_1817_145–146 [ ]  16  Layard_1903_I_179b [ ]  17  Hamilton_1842_I_461b [ ]  18  Laborde_1838_69 [ ]  19  Le_Camus_1889_I_361 [ ]  20  Clarke_1817_VII_163–5 [ ]  21  Clarke_1817_VII_161–2 [ ]  22  Jomard_1818_II_55 [ ]  23  Denon_1803_I_375 [ ]  24  Emerson_1829_81 [ ]  25  Stephens_1842_176 [ ]  26  Burgess_1835_55 [ ]  27  Wood_1877_256 [ ]  28  Alishan_1899_330–331 [ ]  29  Beaufort_1820_33 [ ]  30  Layard_1903_I_197–198 [ [

31]  Langlois_1858–1859_ 750 [ ]  32  Irby_1823_523 [ ]  33  Langlois_1861_115–116 [ ]  34  Langlois_1854b_40 [ ]  35  Chandler_1825_I_183– 184 [ ]  36  Chandler_1825_I_181 [ ]  37  Spon_&_Wheler 1679_I_271b [ ]  38  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_ II_190–191 [ ]  39  Cousin_1898_363 [ ]  40  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_224 [ ]  41  Smith_&_Dwight_ 1834_5–6 [

144 Öney 1971, 17–20 and plates 1–10 for Alaeddin Camii dated to late 1178; 20–24 and pl.11–28 for Arslanhane Camii, dated to late 13thC; 111–113 and pl. 193–196 for Ahi Serafeddin Türbesi, with many reused elements e.g. doorframe, dated 1330.

142 42]  Fellows_1839_21 43]  Le_Camus_1896_241 [ ]  44  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_226 [ ]  45  Leake_1824_40 [ ]  46  Elliott_1838_II_109 [ ]  47  Le_Brun_I_1725_191 [ ]  48  Fellows_1852_83 [ ]  49  Leake_1824_11 [ ]  50  Poujoulat_1840_I_183 [ ]  51  Mac_Farlane_1850_ I_359 [ ]  52  Perrot_1867_51 [ ]  53  Hammer_1820_302–303 [ ]  54  Marcellus_1839_I_ 151–152 [ ]  55  Newton_&_Pullan_ 1862–63_529–530 [ ]  56  Beulé_1873_262 [ ]  57  Texier_1835_492 [ ]  58  Duc_de_Raguse_ 1837_I_190–191 [ ]  59  Texier_1862_339 [ ]  60  Reinach_1902_284–285 [ ]  61  Rolleston_1856_105 [ ]  62  Pococke_1772_V_ 114–115 [ ]  63  Jaubert_1842_130 [ ]  64  Reinach_1904_358 [ ]  65  Edhem_Bey_1904_56–57 [ ]  66  Bailie_1843_127 [ ]  67  Reinach_1904_350–351 [ ]  68  Hawley_1918_184 [ ]  69  Le_Camus_1896_160 [ ]  70  Le_Camus_1896_163b [ ]  71  Le_Camus_1896_165 [ ]  72  Hawley_1918_184 [ ]  73  Rott_1908_19 [ ]  74  Deschamps_1894_213 [ ]  75  Arundell_1828_64 [ ]  76  Fellows_1839_276 [ ]  77  Chandler_1825_I_34–35 [ ]  78  Tchihatchef_1869_ 42–43 [ ]  79  Waddington_1853_ 111–112 [ ]  80  Trémaux_1861_162 [ ]  81  Fellows_1852_26 [ ]  82  Fellows_1852_26–27 [ ]  83  Dallaway_1797_302 [ ]  84  Hoskyn_1842_ 148–149; Hoskyn_ 1842_150 [ ]  85  Conder_1830_215

chapter two 86]  Michon_1893_412–413 87]  Kinneir_1841_212–213 [ ]  88  Clarke_1818_VII_112 [ ]  89  Ansted_1863_335–6 [ ]  90  Leake_1835_I_429 [ ]  91  Leake_1835_IV_288 [ ]  92  Bent_1890_445 [ ]  93  Leake_1824_156 [ ]  94  Spratt_&_Forbes_ 1847_I_165 [ ]  95  Tchihatchef_1854_86 [ ]  96  Tchihatchef_1854_ 70–71 [ ]  97  Ramsay_1890_82–88 [ ]  98  Ramsay_1887_462–463 [ ]  99  Tchihatchef_1850_725 [ 100]  Sterrett_1888_4 [ ]  101  Lechat_&_Radet_ 1887_404 [ 102]  Roberts_1738_116 [ 103]  Waddington_1853_46 [ 104]  Beaufort_1818_81–82 [ 105]  Turner_1820_III_32 [ 106]  Newton_1865_II_ 170–171 [ 107]  Tromelin_1800_3 [ 108]  De_Brèves_1628_23 [ 109]  Tromelin_1800_2v [ ]  110  Mac_Farlane_1850_I_ 290–291 [ ]  111  Monk_1851_I_69–70 [ ]  112  Taylor_1855_296 [ ]  113  Keppel_1831_II_204– 205 [ ]  114  Le_Bas_1888_146 [ ]  115  Sterrett_1907_4–5 [ ]  116  Mitford_1974_221a [ ]  117  Anderson_1898_82–83 [ ]  118  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_I_271 [ ]  119  Le_Camus_1896_187 [ 120]  Pococke_1772_V_142 [ ]  121  Bailie_1843_127–128 [ 122]  Choisy_1876_254–255 [ 123]  Mengous_1830_239 [ 124]  Le_Camus_1896_193 [ 125]  Poujoulat_1840_I_58 [ 126]  Chandler_1817_I_269 [ 127]  Saint-Martin_1852_ II_193–4 [ 128]  Seetzen_1855_III_367 [ 129]  Pococke_1772_V_ 143–144 [ 130]  Hawley_1918_195–196

131]  Jaubert_1842_125 132]  Cochran_1887_ 246–248 [ 133]  Conder_1830_241 [ 134]  Galt_1813_276 [ 135]  Van_Egmont_1759_ 123–124 [ 136]  Claridge_1837_183 [ 137]  Gédoyn_1909_148–149 [ 138]  Galt_1813_289–290 [ 139]  Tournefort_1741_357 [ 140]  Arundell_1834_II_ 252–253 [ ]  141  Jaubert_1842_127 [ 142]  Perrot_1867_68–69 [ 143]  Perrot_1867_87–88 [ 144]  Mendel_1909_350 [ 145]  Renoüard_de_ Bussierre_1829_I_154 [ 146]  Tournefort_1741_307 [ 147]  Mendel_1909_404ff [ 148]  Burgess_1835_138 [ 149]  Mendel_1900_363 [ 150]  Jaubert_1842_144 [ ]  151  Tchihatchef_1854_ 54–55 [ 152]  Tchihatchef_1854_ 55–56 [ 153]  Walker_1886_II_107 [ 154]  Walker_1886_II_160–161 [ 155]  Bailie_1843_138 [ 156]  Cuinet_1894_III_515b [ 157]  Cuinet_1894_III_476b [ 158]  Paton_&_Myres_ 1896_241 [ 159]  Hamilton_1842_II_ 17–19 [ 160]  Budge_1925_198–199 [ ]  161  Perrot_1864_468 [ 162]  Chantre_1898_117–118 [ 163]  Turner_1820_III_54 Bodrum [ 164]  Waddington_1853_48b [ 165]  Jeppesen 2002, 138. [ 166]  Fellows_1841_119–120 [ 167]  Leake_1820_204–205 [ 168]  Hamilton_1842_I_156 [ 169]  Ainsworth_1839_234 [ 170]  Hamilton_1842_II_11 [ ]  171  Burgess_1835_121 [ 172]  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_I_163 [ 173]  Bussière_1829_169–70

[

[

[

[

[

[



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174]  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_1835_II_130 [ 175]  Walpole_1817_91 [ 176]  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_261–262 [ 177]  Hamilton_1842_II_302 [ 178]  Cousin_1900_33 [ 179]  Castellan_1820_69–70 [ 180]  Hobhouse_1817_ 118–119 [ ]  181  MacGill_1808_II_144 [ 182]  Hamilton_1842_II_166 [ 183]  Duc_de_Raguse_ 1837_I_158 [ 184]  Picard_&_Macridy_ Bey_1915_33–34 [ 185]  Edhem-Bey_1905_444 [ 186]  Macridy_1912_42–43 [ 187]  Emerson_1829_82. [ 188]  Tavernier_1682_54 [ 189]  Duc_de_Raguse_ 1837_I_181–182 [ 190]  Tchihatchef_1854_70 [ ]  191  Anderson_1903_40 [ 192]  Irby_1823_516 [ 193]  Fellows_1852_35 [ 194]  Chandler_1825_I_266 [ 195]  Robert_1961_176b [ 196]  Stochove_1643_216b [ 197]  Waddington_1853_3 [ 198]  Admiralty_1882_46 [ 199]  Hamilton_1842_I_ 91–92 [ 200]  Favre_&_Mandrot_ 1878_126–127 [ 201]  Texier_1862_581 [ 202]  Layard_1903_I_169–170 [ 203]  Mac_Farlane_1850_ I_356 [ 204]  Fellows_1841_6 [ 205]  Tromelin_1800_13 [ 206]  Gallois_1906_58 [ 207]  Huntington_1909_692 [ 208]  Van_Egmont_1759_ 148 [ 209]  Cockerell_1903_144 [ 210]  Keppel_1831_II_326 [ ]  211  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_265 [ 212]  Tournefort_1718_II_ 196 [ 213]  Tchihatchef_1854_ 92–93 [ 214]  Tchihatchef_1868_152 [

215]  Favre_&_Mandrot_ 1878_143–144 [ 216]  Texier_1846–1847_728 [ 217]  Anon Reviewer 1840, 403 [ 218]  Clarke_1898_14 [ 219]  Clarke_1882_29 [ 220]  Leake_1820_254–255 [ 221]  Fellows_1839_47–48 [ 222]  Racznski_1830_210–211 [ 223]  Clarke_1882_12–14 [ 224]  Clarke_1881_28 [ 225]  Clarke_1898_73 [ 226]  Clarke_1882_14 [ 227]  Reinach_1891_33 [ 228]  Clarke_1882_42 [ 229]  Mac_Farlane_1850_ I_262–263 [ 230]  Sterrett_1888_52–53 [ 231]  Fellows_1839_52 [ 232]  Ludlow_1882_355 [ 233]  Clarke_1881_29–30 [ 234]  Walpole_1817_130 [ 235]  Clarke_1898_112–113 [ 236]  Reinach_1890_527 [ 237]  Hamilton_1842_II_ 102–103 [ 238]  Rustafjaell_1902_174 [ 239]  Rustafjaell_1902_186 [ 240]  Porter_1835_215 [ 241]  Hasluck_1910_21 [ 242]  Hasluck_1910_6 [ 243]  Reinach_1890_ 540–542 [ 244]  Reinach_1890_ 543–544 [ 245]  Hasluck_1910_10b [ 246]  Reinach_1890_522 [ 247]  Mendel_1909_ 251–252 [ 248]  Stochove_1643_206 [ 249]  Le_Brun_I_1725_ 188–189 [ 250]  Caylus_1766_II_220 [ 251]  Pococke_1772_V_286 [ 252]  Sestini_1785_18 [ 253]  Sestini_1785_51 [ 254]  Sestini_1785_30–31 [ 255]  Lechevalier_1800_26 [ 256]  Porter_1835_215–217 [ 257]  Perrot_&_Guillaume_ 1864_354–356 [ 258]  Perrot_1872_I_72 [ 259]  Rustafjaell_1902_187 [

143

260]  Rustafjaell_1902_176 261]  Robert_1978B_453 [ 262]  Teule_1842_86 [ 263]  Reinaud_1829_227 [ 264]  Roland_1987_395 [ 265]  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_263 [ 266]  Pococke_1772_V_133 [ 267]  Fellows_1839_281 [ 268]  Walpole_1820_221 [ 269]  Arundell_1828_ 84–85 [ 270]  Arundell_1828_157–8 [ 271]  Elliott_1838_97 [ 272]  Fellows_1841_270 [ 273]  Fellows_1852_211 [ 274]  Hamilton_1842_I_515 [ 275]  Choisy_1876_241–243 [ 276]  Chandler_1825_I_ 282–283 [ 277]  Fellows_1841_269 [ 278]  Choisy_1876_243b [ 279]  Ramsay_1897_I_2_635 [ 280]  Clark_1914_144 [ 281]  Lechevalier_1800_38 [ 282]  Galt_1812_298 [ 283]  Chesneau_1887_61 [ 284]  Dernschwam_1986_ 153–4 [ 285]  Grélois_2003_119 [ 286]  Busbecq_I_1881_ 134–135 [ 287]  Dernschwam_1986_ 155 [ 288]  Morritt_1914_100–101 [ 289]  Galt_1812_298 [ 290]  Dallaway_1797_160 [ 291]  Marcellus_1839_I_133 [ 292]  Dupré_1819_I_4 [ 293]  Porter_1835_91–92 [ 294]  Marcellus_1839_I_134 [ 295]  Ainsworth_1842_I_25 [ 296]  Perrot_1867_44 [ 297]  Perrot_1864_446 [ 298]  Le_Brun_I_1725_194 [ 299]  Ainsworth_1839_217 [ 300]  Moustier_1864_228 [ 301]  Perrot_1872_I_3–4 [ 302]  Langlois_1854b_67 [ 303]  Langlois_1861_292 [ 304]  Langlois_1854b_54 [ 305]  Beaufort_1820_69 [ 306]  Langlois_1854b_66–67 [ 307]  Langlois_1854b_73 [ [

144 308]  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_137 [ 309]  Cockerell_1903_191 [ 310]  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_136 [ ]  311  Alishan_1899_311 [ 312]  Langlois_1854a_19 [ 313]  Chandler_1825_I_ 119–120 [ 314]  Collignon_1880– 1897_96–98 [ 315]  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_I_227 [ 316]  Tournefort_1718_II_194 [ 317]  Elliott_1838_109–110 [ 318]  Burgess_1835_102 [ 319]  Burgess_1835_104 [ 320]  Tournefort_1718_II_93 [ 321]  Burgess_1835_6 [ 322]  Bailie_1843_136 [ 323]  Choisy_1876_298 [ 324]  Fellows_1839_23 [ 325]  Seroux_d’Agincourt_ 1826_I_86–87 [ 326]  Andréossy_1828_ XVII–XVIII [ 327]  Fellows_1852_71 [ 328]  Stochove_1643_216 [ 329]  Clarke_1817_191 [ 330]  Della_Valle_1843_I_11 [ 331]  Gontaut-Biron_ 1889_349 [ 332]  Olivier_1800_II_72 [ 333]  Hammer_1844_I_ 222–223 [ 334]  Hammer_1844_III_158 [ 335]  Sterrett_1885_82 [ 336]  Mrs_Walker_1886_ 162–3 [ 337]  Teule_1842_371 [ 338]  Gédoyn_1909_124–125 [ 339]  Ousterhout_2008_ 140–146 [ 340]  Eton_1798_209 [ 341]  Bent_1893_179–180 [ 342]  Chesneau_1887_26 [ 343]  Hasluck_1929_I_ 354–355 [ 344]  Claridge_1837_141 [ 345]  Porter_1755–1756_118 [ 346]  Perrot_1863_322 [ 347]  Porter_1835_208 [ 348]  Poujoulat_1840_I_138 [ 349]  Henzen_1861_121 [

chapter two 350]  Hammer_1844_III_390 351]  Perrot_1872_I_12 [ 352]  Hamilton_1842_II_88 [ 353]  Ludlow_1882_353 [ 354]  Clarke_1882_38 [ 355]  Van_Lennep_1870_ II_211–212 [ 356]  Caldavène_1837_ 160–161 [ 357]  Beaufort_1818_96 [ 358]  Cochran_1887_250 [ 359]  Ainsworth_1844_16 [ 360]  Le_Camus_1896_176 [ 361]  Fellows_1841_269 [ 362]  Ainsworth_1844_17 [ 363]  Arundell 1834, II 172 [ 364]  Durbin_1845_127–128 [ 365]  Wood_1877_182 [ 366]  Hawley_1918_163 [ 367]  Beaufort_1818_ 189–190 [ 368]  Viquesnel_1868_II_149 [ 369]  Trémaux_1861_ 164–165 [ 370]  Conder_1830_151–152 [ 371]  Hoskyn_1842_156 [ 372]  Pococke_1772_V_136 [ 373]  Fellows_1839_282b [ 374]  Le_Camus_1896_198 [ 375]  Pococke_1772_V_ 78–79 [ 376]  Dallaway_1797_195 [ 377]  Conder_1830_165–166 [ 378]  Dallaway_1797_307 [ 379]  Durbin_1845_163 [ 380]  Beaufort_1818_153 [ 381]  Irby_1823_523 [ 382]  Chandler_1817_I_70 [ 383]  Pococke_1772_V_105 [ 384]  Conder_1830_211 [ 385]  Reinach_1891_87 [ 386]  Hoskyn_1842_146 [ 387]  Béquignon_&_ Laumonier_1925_286 [ 388]  Pococke_1772_V_35 [ 389]  Pococke_1772_V_ 36–37 [ 390]  Hamilton_1837_38–39 [ 391]  Cesnola_1878_202 [ 392]  Elliott_1838_70 [ 393]  Shaw_1814_587 [ 394]  Davis_1874_198b [ 395]  Colonna-Ceccaldi_ 1882_27–28 [ [

396]  Hammer-Purgstall_ 1811_97 [ 397]  Hamilton_1842_II_7–8 [ 398]  Fellows_1841_62–63 [ 399]  Hamilton_1842_II_371 [ 400]  Ross_1852_29 [ 401]  Fellows_1841_34–35 [ 402]  Hommaire_de_ Hell_1854_I_157–158 [ 403]  Walpole_1820_238 [ 404]  Duchesne_1880_ 203–204 [ 405]  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_370–371 [ 406]  Leake_1824_44 [ 407]  Purdy_1826_297 [ 408]  Bell_1906–1907_I_412 [ 409]  Ainsworth_1844_27 [ 410]  Stochove_1643_ 258–259 [ ]  411  Ouvré_1896_63–64 [ 412]  Butler_1910_408–410 [ 413]  Butler_1925_12 [ 414]  Butler_1925_13 [ 415]  Butler_1922_28 [ 416]  Chandler_1825_I_318 [ 417]  Chandler_1825_I_259 [ 418]  Rayet_&_Thomas_ 1877_53 [ 419]  Galt_1812_185–186 [ 420]  Veryard_1701_340 [ 421]  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_1835_II_159 [ 422]  Hasluck_1910_10–11b [ 423]  Hamilton_1842_II_100 [ 424]  Hamilton_1842_II_ 103b [ 425]  Hamilton_1842_II_101 [ 426]  Pococke_1811_714 [ 427]  Banks_1912_20 [ 428]  Falkener_1862_18–19 [ 429]  Duc_de_Raguse_ 1837_II_174–175 [ 430]  Wood_1877_28 [ 431]  Wood_1877_238b [ 432]  Chandler_1825_I_ 245–246 [ 433]  Elliott_1838_II_162– 163 [ 434]  Dubois_1881_98 [ 435]  Dubois_1881_31 [ 436]  Dumont_1868_II_ 238–241 [ 437]  Guérin_1880_I_16–17 [



decline and recycling of ancient settlements

438]  Kotschy_1862_ 369–370 [ 439]  Collignon_1880– 1897_93–94 [ 440]  Alishan_1899_230 [ 441]  Robert_1961_175 [ 442]  Ross_1843_128 [ 443]  Sestini_1789_49–51 [ 444]  Drummond_1754_117 [ 445]  Arvieux_1_38 [ 446]  Elliott_1838_37 [ 447]  Fritz von Farenheid 1875, 68–70 [ 448]  Hobhouse_1817_90 [ 449]  Elliott_1838_125–126 [ 450]  Fellows_1852_26 [ 451]  Tournefort_II_1718_ 349 [ 452]  Van_Lennep_1870_ II_191–192 [ 453]  Warkworth_1898_ 10–11 [ 454]  Mac_Farlane_1850_ I_287–288 [ 455]  Elliott_1838_87 [ 456]  Rott_1908_117 [

457]  Hamilton_1839b_ 158–159 [ 458]  Hamilton_1839b_ 169 [ 459]  Robert_1953_408 [ 460]  Tournefort_1718_I_76 [ 461]  Fellows_1841_76 [ 462]  Rayet_1874_10–11 [ 463]  Leake_1824_41 [ 464]  Le_Camus_1896_141 [ 465]  Anderson_1899_55 [ 466]  Ibn_Battuta_1877_ II_323 [ 467]  Elliott_1838_129–130 [ 468]  Dallaway_1797_303 [ 469]  Elliott_1838_129 [ 470]  Durbin_1845_161–162 [ 471]  Morritt_1914_135 [ 472]  Cogordan_1882_569 [ 473]  Edhem-Bey_1905_ 457–458 [ 474]  Edhem-Bey_1906_407 [ 475]  Collignon_&_ Duchesne_1877_374 [ 476]  Langlois_1861_110 [

145

477]  Tchihatchef_1854_ 136–137 [ 478]  Alishan_1899_399 [ 479]  Roberts_1738_116b [ 480]  Tournefort_1741_290a [ 481]  Tournefort_1718_II_180 [ 482]  Van_Lennep_1870_ II_175 [ 483]  Ainsworth_1842_I_ 132–133 [ 484]  Barkley_1891_104–105 [ 485]  Perrot_1872_I_267 [ 486]  Kinneir_1818_69 [ 487]  Kinneir_1818_67–68 [ 488]  Perrot_1863_128 [ 489]  Poujoulat_1840_I_275 [ 490]  Kinneir_1818_67 [ 491]  Gallois_1907_142 [ 492]  Van_Lennep_1870_ II_180 [ 493]  Kinneir_1818_72 [ 494]  Tournefort_1741_291_ &_294 [ 495]  Chantre_1896–1898_ 416 [ 496]  Kinneir_1818_71–72 [ 497]  Chantre_1896_416 [



appendix

[ ] 1  Spon_&_Wheler_1679_150–151 Alexandria Troas, which he calls “Troye”: Quand nous fûmes prés du lieu où étoit la Ville, nous vîmes quantité de colonnes, dont il n’y en a pas une entière avec le chapiteau. A l’extrémité de la Ville du côté de la Tramontane est le Port de Troye, que l’Antiquité à rendu célèbre y mais présentement l’entrée en est bouchée, Se il y relie peu d’eau dans le bassin, qui est presque tout comblé de sables. Les pieds des colonnes qui restent autour font juger que son circuit étoit d’environ quinze cens pas. Ces colonnes ayant été toutes rongées par l’air, ne paroillent pas plus belles que la pierre ordinaire; mais on ne laille pas de remarquer qu’elles étoient de marbre granité d’Egypte. La rade servoit aussi de Port, ce qu’il est aisé de juger par quantité de colonnes & de piliers qui y restent. Il y a même dans un endroit des degrez de marbre, & proche de là deux ou trois tombeaux dont la figure n’est guère differente dé ceux des Romains qui sont à Arles. Leur conformité me fait avoir cette opinion, & m’empêche de croire que ce soient des monumens des anciens Troyens. [ ] 2  Galt_1812_236 “Salonika, after Athens, possesses the best remains of antiquity that we had met with; but none of them are in so pure a taste, nor so well preserved, as to tempt the attention of artists. / In the course of walking round this city, we had occasion to pass through one of the cemeteries; but the horrible effluvia from the graves obliged us to alter our course. The Turks do not make use of coffins. Having deposited the dead, they place over the body a few thin pieces of wood, and then cover it with earth. Heavy rain has often the effect of opening passages down to the putrifying mass, occasioning that pernicious and terrible smell which we experienced, and to which may, in some degree, be attributed the frequency of pestilential diseases in Turkey.” [ ] 3  Ramsay_1902_261: “But, if the Roman social fabric survived the sufferings of those terrible centuries, when Arab raids were to be dreaded every year, the suffering was terrible. The Roman civilization had weakened the stamina of the nation, and a long continuance of peace had made the general population feeble, unwarlike, perfectly content to be defended by a professional army, which had become almost a caste.” [ ] 4  Ramsay_1902_262: “But the long-continued peace and prosperity of the Roman Empire had opened other roads. Taurus had never been an absolutely impassable barrier, and under the Roman peace many cities had grown and prospered in its highest grounds, where now no dwelling is known except a few black tents of nomads in the summer. Those cities, rich and prosperous, had improved the roads, and made it easy for the light raiding armies of the Arabs to cross the mountains. A large population of traders and artisans, clergy and schoolmasters, and other peaceful persons, was powerless before a small force of hardy barbarians, accustomed to weapons from infancy, regarding war as the one business of life and the chief duty of religion. Hence the Arab raiders could go where they pleased, ravage almost any city they chose, and easily avoid the slower regular armies of Roman trained soldiers; but they could hold nothing permanently beyond the line of Taurus. / If, at a later time, the more barbarous Turk achieved what the more polished and more fiery Arabs had failed to do, the Turkish triumph exemplified the only way in which barbarism can conquer a civilized and organized society, apart from practical extermination, viz. by breaking up the fabric and constitution of society and reducing it once more to an aggregation of disconnected atoms.” [ ] 5  Texier_1862_331 earthquakes: Si nous ne pouvons préciser l’époque où eut lieu la destruction des temples et des villes antiques nous pouvons du moins déterminer la direction qu’a suivie la secousse qui a renversé les plus beaux temples de l’Ionie, et la largeur de la zone ébranlée. Les villes de Téos, Claros, Priène, Branchyde et Magnésie du Méandre sont situées sur une ligne dans la direction de l’est-nord-est et ouest-sud-ouest; toutes ces villes étaient ornées de temples de marbre blanc, presque tous d’ordre ionique. Tous ces monuments gisent aujourd’hui étendus sur le sol; mais on voit que leur destruction n’est pas l’ouvrage des hommes, car toutes les colonnes sont tombées ensemble et du même côté. Les chapiteaux et les frises sont dans leur position respective; et comme les fragments de fûts ont recouvert la partie qui est ordinairement décorée, il s’ensuit qu’on retrouve dans les décombres toutes les frises et les corniches parfaitement intactes.



full endnote texts chapter two

[ ] 6  Emerson_1829_100–101 Laodicea: “The remains of Laodicea, which are about three miles distant from Denizli, are situated on a low hill at the extremity of a plain, on either side of which flow the Asopus and Caprus to join the Lycus a short distance from the ruins. The remains of an aqueduct are the first which meet the eye on approaching from Denizli; but around the hill, in every direction, are remnants of theatres, an amphitheatre, an odeum, &c.; all which, from the solidity of their materials, or the circumstance of their being sunk into the hill, have been enabled to resist the shocks of earthquakes or of time. Interspersed with these are the vestiges of ruined walls, arches, inscribed slabs of stone, fallen columns, and sarcophagi; but not one perfect or very striking object meets the eye, all is alike desolate and decayed. The hill appears one tumulus of ruins, from which the masses of faded buildings that present themselves seem bursting above the surrounding soil. No wretched outcast dwells in the midst of it; it has long been abandoned to the owl and to the fox . . . Eski-hissar, a miserable village which has sprung from its ruins, contains about fifty inhabitants, of whom two only are Christians, and possess a small mill in the hamlet. / It is a melancholy and repulsive scene; and our only anxiety, after wandering for a few hours amidst the unsatisfactory ruins, was to hurry on towards Allah Shehr, the modern Philadelphia.” [ ] 7  Stochove_1643_17 Smyrna: fort sujette aux tremblemens de terre, lesquelz l’ont grandement travaillée et souvent ruinée, ce qu l’on cognoist quand l’on fouille soubz terre, y trouvant par tout quantité de pilliers de marbre et autres ruines. [ ] 8  Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_31 Patara: “At Patara we visited all the lions, which have been admirably described, long ago, by Captain Beaufort. Here are the triple arch, which formed the gate of the city, the baths, and the theatre. The latter is scooped out of the side of a hill, and is remarkable for the completeness of the proscenium and the steepness and narrow-ness of its marble seats. Above it is the singular pit, excavated on the summit of the same hill, with its central square column, conjectured, with probability, by Captain Beaufort to have been the seat of the oracle of Apollo Patareus. The stones of which the column is built are displaced from each other in a singular manner, as if by a revolving motion of an earthquake.” [ ] 9  Lawson_1910_339 Santorini: “a story which I had from the lips of an aged peasant of the village of Gonia (the ‘Corner’) in the island of Santorini. In talking to me of the wonders of his native island he mentioned among other things a large hall with columns round it which had long since been buried – presumably by volcanic eruption. This hall was of magnificent proportions, ‘as fine,’ to use the old man’s own description, ‘as the piazza of Syra or even of Athens.’ It was situated between Kamari, an old rock-cut shelter in the shape of an exedra at the foot of the northern descent from the one mountain of the island, and a chapel of St George in the strip of plain that forms the island’s east coast. So far my informant’s veracity is beyond dispute; for in an account of the island written by a resident Jesuit in the middle of the seventeenth century I afterwards discovered the following corroboration (2). ‘At the foot of this mountain are seen the ruins of a fine ancient town; the huge massive stones of which the walls were built are a marvel to behold; it must have taken some stout arms and portentous hands to handle them. . . . Among these ruins have been found some fine marble columns perfectly complete, and some rich tombs; and among others there are four which would bear comparison in point of beauty with those of our kings, if they were not damaged; several marble statues in Roman style lie overturned upon the ground. On the pedestal of the statue of Trajan there is still to be read at the present day a very fine Greek panegyric of that powerful Emperor, as also on that of the statue of Marcus Antoninus.’ Thus much as guarantee of the old man’s bona fides, which even excavation on the spot, however desirable from an archaeological standpoint, could not more clearly establish than the French writer’s corroborative testimony; now for the story associated by the aged narrator with this wonderful buried hall.” Note 2: Le père Richard, Relation de ce qui s’est passé à Sant-Erini, p. 23. [ ] 10  Bell_1906–1907_I_388 Elaiussa Sebaste – Korykos – Corasium: “The whole country must have been carefully cultivated to support so large a population and I surmise that



appendix

it has undergone changes similar to those that have taken place in the mountains of Northern Syria, and that in former times a deeper layer of soil must have lain upon the rock than the meagre remuant which now barely covers it. The ancient paved roads can still be traced up from the coast; indeed they are still the only means of approaching the inland towns; but as the paving stones are broken and dislocated, progress on them is tedious in the extreme.” [ ] 11  Collignon_1880–1897_12–13 in the vilayet of Adana, near Bouldour: A une demi-heure des tentes turkomanes, entre la mer et la vallée, nous trouvons les ruines d’une ville byzantine dont le nom est perdu; les gens du pays l’appellent Baba. Il est probable que cette ville a succédé à l’antique Panormos des Kauniens. Rien n’est plus saisissant que l’aspect de cette cité ruinée, prise sans doute par l’invasion ottomane en pleine prospérité, et abandonnée à la suite d’une conquête violente. Certaines maisons ont conservé tous leurs murs presque intacts; des escaliers descendent dans des caves voûtées, envahies par l’eau; les rues sont encore tracées entre des pans de murailles lézardées, où les figuiers sauvages et les lauriers poussent dans des crevasses; on distingue les amorces de voûtes d’une église byzantine que dessinent nettement les murs de l’abside et des galeries latérales. A mesure qu’on s’approche de la mer, la ville ruinée disparaît sous les dunes; on peut prévoir le temps où le sable, poussé par le vent de mer, aura tout recouvert et fait disparaître les derniers vestiges. Quelques débris antiques, des fûts de colonnes, des murs massifs d’appareil hellénique méritent d’être notés; ce sont les seules traces de la civilisation grecque dans ce désert étrange qui ne livre pas son énigme au voyageur. – presumably Elaiussa Sebaste. [ ] 12  Bell_1906–1907_I_10: “Kars Bazaar must have been a town of considerable importance in antiquity, but no inscription bas been found which reveals its name. The houses of the modem village are all built of ancient materials. ‘When we want cut stones’, said the Mudir, ‘we have only to dig in the ground’. Inscriptions and tesselated pavements are constantly unearthed.” [ ] 13  Alishan_1899_224: Rive droite du Djahan jusqu’à Anazarbe: Le bourg Kars-Bazar occupe la place d’une ville ancienne et remarquable; on y voit des ruines, des marbre, des colonnes, des chapiteaux et d’autres pièces, qu’on découvre en des marbre, des colonnes, des chapiteaux et d’autres pièces, qu’on découvre en creusant un peu le terrain. Il y a encore les ruines d’un couvent et d’une petite église, que les Turcs ont convertie en mosquée; ces édifices semblent avoir été bâtis avec les restes d’anciennes constructions. Le couvent et le temple ensemble mesurent 44 pas de long et 23 de large; ils sont construits entièrement avec des pierres de taille de diverses dimensions, ayant des deux côtés, des corridors et plusieurs portes voûtées en ogive. Tout à côté on voit une autre construction de style ogival, mais plus grande, bâtie aussi avec des restes antiques, et des pierres de différentes dimensions. Sur les murs des maisons et des édifices publics, on trouve des pierres sculptées en bas-relief, des bases de colonnes, des pierres sépulcrales, avec des inscriptions grecques. Autour de la cour de la maison du gouverneur, 25 ou 30 colonnes sont encore debout, mais plus ou moins brisées; sur le fleuve on entrevoit les traces de l’ancien pont. [ ] 14  Bent_1890b_233: “Kars Bazaar. – Kars Bazaar is a cluster of villages about four hours’ ride from Anazarba, at the foot of the mountains; the river Savroon flows just below it. It has a considerable amount of aucient remains, but no traces whatsoever of walls. Here stands an early Christian monastery surrounded by a wall and cells; the church in the centre has been converted into a mosque, but neither outside nor inside could wo find any inscriptions. Three stelae with inscriptions have been used as supports for the balcony of the school; two are given by Davis in his Asiatic Turkey. The third is No, 3, and is interesting as giving us the same names as No. 5, from the cave at Anazarba. From a cottage wall we got No. 2. / Used as the floor of a reed cottage we found an exceedingly fine tessellated pavement, on which after we had had it washed we found the Christian dedication No, 1. The letters occupied a space of about two square yards, and the pattern surrounding them is very elaborate in tesserae of black, red and white, with a border. Many other tessellated pavements are scattered about in the streets and houses of Kars Bazaar; but though the place was of considerable importance and had its guild of fullers, yet we could find no



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inscriptions by which to identify its name; possibly it may have been the site of villas and summer residences for the inhabitants of Anazarba.” [ ] 15  Clarke_1817_145–146 (in the East 1801–1802) District of Troas, village of Bonarbashy: “In the morning we observed a number of Antiquities antiquities in and about the place; such as, fragments of Doric and Ionic pillars of marble, some columns of granite, broken bas-reliefs, and, in short, those remains so profusely scattered over this extraordinary country; serving to prove the number of cities and temples, once the boast of Troas, without enabling us to ascertain the position of any one of them. There is every reason to believe that some antient town was originally situate at Bonarbashy; not only by these remains, but by the marks of antient turrets, as of a citadel, in the soil immediately behind the house of the Agha. The relics of very antient pavement may also be observed in the street of the village; and in the front of it, upon a large block of Parian marble, used as a seat, near to the mosque, Mr. Walpole observed a curious Inscription, which is here subjoined, in an extract from his Journal.” [ ] 16  Layard_1903_I_179b Eski Karahissar in 1839: “In the walls of the houses, in those of the mosque, in the cemeteries, and in the public fountains, we saw the most exquisite architectural ornaments and mouldings sculptured in the purest white marble. Lying on all sides, around the place and in the narrow streets, were the shafts and capitals of columns, and fragments of friezes and cornices. The style and execution of these remains appeared to me to be even superior to those of the ruins of Azani. They seemed to be of the best Greek period. I found one inscription of nine lines in Greek characters which I copied, and a second in the burial-ground which was so much defaced that I was unable to transcribe it. There were also a few broken slabs with Roman letters, on one of which I read the name of the Emperor Claudian. I further discovered a very beautifully sculptured six-sided altar in the wall enclosing a cemetery. / Notwithstanding the large number of marble fragments which were everywhere to be met with, I could find no remains or traces of buildings above ground. When I asked the owner of the oda whence the sculptured marble slabs and blocks, of which most of the houses were built, were brought, he replied that the inhabitants had only to dig anywhere around the village, and they at once found as many as they required.” [ ] 17  Hamilton_1842_I_461: “Eski Kara Hissar, situated at the northern extremity of a small plain, and watered by a river which we crossed in the town, by a marble bridge, apparently of ancient construction. The place itself, which is near the celebrated quarries of Synnadic or Docimitic marble, contains numerous blocks of marble and columns, some in the rough and others beautifully worked. In an open space near the mosque was a most exquisitely finished marble bath, intended perhaps to have adorned a Roman villa; and in the wall of the mosque and cemetery were some richly carved friezes and cornices finished in the most elaborate style of the Ionic and Corinthian orders I had ever beheld. They could not have been destined for any building on this spot, but were probably worked near the quarries for the greater facility of transport, as is still done at Carrara. Many rough blocks were also there with rude marks and characters on them, or with the names of emperors or consuls, and sometimes a numeral. I also copied several inscriptions in different parts of the village, which were generally in good preservation.” [ ] 18  Laborde_1838_69 Fixes the Doceimion quarry at Eski-Karahissar: L’ancienne prospérité tout industrielle d’Eski-Carahissar explique l’abondance des fragments de monuments encastrés dans les murs des constructions modernes, sans qu’on puisse retrouver les traces ou l’emplacement d’un seul monument. Semblables aux habitants de la petite ville de Carrare, ceux-ci ajoutaient, à l’exploitation en grand des carrières, l’industrie de la sculpture en détail des morceaux commandés. De là ces frises toutes terminées qui n’eurent pas d’emploi, ces cuves baptismales ou thermales qui ne furent pas envoyées à destination, et ces blocs de marbre non dégrossis. [ ] 19  Le_Camus_1889_I_361 Khonas / Colossae near the Maeander: C’est à cinq kilomètres de Khonas, sur le Lycus, tributaire du Méandre, que sont les ruines de Colosses, patrie de Philémon et d’Onésime, d’Épaphras et d’Archippe, collaborateurs et amis de Paul. Il ne



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reste de cette grande ville, classée dans Pline parmi les plus célèbres de la Phrygie, que des marbres épars, des colonnes brisées, un théâtre et quelques grands édifices dont on ne peut préciser la destination. Pas un être vivant n’habite ces lieux affreusement désolés, et les morts seuls semblent, dans la vaste nécropole, garder encore leur antique cité. [ ] 20  Clarke_1817_VII_163–5 near Alexandria Troas: “The place where all these antiquities have been discovered is rather a conical mountain than a hill, bearing the name of Kushumlu Tepe, at two hours’ distance from Beyramitch, towards Gargarus . . . Higher upon the hill we found the remains of another temple: the area of this measured one hundred and forty yards long, and forty-four wide. Here the workmen had taken up ahout a hundred blocks of stone and marble; every one of which measured five feet eleven inches in length, and eighteen inches in thickness.” We may assume that such regularity was useful for building new structures. [ ] 21  Clarke_1817_VII_161–2 near Alexandria Troas: “An hour after leaving this place we came to Beyramitch, a city belonging to the Pasha of the Dardanelles, and present capital of all Troas. It is a large place, filled with shops. The houses seemed better built and more regularly disposed than in Constantinople. All the land around belongs to the Pasha before mentioned, whom the Porte has nearly ruined by extorted contributions. In the yard of the Khan, or Inn, is a marble column, exhibiting a variety of the Doric order, which we had then never seen, excepting in Troas. Instead of being fluted. the shaft is bevelled, so as to present a polygonal surface. Others, of the same kind, were among the antiquities lying on the hill at Tchiblack. This column stands in the middle of a bason, serving as a public conduit, wholly constructed of antient materials. All these, together with an astonishing quantity of other stones for building, were brought from some Ruins lately discovered upon a lofty hill, which we were told we should pass immediately after leaving Beyramitch, in our journey towards the source of the Mender; the Pasha having made very considerable excavations there, in search of marbles, and other building materials. In the streets of Beyramitch we noticed more than one Soros constructed of entire masses of granite, which the inhabitants had removed from the same place. One of the inhabitants told us he had lately brought thence several broken pieces of sculpture, to which we should be welcome, if we could obtain permission from the Pasha for their removal. This was granted, and we afterwards brought them to England.” [ ] 22  Jomard_1818_II_55 Oxyrhynchus: On trouve dans les ruines beaucoup de fragmens de colonnes en pierre, en granit et en marbre. Les Musulmans en ont transporté un trèsgrand nombre dans leurs mosquées, qui ont elles-mêmes succédé à d’anciennes églises. [ ] 23  Denon_1803_I_375: “We found in the mosques of Benesech, a number of columns of different marbles, which are doubtless the spoils of the ancient Oxyrinchus, but which were not of the style of ancient Egypt.” [ ] 24  Emerson_1829_81: “Ayasalook possessed no object to interest us: a large building at some distance from the town, formerly a Christian church dedicated to St. John, and latterly a Turkish mosque, is now a heap of rubbish and grass-grown walls; its halls deserted, its doors and windows torn out, rank weeds springing in its aisles, while in its courts a few lofty trees add by their mournful waving to the solemnity of its desertion. Some large columns of granite are still left standing, and are said to have once belonged to the temple of Diana. In the walls are inserted certain inscribed marbles taken from a former building, which are now hasting to that destruction from which they had before been snatched; and the interior, after having served Diana, Christ, and Mahomet, is now abandoned to the owl and the jackal. / A marble sarcophagus, almost shapeless from the effects of time, stands in the town, near the door of the coffee-house; its inscription and ornaments are obliterated; and from once enshrining the dust of some warrior or chieftain, it is now degraded into a watering place for cattle. Sic transit gloria! Ephesus is no more, and such is its modern successor.” [ ] 25  Stephens_1842_176 Ayasoluk: “the remains of the Turkish city of Aysalook, or temple of the Moon, a city of comparatively modern date, reared into a brief magnificence out of the ruins of its fallen neighbour. A sharp hill, almost a mountain, rises abruptly from the



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plain, on the top of which is a ruined fortress, with many ruins of Turkish magnificence at the base; broken columns, baths overgrown with ivy, and the remains of a grand mosque, the roof sustained by four granite columns from the Temple of Diana; the minaret fallen, the mosque deserted; the Mussulman no more goes there to pray; bats and owls were building in its lofty roof, and snakes and lizards were crawling over its marble floor.” [ ] 26  Burgess_1835_55 the mosque at Ayasoluk in ruins: “Within the Keble, which yet retains some of its embellishments, and in the two other compartments, are four fine columns of granite supporting the roof. The lofty chair, from whence the Mufti or priest did pray, is ascended to by marble steps, now partially broken down, but may still be surmounted, as I can witness. The domes which cover these compartments are yet entire, but the thin arch is broken, and glitters no more: a solitary stork was sitting on its ruins, and an unbroken silence pervaded the empty halls.” [ ] 27  Wood_1877_256, at Ephesus January 1874: “The day after his arrival in Smyrna, Mr. Newton accompanied me and the chief dragoman from the British consulate to the Konak to ask the Pasha’s leave to examine the west wall of the large mosque at Ayasalouk in quest of inscribed blocks from the cella-walls of the Temple. The Pasha said it was a religious question, and I he must ask the Mollah. This is the Turkish system of refusing to grant a request, for to refuse ‘point blank’ is, in their opinion, discourteous and unnecessarily harsh. In vain I urged that my examination of only a single stone of the outer face of the wall from the interior, by digging under ground and removing a few stones from the inner side of the wall, would not endanger the building, and I promised to leave all as I found it, replacing the stones and the earth dug out; but all was to no purpose. The question must be referred to the Mollah, and the consulate dragoman should be informed in due time of the holy man’s decision. This decision was never obtained, but a little later Tahir Bey, whom I looked upon as my friend and advocate in the matter, told me it was useless to persevere in my request – that the Turks would never grant it, because the building was sacred. This sanctuary was roofless, and is now only used for the shelter of cattle herded there at night.” [ ] 28  Alishan_1899_330–331 Seleucia in Cilicia: les débris de ses monuments magnifiques couvrent encore une vaste étendue. Le plus remarquable est le théâtre ou amphitéâtre, creusé en partie dans le roc, et tourné du côté du sud-est. Selon quelques-uns, c’était une arène de 450 mètres de long et de 100 mètres de large, avec une double rangée de gradins. C’est là qu’on célébrait les jeux olympiques qui attiraient dans la ville une multitude de gens des alentours. On voit encore aujourd’hui les ruines d’un portique à arcades dont les colonnes étaient d’un seul bloc, au dire du vénitien Josaphat Barbaro, en 1471; deux temples assez proches l’un de l’autre, dont l’un est orné à l’intérieur d’une frise représentant des Génies qui traînent d’énormes grappes de raisin, et de colonnes corinthiennes de quatre pieds de diamètre, dont une seule est restée debout peut-être est-ce le célèbre temple d’Apollon Sarpédon, où accouraient un grand nombre de pèlerins et de devina l’autre avec des colonnes de marbre rouge fut transformé en une église élégante, que les Turcs appellent Ghiavour-kilisséssi. Cette église est aujourd’hui en ruines; on trouve à côté des débris de colonnes. [ ] 29  Beaufort_1820_33 Silifkeh: Les autres antiquités que notre détachement observa furent les restes d’un théâtre en partie coupé dans le flanc d’une montagne et faisant face au sud-est, et vis-à-vis une longue suite de ruines avec des portiques et d’autres grands édifices; plus loin, un temple qui avoit été converti en église chrétienne, et plusieurs grandes colonnes corinthiennes de quatre pieds de diamètre; quelques-unes sont encore debout. [ ] 30  Layard_1903_I_197–198 Silifkeh in 1839: “After six hours of this beautiful but toilsome descent we came upon the small plain between the foot of the mountains and the sea, in which stood the Cilician Seleucia, an ancient and wealthy Greek city founded by Seleucus Nicator, the rival of Tarsus, and at one time a great emporium of trade. Its site is now occupied by the Turkish village of Selefkeh. We crossed the Calycadnus by a Greek or Roman bridge of five arches, still well preserved, and took up our quarters at a khan. / As the ancient Greek city has passed away, so has the important Turkish town which



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replaced it in the Middle Ages become a mere heap of ruins. Two falling mosques and some houses remain, and a picturesque castle of solid masonry, with extensive fortifications, in the walls of which are built fragments of ancient marbles, with time-worn sculpture and Greek inscriptions, crowns an elevation overhanging the village. The bazaar was deserted, and there were only a few fever-stricken inhabitants in the place. / We wandered about during the remainder of the day in search of ruins. We found the remains of two temples with many columns of white marble still standing, and of a theatre with porticoes and adjacent edifices; architectural ornaments of exquisite delicacy of work and beauty of design; numerous capitals and shafts of columns of a florid Corinthian order scattered about the town, and built into the walls of houses – I counted no less than fifteen of the latter in the yard of our khan – an extensive excavation in the rock below the castle, about 150 feet long, 75 broad, and 40 deep, with arches of solid masonry round the sides, the bottom reached by stairs formed of large blocks of stone; many excavated tombs in the surrounding rocks, with the troughs similar to those we had met with in such abundance in Phrygia; sarcophagi used as reservoirs for fountains, with remains of inscriptions, some of the Christian era; and on all sides traces and foundations of ancient buildings.” [ ] 31  Langlois_1858–1859_750: Les ruines de Séleucie consistent, de nos jours, en deux temples assez rapprochés l’un de l’autre, et situés à environ huit minutes à l’est du village de Selefké. L’un de ces temples, dont les débris gisent épars sur le sol, était orné à l’intérieur d’une frise représentant des génies ailés qui tiennent d’énormes grappes de raisin. Une belle colonne corinthienne, surmontée d’un chapiteau du même ordre, a quatre pieds de diamètre. (Voy. pl. 353.) / Lors de l’établissement du christianisme, les néophytes de Séleucie construisirent, avec les matériaux de ce temple, une église dans le style des basiliques, et dont il reste l’abside percée de deux baies séparées par une colonnette de marbre rouge. Les gens du pays donnent à ces ruines le nom de Giawour-késé (la fille des chrétiens). A quelque distance de cette église, on voit plusieurs fûts de colonnes fichés dans le sol, et qui ont dû appartenir plutôt à une église qu’à tout autre édifice, à en juger par les débris épars sur le même point. M. Trémaux, qui a visité Séleucie quelque temps après mon exploration, a levé le plan des restes de cet édifice. [ ] 32  Irby_1823_523 Silifke: “a theatre, now only distinguishable by the shape of the earth, and by two of its vomitories, at present converted into habitations. On the slope where the seats once existed, tobacco is now cultivated. In the plain to the eastward are two large buildings; the first shews nothing but its walls; the most distant has been a large Christian church constructed of solid masonry. The semicircular eastern end is perfect, and one fluted Corinthian column in the front is standing; it may have been formed out of a more ancient temple. There are many other indescribable ruins, and to the west of the theatre, quarries and excavated tombs. We afterwards ascended a hill south of the town, having been attracted to it by large ruins, which we had observed before we reached Selefkeh. The road we followed has formerly been paved, and towards the summit cut through the cliff to some depth. We found ruins covering a considerable extent of ground; the principal buildings have been churches, of which the farthest had the east end in tolerable preservation. The windows were adorned with handsome white marble columns, of the Corinthian order, one of which remains perfect. There are a few coarse sarcophagi.” [ ] 33  Langlois_1861_115–116 (travelling 1851–1853) Les ruines du théâtre de Sélefké ont perdu leur revêtement de marbre et leurs colonnes, mais la maçonnerie est restée debout . . . Seules, deux colonnes décapitées se dressent au milieu des décombres . . . Des chapiteaux corinthiens gisent à leurs pieds comme des têtes séparées de leur tronc, et l’acanthe sauvage mêle ses rinceaux verdoyants à leur feuillage de marbre. Les niches, privées de leurs statues, ont pour hôtes les oiseaux de la nuit. [ ] 34  Langlois_1854b_40 Silifke: Les monuments de l’époque byzantine consistent en une église dont la rotonde et quelques colonnes ne se sont pas encore affaissées. Cette église, qui pent donner une idée de l’importance de la ville au moyen âge, était primitivement un temple dont on voit encore ça et là, gisant sur le sol, les fragments de la frise qui était ornée de guirlandes que reliaient entre elles des génies ailes, tenant d’enormes grappes



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de raisin. Les chrétiens, lorsqu’ils changèrent la destination de ce temple, firent pratiquer dans l’hémicycle deux ouvertures séparées par une colonnette de marbre rouge semblable à celui qu’on trouve à Holmi et dans les environs. [ ] 35  Chandler_1825_I_183–184 Miletus: “The whole site of the town, to a great extent, is spread with rubbish, and overrun with thickets. The vestiges of the heathen city are pieces of wall, broken arches, and a few scattered pedestals, and inscriptions, a square marble urn, and many wells. One of the pedestals has belonged to a statue of the emperor Hadrian, who was a friend to the Milesians, as appears from the titles of saviour and bene- factor bestowed on him. Another has supported the emperor Severus, and has a long inscription, with this curious preamble: ‘The senate and people of the city of the Milesians, the first settled in Ionia, and the mother of many and great cities both in Pontus and Egypt, and in various other parts of the world.’ This lies among the bushes behind the theatre. Near the ferry is a large lion in a couchant posture, much injured; and in a Turkish burying-ground another. These were placed on graves, or perhaps before a building for ornament. Some fragments of ordinary churches are interspersed among the ruins; and traces remain of an old fortress erected upon the theatre, beneath which is a square enclosure, designed, it seems, as a station for an armed party to dispute or defend the passage of the river. Several piers of a mean aqueduct are standing. The fountain named from Biblis, with the scene of the stories concerning her passion, was in the territory of Miletus. A marble quarry, if I mistake not, is discernible on the mountain, which bounds the plain on the left hand, at a distance toward the sea. / From the number of forsaken mosques, it is evident, that Mahometanism has flourished in its turn at Miletus. All these have been mean buildings and mere patchwork; but one, a noble and beautiful structure of marble, is in use, and the dome, with a tall palm-tree or two, towers amid the ruins and some low flat-roofed cottages, inhabited by a very few Turkish families, the present citizens of Miletus.” [ ] 36  Chandler_1825_I_181 Miletus: “Miletus is a very mean place, but still called Palat or Palatia, the Palaces. The principal relic of its former magnificence is a ruined theatre, which is visible afar off, and was a most capacious edifice, measuring in front four hundred and fifty-seven feet. The external face of this vast fabric is marble, and the stones have a projection near the upper edge, which, we surmised, might contribute to the raising them with facility. The seats ranged, as usual, on the slope of a hill, and a few of them remain. The vaults, which supported the extremities of the semi-circle, with the arches or avenues in the two wings, are constructed with such solidity as not easily to be demolished.” [ ] 37  Spon_&_Wheler_1679_I_271b Miletus: ce n’est plus qu’un amas confus de belles masures, parmi lesquelles il y a quelques cabanes de Bergers. [ ] 38  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_II_190–191 Miletus: Il m’est impossible d’exprimer l’impression que me firent éprouver tant de ruines accumulées dans un si petit espace, la beauté et l’élégance de ce qui reste debout, et le fini des détails de sculpture dont chaque morceau de marbre est couvert. Tout est encore sur place, et l’esprit peut aisément se représenter le temple tel qu’il était jadis. Si bien que, s’il était question de la reconstruire, je crois qu’il n’y manquerait rien et qu’il ne faudrait que réunir et mettre ensemble, dans leur ordre primitf, les marbres qui ont été dispersés. / C’est une immense et magnifique carrière, un énorme magasin de morceaux de marbre blanc, dont chacun est taillé, poli et sculpté. On est, si je peux m’exprimer ainsi, étonné de la fraîcheur de ces ruines. Une architrave, demeurée intacte, dont je pris la mesure, a dix-huit pieds de long sur trois pieds d’épaisseur, et quatre pieds de haut. Les colonnes sont cannelées; leur diamètre est de six pieds. Elles se composent chacune de dix-sept tambours de différente épaisseur. Les détails des ornements sont admirables, et le ciseau le plus délicat les a exécutés. Ce temple était du plus bel ordre ionique; on voit treize énormes soubassements, qui servaient à supporter les colonnes. Les autres sont masqués par des ruines. / Le jour où l’on commencera à faires des fouilles dans ces lieux, on y trouvera des trésors pour les beaux-arts. Cette énorme masse de riches débris doit être l’objet des observations, des études et des recherches des premiers voyageurs qui en auront l’occasion et la possibilité. / Une centaine de paysans, réunis dans des



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cabanes adossées à ces ruines, donnaient un peu de vie à cette vaste plaine. Leur industrie habituelle est l’agriculture: ils cultivent le colon. [ ] 39  Cousin_1898_363: In 1889, de Aïdin (Tralles) à Mendéliah par le sud du Méandre (1889), at Ak-tchekaya. Ruines au djami. Il semble qu’il y ait eu ici un temple antique (à cause des pierres du soubassement) converti en église byzantine (à cause des motifs d’ornementation), avant de devenir mosquée musulmane. Les motifs d’ornementation sont des chapiteaux, de grandes plaques de marbre et de pierre bien taillées, et des colonnes. Deux de ces colonnes ont servi à la construction du djami: l’une a cannelures verticales, depuis le haut jusqu’à une certaine distance du sol (du bas, jusqu’à hauteur, d’homme les cannelures, sont remplies); l’autre à cannelures torses. Enfin, par ci par là, des pierres portant des fleurs ou des. dessins d’époque byzantine (dix losanges gravés en creux symétriquement). / Nalbantlar. Les inscriptions que, suivant les habitants du village précédent, nous devions trouver ici au djami se réduisent à deux pierres byzantines portant sur deux faces les ornements habituels, rosaces et losanges. Ibid. 365: près de la route qui y conduit est un château ruiné appelé Assar-Tépessi. Le village assez important de Mersinet est rempli de pierres antiques, au djami, à la fontaine, dans les maisons. Les dessins qui les ornent sont grossiers et de basse époque. A une fontaine et dans une maison, c’est une longue plaque taillée en trapèze, sur deux côtés adjacents de laquelle sont gravés les dessins byzantins ordinaires, rosaces, losanges, etc. Autre part, c’est un bas-relief grossièrement exécuté: deux oiseaux (peut-être deux paons) vis-à-vis boivent à un vase placé sur une colonne où s’appuient leurs pattes; sur leurs ailes était gravée une croix; cette partie manque aujourd’hui à l’oiseau de droite. L’endroit où l’on trouve les plaques antiques signalées plus haut est situé sur le flanc d’une colline qui domine le village. Nous y avons vu quelques pierres taillées, des fûts de colonnes, etc. [ ] 40  Spon_&_Wheler_1679_224 Akhissar/Thyatira: Avant que d’entrer dans la Ville nous vîmes un grand Cimetière des Turcs le long du chemin, où remarquant quelques Inscriptions, je mis pied-à-terre pour les copier. Nous y demeurâmes toute l’aprèsdînée, & nous étions logez dans le Kan proche du Bazar, où il y a environ trente colonnes avec leurs chapiteaux & pied d’estaux de marbre, disposées confusément en dedans pour soûtenir le couvert. Il y a un chapiteau d’ordre Corinthien, & des feuillages sur le fuste même de la colonne, comme vous en verrez dans un Temple de Melasso, dont je vous donneray le dessein, ce qui est assez extraordinaire – and then refers to Galland’s description of the kiosk at Inghirlikioi. [ ] 41  Smith_&_Dwight_1834_5–6 Akhisar: “Walking through its streets, we observed many inscriptions and broken pillars, and were offered numerous coins, the relics of Thyatira. An ancient church, now a mosque, was mentioned to us among its curiosities, but in vain did we solicit a number of Christians to conduct us to it. At length an old Turk offered to be our guide, and we hastened with eagerness to examine it. Its foundations and some broken and fallen columns bespoke a high antiquity, and a few aged cypresses threw over the precincts a gloom befitting the spot. As we entered the yard, two Turks, performing their devotions in the portico, looked around upon us with an expression that called us infidel intruders, and made us feel that the lamp of true religion, which once burnt brightly in this ‘candlestick,’ was extinguished in the darkness of Mohammedanism. The door was locked, and no arguments could obtain the key without leave of the governor, which we had not time to obtain.” [ ] 42  Fellows_1839_21: “At the solitary stable or rest-house half way to Acsa, (the ancient Thyatira, one of the Seven Churches,) I found the well-coping formed of the capital of a column of white marble veined with red. A burial-ground adjoining was filled with triglyphs and columns of a similar stone, and the people said that they were brought from Sardis; but this is scarcely probable, as they would have had to be carried a very considerable distance. My informant said that within a few miles were some ruins, (from the direction, perhaps Apollonis,) and that much stone was fetched from there.” [ ] 43  Le_Camus_1896_241 Thyatira: Il peut y avoir ici 20,00 habitants, dont un tiers est Grec et Arménien. Ceux-ci ont deux églises et les musulmans six mosquées. Dans la plupart



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des constructions privées, nous remarquons des fragments de marbres antiques, frises mutilées, colonnes brisées, que des mains barbares ont enchâssés dans des murs de terre glaise. Les Turcs prétendent que tout cela a été amené de très loin, peut-être de Sardes. Ce n’est pas impossible, car nous avons vu, hier encore, de longues caravanes de chameaux transportant à travers la vallée de l’Hermus, au compte des entrepreneurs du pays, des ruines, pillées un peu partout. Toutefois, même en dehors des édifices privés ou publics, les matériaux antiques abondent ici. Des inscriptions nombreuses les rendent intéressants. Une des plus curieuses, pour nous, est celle qui se lit sur un sarcophage transformé en auge, malgré les jolies sculptures qui l’ornent. [ ] 44  Spon_&_Wheler_1679_226 Thyatira Après avoir leu ces deux pierres, nous âpperceumes au milieu de la cour un grand cercueil de marbre, où il y avoit la place de deux corps, & à l’un des cotez l’Epitaphe du mari & de la femme, qui y avoient été ensevelis. Comme nous nous mettions en devoir de le copier, un des Turcs du Logis, peut-être par superstition, se mit devant nous, & ne voulut pas nous le permettre, s’imaginant que c’étoit un tombeau de quelqu’un de leurs Saints. [ ] 45  Leake_1824_40 Aksehir: “At a small distance from the western entrance of the town we pass the sepulchre of Nureddin Hoja, a Turkish saint, whose tomb is the object of a Mussulman pilgrimage. It is a stone monument of the usual form, surrounded by an open colonnade supporting a roof; the columns have been taken from some ancient Greek building. The burying-ground is full of remains of Greek architecture converted into Turkish tomb-stones, and furnishes ample proof of Ak-shehr having been the position of a Greek city of considerable importance.” [ ] 46  Elliott_1838_II_109 the plain of Thyatira: “The ground has every appearance of having been formed by the debris of ancient buildings mixed with animal and vegetable matter: in one quarter, a sarcophagus lies by the side of the excavation whence it seems to have been lately dug, and what appears to be the corner of another has been laid bare by the spade; but the natives have so little taste for antiquities and are so unenterprising, that they regard the labor of disinterring it as more than the probable benefit. The inscription on that which is above ground is well preserved; and it is to be hoped that some future traveller will investigate at leisure the subterranean treasures of this spot.” [ ] 47  Le_Brun_I_1725_191 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) Nicaea: Cette Ville est grande, & a de belles ruës, & quantité de beaux restes d’Antiquitez Chrétiennes & Payennes; entr’autres il y a au Sud-Est une fort somptueuse Porte, en manière d’Arc-de-Triomphe. Elle est toute de marbre avec plusieurs bas reliefs, & enrichie de diverses Inscriptions Grecques & Latines, mais toutes gâtées par les Turcs. [ ] 48  Fellows_1852_83 Nicaea: “Entering through a hole in the walls of this famed and fated city, we had still another mile to travel through fields and mulberry plantations before we arrived at the village of Isnik, a small place standing within the walls, which form a circuit of four miles around it.” [ ] 49  Leake_1824_11 Nicaea: “The ruins of mosques, baths, and houses, dispersed among the gardens and corn-fields, which now occupy a great part of the space within the Greek fortifications, show that the Turkish Isnik, though now so inconsiderable, was once a place of importance, as indeed its history under the early Ottomans, before they were in possession of Constantinople, gives sufficient reason to presume. But it never was so large as the Grecian Nicaea, and it seems to have been almost entirely constructed of the remains of that city; the walls of the ruined mosques and baths being full of the fragments of Greek temples and churches.” Spent less than a day here, walking among the ruins of the town (10) “in the evening.” [ ] 50  Poujoulat_1840_I_183 Nicaea: Parlons de l’état présent de Nicée. Quand on arrive à la cité par le côté septentrional, on entre dans l’enceinte des remparts par une large brèche faite à une grande tour de briques. Quelle surprise pour le voyageur, lorsqu’à la place de Nicée, dont les murailles sont encore debout, il voit, de tous côtés, autour de lui, devant lui, des champs cultivés, des plantations de mûriers, d’oliviers et de vignes! A mesure qu’on avance à travers de longues allées de cyprès et de platanes, on arrive à un humble petit village: c’est Isnik, habité par des musulmans et des Grecs.



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[ ] 51  Mac_Farlane_1850_I_359 Nicaea: “We ordered a good feed for the poor horses, and walked about the wretched modern town, which is shrivelled up in a N.E. corner, not occupying anything like a twentieth part of the area of the old city. It contained about eighty Turkish and seventy Greek houses or hovels, all delabrés, rotting and falling to pieces. At a very recent date the place had been larger, as was shown by ruins of modern houses; and at one period, since the Turkish conquest, the town must have been very considerable, as was denoted by the extensive ruins of good stone khans, public baths, and mosques. The Osmanlees had let all things go to entire ruin except one bath and two mosques.” [ ] 52  Perrot_1867_51 Nicaea: On entre par une des anciennes portes, mais on n’est pas encore arrivé; il faut traverser encore des champs et des jardins avant de rencontrer les premères maisons . . . le village . . . n’occupe qu’une très-faible partie du terrain compris dans l’enceinte byzantine. [ ] 53  Hammer_1820_302–303 Nicaea: Mais quelle est votre surprise quand vous entrez par la porte de la ville, voûtée en forme d’arc de triomphe du temps des Romains; vous ne voyez que quelques jardins mal cultivés, quelques masures, et des groupes d’arbres qui masquent la vue. Vous ne vous douteriez pas d’être dans l’enceinte d’une ville; vous vous croiriez dans un parc négligé entouré d’immenses murs: vous cherchez Nicée dans Nicée même. Il y a peu de villes dévastées qui présentent un tableau plus affligeant de destruction et de ruine totale, de- venu plus effrayant encore par le contraste des murs qui sont presque entièrement debout. Il y a peu d’endroits où le voyageur soit plus oppressé de corps et d’âme qu’en respirant l’air malsain, et en foulant les décombres épars de la brûlante et malheureuse Nicée. En y entrant nous avons été atteints d’une sensation générale de malaise, et affectés d’un sentiment profond de mélancolie. Nous marchâmes sur des ruines, et entre les haies des jardins, vers le village à’Jsnik, situé au coin nord-est de l’enceinte de l’ancienne ville. Des débris de l’ancienne Nicée romaine et grecque s’étoit formée la nouvelle Jsnik des Turcs. Des sérails, des khans, des mosquées, des bains, des fabriques de faïence s y élevoient aujourd’hui tous ces édifices même sont tombés en ruine. La ville d’Jsnik est réduite à un misérable village de deux cent et quelques maisons, au milieu desquelles deux mosquées et une église se sont encore à moitié conservées. Triste spectacle des ravages du temps, du despotisme, et de la fièvre! [ ] 54  Marcellus_1839_I_151–152 Nicaea: Dans le quartier nord de la ville, sont trois mosquées, une seule ouverte et fréquentée aujourd’hui. On y voit trois belles colonnes corinthiennes dont le chapiteau original est parfaitement conservé; circonstance assez rare à Nicée; les nombreuses colonnes de jaspe, de granit, de vert antique et de porphyre qui décorent les temples musulmans, sont plus ou moins entachées d’ornements dans le goût turc. Ce dernier dgiami (mosquée), qui est tout entier de marbre, se distingue au loin par son minaret plaqué de faïence et par son dôme recouvert en lames de plomb. [ ] 55 Newton_&_Pullan_1862–63_529–530 the Sacred Way to Didyma: “the Way, commencing at a short distance from the Temple of Apollo, may be traced for a length of about 580 yards in a north-west direction towards a small harbour, which must have been the ancient port of Branchidae. Throughout this length the line of the Way has been bounded by basements, statues, and stone coffins, or sori, many of which objects still remain in position on the south-west side of the Way. / At the distance of rather more than 300 yards from the Temple, the line of the Way is marked by a ridge running to the north-west, and deepening as it advances. / . . . / Along the ridge may be traced a continuous line of wall, the statues being placed at intervals in front of this wall, and buried in the soil. In some cases only the base of the neck was visible; in others the soil did not rise higher than the lap of the figure. / It was therefore necessary, before taking photographs, to remove the earth which had accumulated round each figure. As I had only two Turkish workmen with me, and could obtain no assistance from the Greeks of the neighbouring village, this operation occupied some days. The statues may be thus generally described. They are all seated in chairs. Their original height must have averaged rather more than five feet. They are all, with one exception, headless.” [ ] 56  Beulé_1873_262 the statues of the Branchidae at Didyma: M. Newton fit son rapport à lord Clarendon, reçut aussitôt les autorisations et les moyens nécessaires, et put revenir,



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au mois d’août 1858, avec un bâtiment, un sous-officier du génie et soixante ouvriers turcs. Bientôt les douze statues qui bordaient l’avenue du temple étaient une propriété anglaise; le transport en fut beaucoup plus facile que ne l’avait été le transport du lion de Cnide. M. Newton donne dans son ouvrage la description de ces douze statues; six sont même reproduites, dans d’assez grandes dimensions, par deux planches lithographiées. [ ] 57  Texier_1835_492 Didyma: Le temple d’Apollon Didyme, sur les frontières d’Ionie, est devenu le centre d’un village considérable qui n’existait pas il y a un siècle. Ce monument était isolé et assez loin d’un autre village nommé Ura. Il est probable, d’après M. Texier, que le nouveau village d’Hieronda a été formé par la population grecque d’Arsem-Kaleci, qui a abandonné cette place. [ ] 58  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_I_190–191 Didyma: Il m’est impossible d’exprimer l’impression que me firent éprouver tant de ruines accumulées dans un si petit espace, la beauté et l’élégance de ce qui reste debout, et le fini des détails de sculpture dont chaque morceau de marbre est couvert. Tout est encore sur place, et l’esprit peut aisément se représenter le temple tel qu’il était jadis. Si bien que, s’il était question de la reconstruire, je crois qu’il n’y manquerait rien et qu’il ne faudrait que réunir et mettre ensemble, dans leur ordre primitf, les marbres qui ont été dispersés. / C’est une immense et magnifique carrière, un énorme magasin de morceaux de marbre blanc, dont chacun est taillé, poli et sculpté. On est, si je peux m’exprimer ainsi, étonné de la fraîcheur de ces ruines. Une architrave, demeurée intacte, dont je pris la mesure, a dix-huit pieds de long sur trois pieds d’épaisseur, et quatre pieds de haut. Les colonnes sont cannelées; leur diamètre est de six pieds. Elles se composent chacune de dix-sept tambours de différente épaisseur. Les détails des ornements sont admirables, et le ciseau le plus délicat les a exécutés. Ce temple était du plus bel ordre ionique; on voit treize énormes soubassements, qui servaient à supporter les colonnes. Les autres sont masqués par des ruines. / Le jour où l’on commencera à faire des fouilles dans ces lieux, on y trouvera des trésors pour les beaux-arts. Cette énorme masse de riches débris doit être l’objet des observations, des études et des recherches des premiers voyageurs qui en auront l’occasion et la possibilité. [ ] 59  Texier_1862_339 Didyma: il est probable qu’on en trouverait encore des débris importants; mais chaque jour ces précieux documents disparaissent, et presque toutes les inscriptions recueillies par Sherard, Chishull et Wheler sont aujourd’hui détruites. [ ] 60  Reinach_1902_284–285: J’ai l’honneur de présenter à l’Académie, au nom de son correspondant Hamdi-bey, les photographies d’une série d’importantes sculptures en marbre qui, découvertes à Tralles au mois de février 1902, ont été transportées depuis au Musée de Constantinople. / La trouvaille est due au hasard. En 1899, un grand nombre de bâtisses d’Aïdin, ville construite en partie aux dépens des ruines de Tralles, furent détruites ou endommagées par un violent tremblement de terre. Au commencement de 1902, quelques ouvriers étaient allés fouiller à Tralles afin d’extraire des pierres devant servir à la réparation d’une mosquée. Ils rencontrèrent les restes d’un édifice byzantin assez vaste, superposé à ceux d’une construction romaine, dont le plan a été très exactement dressé par Edhem-bey. La nature de cette construction, formant un rectangle d’environ 36 mètres sur 20 mètres, n’a pas encore été déterminée; la présence de colonnes romaines en marbre blanc et de colonnes byzantines en marbres de couleurs m’incline à croire qu’il s’agit d’un portique qui aura plus tard été transformé en église. à l’angle nord-ouest de l’édifice, à la profondeur de 2m 50, les ouvriers rencontrèrent trois statues de grandeur naturelle qui présentent un intérêt considérable pour l’histoire de l’art. [ ] 61  Rolleston_1856_105: “Aidin, the ancient Tralles, was, under the Roman empire, a Greek town of considerable note. Anthemius, the architect of Santa Sophia, was a native of this place, and the remains of ancient buildings are very conspicuous there at the present day. The three great arches of the palace form an object visible at 20 miles distance, and on a nearer inspection tolerably perfect .remains of a theatre are still to be seen. We found the marble remains in a rapid process of transformation into headstones for Jewish graves, and we saw several columns being scooped out into the form of stone drinking troughs.”



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[ ] 62  Pococke_1772_V_114–115 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Tralles: qui est au pied de la montagne. Elle etoit divisée en deux parties par un ruisseau, dont le lit est très-profond. On prétend qu’elle fut bâtie par des Thraces & des habitans d’Argos. Il paroît y avoir eu des édifices considérables, sur-tout dans les hauts quartiers. Celui qui est à l’orient paroît avoir été un temple & l’autre un château qui défendoit la montée; il a tout auprès quelques édifices publics. On voit du côte de l’orient les débris d’un portique à deux rangs de colonnes, qui règne autour d’une cour d’environ cent pieds en quarré, & à côté un théatre sur la croupe de la montagne, dont la façade regarde le midi. Il est fort vaste & il paroît y avoir eu cinquante rangs de sièges. Au-dessus du côté du couchant, sont des arches qui appartenoient probablement à quelque grand édifice, & plus loin les ruines d’un fauxbourg qui occupoit un espace de terrein considérable. [ ] 63  Jaubert_1842_130 Aydin: Au-dessus, sur un plateau que nous avons parcouru hier matin, était bâtie la ville antique de Tralles; on n’y trouve pas d’autres vestiges que trois grandes arcades qui s’aperçoivent de très-loin, et qui peut-être appartenaient à ce gymnase fameux où s’enseignaient jadis, selon le témoignage de Strabon, la grammaire et la rhétorique. Chaque jour, les marbres épars sur le sol sont employés à décorer les cimetières turcs et juifs, mais après avoir été recoupés et retaillés. C’est ainsi que va s’effaçant tout ce qui restait de l’antiquité; il ne faut plus guère compter, en fait de sculptures et d’inscriptions, que sur ce que des fouilles bien entendues pourraient fournir. [ ] 64  Reinach_1904_358: Nous avons trouvé, pendant ces six semaines de fouilles, 62 fragments de statues et 23 fragments d’inscriptions. Ces derniers consistent en de très petits morceaux ne portant que quelques lettres, au point qu’un travail de restitution épigraphique ne semble pas possible. [ ] 65  Edhem_Bey_1904_56–57 Tralles, the stoa: Le mur de fond . . . est fait de gros blocs de calcaire dont le parement est assez soigneusement dressé. Il était d’abord appareillé à sec, mais, plus tard; les joints ont été, par endroits, recouverts d’un mortier de chaux et de briques pilées, II était sans doute, à l’origine, enduit de stuc, ou décoré d’un placage de marbre. / Les colonnes de la façade sont monolithes et faites d’un marbre coloré . . . Le fût est lisse, terminé en bas par un congé et un listel . . . en haut, par un astragale relié au fût par un congé. Nous n’avons retrouvé ni bases ni chapiteaux . . . / Les fûts et les fragments retrouvés dans la fouille représentent au plus huit colonnes, mais le nombre en était certainement supérieur. Ibid., 60 Tralles, the stoa: C’est à peine une hypothèse d’admettre que cet édifice a été transformé en église. Le plan, tel qu’il se présente aujourd’hui, ressemble de si près à celui d’une basilique à abside, précédée d’un grand atrium, que l’idée de cette adaptation a dû s’offrir d’elle même à l’esprit des architectes chrétiens. [ ] 66  Bailie_1843_127 Tralles: “I made anxious inquiries respecting them of the person who accompanied me in my excursions through the Acropolis and other quarters of the ancient town, but received the discouraging answer that all such monuments had disappeared. This gentleman, who was the Pasha’s physician chose, for obvious reasons, to convey his sentiments on this subject to me in Latin. I have a vivid recollection of his concluding words, which were uttered with strong emotion: “Lege Strabonem ille omnia con spectui dabit: sed monumenta delevit barbara manus.” [ ] 67  Reinach_1904_350–351 at Tralles: Le 3 février 1902, des ouvriers, occupés à retirer des pierres et des marbres à Tralles pour la reconstruction d’une des mosquées d’Aïdin détruite par le tremblement de terre de 1899, découvrirent simultanément deux statues, puis, deux jours après, une troisième. Les deux premières, l’Éphèbe et la Nymphe (qu’on s’est plu à appeler Vénus), ont été trouvées à 2m50 de profondeur, reposant horizontalement sur de la terre meuble et devant un mur appareillé. La troisième, la Caryatide, à un mètre de distance de celles ci, vers le nord, était également dans une position horizontale, mais reposait sur des débris de mur et était engagée en partie dans un petit mur de construction byzantine. – and more works were found nearby by Edhem-Bey (listed 353). [ ] 68  Hawley_1918_184 Tralles: “where what is left of the ancient Greek city of Tralles lies beneath an orchard of olive-trees waiting for an excavator. Since the earliest times it has



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suffered again and again from earthquakes; in more recent years the Turks have turned some of its beautiful marble monuments into lime-kilns, and have used others in the construction of modern buildings. Yet there are still traces of Roman baths, a stadium, an acropolis, and also the theatre, from which on a clear day Strabo saw the white seats of the theatre of Magnesia far away in the west.” [ ] 69  Le_Camus_1896_160 Aydin: Des blocs considérables de pierre, il n’en faut pas chercher, au moins sur les points les plus rapprochés de la route.Comme nous l’avions entrevu en traversant le bazar, les habitants d’Aidin ont tout pris pour se faire des maisons, des mosquées, un konak. Seuls des fragments de briques semés partout, rappellent que sur ce large plateau il y eut une cité. [ ] 70  Le_Camus_1896_163b Tralles: en traversant des débris d’édifices informes, nous aboutissons aux restes d’une ancienne église. Quelques enfants, jouant sur l’herbe, nous disent qu’elle porte le nom de Panaghia. Le peuple consacre volontiers à la SainteVierge tous les sanctuaires dont il ne sait pas les origines. L’édifice, en pierres blanches, d’appareil régulier, a été démoli jusqu’au point où le sol exhaussé a protégé les douze dernières assises. Le périmètre subsiste tout entier. Sur les bords, autour du chœur, il y a même de très beaux blocs carrés gisant à terre et qu’on semble avoir craint de dérober. La dévotion des habitants du pays à ce sanctuaire est encore très grande. Un tronçon de colonne, planté au milieu du sanctuaire, sert d’autel et les enfants nous assurent que, plusieurs fois par an, les Grecs viennent ici processionnellement chanter une messe en plein air. Le chœur avait trois enfoncements semi-circulaires, sans parler des deux qui, en forme de chapelles latérales, constituaient sans doute la prothesis et le diaconium. [ ] 71  Le_Camus_1896_165 the theatre at Tralles: il est dans un très lamentable état. Les gradins ont été arrachés depuis longtemps . . . De nombreux éboulements de terrain ont compromis la physionomie ancienne de l’édifice. [ ] 72  Hawley_1918_184 Tralles: “what is left of the ancient Greek city of Tralles lies beneath an orchard of olive-trees waiting for an excavator. Since the earliest times it has suffered again and again from earthquakes; in more recent years the Turks have turned some of its beautiful marble monuments into lime-kilns, and have used others in the construction of modern buildings. Yet there are still traces of Roman baths, a stadium, an acropolis, and also the theatre, from which on a clear day Strabo saw the white seats of the theatre of Magnesia far away in the west.” [ ] 73  Rott_1908_19 Kremna: Und zu Füßen blinkt, halb von Moos und Schorf überzogen, der Marmor der schönsten Säulen und Gebälke aus dem Chaos der lebendigen Natur hervor, und um das Bruchstück einer Lapidarinschrift, die aus ansehnlicher Höhe herabgestürzt sein muß, hat kräftiger Efeu bereits seine Arme geschlungen. Wir stehen an einer klassischen Schlummerstätte inmitten der wildesten Romantik der Gegenwart. Halb melancholisch, halb unbewußt schrieb ich damals ins Tagebuch: Und Marmorbilder stehn und sehn mich an . . . Die Hochgebirgsszenerie auf der Akropolis von Kremna in Pisidien hat nur im zweiten Faust ihr Gegenstück, hier ist ein Tabor der antiken Welt. [ ] 74  Deschamps_1894_213 Tralles: Checher, dans la folle végétation des chênes-verts et des lentisques, les vestiges épars de la cité morte, pour parler du passé, devant les trois arcades que nous avions vues du chemin de fer et qui, malgré leur massive tournure, sont moins imposantes de prés que de loin. Pauvres ruines, dont la pioche des carriers turcs n’a pas encore tout à fait ravagé la maçonnerie, et à laquelle la sagacité des archéologues n’a pas encore pu donner un nom! [ ] 75  Arundell_1828_64 Guzzel-Hissar (Aydin / Tralles): “we saw numerous excavations made by the Turks, and in one spot such a quantity of rich mouldings, capitals, shafts of pillars, and architraves of the purest Ionic, that I could almost decide it to have been the site of the temple of Aesculapius: but the work of destruction had already commenced; stones of the finest sculpture were chisseled and split into small pieces for building-stones and Turkish turbans, and, in a very few weeks, not a vestige will perhaps remain! Had it been any other day than the Sabbath, I should have employed considerable time in a fuller examination of these interesting remains.”



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[ ] 76  Fellows_1839_276 Aydin/Tralles: “Of the old town there remains only enough to show that it occupied the elevation which overlooks the present city. Upon this are still standing the foundations of walls, and the ruins of one of those palaces which I have before mentioned, and whose fine arches are conspicuous for many miles around. This building has evidently been repaired many times, the stones of the upper part containing inverted inscriptions and ornaments. Within the arches, which have been plastered, remain some paintings, with the same design on each, and, within painted wreaths, inscriptions now quite illegible. If these works were coeval with the building, assuredly painting did not flourish in the same age as architecture. This elevated ground has been laid open in many places, which are worked as quarries for the modern town; the troughs and cisterns now in use have all been pedestals, capitals of columns, or tombs.” [ ] 77  Chandler_1825_I_34–35 Alexandria Troas: “A city distinguished and flourishing by Roman favour, would not be tardy in paying the tribute of adulation to its benefactors. The peasant shewed me a marble pedestal inscribed in Latin, the characters large, plain, and well-formed. We found, near this, two other pedestals, one above half buried in rubbish; but the Turks cleared the front with their sabres to the eighth line. All three were alike, and had the same inscription, except some slight variations. They had been erected by different cities in honour of Caius Antonius Rufiis, flamen or high priest of the god Julius and of the god Augustus. A maimed trunk, which we saw, was perhaps one of the statues; and it is probable the basement, before noted, belonged to the temple dedicated to the deities whom he served, or to the goddess Rome. These marbles are about midway between the principal ruin and the beach. A Venetian officer afterwards informed us, that he had removed one of them on board his ship, then in the gulf of Smyrna, by order of the captain, while they lay at anchor near Tenedos, waiting for the bailow, whose time of residence at Constantinople was expired.” [ ] 78  Tchihatchef_1869_42–43: En effet, quand on considère la facilité avec laquelle la moindre excursion archéologique en Asie Mineure y fait découvrir les plus importantes ruines, puisqu’une tournée de quelques semaines en Lycie avait suffi à MM. Forbes, Spratt et Daniel pour nous y faire connaître une vingtaine de cités antiques, on ne peut s’empêcher de contempler d’avance tous les trésors que l’on retirera un jour de l’intérieur du sol classique de l’Asie Mineure, lorsque dans les recherches archéologiques on y appliquera les procédés de fouille pratiqués avec un si remarquable succès, même dans nos cités européennes sur lesquelles depuis tant d’années tous les savants du monde avaient concentré leurs efforts en profitant des immenses ressources de la civilisation moderne unies à la coopération des gouvernements. Ainsi, après que les antiquités do Rome semblaient avoir dit leur dernier mot, ne voilà-t-il pas que, grâce à l’initiative de l’empereur des Français, le mont Palatin est à la veille de nous livrer le secret des demeures les plus somptueuses des Césars, ensevelies depuis tant de siècles sous d’épaisses couches de détritus que M. le professeur Rosa, digne interprète des intentions du souverain français, fait chaque jour disparaître de plus en plus. Si de tels résultats sont obtenus par des fouilles exécutées dans l’enceinte restreinte d’une seule colline romaine, que ne devrait-on espérer d’une région aussi vaste que l’empire français tout entier, région littéralement pavée de ruines, dont plusieurs bien autrement anciennes que les mines les plus vénérables de la Cilé éternelle. [ ] 79  Waddington_1853_111–112 Lycia: Il y a environ quinze ans, les découvertes de sir Charles Fellows, publiées dans la relation de son premier voyage, appelèrent tout à coup l’attention du monde savant sur une petite portion de l’Asie-Mineure qui jusqu’alors était restée à peu près inconnue, sauf sur quelques points de sa frontière maritime. On était étonné de voir surgir des ruines de la Lyde, dont on soupçonnait à peine l’existence, une foule de monuments de la plus haute importance, des inscriptions écrites dans une langue inconnue jusqu’alors, des tombeaux d’une architecture particulière, et une numismatique entièrement nouvelle. De nombreux voyageurs ont depuis suivi les traces de Fellows, et chacun a ajouté à la récolte de ses prédécesseurs. Mais des différentes branches de la science archéologique, une seule a pu jusqu’à ce jour obtenir des résultats à peu près



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complets: la géographie ancienne de la Lycie a été refaite en entier, ou peu s’en faut, et cette province est maintenant, sans contredit, la mieux connue de l’Asie-Mineure. [ ] 80  Trémaux_1861_162: Par suite de circonstances favorables, j’ai pu explorer une grande quantité de villes antiques ou localités historiques de l’Asie Mineure. Si quelques-unes, comme Troie, ne laissent presque plus de traces de leur existence, ou peu de restes importants comme Tralles, qui a servi de carrière à la ville moderne d’Aïdin; d’autres, au contraire, laissent voir des villes presque entières avec des monuments de toutes espèces dont quelques-uns sont à peine endommagés. / Parmi ces dernières, plus de quarante localités ou cités antiques m’ont fourni une ample moisson de documents. Ils comprennent les plans généraux, les plans particuliers des monuments principaux; des détails, des vues faites au moyen de la photographie, ce qui donne une garantie d’exactitude parfaite, puis une grande quantité d’inscriptions grecques et quelques-unes latines, ainsi que des médailles trouvées dans les fouilles de diverses localités. [ ] 81  Fellows_1852_26 Bergama: “The amphitheatre on the south-west of the castle, though in ruins, is a wonderful building. A river runs through it, and the arches, now underground, are equal in workmanship to any that I have seen. Those above have probably been as fine; but, although they now stand tier above tier, all the joints have been chipped, as in the Coliseum at Rome, and not a seat remains; the stupendous works underground will defy the exertions of the Turks to remove them. Triumphal arches and houses in ruins are to be seen in the town, with the Turks’ huts among them, bearing the same proportion to them as the nests of the storks to the ruined palaces, in which they alone now reign. The burial-grounds also are full of fine relics.” [ ] 82  Fellows_1852_26–27 Bergama: “The marbles found here are numerous, and are continually taken off for the museums of Europe. The French sent a vessel last year for a bath and statue, which had been for years unnoticed. I could not have imagined to what variety of uses columns may be applied; they are to be had for nothing, and are therefore used for every purpose. The modem town is as busy and thriving as heavy taxation will allow, and has seven or eight khans.” [ ] 83  Dallaway_1797_302 Bergama: “In the streets, and inserted into the walls of the houses, are innumerable pieces of broken architecture; but the exact site of any temple we were not able to ascertain.” [ ] 84  Hoskyn_1842_148–149 Cadyanda: “Huzumli is 5 hours from Makri. / On a mountain near the village are the ruins of a Greek city. Approaching it we observed numerous tombs excavated in the rocks, but which had been thrown out of their original positions by the violence of earthquakes, some of them in large fragments of rock quite entire. One, a sarcophagus, highly ornamented, which has been removed from its original site in an entire state to a considerable distance, now lies, with the large mass out of which it has been hewn, at the head of a ravine, inclined at an angle of about 30°, apparently waiting for the next shock to precipitate it to the bottom. The only approach to the city is by a path of steep ascent; it is surrounded by cliffs on the W. side, and is very steep all round: the first object which attracted our attention on entering it was a heap of ruins, apparently of a temple: there are fragments of many columns, some fluted, others plain, but I could discover no capitals by which the order of its architecture might be ascertained. Adjoining it on the E. are the foundations of a large square building, enclosing a apace filled with cisterns; to the S. of it are the ruins of a palace. The theatre is on the S. side of the city; it commands a view of the plain and harbour of Makri, with Mount Cragus rising behind them; it is small and in tolerable preservation, better indeed than any other object here; it has eighteen rows of seats, and is about 125 feet in diameter; the back of the upper row has an inscription, much obliterated by the decay of the stone; the same cause makes it estremely difficult to decipher any of the inscriptions which are found on the tombs. Mr, Fellowes has ascertained it to be the city Cadyanda; an inscription lately found in a Turkish burying-ground on the plain of Makri, by the Rev. E. T. Daniell, and which was probably brought from this place, gives it the same name.” Hoskyn_1842_150 Tlos: “The theatre is about 200 feet in diameter, and has thirty-four rows of seats; it is now entirely filled with brushwood, which quite destroys its appearance; it is in tolerable preservation and



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highly ornamented; the lower part is excavated, and the upper built on immense arches; it faces the acropolis, where there were probably temples. The walls of the acropolis have been rebuilt with the ruins of the temples and seats of the theatre. There are many columns and friezes scattered about, but it is difficult to decide on the sites of the temples. Here are also some immense buildings of a later period, probably Roman.” [ ] 85  Conder_1830_215 Bodrum, citing Beaufort: “The walls of the ancient city may be here and there discerned; and several fragments of columns, mutilated sculptures, and broken inscriptions, are scattered in different parts of the bazar and streets. Above the town are the remains of a theatre, which measures about 280 feet in diameter, and seems to have had about thirty-six rows of seats. We observed many other ruins in the vicinity of the town, varying in character, and apparently in age, and well deserving the diligent attention of the antiquary.” [ ] 86  Michon_1893_412–413 unpublished journal fragments relayed by M. de Breuvery fils from his father’s 1829 Journal de Route: “Situation pittoresque du château de Boudroum. – Armoiries des chevaliers et têtes de lions dans les murs avec bas-reliefs antiques. – On dit qu’une des tours est revêtue intérieurement d’inscriptions grecques. Impossible d’y pénétrer. – Abondance des autels et fragments de colonnes dans Boudroum et aux environs. – Ruines du théâtre. Sa grandeur. Sa belle position. – Au dessus, dans les rochers, nombre de grandes salles sépulcrales fort belles, avec des bancs autour et des niches en profondeur; on ne les creusait qu’à mesure des morts; les dernières sont seulement indiquées; – Je veux en vain dessiner le château; promenade dans les jardins. – Caryatide d’un superbe travail, mais brisée. [i.e. this is the statue in question] – Fragments d’une statue colossale et de nombre d’inscriptions et de travaux d’architecture de diverses espèces. – On suit fort longtemps les murs de la ville antique construits en grands blocs. – Colonnes couvertes d’inscriptions verticales fort singulières. – Sur le chemin de Boudroum à Pétesse, on rencontre des restes d’une chaussée antique de marbre fort bien construite. / « Promenades dans Boudroum – Rocher percé le long des murs antiques; leur grandeur. – On en suit toute la ligne dans là vallée, à droite du château, jusqu’au dessus d’un rocher sur la; ville; puis ils gravissent la colline au coin de laquelle est une tour, vont ceindre une autre colline, reviennent au rocher percé, serpentent un peu dans la valléeet gravissent la colline des tombeaux. – Singuliers rochers de marbre qui semblent des ruines. / Quantité d’autels funéraires! – Découverte de quelques colonnes qui portent encore une frise. – Découverte d’un emplacement nivelé soutenu d’énormes murs, où se voient les restes de colonnes doriques cannelées, de marbre blanc, d’un mètre de diamètre: peut-être le Mausolée? / Découverte près du théâtre d’un autel avec six figures en relief d’un superbe travail, mais fruste. – Découverte d’un petit autel de Jupiter, que nous achetons [also now Louvre]; de plusieurs inscriptions et restes dé frises et de triglyphes. – Superbes bas-reliefs, statues et bustes du château qu’on peut voir du dehors. » [ ] 87  Kinnear_1841_212–213 Askelon: “Near the centre of the field of ruins there has stood a temple of large dimensions, the pillars of which, although all prostrate, are still entire; each shaft being of one piece of grey granite. The capitals and entablature are of white marble, of the Corinthian order, and in the purest taste. Near this, a very beautiful colossal female figure, of white marble, forms part of the substructure of a building, and might be easily removed from its present situation. Friezes and entablatures, and fragments of marble statues, lie scattered about in every direction.” [ ] 88  Clarke_1818_VII_112 near Plataea, the ruins of Leuctra: “They are situate at the distance of three hours from Cocla. The ground for a considerable space is covered with immense fragments of marble and stone; among which the inhabitants have long laboured in vain to introduce the plough for the cultivation of the soil. We saw them employed in breaking a huge bas-relief, and labouring hard to remove the foundations of antient edifices: but the remains of the trophies, temples, and walls of Leuctra will resist their utmost unremitted efforts for a long time to come.” [ ] 89  Ansted_1863_335–6 on Cephalonia, and destruction by men and Vegetation: “To this slow, but incessant destruction, must be attributed much of the decay of the Cyclopean, polygonal, and Hellenic walls. Far too massive and too regularly built to have suffered from



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any ordinary decay, it would seem that nothing but an earthquake would disturb them. Doubtless, earthquakes, which have been very common in the islands, may occasionally have thrown down portions of these massive walls, though the style of building is such as to keep them pretty well together. Doubtless, also, the hand of man has attempted, not always without success, to destroy what must have cost so much human labour to construct; for it is certain that in all cases they have served as quarries to succeeding generations. But I am quite satisfied, from the results of my own observation in Cephalonia and Ithaca, that vegetation has had much more to do in oversetting these gigantic blocks than either man or accident.” [ ] 90  Leake_1835_I_429 Trikkala/Tricca in Thessaly: “The only traces I can find of the ancient Tricca are some small remains of Hellenic masonry, forming part of the wall of the castle, and some squared blocks of stone of the same ages dispersed in different parts of the town. On the summit of the hill behind the castle stands part of the shaft of a column one foot eight inches in diameter, tapering like the Doric, but not fluted. It is fixed with the smaller end in the ground, and is not, therefore, in its original position. There is another similar column in an adjoining Turkish cemetery.” [ ] 91  Leake_1835_IV_288 Thessaly: “At Gardhiki are the remains of a large Hellenic city, which there can he little doubt was Pelinnteum. The entire circuit of the walls still remains, together with traces of suburbs on either side. On the west particularly, in approacbing from Kirtzini, the main street of the suburb is still distinguishable, leading to the middle of the western wall, where one of the gates probably stood.” [ ] 92  Bent_1890_445: “We had to dwell amidst ruins, to inhabit tombs when we could find them, and to put up with the tents of the nomads when nothing better presented itself, for there are no towns in this district, no villages unless you can designate by such a title small nests of miserable hovels, which the nomads use as storehouses for their grain, and occasionally during the bad season inhabit themselves. / It is now a district given up to almost impenetrable brushwood, forest, and rocks, the intricacies of which are only known to the wild Yuruks who pasture their flocks amongst them. Until the tenth century of our era, it was probably one of the most flourishing corners of the world, as is testified by the innumerable ruins of towns and villages crowded upon it, not only on the coast-line, but up to a height of 6000 feet.” [ ] 93  Leake_1824_156: “From Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia. – There cannot be a stronger proof of the little progress yet made in geographical discovery in Asia Minor, than the fact, that the site of Apameia still remains unexplored. Under the name of Celsenae, it was the capital of Phrygia; and in Roman times, although not equal in political importance to Laadiceia, which was the residence of the pro-consul of Asia, it was inferior only to Ephesus as a centre of commercial transactions.” [ ] 94  Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_165 Rhodiapolis, east of Cordyalla: “We were not sanguine enough to hope for another ancient city so very near to that which we had just left, for as yet an hour had not passed away. Suddenly, however, we found ourselves among a host of tombs, and through the narrow avenues of the forest we saw towers and walls, far more extensive, and in far better preservation, than those of Corydalla. A well-built theatre, remains of temples and of early Christian churches, inscribed pedestals and sculptured sarcophagi, proclaimed a city of some importance; nor were we long in finding, among the inscriptions, evidence of the name of the site, which proved to be that of Rhodiapolis. Elated with our success, and resolved to return after our proposed journey to Karditch, we rode back to Armootlee in the best of humours.” [ ] 95  Tchihatchef_1854_86 Pamphylia: A deux heures au sud-ouest d’Istavros, on aperçoit, du côté de la mer, des ruines assez étendues de tours et de murailles construites en belles pierres taillées, cimentées avec de la marne ou de la chaux. A deux heures à l’ouest d’Adalia, s’élèvent, sur un beau plateau, de vastes et magnifiques ruines, dont on traverse une partie pour aller d’Adalia à Yenidjekhan. Les débris qui bordent la route consistent en sarcophages pour la plupart ouverts, souvent munis d’inscriptions grecques qui auraient pu fournir probablement dçs renseignements intéressants. Cette longue rangée de



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sarcophages formait la nécropole de la cité, dont les magnifiques restes se voient plus au nord. [ ] 96  Tchihatchef_1854_70–71 Alabanda to Mylas: Lorsque, en 1848, je quittai les ruines d’Alabanda pour me diriger vers Mylassa, en traversant le mont Latmus, j’aperçus, après trois heures de marche, beaucoup de sarcophages et de dalles alignés symétriquement ou disposés en gradins sur plusieurs collines qui s’avancent dans l’intérieur de la vallée dans laquelle nous cheminions. Ces monuments d’une cité antique se rattachent aux belles ruines qui se dressent de tous côtés tout autour du village Demirdjikoi, situé à quatre heures de marche au sud-ouest des ruines d’Alabanda, un peu à droite de la route. D’énormes sarcophages et des colonnes nombreuses se dressent au bas de Demirdjikoi, tandis qu’un magnifique édifice carré domine le village. Les pans qui restent de cet édifice sont dans le genre de celui d’Alabanda situé dans la plaine; mais l’édifice de Demirdjikoi est beaucoup plus considérable et mieux conservé. A cinq heures trois quarts des ruines d’Alabanda on commence à monter, et l’on passe à côté d’un grand nombre de colonnes remarquablement grosses, gisant çà et là, en sorte qu’il paraît que la série des monuments n’a pas été interrompue par la chaîne du Latmus et qu’elle s’étendait peut-être sur une ligne continue de près de huit lieues, depuis Alabanda jusqu’à Mylassa. [ ] 97  Ramsay_1890_82–88 for the many instances, and variety of reasons, for the change of site. 82: “One of the thoughts which oftenest occur to the traveller in Asia Minor is to ask why modern towns so rarely occupy exactly the site of ancient cities.” 83: “The rule is general that each modern centre is the representative of some ancient city, and conversely that almost every ancient city has a modern representative.” With a variety of answers: ancient site deserted or replaced by a village; when roads decline in importance, so do towns and cities along them; sacred sites or cities decline when the cult declines; in modern times, water supply determines situation and survival. [ ] 98  Ramsay_1887_462–463: “A modern town or village of more importance than its neighbours usually corresponds to each ancient city, though it is generally on a different site. The reasons which lead to change of site form the subject of a special investigation; but the fact of such correspondence often furnishes topographical evidence.” Footnoted as follows: “This investigation forms the subject of a paper which will, I hope, soon appear in the Transactions of the Royal Geographical Society; the reasons in brief are (1) change in the lines of road, (2) military strength, (3) water supply.” [ ] 99  Tchihatchef_1850_725: Tous ces avantages naturels ne suffisent malheureusement pas pour donner à la production minière en Asie Mineure une impulsion appropriée à la richesse du sol. On y exploite les mines presque au hasard, et toujours au mépris des principes fondamentaux de la science. Les mines où l’extraction du minerai exige un ouvrage souterrain un peu compliqué, celles où commence à filtrer le moindre filet d’eau, celles encore où le gîte métallifère manifeste quelque appauvrissement, sont aussitôt abandonnées, et on va creuser un peu plus loin un petit trou qui ne tarde pas à être délaissé comme le premier. Aussi aucune mine en Asie Mineure n’a-t-elle été poussée au-delà d’une dizaine de mètres de profondeur, et le plus souvent on cesse de l’exploiter avant même d’avoir atteint la partie la plus riche du gisement. [ 100] Sterrett_1888_4 Lamas to Orenkieui: “we reach a ruined village, which belongs apparently to the Roman period. Noteworthy are some walls of very neat polygonal masonry. Among the ruins, are many doorways still standing erect; for, while the houses themselves were built of smaller stones, and for that reason could not withstand the effects of time, the doorways, formed by three stones, – two posts with a lintel crowning them, – still remain in place. In one hour more the summit of the mountain is reached at the ruins of another ancient village similar to the one just mentioned Hence we descend in twenty minutes to the village Göyerek, situated in a kettle or loop in the mountains perhaps a mile wide. Three quarters of an hour beyond Goyerek – our general direction remaining the same – we pass an ancient cemetery with sarcophagi of solid workmanship still in place. The surrounding country is a great undulating plateau, but exceedingly rocky and dreary. Twenty minutes beyond the cemetery we reach the ruins of a large Greco Roman



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village, with many doorways, and several arches, which evidenly belonged to substructures of buildings, still standing. The site is now a Turcoman Yaila, and the ancient cistern of well-hewn and nicely adjusted stones is used at the present day by the turbaned nomads. / After eight hours and a half of continuous travel, we reach Orenkieui, the fame of whose ruins had led me to expect much. It was the site of a large Christian church or monastery, which, having served as a quarry for the modern huts, has almost entirely disappeared.” [ ] 101  Lechat_&_Radet_1887_404: La route, qui, aujourd’hui, va de Thyatire à Pergame, suit le pied des montagnes qui bordent, à l’O, la vallée au Caïque; elle passe par Méder, Bakir et Kirk-Agatsch. Dans l’antiquité, la grande route devait suivre le pied de la chaîne orientale et passer par Attaleia, Stratonicée-Hadrianopolis et Sandaina. Ce côté de la vallée était le plus habité; c’est celui qui, aujourd’hui, garde le plus de restes antiques. Il paraît même qu’il y a moins de deux siècles, il s’y trouvait encore des ruines considérables. C’est, du moins, ce que nous apprend Paul Lucas. Nous croyons bon de citer ici ce vieux voyageur dont les indications sont toujours si précieuses. Paul Lucas se trouvait à Guélembeh qu’il appelle Quelembo: « Les habitants de ce Village, raconte-t-il, m’aiant dit qu’il y a à une lieue de là une Ville entièrement ruinée, où il se trouve plusieurs Monuments anciens, quelques inscriptions et les restes de quelques Ponts de pierre, sur la rivière qui passe aux pieds de cette ville, il ne me fut pas possible d’y aller, de peur de m’égarer, dans une route qui m’étoit inconnue; j’aime mieux qu’on m’accuse de négligence, que de ne pas avertir de ce détail ceux qui pourront un jour passer par le même chemin et qui auront peutêtre plus de commoditez que je n’en avoie alors ». La ville ruinée qui est à une lieue de Guélembeh, près d’une rivière, est certainement Stratonicée du Caïque. [ 102] Roberts_1738_116 Anatolia: “In this Countrey was anciently accounted 4000 Cities and Townes, those seaven famous amongst the rest to whom Saint John dedicated his Revelation; but now the ruines of them are hardly to be seene.” [ 103] Waddington_1853_46: Les ruines de Cnide à Cavo-Crio sont très considérables; elles ont été explorées il y a environ 25 ans par une expédition scientifique anglaise, qui y trouva des antiquités fort intéressantes. Au commencement de cette année, je les ai visitées à mon tour; dans aucune autre ville de l’Asie-Mineure je n’ai vu autant de monuments d’architecture cyclopéenne; mais à mon regret tous les marbres, et par conséquent toutes les inscriptions, avaient disparu. J’ai appris plus tard que Méhémet-Ali-Pacha avait chargé, il y a quelques années, plusieurs vaisseaux des marbres de Cnide, pour en construire un palais en Egypte. Les ruines sont désertes; le village le plus proche est à deux heures de marche; de là la rareté des médailles de cette ville, eu égard à l’importance qu’elle avait autrefois. [ 104] Beaufort_1818_81–82 (travelling 1811–1812) Cnidus: “Few places bear more incontestable proofs of former magnificence than Cnidus; and still fewer of the ruffian industry of their destroyers. The whole area of the city is one promiscuous mass of ruins; among which may be traced streets and gateways, porticoes and theatres; but the shortness of our stay prevented any examination of them in detail, my time being chiefly employed in making a sketch of the two harbours and the adjacent coast.” [ 105] Turner_1820_III_32 the two harbours of Cnidus: “These two are still deep and serviceable: the middle one is entirely sheltered on every side, but is now so choked as not to have more than from four to six feet water, and is not above 100 yards square. The place is all covered with broken walls, columns, half arches, and heaps of materials.” [ 106] Newton_1865_II_170–171 Cnidus: “In the year 1812, when Cnidus was visited by a mission from the Dilettanti Society, the ruins were probably much more extensive than at present. From the accessibility of its harbours, this site has been much resorted to by Turks and Greeks as a quarry for building purposes. About twenty years ago, several shiploads of marble were removed from Cnidus by order of Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Egypt, who employed them in tlie construction of a new palace. Notwithstanding this extensive spoliation, the ruins cover a large area, and the general plan of the city can be easily made out. It rose from the opposite shores of the harbours in a succession of terraces, at right angles to which are streets and flights of steps, still very clearly to be traced out.”



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[ 107] Tromelin_1800_3 Cnidus, the E. port known as Porte Cavalière, with un vieux môle qui a été détruit il y a peu de tems . . . le corsaire Lambro, dans la guerre des Russes contre la Porte en 1789 y avait formé un établissement d’où il se portait avec avantage sur tous les bâtiments Grecs ou Turcs naviguant dans l’Archipel. [ 108] De_Brèves_1628_23 Satalia: Le logis du Bassa paroist avoir esté autrefois un beau Palais, y ayant encore des ruines de Portiques soustenus de colomnes de marbre, des bassins de fontaines de marbre blanc fort bien élabourez. [ 109] Tromelin_1800_2v: near Phaselis: Aujourd’hui il y a un superbe port avec une bonne Aigue des près de cette ville nommé aujourd’hui Porto Gennesse (port de Gênes) où les Génois avoient jadis un établissement dépendant de la Palatia, qui étoit leur grande échelle d’où partent toutes les caravanes pour l’intérieur de l’Asie mineure et surtout pour Smyrne. [ ] 110  Mac_Farlane_1850_I_290–291 Aezani: “The traveller that follows me at the distance of twenty years (when I shall have made a longer journey) will not, in all probability, find half of the columns that we found erect at Aizani. If the Turks remain masters of the country, I drop the probability and put in the word certainly. / The village of Chauvder, standing on the site or part of the site of an elegant Greek city, and within the shadow of that stately and beautiful Temple, was little better than a collection of tumble-down pigstyes. It contained about eighty hovels.” [ ] 111  Monk_1851_I_69–70 Aezani: “Some exvotos on the altars, which now form part of the partition farm walls in the village, were perfectly legible. We observed remains of a second temple about 200 yards from the former. The foundations are on a gigantic scale, and are clearly traceable. The theatre, though equally mutilated, was in a more perfect state, and must have been of extraordinary magnificence. The chisel of the destroyer was actively employed during our visit; but so durable are the materials of which it is constructed, that there are still hopes that it may successfully resist, for ages yet to come, the miserable efforts and the inefficient tools of the peasants of Tchaldarr.” [ ] 112  Taylor_1855_296 the temple at Aezani: “On the top and around the edges of this platform lie great numbers of fluted columns, and immense fragments of cornice and architrave. In the centre, on a foundation platform about eight feet high, stands a beautiful Ionic temple, one hundred feet in length. On approaching, it appeared nearly perfect, except the roof, and so many of the columns remain standing that its ruined condition scarcely injures the effect There are seventeen columns ou the side and eight at the end, Ionic in style, fluted, and fifty feet in height About half the cella remains, with an elegant frieze and cornice along the top, and a series of tablets, set in panels of ornamental sculpture, running along the sides.” [ ] 113  Keppel_1831_II_204–205 approaching Aezani: “The beautiful temple had been visible at six miles’ distance: our nearer approach to it was marked by lanes formed by a prodigious quantity of prostrate shafts of columns plain and fluted, highly ornamented capitals, and superbly wrought entablatures; rows of erect columns are still standing in several parts of the village. The burying-grounds are full of architectural fragments, and Greek inscriptions meet the eye at every turn.” [ ] 114  Le_Bas_1888_146 Aizani environs: La route d’Ameth à Aizani, comme beaucoup de celles que j’ai tracées précédemment, n’ayant encore été suivie par aucun voyageur européen, je crois devoir indiquer ici la direction avec quelques détails. En quittant Ameth, on laisse à gauche le grand cimetière dont j’ai parlé, puis on monte vers le sud, et, à une heure de distance, on laisse sur la gauche Keprudjick et la montagne de ce nom. Une demi-heure plus loin, on atteint Surayak et, après un pareil intervalle de temps, Akisé, village dans le cimetière duquel on trouve plusieurs débris antiques et notamment quelques stèles funèbres. Vingt-cinq minutes plus loin, on descend dans un vallon où se trouve sur la gauche le village d’Yarisch. Cette vallée se bifurque en deux vallons dont l’un se dirige vers l’est et l’autre vers le sud-ouest. C’est ce dernier que nous suivons et, peu de temps après, nous marchons droit au sud. Après une heure et demie de marche, nous atteignons un cimetière abandonné dans lequel nous trouvons une colonne dorique et une inscription,



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et une heure après nous entrons dans la petite plaine de Tcherté, grand village que nous laissons à droite, mais dont le cimetière qu’on rencontre sur la route contient de nombreux fragments d’architecture et de sculpture qui permettent de conjecturer que là autrefois devait s’élever une des petites villes de l’Aizanitide, dont la plaine de Tcherté n’était pour ainsi dire que le vestibule. [ ] 115  Sterrett_1907_4–5: “Again, in his Historical Geography (p. 333), a book published not a great many years ago, Ramsay mentions, near Iconium, ‘the remains of a fine and large church,’ but in 1900 Crowfoot found scarcely ‘one stone standing upon another.’ Therefore, if we would save all these disjecta membra of antiquity, we must be up and doing.” [ ] 116  Mitford_1974_221a Satala: “Biliotti was able [in 1874] to record at leisure structural remains in an altogether better state of preservation than is true today. His 18 ft walls, with traces of ashlar facing, are now reduced to rubble cores visible, except at the north-east and south-east angles, only in eroded sections. Of the square projecting towers there is now barely a trace. The supposed look-out towers reported on the surrounding mountain tops are known from no other source. / His are the only excavations on record in Armenia Minor, and at any point on the limes itself between Trapezus and the rescue work north of the Keban dam.” [ ] 117  Anderson_1898_82–83 at Geune: “On the opposite side of the canyon, almost on the same level as Tchindere keui, lies the large village Geune, a governmental centre, and seat of a mudur. Our chief object at Geune was to find and examine the extensive ruins seen by Hamilton east of the village, between it and the Maeander. ‘While crossing this flat country,’ he says (II. 371), ‘my attention was arrested by several square blocks of stone in the fields on the right; and on proceeding to examine them I found myself on the site of an ancient city. The ground and walls between the enclosures contained many similar blocks, some of which were still in situ, others were pedestals, but without inscriptions, while broken pottery and tiles lay scattered about in all directions. The most remarkable feature was what may be called a street of tombs, extending in a north by east direction from the town. All of them had been much injured, but the foundations of many were still perfect. The whole area of the city had been ploughed over, but the remains of walls of houses and other buildings were everywhere visible . . . A little to the south-west of the tombs were the foundations of a small building, with several broken columns five or six feet high still in situ . . . The ruins extended on both sides of the road, and were in places much over-grown with vegetation. The Turks call them Kepejik . . . ’ Arrived at Geune, we naturally expected to have no difficulty in finding a guide to show us these ruins, which were so conspicuous in 1837; but no one in the village seemed to know anything about them. This extraordinary fact is confirmed by the experience of the late Dr. Buresch, who visited Geune some years ago, but failed, notwithstanding the assistance of the ‘courteous mudur,’ to discover any one who knew anything whatsoever about the existence of Hamilton’s city. Unable in the poor state of his health to undertake the task of searching for a site which was unknown to the natives, he naturally concluded, that ‘like numberless other ancient towns, it had vanished from the face of the earth.’ in despair to search for the ruins, we found that they were not unknown to some of the peasants in the fields, and though nothing would induce them to leave their work and show us the spot, we ultimately discovered the site just where Hamilton placed it, on the level plateau fully three miles east of Geune. The ruins have become much more ruinous since Hamilton’s visit. The stones have been thrown into ignominious heaps to make room for vineyards and cornfields, or used to build huts and outhouses; yet a few blocks still remain in situ, and the foundations of a large rectangular building (with portions of one or two courses of stones) are still visible. The ‘street of tombs’ has entirely disappeared, but some fragments of columns and innumerable squared blocks extending over a large area on both sides of the road attest a city of considerable size. Not a single inscription is to be seen; Hamilton found none when the ruins were more numerous and better preserved, and our search of two hours resulted in nothing but the discovery of the ‘Constantinian’ monogram within



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a circle, neatly carved in relief on the end of a large rectangular block.” – author thinks this is either Sala or Tralla. [ ] 118  Spon_&_Wheler_1679_I_271 Hierapolis: On y remarque entr’autres un fort beau bain de marbre blanc enrichi tout autour de colonnes qui font tombées dedans. [ ] 119  Le_Camus_1896_187 Hierapolis: la source thermale, qui fit la réputation, et qui demeure l’incomparable curiosité d’Hiérapolis. Quelques débris de colonnade en marbre blanc sont tout ce qui reste de l’antique Nymphéum dominant la fontaine. L’eau couleur d’émeraude, est tellement transparente, qu’une petite pièce d’argent demeure visible jusque dans les dernières profondeurs du gouffre, et si quelqu’un se hasarde à l’aller chercher, nous disent les Turcomans, il n’en revient pas. Une colonne couchée dans l’abîme empêche les imprudents de s’y aventurer. – does he mean that parts of the nymphaeum were still standing? [ 120] Pococke_1772_V_142 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Hierapolis: On trouve à quelque distance de la muraille occidentale de la ville, & pendant l’espace d’un mille quantité de sépulcres & de cercueils de pierre & à cent soixante pas de la porte une file de colonnes de deux pieds de diamètre au-dessus desquelles sont des pilaires demi circulaires. Cette colonnade a cent cinquante pas de long, & est terminée par un édifice d’assez mauvais goût, que je crois être un arc de triomphe, car il y a dessus une inscription en l’honneur d’un Empereur. Il est composé de trois arches & terminé par deux tours rondes. [ ] 121  Bailie_1843_127–128 Hierapolis: “Desolation more utter and more disheartening can scarcely be conceived than that of Laodicea; and the extraordinary vision which met my eyes at the second of those places, wholly engrossed my attention during the brief period of my stay. The remains of its baths, its temples, its amphitheatre, and more than all, the singular phenomena of its stalactitic concretions, render it one of the most interesting sites in the whole extent of Anatolia. But the feeling of utter loneliness and desolation is the same there as in the neighbouring locality of Laodicea. Not a habitation is to be seen, after the adventurous traveller has crossed the narrow ledge of rocks by which the ruins are approached from the plain of the Lycus. The solitary Turkoman tending his charge, the jackal, and the viper, are now the only tenants of this once celebrated resort of the masters of the world and their Asiatic tributaries; for the saline baths of Hierapolis made it one of the most frequented watering-places in the Roman dominions.” [ 122] Choisy_1876_254–255 Hierapolis: Les portes de l’enceinte romaine sont intactes; le théâtre, d’une admirable conservation; quant aux thermes, qui firent autrefois la fortune de la ville, on les croirait abandonnés d’hier. La grande piscine est remplie de dépôts calcaires, mais la voûte qui l’abritait subsiste, et elle est colossale. [ 123] Mengous_1830_239 Hierapolis: “I may mention here a beautiful renmant of antiquity I found in a Turkish vineyard before the war, to give an idea of the frequency of such relics in the East, and the total indifference usually exhibited towards such subjects by the Turks. I happened to be on a shooting excursion, when I met with a piece of marble, which I had the curiosity to turn over, and found on the face a beautiful relievo representing the three Fatal Sisters. The owner of the soil would not permit me to remove it until I had paid him a dollar, although he placed no value on it himself; but I afterwards had reason to think my own admiration of its execution not ill founded, when an Englishman offered and paid me four or five times that sum. / While at Hierapolis, also, I recollect that I found a head of Socrates in marble, which I afterwards sold for sixteen dollars. The ancient temple, which is the chief object of attention among the ruins of that ancient city, is magnificent, and constructed of large and fine blocks of marble, bearing relievos of extraordinary beauty. Among them are choirs of boys, dancing hand in hand. The entrance is very fine, the gate being about fifteen feet high, with a single massy block of marble laid above.” [ 124] Le_Camus_1896_193 Hierapolis, the theatre: Chemin faisant, les Turcomans, resignés à garder leur cheval alezan, appellent notre attention sur une belle statue de marbre et d’autres sculptures enfouies dans un ruisseau profond. Ils offrent de nous les vendre; mais comment les enlever d’ici?



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[ 125] Poujoulat_1840_I_58 Hierapolis: J’arrive aux ruines de Pambou-Kaleh. Ces ruines s’offrent tout à coup à la vue, et produisent un surprenant spectacle. Voyez, au nord, cet arc de triomphe d’une architecture dégénérée, mais parfaitement conservé. Là commence une longue colonnade qui vient aboutir à une grande et magnifique église construite en pierres de taille. Plus loin apparaît le gymnase, ses murs sont d’une épaisseur énorme. On y reconnaît encore trois immenses galeries; les pierres formant les voûtes de ces galeries sont si bien jointes, que les tremblements de terre ne les ont point ébranlées. Au nord-ouest, sur le versant méridional de 1a montagne, est un théâtre qui a trois cent quarante-six pieds de diamètre. Il n’y a pas dans tout l’Orient un théâtre en meilleur état que celui d’Hiérapolis. But damaged had occurred, ibid., 59: Hierapolis, the theatre: Quoique les trois portes du théâtre d’Hiérapolis aient conservé leur forme primitive, elles ont subi néanmoins de déplorables dégradations. La scène présente une terrasse composée de larges blocs de marbre. L’enceinte de l’édifice est encombrée de colonnes de granit, d’entablements, de corniches et de chapitaux. Parmi ces magnifiques vestiges, confusément entassés, on distingue un fronton de quinze pieds de long sur quatre de large où sont sculptées des nymphes exécutant des danses voluptueuses. Les têtes manquent à ces nymphes, mais le reste du corps, les draperies, sont en parfaite conservation. [ 126] Chandler_1817_I_269 (travelling to Asia Minor in 1775) the theatre at Hierapolis: “We found this a very large and sumptuous structure, and the least ruined of any we had seen. Part of the front is standing. In the heap, which lies in confusion, are many sculptures well executed in basso-relievo; with pieces of architrave inscribed, but disjointed; or so encumbered with massive marbles, that we could collect from them no information. The character is large and bold, with ligatures. The marble seats are still unremoved.” [ 127] Saint-Martin_1852_II_193–4, relaying Arundel in 1826: arrive à Pamouk-Kalési, l’ancienne Hierapolis, située sur un plateau très-élevé au-dessus de la plaine, près du Lycus y un des affluents du Méandre. Outre une multitude de sarcophages couverts d’inscriptions, on retrouve encore en ce lieu des restes de murs, d’une colonnade, d’un arc de triomphe, d’un théâtre et d’un gymnase. De l’autre côté du Lycus, et à peu de distance, on voit les vestiges de Laodicea, près d’un lieu que les Turks nomment le Vieux Château, EskiHissar: telle est, nous l’avons dit ailleurs, la dénomination générique que prennent parmi les Turks beaucoup de lieux marqués par d’anciennes ruines. L’emplacement de Laodicée est couvert de débris d’antiquités épars sur le sol, et en partie enfouis. Tout près de là est Denizli, ville moderne assez considérable. [ 128] Seetzen_1855_III_367 (travelling 1805–1806) at Hierapolis: Pococke fand zu seiner Zeit bey den Ruinen von Heliopolis noch einen schönen Sphinx von gelbem Marmor, dessen Ohr 2 Fuss im Durchmesser hatte, und einen Stein mit Hieroglyphen. Diese sind seitdem gänzlich verschwunden. Von dem zweiten Obelisk sieht man gleichfalls keine Spur mehr. Die angegebene Länge des noch vorhandenen schönen Obelisk von 100 Ellen (Draa) ist sicher zu gross angegeben, und man dürfte diese meine Vermuthung durch die Beobachtungen der Franzosen bestätiget finden. [ 129] Pococke_1772_V_143–144 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Hierapolis, the theatre: un trèsbeau théatre qui regarde le midi; c’est le plus achevé que j’aie vu dans le levant, & quoique la façade ne soit pas entière, il en reste cependant assez pour faire connoître la manière dont il étoit construit. Il y avoit treize portes cintrées, dont cinq étoit sur le devant & les huit autres aux côtés; il règne autour du théatre une galerie, au-dessus de laquelle il y a vingt-cinq siéges & je crois qu’il y en avoit autant au-dessous; mais le terrein est si élevé,qu’il n’y en a qu’un petit nombre qui paroissent. Ce théatre n’est point entierement creusé dans la montagne; on y entre des deux côtés par la galerie; les portes sont de marbre blanc, parfaitement bien sculpté, & l’on y trouve de très-beaux reliefs qui représentent des combats, ce qui confirme ce que j’ai avancé ci-dessus, que ces théâtres servoient à plusieurs usages. [ 130] Hawley_1918_195–196 Hierapolis, the theatre: “Few other theatres of classic time are in a more complete state of preservation than the one at Hierapohs. It is true that it has been sadly racked and rent, and the orchestra is filled with the debris of broken marble, and of soil washed from the mountain; but most of the seats are still intact, and part of



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the proscenium, as well as the massive wings with their large domed entrances at each corner, are still in place.” [ ] 131  Jaubert_1842_125 Claros: Deux monuments sont encore, sinon debout, au moins très-reconnaissables à Claros; l’un est un temple d’Apollon . . . Aux marches du temple fait face un théâtre adossé à une élévation du sol; il est encore en assez bon état: la scène et une partie des gradins sont debout. [ 132] Cochran_1887_246–248 Hierapolis: “The completeness of the buildings, the glitter of the marble palaces, the dazzling purity of the magnificent terraces, and their grand cascades of petrifying water, have all been limned by travellers in the most alluring words and colours. Alas for the frailty of the human imagination where the sketch is not made on the spot! Alas, also, for the vigour of the earthquakes which have so often visited this region, as the sadly-blighted reality in no sense answers to the attractive portrayals alluded to. The buildings, with a few exceptions, are mere unsightly fragments or mounds of debris; those that are less shattered than the rest have been robbed of every trace of their marble coverings; and the purity of the incrusted terraces, excepting the spots where the water is actually flowing over them, is disappointingly dulled by the effects of time and weather. Allowing that Hierapolis a few centuries ago may have been all that enthusiastic travellers have depicted, it has long since been degraded into a common quarry for the lime-burner and builder, following the Goth, who has stolen its sculptures, besides mutilating what he failed to carry away; and the fissuring of the ground by earthquakes in recent times has completed the sad scene of decay and ruin. There is no doubt still a vast quantity of marble lying about, but it is mostly in the form of worthless chips – sure traces of the spoiler – fragments of pilasters and broken sections of columns, with scarcely any carvings except a few maimed and worthless specimens lying on or half-buried in the heaps of rubbish with which the whole area is strewn. Below the surface, probably, there may be numerous treasures of art, and any enterprising syndicate purchasing the site from the Porte, with the exclusive power to dig and remove – which I understand can be obtained for a mere song – would likely reap a speedy harvest of ancient art of priceless value, besides other old-world objects of worth.” [ 133] Conder_1830_241 Myra: “Mr. Cockerell found here some fragments of masterly sculpture; but one of the Turkish inhabitants, who are described as being more than ordinarily jealous and ferocious, exclaimed, as he was examining some statues, ‘If the infidels are attracted here by these blasphemous figures, the temptation shall soon cease; for when that dog is gone, I will destroy them.’” [ 134] Galt_1813_276 nearing Scala Nova, passing a marshy lake: “we entered on an extensive plain, where I noticed several broken columns of marble, and the evident traces of an antient highway, which apparently led towards the lake; perhaps, like the roads through the Pontine marshes, it crosses the lake, for the weeds and rushes shew that the water is very shallow.” [ 135] Van_Egmont_1759_123–124 (travelling 1707–1720?) near Scala Nova, where he went on a day’s excursion: “At length we came to the ruin we had read of. It stood about a musket-shot from the strand, and was a kind of round tumulus inclosd within a large ruined wall, having twelve round towers or bulwarks, according to the ancient manner. The space within the walls was paved with stone; and on the floor lay several fragments of marble, and a pillar of the same stone; but the best pieces had been carried away to Scala Nuova. The remains of the wall exhibited several marks of antiquity, there being among the stones, bricks of uncommon dimensions, laid in regular rows. / At the foot of this eminence lay heaps of stones; from whence great numbers had been carried away to build walls round the corn-fields and vineyards; the country between the mountains and the shore, being very fertile, and industriously improved. Near it is also a Greek village. / These, in all probability, are the ruins of a city or town, and it’s castle. Probably this was the spot occupied, by the ancient town of Pigella.” [ 136] Claridge_1837_183: “the very sea has shrunk from its solitary shores, and its streets, formerly so thronged with the devotees of Diana, are now ploughed over by the Ottoman serfs, or browsed upon by the sheep of the illiterate peasant. Once the head of the apostolic



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churches of Asia, it now contains not a single Christian within it. Its mouldering arches and dilapidated walls give but a faint idea of its ancient glory.” [ 137] Gédoyn_1909_148–149 (French consul at Aleppo 1623–1625) Ephesus: nous passâmes la plage près de laquelle était anciennement assise la ville d’Ephèze, renommée par ce somptueux Temple de Diane qui fut consommé par le feu, dont les ruines servent jusqu’aujourd’hui pour l’embellissement de ce qui se bâtit en ces quartiers-là, et vraisemblablement la somptueuse église qui se voit encore en pied, dédiée à saint Jehan-Baptiste, comme le château, que les Turcs appellent Jaselou, du nom de la ville prochaine (lesquels ont leurs fondemens et la plus grand’part de leurs corps revêtus de marbre blanc et poli), doivent avoir été ménagés de ces démolitions. En ce même lieu l’on trouve un marbre blanc creusé, dans lequel on croit pieusement que ledit sainct Jehan conférait le baptême, et que la dévotion des Grecs a fait autrefois élever l’église pour honorer cette ancienne marque de notre religion, en face de laquelle se voit une grotte dans la prochaine montagne qui, selon l’opinion reçue, servit de retraite aux septdormans durant leur mystérieux et long assoupissement. [ 138] Galt_1813_289–290 Ephesus: “The ruins appear to consist chiefly of the remains of Saracenic baths and moschs. Of the temple of Diana I saw nothing which any man in his sober senses, could say that he is sure may have belonged to it. The best classical relics are two or three fragments of bas-reliefs, rudely stuck up over an arched gateway leading to the fortress.” [ 139] Tournefort_1741_357 (travelling 1700–1702): “One sees now no more fine Ruins at Ephesus, those which remain are very scarce. The Fragments of some Castles built with Marble, shew nothing worthy of the ancient Citythe khans.” [ 140] Arundell_1834_II_252–253 Ayasoluk: “It has been doubted if the church of St. John really stood on the site of the present mosque. I think there is abundance of evidence to prove that it stood near it . . . I think it more probable that it stood at Aiasaluk, and perhaps the gate called the Gate of Persecution, and the large masses of brick walls beyond it, are parts of this celebrated church, which was clearly in a commanding situation, as it was fortified during the great council of Ephesus.” [ ] 141  Jaubert_1842_127 Ephesus: Un stade et un théâtre d’une grande dimension sont ceux auxquels il n’est pas possible de se méprendre. Le théâtre était fort vaste. Vingt à trente mille spectateurs pouvaient y entendre à l’aise les tragédies de Sophocle et les comédies de Ménandre. Il n’y reste plus un seul gradin; tous ont été enlevés pour d’autres constructions, aujourd’hui également ruinées, le château et la mosquée d’Aya-Soulouk par exemple. Mais que de trésors de l’art ne découvrirait-on pas dans ces monceaux de débris accumulés dans le bas du théâtre et sur d’autres points encore jonchés de fûts de colonne, d’architraves sculptées! Il serait noble, de la part des possesseurs de grandes fortunes, comme nous en connaissons, de faire exécuter des fouilles à Éphèse; c’est une mine complètement inexploitée: je crois qu’on en serait d’ailleurs bien payé matériellement par les statues et les médailles qu’on ne manquerait pas d’y trouver. Mais, dans l’état actuel, les ruines produisent peu d’effet; pas une seule colonnade n’est debout, et j’admire la sagacité des voyageurs qui ont lu dans celte espèce de chaos comme dans un livre ouvert. Un seul quartier, celui du stade et du théâtre, avec les portiques qui y étaient évidemment annexés, m’a rappelé nos promenades dans Rome. [ 142] Perrot_1867_68–69 at Bursa, notes a decline in building: Ainsi tout va dans l’empire ottoman; les premiers siècles de la puissance turque, grands et civilisés à leur manière, sinon à la nôtre, avaient beaucoup fait en temples, routes, ponts, aqueducs, édifices publics de tout genre, et ils avaient su conserver ceux que leur avaient laissés en héritage les civilisations précédentes; mais depuis longtemps, en Turquie, non-seulement on ne bâtit plus, mais, de tout ce que détruisent la nature et les hommes, on ne répare rien. Tout au plus, quelquefois, fait-on, comme ici pour une ou deux mosquées que l’on prétend relever, l’Oulou-djami, par exemple, ou grande mosquée; le torchis y remplace la pierre de taille, de grossières enluminures s’y substituent à la mosaïque et aux émaux, et, pour déguiser



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les blessures du marbre, le badigeon en éteint l’éclat sous so uniforme et morne blancheur. Une ruine vaudrait mieux, serait plus touchante que ce triste et mesquin replâtrage. [ 143] Perrot_1867_87–88 by the Rhyndacus, and a broken bridge: ces indespensables instruments de civilisation, ces grands outils fixés au sol, ports, chaussées, digues, canaux, ponts, tout cela devient chaque jour plus rare; chaque année voit disparaître quelqu’un des débris du capital lentement amassé par les anciennes générations, quelque reste des travaux exécutés par les Grecs, les Romains, les Byzantins, ou même par les premiers sultans, et il est presque sans exemple que les possesseurs actuels du pays fassent le moindre effort pour remplacer ce qui s’en va. Tant que durent les choses, ils s’en servent; le jour où elles viennent à leur manquer, ils s’en passent. [ 144] Mendel_1909_350 Bursa Museum: 105. (68) Dalle de parapet ou de revêtement. Brousse, Tchékirgué, mosquée de Khoudavendikiar; marbre blanc; le revers est usé et poli, ayant servi dans un dallage; incomplète et grossièrement retaillée, à g., au milieu du motif de lierre, à dr., selon le grand axe de la croix; mutilée sur le bord inférieur. – i.e. Christian, with a peacock. Ibid. 352 Bursa Museum: 1 08. (69) Dalle de revêtement. Brousse, Tchékirgué, mosquée de Khoudavendikiar: marbre blanc; le revers est poli, ayant servi dans un dallage. – i.e. Christian, interlaced strapwork. [ 145] Renoüard_de_Bussierre_1829_I_154 Bursa, Tomb of Orcan: Vouée jadis au culte chrétien, ainsi que l’attestent encore plusieurs croix incrustées, cette chapelle, qui faisait partie d’un monastère grec, était, dit-on, d’une grande magnificence: on y remarque des marbres et des mosaïques fort détériorés aujourd’hui, et couverts en partie d’une couche d’eaù de chaux, mais qui ont été sans doute d’une grande magnificence. Les personnes chargées de la garde de ce lieu nous racontaient, de la meilleure foi du monde, que le sultan y revient tous les vendredis pour jouer du tambour et réciter son chapelet. [ 146] Tournefort_1741_307 (travelling 1700–1702) Bursa: “The Walls are half ruined, and were never good, tho’ they were fortified by square Towers. We found there neither old Marbles, nor Inscriptions. Indeed we saw but little Signs of Antiquity in the City, because it has been rebuilt many times.” [ 147] Mendel_1909_404ff Bursa Museum, bases of honorific statues found at Bursa, in the gate of Hissar-Capou: #403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409, 410, 411; and same source, bases of funerary statues: #417. [ 148] Burgess_1835_138 the citadel at Bursa: “Upon the coral rock the Romans constructed the citadel; but it probably never comprised so much space as the more modem one. The construction of that is precisely the same as the fortress of Lupathion: the same alternation of round and pointed towers; the same manner of inserting old fragments of marble in the massy rough material of the wall; and therefore we must account the whole to be the work of the Genoese, and consequently built before the fourteenth century. / I entered within the walls of the citadel by a door-way constructed of large marble cornices, and at every step saw frusta of columns strewn; a Greek cross stuck in the wall near a fountain, I regarded as a vestige of early Christianity. I proceeded straight to the mosque called Daouloo Monastir, which has manifestly been a Christian church. I observed two crosses inserted in the walls; but a more evident proof is the tesselated pavement within which, happening not to be covered by the mattings I clearly discerned. This mosque contains the tomb of Orchan, his brother, and his children.” [ 149] Mendel_1900_363 Bursa: Il est curieux de constater combien peu de monuments antiques cette ville célèbre a gardés. On peut alléguer qu’elle n’a jamais cessé d’être habitée, et que les pierres ont dû être employées et réemployées dans les constructions modernes; mais je crois qu’il y a d’autres raisons à cette pauvreté. Malgré sa réputation, qui était déjà grande dans l’antiquité, Prusa n’a jamais été une grande ville. [ 150] Jaubert_1842_144 Bursa: Le Vieux-Château, ancienne résidence des premiers sultans, d’où l’œil embrasse toutes les parties de la ville, n’offre plus aujourd’hui que des pans de murs ruinés; il a fourni à M. de Hammer une longue tirade à effet sur les magnificences orientales que ce lieu rassemblait jadis. Son imagination reconstruit les kiosques des sultanes,



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fait reverdir les ombrages et couler les fontaines au son des mandolines, comme au temps d’Orcan. Aujourd’hui un jardin potager, cultivé par une pauvre famille grecque, remplace tout cela. [ ] 151  Tchihatchef_1854_54–55 Uskub/Eskibagh, near Bursa: Au pied sud et sud-est de la hauteur qui porte Uskub et vers laquelle conduit un pavé antique, on aperçoit les fondements d’un mur construit en pierres de dimensions vraiment cyclopéennes; elles ont le plus souvent une épaisseur de cinquante-huit centimètres, et il en est dont la surface est complètement recouverte d’inscriptions grecques. Leur position prouve qu’elles ne sont point à leur place primitive, et que par conséquent le mur aura été reconstruit des débris d’un autre monument plus ancien; car on y voit fréquemment les pierres disposées en sens inverses des inscriptions qu elles portent, de telle manière que celles-ci se présentent tantôt renversées verticalement, tantôt couchées latéralement. Il serait au reste possible que les dalles à inscriptions eussent réellement figuré dès leur origine dans le mur que l’on voit aujourd’hui; mais qu’à la suite d’une destruction partielle, elles eussent été replacées par une main inhabile, ce qui prouverait, dans tous les cas, que cette restauration remonte à une époque comparativement récente et probablement à celle du moyen âge. [ 152] Tchihatchef_1854_55–56 Uskub, a cyclopean wall: Ce pan n’est évidemment qu’un morceau d’une grande muraille qui faisait jadis le tour de la ville; car un peu plus loin on voit le lambeau interrompu reprendre de nouveau et continuer sur une ligne d’environ cent soixante-cinq mètres, en aboutissant à une porte quadrangulaire de médiocre grandeur, mais construite en dalles énormes. La partie horizontale supérieure de la porte n’est formée que par une seule dalle qui porte une inscription et la figure d’un cheval. En entrant par cette porte antique dans la moderne Uskub, qui, comme je l’ai déjà dit, n’est qu’un misérable village où, depuis plusieurs siècles, les hommes s’etforcent vainement de faire disparaître toutes les traces de l’ancienne cité, on voit à côté de la mosquée une estrade entourée d’énormes fragments de chapiteaux, qui ne sont pas non plus à leur place primitive. Sur l’estrade se trouve une de ces colonnes quadrangulaires que l’on voit si fréquemment enchâssées dans les murs des maisons de la ville; elle est criblée d’inscriptions. Un très-beau pan de mur, percé de deux fenêtres voûtées, se trouve non loin des restes du théâtre, dont environ quatorze rangées de gradins sont encore assez bien conservées. Ces beaux restes sont masqués par des cabanes turques. J’ai donné dans mon ouvrage sur l’Asie Mineure une vue de ce théâtre. / Excepté ces ruines, qui attestent suffisamment la magnificence de l’antique Prusias, toute la ville d’Uskub est encombrée de pierres équarries, de fragments de colonnes, et de corniches, soit disséminés par-ci par-là, soit enchâssés dans les murs des maisons, ou employés dans les haies, les enclos, les cimetières turcs, etc., sans parler de tout ce qui se trouve enseveli sous terre. Il serait vraiment temps que toute cette masse de trésors, accumulés, pour ainsi dire, à la porte de Constantinople, fût enfin ravie à l’oubli séculaire auquel l’ont condamnée la barbarie et le despotisme. [ 153] Walker_1886_II_107 Bursa: “Broussa in the present time is a city restored, and renovated. Those only who knew it in its former desolate condition can fully appreciate all that it owes to the energetic governor of the province, Ahmet Vefyk Pasha. By the terrible earthquake of 1855, Broussa was shaken to its foundations: the mosques and minarets half thrown down, large spinning factories destroyed, even the course of the mineral springs disturbed; the city was impoverished and ruined. At that time, no better means of conveyance existed than miserable talikas on an almost impassable track, and one hotel sufficed for the small number of adventurous travellers. The Broussa of to-day has arisen from its ruins. Gradually, the fine remains of monuments that once adorned this cradle of the empire have been repaired with the utmost taste and skill, while the welfare of the modern city has been studied with equal solicitude.” [ 154] Walker_1886_II_160–161 mosque of Amurath (Murad Hudavendigar) at Tchekirghé: “The minaret has been so severely injured by the great earthquake, that whenever the wind is rather violent it rocks and threatens to fall over. The staircase is consequently much dislocated, and he himself, he declared, could only ascend it with stockinged feet and at the risk of his life; so the idea of ascending a minaret had to be abandoned, and we



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left the mosque to visit the tomb of the founder, on the opposite side of the road. Here, again, the terrible earthquake had been at work; the interior of the handsome turbe is a ruin, blocked up with scaffolding, lumbered with masses of fallen marble – a general scene of dust and desolation. / The handsome porphyry and verde-antique columns, which formerly supported the roof, are some of them standing, it is true, but having been shaken to pieces, they have been patched up again, bound with hoops of iron to keep them together, and covered with plaster.” [ 155] Bailie_1843_138 inscription at Thyatira: “The marble on which it was engraved has been built into one of the walls of the old Greek church of St. Basil in Ak-Hissar, which is now used as a mosque. The entire thereof, with the exception of the part containing my inscription, has been covered in the Turkish fashion with a coarse plaster. I attempted to dislodge as much of this as might have enabled me at least to test the accuracy of my conjecture, but the fanaticism of the Imam was aroused, and I judged it my most prudent course to forbear.” [ 156] Cuinet_1894_III_515 Eudemich in the sandjak of Smyrna, 73km SE of Smyrna, the Greek church: Les mosquées de cette ville n’ont rien de remarquable, mais l’église grecque, grande et de belle apparence, mérite d’être citée, ne fut-ce que pour le grand tort causé à la science archéologique par sa construction. / En effet, en 1840, date de cette construction, la communauté grecque orthodoxe y avait pourvu par une cotisation de 500.000 piastres, mais cette somme, d’environ 100,000 francs, eût été insuffisante à payer les frais d’un pareil édifice, si presque tous les matériaux n’avaient été tirés des ruines de la ville antique d’Hypaepa, situées au pied du Bouz-dagh, à 3 kilom. au nord d’Eudémich. Sur ce qui reste aujourd’hui de ces ruines, s’élève le petit village lurc de Tapoe, auquel la population grecque a laissé le nom de la ville antique: Hypipa. Tous les marbres ont servi à l’ornement de l’église ou à faire de la chaux, car la pierre calcaire est très rare dans la contrée. Les inscriptions et les œuvres d’art ont été ainsi perdues. Cependant, M. Ch. Texier, qui a donné une description étendue des ruines d’Hypaepa, a retrouvé à Eudémich une statue de Vénus qui sert à soutenir l’escalier de l’école annexée à l’église grecque, et il a pu copier deux inscriptions venant aussi d’Hypaepa, l’une, encastrée dans un mur voisin, et l’autre, dans le dallage de la cuisine de l’école. [ 157] Cuinet_1894_III_476 Bergama in the sandjak of Smyrna: Les trois ponts sur lesquels la population actuelle passe la rivière, ainsi que le terre-plein de 200 mètres de long et 27 de large, établi sur cette même rivière, et sur lequel est construit tout un quartier, sont des ouvrages romains; mais les égouts qui servent encore principalement, comme lors de leur création, aux besoins des tanneries, ont été construits sous les rois grecs. Les quartiers modernes d’ailleurs sont bâtis en pierre tirées des ruines, et cimentées avec de la chaux faite de marbres antiques, la pierre calcaire manquant tout à fait dans cette contrée au sol volcanique. [ 158] Paton_&_Myres_1896_241 Alinda: “The almost total absence of marble fragments, on a site of such magnificence, is noteworthy, but is probably to be explained by the greater demand for lime in this gneiss country.” [ 159] Hamilton_1842_II_17–19: “One day during our stay at Sighajik, we landed early to visit the lake and marble quarries to the east of the town, which had been seen and partly described by Pococke and Chandler. The former is situated in a secluded and woody hollow, between two ridges of hills, one of which is covered with numerous chippings of marble, consisting of a hard brecciated limestone of a fine quality, of which several large blocks were lying in a neighbouring dell: they were cut into such extraordinary shapes, representing steps, niches, pedestals, &c., with numerous breaks of different height and size, that, independently of their great bulk, I may safely say I never saw anything so remarkable. It is almost impossible to form a guess as to the purpose for which they were intended, or to what kind of building they could have been applied. In order to give a general notion of them, however, I should say that one or two sides were generally cut perpendicular, with many angular additions, to give the idea of a building with pilasters in its exterior elevation, whilst the two inner sides were partly cut out into a confused mass



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of steps and stands of different sizes, elevations, position, and direction, thereby producing a kind of hollow pedestal for holding vases or other curiosities. Although they were all alike in character, no two blocks were cut exactly in the same form or manner, nor did the shape of the sides or the position of the steps correspond in any two . . . But whatever they may have been intended for, they are extremely curious; the largest which I measured was 11 ft. long, 6 ft. 4 in. high, and 4 ft. 9 in. wide. The others were rather less gigantic, but still of great size, and more cubical.” [ 160] Budge_1925_198–199 smuggling in Mesopotamia: “When I went over the mounds in the winter of 1 890–1891 with Mr. Robertson, British Vice-Consul at Al-Basrah, I felt convinced that there were many outlying parts of it that would repay an excavator for his trouble. After 1881 the intervals between de Sarzec’s periods of work on the mounds grew longer and longer; and as he took no steps to safeguard his interests in them, the local Arabs, working hand in hand with the men who had been with Rassam in 1 879–1 882, and supplied with money by the dealers in Baghdad, began to excavate the mounds on their own account. Their object was not to find large antiquities, which could not easily be smuggled out of the country, but inscribed clay tablets, which could be carried on the person in the folds of a cloak, or packed in small boxes. The dealers in Baghdad felt certain that somewhere in some one of the mounds at Tall Loh there must be a chamber or chambers containing inscribed tablets, just as there had been at Abu Habbah; and some of the men who had worked at Abu Habbah went to Tall Loh fully determined to find the chancery of the city.” [ ] 161  Perrot_1864_468: Nous nous sommes arrêtés une journée à Nefezkeui, village situé à six heures vers l’ouest de la ville moderne de Yusgat, chef-lieu de la province d’Angora. Des raisons sérieuses me conduisaient à placer là, contre l’opinion de Kiepert, la troisième des capitales de la Galatie, Tavia, la ville principale des Trocmes. J’espérais trouver dans ce village quelque inscription perlant le nom des Taviens et tranchant ainsi la question. Mon attente, malgré les recherches les plus actives, a été trompée; je n’ai trouvé que des inscriptions funéraires byzantines, et un fragment plus ancien, mais dont on ne peut tirer de sens et qui ne contient pas de nom propre. Je n’en persiste pas moins dans mon opinion. Les débris très-nombreux que l’on trouve à Nefez, traces de bains, de temples, de maisons, piédestaux, gradins de théâtre, tombeaux, appartiennent tous, sans exception, à l’époque romaine, ce qui convient parfaitement à ce que nous savons de Tavia. [ 162] Chantre_1898_117–118 Nefez-Keui: Les quelques pans de murailles visibles sur les collines qui portent les noms de Grand et de Petit Château ne présentent plus aucun intérêt. Partout, en revanche, dans le cimetière du village actuel, dans les murs des maisons, on rencontre des fûts de colonnes, des chapiteaux, des débris de linteaux couverts de sculptures qui ont dû être fort belles et que des mains barbares n’ont pas su respecter. De toutes parts gisent des stèles funéraires portant des inscriptions grecques. J’ai acquis enfin, des habitants de ce misérable village, quelques monnaies antiques ainsi qu’un certain nombre de vases en terre, déformes variées, et quelques ampoules en verre provenant de sépultures dont on ne voit plus aucune trace. [ 163] Turner_1820_III_54 Bodrum: “The most interesting remnant of Halicarnassus was about 300 paces north-north-east of the peninsula, on which stands the castle. This was a line of six fluted columns, (of common grey stone, and about three feet diameter) with a part of the architrave still standing on them. The columns were about seven feet asunder, and the length of the whole ruin about fifty feet. Many broken columns and fragments of architrave were lying round. The columns were Dorick, and the ornaments of the architrave had all the simplicity of that order . . . sculptured in alto-relievo. These were evidently the ruins, and probably the front, of a temple. They stood only six feet above ground, their base, and the lower part of their shaft, being all underground.” [ 164] Waddington_1853_48b Bodrum: Il ne reste aujourd’hui que de bien faibles débris de la riche Halicarnasse, la capitale des rois de Carie. Même le temple de Mars qui se voyait encore du temps de Choiseul-Gouffîer, a complètement disparu, et le monument le plus curieux pour le voyageur est la forteresse bâtie par les chevaliers de Rhodes avec les ruines du fameux tombeau de Maussole.



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165] Jeppesen 2002, 138. 166] Fellows_1841_119–120 Cadyanda: “The scattered stones of a fallen temple next interrupted our path, on the way to the stadium: neither of its ends remained, and I feel sure that they have never been built up with seats, as seen in some of probably a later date. To the right of this stadium was the agora; eight squared pillars or piers stand on either side. For nearly a quarter of a mile the ground was covered like a mason’s yard with stones well squared, parts of columns, cornices, triglyphs and pedestals, and here and there stood still erect the jambs of the doors of buildings whose foundations alone are to be traced. Near the stadium some large walls with windows are still standing, and enclose some places, which have probably been for public amusements.” [ 167] Leake_1820_204–205 near Eskishehir: “Seven or eight miles short of Eskishehr were some ancient Greek ruins upon a rising ground in the plain. Amidst a great number of scattered fragments of columns, and other remnants of architecture, we find several pedestals of a clumsy construction, with some almost-defaced fragments of Greek inscriptions, in which we endeavoured in vain to discover the name of the city . . . The ruins are called Besh-Kardash (the five brothers); the number of pedestals standing, however, is more than five, but five is a favourite number with the Turks; to 5, 15, 40, 100, or 1001, all uncertain numbers are generally ascribed.” [ 168] Hamilton_1842_I_156 Gallipoli: “After taking on board some passengers at the Dardanelles, and passing the points of Sestos and Ahydos, we reached Gallipoli, nearly opposite to Lampsacus. Here are the remains of a Genoese fortress in the centre of the town, which the Turks were pulling down in order to make use of the marble blocks and fragments which formed part of it for the purpose of building a fountain in honour of the Sultan. A European traveller, whom we took on board at the Dardanelles, assured me that many bas-reliefs and other pieces of sculpture had been found there, but were sadly knocked to pieces by the Turks. He also mentioned that a tumulus had lately been opened in the island of Tenedos, in which several small statues in marble, bronze, and terracotta were discovered, as well as some large paters.” [ 169] Ainsworth_1839_234 at Amasera in Asia Minor: “The whole of that part of the ancient and modern town which occupies the peninsula was surrounded by a wall defended by towers, which appear to have been renewed at various times, but to have received their chief regeneration from the Genoese, whose Christian escutcheons are over every gateways and whose ornamental taste in architecture has here and there interwoven Gothic tracery and Byzantine wreaths amid the solid blocks of Roman perpetuity; and even eagles, sculptured on white marble, are seen prostrate at the angles or corners of walls which they once adorned.” [ 170] Hamilton_1842_II_11 in the Gulf of Smyrna: “The town of Sighajik is situated on the low ground at the head of the harbour, to the N. of the neck of land nearly three miles wide, which connects the rocky promontory to the west with the mainland, while the ruins of Teos, with another small port now nearly filled up, are on the southern side of this cultivated isthmus. Sighajik itself is surrounded by walls, said to be Genoese, which are strengthened on the sea-side by several hexagonal towers, and are almost entirely composed of marble blocks derived from the ancient ruins. In one of the embrasures of the sea-wall I found some long inscriptions, already partly copied by Chandler and Chishull, and also a similar one at a fountain outside the town. These inscriptions, most of which were published and translated into Latin by Chishull in 1728, are of considerable interest, referring to treaties made between the people of Teos and other states.” [ ] 171  Burgess_1835_121 the walls of Mokalizza/Lapadium/Lupathion/Oulabat on the way from Mandoria to Bursa: “the whole is the work of the Genoese. The towers are alternately round and pointed, and the curtains such as were usually built before the use of gunpowder: in the walls, but specially in the towers, are immense spoils of the ancient town, – pieces of columns inserted in the foundations, fragments of cornices projecting from the heterogeneous mass. There are passages through the mass of wall (which is generally ten feet thick) into the towers from within. Those pointed outside form a rectangular space within; bricks are employed to form the arches; the rest is of unhewn stone.” [ [



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[ 172] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_I_163 Lampsacus: au quartier de Soubachi quelques débris d’une Eglise: avec sept ou huit colonnes couchées par terre les unes sur les autres. Il nous en fit un conte que les paysans d’alentour assurent être véritable, que depuis peu d’années on en voulut emporter quelques-unes pour servir dans Lampsaque à la fabrique d’une Mosquée neuve, mais que le lendemain on les trouva dans le même lieu d’où elles avoient été ôtées; & cela par deux fois; ce qu’ils attribuent à un miracle, Dieu ne voulant pas que des pierres qui avoient été employées pour une Eglise, servissent aux Mosquées des Turcs. Néanmoins ils ne doivent être que trop convaincus du pouvoir que Dieu a donné à ces Infidèles sur les Chrétiens de l’Eglise Greque, dont ils se sont appropriez par toutes les principales Eglises. [ 173] Bussière_1829_169–70 At Lamsaki/Lampsacus: Après une demi-heure de marche nous trouvâmes une quantité de tronçons de colonnes en marbre et en granit, des chapiteaux et des corniches, qui, sans doute, appartenaient jadis à un grand temple. On s’en est servi pour construire une écluse de moulin. Une vieille tradition prétend que de riches trésors ont été enfouis en ce lieu. On nous assura que d’autres colonnes, restes d’un édifice consacré à Vénus, étaient encore debout à un quart de lieue de distance; nous nous y rendîmes: malheureusement le vandalisme des habitans les avait renversées pour les convertir en monumens tumulaires. [ 174] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_1835_II_130 at Lampsacus: En nous approchant de ce lieu, nous avons reconnu le cimetière turc de Lampsaque, séparé en deux parties par un chemin: on n’aperçoit dans cette triste enceinte ni fleurs ni cyprès, aucun de ces ombrages qui font le charme et l’ornement de la contrée. Nous nous sommes assis un moment sur un des tombeaux; nous n’entendions autour de nous que le bruit monotone de la mer; le soleil à son déclin dorait les socles des cercueils: nous avions cherché toute la journée les ruines des temples et des palais; toutes ces ruines étaient rassemblées sous nos yeux dans ce champ des morts. [ 175] Walpole_1817_91 from the Journals of Dr. Hunt, on the road to Lampsacus, in 1774: “At half-past nine we reached a Turkish village called Sarthaki. The porch of the mosque is supported by granite pillars, with marble capitals of different orders; they appear to have originally belonged to some church of the lower Greek empire. At the public fountain we saw three granite sarcophagi, with inscriptions much defaced.” [ 176] Scott-Stevenson_1881_261–262 Nigde: “There is a fine mosque in the bazaar with a double eagle over the door – strange to to say, undefaced. The building was most probably originally a Christian edifice. Old friezes, fragments of columns, black and white pieces of marble, buttresses and fine arabesques, have been built in without regard to size or appropriateness and make the outside a curious study. The entrance dates from the fifteenth century and is very fine, being a medley of Greek and Arab architecture. Many of the houses of Nigdeh have the remains of old structures built in with the more modern work.” [ 177] Hamilton_1842_II_302: “I passed through the burial-ground, full of columns, many of which were fluted, some of white marble, others of a beautiful breccia, besides marble blocks, cornices &c.; but I only saw two unimportant inscriptions. The mound on which the village is built consists of loose sand; in the walls and foundations of the houses, and in the pits dug near them, were many marble blocks and old foundations, particularly one of the basement of a temple, on which a well-proportioned Doric column was still standing in situ, about thirty feet high, consisting of four blocks of unequal length, while many fragments of similar columns were built into the walls of the neighbouring dwellings.” [ 178] Cousin_1900_33: Aktché-Assar (château blanc). Quelques restes anciens: au bas d’une colline, un mur antique, bien fait quoique encore primitif et peu régulier. Il se compose de deux carrés contigus, d’inégale grandeur; à l’intérieur, il y a aussi les traces d’autres murs. Au sommet de la colline, encore des ruines: un mur inférieur en mauvais appareil; plus haut, un autre mur plus ancien, mais qui pourtant ne présente pas le véritable appareil antique; car si les pierres sont belles, l’arrangement est fait avec la brique et la chaux.



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Enfin un troisième mur enferme une enceinte remplie de pierres taillées. Comme toujours, les ruines des monuments antiques ont servi à élever d’autres monuments à l’époque byzantine, et quand ceux-ci à leur tour sont tombés en ruines, l’endroit a servi de carrière aux Turcs pour leurs cimetières. [ 179] Castellan_1820_69–70 in Letter subtitled “Mœurs et usages des Turcs habitans de Malvoisie” L’insouciance des Turcs a fait plus de tort aux arts que la lime du temps. Ils ne se donnent pas la peine de tailler des pierres; ils démolissent de superbes édifices antiques, et se servent des matériaux pour construire des baraques. J’ai vu [NB he doesn’t say where] les ruines d’un temple de la plus riche architecture, des blocs de granit, des marbres précieux, couverts de bas reliefs et d’ornemens du plus beau fini, servir à maçonner une digue grossière qui détournoit les eaux d’un ruisseau pour faire tourner les roues d’un misérable moulin en bois. Ailleurs, ce sont des colonnes de tous ordres, arrachées à divers monumens pour servir de soutien au comble d’une écurie. Ici, c’est un autel qu’on a creusé en forme de mortier, qui sert à dépouiller le grain de son enveloppe; un tombeau antique dont on a brisé le fond, formera la margelle d’un puits, et un autre servira d’auge où les troupeaux viendront s’abreuver. L’on trouvera, enfin, dans un atelier de sculpteur, ou plutôt d’un barbare fabricant de tombeaux, des marbres don’t il s’efforce d’effacer les inscriptions précieuses pour l’histoire de l’antiquité, et cela pour y substituer l’épitaphe d’un obscur descendant de Mahomet. On ne peut faire un pas sans gémir de voir dénaturer ces restes venérables, et disparoître en un instant le témoignage de tant de siècles de gloire. [ 180] Hobhouse_1817_118–119 Alexandria Troas: “Indeed, it is likely that the rapine was begun at the foundation of Constantinople, and that it contributed, with Rome, Sicily, Antioch, and Athens, to the splendour of a capital adorned by the denudation of almost every other city – ‘pene omnium urbium nuditate.’ A vast quantity of materials were carried off at once, by command of the Grand Signor, at the earlier part of the last century. At present, the Turks and Greeks of the country seldom point at a fragment of granite, or porphyry, an inscribed marble, or carved pillar, inserted in the walls of the moscks and churches in the neighbouring villages, without informing you, that it was brought from Esky-Stambol, the name given to a collection of huts amongst the ruins of Troas. The traveller, therefore, must not expect to find all those remains of antiquity which are noted by early travellers, and of which plans and written details have been given by Pococke and others.” [ ] 181  MacGill_1808_II_144 spent the night in a Turk’s house by the sea, in the Troad, “about a quarter of a mile distant from the port of Alexandria”: “The old Turk, faithful to his promise, called me by four o’clock: he was a man of an interesting countenance, but one who has detroyed more antiquities than he has hairs on his bushy beard; for being a worker in marble, his whole study is to find out the best marble, which he immediately converts into grave stones for his infidel race. He had very lately dug up and destroyed two fine sarcophagi, one of white, the other of grey marble, a piece of each being near his house. On finding the sarcophagi, he said he had requested a learned Greek to interpret an inscription which was on that of white marble; but all that he could recollect was, that it related to a warrior, of extraordinary strength and renown, and mentioned that his favorite horse was buried near him: he further informed me that the white sarcophagus contained all the bones of a human skeleton of prodigious size, those of the head only being wanting.” [ 182] Hamilton_1842_II_166 Iskele/Eumenia: “a low hill about a mile E.S.E. from the town, round which the remains of an ancient wall have been discovered, and where many inscriptions and other antiquities have been dug: it has consequently been dignified by the Turks with the name of Castle. I was accompanied by my tatar and two stonemasons. It was extraordinary to see the tatar’s zeal in search of antiquities, in hopes of a bakshish or present of a dollar, with which from time to time I used to stimulate his exertions whenever he discovered anything of particular interest. The stonemasons avail themselves



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of these ruined walls as a quarry, to extract materials for the manufacture of Turkish gravestones. The consequence is, that the hill is now surrounded by a deep ditch where the wall once stood, which is in many places entirely removed. In the part where they were now working, they had lately discovered a large pedestal with an inscription. It is sepulchral, but valuable . . . Many similar pedestals in the wall may also contain inscriptions; but though its appearance is very Hellenic, it has evidently been built with the ruins of former edifices, perhaps after the destruction of Eumenia, which there is little doubt stood on or near this spot.” [ 183] Duc_de_Raguse_1837_I_158 agriculture: Le pays que l’on traverse, en revenant vers Smyrne, est très-fertile, et pourrait être fort riche; mais il est inculte en grande partie malgré la proximité de la ville: il en est de même dans toutes les directions. Dans le rayon immédiat de Smyrne, un tiers au moins des terres cultivables est en friche; c’est bien pire encore dans les vallées intérieures de l’Asie mineure, dont la terre est cependant naturellement si prodigieusement fertile. On calcule que la portion cultivée dans l’intérieur de la Péninsule ne s’élève pas au delà de la vingtième partie de la surface cultivable du pays; et, comme les causes qui ont produit cet état de choses ne cessent pas d’agir, leurs effets ne cesseront de s’accroître, jusqu’à ce qu’enfin ce beau pays, si favorisé par son climat et sa fécondité, ait perdu ses habitants, et soit devenu un désert. [ 184] Picard_&_Macridy_Bey_1915_33–34: Enseveli sous une couche de terre compacte, dont la hauteur, au-dessus des ruines, n’est- nulle part inférieure à 3m-50, le Hiéron d’Apollon Clarios avait presque complètement échappé à l’attention des voyageurs et des archéologues, jusqu’aux vingt dernières années du XIXe siècle. [ 185] Edhem-Bey_1905_444: Le sol antique est à 3 mètres environ au-dessous du niveau actuel. [ 186] Macridy_1912_42–43 how the Temple of Apollo Clarios was discovered: Les plus vieux paysans de la contree auxquels nous nous sommes adressés n’etaient pas à même de nous renseigner. Au moment oü nous désesperions presque un paysan nous invita à entrer dans son champ pour nous montrer une pierre ä laquelle se heurtait souvent le soc de sa charrue. Nous avons reconnu, sous une touffe de broussailles, le haut d’une colonne très déteriorée avec de très faibles vestiges de cannelures . . . Deux ouvriers furent immediament chargés du dégagement. A une profondeur de o.6om environ, apparut, gisant sur le côté un tambour cannelé. Ce tambour, qui a du tomber a une epoque recente, a en juger par la hauteur oü il a été trouvé, a été certainement aperçu par le Rev. Arundell. Deux jours plus tard; nous étions en presence, à 3m60 de profondeur, d’une colonne dorique in situ, formée de deux tambours avec une série d’inscriptions. [ 187] Emerson_1829_82. [ 188] Tavernier_1682_54 (in the Orient from 1631) Ephesus: non ha più somiglianza di città, ma è rovinata senza niuna casa. [ 189] Duc_de_Raguse_1837_I_181–182 Ephesus: En revenant d’Éphèse, nous suivîmes la rive droite du Caïstro, jusqu’à son embouchure dans la mer. Quelques pécheurs y sont établis et vivent d’une manière misérable. Nous traversâmes la rivière, au gué que les atterrissements ont formé à son embouchure, et nous rentrâmes à Scala-Nuova à une heure fort avancée de la nuit. Dans le cours de cette journée, nous n’avions vu que des ruines et des choses inanimées. A peine trois ou quatre habitants d’Ass-éaluit, couverts de haillons, et quatre ou cinq pecheurs, plus misérables encore, s’étaient offerts à nos regards. [ 190] Tchihatchef_1854_70 Alabanda: Toute la plaine, ainsi que le léger renflement par lequel elle se relève vers la montagne, est hérissée de dalles, tronçons de colonnes, tantôt à moitié debout, tantôt gisant disséminés de toute part. Les Turcs ont rendu plus difficile la tâche de déficher ces magnifiques ruines en les traversant de petits enclos fabriqués de matériaux qu’ils enlèvent continuellement à ces beaux monuments. Sur chacune des nombreuses tourelles dont on voit encore quelques restes, on aperçoit un nid de cigogne, et l’oiseau placé debout en sentinelle, comme s’il était le seul propriétaire et gardien de cette cité jadis si populeuse.



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[ ] 191  Anderson_1903_40: “The ancient remains of Yeni Khan are not numerous, but they have doubtless been to some extent used up in the construction of a spacious Seldjuk Khan, which is built of squared blocks of reddish sandstone. It is a universal rule in Asia Minor that where the Seldjuks built, ancient remains have almost entirely disappeared; and no more striking instance of the rule can be found than Sivas itself.” [ 192] Irby_1823_516 Elaiussa, starting from “a sandy bay”: “Here the great aqueduct again appears, though much in ruins; and near it are the remains of a palace, the façade of which is one hundred paces across. It has had a colonnade in fronts of sixteen pillars; the pedestals only remain; a great many shafts of columns are made use of as modem fences on the isthmus. At the back of the palace, on the side of the hill, appears to have stood a theatre, but it is more ruined even than that of Pompeiopolis. On the promontory are many ruined buildings; one of these has three columns of a portico in front of it still standing; the shafts and capitals are of a single piece, and of good marble: they are of the Corinthian order . . . the building on the promontory, supposing it to have been once an island, which is very possible, was perhaps the palace of Archelaus. That on the main has, however, been by far the more considerable edifice. / Passing on westward to the next eminence, we came to a large temple of fluted columns, standing in a very conspicuous situation.” [ 193] Fellows_1852_35 Assos: “On all sides lay columns, triglyphs, and friezes, of beautiful sculpture, every object speaking of the grandeur of this ancient city. In one place I saw thirty Doric capitals placed up in a line for a fence. I descended towards the sea, and found the whole front of the hill a wilderness of ruined temples, baths, and theatres, all of the best workmanship, but all of the same grey stone as the neighbouring rock. / The seats of the theatre remain, although, like all the parts of the building, displaced as if by an earthquake.” [ 194] Chandler_1825_I_266 Nyssa: “Here we found a large theatre in the mountain-side, with many rows of seats, almost entire, of blue-veined marble, fronting westward. By the left wing is a wide and very deep water-course, the bed of the river once called Thebaites, making a vast gap into the plain, but concealed in the front of the theatre, where is a wide level area, with soil, supported by a bridge; beyond which, in the hollow, was the stadium, or, according to Strabo, the amphitheatre, with the seats resting on the two slopes. The bottom of this structure is destroyed, and only some masses of brickwork remain, with some marble fragments by the end next the theatre, where you have a view of the lofty and solid piers, with arches, sustaining the area. The eminence terminates on each side of the amphitheatre, in a precipice. On one side is the ruin of the gymnasium, and on the other, of the senate-house; by which is the area, or vacant space of the market. The site of Nysa, as well as of Tralles, was covered with corn, and fences of piled stones. We had from it a delicious prospect of the plain and of the crooked Maeander. Our guide assured us we had now seen all the ruins near Sultan-hissar.” [ 195] Robert_1961_176b Ainsi à Anazarbe un champ de blé s’était installé à l’intérieur même du champ de ruines délimité par l’enceinte très développée; c’est un abus qu’il faudra contenir et réprimer. Car, là aussi, les ruines doivent être préservées pour une exploration future, qui devrait être dotée de moyens matériels puissants et qui n’aurait même pas l’espoir de la plus légère brise en été. Au pied de l’énorme falaise couronnée par un château arménien, la ville montre un nombre infini de colonnes en place, soit en deux avenues, soit dans des édifices. Ce qui m’y attirait, c’est l’arc de triomphe romain à l’entrée sud de la ville. [ 196] Stochove_1643_216 Alexandria Troas: L’on nous asseura qu’a cinq ou six lieues avant dans le pays, l’on trouve encore plus de ruines que pres la marine, & que les laboureurs descouvrent journellement au soc de leur charue les plus belles statues du monde. [ 197] Waddington_1853_3: Souvent l’on se demande pourquoi les médailles de telle ou telle grande ville sont rares, tandis que celles d’une ville de moindre importance sont assez abondantes. Cela tient en général à une cause fort simple. Pour que l’on retrouve les monnaies d’un peuple ancien, il faut que la terre où il a vécu soit fouillée, cultivée; or il arrive



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fréquemment que les ruines d’une ville sont entièrement désertes, qu’il n’y a point de villages près de son emplacement, et que par conséquent son sol ne fournit presque rien. Dans d’autres cas au contraire les ruines sont habitées, la terre est cultivée partout où cela est possible; là on trouve journellement des débris antiques, et même quelquefois la mine commence à s’épuiser. [ 198] Admiralty_1882_46 Cyzicus: “The ancient Cyzicus stood on the flat land and ends of the spurs adjoining the isthmus. Though once very large and richly adorned with marble and stone temples and public edifices, but little now remains. All the larger blocks of marble have been from time to time carried off to aid in building Constantinople, and the fragments of smaller size have been collected into thick walls, which divide from one another the fields and vineyards with which the site of the old town is completely covered. There are, however, considerable portions left standing of the amphitheatre, which is built across a valley one mile from the sea. Part of the walls that faced the isthmus also remain.” [ 199] Hamilton_1842_I_91–92 Hadriani: “We first reached what appeared to be the ancient gateway, though no other traces of the walls of the town were to be seen. It consisted of three arches, that in the centre being somewhat larger than the others, and the architecture not of a good style, A little farther on we found the remaiiu of a large and massive building, the character of which could not be mistaken, and which, together with the foundations of buildings and fragments of architectural sculpture by which it was earroanded, dietinctly marked the site of on ancient city, which, from the resemblance of the modern name of the district, could be no other than Hadriani. / Many attempts have been made to clear the sloping ground of these fragments, for the purpose of cultivation. Broken columns and large blocks of cornices, beautifully executed, have been thus heaped together round the larger masses of ruins, which are overgrown with vegetation. But the large edifice mentioned above appears to have been a gymnasium; tho foundations are visible all round, and prove it to have been a parallelogram, measuring 68 paces by 65. But, with the exception of the greater part of the 8.W. side, the wall does not stand more than three or four feet above the ground, and even that is much concealed by underwood. To the S.W., however, it is nearly thirty feet high, and is seen by the traveller at a considerable distance. It is beautifully built, in straight courses of white marble, varying in height from one to four feet. The thickness of the wall itself is only three feet; which, as it is built without cement, is a proof of the care with which the blocks must have been matched and fitted. The foundations of interior walls are also visible, as well as several small apartments or cellae; also, near the centre of the space, a large block of marble, nearly four feet square, with two holes drilled in it, like sockets for the pivot of a door. / Besides this building are the foundations of two others, which, to judge from the broken shafts of columns lying near them, appeared to have been temples; the style of one was Doric, of the other Ionic, and many beautiful specimens of cornices with the echinus and acanthus patterns were also there. At one of these, three small columns in a line, and apparently in situ, probably mark the site of a portico; while numerous broken shafts of columns have been built into the walls of the surrounding fields. There were no inscriptions here, but in the neighbouring village of Beyjik we found several on the wall of the mosque, which were all Greek, though some appeared to be of a late period; one on a broken pillar must have supported a statue dedicated to Aelius Verus, the adopted son of Hadrian.” [ 200] Favre_&_Mandrot_1878_126–127 Anazarba: Outre le château et l’enceinte, les seuls monuments restés debout avec une porte romaine, on distingue encore un théâtre, un stade à demi taillé dans le rocher, des substructions d’églises chrétiennes, des aqueducs, des tombeaux, etc. Les seuls habitants du lieu sont deux ou trois familles de paysans qui cultivent l’intérieur de l’enceinte, et sont obligés d’aller chercher leur eau très-loin. [ 201] Texier_1862_581 Anazarba: L’intérieur de la ville n’est plus aujourd’hui qu’un vaste champ couvert de gazon dans lequel on ne voit pas même les éminences formées par des édifices détruits. De loin en loin quelques lignes de colonnes brisées indiquent la trace d’un portique qui formait une large rue; les colonnes sont en pierre calcaire. Le seul débris d’édifice qui existe dans l’intérieur de la ville, consiste en une église du moyen-âge, dont la



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construction ne remonte pas au delà du douzième siècle, à cette époque la ville étant entre les mains des princes arméniens. [ 202] Layard_1903_I_169–170 on the Kutayha-Konya road, 1839: “Finding nothing to detain us at Almanlé, we retraced our steps to a village called Dooaslan, passing continually on our way fragments of Greek columns and altars of marble which must have been brought, we imagined, from some neighbouring ruin, rather than from Azani, which was now far distant. These remains were especially abundant in the village, fine slabs of white marble being built into the walls of many of the houses. In one I found the lower part of a draped figure, with an inscription in Greek letters. Not far from the village in the plain, there was a considerable artificial mound, and the soil was strewed with the fragments which usually denote the site of an ancient city, and some blocks of marble, weatherstained and honey-combed by time. But with the exception of an entrance or doorway formed of three large stones, the upper part of which had fallen, apparently in situ, and a large slab covered with architectural ornaments, I could discover no ruins above ground. Everything had been carried away to furnish headstones for Turkish graves, or for building materials. In Asia Minor the richest mines of Greek or Roman remains are generally to be found in Mussulman cemeteries. Where the earth had been turned up by the plough, or excavations had been recently made, there were traces of foundations, and in one place I saw what appeared to be a vaulted chamber. The place was called by the Turks, Malatia.” [ 203] Mac_Farlane_1850_I_356 Nicaea: “In the walls and towers there was a curious intermixture of ancient Greek, Roman, and Lower Empire materials and workmanship; beautifully quarried and squared blocks of stone of great size, matchless Roman bricks, rubble, badly shaped and baked bricks, shafts, or portions of fluted classical columns, worked in longitudinally, blocks of white marble with ancient Greek inscriptions turned upside down or set sideways, massy bases of columns, and Doric and Corinthian capitals, strips of beautiful friezes, all mixed and jumbled together, to make up a circuit of fortifications which never kept out a brave assailant. That loathsome people, the Greeks of the Lower Empire (who in the end had their revenge on the conquering Turks, by inoculating them with their own worst vices), had evidently worked up in these extensive fortifications nearly all the beautiful materials of the smaller but classical city. They never quarried such stones or cut such marbles as are found in some of the towers, in the vaults on the mound, and by the south gate.” [ 204] Fellows_1841_6 Alabanda: “The ruins of the city below are mysterious; there is a boldness and simple massiveness in the construction of the walls and theatre, which is anterior to the age of the cities I have seen during the past week, but an almost total absence of inscriptions leaves much in obscurity. The whole of the materials used in its construction are of igneous rock, and generally of a coarse granite, whose perishing surface has been further injured by the lichens growing upon it. The few inscriptions which I traced with difficulty upon the sarcophagi, were too imperfect to throw much light upon the name or history of the city. The theatre, which faced the north-west, was as usual built in the side of a hill, and its massive stone-work is of the beautiful and regular Greek style, the joints between the large stones being rendered more conspicuous, by the bulging or cushioned form of each stone; the walls are built with two wide and one narrow course successively; the proscenium has been destroyed, and the seats have disappeared, but the outward form remains, as well as the three arches for the vomitaries. The shape is of a kind of which I had not seen many, and I believe is almost peculiar to eastern Greece, the ends or horns of its crescent having their walls cutting inwards towards the proscenium.” [ 205] Tromelin_1800_13 Alabanda: Le Palais et les portiques ornées de colonnes ovales sont détruits. Les habitans du pays me disent qu’un tremblement de terre avait renversé ces monuments il y avoit plusieurs années. Mais je trouvai des tronçons de colonnes ovales dans la cour de l’Aga que l’on avait creusée pour faire des mangeoires aux chevaux attachés dans la cour. [ 206] Gallois_1906_58: M. Gallois remarque toutefois que l’Asie Mineure et la Syrie ont bien progressé en ces dernières années eu point de vue agricole surtout, grâce aux chemins



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de fer, grâce à l’intervention de l’Europe. Il y a juste un demi-siècle, les Anglais, les premiers, obtinrent la concession d’une ligne dite de Smyrne à Aïdin, qui fut livrée à l’exploitation dix ans plus tard (en 1866). Elle fut poussée ensuite jusqu’à Dinaïr et récemment jusqu’à Bourdour, comporta des embranchements sur Tireh, Birge (dans la première fraction) et Sokia, puis encore sur Denizli et Tschivril; le tout représentant environ 500 kilomètres. La ligne va être prolongée vers le sud et rejoindra la mer à Adalia, un des principaux ports de la côte australe de la péninsule. [ 207] Huntington_1909_692: “For years the Baghdad Railway has had no connection with the French line to Smyrna. The two stations at Afion Kara Hissar were a mile and a half apart, and the government would not allow them to be connected ostensibly because the building of the extra two kilometers of line would add a trifle to the kilometric guarantee paid by the state. Five years ago the railroads undertook to build the connecting link without permission. They built it and the line was promptly torn up by the government. So for five years more all traffic from the interior of the plateau to Smyrna was subjected to the great delay and expense of transfer by wagons at Kara Hissar. Under the new regime the link has once more been built, and since the spring of I909 has been in operation. The real cause of the former opposition of the government was probably the desire to concentrate all trade at Constantinople. Smyrna is the natural outlet for the greater part of Asia Minor, and there can be no doubt that the new arrangement will increase its trade at the expense of Constantinople. The recent growth of Smyrna to a size of nearly 350,000, as it is now estimated, shows the strength of its opposition commercially. [ 208] Van_Egmont_1759_148 (travelling 1707–1720?) Sardis: “The city of Sardis, once the celebrated capital, and the residence of the opulent kings of Lydia, is now the habitation of buffaloes and oxen, great numbers of which are seen here, Sardis being now reduced to a very mean village, it’s inhabitants, who are all herdsmen, living in wretched cottages of clay, which do not exceed the height of a man.” [ 209] Cockerell_1903_144 (travelling 1810–1817): “Next day we got early to Sart. The neighbourhood affords the most lovely views imaginable of distant hills. The site itself is peculiar. The hills are wholly of fat earth, no rock seen at all, and the weather has worn them into the most fantastic forms. Amidst them the castle, standing at the foot of Bousdagh, is astonishingly picturesque. But the whole is a very picture of desolation. Where the ancient Sardis stood are now ten or twelve miserable huts. Far off across the glorious landscape I could distinguish one solitary wretched village, and here and there a Turcoman’s tent. A veritable desert, where the soil is rich as anyone could imagine.” [ 210] Keppel_1831_II_326 Sardis: “The remains of stupendous buildings, occasionally of stone, but more commonly of brick, broken columns, highly-wrought friezes, and architraves, are among the vestiges of the splendour of this far-famed city. The tents of the Yerook now cover the site of the palace of Croesus, and his flocks are to be seen grazing in the temples of the Lydian gods.” [ ] 211  Spon_&_Wheler_1679_265 Sardis: C’est le grand partage des Caravanes qui vont de Smyrne à Alep & en Perse. Elle n’est presque habitée que de Bergers qui vont mener leurs troupeaux dans les beaux pâturages de la plaine voisine. On voit à l’Orient de la Ville un vieux Château avec les ruines d’une grande Eglise. Au Midy & au Nord il y a aussi des ruines considérables de quelque ancien Palais; mais au fond ce ne sont que des ruines. Les Turcs y ont une Mosquée qui étoit une Eglise de Chrétiens, à la porte de laquelle il y a plusieurs colonnes de marbre poli. Il s’y trouve quelques Chrétiens, qui s’occupent la plupart au jardinage, & qui n’ont ni Prêtre, ni Eglise. [ 212] Tournefort_1718_II_196 with the exception of Smyrna: Les autres villes que S. Jean avertit par ordre du Seigneur, sont ou de misérables villages, ou d’autres tout-à-fait ruinez. Cette îllustre ville de Sardes, si renommée par les guerres des Perses & des Grecs; Pergame capitale d’un beau Royaume; Ephese qui se glorisioit d’être la Métropole de toute l’Asie; ces trois célèbres villes sont de petites bourgades bâties de boue & de vieux marbres, Thyatire, Philadelphie, Laodicée, ne sont, connues que par quelques restes d’Inscriptions où il est fait mention de leurs noms.



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[ 213] Tchihatchef_1854_92–93 Lycaonia: Si, dans toutes ses parties, la terre classique de l’Asie Mineure présente le contraste le plus tranché entre son aspect actuel et le tableau qu’en tracent le peu d’auteurs anciens parvenus jusqu’à nous, nulle part ce contraste n’est plus frappant que dans les régions arides et solitaires de la Lycaonie; car, de toutes les nombreuses cités qu’y mentionnent Strabon, Ptolémée et Pline, aucune n’a laissé de débris suffisants pour pouvoir nous permettre de la reconstruire, même idéalement; bien plus, ces vastes espaces, jadis si peuplés, semblent aujourd’hui tellement dénués de toutes les conditions naturelles indispensables à l’existence de l’homme, qu’en les franchissant péniblement, le pèlerin, accablé par un soleil brûlant et une soif dévorante, ne trouvant ni ombre pour s’abriter, ni une goutte d’eau pour se rafraîchir, serait porté à croire que jamais ville ou habitation humaine n’a pu animer ces déserts inhospitaliers, que la poussière et la neige envahissent tour à tour. Et cependant, tout porte à admettre que les assertions des anciens, qui peuvent nous sembler si exagérées et si invraisemblables, se trouveront confirmées, quand on aura mieux étudié cette contrée, aujourd’hui fort peu attrayante pour les explorateurs. En effet, les souvenirs de l’antiquité paraissent tellement éteints pour l’archéologue, qu’il ne croit y entendre que les gémissements de ces essaims de croisés que les chroniqueurs de cette époque nous représentent comme expirant chaque jour par centaines dans les angoisses de la soif. Vu l’absence presque complète de ruines sur place, les explorations archéologiques devront particulièrement avoir pour objet l’examen des constructions modernes, toutes plus ou moins composées d’éléments antiques. Parmi ces constructions, figurent les villages répandus sur plusieurs points généralement peu fréquentés de la Lycaonie, ainsi que les khans nombreux, qui, dans cette contrée, ont une magnificence qu’on chercherait vainement dans les autres parties de l’Asie Mineure; car ils paraissent remonter à l’époque des Seldjukides, qui, comme on sait, avaient acquis, sous la dynastie des sultans d’Iconium, un certain degré de splendeur et de civilisation. [ 214] Tchihatchef_1868_152: certaines régions de la Péninsule, notamment la Bithynie, le Pont, la Phrygie et la Cilicie, compromirent leurs ressources forestières par les énormes fournitures de bois de construction qu’elles faisaient aux principaux États de l’antiquité; mais ce qui porta le dernier coup à ces ressources, ce fut l’invasion des peuples pasteurs, qui depuis le douzième siècle ne cessèrent d’immigrer dans ce pays et de s’y établir successivement avec leurs nombreux troupeaux, tandis qu’en Europe l’irruption des barbares n’eut point le même résultat, puisqu’au lieu du régime pastoral, ils introduisirent celui d’une féodalité militaire, qui, en se développant, créa ce système de chevalerie, dont toutes les affections et les habitudes s’accommodaient avec l’existence des forêts, et même étaient favorables à leur conservation. [ 215] Favre_&_Mandrot_1878_143–144 approach to Korykos: La tristesse de ces lieux est encore augmentée par les ruines qui se suivent presque sans interruption jusqu’à Gorighos, sur un parcours d’environ 15 kilomètres, et qui donnent à cette côte l’aspect d’une silencieuse nécropole. Là aussi le déboisement a dû faire son œuvre! Toutes les époques sont représentées sur cette côte déserte, depuis l’antiquité grecque jusqu’aux derniers jours de l’activité turque. Les monuments funéraires, patens ou chrétiens, bordent le chemin d’une suite non interrompue de tombeaux. Puis ce sont des églises, des chapelles et des couvents du moyen âge, des maisons, des aqueducs, des tours de garde, des châteaux renversés par le temps et les tremblements de terre. Car ce pays si désolé a été jadis couvert de villes: Eleusa-Sébaste, Corycus et d’autres; ces rochers arides étaient au moyen âge revêtus de sombres forêts. [ 216] Texier_1846–1847_728 at Tefesed: La masse de débris de toute sorte accumulés sur le sol, et surtout les beaux blocs de pierre de taille, avaient déjà attiré l’attention des spéculateurs, et ils y envoyaient des barques qui se chargeaient pour Alger. La direction de l’intérieur a arrêté à temps ce trafic, qui menaçait les ruines de Tefesed d’un anéantissement très-prochain. [ 217] Anon Reviewer 1840, 403. [ 218] Clarke_1898_14 Assos in 1879: “The degree of demolition was such as to make it seem, at first sight, that architectural investigations were here altogether hopeless. The



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walls within the city had everywhere been levelled to the present surface of the earth, and in those cases where the buildings were elevated upon artificial terraces the foundations themselves had been washed away by torrents of winter rain. Throughout the entire city, less than half a dozen columns were still erect, and even these were without entablatures and capitals. Not one stone remained in position above the steps of the great temple. Retaining walls and ramparts, sufficiently heavy to withstand the wanton destruction of man, had been thrown out of position by the many severe earthquakes which Assos has experienced. An enormous mass of masonry, for instance, bordering the Agora upon the south, overhung the bath by more than half a metre; while the bed-joints of a fortification wall three metres thick, forming part of the eastern enclosure, were lifted to an angle of not less than fifteen degrees. / The vestiges which had survived this terrible demolition were buried beneath stones fallen from the upper part of the buildings, and generally also beneath some accumulation of earth. This had been overgrown by dwarf oak bushes, intertwined with briers, and as these are the only forms of vegetation spared by the browsing goats and camels, they had covered the heaps of debris with low, impenetrable thickets. Such was the aspect of the entire site on the writer’s first visit to Assos in 1879.” [ 219] Clarke_1882_29 Assos: “It is possible that the uprising of the Greeks in their struggle for independence may have led to the construction of the Turkish fortification, the recent date of which is proved by its irregularity and the entire lack of the mortar which was lavishly used in mediaeval masonry. The lime-kilns had exhausted such marble as was to be found upon the site before the present century. Behram, it is true, could never have been directly exposed to a concerted attack of the insurgents; but the proximity of the island of Mytilene, with its predominant Greek population, may reasonably have induced the Turks to erect defensive works on the strongest natural fortress of the Southern Troad.” [ 220] Leake_1820_254–255 Assos: “There is a theatre in very perfect preservation; there are also the remains of several temples, at one of which are figures in low relief, in a very antient style of art, sculptured upon the hard granite of Mount Ida, which forms the materials of many of the buildings. On the western side of the city the remains of the walls and towers, with a gate, are in complete preservation; without the walls is seen the cemetery, with numerous sarcophagi, some of which are of gigantic dimensions, still standing in their places, and an antient causeway leading to the gate. The whole gives, perhaps, the most perfect idea of a Greek city that any where exists.” [ 221] Fellows_1839_47–48 Assos: “After depositing the baggage, I took the most intelligent Turk in the place as cicerone, and went up to the ruins on the Acropolis, from which I beheld all the country round, the beautiful island of Mytilene on one side, and the river winding through a rich meadow on the other, rising at Mount Ida, and flowing to the western coast, backed by a series of wooded hills. Immediately around me were the ruins, extending for miles, undisturbed by any living creature except the goats and kids. On every side lay columns, triglyphs, and friezes, of beautiful sculpture, every object speaking of the grandeur of this ancient city. In one place I saw thirty Doric capitals placed up in a line for a fence. I descended towards the sea, and found the whole front of the hill a wilderness of ruined temples, baths, and theatres, all of the best workmanship, but all of the same grey stone as the neighbouring rock.” [ 222] Racznski_1830_210–211 Assos: “The first thing that drew our attention was a spacious theatre. Like all the ancient theatres it is in the form of a half circle. The architect who planned this at Assos has skilfully taken advantage of a hill, which is rather hollowed out. The seats for the spectators are partly hewn in the declivity of the rock itself, and partly built upon it of blocks of granite. On the two sides where the hill takes another turn are two high walls to support the steps adjoining them. The first look at this theatre scarcely leaves a doubt that both the theatre, and probably the remainder of the city, were destroyed by an earthquake. I believe it would not be difficult to collect all the blocks which were employed in building it; but all of them are more or less removed from their places, and some of them lie quite at the bottom, at the orchestrum. This theatre, which is a hundred and forty feet broad, has thirty steps or rows of seats, rising to the height of



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two and twenty feet; a broad gallery, surrounded with a wall, seven feet high, inclosed the whole, and afforded alone, room for a thousand spectators; the whole theatre could contain at least seven thousand. The seats or steps were one behind the other, without the backs which are found in most antient theatres, and which Count Choiseul Gouffier has erroneously introduced in his conjectural view of the town of Assos. The walls of the Proscenium are entirely destroyed.” [ 223] Clarke_1882_12–14 at Assos: “Mr. Abbot, of the Foreign Office, visited Assos subsequently to Mr. Pullan; his admirable report has been recently printed. / At the time of Mr. Abbot’s visit, in November, 1864, a work of systematic destruction was going on. The Turkish Government were employing a considerable detachment of soldiers to displace and carry from the ruins the largest and best hewn stones. The material thus obtained was shipped to Constantinople, and used, it is said, in the construction of the new docks of the Arsenal at Top-haneh. The auditorium of the theatre, which less than twenty years ago remained almost uninjured, was by this vandalism transformed to an enormous quarry, the seats being piled one above another in indescribable confusion. The chief entrance gate of the city, one of the finest known monuments of Greek military architecture, – previously in such good preservation that it in no wise seemed a ruin, – was in part carried away, in part wantonly overthrown. Blocks spoken of as part of a Doric temple, which had long passed for that of Augustus, were at the time of Mr. Abbot’s visit ranged side by side on the path leading to the sea, ready for shipment. / It appears from the present aspect of the site that this destruction was carried on for some months. The work was undertaken as though all the remains of the city were to be carried away; a road was built down the most regular declivity of the hill for the transport of the stones upon rough sledges, so that the making of a way for the reliefs taken from the Acropolis by the present expedition was greatly facilitated. The overthrow and removal of these stones must have been the most severe blow ever experienced by the ruins of Assos. The lime-burners of the Middle Ages had destroyed every vestige of marble to be found upon the surface; that the remaining monuments of volcanic stone should so very recently find a similar fate is indeed deplorable. The carved architectural fragments, which still thickly cover the city enclosure, only indicate the great relative wealth of the site.” [ 224] Clarke_1881_28 on Assos: “The first adequate description of Assos published, that of Dr. Hunt, remarks that of the ‘temple which stood on the citadel, parts of the shafts remain on their original site, so that a person conversant with ancient architecture might easily trace the plan and different details.’ Texier, on the other hand, describes the summit of the Acropolis as covered at the time of his visit with ‘grandes constructions militaires modernes’ It thus appears that the final levelling of the ruins took place during the first third of this century (1801–1835), and the accumulation of debris must, in the main, date from that time.” [ 225] Clarke_1898_73 on Assos: “The foundations of the temple are destined to a speedy destruction, its squared stones being much in demand among the Greek masons of the Southern Troad. But the greatest care was taken by the explorers to remove as little as possible of the structure found still in position.” [ 226] Clarke_1882_14 at Assos: “The misfortune of Assos should stimulate archaeological investigation in lands suffering under the Turkish Government. The insufficiency of previous investigations, like those of Texier, is keenly felt. Our knowledge of the remains at Paestum, for instance, or even at Athens, is already such that their total destruction could not wholly deprive us of their lessons. But in Assos, as in countless sites of Asia Minor, the case is otherwise; when their monuments have been so demolished that restoration is not possible, the loss to science is irreparable.” [ 227] Reinach_1891_33 in 1883 at Assos: Il ne reste plus à explorer que la ville proprement dite; mais ce travail serait très coûteux, peut-être sans grands résultats, et les explorateurs américains n’ont pas cru devoir l’entreprendre. D’ailleurs, au train dont vont les choses, il ne subsistera bientôt plus que le souvenir d’Assos: les habitants de Behram n’ont pas attendu la fin des fouilles pour commencer à exploiter comme des carrières les monuments



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déblayés, et les couvercles des sarcophages ont été mis en pièces pour être transportés à dos de chameaux. [ 228] Clarke_1882_42: “Many sarcophagi entirely buried beneath the soil were found during the excavations of the past year, but none which had not been opened. Trenches were dug around a number to expose the carved ornamentation of their sides, and two exedras were wholly freed from earth. Two vaulted tombs of interesting construction were also excavated, both having been stripped of their facades and choked with debris. Two imperfect inscriptions upon large marble slabs were found during this work, but it was not possible to decipher them before the recovery of further fragments.” [ 229] Mac_Farlane_1850_I_262–263 at the village of Kukoort-keui, near Kuthaya: “On a slope outside the village we saw a large ancient marble sarcophagus lying near the poor little cemetery. The villagers said that the lid of the sarcophagus, which was very massive, and had sculptured figures and inscriptions upon it, had been broken and carried away some years since, to be cut up into tombstones. A few other fragments lay scattered about, small and in other respects inconsiderable, yet enough to show that some ancient Greek town had stood near the spot where now stands the forlorn Kukoort.” [ 230] Sterrett_1888_52–53: “I remained in Dulgerler . . . in order to copy the numerous inscriptions. The ruined house of Mustafa Pasha was built mostly of old stones, many of which were tombstones (stelae); and even two sarcophagus lids with crouching lions on them were utilized. Mustafa Pasha was a noted robber in his day, living in ease and luxury in his house built of tombstones, until finally the government entrapped and executed him. His house has now fallen to ruins, with the exception of one wing. Thanks to this alone, it was possible for me to copy a number of inscriptions.” [ 231] Fellows_1839_52 Assos: “I then entered the Via Sacra, or Street of Tombs, extending for miles. Some of the tombs still stand in their original beautiful forms, but most have been opened, and the lids are lying near the walls they covered, curiosity or avarice having been satisfied by displacing them. Occasionally in the line of tombs are circular seats, as at Pompeii; but these ruins are on a considerably larger scale than those of the Roman city, and many of the remains are equally perfect. Several are highly ornamented, and have inscriptions; others are as large as temples, being twenty or thirty feet square: the usual length of the sarcophagus is from ten to twelve feet.” [ 232] Ludlow_1882_355 Assos: La voie sacrée d’Assos, qui suit les contours des murs pendant une certaine distance avant de se séparer finalement de la ville, était depuis les temps les plus reculés le principal cimetière des habitants. Elle est bordée des deux côtés par une longue file de tombeaux de famille ou de particuliers, d’exèdres, de terrasses, et de sarcophages plus ou moins monumentaux. Les tombeaux les plus anciens sont rangés régulièrement l’un à la suite de l’autre. Plus tard, quand tous les emplacements les plus recherchés, – ceux les plus près de la ville, – étaient déjà occupés, on commença à poser les sarcophages, sans ordre, partout où il y avait de la place libre pour les recevoir: sur les marches des exèdres, entre et même contre les vieux tombeaux, et quelquefois au milieu du chemin. Presque tous les sarcophages avaient été brisés et pillés depuis longtemps; mais l’expédition en a trouvé intacts quelques-uns des plus humbles. Dans un de ces sarcophages elle a retrouvé, parmi les cendres de l’ancien occupant, ses deux strigiles en fer avec quelques restes de leurs manches de bois, les aryballes qui ont contenu sa provision d’huile, et la pièce de monnaie qui devait satisfaire aux prétentions du vieux batelier Charon. [ 233] Clarke_1881_29–30 on Assos: “The upper part of the columns must have been overthrown and rolled down the steep sides of the Acropolis at a time when the stumps of the shafts were still standing. Several of the smaller drums were dug out from the reservoir before the stoa; others, hollowed at one end, have long served the inhabitants of the village as mortars for crushing coffee. The cella wall, of which not a block is recognizable, was probably removed at a far earlier period by builders covetous of its evenly squared stones. The skeleton of columns and entablature may then have stood in much the same



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condition as those of the temples of Segesta and Aegina . . ./ No blocks of the temple superstructure remained upon the stylobate.” [ 234] Walpole_1817_130 Dr. Hunt at Assos in 1774: “There are ruins of columns and architraves along the whole line of the wall which fronts the sea, indicating an extensive portico; in a plain beneath is the ancient cemetery of Assos, where we observed many sarcophagi. Some of them are seven and eight feet high, and of a proportionate breadth and length: they have been hewn out of one massive block of grey granite, and their covers out of another. The sides are in general ornamented with festoons in relievo, and many have the remains of inscriptions, now so much defaced as to be quite illegible.” [ 235] Clarke_1898_112–113 at Assos: “the materials of the temple furnished enough and to spare for the rude mediaeval fortifications of the citadel, and, having in part been rolled over the steep, are met with in various parts of the enclosure below. A number of the drums, for instance, lie upon the slopes of the southeast, are half buried among the ruins of the Turkish village at the north, and were dug out of the debris which chokes the reservoir beneath the Agora. Thus the coffered beams, before mentioned as having been found upon the lower level, show, by the very fact of their discovery nearly half a kilometer one from another, that they must have been removed from some common centre. Of exceptional length, and plane upon three long sides, they were admirably adapted to serve the later builders as jambs and lintels. Nothing could be more easy than to drag these blocks down the incline from the Acropolis, to be used in the construction of the Christian edifices among whose ruins they were found; nothing more unnatural than to carry them to a height where no building other than the Doric temple ever stood.” [ 236] Reinach_1890_527 Cyzicus: Quoi qu’il en soit, les dimensions totales et par suite la surface remplie par la construction proprement dite, sont sensiblement inférieures à celles des plus grands temples connus de l’antiquité. Les temples principaux de Sélinonte, d’Agrigente, de Samos, de Didyme, d’Ephèse, l’Olympiéion d’Athènes, mesurent tous entre 340 et 366 pieds de long, 163 et 171 pieds de large. Ainsi, lorsque les auteurs byzantins parlent de l’Hadrianéum de Cyzique comme du plus grand temple du monde, ils entendent parler seulement de la hauteur et non des autres dimensions. [ 237] Hamilton_1842_II_102–103 Cyzicus: “On the whole, I must say that the loose and rubbly character of the buildings of Cyzicus little accords with the celebrity of its architects; and although some appear to have been cased with marble, none of them give an idea of the solid grandeur of the genuine Greek style. The destruction of all the public buildings, and the total desolation of the place, are in this instance the more remarkable, when we find that no modern town of importance has risen on its ruins; it may in a great measure be owing to the nature of the material of which these buildings were constructed. Although cased with the beautiful marble of the neighbouring hills, and of the quarries near Aidinjik, they are chiefly built of granite, and that of Cyzicus decomposes with great rapidity on exposure to the atmosphere. It appears to contain much felspar, producing alumina by its decomposition; and this has encouraged a rich vegetation, which either acts directly on the buildings themselves, or conceals them under an abundant verdure.” [ 238] Rustafjaell_1902_174: “The country has suffered from recurrent earthquakes, and with the blocking up and final destruction of the canal, which took place probably in the eleventh century, the city of Cyzicus seems to have lost all significance as a commercial centre; by degrees it became merely a rich quarry from which to draw material, first for the construction of Byzantine Churches, and after the Turkish conquest, for Mussulman mosques and the extensive arsenal at Constantinople. Panderma, Artace, and other neighbouring towns helped themselves also to the ready hewn marble and granite columns and blocks scattered about the surface, and to the stone of the formidable city walls, which, loosened by earthquakes, offered the finest building material imaginable ready for shipment. / Blocks of marble and columns which were not broken up by the earth-quakes, but were too cumbersome to move, were reduced on the spot to the requisite sizes, thus increasing the already large quantity of accumulated debris. Owing to the absence of roads



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and the broken nature of the ground, the whole place became overgrown with a thick brushwood during the centuries of profound ignorance, fanaticism, and barbarism that followed. All sculptures and archaeological treasures not immediately on the surface thus became buried under layers of soil and débris, and the deposits of silt from the mountain streams, so that they lie today some six feet underground.” [ 239] Rustafjaell_1902_186 Cyzicus, of the temple: “Judging from the pieces of fluted marble columns lying about, the columns must have been at least 6 feet in diameter, and if, as Aristides says, they were made of a single piece, each must have weighed hundreds of tons” – i.e. insufficient left even to measure the columns’ diameter. [ 240] Porter_1835_215 Cyzicus: “On landing, our guide took us up to a place which he called the Bazaars. It was the foundation of an immense building which had been erected on subterranean arches. We were provided with candles, and descended into them in various directions to a great distance. The piles of rubbish which lay above them, consisting of fragments of marble and granite, has the appearance of the chips and leavings of a large quarry, and this was the appearance wherever the large buildings, which were very numerous, had once stood. Pieces of white marble cornices, chips broken from Corinthian capitals, parts of friezes, pieces of broken columns, in fact, parts of every description of sculpture which enters into architecture were to be found strewed here and there, and all around.” [ 241] Hasluck_1910_21 Cyzicus: “With the decline of Cyzicus must have come the rise of Artaki: we have no evidence as to the date of this change, and the process may well have been a gradual one. The transference of importance depended on the silting up of the Cyzicene ports which had shewn a tendency in that direction as early as the first century. It was probably averted for a century or two after Constantine for the benefit of the new capital, but the decay of Cyzicus had evidently begun, at the time of the earthquake when Justinian spoiled it of its marbles for S. Sophia. . . . / The town appears to have been an important station of the Italian traders, certainly from 1265 on, at which date Michael Paleologus conceded the Venetians special facilities for traffic there.” [ 242] Hasluck_1910_6: editor’s note re. the theatre at Cyzicus: “Pococke says that in his time the stones were already removed and the building overgrown: he was informed by one well acquainted with the place that there were originally 27 seats. West of it he saw the marble seats of the eastern end of a ‘circus.’ Texier (p. 174) in 1835 saw two or three seats of the theatre still in place, the brushwood having been burnt off. The proscenium had nearly disappeared but enough remained to shew that it was at right angles to the supporting walls of the cavea, and had been faced with marble. The same author gives the diameter of the theatre as 100 metres. From the mass of shapeless ruins south of the theatre we may conjecture that it was an important point in the Hellenistic and Roman city. Texier distinguished in this quarter an agora, a portico and a temple, with temenos, orientated N. and S., of Roman date. The temple was faced with Synnada marble, and had red columns with white veins: from it may have come the beautiful supports for a table of offering found in the vicinity by Mr Henderson in 1903. Such objects have been found in situ at Priene.” [ 243] Reinach_1890_540–542: I. – Premier voyage de Cyriaque à Cyzique en 1431. (Scala-monti, Vita Cyriaci, dans Colucci, Antichita Picene, tome XV, p. LXXXV et suiv.) (Scalamonti raconte que Cyriaque accompagné de Memnon de Céphalénie, s’est rendu à Brousse auprès de Canuzabegh, pacha de l’Anatolie, qui leur fit un très bon accueil). Nam et ille natione grœcus graeceque perdoctus erat. Et multa sibi de antiquis et nobilibus in ea provincia rebus, et de insigni Cyzicenorum delubro egregie periteque commemorabat. Cui Kiriacus cum ex ejusdem templi ruinis pleraque elaborata marmora apud Montaneum, maritimum Prusae civitatis emporium, ad nova in urbe aedifîcia instruenda deducta vidisset, ne tantae aedis vestigium posteris penitus aboleri videretur persuasit ne deinceps permitteret ut aliquid ex parietibus columnis et epistiliis astantibus tanti nostram ad diem spectaculi dirueretur, cum ob venerandae antiquitatis pudorem, turn et sui magnique Teucrorum principis honorem. Quae cum vir ille doctus intellexisset dignissima verba, id



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se lubens facturum promisit. Et Kiriacus magno ejusdem visendi operis incensus amore, cum exinde Prusam illico revisisset, agogita quodam ductore Teucro, Cyzicon nobilissimam Asiae civitatem venit, quae, ut aiebat, ad promontorium Propontiaci littoris contra Prœconesiam insulam sita est. Sed undique nobilia magnis undique lapidibus mœnia ingentiaque civitatis aedificia immensis convulsa ruinis solo undique collapsa jacent. Sed exstant praecelsa videnturque excellentissimi templi vestigia Jovis, culti de marmore parietes, in quis adhuc aurei fili signa conspectantur, quo de opere C. Plinius in suo de Naturali historia libro inquit: Durat et Cyzici delubrum in quo filum aureum commissuris omnibus politi lapidis subjecit artifex et reliqua. Stant et ornatissima in fronte diversa Deorum simulacra, et ex longo ordine columnarum amplissimae bases, et quamvis majori ex parte columnœ solo collapsae sint, très et XXX numero adhuc suis cum epistiliis erectae videntur, ubi tale Kiriacus graecum exceperat epigramma. . . . Et alia trine inde per urbem epigrammata comperit ac ingentes de marmore portas amphitheatrique vestigia et magnum terrain quatientis Neptuni simulacrum, quae omnia conspecta eum perbelle excitasse ferebat. [ 244] Reinach_1890_543–544 II. – Second voyage de Cyriaque à Cyzique d’après le cod. Vaticanus 5250, fol 7–10 et le Neapolitanus V.E. 64, p. X-XII. Sed heu! quantum ab illo deformem revisimus quem antea bis septem jam annis exactis prospeximus. Nam tunc XXX et imam columnas erectas vidimus exstare; nunc vero unam de XXX manere et partira epistylis destitutas cognovi. / Sed et quae integras fere omnes inclytae parietes exstabant, nunc a barbaris magna quidem ex parte diminutae soloque collapsae videntur. Sed enim insigni ejus et mirabili in frontispicio eximia deum et praeclarissima ilia de marmore simulacra, Jove ipso protectore suaeque eximiae celsitudinis patrocinio inlaesae tutantur et intactae suo fere prisco splendore manent . . . / At cum civitatem undique collapsam aspexissem et in dies a barbaris omni ex parte pessumdatum iri cognovissem, indolui, et humani generis calamitatem inferentes ab humanis quoque principibus animadvertendum duxi, civitatum Asiae restitutorem divum Augustum Caesarem exclamavi. Vidimus tamen ejus reverendissimae vetustatis pleraque nobilia monumenta nostram ad diem tantae magnitudinis testimonia praestare. et praecipue partem exstare vidimus ex primaevis eximiis ejus Propontino e lapide mœnibus, ingentes statuas columnasque immanes et immania hinc inde conspersa solo marmorea et ingentia fabrefacta saxa. [ 245] Hasluck_1910_10b Cyzicus: “Cyriac visited the site of Cyzicus twice, in 1431 and in 1444; on the first occasion he speaks in general terms of the ruins of vast buildings which covered the site, the amphitheatre, walls and gates. Most of all was he impressed by the ruins of the splendid temple of Jupiter, of which the walls (parietes) and thirty-three columns with their epistyles still stood erect, while the statues of the gods were still in place in the pediment. / The second visit seems to have been largely devoted to obtaining drawings (unfortunately missing) and measurements of the temple: to the latter we shall refer later. In the interval between his two visits the cella wall and four of the columns with a great part of the epistyle had been carried off by the Turks. No later author mentions so much as a single column standing.” Footnoted as follows: “Ornatissima in fronte diversa deorum simulacra. In 1444 insigni ejus et mirabili in frontispicio eximia deum et praeclarissima ilia de mannore simulacra love ipso protectore suaeque eximiae celsitudinis patrocinio inlaesae et intactae suo fere prisco splendore manent.” [ 246] Reinach_1890_522 Cyriacus’ second visit in 1444: Il constata avec douleur que les ravages des Turcs et le délabrement du temple avaient fait de sensibles progrès depuis son premier voyage; au lieu de 31 colonnes qu’il avait comptées naguère, il n’en restait plus debout que 29, encore la plupart avaient-elles perdu leurs chapiteaux; une grande partie des murs de la cella s’était écroulée et le sol était jonché de débris sculptés de toute espèce. Cyriaque s’afflige, invoque le souvenir d’Auguste « restaurateur de l’Asie », et réclame l’intervention des princes de la terre contre les « déprédations des barbares ». Ces plaintes ne devaient pas trouver d’écho; neuf ans plus tard, Constantinople tombait aux mains des Turcs.



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[ 247] Mendel_1909_251–252 Bursa Museum, regarding the provenance of a relief in the museum (#1, archaic relief, Brousse, Tchékirgué; mosquée de Khoudavendikiar), and another in Constantinople: La différence d’origine n’est pas, dans l’espèce, un argument; le fragment de Constantinople provient de Cyzique, mais un témoignage déjà ancien nous apprend précisément que nombre de pierres antiques ont été transportées, via Moudania, de Cyzique à Brousse. Scalamonti écrit (Vita Cyriaci, dans Colucci, Antichità Picene, t. XV, p. LXXXV; cité par M. Th. Reinach, BGH, XIV, 1890, p. 540–1): « Nam et ille [Canuzabegh = Hamza bey, frère de Bayazid pacha, vizir de Tchélébi Sultan Mehmet I; cf. Hammer, Hist, de l’emp. ott., trad. Hellert, II, p. 486, note à la p. 255] natione graecus [inexact, comme le fait remarquer M. Th. Reinach, l.l., p. 541; Hamza bey était ottoman] graeceque perdoctus erat. Et multa sibi de antiquis et nobilibus in ea provincia rebus et de insigni Cyzicenorum delubro egregie periteque commemorabat. Cui Kiriacus cum ex eiusdem templi minis pleraque elaborata marmara apud Montaneum, maritimum Prusiae civitatis emporium, ad nova in urbe aedificia instruenda deducta vidisset, ne tantae aedis vestigium posteris penitus aboleri videretur, persuasit ne deinceps permitteret ut aliquid ex parietibus, columnis et epistiliis adstantibus tanti nostram ad diem spectaculi dirueretur, cum ob venerandae antiquitatis pudorem, turn et sui magnique Teucrorum principis honorem. » Ce voyage de Cyriaque est de 1431, sous le règne de Sultan Méhmet; la mosquée de Tchékirgué a été construite en 1365 par Sultan Mourad I Khoudavendikiar; mais le relief de Brousse n’a pas été extrait des œuvres vives de la mosquée; il était employé dans le dallage et a pu y être placé à la suite d’une réparation postérieure. On peut, je crois, considérer comme certain que les deux reliefs proviennent de Cyzique et qu’ils y décoraient un même monument. [ 248] Stochove_1643_206 Cyzicus: Ceste ville pouvoit avoir environ deux lieus de tour, les murailles y restent encore la plys part entieres & basties de grandes pierres de marbre brut sans ciment: L’on y cognoist encore les portes, par dedans ce sont toutes ruynes, l’on y void plusieurs arcades, pans de murailles, statues, & autres choses semblables, les collines en sont toutes blanchissantes. [ 249] Le_Brun_I_1725_188–189 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) peninsula of Cyzicus: il y a un fort beau Port qui est aujourd’huy abandonné, aussi-bien que la Ville, où l’on ne remarque plus rien à quoi l’on puisse reconnoître l’état florissant où elle a été autrefois, si ce n’est aux ruïnes effroyables de ses superbes bâtiments qu’ony voit entassées les-unes sur les autres. / Entre ces pitoyables restes de son ancienne grandeur, on voit, sur une agréable Colline, un très-bel Amphithéâtre de figure ovale, où il pouvoit tenir plus de douze milles hommes. De dessus cet Amphithéâtre, aussi-bien que du reste de là Colline, où l’on trouve encore tout ce qui reste de Cyzique, on voit les deux Golphes qui formoient les deux Ports de cette Ville, mais personne n’y met plus le pied, que quelques Voyageurs que la curiosité y attire pour voir ces précieux restes de l’Antiquité. Il n’y a que les hiboux qui y fassent leur demeure. [ 250] Caylus_1766_II,_220 Ce Marbre & le suivant ont été enlevés des ruines de Cyzique; ils avoient été placés apparemment dans le Gymnase, ou dans quelqu’autre lieu public. Il est prouvé par plusieurs Inscriptions que l’on faisoit graver sur le Marbre, les noms, les qualités & les éloges, non-seulement des Officiers des Gymnases, mais encore des Athlètes célèbres. [ 251] Pococke_1772_V_286 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Cyzicus, the theatre: Il y avoit au pied de la montagne un grand théâtre, don’t on a enlevé les pierres, & dont l’emplacement est entièrement couvert d’autres. Un homme qui connoissait l’endroit m’a dit, qu’il y avoit vingt-cinq rangs de siéges. Au couchant sont les débris d’un cirque. J’ai vu une partie des siéges à l’extrémité orientale où l’on a fouillé pour enlever les matériaux qui sont de marbre blanc. [ 252] Sestini_1785_18 on the Cyzicus peninsula, writing from Artakki: Prima di tutto ci fu fatta osservare alla marina una Statua di marmo lunga braccia 4 fiorentine, la quale era stata fatta tirare fuori dall’acque del mare, ma che l’hanno ridotta in cattivo stato, ed è opera di greco scarpello. / La medesima rappresenta un Satiro a gambe di becco, tenendo nella destra il Petum pastorale, e nella sinistra la Fistula agrestis.



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[ 253] Sestini_1785_51 on the Cyzicus peninsula, he visits the “Besestein”: E’ questo un grande, e lungo edifizio quadro del tutto rovinato, ed il quale era stato costruito di marmo bianco, e d’ordine Corintio, siccome si vede dai varj pezzi di Architravi, e Cornicioni tuttavia esistenti, e gettati sul suolo. 52–55 puzzles over what questo ammasso di rovine might be, and concludes they were protected shipyards. [ 254] Sestini_1785_30–31 on the Cyzicus peninsula: gives their inscriptions, citing a classical one, but Altra ve m’era di carattere greco molto cattivo, e dei tempi più bassi, essendovi sopra il coperchio diverse Croci greche, che tutto insieme presto si perderà, mediante chè i Turchi avevano già principiato a guastare tali marmi, per il che dubito fortamente che pochi altri viaggiatori avranno il piacere di poter riscontrar ciò. [ 255] Lechevalier_1800_26 Cyzicus, all he writes is that Les murailles de cette ancienne ville subsistent encore en plusieurs endroits dans leur entier: elles sont constanxiies en marbre et en granit, matériaux précieux dont la presqu’île abonde, et qui étoient autrefois recherchés jusques dans Rome. [ 256] Porter_1835_215–217 Cyzicus: “On landing our guide took us up to a place which he called the Bazaars. It was the foundation of an immense building which had been erected on subterranean arches. We were provided with candles, and descended into them in various directions to a great distance. The piles of rubbish which lay above them, consisting of fragments of marble and granite, has the appearance of the chips and leavings of a large quarry, and this was the appearance wherever the large buildings, which were very numerous, had once stood. Pieces of white marble cornices, chips broken from Corinthian capitals, parts of friezes, pieces of broken columns, in fact, parts of every description of sculpture which enters into architecture were to be found strewed here and there, and all around . . . I next visited the most perfect remains of antiquity to be found at Cyzicum, the ruins of a temple. The foundation is composed of large solid blocks of granite, and the other parts, of stones, bricks and mortar. The whole is greatly overrun with vines and shrubbery; but by getting on the top of the walls, I was enabled to sketch an outline of the ground plan, that may convey some idea of the building. The exterior of the edifice is square, the interior circular, leaving solid masses at the corners for the support of the dome or cupola which once covered it, inserting a nitch in each corner, doubtless for a statue. The windows were small on the outside, widening inwards, for the greater admission of light, without wedtening too much the fabric. The entrance to the temple was large and spacious. Connected with this, was another spacious building, erected on a platform, part only of the walls of which are remaining. To this you ascend by a flight of steps, some of which are still seen. / These ruins of a temple, arid of what was once a very extensive and splendid amphitheatre, with some fragments of wall, are all that remain above ground, of the noble, rich and ancient city of Cyzicum, which took its name from Cyzicus, who was killed by mistake, by Jason, on his Argonantic expedition to Colchis, and who erected to his memory a splendid monument.” [ 257] Perrot_&_Guillaume_1864_354–356: Le peu de temps que nous passâmes à Cyzique ne nous permit pas de chercher à loisir, parmi les débris amoncelés, les fûts, les chapiteaux, les grands fragments d’entablement qui se retrouveraient sans doute enterrés au plus profond des décombres, et qui fourniraient les données nécessaires pour une restauration de l’ensemble. Pourtant nous pûmes recueillir et mesurer un certain nombre de fragments et d’ornements d’architecture qui nous permettent tout au moins de déterminer, avec une grande approximation, l’échelle de l’édifice. Ibid. 356 calculates from fragments the Order to be 21.35m including base and capital, i.e. taller than either Baalbek or Mars Ultor: La hauteur de la colonne étant ainsi obtenue par l’examen des parties subsistantes et par le calcul, ce n’est pas sans surprise et sans plaisir que l’on se reporte à ce passage de Dion: “On dit que sous Antonin il y eut un terrible tremblement de terre qui désola laBithynie et les rivages de l’Hellespont; il maltraita cruellement plusieurs cités, et il en renversa d’autres de fond en comble. Une des villes qui souffrirent le plus, ce fut Cyzique; elle vit s’écrouler son temple, le plus beau et le plus grand de ceux qui existaient alors; ses colonnes, chacune d’un seul bloc, avaient quatre orgyies de grosseur et cinquante coudées de haut. Tout le



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reste était à l’avenant, et il était plus facile d’admirer les beautés de cet édifice que de les louer dignement.” [ 258] Perrot_1872_I_72 Cyzicus: Par l’étendue que couvrent des débris, par les énormes amas de pierres que l’on rencontre à chaque instant, par la quantité de marbres et de morceaux d’architecture qui gisent parmi les ronces, ou que fait sortir sans cesse de terre le boyau du vigneron, on se fait encore une idée de l’importance de la cité; mais il ne reste ici aucune de ces ruines imposantes, aucun de ces nobles fragments qui rendent l’illusion de l’ensemble . . . Pas une colonne debout sur la plaine ou sur la hauteur. [ 259] Rustafjaell_1902_187 on Cyzicus: “The amphitheatre is situated in the valley on both sides of the sloping hills, outside the north-cast walls of the city. Its elliptical shape may be traced from six or seven of the pilasters and arches still remaining here and there. The small mountain stream Kleite runs through the middle of the arena, along its longer axis, which measures about 150 yards. Higher up the valley there are signs of a dam to divert the course of the stream into a canal cut through the rocks when the arena was not required for a naumachia. On a closer examination of the massive ruins a great number of the butt ends of marble columns, blocks, and slabs will be found built into the buttresses and archways, and some with inscriptions arc discernible in the facings of the southernmost ones. From this it may be inferred that the amphitheatre was constructed with the remnants of former Greek buildings destroyed by the earthquake during the reign of Hadrian.” [ 260] Rustafjaell_1902_176 on Cyzicus: “Yapidji-Keui lies inland, about an hour’s travel from the coast, at an altitude of 950 feet above sea level. It was founded by seven families of Slavs, masons and builders by trade, who came over from Macedonia some time during the eighteenth century. There are now 200 families in the village, which is comparatively well built. The Government, they say, has repeatedly offered them lands elsewhere, but they prefer to live in the hills, which have so far afforded them a safe shelter.” [ 261] Robert_1978B_453 of two inscriptions: Les deux pierres venaient « de la cave d’une vieille maison en pierre, qui se trouve dans la partie inférieure de la rue Perschembe Bazar à Galata » . . . [and the one he is discussing:] C’est un nouvel exemple, et qui ne surprend pas, d’un transport de pierres de Cyzique à Constantinople à l’époque contemporaine ou déjà dans la ville byzantine. Ibid. 455 and of another Cyzican decree: Haskôy est un quartier de Stamboul, sur la rive droite de la Corne d’Or; il est dominé par le cimetière Israélite, impressionnant dans sa nudité, et il est proche de la mosquée de Piyale Paşa, attachante dans sa paix solitaire. Encastrée dans un aqueduc bâti par les Sultans, la pierre de Cyzique était donc une de ces pierres errantes qu’a consommées la Constantinople byzantine et ottomane, une de ces pierres du champ de ruines de la côte cyzicénienne emportées à tous les vents et par cargaisons à Constantinople et à Brousse. Ibid. 456 and yet another one: Une très longue liste de noms fut transportée elle aussi de Cyzique à Constantinople. L’inscription était conservée à l’église arménienne du quartier Alti Mermer (Exi Marmar); elle avait servi comme pierre tombale arménienne et portait une épitaphe de la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle en cette langue. [ 262] Teule_1842_86 near the Gulf of Adramit: On voit dans le village de Bergasi des fûts brisés de colonnes et queques fragments de marbre ayant servi à la décoration d’un édifice; tel est un chapiteau, qui a été creuse par les paysans pour en faire une auge, où les troupeaux des environs s’abreuvent. [ 263] Reinaud_1829_227 Saladin at Laodicea, writes Ibn al-Athir (1160–1233): Le sultan se porta ensuite à Laodicée, et trouva la ville Patras abandonnée. Les chrétiens s’étaient retirés dans deux châteaux situés sur une montagne voisine; le cadi de Gible parvint encore à leur faire peur et les engagea à descendre, Laodicée était une ville bien bâtie et ornée de beaux édifices; on y voyait des marbres de toute espèce: les musulmans détruisirent tous les édifices, surtout les églises, et emportèrent les marbres. Saladin donna Laodicée à son neveu Taki-eddin, prince de Hamah, avec ordre d’y faire les réparations nécéssaires. [ 264] Roland_1987_395 veneer: Parallèlement aux façades de stucs peints imitant la construction réelle, apparaissent les revêtements pariétaux en minces plaques de marbre de couleur. On associe aisément les marbres de couleur et les peintures ou les stucs d’imitation. Les édifices de Milet en ont conservé les traces aux IIe et Ier siècles. Les papy-



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rus attestent leur emploi dans les palais d’Alexandrie et on connaît le développement de ces techniques dans tout le monde romain à partir de la fin de la république et tout au long de l’époque impériale. Ces techniques vont faire le succès des marbres de couleur exploités en Eubée, en Thessalie, sur les côtes d’Asie Mineure. [ 265] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_263 Eskihissar/Laodicea: Ce qui reste de plus beau à Eskihissar sont quatre théâtres de marbre aussi polis & aussi entiers que s’ils avoient été bâtis depuis peu. Proche d’un de ces théâtre on lit une inscription Greque à l’honneur de l’Empereur Tite-Vespasian. – theatre, for him, means temple. [ 266] Pococke_1772_V_133 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Laodicea: les ruines de trois édifices dont deux paroissent être des temples avec des arcades; ils étoient revêtus de marbre. Je vis, dans celui qui est à l’orient, un entablement ionique. L’autre qui est au couchant a la forme d’un quarré oblong il m’a paru qu’il étoit à jour & qu’il y avoit de chaque côté une colonnade, dont une partie de l’entablement subsiste; il n’y a de muraille qu’aux deux extrémités il a deux cent quatre-vingt pas de long sur cinquante pieds de large. Le cirque est au midi & paroît avoir été creusé dans la montagne. [ 267] Fellows_1839_281 Laodicea/Eskihissar: “All the buildings of this city are constructed of an extremely coarse conglomerate or petrified mass, and the cornices and ornamental parts alone are of marble or other fine stone. I saw many remains of thin slabs of marble for lining or covering the walls, still partially retaining the cement which attached them. This town is said to have been destroyed or injured several times by earthquakes; but the hills on which it stands do not show any signs of volcanic changes.” [ 268] Walpole_1820_221 for Lieut-Col Leake at Laodicaea: “At Ladik we saw more numerous fragments of antient architecture and sculpture than at any other place upon oar route. Inscribed marbles, altars, columns, capitals, frizes, cornices, were dispersed throughout the streets and among the houses and burying-grounds.” [ 269] Arundell_1828_84–85 Laodicea: “Innumerable sarcophagi, as at Hierapolis, first attracted our attention, and then a theatre. A camel-driver undertook to be our conductor, but it was only to show us a multitude of excavations lately made by the Turks of the neighbouring villages for the sake of the stone. In some of considerable depth we saw the finest sculptured fragments, a proof that the larger part of the ancient city, whether by earthquake or other causes, is buried much below the present surface.” [ 270] Arundell_1828_157–8 at Denizli: “A Greek stone-mason, who was chipping most unmercifully a beautiful frieze, to accommodate it to a Turkish tombstone, told me, in reply to my inquiries for ruins or inscriptions at Denizli, that there were neither: an assertion contradicted by the walls of a building immediately across the street, in which many fine fragments were inserted. But he said that the stone he was then working was brought from Laodicea. In fact, the immense quantities of stone which are daily brought from thence for building and other uses will very speedily destroy the remains, numerous as they are, which at present exist; and the demolition will be complete, as they have now begun to excavate, and are daily digging up and splitting the finest sculptured marbles.” [ 271] Elliott_1838_97 Laodicea: “The ruins of an amphitheatre and two theatres, with vast masses of masonry to which no name can be assigned, and which hold out no inducement to a traveller to visit this desolate region, are the only indications of the pristine grandeur of the city. Deserted by all but wolves and jackals, not a single human being dwells here, and but a few squalid Turks in the neighbouring village of Eski-Hissar.” [ 272] Fellows_1841_270 Laodicea: “I have spoken of the ruins of Laodicea in my former Journal. Two years ago, as I approached this spot, nothing was seen but vultures and the wild and solitary bustard; the only trace of man was a few chips of marble broken from the ancient columns to form the gravestone of a Turk. How changed is the scene now! Hundreds of peasants, and thousands of cattle, sheep, goats, oxen and camels, cover the ancient city, and continue to arrive in long trains: the people are actively employed in pitching their tents, while the cattle are grazing over their new pastures.” [ 273] Fellows_1852_211 Laodicea: “All the buildings of this city are constructed of an extremely coarse conglomerate or petrified mass, and the cornices and ornamental parts



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alone are of marble or other fine stone. I saw many remains of thin slabs of marble for lining or covering the walls, still partially retaining the cement which attached them.” [ 274] Hamilton_1842_I_515 Laodicea: “Its stadium, gymnasium, and theatres, one of which is in a state of great preservation, with its seats still perfectly horizontal, though merely laid upon the gravel, are well deserving of notice. Other buildings also on the top of the hill are full of interest, and on the east the line of the ancient wall may be distinctly traced, with the remains of a gateway; there is also a street within and without the town, flanked by the ruins of a colonnade and numerous pedestals, leading to a confused heap of fallen ruins on the brow of the hill about 200 yards outside the walls. North of the town towards the Lycus are many sarcophagi, with their covers lying near them partly imbedded in the ground, all having been long since rifled.” [ 275] Choisy_1876_241–243 Ak-Khan: L’approche des lieux où fut la grande ville de Laodicée est annoncée par un khan monumental, une ruine aujourd’hui, mais l’un des plus magnifiques témoins de l’ancienne splendeur ottomane. Les Turcs l’appellent le Khan blanc (Ak-khan), de la couleur des marbres antiques dont l’édifice tout entier fut construit. Comme les caravansérails actuels, l’Ak-khan a ses divers services groupés autour d’une grande cour: d’un côté deux étages de chambres; de l’autre, une rangée de portiques ouverts offrant un abri momentané aux caravanes de passage, et surmontés de cellules. Au fond, une salle à trois nefs, vaste comme une grande église, et destinée à servir d’écurie. Les escaliers sont extérieurs et disposés en encorbellement de la façon la plus originale. La porte d’entrée est d’une richesse merveilleuse: elle s’inscrit dans un contour rectangulaire en ruban d’entrelacs; son arc, à peine ogival, retombe sur de fines colonnettes engagées; et, par une fantaisie qu’on ne s’attend guère à rencontrer sur un édifice dû à la piété musulmane, toute une série de bas-reliefs figurant des êtres animés s’enchâsse dans là décoration: lions ailés, colombes, aigles, des hommes même. L’ensemble est d’une grandeur et d’une beauté de lignes imposantes: jamais plus digne palais ne fut élevé à l’hospitalité orientale. Par malheur, l’Ak-khan nous a coûté bien des ruines helléniques, et la beauté de la ruine que nous retrouvons est loin de compenser l’intérêt ou la valeur de celles qu’elle nous a fait perdre. [ 276] Chandler_1825_I_282–283 Laodicea: “From this ruin you see the odeum, which fronted southwards. The seats remain in the side of the hill. The materials of the front lie in a confused heap. The whole was of marble. Sculpture had been lavished on it, and the style savoured less of Grecian taste than Roman magnificence. / Beyond the odeum are some marble arches standing, with pieces of massive wall; the ruin, as we conjectured, of a gymnasium. This fabric, with one at a small distance, appeared to have been re-edified, probably after an earthquake, to which calamity Laodicea was remarkably subject. Westward from it are three marble arches crossing a dry valley, as a bridge. Many traces of the city-wall may be seen, with broken columns and pieces of marble used in its later repairs. Within, the whole surface is strewed with pedestals and fragments. The luxury of the citizens may be inferred from their other sumptuous buildings, and from two capacious theatres in the side of the hill, fronting northward and westward; each with its seats still rising in numerous rows one above another. The travellers in 1705 [Pococke??] found a maimed statue at the entrance of the former.” [ 277] Fellows_1841_269 Denizli: “Denizlee has few early ruins, although many walls built of a rough conglomerate of stones and vegetable matter, massed together by lime, are scattered about the neighbourhood; portions of the walls of the town are also of an early date, but these are all much later than the numerous blocks, columns, and fragments of white marble seen in the burial-grounds and in every street, which, I find, are all brought from Laodicea, scarcely an hour’s distance to the north: we propose to proceed thither tomorrow.” [ 278] Choisy_1876_243: Laodicée n’a plus un édifice debout: ce n’est aujourd’hui qu’une plaine ondulée sillonnée de fondements et couverte de débris; partout le pied heurte des fragments de marbres rares. Trois théâtres, dont deux sont immenses; un stade dont le grand côté est bordé de ruines gigantesques qui proviennent apparemment d’un gymnase; partout des voûtes, des galeries, des sarcophages.



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[ 279] Ramsay_1897_I_2_635 Aristion: “The inscriptions give little information about the city. They are few in number. The continuous demands made by a large city like AfionKara-Hissar for good stones or marbles has almost exhausted the supply of surface stones in the districts around and in easy communication. Moreover there are in the SitchanliOva several large villages with fine mosques and buildings, which have used up many ancient marbles.” [ 280] Clark_1914_144 Laodicea: “Its former greatness, however, is shown by its ruins. They cover hundreds of acres, and though they have been quarried for a thousand years by all the villagers round about, who have built their walls, their houses, and their pigsties from the marbles of the ancient city, yet there is good building material enough left to erect another city to-day on the site of the ancient metropolis.” [ 281] Lechevalier_1800_38 Nicomedia: On y voyoit un superbe théâtre et un cirque; ses murailles, s’il faut en croire les écrivains du bas Empire y étoient plus solides que celles de Babylone. Elle fut protégée par Auguste; Trajan la décora de plusieurs monumens publics; mais Dioclétien sur-tout y répandit une telle magnificence, qu’elle devint en peu de tems la rivale de Rome. On y retrouve encore les ruines d’un palais qu’on croit avec assez de vraisemblance avoir été bâti par cet empereur. [ 282] Galt_1812_298: “Nicomedia is a very large town, situated near, the head of the gulf, on the steep side of the hills. The remains of an amphitheatre may be traced, and part of the walls of the ancient city are still visible; but there is nothing to justify the exaggerations of the Constantinople writers, who say, that, in the time of Dioclesian, it vied in magnificence with Rome. A small square building of hewn stone is, perhaps, a relic of Dioclesian’s palace; but I do not think so, and yet can give no good reason why.” [ 283] Chesneau_1887_61 (travelling 1547) Nicomedia, footnote: « Quatre jours après nostre départ de Constantinople, dit Busbec, nous vinsmes à Nicomedie. C’est une ancienne ville de qui l’on a beaucoup parlé; mais il n’en reste que de vieilles masures et de gros morceaux de colonnes abbatües; si ce n’est que le chasteau, situé sur une colline, est plus entier. Un peu devant que nous y vinssions, on avoit treuvé sous terre une muraille de marbre blanc qui estoit asseurement une partie du palais magnifique des roys de Bithynie. » (Ambassades, etc., page 109.) [ 284] Dernschwam_1986_153–4 Nicomedia: ein gros zershlaifft krichish schlos auff einem Klainen vels gelegen, bis an die strossen herab gepant gewest; stehen noch etlich runde thurn . . . [large stretches of wall survive] Wan mans aber ansicht, so ist es ein gemeurer ander hauren mag. Die grossen staine und wergk stuke hot man in solcher langen zeit alle verfurt per Constantinopel und anderswohin. Jecundt haben wjr noch gesehen, wie man den grundt von der stadtmauer aussgrebt, seindt schene, grosse, gehawte, quadratten und wegk stukhe. [ 285] Grélois_2003_119 Hans Derschwam (travelling 1555) at Nicomedia: the aqueduct from the acropolis is still going, and the water falls into a mill: [Celui-ci actionne] deux scies [qui] découpent les blocs de marbre que l’on extrait là des palais et des edifices antiques – then describes the saw type – les scies n’ont pas de dents affûtées – and are lubricated with sand and water. [ 286] Busbecq_I_1881_134–135 (Ambassador to Turkey 1582–1589) Nicomedia: “It is an ancient city of great renown; but we saw nothing in it worth looking at except its ruins and rubbish, which contained, in the remnants of column and architrave, all that is left of its ancient grandeur. The citadel, which stands on a hill, is in a better state of preservation. Shortly before our arrival, a long wall of white marble had been discovered under the earth by some people who had been digging, which, I am inclined to think, formed part of the ancient palace of the kings of Bithynia.” [ 287] Dernschwam_1986_155 Nicomedia: as for the schloss, seind gewaldige marmelsteine gelegen schon und kunstlich aussgehawen [von] mancherley formen – gives dimensions, and notes that they were shipped to C, zur des kaisers mezith und gebew . . . [and in the schloss] wjr 2 haidnische bader gefunden . . . Die schonen mermelstaine seind alle schon aussgreprochen und graben worden . . . Wo man das wasser darzur genommen, wird man her nach finden, von wannen des wasser durch die stadt und schloss auff einen



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solchen hochen rigel gefurt sey worden – and he finds a base there, and transcribes the inscription. [ 288] Morritt_1914_100–101 (travelling 1794–1796) Nicomedia in 1794: “The town is illbuilt, like all Turkish towns, and yet, like them, looks beautiful on the side of a steep hill mixed with trees. There are very few remains here; the only one we have seen worth notice is the remains of an old palace, which covers the top of a small elevation, and of which a square building yet remains entire all but the roof. It is built of very large hewn stone, and floored with marble, and seems to have been a very magnificent room; it is now filled with bushes and shrubs that make it a very picturesque ruin. There is little doubt but it has been an ancient palace, and the Turks give it the name of Eski-Sera, or the old palace. The people here are so ignorant that we could not make anything certain out from their accounts. One of them told us it was an old palace of the Sultan’s, another that it was built by the Genoese. As there was nothing architectural about it we could not make it out to be antique. It had certainly been in the use of the Turks, judging by the paintings, which remained in some parts, but might nevertheless have been built long before them.” [ 289] Galt_1812_298: “Nicomedia is a very large town, situated near, the head of the gulf, on the steep side of the hills. The remains of an amphitheatre may be traced, and part of the walls of the ancient city are still visible; but there is nothing to justify the exaggerations of the Constantinople writers, who say, that, in the time of Dioclesian, it vied in magnificence with Rome. A small square building of hewn stone is, perhaps, a relic of Dioclesian’s palace; but I do not think so, and yet can give no good reason why.” [ 290] Dallaway_1797_160 Nicomedia: “the ancient Acropolis is still marked by walls and fallen towers. Upon an easy terrace rises the Eski-serai, the palace probably built by Diocletian: it is discoverable by many vestiges, as perfect as when seen by Busbequius in the sixteenth century. Many broken columns of marble and porphery [sic] lie scattered amidst a luxuriant grove of cypress.” [ 291] Marcellus_1839_I_133 Nicomedia: Les sultans aidèrent d’abord à sa renaissance; et les fils d’Osman y accouraient, attirés par sa situation et son beau climat. Mais en, 1719, un tremblement de terre l’agita pendant trois jours et la détruisit totalement. Peu d’années après, de nouveaux habitants, cherchant encore à braver tant de désastres, dressèrent des maisons de bois, à côté de ces imposantes ruines. [ 292] Dupré_1819_I_4 (travelling 1807–1809) Nicomedia: Les voyageurs curieux d’inscriptions, peuvent y trouver de quoi satisfaire leur goût; Il y a peu de rues ou de cimetières où l’on n’en trouve, soit en grec, soit en latin. Ces inscriptions sont, sinon entières, au moins peu mutilés. [ 293] Porter_1835_91–92: “Seeing the passion of the Turks for lofty buildings, such as minarets, which no doubt caused the preservation of the town of Galata, built by Anastasius, the Seven Towers and other edifices, one would suppose that they would have respected the column of Theodosius. Yet nothing will excite surprise, when the reader is informed, that I have seen the materials of a beautiful temple, built at Nicomedia by Dioclesian, and dedicated by him to the gods, in progress of being moved off by cartloads, to build a woolen-cap factory. In fact, the most precious relics of the arts and of national greatness are converted by them to the vilest purposes. Imperial Caesar, dead, and turned to clay, / May stop a hole to keep the wind away.” [ 294] Marcellus_1839_I_134 Nicomedia: On voit encore dans ses jardins quelques traces des anciens remparts; dans les rues et enchâssés dans les murs, des tronçons de colonne, des débris d’inscriptions y des blocs de jaspe et de porphyre; puis des bazars vastes, bruyants et sales, où résident de nombreux marchands, et où s’entasse presque toute la population. Plus loin, les ruines du palais de Dioclétien: ce qu’on désigne ainsi n’est qu’un grand pavillon percé de quatre arcades, et un pan de mur encore debout, dont la cime dégradée atteint la hauteur des plus grands cyprès. J’admirai beaucoup plus que ces dépouille, les beaux points de vue dont jouissaient les anciennes demeures des empereurs, la mer qui a presque encore une lieue de largeur en face de la ville, les vertes montagnes de la rive



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opposée, et, dans le fond du golfe, les prairies et les champs arrosés par le fleuve des eaux-douces. [ 295] Ainsworth_1842_I_25 Nicomedia: “The remains of antiquity consist chiefly of fragments, there being no perfect buildings extant. The traces of the caste, and of an aqueduct, are still evident on the hill, and monuments of antiquity are daily converted in the artisan’s yard into tomb-stones for Mohammedans.” [ 296] Perrot_1867_44 Nicomedia: Nous visitons l’ancienne acropole, et son enceinte dont les fondations, du plus beau travail hellénique, supportent d’énormes tour romaines et byzantines; je passe l’après-midi à copier des inscriptions mises au jour par les travaux qu’exécutent les Grecs pour reconstruire le couvent d’Hagios-Pandéléimon, à un quart d’heure de la ville. [ 297] Perrot_1864_446 at Moudania, near Nicomedia, nous avons recueilli ce qui subsistait encore d’un théâtre caché depuis plusieurs siècles sous les vignes, et que les Turcs n’ont rendu au jour, l’an dernier, que pour le démolir aussitôt, et en tirer les matériaux d’une jetée. [ 298] Le_Brun_I_1725_194 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) Nicomedia: Les Voyageurs, qui sont curieux de voir quantité de belles Inscriptions, peuvent en partie contenter leur envie dans cette Ville; car il n’y a pas une rue, ni un Cimetière, ou l’on n’en trouve quelques morceaux, & quelquefois même d’entières, tant. en Grec qu’en Latin. [ 299] Ainsworth_1839_217 Nicomedia: “Its modern condition has been too often described to need any details here, but some travellers have almost denied the existence of any remains of ancient times, yet there is still a castellated building, and the tombstone carvers’ yards are filled with fragments of antiquity.” [ 300] Moustier_1864_228 De l’ancienne Nicomédie, capitale de la Bithynie, fondée par Nicomède I à la fin du quatrième siècle avant notre ère, embellie par Pline le Jeune, préteur pour l’empereur Trajan, et par Dioclétien . . . il ne reste rien que des débris de murailles ou d’égouts à peine dignes de l’attention du voyageur. [ 301] Perrot_1872_I_3–4 Heureusement on remuait la terre à Nicomédie; c’était, dans la ville même, un palais que se faisait construire le sultan Abd-ul-Medjid . . . Nous interrogeâmes les ouvriers; c’était surtout, nous dirent-ils, en creusant pour établir les fondations du palais que l’on avait retrouvé un grand nombre de fragments antiques. Quelques statues avaient été emportées à Constantinople par l’entrepreneur des travaux, un ingénieur grec . . . Sur les chantiers on n’avait laissé que les débris dont l’architecte avait cru ne pas pouvoir tirer parti, des morceaux de corniche, des fûts et des chapiteaux . . . On avait rencontré aussi des blocs de pierre ou de marbre portant des inscriptions, mais la plupart avaient déjà été retaillés et employés dans la construction. [ 302] Langlois_1854b_67 Tarsus: Outre le Kusuk-Kolah et le Dunuk-Dasch, la ville de Tarsous possede encore les beaux restes d’un théâtre qui etait d’une grande étendue, à en juger par l’hémicycle, qui est encore debout, et dont on voit les ruines à l’est du KusukKolah, et les portes de Dcmir-Kapou et de Kandji-Kapou, jadis reliées aux fortifications de la cité, bâties par Haroun-al-Raschid et restaurées par le roi arménien Héthum Ier. Tarsous renfermait encore des palais et des bains magnifiques; j’ai trouvé en plusieurs endroits diférents de la ville des restes de mosaiques qui rappellent le luxe des Romains mêlé à l’élégance des Grecs. [ 303] Langlois_1861_292 (travelling 1851–1853) Tarsus, gymnasium: Les ruines du gymnase sont restées, à peu de chose près, dans l’état où les avait trouvés Kinneir, bien que de temps en temps les habitants de la ville en enlèvent les pierres qu’ils peuvent encore en extraire, pour les employer dans la construction de leurs habitations. [ 304] Langlois_1854b_54 Tarsus: Tarsous renferme de beaux monuments, soit anciens, soit du moyen age; le plus remarquable est le Dunuk Dasch, edifice bien conservé, dout la vaste enceinte a du être consacrée à la sepulture d’un roi des temps anciens. [ 305] Beaufort_1820_69 Tarsus: La plaine leur [the ship’s officers] offrit l’aspect d’une immense nappe de chaume parsemée de petits camps composés de tentes. Elles sont faites de tissus de poils, et les paysans y demeurent dans cette saison où l’on fait la récolte. Un



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Arménien apprit aux officiers que tous les restes d’antiquité avoient été détruits ou convertis en bâtimens modernes, à l’exception d’un théâtre situé près de la rivière y et enseveli dans las décombres et les buissons; en même temps il les dissuada d’aller l’examiner ou de faire un plus long séjour dans la ville, se fondant sur le caractère féroce du peuple et du gouverneur, et citant leurs physionomies à l’appui de son assertion. [ 306] Langlois_1854b_66–67 Tarsus, the cemetery of Kusuk-Kolah: Cette nécropole reçut les derniers coups lorsque les musulmans, pour restaurer les fortifications de Tarsous qu’avait élevées Haroun al Raschid, firent creuser, à l’epoque des croisades, une nouvelle ceinture de defense dans le voisinage du Kusuk-Kolah, ce qui nécéssita, pour l’édification des tours et des murs, des bouleversements de terrain qui eurent pour resultat la mutilation des terres cuites qui, jusque-la, avaient échappé aux mains destructives des conquerants. / Les événements qui se sont accomplis sur ce point de la ville expliquent suffisadiment la destruction parallèle des objets d’art que j’ai recueillis au Kusuk-Kolah. / Les statuettes entières, ou légèrement mutilées, que j’ai été assez heureux pour comprendre dans mes envois, étaient assez profondément enfouies dans le sol pour échapper aux atteintes des musulmans; mais il n’en a pas été dc même de celles rapprochées de la surface, qui, toutes, portent les traces des bouleversements qu’a subis la nécropole. / Des excavations d’une profondeur de trois à quatre mètres ont donné lieu à ces remarques qui m’autorisent à penser que si l’on creusait profondément sur divers points, et a quclque distance des anciennes fortifications de Tarsous, on pourrait espérer trouver, non-seulement des statuettes intactes, mais peut-être encore des tombeaux purs de toute profanation. [ 307] Langlois_1854b_73 Tarsus, Ulu Jami: Il est probable que cette mosquée d’OlouDjami fut élevée sur les ruines de la grande eglise de Tarsous que Willebrand décrit dans son itinéraire. En effet, l’Olou-Djami se trouve au centre de la ville, et c’est en cet endroit que le chanoine d’Oldembourg place l’église de Saint-Pierre et de Sainte-Sophie. Au XIIIe siècle, cette église était dans toute sa splendeur: multum ornata, tota strata marmore. Ce fut dans son enceinte, au dire du même narrateur, que le roi Léon Ier reçut la couronne des mains de Conrad, archévêque de Mayence et ambassadeur de l’empereur d’Allemagne. [ 308] Scott-Stevenson_1881_137 Tarsus: “The Demir Kapou (“iron gate”) at the southeast end of the town, has lately been pulled down by order of the present caimacan who wanted the stones to make a causeway outside the city. The inhabitants requested to be allowed to buy the stones, so as to save the gateway; but were curtly told to mind their own business. In this way, one of the oldest and most interesting memorials has been destroyed through the ignorance and jealousy of the Turkish governor.” [ 309] Cockerell_1903_191 (travelling 1810–1817) Tarsus: “We passed over the old moat and through an ancient gate of Roman work. It had three arches, but only one of them is standing, and the wall it formed the passage through and every other antiquity in the town has been destroyed and used up for building materials.” [ 310] Scott-Stevenson_1881_136 Tarsus: “After a short rest we walked to St Paul’s gateway, better known as the Mersina Gate, or the Kandji Kapou. It is a fine ruined arch of Byzantine work, and has been repaired at various times, though it stood intact in 1700. As the rock crumbles away pieces of sculptured stones and broken columns that have been built in with the repairs are exposed. A large statue of St. Paul formerly stood on the top, but it was destroyed by the Turks. Another statue of gigantic size was placed in a niche on the right-hand side; carved wings cut on a stone, are all that remain of it.” [ ] 311  Alishan_1899_311 Tarsus: apart from the “Tomb of Sardanapalus,” and some vaulted sewers, on ne voit aucun autre édifice ancien debout à Tarse, ni temples, ni arcs de triomphe, seulement des inscriptions sur des pierres isolées enchâssées çà et là dans quelques constructions récentes; ces inscriptions peuvent intéresser les archéologues savants, mais elles ne disent rien sur la construction de la ville. [ 312] Langlois_1854a_19 the Dunuk Tasch at Tarsus: A la base et au pourtour du parallélogramme et des monuments qu’il renferme, se trouvent, en grand nombre, des morceaux de marbre blanc de la plus grande beauté, et de différentes dimensions. Des fragments de ce même marbre, ou très-petits, ou même pulvérisés, couvrent la partie supérieure des murs d’enceinte. Dans l’épaisseur de ces mêmes murs et à certaine hauteur, on a ménagé des



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cavités symétriques où paraissent avoir adhéré autant de plaques de marbre. / Aujourd’hui le marbre a entièrement disparu et le Dunuk-Dasch n’offre plus que des masses semblables à des rochers taillés; néanmoins les constructions sont dans le meilleur état et ce qui reste du monument est et sera longtemps encore d’une remarquable solidité. [ 313] Chandler_1825_I_119–120 Teos: “In the morning we crossed the isthmus to Teos, now called Bodrun. We found this city almost as desolate as Erythrae and Clazomene. The walls, of which traces are extant, were, as we guessed, about five miles in circuit; the masonry handsome. Without them, by the way, are vaults of sepulchres stripped of their marble, as it were forerunners of more indistinct ruin. Instead of the stately piles, which once impressed ideas of opulence and grandeur, we saw a marsh, a field of barley in ear, buffaloes ploughing heavily by defaced heaps and prostrate edifices, high trees supporting aged vines, and fences of stones and rubbish, with illegible inscriptions, and time-worn fragments. It was with difficulty we discovered the temple of Bacchus; but a theatre in the side of the hill is more conspicuous. The vault only, on which the seats ranged, remains, with two broken pedestals in the area. It fronted 15m west of south. The city-port is partly dry, and sand-banks rise above the surface of the water. On the edge are vestiges of a wall, and before it are two small islets. On the left hand, or toward the continent, is a channel, which seemed artificial, the water not deep. / The heap of the temple of Bacchus, which was visible from the theatre, beneath, on the right hand, lay in the middle of a corn field, and is overrun with bushes and olive-trees. It was one of the tnost celebrated structures in Ionia.” [ 314] Collignon_1880–1897_96–98 Tarsus: Tarsous était, il y a quelques années encore, une mine de curieux monuments figurés, dont le Louvre possède de riches échantillons. Au sud de Tarsous, s’élève un monticule appelé Gueuslu-Kalah, qui vient aboutir à la porte de Mersina (Kandji-Kapou). Le consul anglais à Tarsous, M. Barker, explora une partie de cette butte, et ses fouilles amenèrent la découverte d’un grand nombre de fragments de terres cuites. En 1853, M. V. Langlois, aidé par le consul de France, M. Mazoillier, exécuta de nouvelles fouilles, à la suite desquelles huit caisses pleines de fragments de terres cuites furent expédiées à Paris. M. Langlois crut avoir découvert une nécropole analogue à celles de l’Étrurie et de la Cyrénaïque. [ 315] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_I_227 Thyatira: Les maisons pour la plus grande partie ne sont que de terre, ou de gazon cuit au Soleil, fort basses & sans beaucoup d’artifice. Le marbre qui s’y trouve n’est employé qu’aux Cimetières, & aux Mosquees, qui sont au nombre de six ou sept . . . Un Grec que nous rencontrâmes, & qui étoit de ces quartiers-là, nous montra une petite Mosquée, qu’il nous assura avoir été une de leurs Eglises. Le minaret de la Mosquée étoit tout découverts, & il nous dit que les Turcs l’avoient couvert deux ou trois fois, mais que le toict étoit toujours tombé bien-tôt après, ce qu’il attribuoit à un miracle, à cause de la profanation qui en avoit été faite par les Turcs en la convertissant en Mosquée. [ 316] Tournefort_1718_II_194: On voit plusieurs colomnes brisées dans cette plaine, & les deux Caravanserais de Balamont, qui ne sont séparez entre eux que par une grande cour, sont pleins de colomnes de marbre & de Granit qui en soutiennent les poutres; on y a même entassé des bouts de colomnes, entremêlez de chapiteaux & de bases, ce qui fait un très-mauvais effet. Nous découvrîmes dans ce village un chapiteau si bien travaillé, que je n’ai pu m’empécher de le faire graver. [ 317] Elliott_1838_109–110 Akhissar/Thyatira: “On an elevated table-land just outside the present walls, once stood, according to tradition, a royal palace of the Cesars, commanding a view of the rich plain of Thyatira embosomed in hills. The ground has every appearance of having been formed by the debris of ancient buildings mixed with animal and vegetable matter: in one quarter, a sarcophagus lies by the side of the excavation whence it seems to have been lately dug, and what appears to be the comer of another has been laid bare by the spade; but the natives have so little taste for antiquities and are so unenterprising, that they regard the labor of disinterring it as more than the probable benefit. The inscription on that which is above ground is well preserved; and it is to be hoped that some future traveller will investigate at leisure the subterranean treasures of this spot. Of the church of St. John it can hardly be said that any vestige remains. Two sites are pointed out, nor can



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it be decided which is the true one: the first is close to the present Turkish burial-ground on a small hill which, like that surmounted by the palace of the Cesars, looks as if it consisted of ruins; the other is close to the Armenian church, where six columns are known still to exist underground. We went to the spot with an earnest desire to examine them; but the ardor of investigation was cooled on finding that they are now embodied in a common sewer. Such is the fate of the church whose members encouraged among themselves spiritual abominations, and against whom the denunciation was uttered, “I will give unto every one of you according to your works Rev. ii. 23.” [ 318] Burgess_1835_102 after leaving Sardis: “At two hours’ distance from Marmora are some copious springs, which send forth the most pellucid streams: half an hour beyond these, there is a burial ground near a stream, and a fountain, and a few inhabitants: this I take to be the village of Kenesh. Some inscriptions copied here, and published by Mr. Arundell, show that we are near an ancient town named Terentium. After one hour, I came to another burial ground, where many ‘frusta’ of columns are employed in the tombs. I traced the vestiges of an ancient temple close by, which had evidently furnished the spoils: its columns (which had, doubtless, formed the flanks of the Cella), were precisely like those of the Temple of Bassae, in the same relative situation. From here I discovered the cypress trees, which rose thick from the cemeteries of Ek-hissar: and I soon arrived at a burial ground without a tree, which I found was the Armenian. Here were employed innumerable fragments of antiquity, although the mournful spot seemed to be deserted even by the dead. The Turkish cemetery soon appeared, with many a witness of the plunder committed upon the ancient Thyatira. I arrived at a Khan just at the entrance of the town; but a much more splendid one stands in the interior, with Kiosques running up the sides of the prodigous gallery.” [ 319] Burgess_1835_104 Ek-Hissar/Thyatira, the agora: “Near the principal mosque are six ancient columns standing in a line, all in their original positions; they are interred up to within four feet of their capitals, and may have about twelve feet in the ground. Upon them rest some modem arches of brick; forming, as far as they they go, an arcade, which is, perhaps, not very dissimilar from the original construction. Dr. Smith judged these columns – I think, rightly – to have belonged to an ‘Agora.’ The width of their intercolumniations determines the arcade, and not the portico. But the learned traveller might have observed several other columns of the same material and dimensions in the vicinity of the six: within the court of the adjacent mosque are two, and an Ionic capital belonging to the same family. In several other parts of the town, the sheds are made to repose upon truncated columns: and all these, being added to the remains which may be yet traced in the burial grounds, will give some idea of the vanished splendour of Thyatira.” [ 320] Tournefort_1718_II_93: Nous ne trouvâmes aucune inscription ni dans la ville ni aux environs, mais en récompense, outre les morceaux de colomnes de marbre qui sont enclavez dans les murailles, on en voit une prodigieuse quantité dans le cimetière des Turcs: parmi pluseurs chapiteaux, bases & piédestaux, de même espèce: ce sont les restes des débris de ce magnifique Gymnase, du Marché & des Portiques dont Strabon fait, mention, sans parler des anciens Temples de la ville. [ 321] Burgess_1835_104–105 Ek-Hissar/Thyatira, a new church near the agora: “At a little distance from the six columns, the Armenians were laying the foundation of a new church; and, in diggings had turned up a quantity of marbles, some of them inscribed both with Greek and Armenian characters. The ground had been used for Christian sepulchres from time immemorial; and some of the more recent coverings were inscribed with dates as early as 1640. The church, which had just been taken down to make room for the new foundations, was probably built in the interval between the ravages of Tamerlane and the fall of the Byzantine empire: but it had only succeeded to another of more remote antiquity; as appears from the remains, which I was fortunate enough to see. A section of a wall was discovered at some depth below the actual surface: it was of an elliptical form, and of considerable thickness: the brickwork was far superior to any I had seen either at Ephesus or Sardis, and of a character decidedly Roman. Close by it was dug up a marble cross, cut out in relief upon a small tablet. The labourers had respected this relic, and



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carefully set it up upon the wall: the lower part of the tablet was fractured, and a piece of one of the arms of the cross broken off; but even supposing the broken piece to be very small, it would, if added, form a Latin, and not a Greek cross. The ‘tribune’ of the new church will, I fear, conceal those remains; but from the care I observed, in putting aside all the bricks found, and the value set upon the cross, I should not despair of the old wall being at least preserved.” [ 322] Bailie_1843_136 Thyatira: “Thyatira, to which I am now conducted, furnished me with nine inscriptions, most of which were copied by me in a cemetery of the Armenians, lying a little off the road to the right, as the modern town is entered from the south-east. But by far the most perfect of the number is one which I had from a sarcophagus in the upper part of Ak-Hissar, where it lies in a field belonging to the Agha, who kindly granted me an escort thither, and his permission to examine the monument. Scarcely a letter of this has sustained any injury; and as the soros itself exists in all probability in situ, we may infer with some degree of confidence, that certain names which it supplies, designated of old the quarter in which it is now seen by the traveller.” [ 323] Choisy_1876_298: Thyatire est une déception. Plus une ruine: des sarcophages, des fragments de marbres sculptés dont on a fait des tombes. Il y aurait peut-être à trouver pour un chercheur résolu d’inscriptions; moi, j’y perds mon temps de la façon la plus nette. Je comptais sur sa réputation; je faisais aussi quelque fonds sur certaine mosquée qui garde le nom de Saint-Basile et devait être une église byzantine: mécompte, il n’y a rien, absolument rien pour moi. Je me hâte de fuir vers Sardes. [ 324] Fellows_1839_23: “We arrived at Acsa [Thyatira] at five o’clock, after travelling thirty-six miles, much of the way at the rate of six miles an hour. / This town teems with relics of a former splendid city, although there is not a trace of the site of any ruin or early building. I saw ten or a dozen well-tops or troughs made of the capitals of columns of different kinds. In a portion not exceeding one-third of a burial-ground I counted one hundred and thirty parts of columns; and upon measuring them, and noticing their orders, I found that seven or eight distinct temples or buildings must have contributed.” [ 325] Seroux_d’Agincourt_1826_I_86–87 Constantinople: Malgrado i sofferti disastri, che serribravano doverisi opporre ai suoi luminosi destini, quest’antica cilia possedeva tuttavia molti monumenti usciti dalle scuole dell’Asia minore, cui era tanto vicina, e colla quale aveva communi le science e le Arti. Costantino ne iapprofitto: fece ristabilire tali monumenti, e recare per ornamento delle piazze, dei pubblici edifizj, e dei palazzi della nuova citta le piu eccellenti opere di scultura in ogni genere, rimaste nelle colonie della Grecia e nella stessa Grecia, di cui ne chiamo a ristaurarle i miglori artisti. [ 326] Andréossy_1828_XVII–XVIII the Turks conquer Constantinople: Un nouvel ordre de choses va-se montrer aux regards étonnés: l’étendard de l’Islamisme est arboré sur cette terre de révolutions, toujours, exposée aux plus étranges métamorphoses. Mahomet entre en vainqueur dans Constantinople; il se rend à Sainte-Sophie, monte sur l’autel, y fait sa-prière, et consacre à la religion de son prophète cette église des Chrétiens. La plupart des autres édifiées du culte sont convertis, en mosquées; aucun n’est détruit comme l’avaient été les temples des faux dieux par Constantin. Le vainqueur laisse aux vaincus l’exercice de leur croyance, et ses successeurs maintiennent le pacte qu’il avait consenti. Les monumens des arts sont également épargnés; mais exposés depuis aux ravages des incendies et à l’abandon du gouvernement, parce qu’ils ne sont plus en rapport avec la religion, les moeurs et les usages du peuple vainqueur, ces monumens, quoique livrés au temps qui détruit tout, et à’la main des hommes qui aide aux outrages du temps, conservent encore des restes assez remarquables de la munificence des Empereurs grecs. Dans l’Occident, les monumens de magnificence publique des anciens n’ont pas été mieux traités; la plupart sont relégués sans honneur sur un sol où ils avaient excité l’admiration, et l’existence de quelques autres ne se retrouve plus que dans les étymologies. Ces beaux édifices sans destination semblent sommeiller: la vie des monumens, c’est leur emploi, c’est leur utilité. [ 327] Fellows_1852_71 Constantinople: “The mosques contain many marble pillars, and sarcophagi from ancient cities; the latter are now used as cisterns; but these marbles have



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been transported from all parts of Asia Minor, and can only be looked upon as remains of the country at large.” [ 328] Stochove_1643_216 Alexandria Troas: they re-embarked, astonished at the quantity of ruins they had seen, quoy que iournallement deux galeres de Constantinople y vont & viennent pour charger de pieres: Sultan Achmet y a enlevé tous les marbres & tous les pilliers avex lesquels il a basty sa Mosquée, estant la plus grande de Constantinople. [ 329] Clarke_1817_191 “Alexandria Troas: – The remains of Alexandria Troas have Alexandria long served as a kind of quarry, whither not only Turks, but also their predecessors, during several centuries, have repaired, whenever they required either materials for ornamental architecture, or stones for the common purposes of building. Long before the extinction of the Greek empire, the magnificent buildings of this city began to contribute the monuments of its antient splendour towards the public structures of Constantinople; and, at present, there is scarcely a mosque in the country that does not bear testimony to its dilapidation, by some costly token of jasper, marble, porphyry, or granite, derived from this wealthy magazine.” [ 330] Della_Valle_1843_I_11 (writing in 1615) Alexandria Troas: In quanto poi alle antichità di fabbriche, trovai prima, alla riva del mare, le reliquie di una muraglia grossissima, cbe non può essere stata altro che un molo; e sì conosce alle colonnelle da legar vascelli, le quali dal tempo e dal vento marino sono consumate in modo, che con tutto che siano di marmo fino e duro, son divenute ruvide e scabrose come pomice; ed io ne porto per mostra un pezzo, staccato da una colonna con le mie mani. Questo molo rinchiudeva dentro a terra un porto, o, per dir meglio, darsena, la quale ora è ripiena di terra: ma pure in mezzo vi è restato un poco d’acqua salsa, che fa come una palude, ed attorno nell’arena lascia molta spuma di sale. Credo certo che questa fosse darsena, perchè dalla parte di dentro ancora, in molti luoghi attorno, dove adesso è terra, si vedono drizzate altre colonnelle, secondo me, pur da legar vascelli. Se pure è stata sempre palude, si può dir che sia quella, dove già finse Virgilio essersi nascosto il frodolente Sinone. Trovai similmente alla marina molte basi di colonne grandissime, niente inferiori a quelle della rotonda di Roma: trovai due colonne stese in terra, una delle quali, che è rotta, misurala da me, era lunga trenlanove dei miei piedi. Vidi per terra in diversi luoghi molte altre colonne, e pezzi di marmi grossissimi di varie sorti: sepolture belle di marmi grossi un palmo e mezzo, e di queste quantità: e chi sa che non ve ne fosse alcuna di quegli uomini valorosi che morirono combattendo sotto alle mura? – NB he landed here from a caique, and did not travel overland. So this is the only Asia Minor site he appears to have visited, except for doing up the Dardanelles. [ 331] Gontaut-Biron_1889_349 Letter of (April?) 1610: Il est arrivé qu’une galère qui conduisoit des pierres pour la ditte mosquée [the Sultan Achmet], a esté enlevée par des chrestiens qui estoient dedans, desquelz il y en avoit bien cinquente dez derniers pris, et la plus part des françois. Je ne sçay par quelle disgrâce elle s’est rompue au Zante. On demande maintenant les ditz esclaves. Ilz (les Vénitiens) ont offert de rendre les Turcz qui estoient dedans, mais que les autres s’en estoient alléz soudain après avoir gagné terre, et qu’ilz ne pouvoient les arrester. [ 332] Olivier_1800_II_72 Alexandria Troas: Le marbre de Paros et celui de Marmara y sont assez communs, ainsi que diverses sortes de granit. On voit encore près du port deux grandes colonnes de marbre que les Turcs ont voulu y embarquer: elles sont les restes de celles que les Sultans ont successivement enlevées pour construire la plupart des mosquées de Constantinople: l’une d’elles a été cassée dans le transport. [ 333] Hammer_1844_I_222–223 for attack on Constantinople: A la fin de mars [21 mars 1452], on apporta de la chaux de tous les points; les bois de construction furent transportés de Nicomédie et d’Héraclée sur le Pont; des pierres arrivèrent d’Anatolie. Les beglerbegs d’Asie et d’Europe, les begs et les subaschis, se réunirent sur le rivage oriental du Bosphore, où le sultan se rendit lui-mème d’Andrinople. En face du château de Guselhiszar, bâti par Bejesid-Ilderim sur la Côte asiatique, à l’endroit où le Bosphore, se resserrant davantage, ne laisse, entre les caps opposés, que le faible espace de cinq stades, non loin du lieu où



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Androclès de Samos jeta le pont fameux pour le passage de l’armée persane sous Darius, Mohammed avait choisi l’emplacement de la construction de la nouvelle forteresse. Là s’élève un promontoire, qui, dans l’antiquité, portait le nom d’Hermaion, à cause d’un temple d’Hermès: c’est de ce point qu’assis sur un trône taillé dans le roc, Darius contempla son armée franchissant la barrière qui séparait l’Asie de 1 Europe, et le fait y avait été gravé en lettres assyriennes, la pointe du cap, battue sans cesse par les flots de la mer Noire . . . . Le sultan lui-même se chargea de faire pousser les murailles qui devaient relier les tours. Mille maçons, ayant chacun deux manœuvres, travaillèrent en dehors, et un nombre égal se mit à l’œuvre dans l’enceinte intérieure; les ouvriers étaient encore assistés par des masses énormes de fidèles, parmi lesquels se trouvaient les grands, qui leur apportaient des pierres, de la chaux et des tuiles. Outre les matériaux amenés d’Asie, on employa encore les ruines des édifices et des églises du Bosphore, particulièrement des colonnes de la magnifique église de l’archange Michel, sur le golfe de Sosthène. Ainsi, dans l’espace de trois mois, s’éleva le château dont les murailles avaient vingt-cinq pieds d’épaisseur; celles des tours, couvertes de plomb, en avaient trente. [ 334] Hammer_1844_III_158 Mohammed at Adrianople: Avant de quitter Andrinople, le sultan, accompagné du harem, visita le nouveau palais construit à Akhinar, à trois lieues d’Andrinople, pour l’ornement duquel on avait enlevé les plus belles colonnes du sérail de Constantinople. Puis il posa la première pierre du nouveau sérail d’Andrinople auquel travaillèrent continuellenient dix mille hommes – presumably because no more to be found in Asia Minor or islands?? [ 335] Sterrett_1885_82 Assos: #LXXII: “Our excavations have shown that such appropriation of others’ tombs was very common at Assos, as many as five or six bodies often being found in one grave. This, too, was in defiance of the imprecations and penalties invoked upon the heads of violators of tombs by the original owners.” [ 336] Mrs_Walker_1886_162–3: at Constantinople: “About half-way between the Adrianople Gate and the bottom of the valley, another walled-up archway, by others thought to have been anciently called Pemptos, was for hundreds of years concealed in thick foliage, until, in a fit of destruction during the winter of 1868, orders were given to convert these venerable ruins into building and road-making materials. They began upon some smaller towers of the lower line of fortification, and, unexpectedly, brought to light a Christian burial-place, with many slabs of white marble bearing inscriptions in ancient Greek and large crosses, some of them very large, as fresh and white as if just laid down. A few days later these interesting remains had been carried off to the Seraskierat, where the new War Office was being built; fine marble was required for cornices; it was found in the interior of these blocks after the inscriptions had been carefully chipped and chiselled off; some fragments, however, remained, bearing a Gothic name, and learned local authorities pronounced this to be a burial-place of the Gothic guard of the Greek emperors, called Foederati.” [ 337] Teule_1842_371: Les villes les plus riches en ouvrages antiques furent aussi mises à contribution et dépouillées par lui pour l’ornement de la nouvelle Byzance. – Les découvertes intéressantes qui ont été faites inopinément dans les fouilles du sol de Rome ne donnent-elles pas l’espoir de retrouver un jour quelques débris semblables de la Vieille Constantinople, sous la première écorce de son terrain, là où furent des palais, le forum, et surtout le grand cirque, le plus précieux de ces dépôts des chefs-d’œuvre de l’antiquité? [ 338] Gédoyn_1909_124–125 (French consul at Aleppo 1623–1625) Constantinople: elle est laide et désagréable, montueuse et mal bâtie en plusieurs endroits étant la plupart des maisons faites de bois, de terre et sans ornements, hormis les palais des Bâchas et autres ministres de la Porte qui n’ont pas grand monstre au dehors, mais sont spacieux au-dedans, et fort enrichis à leur usage et selon leur façon. Les églises qu’ils nomment mesquit, et nous, mosquées, sont superbes, de grande étendue, élabourées, haut exaucées et faites de bonne pierre de taille, de marbre, porphyre et autres riches matériaux qu’ils n’épargnent point à tel embellissement, non plus qu’aux chapelles parliculières où sont enterrés les Grands Seigneurs, leurs frères et enfants.



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[ 339] Ousterhout_2008_140–146 Spolia from old buildings, demolished for the purpose, for new buildings or refurbished ones. Columns might be sliced up for veneer, yielding different-width patterns, or even recarved as door frames. 145 agrees reuse in Konya and Venice is ideological, but not in Byzantium, for “most often the use of spolia reflects standard architectural practice. Unless they were recarved, architectural elements were normally employed in ways that resembled their original use” – though he concedes possible “symbolic association with the past.” [ 340] Eton_1798_209: “The church of St. Sophia, after it became a mosque, however, is the model by which most of the other mosques in Constantinople have been built; and this perhaps was owing to the architects being Greeks or Armenians. Though many of them have some notion of the rules of their own art, they are not permitted to pursue them beyond what the Turks conceive to be the mahomedan form; they look indeed with a kind of reverence on the noble ruins of Greece, believing them to have been built by devils or genii; they are also jealous of Europeans, who wish to obtain possession of any parts of those remains; but the only use they themselves make of them, is to pull in pieces the marble edifices to burn them into lime. The plaster of their walls, made of this lime, is very fine and beautiful; but who does not lament, that to produce it, perhaps the divine works of Phideas and Praxiteles have been consigned to the furnace. This marble lime, mixed with pounded marble unburnt, forms a plaster superior in whiteness to the Indian chinam, but unequal to it in polish and hardness.” [ 341] Bent_1893_179–180 Covell (travelling 1670–1679) from Ponte Grande to Selymbria (Silivri): “About a mile farther we passe a little rill, and a mile beyond that (which is about half way to Selibria), we go by a little ruinated town, just in the very sea, the road lying upon the sand; the town stands to the right hand, in Turkish Koomúrgás, or sandburough . . . We had very good wine there, especially a small sort of claret. There hath been formerly a little castle or fort there, but all the great stones are picked out and carryed to Stambol. The Valedéh-Jádmisi and Valedéh-Chane i.e., the Q. Mother’s Mosch, and the Publick Chane or Hostelry, was built with part of them. As once for all, I must tell you that round Stambol for many miles the Turkes have taken almost all the fair stone they could find to rayse their buildings in the City, so that little is to be expected of inscriptions or monuments of antiquity; especially in Thrace, or anywhere near the shore of the Propontis, from whence caryage by sea is easy. Nothing remaining in a manner but the inward part of the walls of old buildings; the Maidan, the case or outside of it was of good stone, being pull’d down and disposed of.” [ 342] Chesneau_1887_26 (1541) at Constantinople Ledict sérail est merveilleusement beau et y ont esté portées de grosses pierres de marbre de toutes couleurs, porphyre, colonnes et autres choses singulieres tant de la ville de Constantinople, Calcydoine, que des environs de toute la Grèce et de l’Asie pour le bastir. [ 343] Hasluck_1929_I_354–355 relaying Pardoe, City of the Sultans, I, 420: “About ten days before I left the country [i.e. in 1836], some workmen, employed in digging the foundation of an outbuilding at the Arsenal, brought to light a handsome sarcophagus of red marble, containing the bodies of Heraclius, a Greek emperor, who flourished during the reign of Mahomet, and his consort. The two figures representing the Imperial pair are nearly perfect . . . / Immediately that the identity of the occupants of this lordly tomb was ascertained, orders were given that an iron railing, breast-high, should be erected to protect the relic from injury, the Turks having a tradition that Heraclius died a Mahomedan. The fact is, however, more than doubtful . . . The Turks claimed the sarcophagus as the tomb of a True Believer; and a marble mausoleum is to be built over it, similar to those which contain the ashes of the Sultans.” [ 344] Claridge_1837_141: “In picturesque beauty and oriental adornment, it stands unrivalled in the distance, perhaps, amongst the cities of the world; but having set foot within its walls, the traveller will find but little to call forth his admiration or to gratify his curiosity. The streets are narrow and ill-paved, and generally so uneven, that such a thing as a carriage could not be driven along them. The houses are built of wood, painted red, and



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are low and unsightly; and even the mosques and other public buildings, will be passed by without exciting attention.” [ 345] Porter_1755–1756_118: “The damage was considerable, but only amongst the old stone or brick buildings, as mosches, the seven towers, publick hans, and old walls. All the houses are built with wood and mud brick dried only by the sun, which the people of the country pretend to be, by the less weight on the foundations, a greater securityagainst earthquakes: in fact, none but very old ones, and but few suffered; those well repaired came off unhurt, or with some cracks and fissures only.” [ 346] Perrot_1863_322 (travelling in 1851), villas around Ankara: Les villas des riches négocians grecs, situées presque toutes vers l’est de la ville, ont été reconstruites à neuf depuis quelques années, et sont décorées de gravures, de glaces, de beaux tapis; devant la maison, au milieu d’une cour dallée tout entourée de fleurs, sous une large treille, une fontaine, ornée quelquefois avec assez de goût, alimente un bassin d’où jaillit, dans les grandes occasions, quelque mince jet d’eau. Aux quatre angles du bassin se dressent presque toujours de petits lions de marbre blanc assez grotesques, que l’on regarde à Angora comme le dernier mot de l’art, et que l’on fait venir tout exprès de Constantinople, ainsi que les vasques des fontaines. [ 347] Porter_1835_208: “Seven days since, I left this place on a tour round the Sea of Marmora, but returned sooner than I intended, not finding sufficient variety to excite my interest, and from feeling persuaded that it is in vain to search for any of the remains of ancient cities in the neighbourhood of Constantinople, that were worth removing. All that is left is a mass of rubbish; or bricks and mortar, united with unhewn stone, forming the underground work of ancient buildings. The blocks of granite and pillars of marble, have all been removed to Constantinople, or converted into balls for the enormous cannon at the Dardanelles, or applied to other purposes. Nothing of all their ancient splendour remains, but chips and fragments which lay in piles, and are strewed about like the rubbish of some extensive quarry which has long since ceased to be worked.” [ 348] Poujoulat_1840_I_138 Aizanoi, theatre: Le théâtre d’Asania, qui se montre au septentrion, est aussi vaste, aussi beau que celui d’Hiéropolis dont j’ai parlé ailleurs. Les gradins en marbre, au nombre de quarante-cinq, sont encore comme au temps de la gloire d’Asania. [ 349] Henzen_1861_121 relaying Perrot: Nous sommes entrés en Asie-mineure par Nicomédie, où nous avons trouvé quelques autres textes épigraphiques nouveaux, mais assez mutilés; nous avons visite ensuite, sans grand résultat, Nicée, Kius, maintenant Gheumlek, Moudania, l’ancienne Apamea Myrleorum, que l’on avait déjà placée en cet endroit d’après les indications de Strabon et le nombre assez considérable d’inscriptions funéraires qu’on y avait recueilli; mais aucun texte, que je sache, trouvé en cet endroit, ne contenait encore le nom d’Apamée et ne fixait d’une manière definitive le site de la ville antique. Cettc lacune a été comblée par une inscription trouvée cet hiver dans l’orchestre du théàtre, dont le capitan pacha vient de faire employer les beaux gradins de marbré à former les fondations d’un môle. Je n’ai pu voir la dalle qui la portait; elle avait été emportée à Constantinople et probablement égarée, mais on m’a montré l’endroit de l’orchestre où elle avait été découverte. [ 350] Hammer_1844_III_390: Près du village d’Ali-Beg, au-dessus de la vallée des Eaux douces, des massifs d’arbres touffus attiraient souvent le sultan par la fraîcheur de leur ombrage; aussitôt des sièges de marbre se dressèrent en ces lieux, l’eau fut rassemblée dans trois vastes bassins [juillet 1821], et ce but de promenade, sur la proposition de l’historiographe Raschid, reçut le nom de Chosrewabad. A Kiagadchane, nom que les Turcs donnent à la vallée des Eaux douces, furent entrepris des travaux plus vastes qui tendaient à surpasser les bassins et les jets d’eau de Versailles [août 1722]. L’écroulement du palais construit par Suleiman le Législateur à Kulle-Baghdschesi, sur les rives asiatiques du Bosphore, fournit un prétexte et des matériaux pour l’élévation d’uu nouveau palais à Kiagndchane; tous les marbres de l’édifice en ruines furent transportés en ce lieu et servirent à daller le canal qui, sur une ligne droite de huit cents aunes, conduit les eaux douces devant la délicieuse retraite du sultan . . . Des deux côtés des Eaux douces s’élevèrent des



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maisons de plaisance, parmi lesquelles se distinguit pour son étendue et sa beauté celle du sultan, dont les murs revêtus de marbre réfléchissaient les ondes transparentes coulant à leurs pieds. [ 351] Perrot_1872_I_12 Apamea/Moudania: the theatre a été découvert par hasard l’an dernier, et le capitan-pacha a ordonné aussitôt qu’on le déblayait; mais ce n’était pas, on se l’imagine aisément, dans une intention de curiosité scientifique. Il fait construire en ce moment, à Moudania, un quai et un môle; il avait besoin de pierres; ce monument, très-bien conservé, se présentait à point pour lui en fournir. On a retrouvé en place, à ce qu’il paraît, presque tous les gradins en marbre blanc et une partie du mu de la scène; mais, à mesure que les blocs antiques étaient dégagés de la terre qui les avait cachés et sauvés jusque-là, on les emportait à Moudania, où ils étaient équarris et retaillés suivant les besoins de la construction. [ 352] Hamilton_1842_II_88 the wall across the neck of Apollonia: “although strong, this wall is very rudely built, and appears to have been cased with blocks of marble derived from the ruins of the ancient town: many of them have been seats of the theatre, the site of which has been hollowed out of the solid rock near the end of the peninsula. From thence we proceeded along the western side of the promontory, between the lake and the burial-ground, with many foundations of ancient buildings on both sides of the road.” [ 353] Ludlow_1882_353 Assos: Théâtre. – Ce monument était encore, vers le commencement de ce siècle, l’un des plus parfaits en son genre. Malheureusement il a bien souffert depuis lors, ayant servi pendant longtemps comme carrière de pierres de taille, non seulement pour la faible population du voisinage, mais peut-être même pour les constructeurs de Constantinople. Il en a pourtant échappé assez, grâce surtout aux terres meubles emportées par la pluie sur les pentes de l’acropole, pour rendre facile une restauration. [ 354] Clarke_1882_38 Assos: “As indicated by Mr. Abbot’s account of Assos [visited November 1864], written at the time of the systematic removal of hewn stones from the site, that work of destruction nowhere produced more lamentable results than in the theatre. In place of the almost perfect monument seen by previous travellers, there now remains little more than a hollow in the steep hill-side. The upper seats have been torn away, the lower are covered with rubbish. The orchestra is filled with earth; of the stage only the lower walls exist.” [ 355] Van_Lennep_1870_II_211–212 wandering around the vicinity of Balahissar: “[at the NE end of the village] the foundations of a temple standing considerably above the ground . . . [eastward from that temple] remains of a theatre. The portico must have been a handsome structure, judging by the delicate carvings still remaining. A good deal of marble has seemed to have lately been dug up and carried off from this place. The seats can be seen over a good part of the theatre, many of them are lying above the ground, and some are in full sight in their places. On our return by another road we came upon the remains of another temple still in the main valley. We took a ramble on the south side of the village, and found the bottom of the valley and all the eastern slope covered with the marble remains of ancient buildings. In several places old foundations had been brought to view by recent excavations. The sculptures were generally in very fine taste and finish. One building stood on a slight eminence nearest the village. It was very nearly of a square form, and several stones had a representation of boys snpporting garlands made of bunches of grapes. It was, perhaps, a temple dedicated to Bacchus, and cornices and fluted and plain pillars lie all about it. Every slight rise in the soil seems indeed to have been taken advantage of in order to erect upon it some public building.” [ 356] Caldavène_1837_160–161 ruins of Bargylia: Après avoir successivement passé une citerne du moyen âge, puis des restes d’aquéducs, et des ruines moins déterminées, on arrive à un petit théâtre orné de grandes colonnes corinthiennes de marbre blanc. Ce théâtre se compose de douze gradins . . . Un souterrain de trois côtés rectangulaires était pratiqué sous le théâtre. Au-devant s’élevait un portique corinthien . . . / Près de là, grand et magnifique temple corinthien ruiné. A droite, un autre petit temple également corinthien et ruiné. Quantité de superbes colonnes sont éparses sur le sol. Un peu plus loin, grand



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théâtre avec les restes du proscenium. De grandes voûtes régnaient au-dessous comme au petit théâtre. En tournant à droite, on arrive aux ruines d’un superbe temple dorique. On distingue sur une partie de la frise une inscription dégradée et indéchiffrable. / Non loin de ce monument, vaste fort du moyen âge, contenant des débris de divers ordres. Parmi des ruinés doriques, nous distinguons une inscription mutilée et sans intérêt. / Au-dessous, débris mêlés de divers édifices du moyen âge, construits avec des fragments antiques; inscriptions grecques, chrétiennes. Nous remarquons des cadrements de portes formés de trois pièces de marbre, et un mur de plus de 20 pieds de longeur sur neuf pieds de hauteur, construit avec de superbes colonnes canelées placées en travers. Un peu plus loin, restes de murs très antiques; puis, débris d’un petit temple. Dans les broussailles, portes et colonnes, et restes d’une église; plus loin, nouveaux débris de grands murs; au-dedans de l’enceinte, vaste édifice reconstruit de débris antiques. / Enfin, au loin on découvre la nécropole, où l’on compte une centaine de sarcophages parfaitement conservés. [ 357] Beaufort_1818_96 (travelling 1811–1812) Bodrum: “The walls of the antient city may be here and there discerned; and several fragments of columns, mutilated sculpture, and broken inscriptions, are scattered in different parts of the bazaar and streets. Above the town, are the remains of a theatre, which measures about 280 feet diameter, and which seems to have had about thirty-six rows of seats. / We observed many other ruins in the vicinity of the town, varying in character and apparently in age, and well deserving the diligent investigation of the antiquary.” [ 358] Cochran_1887_250 Hierapolis, the theatre: “In this fine old building the hand of the Goth had evidently been at his sorry work within the last few days, as the front of the stone seats, almost from the bottom to the top, were littered with fresh cleavings of white marble, and several blocks lay at one side newly dressed and ready for removal. Against one of the outer arches lay a portion of a beautifully-sculptured white marble frieze with four human figures and a leopard, also the well-known ‘egg-and-dart’ ornament bordering the upper side. It represented a Bacchanalian procession, but was much and recently mutilated, particularly the faces and hands. How we four travellers would have enjoyed catching the Vandals and punching their heads, as this was the only carved fragment of pure art we could see over the whole vast area. In 1826 Arundell ‘saw several fragments of good sculpture, principally female figures, one in a chariot, lying amidst the heaps within the proscenium.’ The heaps of débris are still there, but the damsel in the chariot will be sought for in vain.” [ 359] Ainsworth_1844_16 Colossae: “The town was on the south side, or that of the river of Chonos, where Mr. Hamilton found a field full of large blocks of stone, and foundations of buildings, with fragments of columns and broken pottery strewed upon the ground. Others are strewed about on all sides, and the road is lined with marble blocks, amongst which are fragments of columns, architraves, and cornices. A little farther, near the road side, is the hollow cavea of a theatre, built on the side of a sloping hill, and of which several seats are still in situ.” [ 360] Le_Camus_1896_176 Colossae: Le théâtre est invariablement la dernière ruine qui demeure de toute vieille ville, protégé qu’il est d’ordinaire par le pli de terrain dans lequel il s’abrite. Ainsi à Smyrne, à Magnésie, à Tralles même où tout a été détruit, le théâtre subsiste encore. / Heureusement il y a un bon ange pour les archéologues comme pour tous les hommes de bonne volonté, et l’ange, s’il ne parle pas directement au cavalier, ne dédaigne pas de diriger et d’arrêter tout à coup sa monture, comme au temps de Balaam. Eh bien, oui, ce fameux théâtre de Colosses, dont la pensée nous obsédait, c’est mon cheval qui l’a trouvé. En cherchant sa route, au flanc de la plus basse des deux collines, il s’arrête net devant un large creux caché par les blés. Ce creux c’est la cavea! Honneur à la brave bête! . . . Le proscenium est enfoui sous la terre et couvert par le blé. La place des gradins est visible, mais tous les marbres ont disparu. Nous entrons avec joie dans l’enceinte. [ 361] Fellows_1841_269 Denizli in 1840: “Denizlee has few early ruins, although many walls built of a rough conglomerate of stones and vegetable matter, massed together by lime, are scattered about the neighbourhood; portions of the walls of the town are also of



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an early date, but these are all much later than the numerous blocks, columns, and fragments of white marble seen in the burial-grounds and in every street, which, I find, are all brought from Laodicea, scarcely an hour’s distance to the north: we propose to proceed thither tomorrow.” [ 362] Ainsworth_1844_17 near Colossae: “Not far from the ruins of Colosssae, and to the south, is the modern village of Chonos, containing about two hundred houses, which stand on the site of Chonae, the birthplace of Nicetas, the Byzantine historian, and which grew into importance on the destruction of Colossae, and became one of the most interesting and flourishing cities of Asia Minor. The magnificent church, dedicated to the archangel Michael, was burnt by the Turks. It is probably from the use of the hewn stones of Colosssae to construct Chonae, that so little remains of the parent city. Numerous columns and other fragments of antiquity, are noticed by Mr. Arundel, as existing in all the walls and houses.” [ 363] Arundell 1834, II 172. [ 364] Durbin_1845_127–128 Ephesus, the theatre: “Though rent and somewhat fallen in, some of the mighty arches are still standing on which rested the proscenium and magnificent portico that looked out upon the city below, and far away to the sea and islands. Its cavea is still to be distinguished, but the vast ranges of marble seats which adorned it, circling up the steep one above another, have disappeared. The bases of the columns of the portico are still in their places, though nearly buried by the rubbish and soil.” [ 365] Wood_1877_182 in 1871, at Ephesus, a coin hoard was found “on the north side of the excavations,” about five feet underground: “Mr. Grueber describes it as a hoard of coins comprising specimens of many of the nations of Europe which were, during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, mixed up with the affairs of the East. It consists of coins of Naples, Rhodes, the Seljuk Emeers, Venice, Genoa, and the Papal States. The whole hoard embraces a period of about eighty years, so that the coins of which it consists must all have been current at one time. The earliest date which can be assigned to any of the coins is 1285; these were struck by Charles II. of Naples. The latest may be placed not after 1365, these having been struck by Roger de Pins, Grand Master of Rhodes. From this it may be concluded that the hoard must have been buried not later than the year 1370, if not even earlier.” – 183 for a list of the coins, including Naples, Rhodes, Seljuks, Genoa, and Papal States, as well as coins struck at Ayasolouk. [ 366] Hawley_1918_163 Ephesus, the theatre: “The seats were made of semicircular stone forms covered with marble slabs; but except at the south-west corner, only the forms on which the slabs rested remain. The wings which gave access to the passages at each end rose one hundred feet high, but now they are almost entirely gone; and so is the flooring of the proscenium, though most of the triple rows of columns that supported it are still standing. A collection of broken shafts, capitals, and shattered architraves with exquisite carvings occupy the floor of the scena, whose walls have been entirely demolished. Weeds and bushes grow within the orchestra and clamber up the hill where the seats once were.” [ 367] Beaufort_1818_189–190 Selinty (Gazipasha) near Antalya, the “Mausoleum of Trajan”: “This edifice stands in the centre of a quadrangle, along each side of which there was a single row of thirty small columns; but they have been all broken off close to the ground, and carried away: the quadrangle is about 240 feet in diameter, and extends nearly to the bank of the river . . . Lower down the river are the remains of a small theatre, the seats of which have been all removed.” [ 368] Viquesnel_1868_II_149 Erekli/Heracleia: cette petite ville se compose de 130 maisons, la plupart grecques on y compe 20 boutiques et plusieurs hans. Le monticule battu par les flots de tous côtés, excepté du côté de la terre, offre une altitude de 30 à kilomètres et supporte cinq moulins à vent. On y voit des vestiges de ruines anciennes, entre autres les beaux restes d’un théâtre. A l’époque de notre passage, on faisait des fouilles pour en prendre les matériaux en marbre blanc. Cet acte de vandalisme s’exécutait sans aucune opposition de la part des autorités. [ 369] Trémaux_1861_164–165 Hierapolis: L’on y voit les restes de deux théâtres importants dont l’un est presque entièrement conservé, une enceinte fortifiée garnie de tours; un



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camp retranché, formé en grande partie par un escarpement du plateau sur la plaine. Cette cité conserve encore trois basiliques dont l’une de forme primitive semble avoir servi de cour de justice, les autres paraissent avoir appartenu au culte chrétien; des croix grecques figurées sur plusieurs archivoltes laissent même peu de doute à cet égard. On remarque également dans cette cité un agora ou belle avenue bordée de portiques à l’entrée principale, un riche exèdre et beaucoup d’autres restes de construction. Mais ce qui est surtout remarquable, c’est la quantité prodigieuse de monuments funèbres qui accompagnent cette cité. Sur plus de 1700 mètres avant de pénétrer dans son enceinte, la voie principale qui y conduit serpente à travers une multitude innombrable de tombeaux, de mausolées, de sarcophages et de monuments funèbres de toute espèce. [ 370] Conder_1830_151–152 Hierapolis: “On the side of the hill is a very beautiful theatre, fronting the south, which had thirteen arched entrances. Pococke and Chandler speak of it as the most perfect that theyhad seen. The marble seats were still unremoved. To the south of the waters are great remains of most magnificent baths, consisting of a large court, with a portico at each end. These pillars resemble the Sienna marble, and seem to be a natural composition of pieces of marble and the petrifaction. The huge vaults of the roof are described as striking the visitor with horror. Beyond is the mean ruin of a modern fortress; and further on are massive walls of edifices, several of them leaning from their perpendicular, the stones distorted, and seeming every moment ready to fall; the effects and evidences of violent and repeated earthquakes. The Plutonium, for which Hierapolis was noted, could not be found.” [ 371] Hoskyn_1842_156 Katra, near the S coast: “From Urlujah, crossing the stream by a stone bridge, we directed our course towards Tremeli, near which, we were told, there were ruins. On an eminence on the right bank of the river are the ruins of a temple, of white marble. About 1/2 a mile beyond it is another site: Mr. Fellows appears to have passed this spot on his route from Almali to Orahn, but he did not observe the ruins on the hill. / Continuing our route on different courses we arrived, in 6 hours, at the ruins we were in search of, called by the Turks Katra. On approaching we passed a row of sarcophagi, each ornamented with a lion on its cover. The principal part of the city appears to have been built on the low hill, which is a series of platforms, covered with masses of ruins; here are the remains of several temples, which appear to have been highly decorated; also a great many inscriptions, generally well preserved – we copied a few. It would be necessary to be provided with materials for clearing away the rubbish, and turning some of them over, they are generally on pedestals. On the summit of the hill above the ruins we observed a hollow circular stone, with a cross on the concave side; a small building near it has perhaps been a Christian church. The upper part of this hill is enclosed by a wall of the middle ages, built of materials from the ancient city. The theatre, on the western side of this hill, is in good preservation; it is plainly built; the middle seats have not been completed: bold rocks protrude much beyond the line of the upper row; it has probably been purposely left so to give scenic effect: it faces the west, and commands a magnificent view of the mountains in front of it. The lower theatre has been built in a natural hollow in the mountain, which has the effect of making it appear of much larger dimensions than it really is; nearly all the seats have been removed; the platform and proscenium have been raised on arches.” [ 372] Pococke_1772_V_136 (in the Orient 1737–1742) one of the theatres at Laodicea: Il y avoit dix-sept descentes pareilles à celles de l’autre théâtre. La façade étoit extrêmement décorée, & du même ordre; corinthien qu’on employoit dans la Carie. Au-devant etoit une rampe de plus de vingt pieds dont les marches formoient un cercle avec les siéges du théatre, avec lesquels, je crois, ils se joignoient. L’entrée a huit pieds de large, & il y a de chaque côté une muraille de trente-cinq pieds en forme de piedestal, dont le dé est orné de reliefs. Il y a à chaque extrêmité une colonnade composée de neuf colonnes quarrées d’environ deux pieds d’épaisseur & espacées de cinq pieds deux pouces, au-dessus desquelles font des pilastres demi circulaires. Ces colonnes formoient un portique des deux côtés de l’entrée. Il y a au-devant de cet édifice une statue de femme de dix pieds de hauteur dont la draperie est fort belle la tête est d’un autre morceau.



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[ 373] Fellows_1839_282b Laodicea: “A paved road leads to a triple-arched entrance to the city; but in the immense space which was occupied by it, and is now covered with its ruins, I could satisfactorily distinguish only a few of the ancient buildings. There are two theatres cut from the side of the hill, of which the seats still remain tolerably perfect, the proscenia being heaps of ruins. The one facing the east has been extremely handsome, with seats all of marble, supported by lions’ paws. Many of the seats had initials cut rudely upon them, and in different Greek characters, probably marking the seats as individual property. Several temples may be traced by their foundations; but the principal remains are the vast silent walls, which must have been built about the time of the Romans and Christians, although their purpose is involved in much doubt: for churches they are inapplicable, and in the places in which I have before noticed them such remains would be improbable. There is little trace of the architecture and ornament of churches; and but few tombs are to be seen which appear by their carvings to be of Christian date.” [ 374] Le_Camus_1896_198 Laodicea, the odeon: Beaucoup de marbres brisés y jonchent le sol. Les restes de sculptures qu’on y remarque sont de l’époque romaine. Sa situation devait le rendre très coquet. On n’y trouve plus que huit rangs de sièges au-dessus du podium. Jadis il dut y en avoir vingt. [ 375] Pococke_1772_V_78–79 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Guzelhissar/Magnesia: Il y avoit sur les montagnes qui sont à l’orient quantité d’édifices qui sont entièrement démolis, & je ne doute point que les habitans n’y eussent bâti une forteresse. On voit encore dans la ville les vestiges de plusieurs édifices publics, mais ils sont tellement ruinés, qu’à l’exception de deux ou trois il est difficile de juger de quelle nature ils étoient. On trouve à l’extrémité sud-est les débris d’un théatre pratiqué du côté de la montagne qui regarde le levant, qui, autant que j’ai pu en juger sa hauteur, devoit avoir pour le moins cinquante rangs de siéges; il n’en reste qu’une porte cintrée de chaque côte. [ 376] Dallaway_1797_195: “We were, in fact, several centuries too late for antiquities at Magnesia; for when any public work was erected by the Turks, all the external blocks of marble of great edifices were rehewn, and modelled to their taste. The shafts of columns only, not their heterogeneous capitals, have escaped such barbarism.” [ 377] Conder_1830_165–166 Magnesia, citing Van Egmont: “the travellers reached the village Jumisseloi, which lies at the extremity of the mountains. Near this place they discovered the ruins of ‘a considerable city, still retaining vestiges of fortresses and palaces. It is now,’ they proceed, ‘called Inekbazar, that is, “the needle market;” so called from a few straw huts, the roof of which is supported by four perpendicular posts, erected for holding a market on Fridays, to which all the peasants in the neighbouring country resort. Several of the ruins had an air of grandeur. Among others was a remarkable square structure, built of prodigious blocks of stone: great part of one of the gates was still standing, and also of a thick double wall which must have inclosed it; but all the rest of the structure was one confused heap of ruins. This we judged to have been the citadel of the place. At some distance from it were the ruins of two large structures. In one, which was of a remarkable length, and something resembling the form of a large church, we found two beautiful capitals of the composite order, in tolerable condition. This structure extends to a small rivulet, over which was a bridge of two arches, now in ruins. Here were also the rudera of other stately buildings, with a great number of pillars, some still standing, others lying on the ground; but the place itself, which is situated in a level plain and watery soil, is utterly abandoned.’” [ 378] Dallaway_1797_307 Pergamum, the theatre: “the area is now filled with huts and small gardens, against the bank where the seats were placed. A neighbouring cemetery has for ages been supplied with its marble embellishments, which are collected in great profusion to ornament the graves.” – then indicates that the cemetery was near the Aesculepion. [ 379] Durbin_1845_163 amphitheatre at Pergamon: “Descending the northwest slope of the ridge into a deep hollow which separates it from the mountains, we found the noblest Roman remain in Asia Minor. It is a naumachia amphitheatre, in the shape of a vast hollow cone turned base upward, and its truncated summit resting upon deep, massive



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arches, through which the water of the ravine flowed. Within its immense circumference, expanding, as it rises aloft, on a circular range of lateral arches, were constructed the seats on which the tens of thousands of citizens sat to witness the sports. When they wished to use it as an amphitheatre, the water was shut out, and made to flow away under the arches; when as a naumachia, the arches were closed, and the water rose in the vast area. The supply came from the upper portions of the Selinus, which rushes headlong from the mountains on the north, and was conducted by a fine aqueduct, many arches of which are still seen spanning the deep valley of the Selinus at the base of the Acropolis Hill on the northwest. The situation of this amphitheatre was exceedingly romantic: it was entirely secluded from the city, and imbosomed in lofty hills. The foundation and lateral arches, and the immense circles of stone seats, were still there. As I sat amid this remain rather than ruin, I felt oppressed with the profound silence which reigned where once resounded the acclamations of the multitude upon the fall of a gladiator or the sinking of a boat.” [ 380] Beaufort_1818_153 (travelling 1811–1812) Side, the theatre: “The area is now overgrown with bushes, and choked up with stones and earth; in digging through which, to ascertain the lower level, we met with some inscriptions and several pieces of sculpture. One of the least injured of these was the statue of a clothed female figure, executed in a good style. / This edifice, as far as it has been described, is in a very perfect state; few of the seats have been disturbed, and even the stairs are, in general, passable; but the Proscenium has suffered considerably, the columns have been broken down, the decorations destroyed, and a part only of the walls is left standing.” [ 381] Irby_1823_523 Silifke: “a theatre, now only distinguishable by the shape of the earth, and by two of its vomitories, at present converted into habitations. On the slope where the seats once existed, tobacco is now cultivated. In the plain to the eastward are two large buildings; the first shews nothing but its walls; the most distant has been a large Christian church constructed of solid masonry. The semicircular eastern end is perfect, and one fluted Corinthian column in the front is standing; it may have been formed out of a more ancient temple. There are many other indescribable ruins, and to the west of the theatre, quarries and excavated tombs. We afterwards ascended a hill south of the town, having been attracted to it by large ruins, which we had observed before we reached Selefkeh. The road we followed has formerly been paved, and towards the summit cut through the cliff to some depth. We found ruins covering a considerable extent of ground; the principal buildings have been churches, of which the farthest had the east end in tolerable preservation. The windows were adorned with handsome white marble columns, of the Corinthian order, one of which remains perfect There are a few coarse sarcophagi.” [ 382] Chandler_1817_I_70 (travelling to Asia Minor in 1775) at Smyrna: “Going down from the western gate of the castle towards the sea, at some distance is the ground-plat of the stadium, stripped of its marble seats and decorations.” [ 383] Pococke_1772_V_105 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Stratonikeia: Il y a au midi, sur la croupe d’une montagne, un grand théatre dont la façade est ruinée. Il y a en tout environ quarante siéges, avec deux galeries, dont l’une est au milieu, & l’autre au sommet. J’ai observé dans ce théatre ci, de même que dans plusieurs autres, que la moitié intérieure de la largeur des siéges est plus basse d’un demipouce que l’extérieure. Les siéges sont généralement environ deux pieds six pouces de large. – so the seats were still in place: all of them?? [ 384] Conder_1830_211 Stratonicea: “It was a Macedonian colony, and the Seleucidae adorned the city with sumptuous structures; but what remains of architectural fragments is of a later age. It was a free city under the Romans, and is said to have been rebuilt or much improved by Hadrian, who called it Hadrianopolis. In the side of a hill is a theatre, with the seats remaining, and ruins of the proscenium. Above it is a marble heap overgrown with moss, bushes, and trees; and without the village are broken arches, pieces of massive wall, and marble coffins. Some shafts of columns are standing singly; but, of the temple of Jupiter Chrysaoreus (with the golden sword), which once stood here, no trace can be made out.f The houses of the modern village are scattered among woody rising



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grounds, environed with high mountains, branches of Taurus. A limpid and lively rill, falling in cascades, adds to the beauty of the scene.” [ 385] Reinach_1891_87 for 1884 at Telmessos (in Lycia): Parlant du théâtre de Telmissos, dont les gradins en marbre ont récemment été enlevés par les Turcs pour bâtir la caserne de Scutari. [ 386] Hoskyn_1842_146: “The harbour of Makri is perfectly secure, and well sheltered from all winds. Cavalier Island, called also Palaio Mákri, lies across its entrance; it is covered with ruins of the middle ages. There is a passage to the harbour on each side of it; the S. one is the best. The eastern shores of the harbour are low and marshy; the scala is on the S. shore in the midst of a marsh; it is a wretched collection of hovels surrounded by the ruins of the ancient city of Telmissus, and so unhealthy that no one can reside in it during the summer months.” [ 387] Béquignon_&_Laumonier_1925_286 Teos: le Théâtre, dont les arcades, romaines, se distinguent de loin. Aucun gradin n’est plus en place. [ 388] Pococke_1772_V_35 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Teos: On voit au sud-est du théâtre les ruines d’un temple, dont les murailles sont entièrement démolies. Il paroît, par une inscription grec, que qu’il étoit dédié à Bacchus la Divinité du lieu. Il formoit un quarré oblong, & il etoit bâti de marbre gris. On y voit encore quelques chapiteaux ioniques, & quelques corniches, dont on ne peut se lasser d’admirer le travail. Il y’a au sud-est de ce temple deux Salles voûtées qui peuvent avoir fervi de réservoirs les murailles qui soutiennent le terrein sont bâties avec des arcades. [ 389] Pococke_1772_V_36–37 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Teos, building set in what he identifies as an odeon: On trouve dans un coin les fondemens d’un édifice qui a la figure d’un quarré oblong, qui peut avoir été bâti après que l’ancien édifice eut été détruit. Les escaliers étoient probablement pratiqués dans les tours, & il pouvoit y avoir des siéges autour en forme de demi cercle. On trouve hors de l’encoignure nord est plusieurs bouts de colonnes de marbre canelées & de très-belles corniches corinthiennes, dont quelques-unes n’ont pas été achevées apparemment qu’on tailloit les pierres sur le lieu. Cet édifice m’a paru avoir été revêtu de marbre & l’on voit encore le soubassement d’une porte d’entrée. Il est si près de la mer, qu’il n’est pas étonnant qu’on en ait emporté les pierres. Sa forme ne me paroît être celle d’un cirque – so he identifies this as a naumachia. [ 390] Hamilton_1837_38–39: “We halted for the night at the village of Susus, five hours from Ushak, near the banks of a large river called the Banas-chai, which flows from Morad Tagh south into the Maeander, which brings this branch of the Maeander much more to the north and east than any of the maps have given it. On our way we found many inscriptions on the walls of the mosques, which we copied, and which it is fair to presume came also from the ruins we were in search of, in one of which we were fortunate enough to discover the name of our town, should it really prove an ancient site. / April 6. – One hour’s ride brought us early to Ahadkoi, where on the summit of a hill, we saw the remains of some ancient buildings to which we immediately ascended. It proved to be a theatre, with half the scena and proscenium standing, built of very large blocks of stone. All the seats of the cavea are gone, but the hollow clearly remaining. Farther search on the Acropolis brought to light another theatre, and the foundation and ground-plan of a small temple; besides tracing the walls of the Acropolis in several places. About a quarter of a mile from the village, we had also discovered the site and part of the foundations of another temple; architectural ornamented sculpture lying about in every direction, and many inscriptions, but chiefly sepulchral. I believe these to be the remains of Trajanopolis.” [ 391] Cesnola_1878_202 on Cyprus: “North of Salamis are two tumuli, the base of one of which I reached by means of vertical shafts, and there found a plain white marble sarcophagus, but so damaged as to be worthless. A pickaxe had been left behind by the diggers who had previously opened the tumulus, perhaps some hundreds of years ago.” [ 392] Elliott_1838_70 approaching Sardis: “The approach to Sardis is marked by a number of tumuli, full eighteen or twenty, by the way-side, whose history is unknown, and few are so bold as to conjecture in honor of whom they were erected: they are of various sizes,



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but all of nearly the same shape, differing very little from semi-spheres: in many, the outer circle is formed of brick-work; which, in some, is well covered with earth overgrown with grass; in others, it is partially exposed, so as to leave no doubt that the mounds are artificial. From what we read of the customs of past ages, there is reason to suppose that these tumuli are not wholly destitute of treasures; and it is surprising that neither speculators nor antiquaries have explored them.” [ 393] Shaw_1814_587 (travelling 1720–1733) Hydra: “As Kairwan and Jemme are the most remarkable places on the eastern side of this province, Hydrah, a little below Gellah at Snaan, near the frontiers of the Algerines, is the most considerable to the westward. It is situated in a narrow valley, with a rivulet running by it, and appears to be one of the most considerable places of this country for extent of ruins. For we have here the walls of several houses, the pavement of a whole street entire, with a variety likewise of altars and Mausolea. A great number of the latter are very well preserved; some of which lie open to the air, and are built in a round hexagonal or octogonal figure, supported by four, fix, or eight columns; whilst others are square, compact, and covered buildings, with niches in one or other of the fascades, or else with wide open places, like so many balconies upon their tops. But the inscriptions which belonged as well to these as to a number of other antiquities, are either defaced by time or the malice of the Arabs. Upon a triumphal arch, more remarkable for its largeness than beauty, we have the following inscription etc.” [ 394] Davis_1874_198 near Kremna: “I was surprised at the number of cemeteries along the roadside; but the villages to which they had belonged, had disappeared, or these may be only the graves of the many passers-by who have died while traversing this much frequented road. The site of the ancient Cretopolis is on a hill to the right. The glass showed heaps of ruins, but no building, nor even fragment of a building, appeared to be erect.” [ 395] Colonna-Ceccaldi_1882_27–28 on Cyprus, at Dali: A l’inspection des premiers objets qu’ils tirent des tombes, les Dâliotes savent à quoi s’en tenir sur leur contenu et s’ils doivent continuer à les fouiller. Ils ne se trompent jamais. [ 396] Hammer-Purgstall_1811_97 Makri/Telmessos: alle diese zerfallenen Steinmassen, alle diese noch bestehenden unerschütterten Grundfesten von Gebäuden, die in eine ordentliche Strasse auf beyden Seiten gereihet waren, nur die Ruinen von Gräbern und Monumenten des Todes sind. Viele Sarkophagen und Mausoleen stehen noch aufrecht, andere sind bis zum Grundfeste zerstört; aber die Grundfesten verrathen die Form des Gebäudes, das sie trugen. [ 397] Hamilton_1842_II_7–8 Erythrae: “Many tombs and sarcophagi, all of which had been long since opened and rifled, stand outside this northern gate, upon terraces and platforms, commanding a magnificent view of the surrounding country.” [ 398] Fellows_1841_62–63 Alinda: “This street of tombs retains its pavement of large oblong stones, eight or nine feet in length; the width of the way was seventeen feet, formed by two stones. As an admirer of works of art, I am of course delighted to find highly ornamented and sculptured tombs, as I have done in Lycia; but as monuments for the dead, these massive tombs are more fit emblems, and are another instance of the perfection of taste among the early Greeks. The designs of many of our modem tombs carry the ideas away from the dead, and are looked at often as works of art alone. / Near the upper termination of this Via Sacra is a very conspicuous building of beautiful masonry; it has a bold front, running along the face of the steep rock, and apparehtly serves to hold up a terrace, of the width of about a hundred feet; the rock then becomes its opposite support. Within the front of this oblong building, which is nearly 330 feet in length, are a series of square rooms, or store-houses, and above them a colonnade of square pillars, with a halfcolumn of the Doric order on either side. These and the lower rooms have been lighted by small apertures near the ceiling of each. On the terrace above all was another colonnade of single Doric pillars, many of which are still standing; but these terraces occupied only forty feet of the front; the remaining depth is now a mere level field, and its former use is perfectly uncertain.”



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[ 399] Hamilton_1842_II_371 by the Maeander, near to the village of Develi: “About halfpast three, while crossing this flat country my attention was arrested by several square blocks of stone in the fields on the right; and on proceeding to examine them I found myself on the site of an ancient city. The ground and walls between the enclosures contained many similar blocks, some of which were still in situ, others were pedestals, but without inscriptions, while broken pottery and tiles lay scattered about in all directions. The most remarkable feature was what may be called a street of tombs, extending in a N. by E. direction from the town. All of them had been much injured, but the foundations of many were still perfect. The whole area of the city had been ploughed over, but the remains of walls of houses and other buildings were everywhere visible, in one of which, of undoubted Hellenic construction, two or three courses of stones could be traced for some distance. A little to the S.W. of the tombs were the foundations of a small building, with several broken columns five or six feet high still in situ; but these as well as the other remains were quite plain, and consisted of the common limestone of the country; no traces exist of the town having been surrounded by walls or otherwise fortified. The ruins extended on both sides of the road, and were in places much overgrown with vegetation. I can form no idea as to the name which should be given to them; the Turks call them Kepejik.” [ 400] Ross_1852_29 (travelling in 1841) Kos, along a road flanked with tombs: Gerade unterhalb Pylin liegt einige Minuten links vom Wege eine ansehnliche mittelalterliche Ruine, bestehend aus drei parallelen und einem vierten quer vorgelegten langen und gewölbten Räumen, aus großen antiken Quadern und Marmorstücken: sei es von einem Landsitze der Ritter oder von einer der Klosteranlagen des H. Christodulos. [ 401] Fellows_1841_34–35 Aphrodisias, apart from the Temple of Venus, “Many other remains, showing different orders of architecture, in columns and friezes, attest, without doubt, the existence of numerous temples, and indicate a beautiful city built wholly of white marble, large blocks of which are found in all parts of the ruins, many measuring nine or ten feet in length. Slabs, probably from the cellas of temples, covered with inscriptions, are used as material to a very great extent. I copied inscriptions from upwards of fifty of these, all of an age perhaps one or two centuries before our sera. The sarcophagi, which extend half a mile to the west, must also rank with this state of the city. A few Greek coins are found in the ruins, but they are very scarce.” [ 402] Hommaire_de_Hell_1854_I_157–158 (travelling 1846–8) at Ankialou, in Thrace: Cette ville possède cinq cents maisons grecques et une trentaine de maisons turques. Dans la cour de l’évêehé, nous trouvâmes, parmi de nombreux débris de sculpture, un sarcophage de marbre blanc, entouré d’une guirlande dont toutes les parties sont réunies par des têtes de bélier. Ce morceau, très précieux, a été découvert dans le voisinage de tumulus situés a quelque distance de la ville. / Malgré l’opinion des habitants qui prétendent que l’ancienne Ankialou était placée dans une petite presqu’île où sont d’autres sarcophages, il est bien évident que la moderne ville a été bâtie sur l’emplacement même de l’ancienne. Les nombreux fragments de colonnes trouvés dans le sol en construisant l’église en sont une preuve certaine. / Cette localité est la première où nous ayons rencontré des tumulus. On en aperçoit une demi-douzaine au delà d’une langue de terre qui réunit la ville au continent. / Ces tumulus, joints aux débris considérable de colonnes, de chapiteaux et de vases de marbre découverts sur plusieurs points, donnent une haute idée de l’importance que devait avoir l’ancienne colonie grecque. Selon la tradition, il y avait, bien avant l’arrivée des Turcs, un quartier juif qui fut submergé par la mer à une époque fort éloignée. On voit effectivement des vestiges de constructions lorsque les eaux sont basses. [ 403] Walpole_1820_238, Lieut-Col. Leake in Asia Minor in 1800, at Mut: “On quitting the town, we pass along the antient road, which led through the cemetery. Sarcophagi stand in long rows on either side, some entire and in their original position; others thrown down and broken, the covers of all removed, and in most instances lying beside them. The greater part were adorned with the usual bull’s head and festoons, and had a Greek



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inscription in a tablet on one side. The letters were sufficiently preserved to indicate the date to be that of the Roman Empire, but we searched in vain for the name of the city.” [ 404] Duchesne_1880_203–204 Moût, l’ancienne Claudiopolis, située vers le milieu de la vallée, à une lieue environ à gauche du Calycadnus, a conservé son château byzantin du moyen-âge et quelques débris plus anciens. Un peu avant d’arriver aux maisons du village en venant d’Ermének, on traverse les ruines d’un portique carré dont plusieurs colonnes sont encore debout; chacune d’elles a un diamètre de 0m, 50; l’espace qu’elles entourent est un carré de 12m de côté. En dehors de cet édifice, il ne s’est rien conservé de la ville antique; mais quelques tombeaux ont échappé à la destruction de la nécropole, située dans la direction du Sud . . . / La plupart des monuments funéraires ont été, non-seulement isolés, mais brisés et employés comme pierres à bâtir. Le terrain où s’étend la nécropole est une plaine assez vaste; trois églises s’y élevaient; les absides et les murs d’enceinte sont encore debout; les colonnes, les chambranles et les linteaux des portes gisent à terre; on remarque quelques chapiteaux à feuillages. Toutes ces églises avaient la forme de basiliques à trois nefs. Les sarcophages qui les entourent sont dépourvus d’inscriptions, sauf deux, l’un encore en place, l’autre transporté dans une cour au milieu du village. [ 405] Scott-Stevenson_1881_370–371 Mut/Karaman: “To the south and south-west of the town are many ruins that indicate the site of ancient Claudiopolis. I have never seen so many columns together as here. An avenue of them must have led from the town to the necropolis, and many are still lying on the ground where they fell; huge masses of wrought stone and fine marble pillars. In the burying-ground, there is a large white marble sarcophagus, with the lid lying not far from it The style of all these remains is severely Doric, without the faintest trace of any sculpture or inscription.” [ 406] Leake_1824_44: “From Ladik to Konia nine hours; the road excellent, and weather very fine; the sun even scorching, and much too glaring for our exposed eyes. At Ladik we saw more numerous fragments of ancient architecture and sculpture than at any other place upon our route. Inscribed marbles, altars, columns, capitals, frizes, cornices, were dispersed throughout the streets and among the houses and burying-grounds; the remains of Laodiceia, anciently the most considerable city in this part of the country. At less than an hour’s distance from the town, on the way to Konia, we met with a still greater number of remains of the same kind, and copied one or two sepulchral inscriptions of the date of the Roman empire.” [ 407] Purdy_1826_297 Patara: “The town walls surrounded an area of considerable extent, and may easily be traced. Outside the walls is a multitude of stone sarcophagi; all open and empty; and within are the remains of temples, altars, pedestals, and fragments of sculpture in profusion: but Patara is now uninhabited, and a few solitary peasants only may be seen tending cattle that wander about the plain.” [ 408] Bell_1906–1907_I_412 Ayas: “I retumed to Ayash by the paved road followed by Bent, through the gorge filled with tombs and bas reliefs which he describes. We passed a ruined village in which I noted the apse of a tiny church. There was not a living soul upon the hills, but the road was set with the tombs of the former lords of the land, great sarcophagi, their lids pushed aside and broken by treasure hunters. As I rode with my little company, a Yuruk and a Turkish zaptieh, it seemed to me that we must be the only survivors in a world through which the Last Trump had long since sounded: the graves were open and all the dead had risen and there was no life upon the earth.” [ 409] Ainsworth_1844_27 Plain of the Cayster: “Mr Hamilton found the neighbourhood of Surmeneh to abound in remains of antiquity. The village of that name, itself, he describes as furnishing a rich mine of antiquarian treasures. Sarcophagi lay about in the fields and at the foot of the hills, and the foundations and houses of a considerable town, of which the lines of streets and walls, &c, formed of huge blocks of stone and marble, might be traced to a great distance. In the center was an open space without any buildings, apparently the marketplace. Mr. H. obtained from an inscription in a neighbouring burial-ground the name of Docimia, but he supposes that one or more ancient cities existed in this vicinity.”



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[ 410] Stochove_1643_258–259 Side: il est vray qu’en pas un endroict nous n’en avons veu de si entiere, il y reste encore des maisons, des Temples, & d’autres grands bastimens dans leur entier: nous nous y promenasmes bien deux heures y pouvans cognoistre les rues & les places publiques . . . un Amphitheatre tout entier, basty de grandes pierres de Marbre, & presque aussi beau & grand que le Colissee de Rome. [ ] 411  Ouvré_1896_63–64 Eskisehir: Parmi tous ces antiquaires de rencontre, il faut mettre à part un Arménien à barbe blanche, qui conserve précieusement des monnaies banales et des statues en morceaux. Il croit posséder une fortune, et couve son trésor, comme le paysan qui enferme une assiette au plus profond de son vaisselier. Cette confiance est si ridicule que nous cherchons à la détruire, et nous évaluons au plus juste prix toutes les pièces de la collection. Peine inutile. Le vieux est désolé, mais point convaincu: posément, les yeux courroucés, les mains nerveuses, il ferme le médaillier et repousse le tiroir, tandis qu’avec l’imperturbable courtoisie des Orientales, la fille de la maison arrive sur ses mignons socques de bois, et nous verse du sirop de roses. [ 412] Butler_1910_408–410 Sardis, the temple: “The exact number of columns on the sides is as yet unknown; but since the distance from the southwest pier to the southeast column measures ninety-five metres on centres, it would seem that there must have been twenty or more; but it is unwise to count your columns before they are excavated. / The complete destruction of this end of the temple, and the disappearance of all details of architecture and sculpture, may be explained only by the fact, quite capable of proof, that this end of the building bordering upon the river was not deeply buried in Roman and Byzantine times, and by assuming that the ruins of the temple, exposed during the centuries when Roman and Byzantine Sardes were building, were used as quarries and lime kilns. Layers of chipped marble on levels above the temple pavement give good evidence of this, and the presence of three different lime kilns, not far below the surface, adds further proof. Two of the piers of the west porch the second and the sixth from the south end were excavated in ancient times for the marble in them, to their lowest foundations, the sixth having been dug out of its concrete casing which still remains. The southwest angle suffered most severely at the hands of the quarry-men or the lime makers, for here the piers are only a metre high, while further east and north some of the piers are from two to three metres high, and two of them have the moulded plinths of their column bases still in place; the bases proper, with richly wrought torus mouldings, finely carved reeds and deep scotias, were represented only in fragments prepared for the lime kiln. / It is quite plain that the ancient despoilers of the ruins had no notion of the plan of the building they were breaking up, for when they had discovered a mass of marble, representing one pier that was for some reason more exposed than the others, they dug it out entirely, ignoring the existence of the buried piers on either side of it. It is equally evident that two or three columns at the northwest angle remained standing while the despoliation of the ruin was in progress, for broken capitals and fluted drums were found at a high level, resting on soil that had been cultivated, and barely covered by the present level of cultivation. During this period, either Roman or Byzantine, the chamber at the west end of the temple was converted into a reservoir; the débris inside the chamber was levelled down and filled in with broken stone, and then covered with a pavement of pink cement, opus signinum, at a level a metre or more above the original pavement of the chamber . . . The massive walls were coated with cement and formed the sides of a reservoir probably two or three metres deep; the water was carried away to the north by a great number of tile pipes which we found in large quantities in our excavation, the trenches for which followed tortuous courses among the ruins and ancient foundations which had long been buried when the pipes were being laid. In the latest period of quarrying and lime making the reservoir must have been abandoned; for its west wall was broken up and carried away. / The dates of the earlier periods of marble-breaking, and of the reservoir, are approximately determinable from coins of the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. found on these levels; while the higher levels furnish coins of the later Byzantine centuries and the first century of the Moslem era.” [ 413] Butler_1925_12 Sardis: “By the end of the sixth century the soil had risen from 30 to 40 centimetres at the northeast angle and all along the north side of the temple almost as



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far as the western porch. At this time very extensive destruction of the temple was begun, especially along the north side, where we found broad, thick layers of marble chips extending along the wall, beyond the line of the columns of the north flank, and across the west end. On this level several blocks from the cella wall were found partly broken up by the hammer, with quantities of fragments and chips lying about. Beside one of these stones lay some chisel-like tools of iron; and under a large block tilted, up against another, was a sack of 216 coins dating between the years 569 and 615, which probably represent the hidden savings of some workman employed in the breaking up of the temple. During this period the labourers who were employing the ruin as a quarry even dug out the marble foundations of a few columns; for this temple had no crepidoma in the ordinary sense, but each column had its own marble foundation extending in four or more courses, from three to five metres below the pteroma level.” [ 414] Butler_1925_13: “The fact that a column was in a standing position had, it seems, something to do with its preservation. One that had fallen was quickly broken up; but the overthrowing of one of these gigantic shafts was attended by difficulties and dangers. There seems to be no other way of explaining why certain columns were spared while others close by were broken up. There were not so many lime-kilns, on the levels marked by coins of the fourth to the seventh centuries, as on those of later date. It may have been that many of the marble blocks were re-dressed for building purposes, or that the kilns were placed at a distance. There was one huge kiln at the extreme southwest; but here the stratifications of debris are so thin that we cannot determine to which period each belonged . . . Soon after the middle of the seventh century AD a great change came upon the temple. There must have been another great land.slip from the Akropolis; for the levels rise suddenly to within a metre or more of the depth of earth in which the temple was found in 19 10 at the east end, diminishing toward the river as before. In all this mass of debris no antiquities were found, and not a coin dating between the years 668 and 867 – a period of two hundred years – while coins of the succeeding centuries, from 867 to 1400 AD, were all found on the higher levels. The little church at the southeast angle of the temple was overwhelmed and almost completely buried, and a few fallen details of the temple which would soon have been broken up were saved by being deeply hidden.” [ 415] Butler_1922_28 Sardis: “But it appeared later, in the process of excavation, that fifteen columns at this end of the building were standing to within a few centimetres of the surface of the accumulated soil, also that the southeast anta and a part of the south wall and the jambs of the doorway, were preserved almost exactly in proportion as they were deeply buried. Some of the pioneer explorers wrote of the antae and of the portal as being still in place, and others mentioned heaps of ruins. The excavations all showed that the entire middle section of the temple was broken up and carried away at least as early as the seventh century AD Many thick layers of marble chips and several lime-kilns, on deep levels where Byzantine coins abound, are sufficient proof of this. I have therefore come to the conclusion that such parts of the building as had collapsed became the prey of quarrymen and lime burners, and that these despoilers even excavated for marble after they had removed the fallen ruins; but that they hesitated, through fear or for lack of suitable appliances, to overthrow the towering columns or the gigantic walls. This theory involves the belief that practically the whole of the east end of the temple was standing throughout the greater part of the Middle Ages, and gradually became buried to the depth in which we find it to-day – a depth over and above that at which it was buried in some great earthquake at a comparatively early period.” And Butler_1922_49: Sardis, the temple “It was also apparent, from the abundant deposits of marble chips at levels somewhat above the pteroma level, that extensive breaking up of the temple had been carried on here in the sixth and seventh centuries of our era, as was shown by coins. The sides of the recess in the concrete wall which extended along- the western face of the inner row of bases were examined and were found to retain the impressions of marble blocks which had been in place when the concrete was poured in. It then became plain that the marble-breakers, not content with the ruins which lay upon the surface, had actually excavated for marble. This theory once established, it was not difficult to account for the disappearance of the



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foundations of certain parts of the building. Those of the four middle columns of the front row, (Nos. 59, 60, 61 and 62 of the Plan and Plate II), had been laid against the rear wall of the Lydian Building. On the other side they had been made secure by concrete poured into a trench dug between them and the inner row, and apparently were considered to be sufficiently strengthened by this means, for no concrete was found between the columns. Hence the foundations of at least five of the columns of the western row were among those most readily dug out, first because they were the least deeply buried, and secondly because they were not encased in concrete.” [ 416] Chandler_1825_I_318 Sardis, the temple: “Five columns are standing, one without the capital; and one with the capital awry to the south. The architrave was of two stones. A piece remains on one column, but moved southward; the other part, with the column, which contributed to its support, has fallen since the year 1699. One capital was then distorted, as was imagined, by an earthquake; and over the entrance of the naos, or cell, was a vast stone, which occasioned wonder by what art or power it could be raised. That fair and magnificent portal, as it is styled by the relater [Chishull], has since been destroyed; and in the heap lies that most huge and ponderous marble.” [ 417] Chandler_1825_I_259 Magnesia, the acropolis: “where is a ruin which resembles the arcade at Troas; consisting of a piece or two of wall standing, and three massive arches, each painted with a garland in the centre, and two on the sides, encircling an inscription, of which some letters, with ends of fillets, are visible. The fabric has been repaired or reedified, and some inscribed marbles are inserted in it, but too high to be legible. A Turk had purchased the materials; but the arcade is too solid a building to be easily and suddenly demolished.” [ 418] Rayet_&_Thomas_1877_53 Aidin / Tralles, the « gymnasium »: presqu’à l’angle sudouest du plateau, en un point d’où la vue s’étend sur toute la basse vallée, sont situées des ruines imposantes par leur masse, et qui se voient de fort loin. Elles dépendaient d’un grand édifice rectangulaire qui a été récemment exploité comme carrière et complètement détruit sur presque toute son étendue: il n’en reste plus que la façade, et, si elle est conservée, c’est que les difficultés et les dangers de la démolition ont fait reculer les carriers turcs. Cette façade se compose d’une énorme muraille haute de près de 20 mètres et épaisse de près de 8 . . . La construction est formée d’une espèce de blocage en moellons, morceaux de briques et mortier, caché derrière un revêtement de gros blocs rectangulaires d’un calcaire assez semblable au travertin: de nombreux morceaux de marbre, bases de statues, stèles à inscriptions, ont été encastrés au hasard dans la maçonnerie. Il est évident que l’édifice a été reconstruit précipitamment et sans goût à l’époque romaine; les blocs calcaires, parfaitement taillés et d’un bel appareil, proviennent de l’édifice primitif et montrent qu’il remontait à l’époque hellénique: les blocs de marbre appartiennent aux bases des statues dont ce premier édifice était décoré. [ 419] Galt_1812_185–186 Athens: “The temple of Jupiter Olympus, which was the largest fabric in Athens, presents now only a few columns; but they are of such majestic proportions, that they form a very impressive spectacle. No just notion of the figure or extent of the building can be conceived from them; but this obscurity, especially as they are seen standing in an open field, unobstructed with rubbish, enhhances the interest and the solemnity of their effect. The Turks, and the baser Greeks, are in the practice of breaking down and burning the marbles of the ancients, in order to make mortar. Owing to this, all the rest of the hundred and twenty pillars of which this gorgeous edifice consisted, have entirely vanished away.” [ 420] Veryard_1701_340 Cyzicus: “But of all this State and Splendour there only remain some few and obscure Footsteps, the rest being swallow’d up by devouring Time. The Marble walls are for the most part still standing; but within them we saw nothing but a confused heap of Ruins, with high Walls, Arches, Vaults, and divers entire and broken Statues . . . The Inhabitants of the adjacent Villages told us, that many Statues, Pillars and pieces of Marble, with Greek and Latin Inscriptions, had been carried off, and that others were found daily amongst the Ruins.”



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[ 421] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_1835_II_159 at Cyzicus in 1830: On aperçoit en quelques endroits des monceaux de marbres taillés par le ciseau turc, ce qui prouve que les ruines de Cisyque ne sont plus qu’une carrière ou chacun vient prendre des matériaux de construction. La plupart de ces marbres, tristes restes des palais et des temples, souvenirs effacés d’une grandeur qui n’est plus, sont façonnés maintenant en socles funèbres, et vont orner les tombeaux de quelques musulmans. [ 422] Hasluck_1910_10–11b Cyzicus: “While the marble of the temple has been consigned piecemeal to the kiln, the substructures, being of baser material, have escaped.” [ 423] Hamilton_1842_II_100: at Cyzicus he finds “many subterranean passages, some of which had fallen in, but with the help of lights we were enabled to explore them to the extent of more than a hundred feet in a straight line; they are connected with each other, and appear to be the substructions of extensive buildings, or perhaps the public granaries or warehouses for which Cyzicus was remarkable, both before and after the Roman conquest. The masonry is chiefly Hellenic, but in some places the walls are only cased with blocks of stone . . . the vaults . . . may also mark the site of the temple described in glowing terms by Aristides, the orator, who particularly remarks that the subterranean parts of the building were as worthy of admiration as the rest.” [ 424] Hamilton_1842_II_103b Cyzicus: “The destruction of all the public buildings, and the total desolation of the place, are in this instance the more remarkable, when we find that no modern town of importance has risen on its ruins; it may in a great measure be owing to the nature of the material of which these buildings were constructed. Although cased with the beautiful marble of the neighbouring hills, and of the quarries near Aidinjik, they are chiefly built of granite, and that of Cyzicus decomposes with great rapidity on exposure to the atmosphere. It appears to contain much felspar, producing alumina by its decomposition; and this has encouraged a rich vegetation, which either acts directly on the buildings themselves, or conceals them under an abundant verdure. The sand also blown up from the sea on each side of the isthmus appears to have done its share of the work: it is therefore probable that though few ruins of any importance are now visible, excavations properly conducted might produce very satisfactory results.” [ 425] Hamilton_1842_II_101 the theatre at Cyzicus: “I am not aware that its existence has ever been alluded to: it is of great size, and apparently of Greek construction, but in such a ruined state, that although the proscenium, and the hollow of the cavea, and some rude remains of the substructions can still be traced, not a block of marble is visible, nor does a single seat remain in situ.” [ 426] Pococke_1811_714 (travelling 1737ff) Cyzicus, the “Princess’ Palace”: “A large theatre was built in the foot of the hill; the stones are all taken away, and that spot is now covered with trees; but I was informed by one well acquainted with the place, that there were formerly twenty-five seats; to the west of it there are some small remains of a circus; I saw the seats at the east end a great way under ground, the people having dug down in order to take away the materials, which are of white marble.” [ 427] Banks_1912_20 at Cyzicus: “Among the ruins of Cyzicus we found an aged Turk who made it his occupation to convert a marble temple to lime. With some of its marble blocks he had built a kiln; others (it mattered little to him whether they were rough building stones, or sculptured slabs, or marble he broke up and threw into the kiln. Near by was a little heap of lime worth but a few cents to the Turk, who made it, yet it may have represented beautiful sculptures and statues, for which a European museum would have given fabulous sums. Such is the respect of the Turk for the ancient treasures buried throughout his country!” [ 428] Falkener_1862_18–19: “Thus no fewer than seventeen travellers have mistaken the ruin at the head of the marsh, (the Great Gymnasium,) for the vestiges of the Temple of Diana; two regard it as a church, and one as a Temple of Neptune. One of these writers indeed, Count Caylus, looked upon the ruins scattered about the whole plain as the dependencies of the temple, and supposed that the city itself was stationed at Aiaslik. Tavernier and Le Brun consider the arch of the stadium to be the door of the temple; and



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Chishull imagined it formed part of the edifice erected for the third General Council; while Usborne takes the Roman temple by the Agora to be the remains of the first temple burnt by Herostratus. / Nor are travellers zealous only for the glory of Diana, they are equally so for the glory of the Church. Believing the Catholic Church to be a visible church, they suppose that the Churches of the Apocalypse were churches of brick and stone; and accordingly they use their utmost endeavour to discover if it were but the dust of these once sacred edifices. Two writers, as we have seen, regard the ruin at the head of the marsh as the remains of a Christian cathedral; another conceived that the ruin at the back of the city must formerly have been a church, and with the zeal of an antiquary endeavoured to transform the paintings of pagan mythology into the emblems of Christian symbolism! But the great majority of travellers strive to appropriate to themselves the mosque of Sultan Selim; they endeavour to persuade themselves that a building erected about twelve hundred years after Christ existed in the time of St. John, and pleasantly fancy they can discern in the figure of a Turkish lantern the representation of the host and chalice.” – and chapter and verse given in the plentiful footnotes. [ 429] Duc_de_Raguse_1837_II_174–175 at Ephesus, mis-identifies the location of the Temple of Diana: L’emplacement du célèbre temple de Diane, qui fut élevé aux frais de presque toutes les villes de cette péninsule, se reconnaît sans hésiter, quoiqu’en dise Chandler. Il était situé au pied de la montagne, en face de la ville, et en dehors de ses murs, au commencement des marais. Toutes les conditions se rencontrent dans cet endroit pour s’accorder avec les récits des anciens historiens. L’immensité des ruines, l’étendue des constructions souterraines, leurs longues lignes, la richesse des matériaux, témoignent assez que c’est là qu’était placé le plus magnifique temple de la Grèce. / La majeure partie des plus beaux débris a été enlevée pour servir à des constructions dans divers lieux, et particulièrement pour les mosquées de Constantinople. Ce qui existe encore sur place, quoique brisé et mutilé, peut faire juger du passé. Je remarquai des tronçons de colonnes d’un granit rouge superbe. Elles n’ont sûrement pas été transportées en ce lieu depuis la destruction du temple; c’est donc à cette même place qu’elles avaient été élevées. / Ces colonnes ont dû être amenées de loin, car aucune carrière de ce granit ne se rencontre à portée. On sait que différents princes de l’Asie envoyèrent les cent vingt-sept colonnes qui décoraient le temple; et chacun, tenant à honneur de concourir à l’édification d’un monument de gloire et d’orgueil pour tout le pays, fournit sans doute ce qu’il pouvait offrir de plus beau et de plus précieux. [ 430] Wood_1877_28 at Ephesus, at the Great Gymnasium: “Here, prostrate on the ground, are some shafts of columns of Egyptian syenite. Some of these shafts were used by the Turks in building their large mosque at Ayasalouk; others appear to have been conveyed to Constantinople, and raised up in the mosque of St. Sophia, where they are now pointed out to visitors as columns from the temple of Diana, which, at the time they were taken from Ephesus, they were no doubt believed to be. Whether these columns were taken to Constantinople as early as the sixth century, when St. Sophia was built, or at a later period, must remain a matter of doubt. In the latter case they might have been substituted for the original columns of the building. Under any circumstances they should never have been mistaken for columns from the Temple; these, according to distinct statements of ancient writers, being of white marble from the neighbouring quarries. / Dr. Chandler and other travellers have thought that the Great Gymnasium was either the Temple itself, or that it had been raised upon the foundations of the Temple.” [ 431] Wood_1877_238b on the steps of the Temple of Artemis: “Built upon the step and enclosing a portion of it was found a limekiln, 15 feet in diameter, into which doubtless much of the sculpture had been thrown and burnt for lime. It was near this that I found an immense heap of small marble chippings standing ready to be thrown into the kiln. These chippings were carefully examined, but very few fragments of sculpture were found in the whole heap.”



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[ 432] Chandler_1825_I_245–246 Mendelet [Euromos], four hours from Iasos and three hours from Mylas: “passing a village called Iakli, unexpectedly discovered the solemn ruin of a temple; but, as it was dusk, we continued our journey to Mendelet, which was an hour farther on. The merchants, our late companions, had given us a letter to some Armenians, who kindly admitted us to partake in their apartment in the khan, which was full. / We returned in the morning to the temple, which was of the Corinthian order; sixteen columns, with part of their entablature standing; the ceil and roof demolished. It is in a nook or recess; the front, which is toward the east, close by the mountain-foot; the back and one side overlooking the plain. The style of the architecture is noble, and made us regret, that some members, and in particular the angle of the cornice, were wanting. Its marbles have been melted away, as it were piecemeal, in the furnaces for making lime, which are still in use, by the ruin. / A town has ranged with the temple on the north. The wall, beginning near it, makes a circuit on the hill, and descends on the side toward Mendelet. The thickets, which have overrun the site, are almost impenetrable, and prevented my pursuing it to the top, but the lower portion may easily be traced. It had square towers at intervals, and was of a similar construction with the wall at Ephesus. Within it is a theatre cut in the rock, with some seats remaining. In the vineyards beneath are broken columns and marble fragments; and in one, behind the temple, two large massive marble coffins, carved with festoons and heads; the lids on, and a hole made by force in their sides. They are raised on pediments; and, as you approach, appear like two piers of a gateway. Beyond the temple are also some ruins of sepulchres. I was much disappointed in finding no inscriptions to inform us of the name of this deserted place; which, from its position on a mountain by the way-side, and its distance firom Mylasa, I am inclined to believe was Labranda.” No: Euromos. [ 433] Elliott_1838_II_162–163: “Within a ride of our anchorage, in a north-easterly direction, was Melasso, an insignificant town standing on the site of the ancient Mylasa, in the district of Caria, which comprehended the south-western part of Anatolia. Though formerly one of the grandest cities of Asia and especially crowded with temples, yet now nothing is to be seen but the very ruins of ruins. Here and there a column, or fragment of an arch, with masses of masonry which mark the foundations of a theatre, or part of an aqueduct, is all that is left of this once famous city. Pococke and Chandler, who visited it in the last century, saw it in a state of far better preservation than it now exhibits. Such relics become more precious and more scarce to each succeeding generation; and the traveller of the nineteenth century is permitted to examine much which will probably be lost to his successors of the twentieth.” [ 434] Dubois_1881_98 Mylasa, the Temple of Zeus, to the W of the town: Un peu plus bas, dans la même direction, un mur récent, qui sert de clôture, du côté du sud, à la vigne de Hadji Ibrahim, est composé en partie de fragments antiques, parmi lesquels on remarque trois colonnes cannelées. Chacune de ces colonnes porte une sorte de cartouche avec inscription. Une quatrième colonne, exactement semblable (diamètre 0m,78), se trouve près delà, dans la vigne d’Effendoglou, couchée dans des broussailles. [ 435] Dubois_1881_31 Mylasa: travellers ont signalé et décrit les restes de plusieurs autres édifices: un temple d’Auguste et de Rome, que Pococke vit encore debout; une porte romaine, en forme d’arcade, avec pilastres et chapiteaux corinthiens; un mausolée encore intact, plus d’une fois reproduit par la gravure; enfin quelques colonnes d’un portique, près de l’ancien mur, d’appareil polygonal, qui fermait à l’ouest le téménos de Zeus. – to which they add a building excavated in the courtyard of the house of Méhémet-effendi. This was a main room and corridors, with marble benches intact, a mosaic floor, two female statues and fragments of a sculpted frieze. Authors think the whole complex had to do with theatricals. [ 436] Dumont_1868_II_238–241 on Pompeiopolis: he reports a dozen kilns there working non-stop morning til night, Là, du matin au soir, on brule les fûts de colonnes, les architraves, les fragments de statues et de bas-reliefs. Pour le moment, on ne renverse pas ce



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qui est debout. And not only lime, but construction materials: mais de beaux matériaux de construction. J’y ai vu arriver le matin une caravane; bêtes et gens ont travaillé tout le jour, et à la nuit un chargement considérable prenait la route de Tarsous, à six lieues de là. [ 437] Guérin_1880_I_16–17 on his way to Galilee, at Soli/Pompeiopolis: Avant de perdre pour toujours de vue les débris du grand portique dont je viens de parler, je me retournai un instant afin de les considérer une dernière fois, car dans quelques années peut-être ils n’existeront plus, si l’on continue à agrandir Mersina et à démolir pièce à pièce, pour avoir des matériaux de construction, ce qui subsiste encore des monuments de Pompéiopolis. Après avoir extrait et emporté les pierres de taille provenant de l’enceinte extérieure, des temples, de l’aqueduc et du théâtre de cette ville, on commence maintenant à attaquer les belles colonnes de cette magnifique avenue, en les sapant par la base. Une fois qu’elles ont été projetées violemment à terre, comme de grands arbres déracinés, et que leurs tambours ont roulé pêle-mêle sur le sol avec leurs chapiteaux brisés dans la chute, elles sont soit cassées et débitées en de simples lambeaux afin d’être plus facilement transportables, ou réduites en chaux dans des fours, triste destinée réservée à ces superbes colonnes, que pourraient envier nos plus opulentes cités. [ 438] Kotschy_1862_369–370 Mersin: Aus den wenigen Häusern, die ich im J. 1853 hier fand, war jetzt durch den sehr regen Handel während des Krim-Krieges ein Städtchen entstanden. Der Landungs-platz ist durch einen Hafendamm, zu dem die Ruinen von Pompejopolis riesige Quadersteine lieferten, bequemer geworden. Magazine für Waaren so wie eine Quarantaine und viele einstöckige Häuser bilden die Fronte am Meer. Weite Züge von Kameelen kommen und gehen mit Waaren beladen und zahlreiche zweirädrige Karren, von Büffeln gezogen, harren bereits auf die mit unserem Dampfboot angelangten Kisten, um sie auf der neu gebahnten Strasse nach Tarsus zu verfuhren. [ 439] Collignon_1880–1897_93–94 Pompeiopolis: Il ne restera presque plus rien, dans quelques années, des belles ruines de Pompéiopolis. Des ouvriers de Mersina sont occupés à débiter les blocs que l’on retire du mur d’enceinte, et on peut prévoir le temps où les entrepreneurs s’attaqueront aux colonnes du portique, connu sous le nom de dromos, qui va de la ville à mer. On voit encore debout une cinquantaine de colonnes, couronnées de chapiteaux corinthiens . . . / Les autres monuments antiques de Pompéiopolis ont servi de carrière pour les constructions nouvelles de Mersina. [ 440] Alishan_1899_230 Baudroum/Modroum, or Boudroum-kalessi: La ressemblance générale de ces ruines avec celles de Pompéiopolis semble prouver que cette ancienne ville existait déjà au temps des Antonins, mais d’autres ruines prouvent qu’elle fut ensuite reconstruite et plus tard encore restaurée de nouveau durant les premiers siècles de l’ère chrétienne, comme ou le voit par les ruines de deux grandes églises près de la colonnade. Il semble qu’une double rangée de colonnes traversait toute la ville, comme à Pompéiopolis elle ne commencait pas loin du pied de la colline, grimpait toute la pente et s’étendait à une certaine distance derrière le sommet sa direction est presque de l’est à 1’ouest. De la rangée qui se trouve du côté du nord ne restent debout que deux colonnes immédiatement au pied du fort; des parties de cinq autres restent encore. L’une des colonnes entières possède un tasseau pour porter un buste ou une statue, le seul exemple de bon goût qu’on y voie. De la rangée de colonnes du sud restent encore huit colonnes complètes, et deux sans leurs chapiteaux, ainsi que les parties de seize ou dix-huit autres. Le reste de la colonnade, entièrement réduit eu pièces, git au milieu de tas de pierres énormes, des débris de l’architrave et des chapiteaux; parmi ces derniers on en trouve peu qui ne soient pas brisés. Les matériaux employés étaient la pierre à chaux, la roche récente, le conglomérat, qui sont très communs dans toute la contrée. Il n’y a point de marbre, mais quelques colonnes en granit, près du sommet du tertre . . . et la longeur de la colonnade était à peu près de 290 mètres. [ 441] Robert_1961_175 Castabala: l’Ouest et vers la ville de Mopsuheste (Missis). Le site de Castabala, appelé Bodrum Kale et qui est vide de toute habitation moderne, se présente par là de façon très belle; depuis le très large Pyrame, au delà des champs de blé tout prêts pour la récolte et où arrivaient les moissonneuses, la ville antique s’étend sur une colline allongée d’Ouest en Est, dominée par les murailles et les tours d’un château arménien sur un rocher escarpé. De loin déjà on reconnaît les beaux restes d’une avenue à colon-



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nade avec chapiteaux corinthiens, comme par exemple les avenues de Pompeiopolis et d’Antioche du Kragos en Cilicie, de Gérasa et de Palmyre en Syrie. Un certain nombre de colonnes sont conservées entièrement ou en partie; les autres sont couchées ou enfoncées dans le sol. Sur le flanc est de la colline se creuse un théâtre bien conservé, mais dont la scène semble avoir été récemment mise à contribution pour l’école et la mosquée d’un village des environs. Le site avait été découvert et décrit en 1885 et 1890 par deux voyageurs, amateurs de qualité, Davis et Bent. [ 442] Ross_1843_128 Samos: Von der Spiliani abwärts steigend gelangten wir in einigen Minuten an das Theater, dessen Rücken sich an den Berg anlehnt, während die Flügel des Sitzrundes durch Unterbauten aus regelmässigen Quadern künstlich verlängert sind. Die Sitze, die in einer so reichen Stadt ohne Zweifel aus weissem Marmor waren, sind verschwunden; zur Erklärung, was aus ihnen geworden, steht noch mitten in der Orchestra ein Kalkofen. [ 443] Sestini_1789_49–51 (travelling 1779) for the substructures of the Temple at Cyzicus, which he reports as called the “besestein.” 61–2 for his regrets at not discovering the temple, and quotes Pliny’s account. [ 444] Drummond_1754_117 for the circus at Smyrna, which he says is hollowed out of the mountain, and 540 feet long: “the vestiges of a very noble circus, from whence the late visier furnished himself with stones to build a great han, or kaine, for the convenience of travelling merchants. Such inns are, doubtless, of great use; but there was stone enough in the hill for a thousand of these fabric, and I would almost as soon have seen him broke upon the wheel, as one of the stones belonging to the circus removed . . . the entrance I could not ditinguish, so I cannot inform you of its width. I have marked it at random, though it was not to be seen; and, I fancy, this will be the fate of the whole in a few years; perhaps, even now the last remains of it are removed.” (He saw it in 1744). [ 445] Arvieux_1_38 at Smyrna (travelling 1653ff, writing in 1654) Ce sont les frequens tremblemens de terre qui l’ont réduit en l’état où elle est à present . . . Les gens du Païs disent qu’elle a été boulversée et abîmée six fois par de furieux tremblemens. Et par la mer qui sortant de ses bornes a occupé le terrain que les maisons occupoient; 38–41 for description of the 1654 earthquake; 1.48: the seats of the amphitheatre were still visible dans le côté le plus élevé et le plus entier. [ 446] Elliott_1838_37 at Smyrna: “Storks are regarded with great veneration by the Turks, who consider their proximity a favorable omen and encourage them to build in the town. They are of great utility in killing locusts, which, now and then, alight here, destroying every green thing; they are likewise natural enemies to snakes; so that the estimation in which they are held is founded on reason.” [ 447] Fritz von Farenheid 1875, 68–70. [ 448] Hobhouse_1817_90 storks: “The traveller, in his walks amidst the ruins of ancient cities, is often awakened from his reverie by the loud chatterings of one of these domestic birds, perched on the fragment of a column, or on the shed of the solitary shepherd.” [ 449] Elliott_1838_125–126 Pergamon, “Church of S. John: ‘The brick walls, as they are seen at the present day, are about a hundred feet high and two yards thick. Though now dilapidated and covered with storks’ nests, this church is said to have been once decorated with handsome pillars and marbles taken from the ruins of heathen temples. The nave is converted into a cow-yard; and a subterranean room at one end, supported by two rows of four pillars each, is a manufactory for pottery; while the other, which appears to have been the chancel, is turned into a Greek school, where a hundred and sixty children of both sexes are instructed in reading and writing: it was once used by the Greeks as a church, but the Turks compelled them to desist from applying it to sacred purposes. A local sanctity is attached even by Moslims to the remains of Christian temples; and here, as in Philadelphia, superstition has connected a miracle with the ruins of an early Christian edifice. Soon after the followers of the prophet got possession of Pergamus, they converted this building into a mosque; but the minaret was miraculously thrown down, or, as some say, the position of its door was preternaturally altered, and it was thenceforth resigned to the destructive influence of time.”



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[ 450] Fellows_1852_26 Bergama: “The amphitheatre on the south-west of the castle, though in ruins, is a wonderful building. A river runs through it, and the arches, now underground, are equal in workmanship to any that I have seen. Those above have probably been as fine; but, although they now stand tier above tier, all the joints have been chipped, as in the Coliseum at Rome, and not a seat remains; the stupendous works underground will defy the exertions of the Turks to remove them. Triumphal arches and houses in ruins are to be seen in the town, with the Turks’ huts among them, bearing the same proportion to them as the nests of the storks to the ruined palaces, in which they alone now reign. The burial-grounds also are full of fine relics.” [ 451] Tournefort_II_1718_349 the great column at Ankara: “You will find here, my Lord, the Design of a Pillar which is handsome enough, and is set up hard by the Monument of Augustus, with which I have had the honour to entertain you. This Pillar is made of fifteen or sixteen Pieces of white Marble, about twenty inches each in height; the Base and the Capital are of the same Stone. The Capital which is square, is adorn’d at each Corner with a Leaf of the Acanthus, and a kind of indifferent Escutcheon, whose Ornaments are effac’d: There is no Inscription on it. The Turks call this Pillar The Maiden Minaret, because they imagine it once supported a Maid’s Tomb-stone.” [ 452] Van_Lennep_1870_II_191–192 Ankara: “We also visited a solitary column on the edge of the town in the same direction. It is 50 feet high, and of white marble. Most of the column is made of thin circular pieces of marble set upon each other. Much of the capital has fallen, and the rest will soon follow. The storks have made their nest upon the summit. This column was probably the centre of the ancient market-place; and there are monnds in the immediate vicinity which indicate that large buildings once existed here.” [ 453] Warkworth_1898_10–11 Ankara “on the outskirts a fine column . . . which is now used by the storks as a perch for their nests.” [ 454] Mac_Farlane_1850_I_287–288 12 columns on the N side of the temple at Aezani: “The twelfth column stood detached, without any architrave on it: it was twisted round or turned awry in a most curious manner; the two columns which had stood one on either side of it, and the shafts of which lay on the ground near its base, and the portions of the architrave which had fallen with them, must, in falling, have turned this column round. Not having the connecting support of the architrave, and being much broken and worn away towards the base, it is wonderful that this twisted eolumn does not fall also. But a stork has built her nest upon it, and the storks bring luck. So long as the nest remained there no Turk would touch the column; and it was their firm belief that no thunderbolt could strike it, or tempest lay it flat. I wish that some of the sacred birds that next come down from Ethiopia would build a nest over every column. The building would then be tabooed, and preserved at least from the destructive hand of man.” [ 455] Elliott_1838_87 Philadelphia: “The wall of the town, which is composed of small stones united by a strong cement, is fortified by round towers and regarded as one of the best preserved in Anatolia; nevertheless, much of it is destroyed, and we entered by a breach close to a blocked-up gate of which two columns with their architrave are standing. On its top, within a short space, we counted forty-eight storks’ nests.” [ 456] Rott_1908_117 Roman column near Enegil, with stork’s nest on top: Heiß schien die Sonne, als wir über die alte Brücke des Buldurutschai in die Talsenke von Enegil hinabritten und uns auf freiem Feld mitten unter Heuschobern eine römische Eiesensäule begrüßte, die der Vater Storch in Besitz genommen hatte. Hier mündete eine alte Straße in die kappadokische Hochebene aus, die im Korkünsu talaufwärts ging und bei den Aquae Calidae in den großen Paßweg der Pylen einlenkte. Dikelitasch nennen die Türken des Ortes die hohe Säule, die heute noch aus zehn Trommeln besteht und sich über einem viereckigen Sockel erhebt. Hoch oben ist eine quadratische Nische eingehauen, in der nach Aussage der Umwohner eine Marmorplatte eingelassen war, die beim Abnehmen zertrümmerte. Die Trommeln aus Kalkstein haben unten und oben einen schmalen Bandschlag und dazwischen geringen Werkzoll. Heute noch mißt die Säule, wenn man den Schwemmboden des Tales in Rechnung zieht, gegen 10 m.



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[ 457] Hamilton_1839b_158–159 leaving Meulvikoï, near Aidinjik: Après une heure de marche à cheval vers l’est-sud-est, j’arrivai à Maniyas, village à peu de distance de là grande route allant au sud. Les traces d’une ancienne ville y sont très-nombreuses ainsi que les inscriptions dont quelques-unes ont été employées comme matériaux dans les murs d’une forteresse byzantine qui occupe la hauteur, autrefois l’Acropolis de la cité. Une partie de ce mur est composée entièrement de blocs, de piédestaux, d’autels et autres débris antiques. Les assises de quelques tours consistent en colonnes posées transversalement sur le mur; d’autres sont formées de piédestaux dont quelques-uns ont probablement des inscriptions. [ 458] Hamilton_1839b_169 near Aksehir: Le cimetière turc et les murailles du khan de Khanoum-Khaneh, sont remplis d’inscription la plupart funéraires, marquant le site d’une ville ancienne, ou bien viennent des ruines que je visitai environ à 6 milles plus loin dans les coteaux du sud; j’y trouvai les débris d’un ancien château couronnant le sommet d’une haute colline qui a pu être un acropolis; parmi les pierres, quelques-unes portaient des inscriptions ressemblant beaucoup à celles de Khanoum Khaneh. [ 459] Robert_1953_408 Amyzon: Les murs de la forteresse byzantine avaient été construits avec des blocs enlevés aux ruines des bâtiments du sanctuaire; comme les antes et les murs du temple et du propylée étaient couverts d’inscriptions, décrets de la ville des Amyzoniens et lettres de rois ou de fonctionnaires, il y eut là un vrai musée lapidaire caché. Mais la fouille eut lieu trop tard, après de graves destructions . . . Les murs tardifs nous ont aussi livré de très nombreux éléments de l’élévation des édifices: blocs, tambours de colonnes, chapiteaux, triglyphes et métopes. Mais ce sur quoi il convient d’insister avant tout, c’est sur l’ensemble architectural que constitue ce site. [ 460] Tournefort_1718_I_76: Pour ce qui est du château de Paros ou Parichia, ses murailles ne sont bâties que de vieux narbres. La plupart des colonnes y sont posées de travers & ne montrent que leur diamettre: celles qui sont relevées supportent souvent des corniches une grandeur surprenante. De quelque côté que l’on se tourne on ne jette les yeux que sur des architraves ou des piédestaux entremêler de grandes pièces de marbre, employées autrefois à de plus beaux ouvrages. Pour faire la porte d’une écurie, qui est ordinairement celle de toute la maison, on dresse deux bouts de corniches, dont les moulures sont admirables: on pose en travers sur ces pièces une colonne pour servir de linteau, sans trop s’embarrasser si elle est d’équerre & de niveau. Les gens du pays qui trouvent ces marbres taillez, les assemblent comme ils l’entendent, & mêmes les blanchissent souvent avec de la chaux. A l’égard des inscriptions, elles ne font pas rares autour delà ville; mais elles sont si maltraitées que l’on n’y connoit plus rien. Les François, les Vénitiens, les Anglois ont emporté les plus considérables, & l’on casse tous les jours pour la clôture des champs, les plus belles pièces que l’on découvre, frises, autels, bas-reliefs; rien n’échappe à l’ignorance des Grecs. [ 461] Fellows_1841_76 after an account of the mausoleum at Mylasa: “I have never heard a Turk relate any anecdote of ‘old castles,’ as he calls them, without some reference to hidden treasure; he believes that every inscription tells of treasure, if he could understand it, and every cavern leads to some ancient store of accumulated gold; but these stories, like the tales of children, have each their characteristic moral; they tell you that whoever enters wishing to carry away wealth, finds himself a prisoner, lost in the dark vaults, until he lays down that which he was about to steal: he may then return, empty-handed, by the open door. A Jew is said to have once entered a cavern, and was thus served, but the lesson has prevented the Turk from repeating the like attempt.” [ 462] Rayet_1874_10–11 Miletus, theatre proscenium: Malgré les difficultés opposées par un énorme mur construit au moyen âge sur les ruines mêmes du proscenium, de manière à barrer la cavea et à la changer en une sorte de forteresse, la scène put être complètement déblayée. Elle était d’une architecture fort riche, mais d’assez mauvais goût et d’exécution fort lâchée. Deux ordres superposés de colonnes corinthiennes monolithes, les unes en granit rose, les autres en marbres de diverses couleurs, en formaient la décoration. Un grand nombre de statues l’ornaient, placées sans doute les unes dans les entre-colonnements de la scène même, les autres dans des niches entre les colonnes de l’ordre supérieur. Les débris de ces statues ont été retrouvés sur place au milieu des tronçons brisés des



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colonnes et des blocs de toutes sortes entassés en désordre. Les tètes, intentionellement cassées à une époque où l’èdifice était encore debout, avaient été pour la plupart jetées dans un des souterrains de la scène. J’ai rapporté quatre statues de femmes moins mutilées que les autres: ce sont des œuvres purement décoratives, qui ne manquent pas d’une certaine ampleur, mais ne peuvent être examinées de près. Un torse d’homme nu, de proportions presque colossales, est bien supérieur comme style et comme exécution. Tout à côté a été trouvée une base dont la longue et intéressante inscription me fait supposer que nous avons là les restes de la statue de M. Aurelius Thelymitres, périodonique mentionné dans plusieurs inscriptions milésiennes. [ 463] Leake_1824_41 Aksehir: “On our arrival, we had observed the people fortifying their town, by erecting one of the simplest gates that was ever constructed for defence. It consisted of four uprights of fir, supporting a platform covered with reeds, in front of which was a breastwork of mud-bricks with a row of loop-holes. These gates and a low mud-wall are the usual fortifications of the smaller Asiatic towns. In one place we saw the gates standing alone without any wall to connect them.” [ 464] Le_Camus_1896_141 Ayasoluk, the walls: En Orient, c’est dans les constructions relativement modernes qu’il faut chercher l’antiquité. Je remarque donc à la partie supérieure de ces murs de nombreux fragments de marbre avec des croix et des inscriptions. On a bâti ces remparts avec les pierres tombales du cimetière qui avoisina la fameuse église de Saint-Jean. Ainsi on a dépouillé les morts pour défendre les vivants. L’humanité est plus utilitaire que sentimentale. [ 465] Anderson_1899_55: “the site beside Karalar is very ancient. The mosque, the ruined turbe, and the fountains of the village are built throughout of large squared trachyte (?) blocks similar to those at Yassi-ören and there are also some moulded stones. These blocks have perhaps been largely carried down from a fine old Phrygian fortress called Assar Kaya on a hill, a quarter of an hour distant, rising up from the deep ravine through which passes the road to Krateia-Flaviopolis to a height of 250 feet above the village.” [ 466] Ibn_Battuta_1877_II_323 (travelling 1325–1354) Nicaea: On ne peut entrer dans cette ville que par un seul chemin, semblable à un pont, et sur lequel il ne peut passer qu’un cavalier à la fois. La ville de Nicée est ainsi défendue, et le lac l’entoure de tous côtés. Mais elle est en ruines (Coran, ch. n, p. 261), et n’est habitée que par un petit nombre d’hommes au service du sultan. L’épouse de ce prince, Beïaloûn khàtoûn, y réside, et commande à ces hommes; c’est une femme pieuse et excellente. / Le ville est entourée de quatre murs, dont chacun est séparé de l’autre par un fossé rempli d’eau. On y entre par des ponts de bois, que l’on enlève à volonté. A l’intérieur de la ville se trouvent des jardins, des maisons, des terres et des champs ensemencés. [ 467] Elliott_1838_129–130 the fortress on the acropolis at Pergamum: “The fortress covers the extreme summit of the hill, extending over an area a quarter of a mile square. The entrance is by two doors, one below the other, each about eight feet square and formed of three massive stones. The walls consist of marble, bricks, and granite, rudely put together. In the interior are baths, cisterns, cellars, a powder-magazine, prisons, and various appurtenances of a citadel. / Near this, a splendid temple, supposed to belong to the age of Trajan, once reared its stately form. Its situation was, perhaps, unrivalled; and, if we may judge from the remains scattered around, the beauty of its ornaments must have been great, and its architecture of the first order. Now, its glory is departed, and its very name has perished.” [ 468] Dallaway_1797_303 Pergamon, going up the acropolis: “The half-way space of the hill is defended by an out-work of embattled wall of considerable extent, with frequent towers. A little above is a platform, intended as a battery, built entirely of marble fragments, columns, cornices, and other ornaments, cemented in beds of mortar. A curious expedient has been attempted, that of perforating some of the shafts of the columns, many of which are fixed in a row, and using them for cannon.” [ 469] Elliott_1838_129 Pergamon, the acropolis and its Genoese fort: “About half-way up, our attention was arrested by the remains of some formidable fortifications; above these



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is a platform constructed of ancient pillars embedded in mortar, with fragments of marble of various shapes and sizes. On this a battery was once raised, in which were four columns perforated and furnished with touch-holes: but they have long since been destroyed, and the whole platform is undergoing spoliation. From the middle to the top the pavement is nearly perfect: it is formed of flag-stones of red granite, and follows the course of a circuitous road, with an ascent so easy that a horse might walk up it. A single truncated column still stands by its side, and large fragments of marble lie about in every direction. The fortress covers the extreme summit of the hill, extending over an area a quarter of a mile square.” [ 470] Durbin_1845_161–162 acropolis of Pergamon: “The ancient city occupied the declivities from the castle to the plain, and must have been a magnificent sight when the Temple of Minerva stood just below the castle, to the southeast, upon a platform, whose perpendicular supporting wall is still a hundred feet in height, and whose area is strewn with broken marbles. A little lower down recently stood a battery, formed of the ruins of some magnificent edifice, whose marble columns were bored for guns, one of which is still there. In the principal public bath is yet to be seen one of the four unrivalled Pergamean vases, the marble of which is very fine, and six inches thick. The interior diameter is fortyeight, the exterior sixty inches at the top. The outside is embossed in fine parallel lines, the centre and chief of which represent Amazons; the next, above and below, wreaths of flowers; and the two outer, lanceolate leaves. One of the four vases is in St. Sophia, Constantinople; another is at Brousa, and the fourth is lost.These are all the remains that can be referred to the Greeks, unless, indeed, the solid pavement which winds up to the Acropolis be their work.” [ 471] Morritt_1914_135 (travelling 1794–1796) Pergamon in 1794: “Behind the town is a very high, conical hill, on which has been the citadel and a great part of the ancient city. This, having been since used by the Genoese and Turks, is now one hodge-podge of fine remains jumbled pell-mell into walls and fortifications. Of the ancient walls and citadels, a few of the lower courses of stone and the foundations remain, very distinguishable from the buildings raised upon them. Amongst the numbers of foundations, we distinguished some of baths, and saw quantities of broken Doric friezes and columns lying over the whole hill. A causeway of ancient work remains in part up to the castle, and is in many places formed of rows of ancient marble columns laid across and covered with earth. Many of these the whimsical engineers that placed them have bored into cannon, and raised the causeway into a battery. I should think, however, if fired, they would do much more harm to their neighbours than to the enemy.” [ 472] Cogordan_1882_569 Pergamon: Le jardin de la reine, ainsi que l’esplanade du palais, ont été transformés au moyen âge en forteresse turque, à une époque où probablement on avait dû abandonner toute la partie inférieure de la citadelle antique. Bien avant, du reste, de grands changemens avaient été opérés. A l’époque byzantine, on a bâti en avant du rempart intérieur un mur énorme épais de six mètres, pour la construction duquel tous les édifices voisins ont été mis à contribution. Ce mur est ainsi devenu le réceptacle où, enfouis dans la mortier, les chefs-d’œuvre des sculpteurs de Pergame ont attendu le jour où un heureux amateur d’antiquités a eu la bonne fortune de les découvrir. [ 473] Edhem-Bey_1905_457–458 Alabanda: near the ?Gymnasium, a frieze-block: Non loin de là, dans la direction sud-est, se voit à fleur de terre, dans un terrain inculte, un grand mur appareillé à sec et construit en granit. J’y fis pratiquer, perpendiculairement au mur, une tranchée qui mit au jour un grand nombre de fragments d’architecture, trois ou quatre grands blocs rectangulaires à bossage régulier, trois cheneaux décorés de têtes de lion, plusieurs très belles palmettes provenant d’une corniche – le tout en marbre – et enfin, dans un petit mur de construction byzantine, une plaque de frise portant des sculptures en bas-relief. Cette plaque mesure 1 m 36 de long sur 0 m 58 de haut. Les figures ont 0 m 47 de hauteur. En haut elle porte un rang de perles surmonté d’un rang d’oves. Elle représente un combat entre Grecs et Amazones. Au milieu, un Grec achève une Amazone tombée à terre; à gauche, une Amazone portant un bouclier s’avance, la main droite levée,



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prête à frapper; à droite, deux Grecs emportent un cadavre. / Cette plaque est très endommagée; on ne distingue plus que le contour des figures. / Il paraît hors de doute que tous ces fragments et cette plaque de frise proviennent d’un édifice considérable; la nature seule de la matière employée – le marbre – qui est des plus rares dans la contrée, et spécialement à Alabanda, suffirait à le prouver. [ 474] Edhem-Bey_1906_407: Une série de sondages nous avaient mis en présence de quelques monuments importants de la ville basse: l’agora ou gymnase, dont nous avions retrouvé les portiques extérieurs, et un autre édifice, qui ne se révélait encore à nous que par un grand mur appareillé à sec, près duquel une tranchée nous avait donné de beaux fragments d’architecture en marbre et un bloc de frise portant une Amazonomachie. [ 475] Collignon_&_Duchesne_1877_374: Ermének n’a conservé aucun monument antique; les temps byzantins n’y sont rappelés que par une église creusée dans la haute falaise qui là, comme partout, termine à la partie supérieure la vallée du Calycadnus. En redescendant vers Sélefkeh nous nous arrêtâmes à Mout, village situé dans une déchirure de la grande vallée, sur la gauche du fleuve. Il y a là une nécropole chrétienne avec des églises en ruines et quelques inscriptions funéraires. Un château bâti pendant le moyen-âge, probablement par les rois arméniens, occupe sans doute la place d’une forteresse byzantine ou romaine. Sélefkeh, Korykos et Sébaste nous ont fourni une moisson plus abondante, surtout au point de vue des monuments chrétiens. Les deux dernières localités surtout, situées sur le bord de la mer et absolument désertes, ont moins souffert de l’appropriation des monuments antiques à la bâtisse moderne; mais le moyen-âge et surtout la période arménienne ont vu disparaître la plus grande partie des édifices de ces deux villes, dont les matériaux ont servi à bâtir les deux forteresses si pittoresques de Korykos. Cette partie de la Cilicie-Trachée a été plusieurs fois visitée; malgré la solitude, et l’affreuse chaleur que nous y avons trouvée, il nous a été possible de copier environ deux cents inscriptions, inédites pour la plupart ou mal déchiffrées. [ 476] Langlois_1861_110 (travelling 1851–1853) Korykos: Nouse fîmes halte sur une éminence couverte de décombres et de sarcophages, d’où la vue embrassait l’ensemble de l’antique cité de Corycus. / De larges assises de granit, restes d’anciens édifices, de hautes murailles rongées par le temps, de vastes portiques chargés d’une végétation parasite, se dessinaient nettement sur la nappe de lumière argentée qui se fondait à l’horizon avec le bleu limpide du ciel. / . . . / Ça et là on remarquait enchassés dans les murailles à demi détruites des fragments de sculptures ou de bas-reliefs révélant une intention chrétienne, ou une inscription mutilée . . . / De distance en distance, des sarcophages monolithes, bordant les chemis ou groupés à la base d’une église ecroulée, étaient presque enterrées et cachés sous des herbes et des ronces. [ 477] Tchihatchef_1854_136–137 Cilicia, Korykos: Après avoir cheminé pendant une heure à travers les ruines de Coricus, on descend vers une baie peu abritée, également hérissée de débris et d’une série de temples sépulcraux, ainsi que de nombreux sarcophages. On y voit, entre autres, quelques colonnes cannelées se dresser au milieu d’énormes tas de dalles, des fragments de chapiteaux et de corniches. Ces ruines, qui pourraient bien être celles de Sébaste, se rattachent si intimement à celles de Coricus, qu’il serait difficile de tracer une limite entre les deux villes. Elles recouvrent littéralement toute la surface des collines qui, par des pentes, tantôt douces, tantôt abruptes, descendent vers la mer. A l’époque où Coricus et Sébaste avaient tous leurs monuments debout, rien ne devait égaler la splendeur du panorama que ces deux cités présentaient lorsqu’on les apercevait de la mer; d’un autre côté, les habitants de ces villes et les visiteurs de Sébaste devaient également jouir d’une vue magnifique. En construisant avec les débris des ruines de Sébaste quelques huttes adossées aux temples, aux sarcophages, ou fixées dans les interstices des dalles, un petit nombre de familles turques ont établi dans ces parages leurs quartiers d’hiver, en les désignant par le nom d’Ayach. Au reste, on ne voit pas au milieu de ces ruines, comme parmi celles de Coricus, des restes d’édifices du moyen âge. [ 478] Alishan_1899_399 Korykos: Josaphat Barbaro, ambassadeur vénitien, en 1471. Ce voyageur parle de l’épaisseur et de la solidité des murailles et des tours, bâties en partie sur un rocher et en partie au bord de la mer elles étaient si fortes que les boulets ne pouvaient



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les entamer. Il évalue au tiers d’un mille l’enceinte du château dans toutes les chambres on voyait des puits d’eau douce, et dans les endroits publics il y avait encore quatre puits très profonds, remplis d’une eau excellente qui aurait pu suffire à une grande cité. Au sortir de la porte de l’est, jusqu’ à la portée d’une flèche, des deux côtés, le chemin était bordé d’arcades supportées par des colonnes de marbre monolithes; à cette époque les colonnes de 1’un des deux côtés étaient brisées et renversées. La rangée de colonnes conduisait vers une grande église, éloignée seulement d’un demi-mille elle était solidement construite et ornée de grosses colonnes de marbre et de belles sculptures. [ 479] Roberts_1738_116 Cilicia: “is not found at this day to have any Towne of note or consequence in it, save Alexandria.” i.e. Alexandretta. [ 480] Tournefort_1741_290a (travelling 1700–1702) Ankara: “Angora, at present, is one of the best Cities in Anatolia, and every where shews Marks of its antient Magnificence. One sees nothing in the Streets but Pillars and old Marbles; among which there is a Species of reddish Porphyry, mark’d with white, like that at Pennes, near Marseilles. One finds likewise at Angora some Pieces of red and white Jasper, with large Spots like that of Languedoc. The greatest Part of the Pillars are smooth and cylindrical; some are channelled spirally; the most Angular are oval, adorn’d with a Plate-band before and behind, which also runs all along the Pedestal and the Capital. They seem’d to me beautiful enough to be engrav’d: I think no Architect has spoken of this Order. [ 481] Tournefort_1718_II_180 Ankara: Angora présentement est une des meilleures villes d’Anatolie, & montre par tout des marques de son ancienne magnificence. On ne voit dans les rues que colomnes & vieux marbres parmi lesquels on distingue une espece de Porphyre rougeâtre piqué de blanc, semblable à celui qui est aux Pennes, proche de Marseille. On trouve aussi à Angora quelques morceaux de Jaspe rouge & blanc à grosses taches, approchant de celui de Languedoc. La plupart des colomnes sont lisses & cilindriques, quelques-unes canelées en spire, les plus singulières sont ovales, ornées d’une plate-bande par devant & par derrière laquelle, règne aussi tout le long. du piédestal & du chapiteau. [ 482] Van_Lennep_1870_II_175 Ankara, looking from their lodging up the steep slopes but outside the castle: “Remains of ancient art and splendour are met with at every step, more so than in any town I have visited in this land. But they are only fragments, while no building has resisted the destructive effects of time.” [ 483] Ainsworth_1842_I_132–133 Ankara: “Several massive but irregular ruins of temples, guard-houses, and other public buildings, besides numerous inscriptions in the castle, and some rather rudely-sculptured lions, belong probably to the Roman era . . . / Remains of Byzantine architecture are by far the most frequent: a column of little pretensions to beauty . . . numerous sculptures in the walls of the castle and of the town, some inscriptions, and various tombs and monuments, illustrate this period.” [ 484] Barkley_1891_104–105 Ankara: “Just as one enters the town of Angora from the EskiShehr side, one passes the remains of what must have been a considerable building, probably an amphitheatre, but nothing now remains but the stones of the foundation. Some of these stones exceed six feet in length, four deep, and as many wide, and therefore were too heavy to remove, and being composed of granite were too hard to break up. Here and there a marble cornice of great size, or fluted marble column reclined half in and half out of the ground, whilst in the town itself in almost every courtyard handsome capitals may be seen used as horse blocks, or, having had a round hole cut in the flat surface at the top, are converted into mortars to pound corn in.” [ 485] Perrot_1872_I_267 walls of Ankara, begun, he thinks in 3rdC, and local tradition says repaired by Alaeddin, mais Ibrahim-pacha, pendant les quelques années où les Egyptiens ont occupé Asie Mineure, a encore reconstruit le mur qui protége la ville du côté de la plaine . . . ces fortifications qui, selon toute apparence, sont destinées à entrer dans une nouvelle période d’abandon et de ruine dont protifera largement l’épigraphie. [ 486] Kinnear_1818_69 walls of Ankara: “We resumed our course under the foot of the castle, proceeding first to the gate of Caesarea, where two marble statues of lions, as large as life, attracted my attention; and thence to the gate of Smyrna, having minutely examined



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every part of the wall for inscriptions. I saw four votive white marble lions, making in all six of the same size and figure, and it took us exactly two hours to complete the circuit of the city.” [ 487] Kinnear_1818_67–68 walls of Ankara: “We proceeded about half a mile along the foot of the walls, which were partly built of rough stones, and partly of imperfect blocks of sculptured marble and small bas reliefs. We then came to the shapeless ruins of a large edifice, probably those of an amphitheatre, scattered over the brow of a rising ground looking down upon the plain. Most of the foundation, and some part of the walls, still remain, but all traces of its former grandeur have disappeared; its marble columns and decorations have, in all likelihood, either been employed in the construction of the defences of the city, or pounded into lime; and its external coating continues to be daily removed by the natives to build their houses.” [ 488] Perrot_1863_128 Ankara: Dans une prairie desséchée, devant la ville, campent sous quelques lambeaux de toile plusieurs familles tartares. Avant de s’engager dans les rues, on traverse des cimetières remplis de débris antiques, on aperçoit les ruines informes de plusieurs vieux édifices. Puis ce sont des rues étroites et tortueuses où l’on est arrêté par de longues des de chameaux, un populeux bazar où, par les trous de la toiture en planches, tombent capricieusement, comme une pluie d’or, d’étincelans rayons. Les maisons grises, en briques crues, ont toutes l’air de masures; mais par la porte entr’ouverte on aperçoit des cours dallées qu’ombrage une treille, des chambres meublées de sofas et de beaux tapis. [ 489] Poujoulat_1840_I_275 Ankara: Autour d’Angora et dans l’enceinte de la cité sont répandus de nombreux débris d’architecture des temps antiques, mais les seules ruines qui méritent l’attention du voyageur sont celles du monument qui fut dédié à Auguste César. [ 490] Kinnear_1818_67 Ankara: “I equipped myself in a new Turkish dress, and mounting our horses at sun rise We issued from the city by the Smyrna gate, which is evidently the work of the Turks, and built to all appearance from the shattered fragments of a destroyed portico or temple. Pieces of sculpture and broken columns are wedged in the wall, and the arch rests upon two blocks of marble about eight feet in length; which appear to have once composed part of the architrave of a temple. / Not far from the gate is a small eminence on which, as the consul informed me, a temple formerly stood; and indeed the ground all around is strewed with shafts of marble columns, fragments of entablatures, and capitals of pillars of the different orders of architecture. On a marble pedestal I found the inscription No. 10.” [ 491] Gallois_1907_142 Ankara, city walls: Elle était entourée d’une triple enceinte, forte, dont deux sont encore bien visibles; les portes sont d’un intérêt relatif, mais par un disposition originale, des tours rondes et à éperon alternent. Dans ces murailles, apparaissent d’antiques débris de toutes sortes, racontant le passé. [ 492] Van_Lennep_1870_II_180 Ankara: “There was a spot at Angora which I had a great desire to visit. It is a burying-ground lying by an old Armenian church and convent, built outside of the town upon the site of a temple of Jupiter. / We started on foot, and walked over the pavement of trachyte, and through narrow streets to the north-west gate. Saw on the way a number of remains of the ancient city, both lying by the roadside and built into the walls of the houses. The gate is of modem construction, but consists of pieces of marble taken from ancient buildings. The sides are made of fine cornices standing on end . . . We left the main paved road, and followed a path leading us through gardens planted with vegetables.” [ 493] Kinnear_1818_72 Ankara citadel walls: “in the evening paid a visit to the castle, in order to examine wth more attention the mosque and bas reliefs upon the gate. The most remarkable of these reliefs contains five figures, three of which are in a perfect state of preservation. The principal figure of this piece is seated upon a throne, in the centre of the group, with his arms extended; the second holds a sword in his hand, with which he stabs the third figure, who is represented in the act of falling; but the stone was at so great a distance from me that I could not examine it minutely. Close to this relief I copied the Greek inscription, No. 11, in large letters, from a block of marble about ten feet in length.”



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[ 494] Tournefort_1741_291_&_294 (travelling 1700–1702) city walls of Ankara: “The Walls of the City are low, and furnish’d with very sorry Battlements. They have indifferently made use of Pillars, Architraves, Capitals, Bases, and other antient Pieces, intermingled with Masonry, to build the Wall, especially in the Towers and Gates, which nevertheless are not at all the more beautiful; for the Towers are square, and the Gates plain. Tho’ they have put many Pieces of Marble into this Wall with the Inscriptions inwards, there are however many whose Inscriptions may be read: They are mostly Greeks and some Latin, Arabick, or Turkish . . . The Castle of Angora has a triple Enclosure, and the Walls are of large Pieces of white Marble, and a Stone much like to Porphyry. They suffer’d us to go all over it . . . This whole first Enclosure is full of Pedestals and Inscriptions; but what part of Angora is without them? A good Antiquary would find what would employ a whole Year to transcribe.” [ 495] Chantre_1896–1898_416 Ankara: des morceaux de colonnades en place témoignent de la présence de luxueux édifices. Le quartier en ruine, renfermé à l’intérieur de cette forteresse, est habité actuellement par les émigrés étrangers, appelées dans le pays mohadjir. / Les tours rondes qui flanquent les murailles de la citadelle ont été récemment peintes en rouge! Cette ocre est d’un effet stupéfiant. Tout en haut, à l’endroit où se voit une sorte de construction sur laquelle les insignes impériales flambloient dans un non moins surprenant barbouillagede rouge et de bleu, se trouve un lion sur un socle, en assez bon état. A notre arrivée, un gamin ébouriffé, tsigane aux yeux brillants, était à califourchon sur le lion de marbre, dont il tenait la crinière frisée dans sa petite main, en riant aux éclats. [ 496] Dallaway_1797_246 Didyma: “founded within a few years, consisting entirely of Greeks; it is remarkable that such villages are more flourishing than those inhabited by Turks, in every stage of our journey.” [ 497] Chantre_1896_416 Ankara: A cette décadence des affaires correspond une diminution de la population. Des 40 000 à 50 000 habitants que possédait Angora au commencement du siècle, il n’en reste plus aujourd’hui que 28 000, et dans ce chiffre, les musulmans entrent pour près de 18 000. Les Grecs orthodoxes n’y figurent qu’au nombre de 2 700 individus. Quant aux Arméniens, tant grégoriens que catholiques et protestants, ils atteignent à peine le chiffre de 8 000, et les Israélites celui de 400. Mais, espérons-le, le chemin de fer, puis la création récente d’écoles parfaitement dirigées par des Frères de la doctrine chrétienne et des religieuses arméniennes, dont quelques-unes sont venues faire leurs études en France, auront une heureuse influence sur la nouvelle génération.

chapter three

Decline of the road, port and transport systems Although much research remains to be done on late antique transport,1 the way the main lines of degradation and part-survival relate to our theme are clear: antiquities survived in Asia Minor not just because of lower population levels until a nineteenth-century upsurge, but because of the difficulties of finding, transporting and exploiting them. In consequence, antiquities flourished where the roads were bad. However, it is also suggested that banditry caused the abandonment of perfectly good roads during the same period.[1] Indeed, large tracts of the countryside were unsafe in the 1830s and earlier (in Callier’s case from Kurdish and Turkmen nomads),[2] and travellers were apprehensive for much longer, as many quotations in the endnotes of this book reveal. The few surviving Roman roads did not indicate continuing ease of transport, which would have spelled danger for antiquities, but rather the converse. For Roman roads survived only in little-inhabited areas and, since they were unusable or very difficult for horses, mules and camels, and since wheeled transport was so scarce, that very survival could indicate that other tracks were in use, such as with roads in north-west Anatolia in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.2 (For example, in parts of Greece, modern gravel paths found favour, especially for those on horseback, such as Clarke in 1818).[3] From Olba to Korykos in Cilicia, for example, in 1893, “for 25 miles almost every stone of the pavement is in its place, and the milestones lie by the roadside or stand in situ recording the distance from Corycus and the titles of Emperors who restored the road.”[4] Bent traced several other

1 Bes 2007, 31: “a hugely neglected area of research.” Götz 1888 for a monumental overview by land and sea: 171–178, 240–246, 407–410 for Asia Minor in Antiquity, and 613–620 for 400–1493, but light on later years. Ports and harbours fare better: cf. http:// www.dainst.org/harbors for the 2011 conference, Harbors and Harbor Cities in the Eastern Mediterranean from Antiquity to Byzantium. Recent Discoveries and New Research. Heizer 1966 for an overview of transport of heavy stones in Antiquity. Humphrey 2006, 67–80 for the broader context. 2 Booth 2007, 131: “They are clearly recognizable by their use of consolidated gravel or cobblestones to give them a surface that is fairly even but with sufficient grip for the mules to be able to face the occasional very steep incline or descent that would never allow wheeled traffic.”

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ancient roads in the same vicinity, and new camel-tracks as well: “In modern times Mara has entered upon a new existence, owing to the camel road from Selefkeh to the interior, which was opened about five years ago. Before this it was merely a Yuruk settlement, but when it became the halting-place for caravans going over the pass it did not escape the attention of the money-loving Greeks.”[5] Modern travellers did not take this crest road, but a safer one nearer the sea. Super-Technology and Roman Roads Just as recognisable as city walls in North Africa, or streets of tombs throughout their dominions, a conspicuous surviving feature of Roman civilisation is its network of roads. Ancient roads were easily recognised because they were paved, leading travellers well before Ramsay, such as Ali Bey, to count roads as one of the indicators of an ancient settlement, as he did at Ladik, where its paved roads indicated greater importance: “Ce village a dû avoir anciennement une toute autre importance . . . deux chaussées en pierre.”[6] At Manisa in 1829, Fontanier surely draws the same conclusion: “une magnifique chaussée antique conduit jusqu’à ses portes.”[7] The ancient road network was as necessary as ports and ships for the transport of soldiers and foodstuffs, not to mention materials.3 In the West, many of these ancient roads have simply been tarmacadamised, but the network remains: it is perfectly possible to drive around Tunisia, Spain or Italy using a map of the Roman system. Such roads, in other words, were the sinews both of military reach and of commerce, the one at times protecting the other, as did European navies from the seventeenth century. But the problem with Roman roads (as with other of their great structures) was that they were over-engineered, and would have been impossibly costly to build (as would other large complexes such as baths) had it not been for a corvée system, or for slave labour, let alone the use of various building technologies and machines. By the eighteenth century, for example, the French and the British were well aware of how Roman roads were built, and indeed excavated several stretches to check construction techniques; but they both reached the conclusion that they would be too expensive to imitate. The French, however, did finance some road-building (new roads, decidedly not built using Roman techniques) in Asia Minor in the early twentieth century.4 3 Sposito 2007, 61–80 Movimentazioni di materiali e componenti, including machines, in Egypt, Greece and Rome. 4 Thobie 1994.



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Even travellers who knew about Roman roads tended to note them, but did not (could not?) ride upon them, sometimes because their trace simply disappeared.[8] Travellers from the West often took roads for granted, so were shocked to find so few of them in Asia Minor. But some, such as Saulcy, seem to have noted down many of the traces of Roman road they came across,[9] and also that they seemed sometimes to parallel the tracks then in use.[10] Similar problems existed in Spain: although plenty of Roman roads were visible,5 blocks and all,[11] many were also disused by the eighteenth century, as in León[12] or Cáceres.[13] Al-Makkari, in seventeenth-century Andalucía, believes this is because the way-stations (“In my Father’s house are many mansions,” as the Bible has it) were infested with robbers.[14] In Spain also, Ford saw the results of similar extensive disuse, where the Roman roads were like the “vertebrae of an extinct mammoth.”[15] Survival or Collapse of Roman Roads Roads may survive without being used, so survival and use are considered separately. That ancient roads survived was evident even if their surface was fragmentary, for they were often flanked by tombs, often too heavy to move, so surviving as markers. But very few of them appear to have been in use, whether in Asia Minor6 or further west.7 In Asia Minor it is unsurprising that most roads collapsed with the Empire itself, especially in the more inhabited areas, being now unnecessary for the variety of reasons associated with post-antique decline. Plentiful stretches survived to intrigue earlier travellers, who could easily make the connection Roman road = ancient remains nearby. This was easy at Alexandria Troas, where following the ancient paved road led Fellows in 1839 to an enormous granite column.[16] In some locations, with a decline in population, roads survived in skeleton form without use and, hence, without much damage, as east of Palmyra (naturally) and even from Seleucia 5 Moreno Gallo 2004, 199–231: Identificación de los caminos antiguos (in Spain). 6 Taeschner 1924, thorough and exceedingly well referenced. The Tabula Peutingeriana and the Romans scarcely get a look-in, suggesting that the ancient network was largely irrelevant by the time of the author’s main focus, namely the 16thC and 17thC. 7 Belke 2002: The demosia hodos (public road) and the basilike hodos 87 “certainly denotes a road for which emperors have some sort of responsibility for organisation and maintenance.” Egnatia section designated as basilike hodos. 86 from the documents, “an astonishingly dense network of local roads, some of which were obviously paved.” 86 in Byzantium “wheeled long distance traffic . . . virtually did not exist.” 81–82 Baggage and food of the Third Crusade “were carried on a considerable number of carts again along the Military road to Adrianople.”

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Pieria, the port of Antioch,[17] described in detail by Smythe in 1874.[18] However, such stretches are generally fragmentary, witness a one-mile stretch near Smyrna, “a paved road in a state of dilapidation, the remains of the ancient military way to Ephesus,”[19] which Spon and Wheler recognised in 1679,[20] and which Tournefort had used in 1700.[21] There were indeed plentiful remains of Roman roads in Asia Minor, but they were probably not comprehensively useful any later than the Byzantine period. In parts of Anatolia, it seems that roads were maintained only when they gave access to important fortifications.8 Similarly in towns, ancient roads sometimes survived for centuries near-intact, a good example being Bosra in Syria9 and another – at least in 1555 – Nicomedia.[22] But the caravan routes were often separate tracks, also developed over centuries.10 In some cases, a seaside location with little population in later centuries both helped preserve antiquities and made them easy to loot, depending on brigands, pirates, desertification and so on. This is illustrated by the area of Elaiussa Sebaste, flanked by churches and sarcophagi[23] – indeed, by several large necropoleis.11 As Langlois reports in 1854, the inland Roman road was reported in 1854 as disused because people preferred to travel by the coast,[24] and the disused road was still in a reasonable state.[25] Perhaps such a change of route was because of brigandage, for Cockerell, travelling 1810–1817, was forced to retire to his boat because “the inhabitants were very threatening.”[26] This road, from Seleucia to Tarsus, survived at least in part because the Turks used one which followed the seashore,[27] perhaps for security against bandits. Times change, however, for at the end of that century nearby roads were leading travellers to large quantities of antiquities,[28] and similar inland Roman roads were again in everyday use for surrounding villages.[29] Elaiussa-Sebaste is still almost the back of beyond, and hence in spite of its seaside location its antiquities have survived moderately well,12 some of its collapsed walls remaining in place.13   8 Hendy 1990, 90–131 for Anatolia, and roads Roman and Byzantine (maps 20–24) and imperial fortifications c.1116–1204 (map 27).   9 Dentzer-Feydy 2007, 226–238 for the E–W road at Bosra, with its colonnades, and modern houses integrated into them. 10 Faroqhi 1990, 49–74.  11  Machatschek 1967, pl.2 for plans of Elaiussa, Korykos and Kanytelleis, with sarcophagi indicated. Other plates for plans of the various necropoleis, and the figures for views, including the plentiful temple-tombs, and Christian streets of tombs. 12 Hellenkemper and Hild 1986, 69–85 for Elaiussa and its hinterland, churches, roads and aqueducts. 13 Schneider 2003, at Elaiussa Sebaste, I fig. 128: showing collapse of west wall of agora: the blocks still are in place.



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Travellers like Moustier were convinced (without evidence?) that the first sultans maintained the roads of the Empire; but perhaps this is simply the decline leitmotif restated, with the perfection of the past contrasted with the degradation of the present. Indeed, Moustier goes on to paint a depressing picture of mud, struggling and overloaded oxcarts, convoys of camels, and disappeared sections of once viable roads: Les premiers sultans l’ont sans doute entretenue, mais elle est tombée depuis longtemps dans un état de complet abandon, partageant en cela le sort qu’ont éprouvé, en Turquie, tous les ouvrages du même genre. / Nous rencontrons, tantôt des attelages de boeufs épuisant leurs forces à tirer hors des bourbiers deux ou trois paires de roues sur lesquelles sont assujettis d’énormes troncs d’arbres; tantôt des convois de chameaux, les uns en marche, les autres se préparant à bivaquer dans quelque clairière.”[30]

This is in 1864, near Constantinople – and it took Moustier six hours to complete the 30 kilometres from Izmit to Sabandja, along what he believed to be the old Roman road. This, however, was impossibly difficult for the horses, and so the adjacent tracks, even when overflowing with mud, were to be preferred: “La route, large d’environ quatre mètres, pavée de pierres plates ou rondes, est tellement dégradée que les chevaux ne peuvent y marcher; il faut presque constamment se tenir dans les sentiers latéraux devenus, à la suite de quelques jours de pluie, de véritables fondrières. La chaussée d’ailleurs est rompue et disparaît sur plus d’un point.” This echoes Rolleston’s 1856 assessment, that “the Turkish empire cannot be said to possess any roads or ever to have made any, or even attempted to preserve such as it found ready to its hand.”[31] There are, indeed, plentiful descriptions from our travellers of the state in which they found Roman roads, such as by Hogarth in the AntiTaurus,[32] or Perrot and Guillaume near Ankara.[33] Tchihatchef in Cilicia in 1854 journeyed on a stretch for three hours, admiring surviving monuments to either side.[34] Unsurprisingly, most roads were out of repair. As Childs remarks, identifying what he believes are a road and bridge on his way to Tokat, “it might, in this land of abounding ancient remains and complete indifference to them, be as fine a Roman road as any existing, and yet have attracted no notice.”[35] One exception to such general neglect is Neale’s assertion in 1851 that the inhabitants of Alexandretta rejoiced in the stretch of road near their town, “infamously out of repair, a very considerable proportion of the Roman stones being here and there absent, and causing a hiatus, into which your jaded beast never fails to stumble.”[36] Near Nicaea, a three-metre-wide road was alternately wellpreserved and in ruins.[37]

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chapter three When Did the Decline of Roman Roads Begin?

In all the confusion about part-survival and extensive degradation, it would be useful to know when decline began, since this would probably reflect diminishing long-distance trade, as well as general safety. Ramsay had a great deal of experience of Asia Minor, and he maintains that degradation and lack of repair happened in the nineteenth century, not before. His argument depends on the observed survival (albeit in fragments) of a network established by Justinian and little altered except under the Seljuks with their capital at Konya: The roads are now in a transition stage. When all Turkish government business had to be carried across Asia Minor to the eastern and southern parts of the empire, the important routes had to be maintained in decent condition; and a postal service, with relays of horses, was kept up along them. When Leake was sent in haste from Constantinople to Egypt in 1800, he rode across Asia Minor by Dorylaion and Iconium to Anemourion, and there took boat to Cyprus. At present a traveller or a government messenger to Cyprus would take the steamer. The difference in this case is typical of a vast number of similar changes, which have curtailed the number of roads along which a horse-post is kept up.[38]

For Ramsay, the study of topography was the key to understanding ancient history, and the study of Roman roads the key to the accurate location of ancient sites: “while an uncertainty of ten or a hundred miles exists as to the situation of any place, we cannot even set about mastering its history.”[39] So his statement of degradation in his own century surely comes from observation. His comment on steamers provides another leitmotif that will be addressed in more detail later in this book – namely that it was the introduction of new technologies (in this instance, steamships, but also railways) which retarded both the repair of existing roads in Asia Minor and the building of new ones. Disused Roman Roads, Crumbling Modern Roads When ancient roads became useless because (for example) armies no longer used them and pilgrims went another way, they degraded, as Ramsay explains for one of the great roads across Anatolia.[40] And when a road died, then so did towns along its route, as Anderson relates for the Roman road from Apamea into Phrygia.[41] Bridges were also affected (and we shall note further examples below), a great ancient bridge over the Sangarius surviv‑ ing because this important route, the post-road, from Constantinople



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to Baghdad was now high and dry, and therefore skirted to the north and the south[42] – “c’est-à-dire le sentier que suivent courriers et caravanes,” notes Perrot in 1872.[43] And by the early twentieth century the “Pontic Highway” was also high and dry, so to speak, because the danger of military attack had shifted elsewhere; and the road decayed because land traffic was supplanted by steamers.[44] In some areas, Rolleston was convinced in 1856 that the Turks simply dismantled them for building material: “the practice the Turk has of providing himself with hewn stone for his own private purposes from whatever source he can with least trouble to himself and regardless of all other considerations.”[45] As an index of their continuing uselessness, considerable stretches of ancient road survived throughout the nineteenth century, and can still be seen today, although a recent survey warns that they are disappearing fast as a result of the encroachment of modern life.[46] Any indications of their repair could tell us whether Roman roads were still in use but – if by repair is meant reconstruction to original specifications – this never happened. This was because their sophistication and use of large blocks was part of the complicated over-engineering problem already mentioned: those who lived by such roads did not have the technology either to relay them – nor yet (by definition) suitable roads to cart materials from the nearest quarry. Hence in a circular argument, the fact that such roads were never fully repaired in Asia Minor reflects some restrictions on travel. But not in fact many, because such roads generally followed the easiest route, and so all over the country tracks were to be seen beside them – tracks which themselves had somehow to be kept viable. This probably happened everywhere: near Thermopylae, for instance, Clarke predicts the survival of the ancient road precisely because nobody is travelling on it, but using the adjacent path.[47] Hogarth suggests in one case where the new track was longer than the Roman road that “sooner than repair the easier route the Turks would scramble over the rocks till the day of doom!”[48] Between Selge and Antalya Fellows noted an ancient road, but parts no longer used, because people “diverging from the track, have formed a road with stones very inferior both in size and arrangement.”[49] Near Bodrum, however, Newton found the Roman road to Mylasa “distinctly traced by a row of square basements of tombs, on which modern Turkish houses are built”[50] – though it is not clear whether this was due to the convenience of the tomb foundations rather than the fact of the road between them. Even modern roads were built and left to decay, and this could happen quickly, especially if they contained materials which could be reused

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elsewhere. One example is the road from Pergamon to the nearby port of Dikili, built in the early 1870s. But very soon this reverted to a dirt road, the wood of its bridges filched to feed the campfires of caravaneers and herdsmen.[51] There is a delicious irony here: for it was Humann the engineer who had built this road, so that he might cart home antiquities from Pergamon. He went on to discover and extract the famous reliefs from Pergamon; and he might well have expected, since the road had been in existence for only ten years, to encounter no problems in getting the reliefs to the port at Dikili and thence onto a ship. But he discovered that those ten years had not only seen no road maintenance, but that bridges had been destroyed; with the result that buffalo-carts struggled across fields: “aussi fallut-il des efforts surhumains pour faire passer à travers champs les lourds chariots, traînés par des buffles.”[52] So much for late nineteenth-century engineering, and roads evidently unsupervised, which made the pilfering of materials easy. In fact, little had changed since Cockerell went from Cumé to Pergamon in the second decade of the nineteenth century: “It is not far from here to Pergamo, but it took us unusually long because the water was out in all the low ground, and one had to keep to the causeways. These are made mostly of stones taken from ruined cities, in which one saw bits of architraves, friezes, and so on. Getting off the causeway in one place, I was very nearly bogged.”[53] Once again, we might ironise, reused antiquities made just as good a road as any up-to-date technology could provide, and in this case the spolia road was needed to traverse boggy land. This example leads to another possible reason why so few Roman roads survived except in short stretches: were the materials frequently carted away for reuse? Hogarth believes that this was indeed the case, and the materials were sometimes carried largish distances: Flag pavement is so commonly considered an essential part and token of a Roman road that a few words must be said about the probability of its having been laid originally on Severus’ road. The fact that we never saw a single inch of such a pavement, even on sections where the agger is in almost perfect preservation, is no way conclusive that it never existed; for, if milestones have been carried nearly twenty miles from their stations to serve for modem headstones, a fortiori the small paving stones might have been stripped off entirely by peasants in want of building material. Villages, though not numerous in the valleys of the Saros and Gyuk Su, are still not insufficient, when combined with the towns of Gyuksun and Albistan, to account for the total disappearance of an upper pavement.[54]

We might take this argument one step further, to suggest the obvious: that roads without any clear reason for survival were broken down so that



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villages could use the materials for something that was indeed needed and useful. Apparently not every Roman road had a clear purpose to all locals, so that sometimes they sought to explain the otherwise inexplicable paved roads by inventing stories. This was done near Kara Dagh, as Hamilton relates in 1842, where a love affair was consummated on one roadworthy condition: The king or chief of this place, together with his followers, were in former days notorious robbers; they did not till the ground, but plundered the neighbouring districts, extending their ravages as far as Kara Dagh, the inhabitants of which were constantly exposed to their attacks. It happened, however, in the course of time, that the king of Zengi Bor fell in love with, and wanted to marry, the daughter of the king of Kara Dagh, to which the latter consented on condition that the robber-king should make a high road smooth and passable from hence to Kara Dagh, by which his daughter might travel.[55]

Hamilton thought such stories much better than those relating buried treasure, but he might have paused to consider that it was precisely robberkings who made any roads dangerous, by assaulting travellers along them. Using Roads in Asia Minor The state of the roads in Asia Minor was surely one reason for Davis to complain that “A man needs the digestion of an ostrich, the skin of a rhinoceros, and the strength of a horse to travel in Anatolia”[56] – where little had improved travel- or transport-wise since the wreck of Antiquity.14 Indeed, one scholar considers Anatolia’s roads without mentioning Roman roads at all.15 As already mentioned, many ancient roads were indeed left to decay, and more usable tracks meandered alongside them because such roads were usually the shortest and most efficient distance between two points, and of course included bridges (for which see below). Our travellers relate following Roman roads on the track which often ran parallel, and presented no difficulties for shod or unshod animals. As late as 1883, Dutemple found exactly the same problem and solution around Bursa, namely whether to use the mule-tracks instead of the ancient chaussée.

14 Hendy 1990, 554–561 for the problem of transport and trade, pre-20th-century costs and speed of transport little changed since ancient/mediaeval times. 15 Luther 1989 for roads in Anatolia, Istanbul-Izmir-Konya 1550’s to 1850’s: 135–152 list of fully referenced contemporary account, but takes no account of any Roman roads, perhaps because none were evident or mentioned.

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He believed, unrealistically, that such ancient roads could quickly be repaired, but writes more starkly of the barrier their current broken blocks and crevices presents to the traveller: “les énormes blocs qui les composent, disjoints par les siècles et les intempéries des saisons, présentent un tel amas de petits monticules et de crevasses qu’il est encore préférable pour les muletiers de faire passer leurs convois dans la plaine.”[57] Similarly Ramsay writes in 1897 of the new (new, not Roman) Kutayha-Afyon road that “the natives carefully avoided it, because its surface was not so good for horses’ feet; and the track which they followed kept away from the road, only cutting across it occasionally.”[58] An additional problem, bearing in mind the contention that “nothing is ever repaired in Turkey,” is that neither was anything tidied up, so that a disintegrating road generated additional problems for anyone on horseback, as Kinneir found in 1818 at the Sehoun river, and Mount Taurus: The road ran along the brow of the precipice, sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other; it was in so bad a condition that it could only be passed during the day, many of the large stones, which had been used in the construction of the Roman way, having been either removed or fallen down, whilst the surfaces of those that still remained in their places were so smooth and slippery, that the horses could not tread upon them without the momentary danger of being precipitated over the rocks.[59]

One possibility was that roads were only used in Antiquity by unshod horses – although Mass noted that horseshoes were already in evidence under Marcus Aurelius.[60] Indeed Tchihatchef, with his horseback experiences trying to ride along Roman roads around Silifke, concluded in 1854 that this road, once flanked by splendid buildings, would have been fine for pedestrians, but surely difficult for horses: cette longue voie, aujourd’hui si pénible pour le piéton comme pour le cavalier, traversait jadis une contrée animée par de magnifiques monuments et une nombreuse population, elle a dû offrir aux voyageurs une véritable promenade des plus pittoresques. Cependant elle paraît avoir été plus commode pour les piétons que pour les chevaux; car, comme chez les anciens, ceux-ci n’étaient pas ferrés; on ne conçoit pas trop comment ils pouvaient cheminer sans glisser ou tomber sur les surfaces unies de ces dalles.[61]

Horses and Camels Confront Technologies Old and New In the post-antique centuries, wheeled transport in Asia Minor almost ceased, because animals found the disintegrating blocks hard to negotiate; and so tracks tended to develop sometimes parallel to the Roman



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way. This happened, for example, on the Via Sebaste, where “a road, either Roman in its construction or constructed from Roman materials, runs by the side of the caravan-route; the bridge at Bey-Sheher is made apparently from similar materials.”[62] Choisy describes a camel road near Afyon, never repaired, as being made 50m wide by the hoofs of the camels, and “jamais on ne la répare; lorsqu’elle se défonce, le voyageur en est quitte pour passer au large.” Their saving grace was the Turks’ provision of wells and fountains, the former marked by a shadouf, the latter by ancient remains: “Les puits s’annoncent au loin par leur long balancier, dont une extrémité porte un seau primitif et l’autre un contre-poids. Les fontaines sont toutes ornées de sarcophages servant de vasques; des cippes ou des stèles complètent la decoration.”[63] Thus circumstances conspired to keep the roads poor with a geometrical circularity where each deficiency entailed the next, and led back to the others: roads were poor or non-existent; tracks were also poor, but camels could handle them; camels or mules did not need roads (although they appear to have sometimes used them),[64] so camels were used in great numbers along tracks.[65] And they were slow – much more so than mules.[66] There was no wheeled traffic because the roads were bad; the roads remained bad because transport was effected using camels. (An additional attraction might have been that using camels was a dodge that could avoid customs-duty in Turkish ports).[67] Lack of a convenient camel to carry the finds could mean that a desired antiquity had to stay where it was seen.[68] The conclusion from the above accounts of the state of roads in Asia Minor can only be that surfaced roads were useless, ranging from uncomfortable to dangerous for horses and pack-animals. In other words, such sophisticated technology, over-engineered and enduring, was nevertheless completely unsuited to the basic needs of contemporary life, which apparently found no technologies to adapt. The result was that one or the other had to go, and this was eventually the pack-animal, because it was uneconomical when trying to compete with railways. Anatolia was seen as “a society with both camels and wheels peacefully coexisting,”16 but for Tchihatchef this was a nonsense: for him the camels, gradually disappearing as he wrote (1877), were in fact uncivilised – “loin d’être le produit de 16 Bulliet 1975, 231: author suggests this is because the Turks of C. Asia used both. 232 emergence of the Turkoman camel, a hybrid, as the characteristic camel of Anatolia: the Arab camels could not stand the climate; see also 176–215 The Camel as a Draft Animal. 216–236 A Society without Wheels.

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la civilisation n’en marque au contraire que le berceau ou le déclin.”[69] They were, he suggests, a reaction to the decline and dearth of transport technologies seen during the Roman Empire. To such travellers in a country in the throes of modernisation, new technologies meant at the least that such old picturesque ways of life were disappearing – camel trains in favour of goods trains,17 as Childs observed in 1917 at the Cilician Gates: The winding road, overhung with pine-trees, was dotted with strings of Bactrian camels; they filed slowly across old ivy-covered stone bridges . . . Thus the caravans must have come in the times of Darius and Alexander, and thus they have come ever since; but a year or two hence this picturesque ancient traffic will be no more, for goods-trains of the Bagdad Railway will have taken its place.[70]

This substitution of economic rationalism for the picturesque also hit the Roman road itself hard, for the railway near-obliterated it over this stretch: One could wish that the railway had found another route, for it has wrought havoc along this hitherto unchanging historic road. Ravines were choked with slopes of debris shot from tunnels and rock-cuttings; streams were dammed and diverted in the same heedless fashion; naked embankments stretched like walls down the valley; and in every sheltered nook were the tents and litter – the rags, straw, and empty tins of labourers’ camps.[71]

This stretch of road had already been damaged by 1812, although later repaired for the transport of cannon. As Ramsay reports ruefully in 1903: How much history lies hid in Kinneir’s description about 1812! The road was in so bad a condition that it could only be passed during the day; many of the large stones, which had been used in the construction of the Roman way, having been either removed or fallen down, whilst the surfaces of those that still remained in their places were smooth and slippery. / Nothing was actually done to improve the roadway until Ibrahim Pasha found it necessary to carry his guns across the Pass. This improvement was not maintained; but in the time of Said Pasha, about 1882, an effort was made to facilitate traffic, and the road was made passable by waggons, though there was still much difficulty at various points. Again, recently the road has been greatly improved, and it is easy to drive up to the Gates from Tarsus, though the surface is sometimes rough. North of the Gates the road is now even better than south.[72]

Frequently the unsuitability of the Roman road surface for animals is invoked, and Tchihatchef had the same experience in Cilicia, his horses 17 Quataert 1994, 815–821 for Roads, Highways and Caravans.



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slipping on the blocks: “les chevaux ne peuvent plus avancer, car ils glissent à chaque pas ou ont leurs pieds engagés entre les blocs pointus.”[73] In 1894, Allen estimated there were some 160,000 camels in Anatolia, and saw them loading their wares onto the railway at Geyve, still not far short of the Bosphorus, but then the last station on the Trans-Bosphorus Railway.[74] Even nearer Constantinople, sea travel was preferable to roads – which speaks volumes about the poor state of the roads. Pococke describes the port amenities at Nicomedia in the mid-eighteenth century, where goods were embarked for the hundred-mile journey, although Scutari was only thirty-six miles away by land.[75] As Ouvré remarked in 1896 on the transformation of Asia Minor and the scars on its landscape caused by development, progress killed the picturesque: Le progrès est mortel au pittoresque . . . Une protestation, permise peut-être aux archéologues, serait indigne d’un historien. Pour un peuple et pour un homme l’essentiel n’est-il pas de vivre? On a tant déclamé sur notre décadence, les esthètes à mains paresseuses ont tant de fois prédit la ruine de notre civilisation que j’éprouve, à parcourir ces chantiers, une allégresse de convalescence, et que dans cette conquête tout me plaît, jusqu’à ses rudesses.[76]

Ouvré was correct, for the picturesque dwindled as Westerners sketched on paper the developments necessary for opening up the country. Carles sketched these out in 1906, as roads, railways and ports, formed as the government attempted to extract everything it could economically from the region: “Cette contrée, la plus belle et la plus fertile de la terre, grenier du monde ancien, sera avec la Turquie modernisée, un marché mondial capable d’égaliser les plus importants. Le gouvernement régénérateur ayant pour devoir économique de tirer tout le parti possible de cette merveilleuse région, la dotera de voies de communication, et par de sages mesures, lui permettra de prendre un rang digne d’elle.”[77] Transporting Antiquities in the Nineteenth Century Summarising the conclusions thus far, Roman roads appear to have been neglected at least from the arrival of the Ottoman Turks in the eleventh century onward, and probably from long before, and therefore they degraded18 and disappeared wholly or in some sections. This was in part because their materials could be reused for other purposes, and in part 18 Kaplan 2000, for a map. The author believes that the roads in Asia Minor decline with the arrival of the Turks at the end of the 11thC.

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because they were useless for horses and pack-animals. Although it need not have been the case, the same happened to Ottoman roads, for there was “not an inch of road in [the Sultan’s] dominions, which would not, in any civilised country, be indicted as a nuisance,” as Burgess wrote in 1835. But he did recognise the reasons for this extensive problem: “it may very much be doubted whether such provision as is made in Asia Minor for the convenience of a thin population moving over immense districts, would or could ever have been made by a representative government.”[78] Given the absence, what is more, of any tradition of long-distance carts, added to those once-thriving but now nugatory trans-Anatolian arteries which the Romans had left behind, how were antiquities to be shifted? Travellers and archaeologists knew no more about how the Romans had accomplished the task than they could read in the accounts of ancient authors, which lacked technical detail. The sight of blocks far from quarries astonished travellers, as Texier reported in 1862, but they did not know how they got there: “de voir dans des bassins entourés de tous côtés par des montagnes, des ruines si étendues avec des monuments de marbre, des blocs d’un poids incalculable, et transportés de régions aujourd’hui tout à fait ignorées.”[79] For the movement of any objects heavier than could be supported by an animal’s back, we find archaeologists toward the end of the nineteenth century building their own carts even for short distances; constructing or repairing short stretches of road – and writing down all the steps they took to celebrate what was indeed an achievement. Indeed, transporting heavy objects to Europe, and congratulating themselves on the feat, is the mirror image of the Romans moving immense column-shafts great distances over land and sea: to repeat, part of the prestige lies in the transport difficulties overcome. The restrictions on long-distance travel in large swathes of Asia Minor certainly kept large quantities of museum-quality antiquities safe from export for several centuries because they simply could not be transported. Unfortunately, of course, this did not mean that material left in place would survive the attentions of the local villagers. All-Weather Roads versus Railways From the above it is easy to see that Roman roads were of little practical use by the nineteenth century; and even late in that century there was little impulsion to develop all-weather roads in Anatolia. For although carts were used (generally pulled by bullocks), the revival of long-distance trade was over the backs of camel-trains, some over a thousand animals



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strong. Moustier writes in 1864 that there were no ancient roads still in use,[80] for these were evidently degraded by the nineteenth century. As an extension of the circular geometry already noted explaining the relationship between camels, roads and tracks, we can now add another element, namely the introduction of railways which, counter-intuitively for Westerners, actually held back rather than pushed forward the construction of roads. This strange and retrograde step generated by such newly-introduced technology is accurately characterised by Vital Cuinet who, in the 1890s, produced 3900 pages in five volumes on the administrative geography and statistics of Turkey.19 He notes (without references) that the first Ottoman sultans kept Roman roads in good condition, and built others – but then that the construction of railways in Asia Minor preceded that of modern roads, affirming that there were no modern roads in Asia Minor before the railways arrived: La construction des chemins de fer a précédé, en Turquie, celle des routes ordinaires ou chaussées. / Les premiers sultans ottomans ne s’étaient pas bornés à entretenir en bon état les voies romaines et autres qu’ils avaient trouvées en pays conquis . . . On peut citer notamment la route militaire de Constantinople à Bagdad . . . Toutefois, depuis bien des années, on ne voit que quelques fragments de tant de magnifiques travaux, et il est exact de dire qu’il n’existait pas de routes en Turquie lors de la concession du premier tronçon de chemin de fer.[81]

The railway was seen by some as a magic remedy to leapfrog the lack of roads, and this was recognised by the 1870s, when Geary notes that “when that country is teeming with natural wealth which only awaits the means of transport to enrich Government and people, it is not likely that a railway once made will lack goods and passengers.”[82] Unfortunately, the railways destroyed (if temporarily) any economic balance, for they undercut the economics of camel transport on the one hand, and the prompt development of modern roads on the other. Added to the mix and creating further tensions was westernisation. Largely a nineteenth-century phenomenon,20 this also affected where railways and roads were first built – that is, funnelled to ports and along routes of interest to Western commerce, industry and armed forces.

19 Arnaud 2008: Cuinet’s valuable text was republished in 2002, and translated into Turkish. 20 Murphey 1999 for the debate; Austin 1878 for instances of underdevelopment.

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Unfortunately, there was little firm control from the centre, and this lack of oversight was a debilitating feature that also affected transport construction, for it allowed con-men to start roads and then abandon them, to the profit only of the agent, as Lane-Poole relates in 1888: “I strove in vain to open the Sultan’s eyes on this subject. Once at my suggestion he sent one of his ministers to open a carriage-road from Trebizond to the Persian frontier. The work had scarcely begun when it was abandoned, and its only results were a job of some profit to the agent and the leaving a wide field of lucrative commerce open to Russian enterprize.”[83] Even as late as 1924, “It is a significant fact that the only roads in Anatolia today fit for motor traffic in wet weather are those constructed by Turkey’s enemies during their periods of military occupation, by the Greeks in the west and by the Russians in the north-west.”[84] Because of the lack of sealed roads, even moving along the flat was difficult. At Miletus, for example, Rayet in 1874 had great difficulty in getting two statues from the necropolis to the site of Miletus, in driving rain and across a sea of mud. Fearing to be cut off from Smyrna, and suffering from fever, he left to spend the winter in Athens,[85] which was by now a comfortingly European city. Didyma was so huge a problem that Rayet decided he could not clear the site. Indeed it took him a month of effort (including a week of working at night as well) simply to get material from Miletus and Heraclea to the river, and from Didyma the 5 kilometres to a little bay. This was a road constructed specially for this work, at the end of which they had to construct a quay. He had pulleys and cables, and a crane made from local wood – but some of the blocks weighed three tons, the crane on the quay broke, and they nearly lost the boat when a block dropped into it.[86] At Ephesus, Wood had a cart which carried two tons, and was drawn by sailors – but the railway station at Ayasoluk was very close.[87] Of course, the Romans had cranes,21 but later centuries in the east perhaps did not. Water Essential for Transporting Heavy Objects The poor state of any roads had an impact on antiquities, which generally could only be moved if they were near water, or could be rolled downhill. Yet even roads could be needed for this: Assos was on a hill, 21 Kretzschmer 1978, 22–30 for building, including various types of cranes at figs 34–43.



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and the sea underneath, but a road had to be constructed when blocks which could not simply be rolled down the hill were robbed out in the 1870s for constructions at Constantinople. As Clarke notes in 1881, “At the time of Mr. Abbot’s visit, in November, 1864, a work of systematic destruction was going on. The Turkish Government were employing a considerable detachment of soldiers to displace and carry from the ruins the largest and best hewn stones . . . The work was undertaken as though all the remains of the city were to be carried away; a road was built down the most regular declivity of the hill for the transport of the stones upon rough sledges, so that the making of a way for the reliefs taken from the Acropolis by the present expedition was greatly facilitated.”[88] Wood says these included the marble seats of the theatre, for a “large palace,”[89] but without providing further details. Because of transportation problems, colossal statues could survive precisely because they were too large to move easily. This was the case with one seen by Poujoulat at Laodicea, far from the sea, in 1840.[90] Three fragmentary ones found near to Claros in 1925, but one was part-built into a Turkish wall,[91] just as was the torso of colossal statue of Aphrodite in a Byzantine wall south of the church at Aphrodisias.22 Several fragments have been found at Perge.23 And near Ankara, colossal statues were supposedly found in the vaulted substructure of a temple in the later eighteenth century, when refurbishment of the church on top was in progress;[92] what were presumably the relicts of these disappeared in an accidental fire.[93] But such large statues did not usually survive complete: at Sardis, Butler suggests that hands and heads of such statues were broken off for the kilns.[94] This seems likely, since workmen mutilated capitals there for the same purpose, knocking off the decoration and leaving the unwieldy main block behind.[95] In populated centres such statues could fare very badly. Side, distant from any large town, and a nest of corsairs since the tenth century,24 had antiquities near-intact in Beaufort’s day, but also columnshafts littering the seashore waiting to be taken off by ship,[96] and the remains of an ancient harbour, apparently dismantled and the blocks used for a later wall.[97] Inland, even just a few miles, many more antiquities survived, as Fellows remarked.[98] Further along the same coast, 22 Peschlow 1997, 132: Wann waren die Anhänger der heidnischen Kulte in eine Minderheitenrolle gedrängt, dass sie dieses Vorhaben nicht mehr verhindern konnten? 23 Delemen 2011. 24 Planhol 1958, 84.

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Beaufort also noted a dearth of marble, especially columns, and suggested they had been carried off to nearby Cyprus.[99] And Sagalassos, still not very easy to reach, is described as near-perfect by Arundell in 1834.[100] Useful marble certainly went further, witness the slab from Iasos found on Mount Athos,[101] where the Vatopedi had some large and impressive shafts in 1830,[102] and Lucas saw several domed churches supported on splendid columns.[103] Yet on the west coast, the trading prosperity and size of Smyrna ensured its early loss of high-quality monuments, some no doubt shipped out as ballast. As Arundell noted in 1834, “the convenience of transporting them, and the number of investigators, have exhausted the mine; it is therefore not at all wonderful, that of the stoas and temples, the very ruins are vanished.”[104] Although the city has never been extensively dug,[105] the splendour of Antioch was well known, being proclaimed by Libanius (b. 314).25 According to Mas’udi, some but not all columns from a church there went to building the Umayyad Mosque at Damascus, travelling part of the way by sea.[106] Presumably the “belles antiquitez & ruines” that Stochove saw at Antioch in 1643 had by then disappeared,[107] for by 1835 the city was “un immense sépulcre vide,”[108] although Chesneau in 1547 wrote (incorrectly) that her walls were of marble.[109] At other sites as well, we may be certain that large quantities of ruins remained in their heaps to await the tender mercies of archaeologists, since travellers had not the means at their disposal to ferret amongst them, lacking the lifting devices necessary to move large blocks.[110] The same applied to locals, some of whom evidently had no knowledge of or interest in lifting mechanics, even when a good tip was in prospect, and preferred to sit down and smoke a cigarette before condescending to dig the odd hole: “puis déclarent qu’elles sont trop lourdes, s’asseyent dessus et roulent des cigarettes. Nos protestations se brisent contre cette nonchalance olympienne, une demi-heure s’écoule, puis, à force d’injures, on tombe d’accord. Des trous sont creusés, et nous déchiffrons quelques dédicaces.”[111] A good harbour once existed at Alexandria Troas, south of Canakkale.26 It was the most convenient landing point in the Troad, for the continuing and popular game of find-the-site-of-Troy,27 where the ruins on the 25 Norman 2000, with plenty of references to the monuments and their splendour. 26 Cf. http://www.philipharland.com/travel/TravelJewettTroas.pdf: The Troas project: investigating maritime and land routes to clarify the rôle of Alexandria Troas in Commerce and Religion. 27 Cook 1973; 14–51 for maps and examination of the many travellers’ accounts; 198–204 for Alexandria Troas; Grell 1981 47 for the division between “les ‘illustrateurs de textes’ d’une part, de l’autre les ‘chercheurs de vérité’ ”.



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plain could (perversely) “prove” Homer, rather than vice versa.[112] The Troad was an easy stopping-off point before going up the Dardanelles, so it was by the later eighteenth century part of the standard antiquarian milk-run, hence a lot is known about the continuing destruction of this large city, and travellers can lament just how much material disappeared in the first half of the nineteenth century, and almost measure the losses.[113] Alexandria Troas was known as “Old Istanbul” not least because so many of its monuments were dismantled and shipped there, conceivably beginning well before the Ottoman takeover of Cconstantinople,[114] and in full swing by the 1730s.[115] Certainly, it was so well-stocked with marble monuments that much still remained in the sixteenth century.[116] In 1544, Maurand saw what might have been one of the harbours, with antiquities in the water.[117] In 1668 Fermanel claimed to be able to make out the layout of its streets and public squares,[118] and there were plenty of antiquities to hammer to pieces and cart away.[119] De la Motraye saw barges loading antiquities there in 1710.[120] But presumably the marble veneer all went early because unlike column-shafts, no trace remains. Fashioning projectiles from columns and other antiquities at Alexandria Troas was probably a cottage industry for the nearby villages,[121] as was stripping huge buildings there. The baths, known as the Palace of Priam,[122] of which walls and porticoes were standing in 1615,[123] was later known as the Gymnasium.28 There was plenty to strip, according to Spon and Wheler’s 1679 account, thanks to its prodigious quantities of blocks of marble: “Ce bâtiment étoit presque tout de marbre, & les murailles ont douze pieds d’épaisseur. Au devant de ces arcades, qui paroissent avoir soûtenu une voûte, il y a une si prodigieuse quantité de quartiers de marbre entassez les uns sur les autre, qu’on peut aisément juger par là de la hauteur & de la beauté de ce Palais.”[124] Tourists in Constantinople were told it was the source of some of the mosque materials,[125] and its relicts also ended up on adjacent islands, such as Scio.[126] By 1833, apart from the baths, the site was mostly rubble, and substructures, where “les troupeaux et les brigands viennent tour à tour chercher une retraite.”[127] Here Fellows reports in 1839 “hundreds” of columns at the port, and they “bristle among the waves to a considerable distance out at sea. A wall or pier also stands out in the sea, under water, causing breakers, which show its situation.

28 Smith 1979 23 for history of its dismantling; plates IV–VI for earlier views of the extent of the structure’s remains; 48–49 for a list of the earlier descriptions of the structure, which the author must perforce use because there is so little left.

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The harbour is now shrunk to two small salt-water lakes.”[128] By 1912 this artificial harbour was silted up at its mouth, a lagoon “surrounded by a few weathered and crumbling remains of great quays, with granite pillars still standing at intervals around it to serve as moorings for the ships which once thronged the harbour.”[129] Antiquities of outstanding size naturally caught travellers’ attention. In 1785 numerous shafts lay around the harbour, perhaps awaiting a ship, but more likely too heavy to be easily loaded.[130] (Lechevalier pondered whether the masses of shafts clogging up Alexandria harbour were part of the same trade).[131] In 1801 Oliver saw two especially large ones, one of them broken,[132] and presumably not the same as the genuine whopper (37’8”) that Clarke measured[133] in 1814, or the fifty-footer that Laurent saw on the shore in 1821.[134] Near Alexandria Troas, Fellows found a thirty-eight footer column (a different one from Clarke’s?), and traced in the nearby quarry a similar one, not fully detached from its bed.[135] (These measurements are retained in the feet and inches in which they were written down.) Turner measures a shorter one in the city itself.[136] Over a century before, Spon and Wheler had seen yet more,[137] so in the meantime they had been carted off, or perhaps turned into cannon balls. Elsewhere in the Troad, large but not enormous shafts still lie in their quarries.29 Antiquities, Modern Towns and Immigrants It was especially dangerous for marble-rich ruins to lie close to a modern and growing town, or available to it by water. This can easily be illustrated from travellers’ descriptions – but of course most of the plundering occurred when foreigners were not there to witness it, so any dating is always uncertain. Hierapolis, near Denizli, was still rich in marble antiquities until the mid-nineteenth century. In 1775 Chandler describes the theatre, of which part of the scenae frons was still standing: “In the heap, which lies in confusion, are many sculptures well executed in basso-relievo; with pieces of architrave inscribed, but disjointed; or so encumbered with massive marbles, that we could collect from them no information.”[138] In other words, the piles of blocks were dangerous or difficult to move without machinery. In 1840, Poujoulat remarked on the large quantity of 29 Schunz 2000, for Neandreia in the Troad: pl. 31–3–4 for near-finished shaft in the SW quarry; pl. 28–9 for similar.



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columns he saw lying around, with an infinity of handsome capitals: “Je me contenterai de mentionner quinze piédestaux rangés en file à l’ouest du grand théâtre. Autour de ces piédestaux gisent d’énormes colonnes de forme oblongue et une infinité de chapiteaux corinthiens d’un beau style.”[139] But Cochran in 1887 saw tell-tale signs of vigorous scavenging at this site, with little left beside chips of marble: “There is no doubt still a vast quantity of marble lying about, but it is mostly in the form of worthless chips – sure traces of the spoiler – fragments of pilasters and broken sections of columns, with scarcely any carvings except a few maimed and worthless specimens lying on or half-buried in the heaps of rubbish with which the whole area is strewn.”[140] We may assume that the material in the theatre continued to be left alone because it was too dangerous to attempt shifting it. Since so many easily accessible spolia were available around the site, the survival of at least some elements of the theatre scenae frons, still to be seen today, is not surprising. We may also assume that because of the same abundance few people in the nineteenth century bothered digging, this suggested by the plentiful below-ground remains, deposited in caches and discovered during recent excavations.30 In one sense, therefore, this site, still impressive today, was undressed by scavengers, for the beautifying marble blocks have gone, leaving only dour skeletons behind. Were some of the plentiful monumental tombs also once marble-clad? Another feature of antiquities consumption in Asia Minor as elsewhere in the Ottoman Empire was the transfer of populations, who were often left to shift as best they could in their new settled location – which sometimes meant using antiquities for building. Here it was the population that was transported, rather than the antiquities. The immigrants then built their own houses and, as Contenson reported at Membedj in 1901, sometimes built them completely from antiquities.[141] In 1911 Bell still saw demolitions occurring at Hierapolis,[142] in this instance due to the building activities of resettled Circassians. She saw the same ­activies by yet more Circassian immigrants on the plateau between Konya and Diyarbekir,[143] contributing to banditry[144] as well as depletion of the stock of antiquities. But since they arrived without any infrastructure to support them, let alone housing, it is not surprising that they helped deplete antiquities, for example at Mersin, where they arrived by sea from Russia.[145] At Sebastopolis in 1900, Cumont came across them building a 30 Semeraro 2007, figs 14, 39, 40, 49.

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bath and a mosque and, nearby, a Christian cemetery being quarried for materials, including funerary stelai which would be sold: “à cinq minutes de là, sur la rive gauche du Tchekerek-Irmak, est un vieux cimetière chrétien que ces Circassiens, gens industrieux, exploitent comme carrière. Ils vont en vendre au loin les dalles funéraires, et c’est de là que proviennent, vous assura-t-on, les épitaphes byzantines qui ont été copiées par nos prédécesseurs ou par nous à Zileh.”[146] Ancient Bridges in Anatolia Only a handful of intact Roman stone bridges survive in Asia Minor31 so when seen, as at Aezani, they were noted.[147] (The Romans probably built large numbers of easily constructed wooden bridges here, later replaced).32 But plentiful examples of road, bridge and milestone disposition survived into the 1890s in under-populated areas, as Hogarth notes: “No sooner, however, does the traveller emerge from the Kuru Chai Pass into the valley of the Saros, than the old road appears visible to his eyes as a low embankment running over smooth and rough ground, now lost in a marsh or broken by a torrent’s bed but soon found again; ruined bridges mark the points where it crossed the river; groups of milestones lie embedded by the track, or stand in wayside graveyards; and hardly a village in the valleys of the Saros or Gyuk Su does not possess some records of the Roman road-makers.”[148] Travellers were naturally interested in bridges, since they were either a convenience or a necessity depending on the depth of water; and hence we are well informed about the many early bridges in ruins, sometimes patched with antiquities or more usually with wood, or replaced by a rickety wooden structure. Even near Smyrna, they were not looked after.[149] Ancient bridges well on the way to collapsing were also to be seen, as for example on the shores of Marmara.[150] An ancient bridge near Bursa was observed high-and-dry in 1829, for the river had altered its course and no other bridge built;[151] nevertheless, it fared better than a marble bridge in Athens, thrown into the lime kilns by 1802.[152] Hogarth’s bemoaning the lack of bridges was the general experience,

31 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Roman_bridges_in_Turkey; O’Connor 1993, 63–131 for masonry bridges. 32 O’Connor 1993, 132: “stone bridges were likely to be second- or third-generation structures, built to replace earlier crossings, constructed in a stable environment, with access to adequate and known resources and a developed infrastructure.”



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vouchsafed by many travellers, who frequently had to take small boats to ferry them across the rivers, since the bridge (if any) was in ruins. At the Maeander, Tromelin found a boat pulled by vines rather than rope, a crossing that led directly to a marble causeway.[153] At the Halys even in 1903 a punt was used: “for the route has fallen into utter decay and has been abandoned by wheeled traffic. The Roman road was doubtless provided with a bridge, but no traces of it were to be seen.”[154] There must have been ancient stone bridges to Apollonia, but in 1872 Perrot crossed the lake in a boat, because the wooden bridge had lost its middle sections and not been repaired.[155] Some of the antiquities had surely gone into local villages, as well as into the khan at Lopadi/Ulubat,[156] where Tournefort had found many antiquities in 1700, “but all broken and much abus’d.”[157] Repairing Ancient Bridges with Spolia If it might seem obvious to us that stone bridges should be repaired in stone, in a land of plentiful wood this was not frequently the case unless the materials were conveniently to hand. As with houses, it is conceivable that local knowledge preferred wood to stone repairs as more likely to survive the frequent earthquakes. Roman bridges meant Roman roads and often flanking structures in stone that could be reused for repair. Examples are as follows, listed alphabetically: Adana: an inscription on the only remaining work of antiquity – Hadrian’s bridge – had disappeared by the 1850s.[158] Aezani: here the quay parapets by the Ryndacus in 1842 were still “ornés de figures de très-bon goût,”[159] and were no doubt left alone for two reasons: the villagers needed the Roman bridges to cross from one part of their village to the other; and there were plenty of other spolia laying around, without destroying something that was actually useful. And in the 1840s, the bridges had lost no more than their parapets.[160] Amasia: in 1861 Collignon describes houses and wooden bridges, and a Byzantine bridge built from spolia, including bases, column-shafts and cornices: “plusieurs ponts de bois, un pont de pierre qui remonte sans doute à l’époque byzantine, tout construit qu’il est avec des débris antiques, des bases et des fûts de colonne, des fragmens de corniches.”[161] Ankara: a Roman bridge approached by a Roman road outside Ankara, which Van Lennep crossed after visiting an Armenian monastery – but the parapet had been damaged because it was “once united with iron or brass ties, which the barbarians have carried off.”[162]

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Ankara/Dorylaeum road: Ramsay found one on this road, where an inscription of 579 suggested either the restoration of an older bridge, or a new bridge built with old blocks;[163] and in a possible sideswipe at reuse of spolia, he noted that the ability to build sophisticated bridges “already prevailed in the highlands of Asia Minor before the middle of the sixth century B.C.”[164] Apollonia: the lake and river near Apollonia: at Ulubat/Lopadi in 1700– 1702 Tournefort saw an ancient bridge next to a wooden one: “We pass’d it at Lopadi upon a wooden Bridge, to the Left of which are the Ruins of an antient Stone-Bridge, which appears to have been well built.”[165] Boli: In 1818 Kinneir crossed the Sangarius at Boli on a patched structure, this section “built, as appears from an inscription at one end of it, by Sultan Bayazed or Bajazet. The middle arch having given way to the force of the current, a few loose beams had been thrown across the breach for the accommodation of travellers.”[166] These were still there when Moustier crossed it in 1862.[167] Cayster: Anderson found an inscription by chance in 1897 when detouring to a bridge over the Cayster: “Standing loosely on the parapet of this bridge we found a marble block with the following inscription . . .”[168] Near Ephesus, Tournefort crossed a bridge built from antiquities: “This River, which is very swift, runs under a Bridge built with antique Marbles, and turns some Mills.”[169] Comana: the ancient bridge has an inscription, but any antiquities round about have been carried off for use in the adjacent cemetery, as Anderson writes in 1903: “As if to label the site and rescue the memory of the holy city from oblivion, the builders of the bridge have inserted in the nearest arch two inscriptions bearing the city name. The mound itself is overgrown with grass and weeds, and there is nothing to be seen on it but some late ruins . . . Hard by there is a cemetery containing many marble blocks, all refaced or re-cut; in the middle of it rises a turbe to mark the sanctity attaching to the place.”[170] Ené: In the Troad, Lechevalier in 1802 noted a wooden bridge supported on granite columns;[171] but then, Ené was itself rich in reused antiquities.[172] Gazioura: Make-and-mend with spolia was probably common: “the bridge carrying the Zela road over the river is full of pillars, moulded pieces, Christian stones with crosses and rosettes, and other blocks. But inscriptions are to seek.”[173] Laodicea: The bridge Fellows saw near Laodicea was of uncemented stones, and therefore presumably ancient; but it had been “shaken



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apart,”[174] he suggests by an earthquake – and no attempt had been made to repair it. Magnesia: here the Hermus river had a wooden bride, but its piles were stone, presumably ancient ones: “It runs half a league distant from Magnesia under a Bridge of Wood, supported by Piles of Stone.”[175] Magnopolis: a bridge across the Iris in Pontus, near Magnopolis, where cornices, moulded blocks, and an ornamental cross showed how frequently it had been repaired with antiquities. Anderson describes it in 1903: “The bridge is now represented by the two abutments and four piers, all so much and so frequently restored that it is impossible to conclude what the original structure was like . . . In the restorations cornice pieces and moulded blocks have been freely utilised, and the present appearance of one of the abutments shows that the bridge was arched at least in late times.”[176] Missis/Mopsuestia: Kotschy came across a dilapidated Turkish bridge in 1862, patched up with wood: “Die Brücke selbst ist in der Zeit der Chalifen gebaut. Sie beateht aus neun Bogen, von denen seit mehr als 100 Jahren zwei eingefallen und nur durch ein Holz-gerüst ersetzt sind.”[177] Silting was perhaps a problem here: digging to a depth of 6 metres brought up a sarcophagus, witnessed by Esmé Scott-Stevenson.[178] Nicomedia: If a cemetery lay nearby, then the bridge was repaired with stelai, sometimes figured. Dallaway writes of Nicomedia in 1797: “At a small bridge we discovered a stone set upside down, with an inscription, which gives a pleasing instance of conjugal attachment; and in a field a little farther, the lid of a sarcophagus, richly sculptured, and very large.”[179] Sebaste: here a Byzantine relief finds a prominent place in a Seljuk bridge to the west.[180] Sidamaria: (Anbar, souther Lycaonia), a Roman monument has been used to build both the bridge and the adjacent cemetery.[181] Silifke: here, by the later nineteenth century, the bridge had been built with many of the antiquities of the town, by enterprising Greek engineers who vacuumed up remaining antique materials: “Les maisons nouvelles qui s’élèvent chaque jour à Sélefkeh et le beau pont construit sur l’Ermének-Sou par des ingénieurs grecs ont beaucoup contribué à la disparition des ruines de l’ancienne Séleucie.”[182] In the fifteenth century, however, many more antiquities had been standing there,[183] so we can assume that at least some of them went into bridge and house construction. By the end of the nineteenth century, the theatre was no more than

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a depression in the ground, Graeco-Roman remains were gone – and only a few Byzantine relicts survived.[184] Road to Sevrihissar: Tchihatchef saw an ancient bridge in Galatia in 1854, near Tchandyr on the Sangarius, built out of spolia, but does not suggest how old it might have been, although he mentions its columnshafts and blocks: “A deux heures au nord-ouest de Tchandyr, sur la route même qui conduit à Sévrihissar, on voit un beau puits antique autour duquel se trouvent beaucoup de tronçons de colonnes et de fragments de pierres équarries; il est d’une profondeur considérable: une corde de trente mètres de longueur n’atteignit point le fond.”[185] In 1772, Pococke had described a cemetery on this route, rich in antiquities.[186] Near Smyrna: Chandler notes a Roman bridge with a capital in a pier as a repair, perhaps in late Antiquity: “vestiges of an ancient bridge, of which the piers were rebuilt, or repaired, before its final ruin; and in one of them is a maimed Corinthian capital.”[187] Tach-keupru (near Pompeopolis): a location which gave its name to the bridge, of marble blocks: “(pont de pierre) doit son nom actuel au beau pont antique, en blocs de marbre, jeté sur sa rivière. C’est un reste de l’ancienne ville de Pompéiopolis-Paphlagoniae, nommée d’abord Lupatoria.” It is usually difficult to know how long stone bridges lasted, and when they were restored, although toponyms might sometimes help – as Cuinet records in this instance.[188] This is the same bridge across the Kara Su (a source of the Euphrates) traversed by Kinneir in 1818: “a handsome stone bridge, built of broken columns, blocks of marble and remnants of architraves.”[189] Tachna: another Seljuk bridge, with three ancient inscriptions built into it.[190] Thermopylae: two inscriptions were seen reused in a bridge at Thermopylae, but misinterpreted. They were, the locals said, the tombstones of the builder’s sister and a eunuch, both sacrificed to calm the torrent.[191] Troad: In the district of Troas, Clarke was told in 1801 of a three-arch bridge that had recently been built with materials from the ruins.[192] Causeways and water technology: Given the large number of maeandering rivers and boggy marshlands in Asia Minor (some due to lack of river maintenance and land drainage), it is not surprising that causeways were necessarily constructed. The locals did not repair the ways through marshes, or the bridges, and these simply continued to degrade, as Callier complained in 1835: “Ces marais sont traversés par des chaussées et des ponts en mauvais état, et que la negligence naturelle des habitans laisse



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se dégrader tous les jours.”[193] These pathways were sometimes built up using antiquities, as Tournefort discovered on his way to Smyrna, wherein “over a fine Causey of about a quarter of a league long, in which they have used a great many antique Marbles and Jaspers.”[194] Tournefort put the length at a quarter of a league (perhaps 1 kilometre – the measurement is rubbery). Van Egmont describes what might be the same causeway in the early eighteenth century: “The road to it from the city is along a stone causeway, or bridge, half an hour in length, across a large morass, lying before the city, and among the stones of this causeway are several fragments of pillars. We passed the river Hermus over a bridge of seven very large piers, having all the marks of great antiquity, but the upper part of the bridge is only planks laid on these piers.”[195] Galt describes another one, also antiquities-rich, on the plain of Ephesus.[196] Once built, and their necessity well-proved, causeways had to be maintained, sometimes by reusing antiquities, as with the causeway at Kirkuoslu, and some 500 metres in length.33 Perhaps the pavings in an island in the Latmic Gulf near Miletus, if Cousin is writing literally,[197] were also a response to increasingly waterlogged ground. Layard found a causeway/bridge near Aksehir in 1839, which he believed was built out of marble from Synnada: “A bridge, or rather causeway, as we were now in a marshy country, at Bobovaden was almost entirely constructed with such remains, all of which had probably been brought from Synnada.”[198] In 1869 Tchihatchef describes the “vast marshes” near Sultan Khan, and traces of Roman pavement and architectural fragments, perhaps the repaired remains of a Roman road, the slabs of which were the only way to cross it. And this a region once prosperous and flourishing, which se couvre de vastes marais, à travers lesquels percent çà et là les calcaires lacustres; on franchit ces surfaces spongieuses à l’aide de nombreuses dalles, qui forment une espèce de pavé solide et ne sont probablement que les restes d’une ancienne route romaine, tels qu’on en voit sur plus d’un point de ces déserts, aujourd’hui si inhospitaliers et si peu propres à servir d’habitation à l’homme, mais qui jadis nourrissaient une nombreuse et florissante population, ainsi que le démontrent jusqu’à l’évidence les frag-

33 Drew-Bear 1985, 66–70 for editors’ assessment of the Seljuk/Ottoman causeway bridge called by Pullinger Kirkuoslu, some two miles S of Bolvadin, and containing some antiquities from Roman and Byzantine sites nearby. But the inscriptions reused therein have disappeared. Editors reckon some of the ancient blocks were put there in 16th-century repair work.

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Nineteenth-Century Degradation of Justinian’s Sangarius Bridge This ancient limestone bridge was progressively damaged in the course of the nineteenth century. With seven main and five subsidiary arches to cope with overflow, this bridge was no less than 430 metres long, over the Sangarius/Sakaria River. Up to the 1830s, it was ornamented with a triumphal arch on the lake (Sabandja) side, which perhaps disappeared into the farm buildings now nearby. By 1862 when Moustier saw the bridge, the triumphal arch had completely disappeared; but he noted what he took to be a chapel at the other end with a niche – “un monument en forme de demi-coupole ou de niche.”[200] The bridge bore a proud Greek inscription which has not itself survived, but has been relayed: “Thou too, along with proud Hesperia and the Median peoples and all barbarian hordes, Sangarios, whose tempestuous course is broken by these arches, thus by the sovereign’s hand hast been enslaved. Once impassable by ships, once untamed, dost thou now lie in shackles of unbending stone.” But by the mid-1870s only fragments of the “chapel” remained, for many of the stones had been filched to build a mill: “le pont fut défiguré il y a dix ans par un pacha en quête de pierres pour un Moulin,” wrote Choisy. He put survival thus far down only to the strength of the Roman mortar rather than to any antiquarian restraint, for the blocks were very difficult to dismantle, and the government was jealous of its building stock: “dix hommes en un jour n’arrachaient pas leur pierre. L’administration turque ne vous cédera pas (du moins officiellement) un moellon de ses vieux édifices, mais ses agents les débiteront sans scrupule pour en faire des moulins.”[201] Destruction continued up to the present: Whitby reports that “its fabric is generally in good condition apart from the destruction of a short section of the causeway near its eastern end to permit the passage of the branch railway line to Adapazar.”34 Presumably, although the Sangarius is now some 3 kilometres distant, and the bridge now spans only a small stream, had the bed been dry, there might have been little compunction about dismantling the bridge to yield construction materials for the railway.

34 Whitby 1985, 129.



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Repairing Ancient Bridges with Wood Even in areas teeming with antiquities, it was not unusual, as we have seen, to find stone bridges repaired with wood, suggesting either an abundance of wood, or even a lack of local skills for working in stone. Again, it was far from unusual to come across the ruins of a stone (usually Roman) bridge, with a more recent wooden one beside it. Laborde noted one such over the Rhyndacus, where wooden props replaced solid stone, for “rien n’annonce mieux la décadence d’un État et sa misère que ces charpentes fragiles, substituées aux constructions solides.”[202] Fuller crossed one such near Mohalitsch in 1829;[203] and, as already noted, Lechevalier saw one wooden bridge in the Troad, supported on granite columns.[204] Spon and Wheler had passed over a similar contraption near Nicaea in 1679;[205] and they entered Nicaea – itself so rich in antiquities – over a wooden bridge next to the ruins of a stone one.[206] One apparently widespread problem was a certain lassitude in repairing stone bridges, except with wood, as Laborde found near Gueuvé, on the Sangarius. This had been devastated in an earthquake, but was then only patched up with wood: “on dit qu’un tremblement de terre a causé ce désastre il y a quarante ans, et depuis quarante ans, on n’a pas trouvé d’autre remède que d’y suppléer par quelques planches à moitié vermoulues”[207] – so perhaps experience did indeed teach that wooden repairs survived earthquakes. Hamilton crossed such a bridge on the Tokat Su in 1842: “At the foot of the hill were the remains of a bridge apparently of Roman construction: the two extreme arches were perfect, the centre had been destroyed and subsequently repaired with wood. It is called Gumenek Keupri, and the place itself Gumenek.”[208] This was in spite of all the antiquities lying near, which could surely have been used to patch the structure. This had indeed happened for a bridge at Ghediz, where “among the stones of which the bridge is built are the fragments of two very fine white marble statues.”[209] New Post-Antique Bridges So were any stone bridges built after Roman times in Turkey? Yes, and even in Asia Minor35 – but more were built in the European parts. John 35 Culpan 1975, 238–240 for a list of bridges mentioned by travellers and archaeologists, with references; 241–243 for list of 92 Ottoman bridges, many in Asia Minor, with dates; #33 bridge at Aksehir, surely with Roman blocks.

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Covell, sometime chaplain in the embassy at Constantinople and eventually Master of Christ’s College Cambridge, was widely travelled in Asia Minor. Going to Adrianople, at locations called Ponte Piccolo and Ponte Grande, he found ruins of a succession of four wooden bridges, now replaced by stone.[210] In Asia Minor, near Antioch, one ancient bridge survives because an Ottoman water mill was built on top of it.[211] And occasionally, a new bridge was built on top of a Roman one, as Leake reported on the road from Dashashehir to Stavros.[212] But on the Cayster, Sinan’s bridge obliterated the Roman one, reusing at least some of its materials.[213] This must have been a common occurrence, the reused materials generally invisible. In the Xanthus valley, Hoskyn reports in 1842 on a stone bridge built at the beginning of the century,[214] presumably reusing antiquities from the surrounding sites, such as Tlos. Milestones Milestones, depending on their size, were an important element in the ancient road network, and sometimes were proof-positive that an ancient site had been located, or was nearby. French has catalogued 993 of them, and it is clear from his maps that they have survived best in little-populated and mountainous areas.36 Such “written pillars” as locals sometimes called them, were evidently in demand, and carried off from their original location for rebuilding,[215] or to serve as grave-markers,[216] one town collecting about a score of them,[217] another twenty-six.[218] It also seems that in some instances the milestones were not moved, and the later cemetery located itself by a Roman road.[219] At the village of Kutchuk-guzel, near Purkh (Pontus), Grégoire himself dug up some marble acanthus leaves from a Corinthian capital, and gave a catalogue of antique débris he discovered in the village, which included two milestones as well as two tall marble columns: “dans beaucoup de maisons du village sont conservées des antiquités: citons deux tronçons de colonne en brèche (poudingue rouge et blanc), deux belles colonnes de marbre, absolument intactes, de 2m35 de hauteur et de 0m40 de diamètre, de nombreuses monnaies romaines, des croix en relief, un fragment de corniche, un fragment de

36 French 1988: Map 3 inland of Korykos. Map 12 inland of Samsun, Map 4 N. of Ankara. i: “the decision not to indicate on the maps the existing information concerning the course of Roman roads has been difficult.”



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sarcophage; enfin, et c’est le détail le plus important, deux tronçons de colonne milliaire prouvant que la chaussée antique, qui partait de Purkh, passait bien par ici.”[220] And since milestones were indeed markers, and their original location usually known, scholars could sometimes estimate just how far they had been carried for reuse from their original location.[221] But stone milestones were a Roman device, and Hogarth surmises that the Byzantines generally used wood.[222] Modern Roads, Poor Technology One problem in the development of a wide-flung commercial economy was, of course, the inadequacy of the road system, underlined by Schoenberg for parts of the region as late as the 1970s.[223] As culprits for this state of affairs, Tchihatchef in 1850 points the finger at Turkish engineers, conspicuous by their absence from road- and harbour-work. But, he notes in disgust, when one wanted to interdict passage through certain areas, the Turkish engineers could do this by the terrible roads they “built:” “les ingénieurs turcs ne sauraient employer de moyen plus efficace que d’y construire une route.”[224] Indeed, from 1845 the Turkish public works program encountered many problems in developing both railways and roads. In part this was because of competition from hardy hybrid camels which, unlike horses, could cope with the tracks; but also because the time taken to make good roads was much underestimated – and so construction proceeded slowly, with only 900 kilometres in place by 1881.37 More roads arrived early in the twentieth century, some from French investment,38 but Collignon was still emphasising the terra incognita nature and the difficult access in the last decades of the century.[225] However, he also came across some do-it-yourself Greeks east of Alanya, who built a road to help expedite their timber business.[226] The absence of Turkish engineers would later emphasise the usefulness of European engineers, who came to Asia Minor to build railways. Their eye for the landscape, and their earth-moving, made them useful for antiquarians, as we shall see. In France, Caylus’ great Recueil d’Antiquités (1752ff ) owed many of the objects and sites it illustrated not to its author

37 Tekeli and Ilkin 1996, 220–233. 38 Thobie 1993, 225 “Banque et entreprises françaises: la construction de routes dans l’Empire Ottoman 1909–1914.” Fig. 1 for listing, including distances, plus existing roads to be repaired: 2593 kilometres of new roads, 7705 kilometres of roads to be repaired.

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(who strayed abroad only briefly to Asia Minor and England) but to the engineers of the Ponts et Chaussées, from whom he solicited material, and who he thanks abundantly throughout his seven volumes.[227] Much time was obviously expended by such engineers on some of Caylus’ grand siteplans (he was especially interested in hill-forts);[228] from which we might deduce an altruistic interest in antiquity on the part of several of them. As we shall see in a later chapter, moving materials from far inland was predicated on roads or railways, such as the great sarcophagus found near Konya in 1902, and transported by rail to Maltepe, and thence by pontoon to Constantinople.[229] As a consequence, such “inland shifting” was reserved for flagship projects, in this case involving a prestigious museum. As already noted, embezzlement was a problem, roads being started, the money spirited away, and the project then abandoned,[230] which was just one inevitable part of a generally corrupt state.[231] For the roadbuilding was not properly supervised, and the villagers who had to build them in a resurrected corvée system had little interest in their sustained survival.[232] Hence roads led for two or three kilometres out of the towns, so that the Vali could be shown them as evidence of progress, although in fact such roads remained merely illusory chunks of unfulfilled promises: “on l’assure, en fort belles phrases, que les travaux sont activement poussés. Mais les choses en restent là, et qui sait entre quelles mains se fond l’argent destiné à l’achèvement de ces tronçons illusoires!”[233] Indeed, under the corvée system a villager had to work only so many days – and then come back next year if necessary to finish the job. Together with dodges such as the provision of inferior materials in insufficient quantities, this was not a happy situation for increasing the road supply in Asia Minor, although it was reckoned “the least burdensome and most productive method of taxing a poor and hardy population.”[234] It is of course difficult to assess just how restricting a lack of roads or traction power could be. One clue might be the Princesse de Belgiojoso’s seeing in 1858 a large number of cannon and projectiles between Tarsus and Konya, left after the last battle of Ibrahim Pasha a quarter-century beforehand. This was in a period when the Sultan was spending to increase his artillery, and the Princess reckoned that, like others elsewhere in Asia Minor, they would still be there: “je parierais bien que les canons et les projectiles d’Ibrahim-Pacha sont toujours où je les ai laissés; je ne doute même pas que sur d’autres points de l’Asie Mineure des débris du même genre ne jonchent en aussi grande quantité le sol.”[235] Whether or not the projectiles were of stone or iron, the guns were surely of iron, so why were they not gathered either for use or for recycling? Was it indifference



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(which Mitterand judged the greatest quality of a statesman), bad roads, or simply a lack of central organisation? Or perhaps it was banditry. Of course, roads were driven where it was easiest to go, and so modern roads follow and sometimes obliterate sections of the ancient way, as Fraser describes in 1909 in the Taurus, with the old road blasted away to make room for the new one. He judged that the high levels of the old road would have needed much substructure – and maintenance to support it, which was simply not available.[236] Hence modern road-making started slowly, Fellows suggesting in 1839 that the c.96 kilometres road from Istanbul to Ismid was the only one in the country, beautifully designed with “rails, barriers, bridges, and mile-posts,” but simply of beaten earth, and needing “the assistance of McAdam.”[237] Scott-Stevenson reports from Sarichek Khan (i.e. the Cilician Gates) that “the pass is supposed to commence here, and there is no other way across the mountains, because Ibrahim Pasha destroyed all the other roads, making them even impracticable for foot-passengers. This no doubt will account for the many thousands of camels we had seen the day before.”[238] We might wonder whether this was a commercial decision, for similar tactics certainly were employed, as when a Pasha built a 45-kilometre road from Mersin to Adana in the 1870s, which “has had a wonderful effect in developing the resources of the country through which it passes; the land is well cultivated, and the cultivators, having access to the port, have a market for their produce, and are thriving.”[239] Twenty-five years later it was at the end of the railway, but still sanded-up and inaccessible when the south wind blew: “bien qu’il soit ensablé et inabordable par les vents du S.”[240] Wheeled Traffic When in the twentieth century better, more durable roads were built, it was ironically by railway companies, to connect industrious towns with their railway stations, as Ramsay found near Antioch in 1908,[241] where the city walls were already being dismantled in 1840 to build barracks.[242] Before then there was little wheeled traffic. In 1837 Claridge celebrates the speed but not the comfort with which one could travel along one of the stretches of road to Bursa: “Four horses, attached to a small narrow waggon, without springs, gallop off with you at an incredible pace. The circumstance of one falling dead on the road from exhaustion, is treated as a matter of course.”[243] But this was indeed the exception, for wheeled traffic was scarce in Anatolia, and this in its turn helped the development of railways before it did roads, as we have seen. In parts of Greece, such

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as Larissa, wheeled carts existed,[244] but went on paths, since according to an anonymous source the only road in 1834 (– an exaggeration?) went from Naupflion to Mycenae,[245] no doubt because the land here is flat as a pancake for most of the way. The only alternative was to use excruciating ancient roads – “much broken up, and in some parts entire.”[246] Occasionally carts were in use in Asia Minor,[247] conceivably along sections of ancient roads; but presumably their presence is mentioned only because they were so rare, and this state of affairs continued into the twentieth century.[248] Thus even within one hour of Smyrna, the track was for mules and camels – but there was no road for carriages in 1830.[249] The usual conveyance, the araba, a four-wheeled cart pulled by horses or oxen, changed little from the time Ibn Battuta decribed one in the Crimea, pulled by bullocks or horses, and with four great (solid) wooden wheels.[250] They were much used for carting logs, sometimes in groups of thirty or forty.[251] Perrot in 1864 had reason to curse these jerky carriages, which easily stuck in mud. When he wished to transport Hittite reliefs from Euiuk some 150 kilometres to the coast, the local mayor said the carriages were not up to the task, so they had to make do with digging the reliefs out of the earth (which took a week) and photographing them.[252] Arabas travelled some 5 kilometres per hour, and were still in use in 1924.[253] Forget English carriages, advised Dallaway in 1797, and concentrate on the monuments: “The English tourist must endeavour to forget the luxurious conveyance he has left behind him, and will owe to the spirit with which he pursues the objects of this country, possessing on so many accounts a decided superiority over others, all the pleasure, and all the usefulness of his journey.”[254] Disused Ancient Ports on the West and South Coasts If bridges were often ramshackle and most roads in terrible condition, how did ports fare in comparison to ancient ports elsewhere in the Mediterranean?39 Not well, as we might expect. In addition to freighting with camels holding back the development of roads, as we have already seen, Dunn in 1905 pointed succinctly to the problems with ports and rivers that this section will discuss: “the making of public roads has been neglected for many centuries, and the only means of communication 39 Blackman 1982 for overview. We await the publication of Harbors and Harbour Cities in the Eastern Mediterranean from Antiquity to Byzantium, symposium, Istanbul 2011.



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has been by caravans of camels and mules. Most of the rivers and canals are too shallow for navigation.”[255] Anatolia’s rivers are now being studied, not before time, for this topic “n’a jamais été vraiment étudiée en profondeur.”40 To this Schoenberg adds that shipping was not in a good condition in the Ottoman Empire: “Even with non-Turks playing the major role in Turkish cabotage, the Ottoman Empire did not even rank among the top five in handling its own internal shipping.”[256] There is great disparity between the state of the ancient ports41 and rivers in Asia Minor and those further west and north. This can be illustrated by posing the question: how did marble found far from the sources of supply get to its destination in post-antique times? We find Bishop Macarius, writing in the middle of the seventeenth century, addressing exactly this question, working out how the marble he admired in Kiev actually got there. Ports and rivers come into the equation: It would appear that they conveyed them in ships from Marmara, which is in the neighbourhood of Constantinople, by way of the Black Sea, and by ascending the great river Niepros (Dnieper), which flows into it; and landed them at this city of Kiev: whence, and from all the vicinity of which, there is a traffic, by both hauling and sailing vessels, on the great river just mentioned; and thence the navigation is continued on the Black Sea.[257]

But Macarius was enumerating transport over seas and great rivers – and lengthy navigable rivers simply did not exist in Asia Minor. Indeed, it was observed in the 1860s that the rivers there were as degraded and uncaredfor as the ports, as Collas notes, being abandoned without maintenance, and usable only for short stretches by shallow-draft craft: “I fiumi e le riviere sono abbandonati; il loro regime s’è alterato per mancanza di cure: ingombri di melma, di sabbia, permettono alla navigazione fluviale e al servizio dei battelli soltanto di essere ausiliarj per brevi distanze e su pochissima profondità d’acqua.”[258] Thus for Xanthus it took Fellows four days to hack away the undergrowth to get their boat nine miles up-river: the return trip took three-quarters of an hour.[259] Dallaway noted in 1797 that Priene was then four miles from the sea, a consequence of “decay and desertion”[260] but, in consequence, with its antiquities in very good condition.[261] Pullan was therefore sent out by the Dilettanti in 1861 to 40 http://crehs.univ-artois.fr/spip.php?article124 for reports on three journées d’études in 2010 and 2011. 41  Lehmann-Hartleben 1923, making use of travellers’ and archaeologists’ accounts; starts with the origins, and 161–217 for Roman harbours. Catalogue A-Z 240–287: Katalog der quellenmässig und in monumentalen Resten erhaltenen Hafenlagen.

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examine this site, together with Teos and Branchidae, and was given £200 for expenses.[262] Ports degraded after Antiquity, as did roads, for a variety of reasons, not least the decline in overseas trade. This decline was probably patchy, and has been questioned for ports such as Alexandria in Egypt, because “the idea of a universal economic decline is certainly not warranted by the evidence at hand.”42 It is quite another story in Asia Minor, where ancient ports had also declined, not just through lack of use, but also because of bradyseism and silting: ports were not just holes along the seashore, but often required continuing attention to their technology to make them keep working.43 Bradyseism, the uplift or descent of part of the earth’s surface, could mean comprehensive re-jigging of facilities were full service to be restored; but generally silting was of less importance, since declining trade meant smaller craft, so that anything except complete silting could sometimes be ignored. Of course, the remains of ports were all around to be seen – naturally so because, roads being at a premium, most of our travellers arrived by sea. But they were variously sand-clogged, with ruined quays, so that ships had to anchor, sometimes unprotected by the harbour. Chandler found marble blocks at Panormus, the remains of harbour installations at the port for Didyma, as he walked down to the sea from the site: “In descending from the mountain toward the gulf, I had remarked in the sea something white on the farther side; and going afterwards to examine it, found the remain of a circular pier belonging to the port, which was called Panormus. The stones, which are marble, and about six feet in diameter, extend from near the shore; where are traces of buildings, probably houses, overrun with thickets of myrtle, mastic, and evergreens.”[263] And at Iasos he saw small boats trading fish, but using ancient stones for ballast: “We had paid a piaster at Scio for leave to transcribe three marbles, which lay on the shore, and were transported from this place.”[264] Indeed, Iasos appeared to be still a viable port, and many of its inscriptions were carried off to the museum in Constantinople in 1887,[265] from which they apparently had to be rescued by Hamdi Bey from being used as pavers for the jetty at Bebek.[266] The site had plenty of useful stones still to be found; Bérand notes in 1891 that a Turkish warship anchored in the port (obviously

42 Reimer 1994, 107. 43 Oleson 1980.



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workable at that date) and took stones to Constantinople for the construction of the new arsenal there.[267] Unfortunately, however, corsairs and invaders need ports just as much as bona fide travellers. Hence before trade became an imperative in the later nineteenth century, some regions perhaps felt safer with ports which could not be entered by large ships, so left them quite deliberately to silt: our travellers’ accounts not just for Asia Minor but for all over the Near East often relate how many once prosperous harbours had become degraded, but were perfectly accessible to small craft. Blocking harbours could send trade elsewhere, as well as deterring pirates; perhaps the Emir Fakhreddin filled Tyre and Sidon with column-shafts in the early seventeenth century to redirect trade, as well as to avoid incursions by pirates. Tamerlaine supposedly blocked Smyrna,[268] presumably to prevent attacks from the sea – the only speedy way of attack. In 1744 Thompson noted of the two harbours at Tyre that “these Ports are still pretty large, and defended in some measure from the Sea by a Mole running out directly from each Side of the Island; but though the Turkish Gallies could formerly lye here, it is said they are only capable of receiving small Fishing-Boats at present, having been stopp’d up by the Emir Faccardine, as well as that of Sidon, for political reasons.”[269] Silifke also had an ancient harbour, with ruins all around; but by the mid-nineteenth century only five or six Armenian families lived there, exporting wood to Alexandria and Beirut,[270] the trade to the latter no doubt being small-scale, given the inadequacies of Beirut’s harbour.[271] Nevertheless, the locals recognised the opportunities wasted through lack of repair of amenities: near Silifke, in 1881 Scott-Stevenson writes that the villagers complained that a bridge over the Calycadnus had never been repaired but, if it had, “their little town and harbour would be the most thriving along the coast. This I can well believe, for it is undoubtedly the nearest port to the interior, and except for about ten weeks in midwinter, the pass is open all the year round.”[272] There were plenty of sites in Asia Minor where modern ports could be constructed, and Tchihatchef lists several possibilities.[273] But willpower and expertise were lacking, for ports generally had to be constructed, and needed constant maintenance for shipping to be able to use them. However, we should not confuse working ports (for loading and unloading goods) with safe and capacious bays, such as Kerkova, “qui peut contenir toutes les armées navales d’Europe réunies.”[274] Any continuously working ports needed reworking because eighteenth- and nineteenth-century ships drew much more water than any earlier ships,[275] so that it was not a forgone conclusion that simply resurrecting ancient ports would suf-

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fice for nineteenth-century exporting. Many antique ports, disused and silted up, also survived. By 1880 Alexandria Troas was no more than a “pestiferous pond,”[276] but presumably because the despoiling activities had by then largely ceased. Admiralty charts were a help to travellers: at Myrina, for example, the chart showed a granite mole and a marble quay.[277] Texier saw the ancient mole at Antiphellus in 1837.[278] Rott visited the site in 1908, and saw many of the remains of the ancient town, visible under the water.[279] At Elaiussa Sebaste, a Roman colonnaded façade of mid2ndC was later converted into a Byzantine palace, some rooms with opus sectile walls, and a 29.7 metres (100 Roman feet)-diameter round portico, with 24 Proconnesian columns. Only fragments survive today, perhaps because the city still had a functioning port in later centuries by which materials could be exported.44 The Eastern Mediterranean is not over-endowed with calm and secure anchorages, so lack of maintenance ensured rapid degeneration. Travellers could only land at a few places on the south coast, so we find antiquities here admired from the sea (the ancients of course often selected such sites for their prestigious buildings) by travellers passing island after island,[280] from Korykos to Elaiussa,[281] and from Anemurium to Myra.[282] This is because once-thriving ports were completely clogged. Other ports survived but were so silted that only small vessels could enter. At Guverdjinlik, for example, a few ships still loaded wood for Egypt in the 1830s, but the quays were ruined, the harbour was obstructed by débris, and much of the commerce went elsewhere: “des ruines de quais rasés à fleur d’eau, et quelques autres débris, restent encore là comme pour attester une ancienne prospérité; mais dès long-temps le commerce a oublié la route de Guverdjinlik.”[283] Areas such as the Gulf of Antalya were particularly dangerous. On one occasion a stormy sea off Antalya was apparently appeased by a relic,[284] in a story repeated for at least a century.[285] Antalya’s port was suitable only for small vessels, as De Brèves noted in 1628[286] and Lucas confirmed a century later.[287] A constant problem was contrary winds, and then the difficulty of anchoring.[288] Matters had not improved by 1875, when

44 Schneider 2008, 100–113; Schneider 2010 for construction of agora; 54–89 its destruction, and siting of the Byzantine basilica, in mid fifth century; 110–114 for abandonment and crumbling, first half of 7thC; 115–126 for new uses in later 7thC, with fig. 145 for partshafts gathered for ?kilns. However, although many column-stumps survive, there appear to be no complete shafts, so these presumably taken, leaving only those broken because of collapse, or earthquake damage?



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Seiff also found columns protruding from the harbour mouth, which he thought to be defensive works.[289] They had not been cleared a decade later.[290] Certainly, there were plenty of antiquities in and around the town in the nineteenth century, for as well as the cemeteries, “the houses and walls contain many fragments of sculpture, columns, and inscribed blocks, indicative of the ancient extent and importance of the site.”[291] Lara, only 12 kilometres away, also had a harbour; this appears to have been used after Antiquity,[292] was still recognisable (plus ruins of aqueduct) in 1830,[293] and its plentiful remains were to be seen in 1908.[294] What harbours did survive, even if degraded? Laodicea/Lattakia was blocked by the end of the nineteenth century;[295] but by then most of its glories, as described by Raoul de Caen in the twelfth century, had long since been exported.[296] The town, with marble quarries nearby, was a thriving port in the thirteenth century, as Al-Dimashki reports,[297] but declined after the Crusades – a period when Rey maintains antique port installations were imitated.[298] Irby reports the ancient port at Pompeiopolis in 1823 as “filled with an accumulation of earth,”[299] but it was clearly easily re-usable, according to Beaufort’s description, since the quays and jettys seem to have been intact.[300] Pococke considered how Ephesus was supplied with marble: local material would be rolled downhill from the quarries, and foreign marble imported to the port now covered by “le lac qui est au couchant du temple de Diane.”[301] Kaunos, by the late nineteenth century, was a marsh stretching from the ruins to the sea, and the vestigial port, “marqué seulement par une dépression du sol,” more than a league and a half from the sea.[302] As early as 1643 the (double) harbour of Side was so encumbered by stones (failed attempts at scavenging?) that Stochove had to anchor out to sea,[303] and Corancez describes the confusion of blocks he saw there in 1816.[304] The large mole was gone by 1830.[305] Aspendos, an important port under the Empire, when the Eurymedon was navigable up to the city, had long been silted up (although its Seljuk bridge, built partly from Roman material from its earlier brother, survives). On the Erythrae peninsula, which was littered with antique remains in the 1830s,[306] Keil identified several small disused ports by their antique remains,[307] as well as settlements inland. But, as was observed in 1830, it was still easier to visit these settlements by sea rather than by land: “on choisit au reste rarement le chemin de terre pour aller visiter ces ruines, puisqu’il est si commode de s’y transporter en bateau.”[308] Smyrna’s harbour, however, was in continuous use, and we may assume that any ancient installations were demolished when Europeans funded a new quay in the 1880s.[309] But there were shoals in the harbour in

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1870, so instead of digging out the shoals light boats were placed over them to act as warning buoys.[310] Bodrum/Halicarnassus was said to be minute in 1668,[311] but presumably had been cleared by the time of Newton’s work in the nineteenth century. On Calymnos in the 1860s, a pier was constructed to take ships of 200 tons (perhaps by refurbishing an existing antique port), to build which the local sailors brought back stones, presumably scavenged from antique sites, from the mainland.[312] Sometimes deserted ports fared best, if not the antiquities in their purlieu. Thus Beaufort describes Cnidus’ two artificial harbours in 1818, with their Roman moles, one of them almost perfect.[313] This was far from the case at Ayas, with “the shattered remains of a port and artificial pier.”[314] Many monuments survive at Ayas today, but yet more were described by Gough in 1954, no longer with any inhabitants.[315] The temple at Ayas, often described by travellers, and visible far out to sea, was gradually robbed out, and had virtually disappeared by 1954[316] – this in an area of still abundant antiquities in 1823.[317] Indeed, Ayas was a location with a port much used during the Middle Ages.[318] Its gulf was still patronised in the 1870s, when the British fleet took an inscription from Aigeai back to Plymouth.[319] Lack of Maintenance In the judgment of Europeans, as already noted, the Turks were very bad at routine maintenance, let alone expansion. This redounded to the benefit of many antiquities, which were simply left alone – but the same recipe spelt slow strangulation for working ports. At Perinthus/Heraclea, for example, to the west of Istanbul, we find the same problems encountered in Asia Minor. There are two ports flanking a promontory but, in the judgment of Le Brun, travelling in the late seventeenth century, only the NE port was working, as Spon and Wheler confirm.[320] But even that needed cleaning, for débris and buildings along its route simply collapsed into it: “les Turcs les laissent insensiblement remplir des décombres & des ruines des vieux bâtiments qui sont sur le rivage,” so that the vessels that could enter and anchor got ever smaller,[321] and the mole was in ruins.[322] There were also reputed to be a great number of ruins inland.[323] The main cause of silted ports was neglect through lack of use, and hence of maintenance. By 1824 Leake notes that Patara was “entirely choked up by encroaching sands,” and fourteen years later Elliott reports that “the port is no longer known except in history; for it has been completely



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destroyed by the formation of sand-banks which make a boat’s approach, even in calm weather, so perilous that we were compelled to land considerably to the east of them, scramble over some rocks, and then cross successive ridges of sand, in order to attain the ruins.”[324] In 1839, Fellows finds the whole site, and not just the harbour (where there are bushes) “more than half filled up” with sand.[325] Sand was a perpetual bugbear elsewhere, of course, fought for example in Egypt where the Sphinx was considered to be a talisman.[326] Because Patara was not directly on the sea, by the mid-nineteenth century swampy ground there protected “a beautiful small temple about the centre of the ruined city.”[327] This might also have kept the environs safe. Thus ruins nearby on “the banks of the river Xanthus, eight or nine miles above Patara . . . have not yet been described by any modern traveller,” wrote Leake in 1824.[328] Tchihatchef in 1854 worked his way up the same Xanthus valley, listing the villages and the spolia riches they still contained.[329] Other harbours survived in part, and led to interest on the part of Allen in 1855 in rebuilding the port of Seleucia Pieria, which he describes,[330] being particularly struck by the huge size of the facilities,[331] which had already impressed Mas’udi long before.[332] The inner sections of this harbour simply needed clearing out, since the installations remained nearly perfect; but the sea port needed some technology, “there is great abundance of material at hand, the shore is gradual, the bottom good for piledriving, and labour is very cheap.”[333] Nearby Alexandretta could be used instead, and “marsh-fever may be extirpated at draining the marsh;”[334] it was already “nothing but bogs and ponds” in 1600.[335] The rights to develop Alexandretta were acquired by the Germans in 1911.[336] At Teos, described by Chandler as partly under the plough,[337] in 1842 Hamilton found not only the remains of a temple, but also two colossal statues largely submerged in the adjacent marsh,[338] and some antiquities were still there in 1925.[339] On the contrary, where the ports thrived, there the antiquities disappeared. At Khilindri, houses were built around the bay in the late nineteenth century, and the antiquities (aqueduct, fortress, funerary structures) noted by Langlois in 1853 disappeared; only a marble tomb survived, and its blocks would soon go to build a new house: “malheureusement destiné à fournir tôt ou tard des matériaux pour les maisons de la ville moderne.”[340] On the West coast, near the Dardanelles, as we have seen, Alexandria Troas presents an example of a harbour that continued being useful for exporting materials to Constantinople, and also for the fortifications at the Dardanelles.[341] The small harbour at Alexandria Troas survives today,

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but its water would be too shallow to admit ships to load the columnshafts that lie all around, one of them at least 30 Roman feet in length.[342] Indeed, as already related, Fellows in 1852 noted hundreds of columns there,[343] of which only remnants survive today. Spon and Wheler saw it in the 1670s, blocked, and littered with useless and un-beautiful (because attacked by the salt air) shafts: “présentement l’entrée en est bouchée, et il y relie peu d’eau dans le bassin, qui est presque tout comblé de sables. Les pieds des colonnes qui restent autour font juger que son circuit étoit d’environ quinze cens pas. Ces colonnes ayant été toutes rongées par l’air, ne paroissent pas plus belles que la pierre ordinaire.”[344] Supplies for Constantinople must therefore have been taken off the shore to the north: but why not open and use this little harbour? Could it be that it was left to silt up because everything useful had already been taken? Rivers and Pestilence In some cases, nothing short of huge engineering works could have kept a port clear. Thus Ephesus lay near the mouth of the River Cayster, and her port was well-silted by about the seventh century, Pococke correctly interpreting the resultant swamp as containing the port itself.[345] This was another protection for the antiquities, in that if a three-kilometre detour was to be avoided malarial and swampy land had to be crossed to go directly from Ayasoluk to the ruins which were well over a kilometre distant, which is probably why Wood reports that the few houses at Ayasoluk were occupied only at sowing and harvest time.[346] Stephens tried this in 1842, but “our horses sank up to their saddle girths” and they had to make the detour.[347] Even in the 1870s, Hammond reported that the plain was unhealthy for half the year, and part of the site was in any case ploughed,[348] the silt of course providing good growing soil. It was not only ports, but towns as well, that were buried by silting. Tarsus, at the mouth of the Cydnus, is a prime example, where disease was rife because of standing water – the same water that had silted up the antiquities. By 1917 the locals knew they might have to dig down to perhaps 12 metres for antiquities to reuse as building materials.[349] Many had already gone to build the Byzantine fortress,[350] and building blocks were still often abstracted in the nineteenth century.[351] They were even left around in the school playground,[352] although the large members had probably gone centuries earlier.[353] In the early twentieth century, some were rescued to go into the museum at Adana.[354] The silting here was



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because of the flow of the river, which for centuries (apparently) had not been properly managed. Ramsay reckons that it was the work of Justinian that diverted the River Cydnus around the town, echoing work that had been done at the time of Strabo, so that “the conclusion seems clear. Engineering operations had assisted nature and helped to define the lake and the lower course of the river, to regulate both, to embank them and border the lake with piers and dockyards.”[355] Here, “in the stagnation of later Byzantine times, and the ruin and carelessness of Mohammedan rule, the harbour became closed,” this lack of maintenance “turning a great deal of the best land of Tarsus into useless marsh, and breeding fever and insect pests to such a degree as to make Tarsus the most trying place of summer residence that I have experienced in the whole country.”[356] Just when the harbour became closed we do not know, although John of Hildesheim (writing c.1370) has the Three Magi depart from here.[357] In 1823, Irby was warned against drinking river water at Tarsus; and indeed, the inhabitants used wells, instead of doing anything to improve the salubrity of the river.[358] In 1861 fever was a constant problem: “la fièvre décime une population chaque année moins nombreuse;”[359] and by 1878 the town was separated by 20 kilometres of marshy ground from what had once been its port.[360] Marshes and “pestilential miasma” were still a feature of Tarsus in 1903.[361] For Elliott, drainage problems also inhibited residence at Sardis, and for some of the countryside around;[362] and in 1896 its population was estimated at twenty or fewer.[363] Neglect of water management, as Ramsay wrote in 1903, “has permitted some portions of Cilicia to become useless.”[364] In 1813 Galt makes much the same point about Ephesus, pointing out how much of London would be marshy or under water were its water resources not maintained.[365] Magnesia ad Maeandrum was perhaps nearly as unhealthy as Tarsus, with “stagnant pools of pestilence scattered over it” in 1918.[366] Dallaway maintained in 1797 that he was “several centuries too late” to find any antiquities there,[367] so presumably the silting occurred over several centuries, and the locals kept away, except at one period for a weekly market. At Cyzicus, perhaps it was the swampy isthmus (the result of a lack of waterway maintenance) which ensured that the site was more easily plundered from the sea.[368] By the 1860s, Kiz Hisar, ancient Tyana, near Nigde in Cappadocia, was also suffering from the surrounding marshy land, this once-important city now reduced to a few dismal huts amidst the ancient glory: “quelques misérables huttes, dont les habitants à face fiévreuse errent au milieu des magnifiques colonnes qui se dressent encore majestueusement au sein des marais.”[369]

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As for Miletus, renowned as the most beautiful city of Ionia, its monuments lasted so long (some long enough to grace the Pergamon Museum in Berlin) because the Maeander had silted up and not been cleared, so that the fever-laden marshes protected the antiquities: “là où s’élevait la plus belle cité de l’Ionie, on ne trouve plus que des marécages pestilentiels, et qu’une aiguade infecte aux mêmes lieux où l’on voyait la fontaine de Biblis.”[370] Again, her classical remains were incorporated in the sometimes fine Islamic buildings erected on the site, conspicuously the Elyas Bey Mosque, a connoisseur’s symphony in marble.45 Even streams running into the sea were not necessarily healthy, as Irby discovered in Karamania in 1823, when they had no option but to drink from them, and occasionally to sleep near stagnant swamps: “it is a coast, therefore, where a traveller must be fortunate indeed if he escapes without suffering material injury to his health.”[371] No wonder this region was a target for French exploration from the 1850s, so little-known were her antiquities.[372] These days, of course, the swamps and rivers of Cilicia have been cleaned up, and the population and prosperity of Roman times partly returned.[373] To the west, apart from the clogging up of the river to Xanthus, it may have been the putting of the adjacent plain under irrigation which preserved the monuments until Fellows got there. Survival for the locals entailed cultivating the rich land, but living somewhere healthier. The sailors, near their ships, therefore suffered from remaining on the plain: “At this season the Turks had put the valley under irrigation, and had themselves retired to their summer farms in the Yeeilassies of the mountains. Noctious evaporation and malaria were the consequence, and fever appeared among the seamen on board the Monarch at anchor off the coast.”[374] Reconstruction Projects In some instances the ancient remains were so impressive that reconstruction to promote prosperity was suggested, characteristically by technologically ambitious Westerners. Captain Allen, for example, writing in 1853 just before railways arrived in Asia Minor, suggested the reclamation of the port of Seleucia Pieria, which had once served Antioch, the facilities of which remained impressive. Such a refurbishment here would be larger than the East India Docks in London at 47 acres. Allen thought the facility would promote trade, downgrade the unhealthy ports of Iskenderun

45 Semple 1927. Wulzinger et al. 1935 for plentiful illustrations.



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and Alexandretta, and “would stimulate and draw to itself, as the best outlet, all the trade, not only of Syria and Mesopotamia, but of the western parts of Persia.”[375] Such work would also encourage settlers attracted by the fine climate: “From these germs improved grades of society would spring, and thus in a short time a large town might arise to emulate the glories of ancient Seleucia.”[376] He was thinking strategically, indeed of international trade, in a way which (as many travellers observed) the Ottoman Turks did not. Stimulating commerce would be “very beneficial to the Turkish empire, by adding to the revenues of the Sultan, and by infusing vigour into the provinces which now languish through the efforts made for the prosperity of the capital” – helping at the same time Great Britain’s commerce, and communications with India.[377] Indeed, following the Turko-Russian war of 1877–1978, Britain held a Protectorate of Asia Minor.[378] Sir Charles Wilson was Consul-General (of whom Ramsay was a protégé); but the Protectorate, with its aim according to Ramsay of “the advancement of civilisation and the benefit of the peoples of Asia Minor, just as she has used her position in Egypt,”[379] did not survive. This did not stop Breasted writing about “The bridgehead of Asia Minor” in 1918.46 Silted ports had a knock-on effect for transport and trade by land as well. During the Russo-Turkish War of 1807, the Dardanelles were blockaded, and supplies for Constantinople had to be landed at Smyrna, “and conveyed at a great expense on camels and mules to Constantinople. This, in itself, was an expensive transport, but it had also the inconvenience of employing all the cattle in the country; and the merchandize from the interior of Anatolia was prevented being brought to market, and commerce was consequently greatly impeded.”[380] Better roads, and wheeled vehicles, would have improved the situation, and prevented several food riots in Constantinople. Quarries and Transport The lack of suitable roads and vehicles, together with a probable decrease in the skills required, meant that little marble or stone seems to have been 46 Mourad 2007, 159, 162: “Historically, the bridgehead overlapped and combined strategic zones of natural resources, commerce, transportation and military control, a stronghold for Eastern Mediterranean rule which buttressed the Persian, Macedonian, Roman, and Turkish conquests of the Suez and Egypt. The whole arrangement gravitated around the control of transportation, communication and a safe location for troops . . . the Near East required European intervention; otherwise, local disturbances would endanger world peace, exactly the same excuses used nowadays by the coalition forces.”

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fresh-quarried in Asia Minor between Late Antiquity and the twentieth century. By their nature, indeed, Roman quarries were often in relatively inaccessible locations.47 However, Dallaway notes that Proconnesus was working in the late eighteenth century, the workers attracting special privileges;[381] and enormous quantities were still feeding Constantinople two decades later.[382] Nor are unworked quarry blocks rare, confirming the transport problem. In a cemetery near Ankara, Hamilton believed he found numerous blocks fresh from the quarry not far away, but abandoned here for some unknown reason, and probably in late antiquity: “when the wave of destruction rolled over the Roman empire, checking the further progress, and for a time destroying the very existence, of civilization.”[383] Even in Roman times, with functioning roads, land transport was very much more expensive than transport by sea, it having been calculated that the colonnade at Didyma cost more than the whole of the Parthenon.[384] Stone working was necessarily dependent on region and local resources, and it is impossible to know exactly when spoliating instead of freshquarrying took hold.48 But this does seem to have already been the case with the earliest nuts-and-bolts building letter we possess, namely that of Gregory of Nyssa (c.335–c.395). This is a request, in a region working in brick and with no wood, to his brother in Kayseri to supply masons to build a chapel.[385] However, the masons he requires are not quarry-workers, as is clear from his phraseology. So that when he says after specifying columns and ornamentation in marble “of all these, we shall furnish the materials,” surely he means that he will find old marble blocks, and have the masons cut up these earlier monuments.49 This was the usual strategy, to be found for Byzantine as well as for Islamic monuments50 – and this must have been one of the main duties of masons hired to build the imperial mosques in Constantinople. This does not mean that antique stones were not transported, as we shall see below in a discussion of the reuse of classical inscriptions. But travellers realised there was frequently no proof that such stones origi47 Dworakowska 1983 for an overview. 48 Bes 2007 11–12 for bibliography of marble extraction. 49 Van Dam 2003, 82–92 “Everything in ruins: ancient legends and foundation myths.” Cites Basil of Caesarea’s comment that there, older buildings were not repaired, “broken down by time, their remains jutting up throughout the city like rocks.” 50 Rogers 1976, 76 of Seljuk buildings: “Once ruined they became quarries for stone, both squared stone for facing, and marble, which was not otherwise quarried by the Seljuks. Many Antique, or even 12th-century monuments, pagan and Christian, must have disappeared in this way in the 13th century.”



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nated locally. Ramsay set up some rules-of-thumb, one of which is that “the more modern the building, the more likely is a stone in it to have been carried from a distance.”[386] Sometimes weight was balanced by quantity, Clarke reporting over a hundred six-foot blocks of stone and marble being carried to Beyramich from a local site.[387] Roads to the quarries were also a problem. Cuinet in 1894 reckoned that Docimion could be opened again; but then he listed the ancient roads once used, and which no longer existed. Would quick and cheap railways (“la voie rapide et économique des chemins de fer en construction”) be a suitable replacement?[388] But if the Romans “were quite able to make the road to Philadelpheia passable even for the largest columns,”[389] why not the contemporary Turks? They chose an easier path late in the nineteenth century, opening granite quarries near Cyzicus, and thereby paving some streets in Constantinople, partly for the German emperor’s visit. But most of them soon closed.[390] Ancient Sites as Quarries With long-distance transport either difficult or non-existent, reworking local antiquities became the norm rather than the exception, and unused temples were attractive as quarries.51 Greater technical skill on the part of modern masons might have further reduced the toll on ancient monuments. Ancient sites were themselves used as quarries, with large blocks being carted away somehow, and limekilns set up to deal with the detritus and produce the mortar necessary for building; and as quarrying declined and reuse increased, so also did the need for kilns.52 Dating this change is difficult, but Harrison locates it already in the Roman Empire, with Christian cannibalism due to declining skill at cutting blocks: “A voir le “cannibalisme,” pour ainsi dire, des églises urbaines, on peut se demander si la tradition de tailler la pierre était déjà en voie d’extinction; ou, si elle n’était pas exactement éteinte, ce que sont devenus les ateliers des sculpteurs et des maçons?”53 In late antiquity, as in the West,[391] church-building was extensive in Asia Minor, generally reusing antiquities. Why the need 51  Talloen and Vercauteren 2011, 355–358 for Sagalassos, Ephesus and Aezanoi. 52 Ousterhout 2008, 176–177 from 13th century “presumably as new materials became harder to obtain, almost all examples of brick-filled mortar joints resulted from the reuse of materials” e.g. at Latmos, where the 13thC churches are built “entirely of spolia from the ancient city of Herakleia.” 53 Harrison 1979, 223.

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for kilns and the further destruction of the antique environment they entailed? Because building walls with large or accurately squared blocks was also a technique which died with the Roman occupation, hence the need for mortar to bind modern walls together. Again, to cut down on transport weights, kilns were usually sited within the monuments to be dismantled, as we have seen in Chapter Two. A survey of a variety of sites provides evidence of how the nineteenth century dealt with antiquities: Aezani: this rich site (of the visitors to which Le Bas gives a succinct account)[392] seems to have been plundered by many surrounding villages and towns ( just when is not known), and the Byzantine materials distributed have been carefully catalogued and well illustrated.54 Perhaps this pattern of a site denuded by the later villages which surround it is common.[393] The convenience of nearer ruins helps explain why many blocks and column-shafts got no further than the quarry itself in Antiquity. Choisy in 1876 discovered that this was the case near Aezani;[394] and he also saw blocks inscribed with consular dates at Eski-Karahissar.[395] Alexandria Troas: here chips in the quarry-face indicated where the next shaft to join the famous Seven Columns was to be excavated[396] There were two more completed shafts a little distance away[397] – thirtyeight footers, and described by Newton in 1865.[398] Such enormous structures followed a Greek tradition of gigantism.[399] But there are no indications of re-opening the quarries: dismantling the ready-cut blocks of the city was much easier. Aphrodisias: the quarries were in the same valley at Aphrodisias, but reuse rather than quarrying was the norm: column drums made a midByzantine olive press, the floor being a reused cornice block.55 Assos: here Clarke found a quarry, which he calls “mediaeval,”[400] although there are in fact quarries all around. With the exception of marbles reused in a church on the agora,[401] or which were so large that breaking them for burning proved too difficult,[402] nearly all the marble went to the kilns or elsewhere well before the nineteenth century. A kiln stood directly beside the stylobate of the Gymnasium,[403] and large quantities of the city’s granite building blocks were being transported to Constantinople for reuse as late as the 1860s.[404] Column drums have long 54 Niewöhner 2007, 488 items in all, with a commentary on them at 171–200, preceded 164–170 by tables of statistics, with percentages of finds (inscriptions, tombstones, architectural pieces etc) found in each village; e.g. cats 316–331 for circular whorled disks off ambones, several set up as fountains in surrounding villages. 55 Ahmet 2001, 162–163; fig. 11 for reconstruction of the whole setup.



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served at Assos as mortars[405] even when something more suitable could surely have been quarried not two hundred metres away. Cyzicus: the marble went early, but the substructures in local stone survived,[406] called locally the bezesten, because they looked like the architecture of bazaars.[407] Didyma: blocks left at the unloading point for the nearby temple construction, were to be seen in the 1870s.[408] These, and some column drums, were still there in 1902.[409] Indeed, only a small proportion of the blocks remains at Didyma, the column-drums (brought down by earthquakes) being the easiest to remove.56 Elaiussa Sebaste: as at Sagalassos, churches were built by a series of conversions, rather than by fresh-quarrying.57 The first-century Roman temple became a church, the temple possibly abandoned after Theodosius’ decrees of 391; by the early seventh century, the building was already partabandoned (lack of maintenance, stripping of materials), and then converted to oil or wine production; then a grave dug in the collapsed roof material. Into the agora was inserted an early Byzantine basilica and here marble columns were found on the floor of the north aisle of the church – perhaps because the structure was already abandoned, and the shafts were collected for the kilns rather than for rebuilding work. Sagalassos: without any recourse to the quarries, here temples and their materials became churches58 (at least one being lavishly marbled, as Arundell describes),[410] as they did elsewhere in Turkey.59 Teos: At other locations, some temples survived into the nineteenth century, but were then dismantled because of the increased pace of building, which happened, for example, at Teos,[411] where any port installations were already débris, and the harbour clogged, by 1772.[412] Some ancient stretches of road used to cart marble from the Docimion quarries to the sea could still be traced in the 1880s.[413] However, given their location, there was no talk of opening the quarries. Nevertheless, sometimes quarry-cut blocks got as far as the local town,[414] and there is just a chance that the Janissary tombstones which Choisy mistook for antique stelae were in fact fresh-quarried at Docimion.[415] At Sinope, the

56 Millas 2005, 119 for aerial view of Didyma, gives a good idea of how much has gone. 57 Schneider 2008, 125–139, 45–61. 58 Waelkens 2000; and the town hall becomes private buildings by the 7thC. 59 Bammer 1988, 142–165 Wie aus Tempeln Kirchen wurden, including “recycling.” Hellenkemper and Hild 2004, pl.44 for an example at Arycanda.

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reused antiquities of which were noted by many travellers,60 the walls were rich in antiquities,[416] and plenty (together with inscriptions) were to be seen in the cemeteries.[417] But in 1853 at the quarries above the city “large blocks lie there hewn and ready for removal, some sculptured, and some actually on their way to the city”[418] – so some of the antiquities were then being recycled. The environs were also rich in antiquities, and these were industriously looted.[419] Close to Ankara, Walker came across workmen retrieving blocks from ruins because, they explained, there were no quarries conveniently close,[420] a constant theme, of course. Epigraphers had an equally difficult time when they wished to move stones to read them: if no villagers (hence manpower) were close, they had to leave alone what they could not shift with pieces of wood.[421] New Railways, Worse Roads? If Asia Minor was furnished with railways during the late nineteenth century, (and travellers not only survived to tell the tale,[422] but some also exalted on the time saved),[423] this did not mean that roads improved as well. Indeed, in certain areas the converse seems to have been the case, Allen complaining in 1894 that “since the opening of the Trans-Bosphorus Railway, the wagon-road to Ismid, and even the Angora military highway beyond, have fallen rapidly into disrepair” and they were forced to use the adjacent track.[424] This was Ramsay’s experience around Ephesus and the Maeander valley where, by the 1890s, “the railways that radiate from Smyrna have taken the place of the old roads.” This helped strangle small ports even further, since the railway (for example) took over the liquorice root trade. Previously exported via Scalanova (now Kusadasi, just south of Ephesus – and another site once rich in antiquities),[425] this was now loaded on trains for Smyrna.[426] Even in 1908, Hogarth could point out “at a distance from railways and the larger seaports how little had still been properly mapped,”[427] and roads cannot properly be built without accurate maps. Leaf reported similar road problems around Canakkale as late as 1912.[428] Again, we should not assume that, once built, a railway would survive let alone prosper, for both management and maintenance were required. Bent in 1889 mentions the 35-mile stretch near Bursa: “its ruins, as seen to-day, are a monument of Turkish imbecility and the grievances of bondholders.” What is more, the peasants were carrying off the rails.[429]

60 Martin 1998, with notes on the spolia-rich walls, as drawn by Laurens in the 1840s.



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We have already seen a similar fate overcoming some new roads. Not that the railway network was logically organised, Schoenberg suggesting that it was developed for political and military reasons, and not primarily for economic ones.[430] If economic considerations were not important, then why build or improve the roads? Even at the beginning of the twentieth century, Asia Minor was well behind much of the rest of the world in the construction of a useful and well-maintained transport system.61 Railway construction had several adverse effects on the survival of antiquities, as we shall see in Chapters Seven and Ten. But the low quality of Asia Minor’s infrastructure in previous centuries left plenty of monuments and, indeed, complete settlements, for our travellers to describe. Most of these have now disappeared, but at least some thorough descriptions survive: would that this were the case with classical monuments further west, which disappeared during earlier centuries without anyone to record their appearance. 1  Hogarth_1893_717 2  Callier_1835_10–11 [ ]  3  Clarke_VII_1818_337 [ ]  4  Hogarth_1893_654a [ ]  5  Bent_1890_460 [ ]  6  Ali_Bey_1814_304–305 [ ]  7  Fontainier_1829_108 [ ]  8  Hartley_1831_287–8 [ ]  9  De_Saulcy_1853_I_86–7 [ ]  10  De_Saulcy_1853_II_129 [ ]  11  Laborde_1809_III_273 [ ]  12  Laborde_1809_II_491 [ ]  13  Ponz_VIII_1784_5 [ ]  14  Al-Makkari_(written_ 1628)_1840_I_78 [ ]  15  Ford_1846_42 [ ]  16  Fellows_1839_61–62 [ ]  17  Russegger_1841_I_1_ 389–390 [ ]  18  Smythe_1874_II_ 302–303 [ ]  19  Hobhouse_1817_94 [ ]  20  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_240 [ ]  21  Tournefort_1741_349 [ ]  22  Grélois_2003_137 [ ]  23  Alishan_1899_410 [ ]  24  Langlois_1854_10

25]  Langlois_1854_46 26]  Cockerell_1903_189a [ ]  27  Langlois_1854a_10 [ ]  28  Bent_1891_219 [ ]  29  Gough_1954_52 [ ]  30  Moustier_1864_230 [ ]  31  Rolleston_1856_82–3 [ ]  32  Hogarth_1893_ 677–678 [ ]  33  Henzen_1861b_227 [ ]  34  Tchihatchef_1854_ 122–123 [ ]  35  Childs_1917_106 [ ]  36  Neale_1851_142 [ ]  37  Perrot_1867_50 [ ]  38  Ramsay_1890_81 [ ]  39  Ramsay_1890_52 [ ]  40  Ramsay_1890_199–200 [ ]  41  Anderson_1898_ 127–128 [ ]  42  Laborde_1838_31 [ ]  43  Perrot_1872_I_167 [ ]  44  Anderson_1903_88 [ ]  45  Rolleston_1856_ 82–83 [ ]  46  Harada_&_Cimok_ 2008_I_7 [ ]  47  Clarke_VII_1818_303

48]  Hogarth_1893_668 49]  Fellows_1839_174 [ ]  50  Newton_1865_II_62 [ ]  51  Krumbacher_1886_277 [ ]  52  Cogordan_1882_580 [ ]  53  Cockerell_1903_ 137–138 [ ]  54  Hogarth_1893_682 [ ]  55  Hamilton_1842_II_ 330–331 [ ]  56  Davis 1874, 281. [ ]  57  Dutemple_1883_257 [ ]  58  Ramsay_1897b_69 [ ]  59  Kinneir_1818_118 [ ]  60  Massy_1905_301 [ ]  61  Tchihatchef_1854_ 126–127 [ ]  62  Cronin_1902_110 [ ]  63  Choisy_1876_164–165 [ ]  64  Piccirillo_1996_300 [ ]  65  Rolleston_1856_83 [ ]  66  Neale_1851_198 [ ]  67  Clarke_1881_17 [ ]  68  Temple_1835_I_234 [ ]  69  Tchihatchef_1877_191 [ ]  70  Childs_1917_318 [ ]  71  Childs_1917_276 [ ]  72  Ramsay_1903_380–381

[ ] 

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[

[

61 Schoenberg 1977, 363–368 for railway construction and its politics and economics. 364 for table of railway construction in Turkey, 1860–1964, with lengths in miles.

198 73]  Tchihatchef_1854_ 125–126 [ ]  74  Allen_1894_4–5 [ ]  75  Pococke_1772_V_ 220–221 [ ]  76  Ouvré_1896_246–247 [ ]  77  Carles_1906_65 [ ]  78  Burgess_1835_143 [ ]  79  Texier_1862_433 [ ]  80  Moustier_1864_228 [ ]  81  Cuinet_1894_III_ 392–393 [ ]  82  Geary_1878_276–277 [ ]  83  Canning_1888_II_113 [ ]  84  Cornwall_1924_215 [ ]  85  Rayet_1874_12 [ ]  86  Rayet_1874_18–19 [ ]  87  Wood_1890_103 [ ]  88  Clarke_1881_12–13b [ ]  89  Wood_1877_52 [ ]  90  Poujoulat_1840_I_ 52–53 [ ]  91  Demangel_1925_322 [ ]  92  Skene_1853_261 [ ]  93  Tchihatchef_1854_90 [ ]  94  Butler_1922_66–67 [ ]  95  Butler_1925_24 [ ]  96  Beaufort_1818_161 [ ]  97  Corancez_1816_375–377 [ ]  98  Fellows_1839_204 [ ]  99  Beaufort_1818_196–7 [ 100]  Arundell 1834, II 33–44 [ ]  101  Walpole_1817_215 [ 102]  Urquhart_1838_II_174 [ 103]  Lucas_1714_I_209 [ 104]  Arundell_1834_II_407 [ 105]  Wolcott_Redding_ 1873_298 [ 106]  Mas’udi_1864_III_ 407–8 [ 107]  Stochove_1643_279 [ 108]  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_VII_1835_117 [ 109]  Chesneau_1887_144 [ ]  110  Temple_1835_I_236 [ ]  111  Ouvré_1896_64–65 [ ]  112  Clarke_1817_99 [ ]  113  Von_Tietz_1837_I_ 159–60 [ ]  114  Choiseul-Gouffier_ 1842_III_359 [ ]  115  Pococke_(travelling_ 1737ff)_1811_709 [

chapter three 116]  Saint-Martin_1852_ II_8 [ ]  117  Maurand_(travelling_1544)_1901_175 [ ]  118  Fermanel_1668_312 [ ]  119  Bent_1893_49–50 [ 120]  De_la_Motraye_ 1727_I_437 [ ]  121  Mauduit_1840_35 [ 122]  Renoüard_de_ Bussierre_1829_190 [ 123]  Della_Valle_1843_I_12 [ 124]  Spon_&_Wheler_1679_ 152–153 [ 125]  De_La_Ferté-Meun_ 1821_138 [ 126]  Wittman_1804_ 314–315 [ 127]  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_I_1833_354 [ 128]  Fellows_1839_58–9 [ 129]  Leaf_1912_31 [ 130]  Lechevallier_1802_ I_245 [ ]  131  Lechevalier_1802_ I_245 [ 132]  Oliver_1801_47 [ 133]  Clarke_1814_II_1_90–1 [ 134]  Laurent_1821_39 [ 135]  Fellows_1839_61–2 [ 136]  Turner_1820_III_245–6 [ 137]  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_I_151–2 [ 138]  Chandler_1825_I_ 290–291 [ 139]  Poujoulat_1840_I_61 [ 140]  Cochran_1887_248 [ ]  141  Contenson_1901_41 [ 142]  Bell_1911_20–21 [ 143]  Bell_1911_344 [ 144]  Hogarth_1893_676 [ 145]  Smythe_1874_II_ 320–321 [ 146]  Cumont_1906_208 [ 147]  Poujoulat_1840_I_138 [ 148]  Hogarth_1893_679 [ 149]  Hasselquist_1769_55 [ 150]  Galt_1812_251 [ ]  151  Renoüard_de_ Bussierre_1829_I_150 [ 152]  Lechevalier_1802_II_150 [ 153]  Tromelin_1800_15 [ 154]  Anderson_1903_5 [ 155]  Perrot_1872_I_91 [

156]  Tournefort_1718_II_192 157]  Tournefort_1741_320 [ 158]  Langlois_1854–1855_ 644 [ 159]  Jaubert_1842_140 [ 160]  Le_Bas_1888_145 [ ]  161  Collignon_1880c [ 162]  Van_Lennep_1870_ II_182 [ 163]  Ramsay_1883b_22 [ 164]  Ramsay_1890_31 [ 165]  Tournefort_II_1718_365 [ 166]  Kinneir_1818_261 [ 167]  Moustier_1873_16 [ 168]  Anderson_1897– 1898_50 [ 169]  Tournefort_II_ 1718_387 [ 170]  Anderson_1903_63 [ ]  171  Lechevalier_1802_II_ 180 [ 172]  Hunt_1817_116 [ 173]  Anderson_1903_71–72 [ 174]  Fellows_1839_282 [ 175]  Tournefort_II_1718_ 371 [ 176]  Anderson_1903_ 76–77 [ 177]  Kotschy_1862_375 [ 178]  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_112–113 [ 179]  Dallaway_1797_162 [ 180]  Harada_&_Cimok_ 2008_II_150 [ ]  181  Harada_&_Cimok_ 2008_II_33 [ 182]  Collignon_1880–1897 _88–89 [ 183]  Langlois_1858– 1859_749 [ 184]  Collignon_1880–1897 _88–89 [ 185]  Tchihatchef_1854_89 [ 186]  Pococke_1772_V_33B [ 187]  Chandler_1825_I_103 [ 188]  Cuinet_1894_IV_485 [ 189]  Kinneir_1818_286 [ 190]  Grégoire_1909_11 [ ]  191  Galt_1812_210–211 [ 192]  Clarke_1817_185–186 [ 193]  Callier_1835_258 [ 194]  Tournefort_1741_329 [ 195]  Van_Egmont_1759_ 174–175 [ [



decline of the road, port and transport systems

196]  Galt_1813_280–281 197]  Cousin_1898_369 [ 198]  Layard_1903_I_179 [ 199]  Tchihatchef_1869_ 336 [ 200]  Moustier_1864_231 [ 201]  Choisy_1876_62–63 [ 202]  Laborde_1838_20 [ 203]  Fuller_1829_62 [ 204]  Lechevalier_1802_ II_180 [ 205]  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_I_216b [ 206]  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_I_216 [ 207]  Laborde_1838_35 [ 208]  Hamilton_1842_I_ 349–350 [ 209]  Cramer_1832_15 [ 210]  Bent_1893_177–178 [ ]  211  Harada_&_Cimok_ 2008_I_311 [ 212]  Leake_1824_131–132 [ 213]  Harada_&_Cimok_ 2008_II_20 [ 214]  Hoskyn_1842_149 [ 215]  Anderson_1903_82 [ 216]  Harada_&_Cimok_ 2008_I_226 [ 217]  Hogarth_1893_684 [ 218]  Sterrett_1885b_29 [ 219]  Harada_&_Cimok_ 2008_II_50 [ 220]  Grégoire_1909_37 [ 221]  Anderson_1903_ 84–85 [ 222]  Hogarth_1893_715 [ 223]  Schoenberg_1977_362 [ 224]  Tchihatchef_1850_ 840–841 [ 225]  Collignon_1880– 1897_1 [ 226]  Collignon_1880– 1897_67B [ 227]  Caylus_1764_VI_396 [ 228]  Caylus_1761_IV_383 [ 229]  Mendel_1902_232 [ 230]  Ramsay_1897b_69–70 [ 231]  Farley_1878_92 [ 232]  Ramsay_1890_81–82 [ 233]  Collignon_1880– 1897_67 [ 234]  Ramsay_1903_398 [ 235]  Belgiojoso_1858_404

236]  Fraser_1909_69–70 237]  Fellows_1839_ 103–104 [ 238]  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_148 [ 239]  Geary_1878_297–298 [ 240]  Annales_1902_ 275–276 [ 241]  Ramsay_1908_250–251 [ 242]  Ainsworth_1840_512 [ 243]  Claridge_1837_163 [ 244]  Clarke_VII_1818_339 [ 245]  L_1834_70–71 [ 246]  Clarke_VII_1818_327 [ 247]  Abulfeda_1840_II_137 [ 248]  Fitzner_1902_97 [ 249]  Mengous_1830_13 [ 250]  Ibn_Battuta_1877_II_ 361 [ 251]  Perrot_1863_105 [ 252]  Perrot_1864_475–476 [ 253]  Cornwall_1924_214 [ 254]  Dallaway_1797_7 [ 255]  Dunn_1905_35 [ 256]  Schoenberg_1977_360 [ 257]  Macarius_(fl._1636– 66)_1836_I_231 [ 258]  Collas_1865_324 [ 259]  Fellows_1843_16–17 [ 260]  Dallaway_1797_237 [ 261]  Dallaway_1797_ 235–237 [ 262]  Cust_1914_198 [ 263]  Chandler_1825_I_187 [ 264]  Chandler_1825_I_229 [ 265]  Judeich_1890_138 [ 266]  Cousin_1900_346 [ 267]  Bérand_1891_545 [ 268]  Conder_1830_103 [ 269]  Thompson_1744_ III_64 [ 270]  Tchihatchef_1854_120 [ 271]  Carles_1906_63 [ 272]  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_392–393 [ 273]  Tchihatchef_1850_ 842–843 [ 274]  Casas_1822_347–348 [ 275]  Duc_de_Raguse_ 1837_II_177–178 [ 276]  Sayce_1880_81 [ 277]  Reinach_&_ Pottier_1882_200–201 [ 278]  Texier_1837_225

199

279]  Rott_1908_298 280]  Saint-Martin_1852_ II_66 [ 281]  Azaïs_&_Domergue_ 1858_204 [ 282]  Azaïs_&_Domergue_ 1858_206 [ 283]  Caldavène_1837_157 [ 284]  Affagart_1902_40 [ 285]  Deshayes_de_ Courmenin_1624_325 [ 286]  DeBrèves_1628_22–23 [ 287]  Lucas_1714_I_245 [ 288]  Stochove_1643_255 [ 289]  Seiff_1875_481 [ 290]  Collignon_ 1880–1897_54–55 [ 291]  Spratt_&_Forbes_ 1847_I_211–212 [ 292]  Beaufort_1818_ 140–141 [ 293]  Conder_1830_252–253 [ 294]  Rott_1908_55 [ 295]  Cuinet_1896_I_163 [ 296]  Salverte_1861_19–20 [ 297]  Al-Dimashki_ (b.1256)_1874_284–285 [ 298]  Rey_1871_157 [ 299]  Irby_1823_508–509 [ 300]  Beaufort_1820_59 [ 301]  Pococke_1772_V_56 [ 302]  Collignon_1880– 1897_8–9 [ 303]  Stochove_1643_259 [ 304]  Corancez_1816_ 377–378 [ 305]  Conder_1830_257 [ 306]  Un_jeune_ voyageur_1830_67 [ 307]  Keil_1910_Col 12 [ 308]  Un_jeune_ voyageur_1830_23 [ 309]  Geary_1878_299 [ 310]  Van_Lennep_1870_ I_16 [ ]  311  Fermanel_1668_269 [ 312]  Newton_1865_II_44– 45 [ 313]  Beaufort_1818_81 [ 314]  Beaufort_1818_ 300–301 [ 315]  Gough_1954_52b [ 316]  Gough_1954_57 [ 317]  Irby_1823_515

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[

[

200 318]  Langlois_1854b_87 319]  Robert_1973_208–209 [ 320]  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_165 [ 321]  Le_Brun_I_1725_210 [ 322]  Porter_1835_226 [ 323]  Tournefort_II_1718_ 138–139 [ 324]  Elliott_1838_II_ 193–194 [ 325]  Fellows_1839_ 223–224 [ 326]  Lane-Poole_1896_16 [ 327]  Fellows_1841_179 [ 328]  Leake_1824_182–183 [ 329]  Tchihatchef_1854_ 74–75 [ 330]  Allen_1855_II_210–11 [ 331]  Allen_1855_II_212 [ 332]  Le_Strange_1890_530 [ 333]  Allen_1853_157; Allen_1853_161 [ 334]  Geary_1878_278 [ 335]  Bent_1893_30 [ 336]  Pratt_1915_334–335 [ 337]  Conder_1830_121 [ 338]  Hamilton_1842_II_ 16–17 [ 339]  Béquignon_&_ Laumonier_1925_283 [ 340]  Collignon_ 1880–1897_70–71 [ 341]  Clarke_1817_132 [ 342]  Stochove_1643_214 [ 343]  Fellows_1852_43 [ 344]  Spon_&_Wheler_ 1679_150–151 [ 345]  Pococke_1772_V_56B [ 346]  Wood_1877_14 [ 347]  Stephens_1842_ 176–177 [ 348]  Hammond_1878_289 [ 349]  Childs_1917_334–335 [ 350]  Langlois_1861_313 [ 351]  Purdy_1826_308 [ 352]  Le_Camus_1889_I_295 [ 353]  Baydur_2001

chapter three 354]  Normand_1921_198 355]  Ramsay_1903_364–365 [ 356]  Ramsay_1903_365 [ 357]  Hasluck_1911–1912_213 [ 358]  Irby_1823_503–504 [ 359]  Langlois_1861_65 [ 360]  Favre_&_Mandrot_ 1878_140–141 [ 361]  Layard_1903_I_208 [ 362]  Elliott_1838_II_ 105–106 [ 363]  Le_Camus_1896_219 [ 364]  Ramsay_1903_357 [ 365]  Galt_1813_292 [ 366]  Hawley_1918_170b [ 367]  Dallaway_1797_195 [ 368]  Rustafjaell_1902_182 [ 369]  Tchihatchef_1869_339 [ 370]  Beaujour_1829_II_ 173–174 [ 371]  Irby_1823_529 [ 372]  Walckenaer_&_ Raoul-Rochette_1850_ 235 [ 373]  Robert_1961_176a [ 374]  Fellows_1843_43 [ 375]  Allen_1853_162a [ 376]  Allen_1853_162b [ 377]  Allen_1853_162–163 [ 378]  Ramsay_1897b_143 [ 379]  Ramsay_1897b_145 [ 380]  Alcock_1831_140 [ 381]  Dallaway_1797_368 [ 382]  Hunt_1817_87 [ 383]  Hamilton_1842_I_ 416b [ 384]  Roland_1987_ 397–398 [ 385]  Gregory_of_Nyssa_ Ep16 [ 386]  Ramsay_1897a_698 [ 387]  Clarke_1817_163–165 [ 388]  Cuinet_1894_IV_ 229–230 [ 389]  Ramsay_1890_54 [ 390]  Rustafjaell_1902_176 [ 391]  Karivieri 2002.

392]  Le_Bas_1888_142–143 393]  Anderson_1903_28 [ 394]  Choisy_1876_161b [ 395]  Choisy_1876_193b [ 396]  Fellows_1852_45–46 [ 397]  Tchihatchef_1854_ 59–61 [ 398]  Newton_1865_I_128 [ 399]  Roland_1987_390–391 [ 400]  Clarke_1881_401 [ 401]  Sterrett_1885_17 [ 402]  Sterrett_1885_59 [ 403]  Clarke_1882_40–41 [ 404]  Clarke_1881_12–13 [ 405]  Clarke_1882_29–30 [ 406]  Hasluck_1910_10–11 [ 407]  Perrot_&_ Guillaume_1864_350 [ 408]  Rayet_&_Thomas_ 1877_II_70 [ 409]  Haussoullier_1902_ 159 [ 410]  Arundell_1834_II_ 36–38 [ ]  411  Béquignon_&_ Laumonier_1925_292 [ 412]  Pococke_1772_V_37 [ 413]  Ramsay_1890_170 [ 414]  Hamilton_1842_I_461 [ 415]  Choisy_1876_196–7 [ 416]  Robinson_1906_ 130–131b [ 417]  Tournefort_II_1718_156 [ 418]  Skene_1853_33–34 [ 419]  Cuinet_1894_IV_ 575–576 [ 420]  Walker_1897_73–4 [ 421]  Cousin_1900_ 335–336 [ 422]  Grothe_1903_231–303 [ 423]  Chantre_1896_41 [ 424]  Allen_1894_3 [ 425]  Tournefort_1741_363 [ 426]  Ramsay_1890_59 [ 427]  Hogarth_1908_561 [ 428]  Leaf_1912_29 [ 429]  Bent_1889_12–13 [ 430]  Schoenberg_1977_363

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appendix

[ ] 1  Hogarth_1893_717 road from Gykusun: “There are no old khans on the line of the road, and it is obvious that the Jihan Pass itself has not been a trade route of importance for a long time, so thickly overgrown and so utterly broken up is the roadway. It is hard to believe that a district which preserves so faithfully relics of the 3rd and 4th centuries, but has so little to show from that date until our own time, and withal has no population older than the Armenian, can have been traversed by a first-rate trade route up to fifty years ago! / The reason for the desertion of this road for those through the Cilician and Amanic Gates, or by Sebastea and Melitene (if desertion there was), is perhaps to be explained by the insecurity which it owed to its long course among, or close under, mountains.” [ ] 2  Callier_1835_10–11: Il est impossible de donner une idee exacte des obstacles et des dangers que nous avons rencontres, au moment ou nous nous sonimes engages au milieu de ces tribus nomades de Kurdes et deTurkméens, qui errent dans des pays entierement abandonnes a leur brigandage. Nous n’avons ecoute, dans toutes les circonstances de cette nature, que le désir de remplir avec distinction une tâche aussi difficile. Un de nos domestiques, tombe entre les mains des Kurdes, a été la victime de cette perilleuse exploration. Ibid. 14: C’est à Alep, que la Providence, a qui nous devions attribuer le bonheur avec lequel nous avions échappé à d’horribles embarras, laissa s’accomplir les sinistres predictions qui nous avaient ete si souvent répétées, c’est là que mon malheureux compagnon de voyage devait mourir victime de son zèle et de son dévouement. Déjà nous avions eu a deplorer la mort de quatre personnes de notre suite. – i.e. wounded by the Kurds. [ ] 3  Clarke_VII_1818_337, in the Plain of Pharsalia: “From Pharsa to Larissa, the road is excellent. It is almost entirely over plains covered with fine turf, without a single stone, but sometimes interspersed with a fine gravel.” [ ] 4  Hogarth_1893_654a Olba: “I will make especial mention here of one thing only in this wonderful land of the dead, because it is of distinctly geographical interest, namely, the paved road which connects Olba with Corycus. For 25 miles almost every stone of the pavement is in its place, and the milestones lie by the roadside or stand in situ recording the distance from Corycus and the titles of Emperors who restored the road. After leaving Jambazli it runs along the crest of a spur, passing through groups of ruined houses or tombs at every three miles or less; the traveller looks down on either side on villages showing white among the undergrowth; and, attaining the brink. of the lowest shelf, can see the finely engineered curves of his road winding past tombs and hill-forts to the walls which still stand round Corycus. If ever Asia Minor becomes a land in which Europeans travel to see the marvellous, the district enclosed by the Lamus, the Calycadnus, and the sea will become famous: the ruins of Olba are the most remarkable in the peninsula, except those of Hierapolis on the Lycus, and perhaps of Adada at Kara Bavlo in Pisidia.” [ ] 5  Bent_1890_460 Inland behind Olba: “Traces of an old road from Selefkeh to Mara are apparent, and we found the ruins of many towns along it. Then the old paved road from Corycos via Jambeslu and Uzenjaburdj through the heart of the Olba district comes here; also another old road from Lamas, joined by several side roads which crossed the gorge, passing through Orenkeui, converges here; and at Mara are traces of an old town, an acropolis, in which coins of Olba have been found, and other minor ruins. Unfortunately there are no inscriptions with which to identify its ancient name. / In modern times Mara has entered upon a new existence, owing to the camel road from Selefkeh to the interior, which was opened about five years ago. Before this it was merely a Yuruk settlement, but when it became the halting-place for caravans going over the pass it did not escape the attention of the money-loving Greeks.” [ ] 6  Ali_Bey_1814_304–305 Ladik, to the W. of Konya: Ce village a du avoir anciennement une toute autre importance, si l’on en juge par le nombre immense de vestiges magnifiques qui subsistent encore; tels que chapiteaux, piédestaux, corniches, deux chaussées en pierre, et quelques inscriptions grecques. [ ] 7  Fontainier_1829_108 Manisa: Magnésie, que l’on nomme aujourd’hui Manissa, est une grande ville gouvernée par un Musselim; on porte sa population à quarante mille âmes. Une magnifique chaussée antique conduit jusqu’à ses portes où l’on voit une forteresse



full endnote texts chapter three

abandonnée et construite en briques cuites. Cet ouvrage est évidemment un travail romain. Il en est de même de la citadelle, dont on ne voit plus que quelques murailles délabrées qui paraissent sur les flancs de la montagne. [ ] 8  Hartley_1831_287–8 on the road from Colossae to Apamea and Isparta, in Phrygia: “At a well, distant five hours from Chardar, we rested for a short time, and then pushed on to Deenare. Great part of the day, we had a Roman Road running along our route. An hour before Deenare we lost this road; and then descended into another plain, lying north and south, with considerable mountains . . . [once in Deenare] we also saw the site of a theatre, but the stones had been removed.” [ ] 9  Saulcy_1853_I_86–7 on the road from Janin to Nablus: Presque partout le chemin que nous suivons présente des traces non équivoques d’une antique voie pavée . . . Apres avoir traversé Qabatieh, nous redescendons dans un autre ravin creux qui présente aussi des traces fort nettes de la voie antique; and again, ibid., I 111 at Rafat: J’ignore à quelle localité biblique a été substituée Rafat. A partir de ce point, la voie pavée antique offre des traces très-évidentes, qui ne cessent plus de se montrer jusqu’à Jérusalem. [ ] 10  De_Saulcy_1853_II_129: Un peu au delà du village d’el-Aazarieh, et au point même où la route, tournant au sud-est, commence à descendre vers le fond de la vallée, nous avons à notre droite, et à un kilomètre environ, le sommet sur lequel est bâti le village d’AbouDis. Est-ce une localité antique qui a pris ce nom? Je l’ignore. A dix heures quarante et une minutes, la route, qui a repris la direction de Test, passe à cent mètres environ d’un puits nommé Bir-el-Ai’d. A dix heures quarante-neuf minutes, nous retrouvons un trèsbeau tronçon de la voie antique que suit constamment le trace du chemin actuellement en usage, et nous descendons par quelques zigzags fort raides, entaillés dans le flanc d’une colline escarpée, à la tête de l’0uad-el-Haoud. Là est une citerne nommée par les Arabes musulmans Bir-el-Haoud (le puits de l’auge), et par les Chrétiens Fontana degli Apostoli. [ ] 11  Laborde_1809_III_273 at Toledo: “The existence of a Roman road is still evident near the castle of San Servanda; its Roman appellation was the Via Lata; at present it is called the Via de la Plata; it is broad, and paved with square stones.” [ ] 12  Laborde_1809_II_491 in Leon: “In entering Aldea-Nueva, there is a well built bridge, and another in leaving it, the latter is called the Maiden, and is over the Ambroz; further on is another over a brook, where the ancient highway passed; it is called Romanillos, and was made by the Romans; it is now given up and impassable, though very necessary in this canton. We meet with the Roman highway in many places from Aldea-del-Camino to Baños.” [ ] 13  Ponz_VIII_1784_5 Villar de Plasencia (Cáceres), after transcribing a Roman inscription he found in a house wall: Hay un puente bien construido al entrar de Aldea nueva, y otro al salir sobre el rio Ambroz, y lo llaman de la Doncella. Mas adelante se encuentra otro sobre un arroyo, por donde atravesaba la calzada antiguar, llamado de Romanillos, y es obra de Romanos; pero ya enteramente abandonado, é intransitable, aunque muy necesario en aquel parage. Así este, como el de la Doncella, que también se va á arruinar, debían componerse muy presto. Desde Aldea del Camino á Baños, se reconoce en algunos trechos la calzada romana. [ ] 14  Al-Makkari_(written_1628)_1840_I_78 Abu Ghalib (died 1044 Almerìa) on Roman roads: ordered by Julius Caesar, “causeways were made from Rome to the east, west, north and south of the earth, until they reached half the circumference of the globe. One of these causeways led to Andalus, and ended to the east of Cordova . . . provided with milestones . . . halting-places for travellers . . . but that these buildings being in the course of time converted into places of curruption and iniquity, and into so many haunts frequented by robbers and vagabonds, owing to their situation in the midst of uninhabited districts, and far from towns, the work was discontinued, and the mile-stones left in the state in which they are at present.” [ ] 15  Ford_1846_42 Spanish roads: “The Moors and Spaniards, who rode on horses and not in carriages, suffered those magnificent lines with which the Romans had covered the Peninsula to go to decay; of these there were no less than twentynine of the first



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order, which were absolutely necessary to a nation of conquerors and colonists to keep up their military and commercial communications. The grandest of all, which like the Appian might be termed the Queen of Roads, ran from Mérida, the capital of Lusitania, to Salamanca. It was laid down like a Cyclopean wall, and much of it remains to this day, with the grey granite line stretching across the aromatic wastes, like the vertebrae of an extinct mammoth. We have followed for miles its course, which is indicated by the still standing miliary columns that rise above the cistus underwood; here and there tall forest trees grow out of the stone pavement, and show how long it has been abandoned by man to Nature ever young and gay, who thus by uprooting and displacing the huge blocks slowly recovers her rights. She festoons the ruins with necklaces of flowers and creepers, and hides the rents and wrinkles of odious, all-dilapidating Time, or man’s worse neglect, as a pretty maid decorates a shrivelled dowager’s with diamonds. The Spanish muleteer creeps along by its side in a track which he has made through the sand or pebbles; he seems ashamed to trample on this lordly way, for which, in his petty wants, he has no occasion. Most of the similar roads have been taken up by monks to raise convents, by burgesses to build houses, by military men to construct fortifications thus even their ruins have perished.” [ ] 16  Fellows_1839_61–62 Riding (from Alexandria Troas) towards the north-east for a mile and a half, we followed an ancient paved road from the city, and by the wayside found an immense granite column, unbroken, lying in the bushes. / I took its dimensions, which were as follow: thirty-eight feet six inches in length; the diameter of the top four feet six inches, with a cornice fifteen inches in depth; diameter of the base five feet six inches, with a moulding twelve inches broad. It was in excellent preservation; but I sought in vain for its pedestal, and wondered that its fall should not have broken it.” [ ] 17  Russegger_1841_I_1_389–390 Seleucia (Pieria, port for Antioch) and a fine road: Man sieht im Hafen von Seleucia noch die aus ungeheuren Quaderstücken bestehenden Mauern, welche ihn einfassten, ferner die Reste eines grossen Molo, der in die See hinausging und vielleicht einen Leuchtthurm oder ein anderes Signal trug. In der Umgebung des Hafens sind die Ruinen einiger Thürme, wahrscheinlich die Trümmer von Forts ans einer spätem Zeit. Der Weg in die Gebirgsschlucht, durch welche die alte Felsenstrasse von Seleucia ans Meer führte und die der interessanteste Gegenstand ist, der hier von dem Unternehmungsgeiste der Alten Zeugniss gibt, zieht sich über die Trümmer eines dieser Thürme hin. Es handelte sich nun darum, unsere Pferde darüber wegzubringen, was uns denn auch, obwohl mit grosser Mühe, gelang, und nachdem wir wenige Schritte die Ruinen hinabgeklettert waren, standen wir am untern Ende des merkwürdigen Felsenweges, eines der grossartigsten Bauuntenehmungen dieser Art, die mir je vorkamen. Der Weg von hier nach dem alten Seleucia, dessen ich später erwähnen werde, ist eine Stunde lang in dem Kalksteinfelsen eingebrochen, grösstentheils von Tage nieder, dort aber wo das Gebirgsgehänge am höchsten war, ist man mit einem Tunnel durchgefahren. Die Breite dieses Weges wechselt zwischen 18 und 24 Fuss. [ ] 18  Smythe_1874_II_302–303 Seleucia Pieria, town and harbour: “Half-an-hour after leaving the gardens of Suédiyeh, the road leads under fine bluffs of rocks, almost honeycombed with grottoes and excavated tombs, which extend up to the very back of the old town and are now much inhabited by the peasants. After passing the remains of a large gateway, the city wall is distinctly to be traced the whole way to the shore, the ancient masonry rising in many places several feet above the ground: within these walls about a quarter of a mile from the sea, is the basin or dock for the galleys, which occupies an area of 47 acres, and is now half filled up with mud, – from this a passage between two thick walls, about 350 yards long, led out into the sea, the great gate which separated the passage from the basin, closed between two strong towers, the bases of which were cut from the living rock, and still seem loftily guarding the way. The harbour, which is now much sanded up, had formerly two strong jetties, curving towards each other, built of fine blocks of stone united by iron clamps: the greater part of one jetty remains and some of the other. The view hence is striking, as one looks back across the ancient walls and the rock-cut passage – through which one can fancy the Roman galleys gallantly passing in, with all their



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oars outspread, – the mighty handiworks of ancient days contrasting with the split and tumbled-down rocks and walls . . . / But a greater Work than basin or jetty yet remains to be seen: this is a cutting in the solid rock – nearly three quarters of a mile long, in some places 120 feet deep, and averaging twenty-four feet wide, mostly open to the air, but in many parts tunnelled through the rock; a little channel for a small stream of water runs nearly all the way along the side, keeping at a level height. While in one place a staircase is cut out and descends to Within fourteen feet of the bottom, which was probably the usual level of the water. This magnificent work is believed to have been made to carry off the water, (which might otherwise have injured both the city and the basin) from the ravine behind the town, where it collected from the hill-sides and poured off into this tunnel.” [ ] 19  Hobhouse_1817_94 road leaving Smyrna: “Passing through the whole length of the Turkish town, we ascended the side of the Castle-hill near the Jews’ burying-ground, and came to a paved road in a state of dilapidation, the remains of the ancient military way to Ephesus. The paved road lasted, with intervals, for about a mile.” [ ] 20  Spon_&_Wheler_1679_240 towards Tourbali from Smyrna: Ensuite nous trouvâmes durant une heure un grand chemin pavé de quartiers de pierre en plusieurs endroits. C’étoit apparemment le chemin militaire qui alloit de Smyrne à Ephese. [ ] 21  Tournefort_1741_349 (travelling 1700–1702): “we went from Smyrna for Ephesus, about nine in the Morning. At going out of the, City, we enter’d upon a Military Way, which is still pav’d with large Pieces of Stone, cut almost like Lozenges.” [ ] 22  Grélois_2003_137 Hans Derschwam (travelling 1555) at Nicomedia: in the lower town, Les chemins paves subsistent depuis les Romains et, là où cela s’avère nécessaire, les Turcs les entretiennent encore. [ ] 23  Alishan_1899_410 Elaiussa: Les ruines attestent de grands monuments, parmi lesquels, sur le penchant d’une colline, un temple orné de colonnes d’ordre composite, cannelées, et d’environ quatre pieds de diamètre et sept et demi de hauteur; une partie seulement de ces colonnes restent debout; il semble qu’elles aient été renversées par un tremblement de terre . . . En face de la ville il y a nombre de tombeaux et de beaux mausolées ornés de colonnes corinthiennes, et assez bien conservés. On voit en outre les ruines d’un théâtre et de grands monuments, dont le plus remarquable est le grand aqueduc, car il y en a encore deux autres plus petits et des réservoirs. Les petits à 1’ouest de la ville, entourent le rocher d’une double rangée d’arcades; le grand longe la colline, traverse les vallons sur des arches et va jusqu’au fleuve du Lamus; sa longueur en ligne droite est de plus de deux lieues. De 1’autre côté de la ville on remarque une route pavée avec de grandes pierres taillées à la manière romaine, qui conduit jusqu’à Séleucie. [ ] 24  Langlois_1854_10 Elaiussa Sebaste: La voie romaine qui, ainsi que je l’ai dit, allait de Séleucie à Tarsous, traversait Elaeusa, où elle est encore en assez bon état. Si elle n’a pas été détruite, comme toutes celles que les Turcs ont parcourues sans les entretenir, c’est que ceux-ci ont abandonné cette direction pour suivre un chemin longeant les bords de la mer. [ ] 25  Langlois_1854_46: La voie romaine qui, ainsi que je l’ai dit, allait de Seleucie à Tarsous, traversait Elaeusa, ou elle est encore en assez bon état. Si elle n’a pas été détruite, comme toutes celles que les Turcs ont parcourues sans les entretenir, c’est que ceux-ci ont abandonné cette direction pour suivre un chemin longeant les bords de la mer. [ ] 26  Cockerell_1903_189a (travelling 1810–1817) further E along the coast, presumably Elaiussa: “We were in the boat following the frigate as she proceeded along the coast, when, perceiving ruins on the coast, we disembarked, and found on a striking eminence a Corinthian temple of bad execution which had been converted into a church. Further on was a town, a theatre, and a vast colonnade with a number of important and very perfect tombs. We had, however, to retire to the boat, for the inhabitants were very threatening, and had we been fewer or shown any fear might have fared badly. As soon as we were off in the boat we had a good bathe.” [ ] 27  Langlois_1854a_10 the Roman road at Elaiussa Sebaste: La voie romaine qui, ainsi que je l’ai dit, allait de Séleucie à Tarsous, traversait Elaeusa, où elle est encore en assez



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bon état. Si elle n’a pas été détruite, comme toutes celles que les Turcs ont parcourues sans les entretenir, c’est que ceux-ci ont abandonné cette direction pour suivre un chemin longeant les bords de la mer. / La plupart des sarcophages que j’ai vus dans cette ville sont revêtus de bas-reliefs, mais sans inscriptions. Trois des plus remarquables sonl d’un bon travail, et ornes de guirlandes reliées entre elles, sur le premier, par des têtes de chèvre; sur un autre, par deux lions affrontés; enfin, sur le troisième, par deux génies et un aigle aux ailes éployées. On lit sur les sarcophages sans bas-reliefs diverses inscriptions. [ ] 28  Bent_1891_219 Cilicia Tracheia: “Two hours beyond Guberlu we fell in with an ancient paved road, the same which led down to Corycos from the interior, and soon reached the fine ruins of an ancient town built on a beetling cliff over a shallow gorge, the one which eventually develops into the Sheitan Dere, and terminates near the sea at Corycos. This spot is now called Jambazlu, and must have been one of the most considerable places in the Olba district. There are four very fine heroa left standing in fair preservation and in a conspicuous position. At the edge of the cliff stood a large sarcophagus the lid of which represents a lion, seated, with one paw on a vase, quite one ol the finest pieces of workmanship we saw in the whole of the Olba district.” [ ] 29  Gough_1954_52 Ayas: “The aqueducts have fallen into decay, but the ancient wells and cisterns are often still in use. Peasants in the rocky interior frequently find the Roman road the quickest means of communication between village and village, though new roads to replace these veterans are now being constructed by the Turkish authorities.” [ ] 30  Moustier_1864_230: D’Izmid à Sabandja la distance est de trente kilomètres nous mettons six heures à la franchir. La route, large d’environ quatre mètres, pavée de pierres plates ou rondes, est tellement dégradée que les chevaux ne peuvent y marcher; il faut presque constamment se tenir dans les sentiers latéraux devenus, à la suite de quelques jours de pluie, de véritables fondrières. La chaussée d’ailleurs est rompue et disparaît sur plus d’un point. / C’est l’ancienne voie romaine qui traversait l’Asie Mineure du nordouest au sud-est jusqu’aux confins de la Syrie, l’artère principale d’où rayonnent encore aujourd’hui les différentes lignes qui relient le golfe Persique au Bosphore, les grandes villes de l’Arménie, de la Mésopotamie, de l’Anatolie à la capitale de l’empire. Les premiers sultans l’ont sans doute entretenue, mais elle est tombée depuis longtemps dans un état de complet abandon, partageant en cela le sort qu’ont éprouvé, en Turquie, tous les ouvrages du même genre. / Nous rencontrons, tantôt des attelages de boeufs épuisant leurs forces à tirer hors des bourbiers deux ou trois paires de roues sur lesquelles sont assujettis d’énormes troncs d’arbres; tantôt des convois de chameaux, les uns en marche, les autres se préparant à bivaquer dans quelque clairière. [ ] 31  Rolleston_1856_82–3: “The Turkish empire cannot be said to possess any roads or ever to have made any, or even attempted to preserve such as it found ready to its hand. Its internal communications are tracks formed by the passing traffic, uninterrupted where spared by the mountain torrent, impassable occasionally when this has not been the case, either covered with loose stones of all sizes and shapes, or consisting of deep and yielding sand.” [ ] 32  Hogarth_1893_677–678: “The southern valleys of Anti-Taurus contain the most remarkable remains of a Roman military frontier road which exist in Asia Minor. The roadway is so well preserved, and the milestones so numerous, that I have thought it worth while to subjoin to thia paper a detailed account and map of the road in the valleys of the Saros and Gyuk Su. Ibod., 679–680: ‘We propose to describe, in the present article, the section from the Saros to the Sogutli Irmak. The milestones discovered upon it are perhaps the most perfect series known; and certainly of no Roman road in Asia Minor of equal length is so much visible evidence in existence. From this one section, so singularly preserved to our days, we can know how the most important military road in Asia was engineered, constructed, and repaired.’” [ ] 33  Henzen_1861b_227 near Ankara: A deux heures environ de la ville, la route qui par l’Haïmanch se dirige vers Koniah, suit pendant plusieurs milles le tracé de la voie antique. Celle-ci est en plusieurs endroits admirablement conservée. Elle a, là où je l’ai mesurée,



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dans un ravin où elle parait avoir été construite plus solidement encore que sur la hauteur, cinq mètres de largeur. Les bords en sont formés de gros blocs d’un calcaire compact veiné de rouge, presque aussi beau et aussi dur que du marbré. J’en mesure un qui a 1 mètre de coté sur 0,66 de large et 0,50 de haut. Ce sont là à peu près les proportions de la plupart de ces blocs. Nous avons sans doute là les restes de ce grand travail de réparation de toutes les voies de l’Asie mineure qui fui exécuté sous Domitien, d’après une inscription que j’ai trouvée à Mamazghia, c’est à dire à la porte meme où aboutit la route dont je vous ai parlé, et où aboutissait la voie ancienne dont je vous signale les restes. [ ] 34  Tchihatchef_1854_122–123 Cilicia, near Karatachkoi: Mais à peine eûmes-nous franchi ce village, que s’opéra une métamorphose complète. La contrée devint pittoresque et nous entrâmes dans un magnifique groupe montagneux, désigné dans le pays par le nom de Djebel hissar ou « montagne aux châteaux, nom éminemment significatif; car c’est, certes, une des localités de toute l’Asie Mineure la plus riche en superbes ruines. A l’endroit même où l’on entre dans la montagne, on voit les restes d’une voie antique qu’on ne quitte plus jusqu’à Ousounbourdj, c’est-à-dire sur un espace de plus de trois heures. Après avoir cheminé pendant environ une demi-heure sur les dalles et blocs redressés de ce pavé, qui remonte et descend les hauteurs de Djebel hissar, on passe par une porte magnifique, dont les restes sont encore fort bien conservés. Cette porte, construite en belles dalles, complète artificiellement l’ouvrage de la nature; car les rochers en cet endroit forment une saillie et se joignent presque en une voûte et déterminent une porte naturelle. Ce splendide ouvrage de l’art, qui vient compléter d’une manière si ingénieuse l’œuvre de la nature, sert d’introduction à tout une série d’anciens monuments, dont la montagne est littéralement hérissée et qui en font, pour ainsi dire, une seule galerie non interrompue, qui va se rattacher aux ruines d’Ousounbourdj. [ ] 35  Childs_1917_106: “About midway between Jelat and Tokat appeared the remains of an old stone bridge crossing the river. When I reached it a faint straight band became visible, going from the bridge up the distant slope in the south, and crossing the summit in a little notch or hollow. If this were not a Roman road, it had every look of one. Its northward aim, too, would bring it to the rich valley of the Lycus, a district of much Roman work. It might, in this land of abounding ancient remains and complete indifference to them, be as fine a Roman road as any existing, and yet have attracted no notice.” [ ] 36  Neale_1851_142 Alexandretta: “On approaching the port from Aleppo, my guide conducted me over the remains of an ancient Roman road infamously out of repair, a very considerable proportion of the Roman stones being here and there absent, and causing a hiatus, into which your jaded beast never fails to stumble; and yet the habitues of Alexandretta were wont to rejoice in this old voie Romaine, though part of it, at most seasons of the year, is fathomless mud. It brought us to a very ricketty old bridge spanning a canal, filled from a small but restless spring, whose waters, which never cease trickling, finding no adequate outlet, have created those baneful marshes which surround the town, extending over nearly tile whole plain. The canal was originally cut by Ibrahim Pasha, at the instigation of an intelligent Italian, who acted as consul for several European states, Mr. Martinelli, and it still retains his name.” [ ] 37  Perrot_1867_50 approaching Nicaea, near the sea: Nous rencontrons bientôt les débris d’une voie romaine, tantôt toute défaite, tantôt très-bien conservée. Elle a trois mètres de large, et les parements en sont faits en gros blocs. [ ] 38  Ramsay_1890_81: “Apart from the temporary changes caused by such circumstances as the Seljuk empire with its capital at Iconium, there has been little alteration in the road system of Anatolia as it was fixed by Justinian until our own time. But the roads are now in a transition stage. When all Turkish govemment business had to be carried across Asia Minor to the eastern and southern parts of the empire, the important routes had to be maintained in decent condition; and a postal service, with relays of horses, was kept up along them. When Leake was sent in haste from Constantinople to Egypt in 1800, he rode across Asia Minor by Dorylaion and Iconium to Anemourion, and there took boat



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to Cyprus. At present a traveller or a government messenger to Cyprus would take the steamer. The difference in this case is typical of a vast number of similar changes, which have curtailed the number of roads along which a horse-post is kept up.” [ ] 39  Ramsay_1890_52: “The justification of Part II [on Roman Roads] then is that if we are ever to understand the history of Asia Minor, we must know the places in which that history was transacted. The scholar, already steeped in Homer, who will spend months in the Troad and Aeolis, and who will learn to know the land until at last he understands it and sympathises with it, – that scholar will place the Homeric question on a new plane. But while an uncertainty of ten or a hundred miles exists as to the situation of any place, we cannot even set about mastering its history.” [ ] 40  Ramsay_1890_199–200: “The preceding are the great routes to Cilicia; but when the intention is to go to Ankyra, Tavium, Caesareia, Armenia, or Kommagene, the pilgrims’ route is on the whole the best for light travellers, but it traverses a mountainous country, and although the natural interest that belongs to it has caused its importance to be much exaggerated, it was not one of the great through routes of the Byzantine Empire. The military history for many centuries depends on another road, longer but more useful and easy. This road went by Nikaia and Dorylaion, crossed the Sangarios by the bridge Zompos, and the Halys at the modem Tcheshnir Keupreu, and then forked to Sebasteia and Armenia, to Caesareia and Kommagene, and to the Cilician Gates. / This great military road of the Byzantine Empire was maintained with the utmost care for many centuries. It fell into disrepair under the weak sovereigns who succeeded Heraclius, and who brought the Empire to the verge of ruin. But under the vigorous rule of the Iconoclast Emperors the defences and communications of the Empire were again brought to the perfection in which they had been left by Justinian in the sixth century, and although we can trace the history of this road only in obscure passing references, there is no doubt that in general attention was paid to its maintenance until the eleventh century. Almost all the military expeditions of the vigorous emperors passed along this road. In the emperor’s progress from Constantinople, he found the contingent of troops furnished by the different provinces awaiting him at stated points near the roads . . . They are enumerated by the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus in the tenth century. / This main military road of the Empire was longer than the pilgrims’ road. Its advantages lay in its greater ease and in its passing near the most convenient military stations for the defence of the provinces. But when these advantages disappear, when all roads fall alike into neglect, and when a foreign army which had no contingents to draw from the provinces invaded the empire, then the directness of the pilgrims’ route must again bring it into prominence. Such has been the case since the eleventh century.” [ ] 41  Anderson_1898_127–128: “We have now reviewed the country along the great commercial highway of the Roman period from Apameia to the south-east corner of Phrygia. For five centuries or more, a constant stream of traffic passed along this road, and flourishing cities with numerous subject villages were to be found on it at short intervals. Here then, if anywhere in the interior, we should expect to find that the Graeco-Roman civilisation struck its roots wide and deep, absorbing and transforming the old native halfOriental civilisation. Yet nothing is clearer than its failure to make any lasting impression. The Phrygian language lived on, and the native spirit retained its vitality and ultimately prevailed. In the plain of Metropolis the native population, the Euphorbeni, maintained its existence side by side with the Greek city. Lysias was planted amongst the Oiniatai: now only a low mound marks its site, while the Oiniatai have left their name to the village Oinan and the plain around. The Roman city Julia flourished and died, and the old name Ipsos reasserted itself. In the plain of Philomelion the villages Azara, Pisa, Selinda live on as Azari, Bïssa, Selind. In the remaining part of Paroreios we have found numerous indications of the persistence of the native element. Tyriaion clearly retained its native character, with a mere veneer of Greek civilisation, till the establishment of Christianity. The Hellenization of the interior (apart from the great cities) as a whole was due to the



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spread of Christianity; but the Hellenism it brought was of a pithless, stagnant type, which was too easily absorbed and assimilated when the great wave of Orientalism overspread the land with the Turkish invasion.” [ ] 42  Laborde_1838_31 En route from Nicomedia to Sabandja, Nous avions appris qu’il s’était conservé, sur l’un des affluents du Sangarius, un pont dont les gens du pays vantaient la grandeur et les portes Les portes d’un pont! Nous sounçonnions deux arcs de triomphe . . . comment un pont monumental avait été construit sur une grande voie de communication sans être mieux connu. Mais on tomberait dans l’oubli au moins. Cette partie de la route de Constantinople à Bagdad et à Damas étant depuis longtemps abandonnée, les caravanes aussi bien que les voyageurs isolés passent au nord par Acmascha et au sud par Geiweh, sans se douter de l’existence de deux ponts sur le Sabandja. Which he draws, Pl.XIV, 30, and then describes. [ ] 43  Perrot_1872_I_167 on the Sangarius, having passed the Injé-sou: nous rejoignons ce qu’on appelle la grande route de Constantinople à Bagdad, c’est-à-dire le sentier que suivent courriers et caravanes, sentier un peu plus mauvais et plus pénible que les chemins ordinaires, parce qu’il est plus défoncé par les pieds des chevaux et des chameaux. Tout le long de cette route sont dressés les poteaux et courent les fils du télégraphe électrique. [ ] 44  Anderson_1903_88 the “Pontic Highway”: “Though it was always an important administrative route, the Pontic trunk road does not figure largely in military history. In later centuries when the pressure of foreign attack fell on the south-eastern borders, military operations necessarily moved along the more southerly routes and the northern road declined in importance. In modern times it has fallen into complete decay: here and there a local road follows the same line, but, as an artery of communication between west and east, the overland route has been supplanted by the coasting steamers which ply between Constantinople and Batum.” [ ] 45  Rolleston_1856_82–83: “The Turkish empire cannot be said to possess any roads or ever to have made any, or even attempted to preserve such as it found ready to its hand. Its internal communications are tracks formed by the passing traffic, uninterrupted where spared by the mountain torrent, impassable occasionally when this has not been the case, either covered with loose stones of all sizes and shapes, or consisting of deep and yielding sand. But it is not to be supposed that this has always been the case in a country once possessed by those greatest of road-makers, the Romans. In the very heart of the country, while toiling along a narrow, broken, and often dangerous path, it is not uncommon for the traveller to come upon a considerable stretch of broad stone-paved road, which, like the legible fragments here and there to be met with in a half destroyed manuscript, makes one feel the more bitterly the loss entailed upon us by the carelessness of man and the ravages of the elements. The roads of all mountainous countries are liable to be destroyed in places by the heavy and sudden downfalls of rain incidental to such localities; but besides this cause, another has conspired even more effectually throughout Anatolia to effect the destruction of its roads, viz., the practice the Turk has of providing himself with hewn stone for his own private purposes from whatever source he can with least trouble to himself and regardless of all other considerations.” [ ] 46  Harada_&_Cimok_2008_I_7 “The pictures in this book are possibly the first and last pictures of many ancient roads before they are lost forever. This destruction has gained such a speed that in two decades ninety per cent of the pictures in this book may become unrecognizable.” The say they are not archaeologists, and have spent over 90 days each year for seven years in the field, and driven over 200,000km, plus “many long arduous walks.” [ ] 47  Clarke_VII_1818_303: “The remains of the old paved road will long continue; because it is the common practice of passengers to avoid this pavement; preferring an easier path, by the side of it.” [ ] 48  Hogarth_1893_668 near Zeitun: “The ancient route was, therefore, much easier and shorter in time, if a little longer in distance, than the modern. It eschewed those great variations of level which render this route so toilsome at the present day, and circum-



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vented the notorious Kussuck; but it has fallen into disuse owing to the shifting of the trade-centre on the north from Yarpuz to Albistan, and, probably, to some catastrophe which ruined the bridge below the Kussuck; sooner than repair the easier route the Turks would scramble over the rocks till the day of doom!” [ ] 49  Fellows_1839_174 from Selge to Antalya, near the plain: “After crossing the valley for perhaps four miles, we suddenly entered a pass between the mountains, which diminished in width until cliffs almost perpendicular inclosed us on either side. The descent became so abrupt that we were compelled to dismount and walk for two hours, during which time we continued rapidly descending an ancient paved road, formed principally of the native marble rock, but which had been perfected with large stones at a very remote age: the deep ruts of chariot-wheels were apparent in many places. The road is much worn by time; and the people of a later age, diverging from the track, have formed a road with stones very inferior both in size and arrangement.” [ ] 50  Newton_1865_II_62 Bodrum: “After examining the castle, I explored part of a district called Kislalik, lying just outside the eastern wall of the city. The course of the ancient road to Mylasa may be here distinctly traced by a row of square basements of tombs, on which modern Turkish houses are built. These basements generally contain a small vaulted chamber, entered by two small doorways. They are wholly built or faced with blocks of grey marble. Several sepulchral inscriptions are Ijuilt into the walls of the Turkish houses. Immediately to the north of this row of houses is a field belonging to a Turk named Sulunan, where I opened a number of tombs of different kinds.” [ ] 51  Krumbacher_1886_277 to Pergamon: Vor etwa fünfzehn Jahren baute die Regierung eine stattliche Strasse von Pergamon nach Dikeli. Selbstverständlich wurde das Werk, sobald es vollendet war, sich selbst überlassen. Der starke Gebrauch und der Einfluss der Witterung wandelten die ebene Landstrasse alsbald in einen holperigen Feldweg um. Weit schlimmer aber ist, dafs gegenwärtig sämtliche Brücken zerstört sind. Die Karawanentreiber und die nomadischen Hirten der Landschaft bemerkten nämlich, dass die Balken und Bohlen der wohlgebauten Brücken sich zur Unterhaltung ihrer nächtlichen Lagerfeuer besser eigneten als das dürre Gestrüpp der Ebene; so plünderten sie denn eine Brücke nach der anderen. [ ] 52  Cogordan_1882_580 Pergamon: Tout ce qui avait quelque valeur esthétique sur l’acropole de Pergame a été dirigé sur Berlin. La difficulté a été grande pour gagner la mer; une route avait pourtant été construite entre Pergame et Diceli dix ans auparavant, et M. Humann lui-même en avait dirigé les travaux; mais il n’avait pas été chargé d’entretenir son œuvre en bon état. Détériorée par les violens orages qui sévissent de temps en temps dans ces belles contrées de l’Orient, la route n’avait pas été réparée, si bien qu’elle était devenue impraticable; quant aux ponts, que l’on avait eu le tort de construire en bois par économie, les conducteurs de caravane y avaient mis le feu pour se chauffer pendant la nuit. Aussi fallut-il des efforts surhumains pour faire passer à travers champs les lourds chariots, traînés par des buffles, qui portèrent jusqu’au port d’embarquement les dépouilles de l’autel de Jupiter. [ ] 53  Cockerell_1903_137–138 (travelling 1810–1817) Cumé near Pergamon: “site of Cumé. There were large remains of the wall nine or ten feet thick, and I found the torso of a white marble statue five feet six inches long, of a very beautiful style. The head, arms, and legs had been broken off by the aga of the place because he thought he should find gold inside. It is not far from here to Pergamo, but it took us unusually long because the water was out in all the low ground, and one had to keep to the causeways. These are made mostly of stones taken from ruined cities, in which one saw bits of architraves, friezes, and so on. Getting off the causeway in one place, I was very nearly bogged.” [ ] 54  Hogarth_1893_682: “‘Flag’ pavement is so commonly considered an essential part and token of a Roman road that a few words must be said about the probability of its having been laid originally on Severus’ road. The fact that we never saw a single inch of such a pavement, even on sections where the agger is in almost perfect preservation, is no way conclusive that it never existed; for, if milestones have been carried nearly twenty miles



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from their stations to serve for modem headstones, a fortiori the small paving stones might have been stripped off entirely by peasants in want of building material. Villages, though not numerous in the valleys of the Saros and Gyuk Su, are still not insufficient, when combined with the towns of Gyuksun and Albistan, to account for the total disappearance of an upper pavement” – though he believes the topmost layer was differently finished. [ ] 55  Hamilton_1842_II_330–331: “we reached the village of Hadjilar, situated in a recess or lateral valley amidst the rocks, on some of which the houses were picturesquely perched. / Here I determined to halt, in order to visit the ruins said to exist on the top of a hill to the S.W., and called Zengi Bor. I found in the villagers, as usual, a mixture of hospitality and curiosity, which latter quality would have proved extremely troublesome without the corrective of the tatar, whose authority even in the fastnesses of Isauria was never for an instant questioned, or his orders disobeyed. They related the following tale respecting the ruins, and their former inhabitants, founded, no doubt, on some vague traditions, indistinctly handed down from generation to generation: – ‘The king or chief of this place, together with his followers, were in former days notorious robbers; they did not till the ground, but plundered the neighbouring districts, extending their ravages as far as Kara Dagh, the inhabitants of which were constantly exposed to their attacks. It happened, however, in the course of time, that the king of Zengi Bor fell in love with, and wanted to marry, the daughter of the king of Kara Dagh, to which the latter consented on condition that the robber-king should make a high road smooth and passable from hence to Kara Dagh, by which his daughter might travel.’ Such a proof that the recollection of the plundering propensity of the Isaurians is still kept up in this region is better worth repeating than the thousand absurd tales about gold and treasures which are everywhere inflicted on a traveller.” [ ] 56  Davis 1874, 281. [ ] 57  Dutemple_1883_257: De ci, de là, on rencontre encore quelques vestiges des antiques chaussées romaines; mais les énormes blocs qui les composent, disjoints par les siècles et les intempéries des saisons, présentent un tel amas de petits monticules et de crevasses qu’il est encore préférable pour les muletiers de faire passer leurs convois dans la plaine. Et cependant ce sont là des routes réelles, stratégiques même, et que peu de réparations pourraient rendre rapidement praticables. [ ] 58  Ramsay_1897b_69 “After leaving Tchakirsaz, we crossed the line of the new road leading direct from Kutaya to AfiomKara-Hissar. Though occasionally one finds a good new road, built by some European in the government service, the great majority of the roads which have been made in recent years in Asia Minor are bad. In more cases than one, the line of the new road was indicated to our eyes by the deeper green of a more luxuriant crop of grass; the natives carefully avoided it, because its surface was not so good for horses’ feet; and the track which they followed kept away from the road, only cutting across it occasionally. It is quite common to find an isolated piece of modern road without beginning or end. It is still commoner to find an elevated causeway, built at great expense, leading to the bank of a ravine or streain, in preparation for a bridge; but the bridge has never been built, and, if you are not looking ahead, you are discomposed by your horse coming to a sudden halt, with his fore legs planted firm, refusing to make the next step, which would precipitate him into the yawning chasm. When a new road is projected, an entirely new line is selected, often one that requires engineering works of some magnitude: scraps of the road are made by forced labour.” [ ] 59  Kinnear_1818_118 at the Sehoun river, and Mount Taurus: “The road ran along the brow of the precipice, sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other; it was in so bad a condition that it could only be passed during the day, many of the large stones, which had been used in the construction of the Roman way, having been either removed or fallen down, whilst the surfaces of those that still remained in their places were so smooth and slippery, that the horses could not tread upon them without the momentary danger of being precipitated over the rocks.”



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[ ] 60  Massy_1905_301: “The passage of some of those ancient roads to-day, especially of those in wonderful repair leading from the coast around Corycus and the ancient island of Elaeusa towards Olba, suggests at once the thought of how horses’ hoofs were treated in those days for passage over such great blocks of smooth stone. It would appear that they were not shod. In endeavouring to solve the interesting question as to when horseshoes were first used, I made inquiries at the Quirinal Museum in Rome last autumn, and found that this was apparently in Marcus Aurelius’ reign (161 AD), and the proof lies in his own equestrian statue in that museum, where his horse’s uplifted foot shows the shoe with six nails, whereas previous sculpture only gives the uncovered hoof. [ ] 61  Tchihatchef_1854_126–127 Cilicia, roads around Silifke: Lorsque cette longue voie, aujourd’hui si pénible pâlir le piéton comme pour le cavalier, traversait jadis une contrée animée par de magnifiques monuments et une nombreuse population, elle a dû offrir aux voyageurs une véritable promenade des plus pittoresques. Cependant elle paraît avoir été plus commode pour les piétons que pour les chevaux; car, comme chez les anciens, ceux-ci n’étaient pas ferrés; on ne conçoit pas trop comment ils pouvaient cheminer sans glisser ou tomber sur les surfaces unies de ces dalles. Dans tous les cas, il est fort probable que cette antique voie servait à relier la cité que représentent les belles ruines d’Ousounbourdj à Seleucia (Sélefké), bien que, comme je viens de le dire, aux approches de cette dernière ville, le pavé antique se perde insensiblement. [ ] 62  Cronin_1902_110 the Via Sebaste: “Turning to the southern branch of the road, we are left more or less in the dark as to the course it followed, or indeed as to its existence. There is a milestone of large size at Kirili-Kassaba. It is probable enough in itself that the site of Bey-Sheher was occupied by the Romans even in Augustus’ time, and it is somewhere in this region that we are almost bound to look for Parlais. For some distance before Bey-Sheher is reached, a road, either Roman in its construction or constructed from Roman materials, runs by the side of the caravan-route; the bridge at Bey-Sheher is made apparently from similar materials, and it has a portion of one arch – the right-hand portion of the first arch from the Itcheri-Sheher side – of definite Roman work. There are milestones south of Bey-Sheher at Gulgurum, Avshar, and Aktchelar; but as they are either uninscribed, or for all practical purposes illegible, they are of no use to fix either the name or the date of the road to which they belong. They are, however, of large size.” [ ] 63  Choisy_1876_164–165 on the road from Kurd-Kale to Afyon: La route est une simple bande de terre frayée sur cinquante mètres de largeur par les pas des chameaux. Jamais on ne la répare; lorsqu’elle se défonce, le voyageur en est quitte pour passer au large. La seule attention des Turcs est de lui ménager de l’eau sur son trajet: la route est toute jalonnée de puits ou de fontaines, créations pieuses des musulmans, qui considèrent l’eau comme le plus grand bienfait dans ces immenses plaines brûlantes. Les puits s’annoncent au loin par leur long balancier, don’t une extrémité porte un seau primitif et l’autre un contrepoids. Les fontaines sont toutes ornées de sarcophages servant de vasques; des cippes ou des stèles complètent la décoration; et, par une conformité qui doit tenir à quelque, tradition des anciens cultes, la plupart des stèles que j’ai rencontrées en Phrygie, de Koutahia à Kara-hissar, ont une physionomie commune; elles simulent une baie surmontée d’un arc outre-passé en fer à cheval, encadrant un bas-relief partout le même: deux lions qui se regardent. [ ] 64  Piccirillo_1996_300: Roman road at Livias: Gli esploratori del Survey [viz of Eastern Palestine, 1881] riportano la testimonianza dei beduini per I quali la strada era stata usata fino a tempi recenti dalle carovane di pellegrini musulmani per salire dalla valle del Giordano sull’altopiano e prendere il Darb el-Hajj a est di Hesban e di Madaba. [ ] 65  Rolleston_1856_83: “The camel is the principal beast of burden employed in the transport of goods throughout Asia Minor. The use of mules, asses, and horses is, though not uncommon, yet much less widely diffused. Wheel carriages are entirely unknown, and with the roads in their present condition, they could not be made use of. It is not unusual to meet a string of as many as sixty or seventy camels all heavily laden.”



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[ ] 66  Neale_1851_198: “The average time camels take to go from Alexandretta to Aleppo, is six days; but in winter they have sometimes, owing to the state of the roads, been twenty days on the journey. Muleteers perform it three days in summer, and six in winter.” [ ] 67  Clarke_1881_17 on Assos: “It is a peculiarity of the Turkish laws relating to customduties that a re-examination and taxation is enforced when goods are transferred from port to port of the empire itself, however near these may be one to the other. Hence the great number of camels in a mountainous country, destitute of roads, which is by nature unfavorable to the extensive employment of beasts of burden.” [ ] 68  Temple_1835_I_234 Sbeitla: “Next morning we reached Sbeitlah in one hour. In the bed of the river we saw a white marble bas-relief, representing several female draperied figures of very good execution, which was, however, too large to be carried away on horseback, and I could not find a camel.” [ ] 69  Tchihatchef_1877_191: Sans doute, en Asie Mineure comme dans tout l’Orient, le chameau perdra beaucoup de son importance et peut-être disparaîtra tout à fait à mesure que la civilisation européenne se sera développée, en facilitant les communications à l’aide de voies carossables et de chemins de fer; aussi, le chameau ne figure-t-il en Asie Mineure que dans le très-petit nombre d’animaux domestiques dont l’introduction remonte aux époques postérieures à l’antiquité classique, preuve évidente que cet animal, loin d’être le produit de la civilisation n’en marque au contraire que le berceau ou le déclin. [ ] 70  Childs_1917_318 at the Cilician Gates: “The winding road, overhung with pine-trees, was dotted with strings of Bactrian camels; they filed slowly across old ivy-covered stone bridges; their swaying bells filled the gorge with a musical beating. Thus the caravans must have come in the times of Darius and Alexander, and thus they have come ever since; but a year or two hence this picturesque ancient traffic will be no more, for goods- trains of the Bagdad Railway will have taken its place.” [ ] 71  Childs_1917_276 the Cilician Gates: “And now the pass has asserted its importance again, and the Bagdad Railway, having been drawn to the south, follows the defile as the one natural and inevitable route between west and south-east. One could wish that the railway had found another route, for it has wrought havoc along this hitherto unchanging historic road. Ravines were choked with slopes of debris shot from tunnels and rockcuttings; streams were dammed and diverted in the same heedless fashion; naked embankments stretched like walls down the valley; and in every sheltered nook were the tents and litter – the rags, straw, and empty tins of labourers’ camps.” [ ] 72  Ramsay_1903_380–381 Cilician Gates: “How much history lies hid in Kinneir’s description about 1812! – ‘The road was in so bad a condition that it could only be passed during the day; many of the large stones, which had been used in the construction of the Roman way, having been either removed or fallen down, whilst the surfaces of those that still remained in their places were smooth and slippery.’ / Nothing was actually done to improve the roadway until Ibrahim Pasha found it necessary to carry his guns across the Pass. This improvement was not maintained; but in the time of Said Pasha, about 1882, an effort was made to facilitate traffic, and the road was made passable by waggons, though there was still much difficulty at various points. Again, recently the road has been greatly improved, and it is easy to drive up to the Gates from Tarsus, though the surface is sometimes rough. North of the Gates the road is now even better than south.” [ ] 73  Tchihatchef_1854_125–126 Cilicia, presumably the tombs above Silifke: Sur plus d’un point de l’espace qu’on franchit entre Ousounbourdj et la localité susmentionnée, on aperçoit les restes d’une ancienne route qui prennent un tel développement entre l’endroit sus-mentionné et Selevké, que souvent la marche devient presque impossible. C’est ainsi qu’on chemine d’abord, pendant deux heures, sur une large nappe de dalles brisées et redressées, où les chevaux ne peuvent plus avancer, car ils glissent à chaque pas ou ont leurs pieds engagés entre les blocs pointus. On est souvent forcé de mettre pied à terre, sans pouvoir avancer autrement qu’à tâtons; d’ailleurs, il est impossible d’éviter ces espèces de barricades, car de tous côtés la contrée est, non-seulement hérissée d’arbres,



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mais encore encombrée de tels monceaux de ruines, qu’on ne saurait y passer avec des chevaux de bât. / Parmi ces énormes accumulations de débris d’’édifices antiques, on voit fréquemment quelques-uns de ces derniers encore debout. C’est ainsi qu à quatre heures d’Ousounbourdj on aperçoit, à gauche, sur une petite hauteur, un beau temple, parfaitement conservé, de forme carrée, le frontispice reposant sur quatre colonnes corinthiennes; du côté opposé, à droite, se présentent deux temples semblables, ainsi que des pans de mur et des colonnes corinthiennes isolées, qui se dressent sur le sommet d’une hauteur limitrophe. A quatre heures et demie d’Ousounbourdj, où la route antique descend par une pente assez forte dans la direction de la mer, qui se déploie majestueusement devant le voyageur, on voit encore un temple du même genre, sur le frontispice duquel se trouve une inscription grecque que je n’ai pas eu le temps de copier. Tous ces temples, vu leurs dimensions peu considérables, paraissent avoir été des monuments sépulcraux. [ ] 74  Allen_1894_4–5: “One of the principal agents in the work of transforming Asia Minor is the railroad, to which the natives have taken with unusual readiness. The locomotive is already competing with the hundred and sixty thousand camels employed in the peninsula caravan-trade. At Geiveh, the last station on the Trans-Bosphorus Railway, where we left the track to follow the Angora highway, the ‘ships of the desert’ are beginning to transfer their cargoes to the ‘land steamer’ instead of continuing on as in former days to the Bosphorus.” [ ] 75  Pococke_1772_V_220–221 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Nicomedia: La ville n’a point de quais, mais des espéces de môles de bois en forme de ponts, où mouillent les bateaux sur lesquels on charge marchandises devinées pour Constantinople, car il s’y fait un commerce considérable, quoiqu’il y ait, à ce qu’on dit, cent milles de l’une à l’autre par mer, mais je n’en compte que cinquante, mesurés le long de la côte; n’y ayant que trente-six milles par terre jusqu’à Scutari; les caravanes finissent là leur journée, & les passagers qui n’ont point de montures, vont à Scutari par mer. [ ] 76  Ouvré_1896_246–247 in his chapter on Kutaya, remarking on the transformation of Asia Minor: Que les artistes s’en plaignent. On a dit cent fois que le progrès est mortel au pittoresque. Confessons en outre qu’il nuit souvent à la morale. On ne commettait point de crimes chez la Belle au bois dormant, et les lointains bleus du parc étaient d’une grâce infinie dans le cadre mouvant des feuillages. Il fallait pourtant frapper les arbres et tracer des routes au milieu des taillis. Bien que je goûte autant qu’un autre le prestige des vieux contes, je contemplerais sans colère aux pentes du Dindyme la ligne blanche des jalons et la morsure des tranchées. Une protestation, permise peut-être aux archéologues, serait indigne d’un historien. Pour un peuple et pour un homme l’essentiel n’est-il pas de vivre? On a tant déclamé sur notre décadence, les esthètes à mains paresseuses ont tant de fois prédit la ruine de notre civilisation que j’éprouve, à parcourir ces chantiers, une allégresse de convalescence, et que dans cette conquête tout me plaît, jusqu’à ses rudesses. [ ] 77  Carles_1906_65 of Asia Minor: Cette contrée, la plus belle et la plus fertile de la terre, grenier du monde ancien, sera avec la Turquie modernisée, un marché mondial capable d’égaliser les plus importants. Le gouvernement régénérateur ayant pour devoir économique de tirer tout le parti possible de cette merveilleuse région, la dotera de voies de communication, et par de sages mesures, lui permettra de prendre un rang digne d’elle. La première œuvre qui s’imposera sera incontestablement la création d’un grand débouché sur la Méditerranée où aboutiront les routes, les chemins de fer, etc., qui devront assurer aux produits tirés de l’agriculture ou de l’industrie, le minimum de distance à parcourir et par conséquent de frais à supporter. C’est le rôle dévolu à Alexandrette, rôle qu’elle tient de sa situation géographique. [ ] 78  Burgess_1835_143: “It is certain the Sultan has not an inch of road in his dominions, which would not, in any civilised country, be indicted as a nuisance; but it may very much be doubted whether such provision as is made in Asia Minor for the convenience of a thin population moving over immense districts, would or could ever have been made by a representative government. Nothing can be more ugly than the interior of a Turkish city; and



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no habitations more wretched than those of Broussa, which, except the mosques, khans, and bagnios, are literally built of mud; and yet the tiled roofs, interspersed with luxuriant trees, and overtopped by the numerous glittering minarets and cupolas.” [ ] 79  Texier_1862_433 on transporting marble: Toutes les voies antiques étant entièrement détruites en Asie Mineure, il est bien difficile de dire par quel chemin les produits étaient portés à la mer. Il y a environ vingt lieues de ce point [Synnada] jusqu’à la vallée du Méandre, et, pour y arriver, il faut traverser un pays hérissé en tous sens de montagnes plus ou moins rudes. Le Méandre, d’ailleurs, n’est pas navigable, et à peine pourrait-il, au moyen d’un barrage, porter des radeaux un peu considérables. Cest un sujet constant d’étonnement pour le voyageur qui parcourt ces contrées de voir dans des bassins entourés de tous côtés par des montagnes, des ruines si étendues avec des monuments de marbre, des blocs d’un poids incalculable, et transportés de régions aujourd’hui tout à fait ignorées. Quant aux alentours, il n’existe plus aucune trace de grande route ni de voie de communication. [ ] 80  Moustier_1864_228: Les routes, fort négligées au temps du Bas-Empire, peu entretenues par les premiers sultans, n’existent plus aujourd’hui; on ne rencontre que des sentiers, et les transports se font tous à dos de cheval et de chameau. [ ] 81  Cuinet_1894_III_392–393: Contrairement à tout ce qui s’est passé dans les autres pays, la construction des chemins de fer a précédé, en Turquie, celle des routes ordinaires ou chaussées. / Les premiers sultans ottomans ne s’étaient pas bornés à entretenir en bon état les voies romaines et autres qu’ils avaient trouvées en pays conquis. Ils en avaient euxmêmes fait construire beaucoup d’autres encore plus belles, larges, commodes, solides, bordées de fontaines et de caravansérails, pourvues de ponts monumentaux, purs chefsd’œuvre d’architecture. On peut citer notamment la route militaire de Constantinople à Bagdad, dont il est facile d aller étudier quelques restes fort intéressants à Guebzé, ancienne Lybissa, ou la tradition prétend que mourut Annibal. Toutefois, depuis bien des années, on ne voit que quelques fragments de tant de magnifiques travaux, et il est exact de dire qu’il n’existait pas de routes en Turquie lors de la concession du premier tronçon de chemin de fer. [ ] 82  Geary_1878_276–277: “But it is in a country where there is not even a cart with two wheels to be seen in a journey of some fifteen hundred miles that a railway would be appreciated at its full value; and when that country is teeming with natural wealth which only awaits the means of transport to enrich Government and people, it is not likely that a railway once made will lack goods and passengers. Let us see (1) whether a railway could be made in the country we have just traversed [Syria, Antioch, Aleppo etc]; (2) whether, if practicable, it would be likely to pay; (3) what are the obstacles in the way of its being made; and (4) whether there are any practical means of speedily surmounting those obstacles.” Thinks Alexandretta the best starting point to the Persian Gulf. [ ] 83  Lane-Poole_1888_II_113, 1843/1846: “The wretched state of the roads was, and I believe still is, another evil of great prejudice to Turkey. The facilities of water-carriage owing to the intermixture of land and sea have, no doubt, partly remedied, as well as partly caused, that serious check on produce and trade. The mischief however still operates to a degree which may yield in time to rail and steam, and probably to nothing short of those gigantic powers. I strove in vain to open the Sultan’s eyes on this subject. Once at my suggestion he sent one of his ministers to open a carriage-road from Trebizond to the Persian frontier. The work had scarcely begun when it was abandoned, and its only results were a job of some profit to the agent and the leaving a wide field of lucrative commerce open to Russian enterprize.” [ ] 84  Cornwall_1924_215: “Our first objective was to reach the Anatolian railway at Qara Koi station, 100 kilometres east of Brusa. Two years ago this road was the main line of communication for the Greek Northern Army group, based on Mudania and Brusa. During their occupation the Greeks had converted it into a first-class motor road, having obtained the funds for the purpose by exacting a toll from every araba using the road. It is a significant fact that the only roads in Anatolia to-day fit for motor traffic in wet weather are



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those constructed by Turkey’s enemies during their periods of military occupation, by the Greeks in the west and by the Russians in the north-west. Even these blessings conferred by the war, however, will soon be swallowed up in the mud and sloth of Turkey.” [ ] 85  Rayet_1874_12 after finding two female statues in the necropolis near Miletus: Le transport de ces statues à Milet, sous une pluie battante et à travers des champs devenus une mer de boue, fut excessivement pénible. Le mauvais temps rendait désormais également impossibles les voyages et les fouilles; la plaine du Méandre était déjà en partie couverte d’eau. Menacé par cette inondation d’être coupé pour longtemps de Smyrne, atteint, d’ailleurs, pour la seconde fois de la fièvre, je congédiai mes ouvriers et quittai Palatia dans les derniers jours de décembre pour aller passer l’hiver à Athènes – no mention of roads! [ ] 86  Rayet_1874_18–19 Didyma: Déblayer tout cet espace, c’est une œuvre qui eût demandé non des mois, mais des années, et qui eût coûté des sommes énormes nous n’y pouvions songer. Tout ce qu’il était possible de faire, c’était de rechercher toutes les données architecturales nécessaires à une restauration complète du temple et de retirer des ruines tous les morceaux de sculpture déjà visibles, ou que les fouilles feraient rencontrer . . . L’extraction du milieu des ruines des marbres que j’avais résolu d’emporter, le transport et l’embarquement de ces marbres demandèrent un mois d’efforts, quoique pendant la dernière semaine je fisse travailler même la nuit. Les objets trouvés à Palatia et à Héraclée durent descendre à la mer par le Méandre, dont la barre est peu profonde et très-mauvaise. Ceux recueillis à Hiéronda furent traînés à bras d’hommes, par une route faite exprès, longue de 5 kilomètres, jusqu’à une petite baie déserte, où fut construit un quai d’embarquement. Si l’on songe que quelques-uns de ces blocs dépassaient le poids de trois tonnes, que je n’avais pour tout matériel que deux paires de mouflles en fer, quelques câbles et des bois de bigues trouvés dans le pays même, trop courts et trop faibles, que le brick khiote que j’avais nolisé n’était guère plus muni que moi, et que tout ce travail dut être fait avec des ouvriers indigènes, on comprendra quel soulagement j’éprouvai lorsque le dernier morceau fut à fond de cale. Le chapiteau d’ante de Didymes nous causa surtout des inquiétudes: ce fut d’abord notre route qui s’effondra sous son poids; puis la bigue du quai d’embarquement se rompit, et il tomba dans la mer. Repêché non sans peine, il fut enfin porté le long du bord; mais, au moment où on le hissait, une poulie du jeu de palans installé sur le pont du brick cassa, et le bloc retomba de plus d’un mètre, jusqu’à ce que les câbles eussent roidi de nouveau. Le navire donna une telle bande que l’eau arriva presque au bastingage: les mâts s’inclinèrent comme s’ils allaient tomber; un choc violent nous fit craindre que la coque ne s’entrouvrît. Rien n’arriva cependant, et l’accident fut bientôt réparé. [ ] 87  Wood_1890_103 Ephesus: “To fetch the stones from the ruins I had a strong twowheeled cart or truck, which was capable of taking two tons at a time. It was really astonishing to see this cart, manned by the sailors, drawn up steep places covered with debris. They surmounted by their energy and determination all obstacles, and in the course of twenty-two days they conveyed to the railway station as many stones as the frigate could take away.” [ ] 88  Clarke_1881_12–13b on Assos: “At the time of Mr. Abbot’s visit, in November, 1864, a work of systematic destruction was going on. The Turkish Government were employing a considerable detachment of soldiers to displace and carry from the ruins the largest and best hewn stones . . . The work was undertaken as though all the remains of the city were to be carried away; a road was built down the most regular declivity of the hill for the transport of the stones upon rough sledges, so that the making of a way for the reliefs taken from the Acropolis by the present expedition was greatly facilitated.” [ ] 89  Wood_1877_52 in April 1865 “At Assos the Turks were removing the marble seats of the theatre, and conveying them to Constantinople, where a large palace was in progress.” [ ] 90  Poujoulat_1840_I_52–53 standing ruins at Laodicea: Je dois me borner à mentionner les ruines qui, dans leur état présent, conservent encore la forme du monument auquel elles ont appartenu. Ainsi je n’oublierai pas les restes considérables d’un gymnase qui s’élève au milieu de la cité; plus loin est un troisième théâtre où apparaissent de larges



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gradins en marbre. A l’est du gymnase, à cent pas de distance, on trouve une statue de femme de forme colossale, couchée à côté d’un énorme piédestal sur lequel elle était placée. La tète et les bras manquent à cette statue; le buste, les jambes, les draperies, sont remarquablement travaillés. [ ] 91  Demangel_1925_322 and 327–328 colossal statue of Athena at Notion, 2km from Claros: Trois fragments: les deux plus importants proviennent des ruines du temple même d’Athéna; le troisième était encastré dans un petit mur turc, à 100 mètres à l’E. de la fouille . . . Marbre blanc des îles. / Avec l’épaule gauche, subsiste seulement la moitié droite du corps jusqu’au genou environ: le flanc gauche, le bas des jambes, les bras manquent, ainsi que la tête qui était rapportée (mortaise hémisphérique). De nombreux petits fragments de draperies et d’accessoires (notamment imbrications, provenant de Tégide), retrouvés aux environs du temple, ont certainement appartenu à la statue . . . colossal statue of a draped man at Notion, 2km from Claros: 200 mètres à l’E.du sanctuaire d’Athéna. Deux fragments d’un personnage masculin de dimensions colossales, vêtu d’un épais manteau arrêté au genou. Haut, totale, 1 m. 40. Marbre blanc des îles. Manquent: la tête, le bras gauche (rapporté), le côté droit (surface polie destinée à une large pièce rapportée), la jambe droite depuis le genou, la jambe gauche au-dessous du genou, lequel apparaît nu. [ ] 92  Skene_1853_261 outside Ankara: “We, therefore, went a little way beyond the suburbs on the north to a large Armenian monastery, whose church was the temple of Jupiter, and became a place of Christian worship in the epoch of the great Apostle of the Gentiles when he preached the Gospel here. It is octagonal, and is covered by a noble dome. An old mason narrates of it that his father, of the same craft, was once employed in raising some of the marble slabs forming the pavement which had been displaced, and that he saw an enormous vault in which were colossal statues and small idols of bronze; superstitious fear seized the workmen, and the opening was immediately closed. Fragments of ancient sculpture are strewn about, and amongst others a gigantic Roman bust, and a fine though mutilated head of the Thunderer to whom the temple was dedicated, while plinths, sarcophagi, and architraves now do duty as tombstones in the spacious necropolis of the cloister.” [ ] 93  Tchihatchef_1854_90 near Ankara: A une demi-heure au nord d’Angora, il y a un grand couvent arménien entouré d’une muraille élevée. M. Leonardi, médecin arménien, chez lequel j’ai joui plusieurs fois d’une cordiale hospitalité, m’apprit qu’il avait trouvé, dans la cour de ce couvent, une tête colossale de Jupiter, ainsi que plusieurs médailles antiques. Ces restes précieux, qu’il gardait depuis plusieurs années dans sa maison, avaient été détruits ou égarés dans un incendie qui avait dévoré sa demeure peu de temps avant mon arrivée à Angora, où j’avais déjà été quatre fois de passage. [ ] 94  Butler_1922_66–67 Sardis: “a little to the south of the flank of the temple, another mutilated colossal male head was brought to light, even more disfigured than the other. It shows the neck quite completely all around, but the beard and all the features have been intentionally battered away, leaving a shapeless mass of marble. Near by was discovered part of a hand of the same giant scale as the head and, later on, the upper joint of a huge thumb; these fragments showing conclusively that the heads belonged to colossal statues which probably stood near the temple and were broken up in the process of lime making. Lime-kilns in considerable numbers were disclosed on at least three different levels, one showing many early Byzantine coins, one with coins of the late concave type, and the other not far below the surface.” [ ] 95  Butler_1925_24: “Well beyond the northwest angle of the temple, in rather shallow soil, was found the inner half of a capital quite intact, and, just below the surface near the northwest anta, the abacus of another capital, all the rest of which had been hacked away and broken up for conversion into lime. Thus nine capitals are accounted for. At the east end a large number of unfluted drums had remained upon the surface, and below it several more, fluted and unfluted.”



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[ ] 96  Beaufort_1818_161 Side: “there was no modern town in the neighbourhood. / This last circumstance may account for the unmolested state of the theatre, and of some of the other buildings. Destruction, however, had not been quite idle; most of the columns have been carried away, and some large shafts of white marble were found, broken into short lengths, and rolled down to the shore, as if prepared for embarkation. A few of them had been rounded into balls, such as the Turks use in their immense cannon at the Dardanelles and at Smyrna.” [ ] 97  Corancez_1816_375–377 near Antalya, the ruins of ancient Attaleia, which he says are 65 miles from both Alanya and Satalie – i.e. Side: Au fond du port, cette muraille vient se réunir à une autre beaucoup plus considérable, qui borde seule la longueur de l’ancienne ville dans la direction du nord au sud. Elle est formée de gros blocs calcaires, taillés régulièrement, et elle a de quinze à dix-huit pieds de hauteur. Les pierres y sont entremêlées de blocs carrés de marbre, dont plusieurs sont couverts d’inscriptions grecques. Il y en a beaucoup aussi sur les pierres mêmes. Au fond du port, on peut suivre sur le mur une de ces inscriptions, qui a plus de vingt toises de longueur. Les caractères qui la composent sont renversés, et les blocs qui la forment étant rapportés de différens édifices, elle ne présente aucun sens . . . On peut juger de là que cette muraille n’appartient pas à la ville ancienne. Il paroît qu’il y a eu dans l’origine un quai sur le rivage où elle s’élève aujourd’hui, et on observe encore quelques traces de ce dernier. C’est avec les pierres de ce quai, et les matériaux des édifices qui étoient destinés à l’embellir et à le défendre, qu’on aura élevé la muraille qui subsiste de nos jours. On ne peut à cet égard conserver aucun doute, puisque, comme nous l’avons dit, ce mur offre, d’un intervalle à l’autre, des séries d’inscriptions renversées, dont les lignes ne se suivent point. / Au pied de cette muraille, la plage est couverte de ruines. Ce sont des blocs de marbre blanc, fûts de colonnes, les unes de pierre calcaire grise, autres de marbre gris veiné ou de granit égyptien. [ ] 98  Fellows_1839_204 at Side “The glowing colours in which this town is described in the ‘Modern Traveller,’ as quoted from Captain Beaufort’s admirable survey, show how essential it is to know upon what standard a description is formed. It would have given Captain Beaufort much pleasure to have gone inland for a few miles, and to have seen theatres and towns in perfect preservation as compared with Side, and of so much finer architecture. From the account which he gives I was led to expect that this would form the climax of the many cities of Asia Minor, but I found its remains among the least interesting.” [ ] 99  Beaufort_1818_196–7 at Anamurium: “It has been mentioned, that the columns of the mausoleum at Trajanopolis and the seats of the theatre had been carried away; so have those also of these theatres; and it is remarkable, that in the whole extent of this place, there is scarcely to be found a vestige of a column, or a loose block of marble of more than ordinary size. Yet there are no buildings in the neighbourhood for which they could have been purloined; and the only alternative is, that every thing worth the removal has been transported to the island of Cyprus, which is at no great distance, and where arts and commerce flourished long after this coast had become the prey of a succession of ruffian conquerors.” [ 100] Arundell 1834, II 33–44. [ ] 101  Walpole_1817_215 Dr. Hunt at Zeropotamo near Simopetra monastery on Athos: “At the port is a broken slab of Parian marble, with an inscription containing a decree of the senate and people of Iasus in Asia Minor, bestowing privileges on some individual who had been a benefactor to them.” [ 102] Urquhart_1838_II_174 (travelling for five months in 1830) at Vatopedi, on Athos: “The church is internally a light, airy, and lofty building, composed of two oval halls, opening into each other, adorned with enormous pillars of porphyry, with pavements, columns, and ornaments of jasper, verd-antique, and variegated marbles.” [ 103] Lucas_1714_I_209 the monasteries on Athos: Il y a dans plusieurs de ces Eglises des coupoles, jusqu’au nombre de cinq, soutenues par de très-belles colomnes; de sorte qu’aux lieux même ou la religion Chrétienne est la dominante, ces Eglises Grecques seroient regardées comme magnifiques.



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[ 104] Arundell_1834_II_407 of Smyrna: “Few of the Ionian cities have furnished more relics of antiquity, or of greater merit, than Smyrna; but the convenience of transporting them, and the number of investigators, have exhausted the mine; it is therefore not at all wonderful, that ‘of the stoas and temples, the very ruins are vanished;’ and it is now extremely difficult to determine the sites of any of the ancient buildings, with the exception of the stadium, the theatre, and the temple of Jupiter Acraeus which was within the acropolis.” [ 105] Wolcott_Redding_1873_298 at Antioch “after heavy rains antique marble pavements are visible in many parts of the town, and gems, cornelians and rings are frequently found.” [ 106] Mas’udi_1864_III_407–8 (born c.896, Baghdad) on Antioch: Il y a à Antioche une église dédiée à Paul, qui est connue sous le nom de Deïr-el-beraguit (couvent des puces); elle est située près de la porte de Perse. On y voit encore une autre église, que l’on nomme Achmounit, où l’on célèbre une fête qui est très en honneur chez les chrétiens. Il faut aussi citer l’église de Barbara et celle de Marie. Cette dernière, construite en rotonde, est une des merveilles du monde par sa solidité et sa hauteur. El-Walid, fils d’Abd-el-Mélik, fils de Merwan, en avait fait enlever de magnifiques colonnes de marbre et de marbre blanc qu’il destinait à la mosquée de Damas, et qui furent transportées par mer jusqu’à la hauteur de cette ville. Toutefois la plus grande partie des colonnes est restée dans l’église, où on les voit encore aujourd’hui. [ 107] Stochove_1643_279 Antioch, a church against the W. walls of the city, supposedly where S. Peter held his first mass, and au bas il y a une belle fontaine, ou l’on nous asseura qu’il avoit baptisé plusieurs Payens, nous y vismes plusieurs autres belles antiquitez & ruines, mais l’ignorance des Grecs est si grande qu’ils n’eu peuvent donner aucune raison. [ 108] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_VII_1835_117. [ 109] Chesneau_1887_144 (travelling 1547) Antioch: Et n’y a plus rien digne à voir en icelle que les murailles qui ont aparence d’avoir esté fort belles et merveilleusement bien faictes et sont presque toutes de pierres de marbre. [ ] 110  Temple_1835_I_236 Sbeitla: “One of these temples, judging from its ornaments, seems to have been dedicated to Bacchus. The ornaments of all of them are very rich and of excellent execution. Whatever inscriptions these temples may have borne, are now buried under the ruins of the porticos, and the columns and stones were much too large to be removed, at least, with the means at my disposal.” [ ] 111  Ouvré_1896_64–65 near Eskishehir: Les antiquités qu’on nous offre viennent de Schar-Euïuk, un tertre à trois kilomètres de la ville. C’est là que fut la cité hellénistique et romaine. Dans le flanc de la colline, les Turcs ont pratiqué une tranchée. Ils cherchaient du moellon, et ont trouvé plusieurs stèles. « Elles sont écrites », nous dit-on avec une nuance de respect. Nous profitons du renseignement, et nous visitons le champ de fouilles. Quelques ouvriers nous suivent, car il faudra remuer des blocs. Quand ils aperçoivent ces masses énormes, nos drôles tournent autour, les tâtent doucement de la main, puis déclarent qu’elles sont trop lourdes, s’asseyent dessus et roulent des cigarettes. Nos protestations se brisent contre cette nonchalance olympienne, une demi-heure s’écoule, puis, à force d’injures, on tombe d’accord. Des trous sont creusés, et nous déchiffrons quelques dédicaces. [ ] 112  Clarke_1817_99 (in the East 1801–1802) the plain of Troy: “It is still more difficult to believe, when the monuments of a numerous people, and the ruins of many cities, (all having reference, by indisputable record, to one more antient, as their magna parens,) have been found in such a plain, that the compositions of any Bard, however celebrated, should have afforded the sole foundation of a belief that such a people and city did really exist.” [ ] 113  Von_Tietz_1837_I_159–60 at Alexandria Troas: “Travellers who visited this spot thirty or forty years ago are said to have seen many ruins of large buildings here, no vestige of which now remains. A foundation with some broken columns is considered to have been a temple of Diana; the Turks call these relics Kislarserai. Both names indicate the virtue of chastity. Remains of a theatre are tolerably well preserved, consisting of the seats, the portico, and the stage; as are likewise those of a wall marking out the former



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fortifications of the city. Upon a hill to the east, are extensive ruins which some antiquarians consider as those of a gymnasium, and others of a bath. These remains consist chiefly of granite, for all the marbles found in the vicinity were conveyed to the castles of the Dardanelles, and there manufactured by the Turks into mortar balls, some of which were two feet in diameter. A few well preserved columns were carried to Constantinople, where they decorate the mosques of Soleyman and Selim – the best means to preserve these monuments from destruction.” [ ] 114  Choiseul-Gouffier_1842_III_359 (ambassador to Constantinople 1784 to 1791) Alexandria Troas: Les restes de cette ville ont long-temps servi d’une sorte de carrière, d’où non-seulement les Turcs, mais même leurs prédécesseurs, pendant plusieurs siècles, ont tiré des matériaux pour leurs bâtisses, et encore à présent ils en retirent quantité de fragments en marbre, dont ils se servent pour faire des boulets. Long-temps avant la destruction de l’empire Grec, les magnifiques édifices d’Alexandria-Troas furent mis à contribution pour les constructions publiques de Constantinople; et il n’y a peut-être pas de mosquée dans le pays qui ne porte témoignage de ces dilapidations dans quelque fragment de jaspe, de marbre, de porphyre ou de granit, provenu de ce riche magasin; et, après tout ce qui en a été enlevé, il est encore étonnant qu’il en reste une si grande quantité, car les ruines de cette ville, quoique confuses, sont très-considérables. [ ] 115  Pococke_(travelling_1737ff)_1811_709 Alexandria Troas: “The walls of the city seem to be above a mile in length from east to west, and near a mile from north to south: both the walls and these buildings, especially the first great temple, have been much destroyed by the command of the present Grand Signior, on his first accession to the throne, in order to carry the best stones and marbles to Constantinople, to be employed in public buildings; and, they say, he was led to it by a renegado, who persuaded them that they should find great treasures in this place.” [ ] 116  Saint-Martin_1852_II_8, citing Belon in 1547 on Alexandria Troas: Les ruines des bastimens qu’on y voit encores pour le jourd’huy, sont si admirables à regarder, que bonnement on ne pourrait exprimer leur grandeur sinon par beaucoup de langage. L’entour des murailles rend suffisant tesmoignage de la grandeur de la ville . . . On voit encor les tours ruinées, qui estoyent es mesmes murailles. Il ne faut pas adiouster foy à ceux qui disent que toutes les ruines sont démolies. [ ] 117  Maurand_(travelling_1544)_1901_175: nous vîmes certaines ruines antiques et un lac rempli d’eau, dans lequel on voit des ruines d’autrefois et où apparaît une longue sépulture, placée sur quatre colonnes, avec une inscription grecque à l’entour. [ ] 118  Fermanel_1668_312 Alexandria Troas: Nous y vismes des ruines encore assez entieres d’une ville qui paroissoit par ses ruës, par ses places publiques, par ses Temples enrichis de Marbre et de Colonnes, avoit esté une grande & superbe Ville. [ ] 119  Bent_1893_49–50 Dallam (travelling 1599–1600) at “Troy” again, near Cape Janissary: “Thare I wente a shore wythe som of our martchantes, wheare we founde a litle scateringe villidge, inhabited with Greekes. Thare we boughte som breade and hens. / Also thare we saw more at large the rewins of the wales and housis in Troye, and from thence I broughte a peece of a whyte marble piller, the which I broke with my owne handes, havinge a good hamer, which my mate Harvie did carrie a shore for the same purpose; and I broughte this peece of marble to London. This Cape Jenisarie is aboute ten myle from Tenedose.” [ 120] De_la_Motraye_1727_I_437 at Alexandria Troas in 1710: les deux Capitaines firent passer leurs Chaloupes aux ruines de Troye, pour enlever les pièces de marbre et de Porphile qui leur avoient plu. [ ] 121  Mauduit_1840_35 (travelling in 1811) only a quarter-league from Alexandria Troas: Croyant atteindre le cap d’Alexandria, j’arrivai à celui de Koum-Bouroum; alors je suivis le chemin que je trouvai sur la cote qui borde le rivage. Je pus voir sur mon passage un grand nombre de boulets de granit, rangés, comme dans nos arsenaux, et provenant des colonnes dont les Turcs ont dépouillé Alexandria-Troas. [ 122] Renoüard_de_Bussierre_1829_190 Alexandria Troas: Les habitans de la Troade et les mariniers de la contrée leur donnent encore le nom de Palais de Priam, et plusieurs



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voyageurs, adoptant cette erreur, ont regardé jadis la ville d’Alexandrie comme l’Ilium d’Homère. Le devant de l’édifice, tourné vers le couchant, en face de la mer Egée, forme trois arches élevées, dont les pierres se soutiennent mutuellanent sans aucon ciment. On y voit les restes d’une belle corniche en marbre: il parait que toute la construction en était revêtue; je remarquai partont les entailles qui semblent avoir été destinées à en retenir les plaques. Derrière le portique est une cour carrée, ayant une arche d’une hardiesse inouïe sur chacun de ses côtés: un escalier, dont on aperçoit les débris, menait à l’entrée principale; à la droite et à la gauche des marches se trouvaient deux colonnes d’une taille gigantesque, à en juger par le diamètre des tronçons qui sont répandus au milieu des débris: de grandes arcades formaient autour du bâtiment une cour carrée, aujourd’hui encombrée de ruines, et la fermaient au nord, au sud et à l’est. Douze arches existent encore presque intactes du côté du nord: nous aperçûmes à la façade de l’est trois magnifiques portiques voûtés, Il n’est point de ruines qui puissent inspirer plus de respect pour l’architecture ancienne, que celles des bains publics d’Alexandria Troas. La couleur claire et jaunâtre des matériaux qui ont été employés à leur construction, se détache d’une manière admirable sur la verdure sombre des chênes verts qui les entourent, et la mer Egée, qu’on aperçoit avec ses îles et qu’encadrent d’immenses blocs de granit et de marbre, ajoute encore à la beauté du tableau. [ 123] Della_Valle_1843_I_12 (writing in 1615) Alexandria Troas: Vidi ultimamente, più di un miglio dentro a terra, il palazzo, il quale, o sia quel d’Ilione, come vogliono i paesani, oppure altro più moderno, che per la qualità della fabbrica, o mio giudicio, l’uno e l’altro potrebbe essere, chiara cosa è che era palazzo o castello reale. Vi si vedono muraglie, tutte di marmo, grosse venticinque e trenta palmi; portici amplissimi, torri, ed ogni altra cosa che ricerca un edifìcio regio, lo volli andare in cima della più alta muraglia che vi fosse, per vederlo meglio tulio, e per potere scoprire tutto il paese intorno, come feci, fino al monte d’Ida; e ne presi un poco di schizzo di pianta, per farlo dipingere un giorno, se troverò chi possa intendere i miei scarabocchi. [ 124] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_152–153 buildings at Alexandria Troas: Selon les apparences le quartier le plus habité de la Ville étoit sur le plus haut d’une colline qu’on monte insensiblement depuis le rivage, environ à deux milles de la mer. Car on void en cet endroit quantité de masures, de temples, de voûtes, & un théâtre plus petit que celuy de Delos: mais particulièrement trois arcades, & des pans de muraille qui restent d’un bâtiment superbe, dont la situation avantageuse & l’étendue font connoître que c’etoit le Palais le plus considerable de la Ville. Je ne veux pas croire, comme le disent ceux des environs de Troye, que c’étoit le Château du Roy Priam, car je ne le tiens pas plus ancien que le temps des premiers Empereurs Romains. Ce bâtiment étoit presque tout de marbre, & les murailles ont douze pieds d’épaisseur. Au devant de ces arcades, qui paroissent avoir soûtenu une voûte, il y a une si prodigieuse quantité de quartiers de marbre entassez les uns sur les autre, qu’on peut aisément juger par là de la hauteur & de la beauté de ce Palais. Nous découvrîmes aussi parmy ces ruïnes un beau chapiteau de pilastre d’ordre Corinthien; mais je voulois vous rendre raison de toutes les pièces qui restent dans ces masures, j’en aurois pour trop longtemps, & je vous ennuyerois d’une pièce si seche & si peu utile. [ 125] De_La_Ferté-Meun_1821_138 mosques in Constantinople: Celle du sultan Sélim a été achevée en 1556; tous les marbres viennent d’Alexandrie de la Troade. [ 126] Wittman_1804_314–315: “We visited on the 2d the houses of several of the principal Greek inhabitants of Scio. They are capacious, lofty, well built, and handsomely finished withinside, after the Chinese fashion. The materials employed for their construction consist of marble, and of two different kinds of stone, one of which is collected on the island, and the other brought from Esca Sfamboul, near the site of Troy. The latter is sold at an extravagant price; and as labour is rated very high at Scio, these edifices must have been built at a very considerable expense.” [ 127] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_I_1833_354 Alexandria Troas, apart from the “Palace of Priam” (baths) and the aqueduct: Les autres ruines de la cité ont plus ou moins disparu; il



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est difficile de donner un nom à ces édifices tombés qui ne ressemblent plus à rien, à tous ces décombres épars au milieu de la solitude. Ce sont des souterrains où les troupeaux et les brigands viennent tour à tour chercher une retraite, d’anciens bains à moitié renversés, des colonnes de granit étendues à travers les broussailles, ou debout et enfoncées dans la terre. [ 128] Fellows_1839_58–9 for Alexandria Troas “The ancient port is very interesting, and has been highly ornamented; hundreds of columns, on a somewhat small scale, lie scattered in all directions, and bristle among the waves to a considerable distance out at sea. A wall or pier also stands out in the sea, under water, causing breakers, which show its situation. The harbour is now shrunk to two small salt-water lakes. The island of Tenedos is exactly opposite, and in the distance toward the north-west is seen the island of Imbros. One immense broken granite column lies in the harbour; but I could find no trace of more, or of any corresponding parts of a temple or building.” [ 129] Leaf_1912_31: “There was at one time an important artificial harbour on the west coast at Alexandria Troas, and the effect of this basin was at once to raise the town beside it into the first rank among the great cities of Asia Minor – a remarkable instance of what might be done for the country, if this great natural defect were again remedied by artificial means. The basin still remains, but the mouth is completely silted up, and it has become little more than an inland lagune, surrounded by a few weathered and crumbling remains of great quays, with granite pillars still standing at intervals around it to serve as moorings for the ships which once thronged the harbour.” [ 130] Lechevallier_1802_I_245 (travels in 1785 & 1786), Alexandria Troas: La nature avait ébauché l’enceinte de celui dont on admire aujour-d’hui les ruines. Une large plate-forme pavée en marbre de différentes couleurs, dont une partie est couverte par les eaux de la mer, est le seul reste qui rappelle son ancienne magnificence. On ne saurait assurer si les énormes colonnes de granit, qui sont jetées ça et là dans son vaste bassin, servaient autrefois à le décorer, ou si les Turcs, apres les avoir roulées du haut de la ville à dessein de les transporter à Constantinople, ont renoncé à les embarquer à cause de leur pesanteur. [ ] 131  Lechevalier_1802_I_245 (travelling in 1785–1786) harbour of Alexandria: La nature avait ébauché l’enceinte de celui dont on admire aujourd’hui les ruines. Une large plateforme pavée en marbre de différentes couleurs, dont une partie est couverte par les eaux de la mer, est le seul reste qui rappelle son ancienne magnificence. On ne saurait assurer si les énormes colonnes de granit, qui sont jetées çà et là dans son vaste bassin, servaient autrefois à le décorer, ou si les Turcs, après les avoir roulées du haut de la ville à dessein de les transporter à Constantinople, ont renonce à les embarquer à cause de leur pesanteur. [ 132] Oliver_1801_47 at Alexandria Troas: “The marble of Paros and that of Marmora are there pretty common, as well as various sorts of granite. Near the harbour are still to be seen two large marble pillars which the Turks wished to ship there: they are the remains of those which the sultans have successively carried off in order to construct the greater part of the mosques of Constantinople; one of them was broken in the conveyance.” [ 133] Clarke_1814_II_1_90–1 in the Troad, after leaving Kemali, 3/4hr distant is Lydia Haman, “lay the largest granite pillar in the world, excepting the famous columns of Alexandria . . . thiry-seven feet eight inches, and, without base or capital, its shaft was five feet three inches in diameter; of one entire stone . . . The situation of the present pillar is upon a hill above Alexandria Troas. A paved road led to the city, to the place where it either stood, or was to have been erected.” [ 134] Laurent_1821_39 Alexandria Troas: “We landed on a shallow strand, and directing our steps towards the north, were gratified by the sight of the vast remains of a city, once, doubtless, the seat of commerce and the receptacle of riches; now offering to the eye of the passing sailor nought but its wreck – a wreck, however, more than sufficient to astonish him who reverts to past ages. One prostrate column on the shore paiticularly merits that attention, which, in its secluded situation, is not unlikely to escape. One of our party had the curiosity to measure it: he found it fifty feet in length and eight in diameter. For the space of nearly a mile the remains of a stupendous wall are seen crowning the cliffs



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which over-hang the passer’s head. At the end of this is seen an inclosed basin, about four hundred fathoms in circumference. It offers two openings to the sea, and is surrounded by columns, arches, and other remains of antiquity.” [ 135] Fellows_1839_61–2 after leaving Alexandria Troas “Riding towards the north-east for a mile and a half, we followed an ancient paved road from the city, and by the wayside found an immense granite column, unbroken, lying in the bushes. I took its dimensions, which were as follows: thirty-eight feet six inches in length; the diameter of the top four feet six inches, with a cornice fifteen inches in depth; diameter of the base five feet six inches, with a moulding twelve inches broad. It was in excellent preservation; but I sought in vain for its pedestal, and wondered that its fall should not have broken it. In two hours we reached Gaicle, and thence walked to a gorge near one of the peaks of the granite range of hills, about a mile off, to see the Seven Columns. I there found in the quarry, with all their chips about them, and their parent rock within a few feet distance, seven finished columns, in form and measurement precisely like the one which I had seen on my way, and also like the column I had noticed lying on the beach at Troy, thus making nine in all; they were, no doubt, about to be used in, or shipped from, the city, which was visible from this quarry, and distant in a straight line not above five or six miles: this at once explained the facts that there was neither pedestal for, nor fracture in, the one by the wayside, and no other remains in the city similar to the column lying in the port. A long groove was cut on the solid face of the rock in the quarry, marking out the first stage towards hewing out another similar column.” And cf. Clarke III 1817, 188–189: “A short distance from the road, concealed among trees, lay the largest granite pillar in the world, excepting the famous column of Alexandria in Egypt, which it much resembles. It is of the same substance, and it has the same form; its astonishing length, as a mere shaft, without base or capital, of one entire stone, equalled thirty-seven feet eight inches; and it measured five feet three inches in diameter at the base, and four feet five inches at the summit. It may seem to throw some light upon the origin of the Egyptian pillar. Its situation is upon a hill above Alexandria Troas. A paved road led from the city to the place where it either stood, or was to have been erected. We have therefore the instance of two cities, both built by generals of Alexander the Great, in consequence of his order, and each city having a pillar of this kind upon an eminence, outside of its walls.” [ 136] Turner_1820_III_245–6 Alexandria Troas: “On the banks of the port we found hidden by trees and bushes, which had grown round and over it, a stupendous column of grey granite, broken into two pieces, of which one was twenty-six feet long, and four feet four inches in diameter; – the other fragment was not half so long.” [ 137] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_I_151–2 Alexandria Troas: Le Grand Seigneur a fait enlever quantité de colonnes de Troye pour la fabrique de la Mosquée neuve de la Sultane mère. Nous ne laissâmes pas d’y en trouver encore trois couchées dans les brossailles, au Sud du Port sur une eminence. Il y en a deux de 30 pieds de long d’une seule pièce chacune, et une de 35. pieds rompue en trois, qui a quatre pieds neuf pouces de diamètre, toutes trois de pierre granite. [ 138] Chandler_1825_I_290–291 Hierapolis, the theatre: “After taking a general survey, we returned to the theatre, intending to copy inscriptions and examine more particularly as we changed our station. We found this a very large and sumptuous structure, and the least ruined of any we had seen. Part of the front is standing. In the heap, which lies in confusion, are many sculptures well executed in basso-relievo; with pieces of architrave inscribed, but disjointed; or so encumbered with massive marbles, that we could collect from them no information. The character is large and bold, with ligatures. The marble seats are still unremoved. The numerous ranges are divided by a low semicircular wall, near midway, with inscriptions on the face of it, but mostly illegible.” [ 139] Poujoulat_1840_I_61 Hierapolis: Je ne m’arrêterai point à une grande quantité de colonnes répandues sans ordre sur l’emplacement de la cité. Je me contenterai de mentionner quinze piédestaux rangés en file à l’ouest du grand théâtre. Autour de ces piédestaux gisent d’énormes colonnes de forme oblongue et une infinité de chapiteaux corinthiens



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d’un beau style. Nous pensons que ces éclatants débris ont appartenu au temple de Cybèle, dont Hiérapolis se glorifiait. [ 140] Cochran_1887_248: “Allowing that Hierapolis a few centuries ago may have been all that enthusiastic travellers have depicted, it has long since been degraded into a common quarry for the lime-burner and builder, following the Goth, who has stolen its sculptures, besides mutilating what he failed to carry away; and . . . earthquakes in recent times have completed the sad scene of decay and ruin. There is no doubt still a vast quantity of marble lying about, but it is mostly in the form of worthless chips – sure traces of the spoiler – fragments of pilasters and broken sections of columns, with scarcely any carvings except a few maimed and worthless specimens lying on or half-buried in the heaps of rubbish with which the whole area is strewn. Below the surface, probably, there may be numerous treasures of art, and any enterprising syndicate purchasing the site from the Porte, with the exclusive power to dig and remove – which I understand can be obtained for a mere song – would likely reap a speedy harvest of ancient art of priceless value, besides other old-world objects of worth.” [ ] 141  Contenson_1901_41: Lieu bizarre que Membedj, source d’un de ces étonnements de plus en plus étranges à mesure qu’on s’enfonce d’avantage dans la Turquie d’Asie. En approchant de l’ancienne Hiérapolis, nom donné par les Grecs à la primitive Bambyce, nous avions remarqué les bornes des propriétés impériales, qui consistaient fréquemment en colonnes de marbre, deporphyre ou de granit, transportées dans la campagne. Maintenant, c’est le bourg circassien en entier qui est construit avec les débris antiques. Çà et là le sol est jonché de chapiteaux et de fûts brisés. Au loin, comme une circonférence qui nous enserre, court le vaste talus représentant l’ancienne enceinte et couvert des débris des murailles. [ 142] Bell_1911_20–21 Hierapolis: “The old line of the city walls is clearly marked, though the Circassian colony, which grows in numbers and prosperity in spite of the antagonism of the neighbouring Arabs, is rapidly digging out the stones and using them in the construction of houses.” [ 143] Bell_1911_344: “Boran Dereh Keui is a Muhajir village, that is to say, it is peopled by Circassian immigrants from the Caucasus . . . Behind the konak a plentiful spring bursts out from under the cliffs. I walked up to it and saw men digging up old walls in quest of cut stones. Fragments of columns and rude mouldings pointed to the former presence of a church, and perhaps an earlier shrine hallowed, in true Anatolian fashion, the abundant source.” [ 144] Hogarth_1893_676: “during the past twenty-five years very large bodies of Caucasian immigrants have been admitted into eastern Asia Minor, and distributed among the Armenians without any adequate provision being made for the restraining of their natural ferocity and predatory habits. Consequently every high road from the Gulf of Iskenderun to the Black Sea has become unsafe, and brigandage is carried even into the towns, as was shown recently by an outrage committed in the middle of Samsun, the chief port of the Black Sea littoral.” [ 145] Smythe_1874_II_320–321 Mersin: “We found the town of Mersina perfectly full of Circassians (Tcherkesses); these poor creatures belonged to a tribe called Nogay, and of course became Russian subjects from the time of her conquest of the Caucasus, but, being Mooslims, and very much attached to their religion, they could not endure being under the yoke of Russia, and they, therefore, about two years ago, applied to the Sultan for his protection and assistance in emigrating from the hated empire. The Sultan acquiesced in their demands, and sent ships to Kertch and Poti to bring them off: at first the Turkish Government allowed them three piasters a day per head, and promised each man a bullock and agricultural implements – but neither were ever forthcoming, and when the number of emigrants amounted to some thousands, the money could no longer be given; they came down in lots of from 800 to 1000 at a time – men, women, and children – fine, active fellows, and, as we were told, excellent workmen, but there was nothing for them to do; and horrible as their sufferings were during the three weeks’ or month’s voyage, usually



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without food or covering, huddled on the decks, yet they were scarcely more miserable than on arriving at their destination. / The Sultan gave them a small island in the Sea of Marmora and the great plain of Adana and Selefkeh, reaching to Adalia and Koniah – and on this they were turned out as soon as they reached Mersina – at the time of our visit they already numbered 20,000, – 13,000 having died between their homes and their destination!” [ 146] Cumont_1906_208. [ 147] Poujoulat_1840_I_138 Aizanoi: Deux superbes ponts en marbre sont jetés sur cette rivière, qui divisait la cité en deux parties. Des débris d’architecture sont répandus en désordre sur les deux rives. Chacun des côtés de la rivière garde les traces d’un pavé en marbre gris. On s’étonne de ne rien trouver dans les livres anciens sur cette ville qui, si on en juge par ses ruines, était importante et belle. Strabon se borne à vanter l’élégance et la beauté d’Asania. A côté de ces éclatants vestiges, qui révèlent le génie et la civilisation d’un grand peuple, nous voyons aujourd’hui, parmi des jardins, un pauvre petit village appelé Schaf-déer-hissar, habité par cinquante familles turques. [ 148] Hogarth_1893_679: “No sooner, however, does the traveller emerge from the Kuru Chai Pass into the valley of the Saros, than the old road appears visible to his eyes as a low embankment running over smooth and rough ground, now lost in a marsh or broken by a torrent’s bed but soon found again; ruined bridges mark the points where it crossed the river; groups of milestones lie embedded by the track, or stand in wayside graveyards; and hardly a village in the valleys of the Saros or Gyuk Su does not possess some records of the Roman road-makers. The causes of the preservation of the road are to be sought in the character of the ground over which it runs – not near enough to the hills to suffer from landslips, or to the rivers to be washed by floods; and in the fact, which is patent (though its cause is obscure), that these valleys were never thickly inhabited, and indeed had been almost deserted for some time before the Kurds, Avshars, and Circassians, who now inhabit them, appeared upon the scene . . . For more than 65 Roman miles, from the southern end of the Kuru Chai to the crossing of the Khurman Su at Izgin (see map), the old roadway can be traced with few interruptions, and its milestones read.” [ 149] Hasselquist_1769_55 on the road from Smyrna to Magnesia: J’ai rencontré dans quelques endroits des ponts de pierre, qui n’ont sûrement point été construits par les habitans. Ils étoient autrefois plus utiles qu’ils ne le sont aujourd’hui, parce que la rivière étoit plus large qu’elle ne l’est actuellement, car nous l’avons passée à gué. II y a beaucoup de cabarets sur la route. Nous entrâmes dans trois ou quatre, mais nous n’y trouvâmes que du café & de l’eau que nous eussions aisément puisée nous-mêmes dans le puits. Ces cafés ne sont autre chose qu’une masure couverte de broussailles. Ils sont habités par un Turc, qui a soin d’entretenir du feu pour faire le café, & allumer les pipes; et c’est la seule chose qu’on y trouve. [ 150] Galt_1812_251 on way to Selivri, on the shores of Marmora: “the neighbourhood of this town, where there is a low stone bridge, of at least thirty arches, built across a marshy hollow. As the bridge has the appearance of being well stricken in years, I should not be surprised to hear it proved to have been a work of the emperors. The Turks consider temporary convenience more than durable utility, or permanent ornament, in their public works.” [ ] 151  Renoüard_de_Bussierre_1829_I_150 near Bursa: Après avoir traversé l’Ufer sur un pont de pierre très-ancien, nous laissâmes à notre, droite les villages d’Emiklek-Keu et de Karaman-Keu, près desquels s’étend la plaine qui fut le théâtre du sanglant combat entre Bajazet et les Persans. / Non loin de là est un grand pont à neuf arches, d’une belle construction, mais qui n’est plus d’aucune utilité. La rivière d’Ufer, qu’il était destiné à faire passer, a changé de direction, et se’en trouve aujourd’hui éloignée de deux cents pas. [ 152] Lechevalier_1802_II_150 (travelling in 1785–1786): C’est ainsi qu’à Athènes, je n’ai retrouvé ni l’Ilyssus, ni son pont de marbre: ce fleuve célèbre était à sec dans l’été, lorsque j’y passai; et le Vaivode venait de prendre le pont, ainsi qu’une partie du pavé du temple de Thésée, pour en faire de la chaux.



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[ 153] Tromelin_1800_15 getting across the Maeander, here 200 paces wide: Au lieu de cordes pour la tiraille du bac, on employe de longues branches de lianes. Then describes the marble chaussée which he estimates at a league in length: Cet ouvrage m’a semblé du moyen âge et trop considérable pour avoir été fait par les Turcs. [ 154] Anderson_1903_5 crossing the Halys near Iskelib: “The river is crossed by a ferryboat of the regular Anatolian type, a flat-bottomed triangular punt propelled by long poles. This primitive mode of transport suffices for present-day needs: for the route has fallen into utter decay and has been abandoned by wheeled traffic. The Roman road was doubtless provided with a bridge, but no traces of it were to be seen.” [ 155] Perrot_1872_I_91 Miletopolis, and the lake of Apollonia: Nous traversâmes en bac, auprès de la pointe nord-ouest du lac . . . le bac a remplaçé un pont de pierre dont les piles, qui paraissent dater des empereurs byzantins ou des premiers sultans, s’élèvent encore au-dessus de l’eau. Un pont en bois, maintenat coupé par le milieu, servait au passage il y a quelques années. [ 156] Tournefort_1718_II_192 for Ulubat: Ses murailles, qui sont presque ruinées, étoient dépendues par des tours, les unes rondes, les autres pentagones, quelques-unes triangulaires; l’enceinte de la Place est presque quarrée. On y voit des morceaux de marbre antique, des colomnes, des chapittaux, des bas-reliefs & des architraves, mais le tout brizé & trèsmaltraité. Le Caravanserai ou nous logeâmes étoit fort sale & fort mal bâti, quoiqu’il y ait quelques vieux chapiteaux & quelques bases de marbre. [ 157] Tournefort_1741_320 (travelling 1700–1702) by the lake of Apollonia, at Ulubat/ Lopadi: “Its Walls, which are almost ruined, were defended by Towers, some round, some of five sides, and some triangular; the Circumference is almost square. There are Pieces of antique Marble Pillars, Capitals, Bass-Reliefs, and Architraves, but all broken and much abus’d. The Caravansera where we lodged was very dirty and ill built, though there are some old Capitals and Bases of Marble.” [ 158] Langlois_1854–1855_644 Adana: Il ne reste rien des temples qui, suivant toutes les probabilités, ont dû être consacrés aux divinités qui recevaient un culte spécial à Adana. On peut supposer que ces édifices ont été détruits et remplacés par des églises, lors de l’introduction du christianisme en Cilicie, après les prédications de l’apôtre saint-Paul et de ses disciples. Mais, si les temples et les édifices religieux des temps anciens ont disparu à Adana, il n’en a pas été de même d’autres monuments construits à l’époque romaine. / Hadrien, ainsi que nous l’avons dit, donna tous ses soins à l’accroissement et à l’embellissement d’Adana, qui prit son nom. C’est à cet empereur qu’est due la construction du pont sur le Sarus, qui portait encore, dans le cours de ce siècle, une inscription dans laquelle se lisait son nom, mais qui aujourd’hui n’existe plus. [ 159] Jaubert_1842_140 Aezani: Les gradins du théâtre font face à la montagne de Mourad Dagh. A chaque pas, aux environs du temple et sur les bords du Rhyndacus, on trouve des sculptures charmantes; les parapets même des quais, encore très-visibles, sont ornés de figures de très-bon goût; beaucoup de pierres tumulaires sont mêlées à ces débris; M. Texier en a dessiné plusieurs. [ 160] Le_Bas_1888_145 Aezani, the bridges, Reinach quoting Le Bas: Les ponts n’ont perdu que leurs parapets: ils conservent sur l’extrados des voûtes les traces des roues des chars antiques . . . Les quais, construits en larges assises de marbre, ornés de compositions sculptées en fort relief et surmontées de balustrades d’une grande élégance, forment une ligne continue dans toute l’étendue de la ville. [ ] 161  Collignon_1880c for November 1861, in Amasia: ce sont des quais qui nous rappellent un peu ceux du Tibre à Rome, des maisons bâties sur pilotis, des moulins qui s’avancent jusqu’au milieu de la rivière, avec des barrages qui leur amènent l’eau, de grandes roues hydrauliques pour arroser les jardins, plusieurs ponts de bois, un pont de pierre qui remonte sans doute à l’époque byzantine, tout construit qu’il est avec des débris antiques, des bases et des fûts de colonne, des fragmens de corniches. Enfin dans la ville même, au-dessus, au-dessous, tout alentour, se pressent l’un contre l’autre les mûriers,



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maintenant dépouillés de leurs feuilles. Malgré la teinte grise que l’hiver a répandue sur tout cela, ce premier aspect d’Amassia nous enchante. [ 162] Van_Lennep_1870_II_182 “returned to Ankara by the highway. Found in many places the remains of an ancient paved road made by the Romans, and crossed the river over a bridge of hewn stone; the parapet is formed of blocks once united with iron or brass ties, which the barbarians have carried off.” [ 163] Ramsay_1883b_22: Sur la route d’Ancyre à Dorylaion et Pessinonte, environ à 3 heures à l’ouest du village de Balcoïmji, il y a un pont traversant une petite rivière. Le pont est bâti en beaux blocs de pierre, et comme le travail ne paraissait pas turc, nous l’examinâmes avec soin. Sur une pierre, nous vîmes des lettres apparaissant au-dessus de la surface du sol, et en la découvrant à l’aide d’une petite hache que je portais suspendue à ma selle, je distinguai l’inscription suivante . . . Le seul évêque d’Ancyre du nom de Paulus que l’on rencontre dans la liste de Le Quien . . . était en fonctions la seconde année du règne de Tibère II, 579 ap. J. C. Cet évêque a restauré un ancien pont, ou fait bâtir un pont nouveau avec des pierres anciennes. La gravure de l’inscription est irrégulière et la surface de la pierre très-usée. [ 164] Ramsay_1890_31 bridges on the Royal Road: “It is a striking fact that sufficient civilisation and engineering skill to build a bridge over a deep and rapid river like the Halys already prevailed in the highlands of Asia Minor before the middle of the sixth century B.C. It may very safely be affirmed that after the Persian conquest the skill to make such a bridge did not exist until we come down to the time of the Romans. We may gather from the language of Herodotus that this bridge was famous as a wonder among the Greeks of Sinope, none of whom had ever seen it, but who knew it by report. All the other great rivers on the Royal Road are crossed by boats; the Halys alone has a bridge.” [ 165] Tournefort_II_1718_365 the lake and river near Apollonia: “We pass’d it at Lopadi upon a wooden Bridge, to the Left of which are the Ruins of an antient Stone-Bridge, which appears to have been well built.” [ 166] Kinneir_1818_261 on the way to Boli: “The Sangarius, in general about one. hundred yards wide, contained an immense body of water and flowed with surprizing rapidity. At the twentieth mile we crossed the river, on a long stone bridge, built, as appears from an inscription at one end of it, by Sultan Bayazed or Bajazet The middle arch having given way to the force of the current, a few loose beams had been thrown across the breach for the accommodation of travellers.” [ 167] Moustier_1873_16 travelling 1862: Bridge of Kemer-Kupru, built by Bajazet I with 15 arches, has lost two of them, perhaps via an earthquake, and sono sostituiti da sostegni di legno discretamente mal disposti. In Turchia, il secolo presente non è neppure capace di rapprezzare ciò che il medio evo seppe fabbricare. [ 168] Anderson_1897–1898_50: “It was now late in the afternoon and, as it was impossible to reach Kara Hissar that evening, we decided to pass the night at Boyuk Tchobanlar, a village on the north side of the sluggish Akkar Tchai (Kaystros). To this circumstance we owe a most welcome and important discovery, which proves in a striking way how little any traveller or any number of successive travellers can claim to have exhausted the possibilities of a district and how much of his success the explorer often owes to chance. / The path to Tchobanlar diverges from the chaussée almost opposite to the village Kumral and, passing near a Tepe indicated on the large-scale maps, crosses the Akkar Tchai by a stone bridge of several arches. Standing loosely on the parapet of this bridge we found a marble block with the following inscription . . . ” [ 169] Tournefort_II_1718_387: “We pass the Caystre, half a League on this side Ephesus. This River, which is very swift, runs under a Bridge built with antique Marbles, and turns some Mills.” [ 170] Anderson_1903_63 Comana: “As if to label the site and rescue the memory of the holy city from oblivion, the builders of the bridge have inserted in the nearest arch two inscriptions bearing the city name, while one of them gives us the means of fixing precisely the era which it used (no. 313). The mound itself is overgrown with grass and weeds, and



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there is nothing to be seen on it but some late ruins: a diligent search produced not even a fragment of pottery. Hard by there is a cemetery containing many marble blocks, all refaced or recut; in the middle of it rises a turbe to mark the sanctity attaching to the place.” [ ] 171  Lechevalier_1802_II_180 villane of Ené: Le torrent qui baigne ses murs se jette pres de la dans le Simdis, et prend sa source du cote de Baharlar, a cinq lieues de distance vers le midi. Le pont de bois sur lequel on passe ce torrent pour entrer dans le village, est soutenu par des colonnes de granit; les murailles de Caravanserai sont couvertes da fragmens d’architecture et d’inscriptions. Tout paraît annoncer que ce village a ete bati sur les ruines de quelque ville ancienne. [ 172] Hunt_1817_116 “At a public fountain near one of the mosques of Ené are two beautiful ancient marble capitals of the Corinthian order placed beneath a sarcophagus, now used as a cistern. There are many granite columns in the Turkish burying ground. These, we were told, had been brought from some ruins about twelve miles distant.” [ 173] Anderson_1903_71–72 Gazioura/Ibora: “The town itself is not devoid of remains. Besides an almost illegible milestone by the side of a street (no. 459) and another with only a few traces of letters remaining, there are several blocks and columns together with a late capital lying by, or built into, the chief mosque, marbles and other stones before another mosque, pillars and blocks by an old tekke which still shows some blue tile work; while the bridge carrying the Zela road over the river is full of pillars, moulded pieces, Christian stones with crosses and rosettes, and other blocks. But inscriptions are to seek.” [ 174] Fellows_1839_282 Laodicea: “At the entrance to the old city stand the massy remains of a bridge, of which the uncemented stones have been shaken apart in a most singular manner, to be accounted for only by attributing it to an earthquake.” [ 175] Tournefort_II_1718_371 the Hermus river: “It runs half a league diftant from Magnesia under a Bridge of Wood, supported by Piles of Stone.” [ 176] Anderson_1903_76–77 bridge over the Iris at Magnopolis: “The bridge is now represented by the two abutments and four piers, all so much and so frequently restored that it is impossible to conclude what the original structure was like . . . In the restorations cornice pieces and moulded blocks have been freely utilised, and the present appearance of one of the abutments shows that the bridge was arched at least in late times, as is proved by the tile construction and the presence of a Christian stone with an ornamental cross in the remains of the arch. The site itself is absolutely denuded of remains and there is nothing to be seen but fragments of late pottery strewn over the knoll.” [ 177] Kotschy_1862_375: Messis: Als uns am 27. April Morgens ein Regen überfiel, welcher längere Zeit andauern zu wollen schien, beschloss ich, in Messis ein Haus zu beziehen. Vom Gebirge ans Flussufer herabgekommen befinden wir uns in einem weiten Ruinenhaufen, der grösstentheils aus den Resten alter muselmännischer Bauten besteht. In der Nähe der Brücke befindet aich ein kleines Fort mit dem Zollhaus. Die Brücke selbst ist in der Zeit der Chalifen gebaut. Sie beateht aus neun Bogen, von denen seit mehr als 100 Jahren zwei eingefallen und nur durch ein Holz- gerüst ersetzt sind. Das jetzige Dorf Messis ist auf den Ruinen der einatigen berühmten Stadt Mopsuestia ad Pyramum erbaut. Die Häuser sind meist von Quadersteinen elend zusammengestellt und mit Erdterrassen bedeckt, die Thüren aber wegen Unsicherheit des Eigenthums aus massiven Balken zusammengesetzt. Das Innere der Wohnungen ist finster, voller Mäuse und ekelhafter Eidechsen. Da Europäer hier sehr selten gesehen werden, so war der Andrang der Neugierigen sowohl ala auch der um Arzneien bittenden Kranken kein geringer. [ 178] Scott-Stevenson_1881_112–113: “The old name of Missis was Mopsuhestia. The ancient site continued for a considerable way over the hill; but the present village consists only of a few houses scattered about the debris of old walls, piles of stones and the remains of pillars and capitals. Everything is broken and destroyed, although occasionally an ancient sarcophagus or a marble slab will be dug up; indeed, as we wandered through the ruined streets, we came on three men who were digging up the lid of one which they



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had found about twenty feet below the present level of the ground. It was of gray granite but had no sculpture or inscription on it.” [ 179] Dallaway_1797_162 leaving Nicomedia, “At a small bridge we discovered a stone set upside down, with an inscription, which gives a pleasing instance of conjugal attachment; and in a field a little farther, the lid of a sarcophagus, richly sculptured, and very large.” [ 180] Harada_&_Cimok_2008_II_150 Yildizeli Köprüsü, river of same name, west of Sebaste – 70m long Seljuk bridge with 13 arches, central arch has relief of “four Byzantine monks with hoods in a gesture of worship on top of each other” – i.e. ranked vertically, on each others’ shoulders. [ ] 181  Harada_&_Cimok_2008_II_33 Ziya Effendi Koprüsü near Sidamaria (Anbar) – the bridge includes a lot of spolia, and “most of the tombstones in the cemetery by the bridge also came from a Roman monument.” [ 182] Collignon_1880–1897_88–89 Silifke: Les maisons nouvelles qui s’élèvent chaque jour à Sélefkeh et le beau pont construit sur l’Ermének-Sou par des ingénieurs grecs ont beaucoup contribué à la disparition des ruines de l’ancienne Séleucie. Il ne reste plus que de faibles traces du théâtre vu par M. Victor Langlois: une dépression du terrain, en forme d’hémicycle, indique seule l’emplacement qu’il occupait. Mais si l’on cherche vainement les débris de la ville romaine, les ruines byzantines abondent . . . / La ville moderne de Sélefkeh, grâce à sa situation près du littoral, paraît être en voie de progrès. Des maisons s’élèvent, au détriment des ruines antiques, et un beau pont, construit par des ingénieurs grecs de Smyrne, fait communiquer la ville avec la rive gauche du Geuk-Sou. [ 183] Langlois_1858–1859_749: Les ruines de Séleucie ont appelé l’attention et excité l’intérêt de tous les voyageurs qui ont parcouru la Cilicie. L’ambassadeur vénitien, Barbaro, qui se trouvait en Orient après la chute du royaume des Lusignan d’Arménie, vers la fin du XVe siècle, donne de curieux détails sur cette antique cité. Voici, d’après ce voyageur, la description de Selefké, traduite du vénitien: «En quittant Curcho (Gorighos) et en se dirigeant à l’ouest, on trouve, à dix milles plus loin, Seleucha (Séleucie), située sur une montagne. Au pied de la ville coule un fleuve qui se jette dans la mer près de Curcho; il est comparable, par sa grandeur, à la Brenta. Près de cette montagne est un théâtre dans le genre de celui de Vérone; il est fort spacieux et entouré de colonnes d’un seul morceau. Des gradins régnent à l’entour. [ 184] Collignon_1880–1897_88–89 Silifke: Les maisons nouvelles qui s’élèvent chaque jour à Sélefkeh et le beau pont construit sur l’Ermének-Sou par des ingénieurs grecs ont beaucoup contribué à la disparition des ruines de l’ancienne Séleucie. Il ne reste plus que de faibles traces du théâtre vu par M. Victor Langlois: une dépression du terrain, en forme d’hémicycle, indique seule l’emplacement qu’il occupait. Mais si l’on cherche vainement les débris de la ville grécoromaine, les ruines byzantines abondent. C’est d’abord l’imposant château fort, construit sur une colline, d’où il domine la ville, et qui apparaît de bien loin au voyageur. Quand Josaphat Barbara visita «Seleucha,» en 1471, il décrivit avec soin ce château, où était rassemblé un armement considérable; le voyageur vénitien admire les murailles et les tours pleines, les casemates creusées dans le roc et remplies de munitions; surtout l’enceinte extérieure dont les portes de fer, hautes de 15 pieds et larges de 7, sont travaillées «non moins que si elles étaient d’argent.» Les sarcophages de la nécropole byzantine, que le Vénitien signale d’un mot, font aujourd’hui pour l’archéologue le principal intérêt des ruines de Séleucie. Par leur variété, par l’abondance des textes épigraphiques, les sépultures chrétiennes de Sélefkeh offrent un champ d’études très vaste, et qui mérite une exploration attentive. [ 185] Tchihatchef_1854_89 Galatia: A deux heures au nord-ouest de Tchandyr, sur la route même qui conduit à Sévrihissar, on voit un beau puits antique autour duquel se trouvent beaucoup de tronçons de colonnes et de fragments de pierres équarries; il est d’une profondeur considérable: une corde de trente mètres de longueur n’atteignit point le fond. A Tchandyr, le Sangarius, qui y est assez rapide, quoique encore tout près de sa source, est traversé par un beau pont reposant sur plusieurs voûtes; il est exclusivement bâti de matériaux enlevés à des constructions antiques, dont les débris sont très-nombreux aux



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environs de Tchandyr: c’est ainsi qu’à une dizaine de minutes de marche au nord-ouest de Tchandyr, on voit, à droite de la route, plusieurs tronçons de colonnes encore debout. [ 186] Pococke_1772_V_33B on the road to Sevrihissar: II y a à moitié chemin un cimetière Turc, un autre à Erecui, un troisiéme à un village ruiné appellé Guzelhissar & un quatrième près de la ville de Sevrihissar. On trouve dans tous plusieurs morceaux de marbre & de colonnes, & quantité d’inscriptions à moitié effacées, qui prouvent qu’il y a eu autrefois dans ces endroits des édifices considérables. [ 187] Chandler_1825_I_103 near Smyrna: “We came now to a shallow river, over which is a lofty bridge, intended to secure a passage to the traveller, when torrents descend from the adjacent mountain, formerly called Corax. On this principally the clouds seen from Smyrna reside, when the wind is southerly. Nearer the foot are vestiges of an ancient bridge, of which the piers were rebuilt, or repaired, before its final ruin; and in one of them is a maimed Corinthian capital.” [ 188] Cuinet_1894_IV_485 Tach-Keupreu: Tach-keupru (pont de pierre) doit son nom actuel au beau pont antique, en blocs de marbre, jeté sur sa rivière. C’est un reste de l’ancienne ville de Pompéiopolis-Paphlagoniae, nommée d’abord Lupatoria. Un autre reste de cette même ville subsiste sur la place principale, en face de la grande mosquée, il consiste en un bâtiment carré, que les habitants appellent l’école, et dont le toit renversé était soutenu par 10 colonnes de marbre encore existantes, d’ordres différents: 6 sont d’ordre corinthien, 2 d’ordre dorique, et 2 d’ordre toscan; leur hauteur est de 5 mètres; plusieurs portent quelques traces d’inscriptions devenues illisibles. [ 189] Kinnear_1818_286 Tash Kapri: “On entering Tash Kapri we once more crossed the Kara su, over a handsome stone bridge, built of broken columns, blocks of marble and remnants of architraves . . . / In the cool of the evening we took a walk in the town, which, from its situation and the many vestiges of antiquity it exhibits, I apprehend to be the ancient Pompeiopolis, formerly one of the cities of Paphlagonia. In the burying ground through which we passed, we observed numbers of broken columns, and near it a madressa or college, built almost entirely of large blocks of white marble fragments of entablature, and capitals of pillars huddled together without either order or taste A few of these fragments have inscriptions upon them, the most perfect of which we copied. No. 24.” [ 190] Grégoire_1909_11: A Tachna, dans le magnifique pont seldjoucide qu’a signalé M. Cumont et où il avait copié déjà deux inscriptions, une troisième était encastrée à une assez grande hauteur; ce n’est pas sans peine que nous la déchiffrâmes. [ ] 191  Galt_1812_210–211 Thermopylae: “Returning to the great road, we crossed the river Alamana, by a handsome bridge, partly very ancient. One of the piers was built of white marble. We were told, by our guide, that there are two other bridges in the country, of a similar form, built by the architect who constructed this; and that, before he could make any of them able to withstand the force of the torrents, he was obliged to sacrifice a eunuch, and one of his own sisters, on each. In confirmation of this legendary tradition, we were shewn on the bridge a large slab, which he assured us was the tomb-stone of the victims!” [ 192] Clarke_1817_185–186 (in the East 1801–1802) District of Troas: “went again to Kushunlu Tepe, to complete our survey of the Ruins there. We were told that the Pasha of the Dardanelles had built a mosque, the tomb of a Dervish, a bridge of three arches, and all the new works at Beiramitch, with marbles and other materials from this place.” [ 193] Callier_1835_258: Au-dela de l’Indjé-Sou on se rapproche de la partie septentrionale du mont Argeé, que les Turcs nomment Ardjiz-Dagh. Quelques contreforts volcaniques se détachent de la montagne, et a leurs pieds s’étendent de petites plaines marécageuses, celles peut-être dont parle Strabon. Ces marais sont traversés par des chaussées et des ponts en mauvais état, et que la negligence naturelle des habitans laisse se dégrader tous les jours. [ 194] Tournefort_1741_329 (travelling 1700–1702) on the way to Smyrna: “We pass’d the Morass between Hermus and Magnesia, over a fine Causey of about a quarter of a league



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long, in which they have used a great many antique Marbles and Jaspers; there are some in the Walls of the City, but we found no inscriptions.” [ 195] Van_Egmont_1759_174–175 (travelling 1707–1720?) near Magnesia ad Sipylum: “At about half an hour from Magnafia runs the river Hermus, called at present by the Turks, Jedischzu., i.e. The fifth water. On the banks of this river we encamped two nights. The road to it from the city is along a stone causeway, or bridge, half an hour in length, across a large morass, lying before the city, and among the stones of this causeway are several fragments of pillars. We passed the river Hermus over a bridge of seven very large piers, having all the marks of great antiquity, but the upper part of the bridge is only planks laid on these piers. This river appeared to me greatly like the Arno at Florence, its waters being foul and turbid. The banks are also high, like those of the Arno, and the breadth of both nearly the fame, but the current of the Hermus less rapid.” [ 196] Galt_1813_280–281 plain of Ephesus, toward the Cayster: “In the morning I set out at day-break, and, after a short ride, arrived on the borders of the plain of Ephesus. As I do not visit the ruins till my return, we turned towards the shore, leaving the castle on the left, distant five or six miles, and entered upon a road recently conrtructed across the marsh, to which the overflowings of the river have now reduced the greatest part of the land, between the scite of the city and the sea. The materials of which this road is made cannot fail to interest every passenger, who has the slightest tendency of mind to meditate on the fluctuation of human affairs. They consist of broken pillars, entablatures, and inscriptions, on many of which the sculpture is still so entire, as sufficiently to attest the labour and skill that had been employed on them. / After riding some time on this road of fragments and relics, we reached the ferry, the inn at which is really not despicable. The Castrus here, although scarcely fifty yards broad, is nearly twenty feet in depth, over which we were ferried along with other cattle in a triangular float.” [ 197] Cousin_1898_369 the Latmic Gulf (Miletus area) in 1889, in the Latmic Lake: L’île de Menent est littéralement pavée de ruines. Ce ne sont partout que pierres taillées, bases de colonnes, chapiteaux, encastrés avec des briques et de la chaux dans des restes de constructions, colonnes s’avançant dans la mer, etc. Sur une pierre est tracée une croix. A peu près au milieu de l’île se trouve un puits dont l’eau est légèrement salée. Peut-être y auraitil à faire des fouilles en cet endroit; en ce cas il faudrait qu’elles fussent assez profondes. [ 198] Layard_1903_I_179 on the road to Aksehir in 1839: “During our day’s journey, we continually saw in the villages and cemeteries, and on the road-side, blocks of delicately carved white marble, and occasionally a Greek inscription, but so much defaced that it was not possible to copy it. A bridge, or rather causeway, as we were now in a marshy country, at Bobovaden was almost entirely constructed with such remains, all of which had probably been brought from Synnada.” [ 199] Tchihatchef_1869_336 landscape near Sultan Khan: se couvre de vastes marais, à travers lesquels percent çà et là les calcaires lacustres; on franchit ces surfaces spongieuses à l’aide de nombreuses dalles, qui forment une espèce de pavé solide et ne sont probablement que les restes d’une ancienne route romaine, tels qu’on en voit sur plus d’un point de ces déserts, aujourd’hui si inhospitaliers et si peu propres à servir d’habitation à l’homme, mais qui jadis nourrissaient une nombreuse et florissante population, ainsi que le démontrent jusqu’à l’évidence les fragments d’architecture antique, que le pèlerin foule à chaque pas avec autant de surprise que de tristesse. [ 200] Moustier_1864_231 Justinian’s Sophon bridge on the Sangarius: Un arc de triomphe, don’t un voyageur [Texier, account published in in 1863] constatait, il y a vingt-cinq ans, l’existence à l’extrémité la plus rapprochée du lac, a complétement disparu; mais, du côté opposé, on voit toujours un monument en forme de demi-coupole ou de niche, à l’intersection des deux angles droits que la route décrit par rapport à l’axe du pont et dont les côtés se dirigent, l’un vers la mer Noire, l’autre vers le Taurus. [ 201] Choisy_1876_62–63 At the lake of Sabandja, Justinian’s bridge: Le pont fut défiguré il y a dix ans par un pacha en quête de pierres pour un moulin. Autrefois, au temps où Texier l’a relevé, le pont avait à l’une de ses têtes un arc de triomphe, et à l’autre, une chapelle



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avec un escalier en spirale. L’arc de triomphe et l’escalier ont disparu; on voit encore les restes du sanctuaire et les lambeaux d’une fresque avec des figures d’un grand style; mais la chapelle n’est qu’une ruine, et le peu qui subsiste, c’est la dureté des mortiers romains qui l’a sauvé: dix hommes en un jour n’arrachaient pas leur pierre. L’administration turque ne vous cédera pas (du moins officiellement) un moellon de ses vieux édifices, mais ses agents les débiteront sans scrupule pour en faire des moulins. [ 202] Laborde_1838_20 On road from Susugerlé to Tchatalagueul: enfin on retrouve le Rhyndacus et on le passe sur un grand pont en bois, élevé près des ruines d’un autre pont construit en pierres. Rien n’annonce mieux la décadence d’un État et sa misère que ces charpentes fragiles, substituées aux constructions solides. Que ne choississaient-ils un autre emplacement, ces modestes conquérants; ils se seraient évité une comparaison pour eux si désavantageuse. [ 203] Fuller_1829_62 near Mohalitsch: “We crossed the river by a slight wooden bridge, the substitute for a massive stone one, of which the centre arches are broken.” [ 204] Lechevalier_1802_II_180 villane of Ené: Le torrent qui baigne ses murs se jette pres de la dans le Simdis, et prend sa source du cote de Baharlar, a cinq lieues de distance vers le midi. Le pont de bois sur lequel on passe ce torrent pour entrer dans le village, est soutenu par des colonnes de granit; les murailles de Caravanserai sont couvertes da fragmens d’architecture et d’inscriptions. Tout paraît annoncer que ce village a été bâti sur les ruines de quelque ville ancienne. [ 205] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_I_216b leaving Nicaea: Nous continuâmes nôtre marche le lendemain jusqu’à midy dans cette belle plaine de la Mysie, puis nous vînmes à de petites collines. Le soir nous passâmes le Granique fur un Pont de bois à piles dc pierre, quoy qu’on l’eût pu aisément gayer n’y ayant pas de l’eau jusqu’aux sangles des chevaux. [ 206] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_I_216 at Nicaea: Nous y entrames sur un Pont de bois, mais il y a des masures d’un Pont de pierre. Les maisons font presque toutes de terre, & à peine y a-t-il mille habitans. [ 207] Laborde_1838_35 near Gueuvé, on the Sakkaria, a Turkish bridge en pierre formé de cinq grandes arches . . . L’arche du milieu est coupée; on dit qu’un tremblement de terre a causé ce désastre il y a quarante ans, et depuis quarante ans, on n’a pas trouvé d’autre remède que d’y suppléer par quelques planches à moitié vermoulues. [ 208] Hamilton_1842_I_349–350 near the Tokat Su, approaching Tokat: “Six miles lower down my attention was attracted by a Turkish burial-ground, containing several Helleniclooking blocks of stone, and by a low hill coveted with ruins near the river, which I tamed aside to examine, and found several fragmcnts of marble architraves and friezes built, into the walls. One building, better preserved than the others, was remarkable, being of a square shape, and consisting of eight or nine apartments arched over, and made of bricks and rounded stones. There is little doubt that they mark the site of an ancient city, although the structures which now exist belong probably to a later period. At the foot of the hill were the remains of a bridge apparently of Roman construction: the two extreme arches were perfect, the centre had been destroyed and subsequently repaired with wood. It is called Gumenek Keupri, and the place itself Gumenek . . . / About a mile to the west of Gumenek is a large mass of marble near the road, bearing marks of having been detached from the high hills above. It is a cube of about 50 feet, and had been hollowed out to form two ancient sepulchres, over the entrance to one of which is carved a rude representation of the façade of a temple. Tavernier, who passed it on one of his journeys into Pereia, has also described it, though rather vaguely, and says, on the authority of the Christians of the neighbourhood, that St. Chrysostom made it his retreat during his banishment, when he lay on the bare rock.” [ 209] Cramer_1832_15 Phrygia: “The antiquities of Ghediz consist of capitals of pillars, and marble fragments with inscriptions. The principal mosque is built of laid blocks of stone, which are supposed to have belonged formerly to an ancient temple. Among the stones of which the bridge is built are the fragments of two very fine white marble statues.”



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[ 210] Bent_1893_177–178 Covell on his way to Adrianople, after ponte piccolo and now at ponte grande: “On the west side the town lyes a great Lake which hath communication with the sea, and seemes to have been an arme of it antiently, but now cut off from it except in 4 places which we passe by bridges, now of late yeares made of stone, but there remain ruines of wood, which show them to have been of old of timber upon stone cheekes, to draw up and down and move into the Lake, we passing them to the right hand. The water, when we past, was not very deep. These four bridges are joyned together by stone casewayes, which in winter, if more rain falls then is vented by the arches or covered with it, yet there being room for the water to play, all is with out danger or damage, the stones towards the lake being clenched with lead one to another. The first case-way from the street end is 60 paces, that bridge is 183 paces with 7 arches; 2d caseway, 39 paces; the bridge 166, with 7 arches; 3d caseway, 19 paces; the bridge 127 with 5 arches; 4th caseway, 14 paces; the bridge 233 with 9 arches; the last caseway about 30 paces – all soe wide as three carts may goe abreast. I am the more particular in these little things, that you may see the Turkes are neither niggards nor fooles in these public workes, for I assure you I never saw stronger work than among them; and some things are as fine and neat as we can possibly shew.” [ ] 211  Harada_&_Cimok_2008_I_311 Ottoman water mill built directly on top of a Roman bridge across the Pyramus at Mallos/Antioch. [ 212] Leake_1824_131–132: “From Dashashehr to Stavros, six hours, through a vast plain of the richest pasture, in which were great numbers of oxen and sheep. At the end of two or three hours was a large river, crossed by a bridge built upon the ruins of a magnificent ancient bridge, one arch of which, still standing, forms a part of the modern work.” [ 213] Harada_&_Cimok_2008_II_20 The Kirkgöz Köprüsü (of 40 eyes) on the Kaystros is by Sinan – 375m long, 64 arches. “No trace of the Roman bridge, but the Ottoman bridge includes plenty of Roman material.” [ 214] Hoskyn_1842_149: “On leaving Huzumli we descended through a ravine in an easterly direction to the valley of the Xanthus. Travelling along the banks of the river we passed the village of Sedeler, and crossed the Xanthus by a substantial stone bridge of five arches, a convenience not often enjoyed in Turkey; it was built about fifty years ago, by a pasha of Algiers, named Hassan Pasha a native of Duvah, which place he left when a youth in indigent circumstances. On the attainment of riches and power he did not forget his native country; this bridge, with the mosques of Huzumli and Makri, are the fruits of his liberality. After crossing the bridge we continued along the left bank of the river passing the village of Kebeler, a little beyond which is a hot spring, the sulphureous fumes of which taint the air to a considerable distance; persons afflicted with cutaneous diseases repair here to bathe in it. In the evening we arrived at the lower village of Duvah; it is nine hours from Huzumli. The ruins of Tlos are one hour’s distance from the place we lodged at.” [ 215] Anderson_1903_82 at Khavsa: “Two at least of the three milestones now in the town, already published by Messrs. Munro and Hogarth in 1893, belong to the road we are describing. The number XVI shows both that the caput viae is Vezir-Keupru, 16 1/2 English miles distant, and that they have been carried a little over a mile and a half from their original position. We succeeded in tracing their provenance. When we were enquiring for antiquities at the village of Susa-utch, forty minutes N.-W. of Khavsa, the peasants replied that they had none now, but they used to have two «written pillars» which were found near their village but had been ruthlessly carried off to the Konak at Khavsa, – a statement entirely confirmed by our subsequent measurement of the distances.” [ 216] Harada_&_Cimok_2008_I_226 “Milestone at the foot of a Moslem grave in the cemetery of Igdecik, near Isparta.” [ 217] Hogarth_1893_684: “In the deep marshy plain of Gyuksun no trace of the roadway is to be expected. The three cemeteries of the town contain nearly a score of milestones, most of which, to judge by their weathered appearance, have stood there for centuries.” [ 218] Sterrett_1885b_29: “In the cemetery of Kanlükavak we found no less than twentysix milliaria, many of which were never inscribed.”



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[ 219] Harada_&_Cimok_2008_II_50 “Ottoman cemetery with Roman material by the route near Uçharman.” Ibid. I 183 Milestone as a gravestone in cemetery at Gençali: “It is probably in situ . . . distance from Pisidian Antioch as 28 miles.” Ibid. I_184–185 Polatdede Türbesi in Gençali graveyard – again, “probably in situ” at head of tomb. Ibid. I_151–152 Turbe of an unknown saint along the route of the Roman road from Apamea to Eumenia, reusing a milestone as a marker. [ 220] Grégoire_1909_37 near Purkh: Plus loin, à peu près en face de la vallée d’Aslikar et à une heure de Purkh, nous rencontrâmes, à Kutchuk-guzel, un site antique comparable pour l’importance à Eski-Shéhir, visité par M. Cumont. Près du village se trouve une eminence désignée sous le nom de Kale (20m. environ au dessus du niveau de la plaine). En remuant la terre on y trouve en maint endroit des tessons de poterie, des fragments de briques, des pierres travaillées. J’y ai moi-même trouvé un morceau de feuille d’acanthe en marbre, provenant d’un chapiteau corinthien. Dans beaucoup de maisons du village sont conservées des antiquités: citons deux tronçons de colonne en brèche (poudingue rouge et blanc), deux belles colonnes de marbre, absolument intactes, de 2m35 de hauteur et de 0m40 de diamètre, de nombreuses monnaies romaines, des croix en relief, un fragment de corniche, un fragment de sarcophage; enfin, et c’est le détail le plus important, deux tronçons de colonne milliaire prouvant que la chaussée antique, qui partait de Purkh, passait bien par ici. Malheureusement l’inscription de ce milliaire est tellement mutilée qu’on ne peut lire que deux ou trois lettres. Deux autres inscriptions provenant du Kalé existaient autrefois, nous dit-on, dans une maison arménienne, mais elles ont disparu lors des troubles de 1890. [ 221] Anderson_1903_84–85 near the town of Vezir-Keupreu, possible to determine exactly how far one antiquity had been carried: “The road now diverges to the left over open undulating cornland to the village Indje-su, six miles from the town (2), where we copied one Greek inscription in a fountain (no. 89) and three more milestones (nos. 437– 439) in a roadside cemetery below the village, one bearing the number VIII, which shows that it has been convoyed hither a distance of a mile and a half.” [ 222] Hogarth_1893_715 “Thus the practice of erecting mile-pillars was discontinued in the beginning of the fifth century of our era, and not revived till almost modern days; but for many centuries the old stones must have sufficed as a standard of measurement and a solace to the traveller. / How the mile-intervals were marked, or whether they were marked at all, on roads made later than this period, it is impossible to say. We travelled in 1891 along the line of a Byzantine road from Sis (Flavias) to Hajin (near Badimon), without finding any trace of mile-marks; and the same may be said of the road which led down the Lycus valley from Colonia to Neocaesarea, the embankment of which may be seen in many places. Wooden marks, if any, must have been used.” [ 223] Schoenberg_1977_362: “The highway system of the Ottoman Empire was a disgrace throughout the nineteenth century and in many parts of Turkey the situation has not changed. Foreign travellers often commented that there were no roads at all in the Ottoman Empire. The peasants often preferred to go through fields than use the roads because of their bad condition. David G. Hogarth, noted geographer and archeologist, and Austin Henry Layard, an archaeologist and ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, in their visits to Anatolia in the nineteenth century found roads virtually non-existent, and that the Roman Empire had maintained better and more extensive roads.” [ 224] Tchihatchef_1850_840–841: Qu’a-t-on fait, par exemple, pour assurer à l’Asie Mineure les facilités de communication que sollicitent les produits de son agriculture et de ses mines? Les routes tracées lui manquent presque entièrement, et là où, sous prétexte de favoriser la circulation des voyageurs, on a aligné, entassé quelques pierres, ces barbares essais de pavage sont devenus autant d’obstacles, de défilés impraticables où le piéton et le cavalier ont grand soin de ne jamais se hasarder. Aussi peut-on dire à la lettre que, pour interdire le passage en certains endroits, les ingénieurs turcs ne sauraient employer de moyen plus efficace que d’y construire une route. Au reste, c’est une tâche qu’ils n’entreprennent que fort rarement, car, excepté les grandes lignes de poste ou de



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caravane indiquées par la nature, il n’existe en Asie Mineure d’autres voies de communication que les rares sentiers pratiqués par les passans, qui savent mettre à profit les accidens du terrain. Quant aux ingénieurs des ponts-et-chaussées, ce sont des fonctionnaires à peu près inconnus dans toute l’Anatolie. Il y est encore moins question d’ingénieurs hydrographes: la Providence n’a accordé à l’Asie Mineure qu’un petit nombre de voies de communication fluviales, et l’habitude est dans ce pays de ne mettre la main à l’œuvre que quand la nature a fait la moitié de la besogne. [ 225] Collignon_1880–1897_1: L’attention du public français, au cours des derniers événemens d’Orient, s’est surtout portée sur les provinces européennes de l’empire ottoman, et les intérêts qui y sont en jeu ont encore le privilège d’occuper les esprits. La Turquie d’Asie est beaucoup moins connue; d’un accès difficile et rarement visitée, elle offre au voyageur nombre de régions inexplorées-, il n’y en a pas de meilleure preuve que l’insuffisance de la carte de Kiepert pour certains points; là, tout est encore à connaître. Nulle part, dans l’empire ottoman, l’esprit de la vieille Turquie ne s’est conservé plus intact, avec ses défauts et ses qualités, son ignorance absolue des idées et des besoins modernes, son orgueil de race, son aveuglement systématique sur la politique extérieure, mais aussi son honnêteté native et sa bonne foi. [ 226] Collignon_1880–1897_67B East of Alanya: Journée de marche jusqu’à Kharadran. Cette route le long du Cragus offre les beautés les plus sauvages. Il faut gravir les flancs de la montagne, souvent à de grandes hauteurs; parfois les nuages chassés par le vent de mer nous enveloppent d’un brouillard humide et froid; les chevaux n’avancent qu’avec précaution sur l’étroit sentier à peine tracé. Aussi est-ce avec surprise que nous trouvons, à deux heures de Kharadran, une belle route carrossable, bien entretenue, s’ouvrant en pleine montagne; elle a été construite par des négocians grecs, qui font le commerce des bois de construction, et le gouvernement turc n’y est pour rien. Les quelques kilomètres de routes que nous avons pu voir dans le sud de l’Asie-Mineure sont dus exclusivement à l’industrie privée ou à la philanthropie des beys assez riches pour doter leurs districts de ce luxe si rare en Turquie. Aux environs des villes, on voit, il est vrai, de courts tronçons de routes bien empierrées; on les montre au vali, quand il visite le sandjak; on l’assure, en fort belles phrases, que les travaux sont activement poussés. Mais les choses en restent là, et qui sait entre quelles mains se fond l’argent destiné à l’achèvement de ces tronçons illusoires! Lorsque, sur les instances de lord Stratford, le gouvernement ottoman se décida à faire une route de Trébizonde à l’Euphrate, on en construisit 2 ou 3 kilomètres; puis le pacha, gagné par les Russes, empocha l’argent des deux côtés, et revint à Constantinople quand le projet fut oublié. [ 227] Caylus_1764_VI_396 e.g.: Je dois à la politesse & à l’intelligence de M. Duchesne, Sous-Ingénieur des ponts & chaussées de la Généralité de Rouen, le plan, les profils, la direction des voyes Romaines, & les autres éclaircissemens que j’ai rapportés dans cet article. [ 228] Caylus_1761_IV_383 The Camps of Bière and Chatelier, south of Argentan: Le plan de ces deux Camps, a été levé en 1756, par M. de Trezagues, Sous-Ingénieur des Ponts & Chaussées, qui a joint ces détails aux Cartes, & qui par ce moyen, a donné à la fois, des preuves de son exactitude & de son intelligence. [ 229] Mendel_1902_232 Appendix, A propos du sarcophage d’Ambar-arassy. J’ai en l’occasion, pendant mon séjour à Konia, de voir le grand sarcophage trouvé à Ambararassy (125 kil. ESE. de Konia), et dont la découverte avait fait quelque bruit, plusieurs mois auparavant, dans la presse orientale. Le transport de cet énorme cube de marbre coûta beaucoup de peines et d’argent, et il faut savoir gré à Hamdy-bey et à Férid-pacha de ne pas s’être laissé effrayer par les difficultés de l’entreprise. A Konia, le sarcophage fut amarré sur deux wagons, transporté par chemin de fer jusqu’à Maltépé, et, de là, par ponton, jusqu’à la pointe du vieux Sérail. Il occupe aujourd’hui une place d’honneur dans les nouvelles salles du musée de Tchmily-kiosk. [ 230] Ramsay_1897b_69–70 embezzlement and roads, short stretches of which are made with forced labour: “a certain amount of money is spent: three times as much money is embezzled by officials of various ranks: then the whole enterprise is abandoned. If, instead of these ambitious projects, one quarter of the labour were expended on the existing



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routes, bridging and improving the worst parts, far more good would be done; but, then, officials could not make so much money.” [ 231] Farley_1878_92: “It would be impossible to fully describe the corruption and peculation that prevails in Turkey. It exists in every department of the State, from the highest to the lowest.” [ 232] Ramsay_1890_81–82: “Within my own knowledge of Asia Minor, great activity in road-making has been shown by the Turks. In some cases the new roads are a blessing to the country; but I have also seen broad new roads, whose path across the country was conspicuous by their greener and more luxuriant crop of grass, and I have seen numerous roads made in unconnected fragments, or in a more advanced state with everything ready except the bridges. In the great majority of cases one quarter of the expenditure would be sufficient to improve the existing roads in their worse parts. But the new scheme of renovation is usually on too grand a scale. An entirely new route is laid out, great expense is incurred, and then the road is left unfinished; or, worst fate of all, the broad new road, with small stones scattered over the smooth level surface, is not so pleasant for pack-horses as the old narrow well-trodden path; and traffic deliberately prefers the old road, leaving the new road to grow a magnificent crop of grass. Part of the reason why the roads are in many cases so fragmentary lies in the fact that they are built by the labour of the villagers: each adult is bound to give his labour for a few days in the year; and when his time is done the conclusion of his work must be postponed till the next year. This plan is the only one possible in the country, and it demands from the inhabitants their fair contribution to the common good in the way that presses most lightly on them; but it needs more skill in the proper application of the labour than is generally shown. But in other cases the reason for the failure of the new road lies in mismanagement or in fraud. I have seen a ruined fragment of a new bridge over the Halys, composed of a mere shell of masonry filled in with earth: this bridge was once completed, and must have looked very well during the summer months, till the first high water swept great part of it away.” [ 233] Collignon_1880–1897_67: Les quelques kilomètres de routes que nous avons pu voir dans le sud de l’Asie-Mineure sont dus exclusivement à l’industrie privée ou à la philanthropie des beys assez riches pour doter leurs district de ce luxe si rare en Turquie. Aux environs des villes, on voit, il est vrai, de courts tronçons de routes bien empierrées; on les montre au vali, quand il visite le sandjak; on l’assure, en fort belles phrases, que les travaux sont activement poussés. Mais les choses en restent là, et qui sait entre quelles mains se fond l’argent destiné à l’achèvement de ces tronçons illusoires! Lorsque, sur les instances de lord Stratford, le gouvernement ottoman se décida à faire une route de Trébizonde à l’Euphrate, on en construisit 2 ou 3 kilomètres; puis le pacha, gagné par les Russes, empocha l’argent des deux côtés, et revint à Constantinople quand le projet fut oublié. [ 234] Ramsay_1903_398 Valley of Chifte Khan: “The new road through this sterile gorge is exceedingly well built, and must have been very expensive; but, of course, the work is done by forced labour, on an admirable and perfectly humane system, every man being assessed a week’s labour in the year, which is applied on the roads in his own district. This assessment is the least burdensome and most productive method of taxing a poor and hardy population, whereas even a very small tax in money would be felt oppressive, and more than half of the amount paid would be diverted to the pockets of officials, while most of the rest would in other ways fail to be applied to the road-making. / A road like this is one of the occasional signs which cheer the traveller in Turkey with the assurance that the country has still much latent strength. Anatolia has long been the seat of vitality of the Turkish State, and it is so still.” [ 235] Belgiojoso_1858_404 between Tarsus and Konya: Je me souviens d’un khan dont la cour était positivement jonchée de boulets de canon, tandis qu’une trentaine de pièces, montées sur leurs affûts et en parfait état de conservation, étaient parsemées à l’entour. J’appris alors que je me trouvais sur le champ de bataille qui vit la dernière déroute d’Ibrahim-Pacha, dans l’Asie Mineure, où il s’était avancé en conquérant jusqu’à Koniah [ in 1832]. Plus loin, me dit-on, sur le sommet d’une colline située à petite distance du khan, un nombre beaucoup plus considérable encore de pièces de canon, de boulets et de



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munitions de toute sorte gisent épars sur le sol, là où la défaite les a abandonnés. Personne, depuis tant d’années, n’a songé à les rassembler et à les rendre à l’État. – Depuis, le sultan a dépensé beaucoup plus d’argent que son gouvernement n’en possède pour accroître son artillerie; mais je parierais bien que les canons et les projectiles d’Ibrahim-Pacha sont toujours où je les ai laissés; je ne doute même pas que sur d’autres points de l’Asie Mineure des débris du même genre ne jonchent en aussi grande quantité le sol. [ 236] Fraser_1909_69–70 negotiating the Chakut Su, a ravine in the Taurus: “An interesting feature of the ravine was the remains of the old Roman road which traverses it. At many places the modern road runs over the ancient bed, but every now and then there occurs a ledge at the side, showing where the floor of the old road had been blasted away to make the floor of the new one. Marks of blasting were numerous in the modern work, but all the ancient construction must have been sheer cutting of the solid rock. Like most Roman roads, this one used to go slap through everything, with the result that much cutting was necessary and also much embanking. At points where we saw the old road running at high levels, it was evident that there must have been much substructural work to support it. This latter feature of the road would have been responsible for its deterioration, for only constant repair would preserve such places from being washed out. The same feature lent itself to the defence of the Taurus, for when the defenders were defeated and were retiring before an invader, they had only to destroy the substructures to render the road useless. In Byzantine times one reads that the Arab armies were greatly impeded by such tactics.” [ 237] Fellows_1839_103–104 on the road from Uskudar to Nicaea: “There is one feature in this country which is very striking, but more so to the Turks than Europeans, a new road, or rather a road; for this is, I believe, the only one in Asia Minor. This splendid line, extending at present as far as Ismid, a distance of about sixty miles, was designed by the Austrians, and bears their character even to its rails, barriers, bridges, and mile-posts, all being striped with diagonal lines of black and white. I speak of the design of the road only, for at present it is formed merely of the natural soil of the country, which is far too rich, even in this part, to make carriage-roads without the assistance of McAdam. It will require a long time to complete such an under-taking; and indeed it is wonderful how much has already been done, opposed as the work has been by the strong stream of prejudice. The regulations of the road are quite completed; for instance, I was charged for two carriages, one for myself, the other for my luggage; but on asking for them, was told that at this season they could not run upon the road, on account of the mud; the charge was however the same, and I was to take horses instead. I soon came to a barrier, and was asked for my post firman, which was to be signed, being in fact nothing more nor less than a passport, an instrument hitherto unknown in this country. The road is also divided into posts, at which we change horses, having had three sets in the space of thirty-three miles: this may appear an advantage over the usual course of taking post-horses for the day or journey, but we found (perhaps owing to the people’s inexperience, or natural slowness,) that more than an hour was lost at each post in re-packing the luggage upon the fresh horses.” [ 238] Scott-Stevenson_1881_148 at Sarichek Khan: “The two roads from Adana and Tarsus meet at this place, so the khans are always full. The pass is supposed to commence here, and there is no other way across the mountains, because Ibrahim Pasha destroyed all the other roads, making them even impracticable for foot-passengers. This no doubt will account for the many thousands of camels we had seen the day before.” – deliberate policy?? [ 239] Geary_1878_297–298: “From Mersina to Adana there is a fine road, thirty miles long, constructed a few years since by a pasha who was exiled to Adana from Constantinople. The making of this road has had a wonderful effect in developing the resources of the country through which it passes; the land is well cultivated, and the cultivators, having access to the port, have a market for their produce, and are thriving. So I was informed by a Greek gentleman who came on board at Mersina to go to Smyrna.”



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[ 240] Annales_1902_275–276 Annales de Géographie XI 1902 275–276: On a choisi comme terminus des lignes d’Anatolie le port de Mersina, bien qu’il soit ensablé et inabordable par les vents du S., mais c’est aujourd’hui le centre commercial le plus actif du vilayet. Alexandrette, doté d’un port bien plus vaste, nœud important de routes vers l’intérieur et aussi plus salubre, a été écarté, parce que l’occupation de ce point par une puissance ennemie suffirait à paralyser la ligne de Baghdad tout entière. On eût été, en effet, obligé delà faire passer par le pas de Beïlan, immédiatement au-dessus d’Alexandrette, dans la direction d’Alep ou de Killis. [ 241] Ramsay_1908_250–251 Antioch, writing of a theatre or odeon seen by him in 1905: “But a portico would have been needed in front of a Theatre or Odeon, Most of these remains have since Hamilton’s time been carried away for building purposes; and the same fate has happened to the remains which he saw in the hollow, “masses of highly finished marble cornices, with several broken fluted columns, 2 feet 8 inches in diameter”. / The town has been much enlarged during the last few years, and a good waggon-road has been built to connect it with the Anatolian Railway at Ak-Sheher (Philomelion), while the road to the Ottoman Railway terminus at Dineir (Apameia) was also much improved. These useful works were executed, not by the government, but in great part by the railway companies, competing for the trade of the district.” [ 242] Ainsworth_1840_512 Antioch: “The barracks built by this [Ibrahim] Pasha,from the old walls of Antioch, are still in an incomplete state.” [ 243] Claridge_1837_163: “The only piece of good road in Turkey, supplied with post houses, horses, and postillions, is from hence to Isnikmid, on the way to Broussa. Four horses, attached to a small narrow waggon, without springs, gallop off with you at an incredible pace. The circumstance of one falling dead on the road from exhaustion, is treated as a matter of course.” [ 244] Clarke_VII_1818_339 at Larissa: “Here we saw, once more in use, those antique cars, drawn by oxen or by buffaloes, with solid wheels, which we had observed in the Plain of Troy . . . We noticed, also, other wheel carriages, for the first time since we left Constantinople.” Ibid. 432 in the plain of Salonica: “In this plain, four-wheeled carriages were in use.” [ 245] L_1834_70–71: La Grèce n’est qu’un immense désert où l’on ne rencontre qu’un petit nombre de villages et quelques villes éparses à une distance immense les unes des autres. Nauplie (Napoli di Romania), capitale actuelle du nouveau royaume, n’a commencé à sortir des décombres et de la fange que depuis l’arrivée du roi; on a bâti à la hâte et assez légèrement des maisons qu’on peut appeler très médiocres et même mauvaises. Le palais où réside le roi Otton vaut à peu près l’habitation du commandant d’une petite ville. Une rue longue et étroite est revêtue de mortier et non pavée, et cet ouvrage ne tarderait pas à être détruit, s’îl y avait à Nauplie un plus grand nombre de carrosses ou de charrettes; leur nombre est en proportion des sept équipages du roi, et il n’en vient pas une seule des environs; car tout le Hellas a un grand chemin, long de trois lieues, lequel va de Nauplie à Mycène. Partout les communications ont lieu au moyen de sentiers pour les chevaux, les mulets, les ânes et les piétons. [ 246] Clarke_VII_1818_327 on the way to Pharsalia: “Our descent hence continued along the old road, which was much broken up, and in some parts entire; but whether entire or broken, we were compelled to ride upon it, as there was no other.” [ 247] Abulfeda_1840_II_137 (written 1316–1321) for Aksaray in Asia Minor: On exporte de ses fruits abondants à Iconium: ils sont charges sur des chariots, et l’on traverse pour se render à Iconium une contrée toute formée de champs cultivés et de wadis (length of the road is 48 parasangs – i.e. at about 4.8km to the parasang). [ 248] Fitzner_1902_97 land transport: Weniger allgemein blieb die Benutzung von Wagen, plumpen, aber dauerhaften Fahrzeugen, die mit Rindern oder Büffeln bespannt und namentlich zum Transport von Getreide, Holz und Holzkohlen benutzt werden, aber in Rücksicht auf die schlechten Wege nur eine beschränkte Verwendung finden können.



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[ 249] Mengous_1830_13: “Kookloojah is a small village at the distance of an hour’s walk from Smyrna. On leaving that city to approach it you cross a bridge built of large blocks of white marble, over which, a tradition says, Alexander the Great once passed. There is no road for carriages, which are never used in that country; but there is a good path trodden by the mules and camels, which the Turks employ as domestic animals.” [ 250] Ibn_Battuta_1877_II_361 (travelling 1325–1354) Crimea, carts at Kaffa: Description des chariots sur lesquels on voyage dans ce pays. Les habitants de cette contrée les appellent ‘arabah, et ce sont des chariots, dont chacun est pourvu de quatre grandes roues. Il y en a qui sont traînés par deux chevaux, ou même davantage; des bœufs et des chameaux les traînent également, selon la pesanteur ou la légèreté du char. L’individu qui conduit l’arabah monte sur un des chevaux qui tirent ce véhicule, et sa monture est sellée. Il tient dans sa main un fouet, alin d’exciter les chevaux à la marche, et un grand morceau de bois, avec lequel il les touche, lorsqu’ils se détournent du chemin. [ 251] Perrot_1863_105 near Uskub/Prusias: Toute la journée nous avions rencontré sur la route des arabas chargés de planches et traînés par des bœufs ou des buffles; quelquefois il y en a trente ou quarante qui se suivent à la file. On voit aussi des chevaux chargés chacun d’une vingtaine de planches. Tout cela vient des forêts de l’Olympe bithynien, à dix ou douze heures de la mer. [ 252] Perrot_1864_475–476 the Euiuk reliefs: Nous ne pouvions songer à rapporter des bas-reliefs, non que les habitants s’y opposassent; je leur fis à ce sujet quelques ouvertures qui furent fort bien accueillies; c’eût été pour eux, ou plutôt pour le maire du village, qui eût mis tout l’argent dans sa poche, l’occasion de gagner une petite fortune; mais ils me déclarèrent franchement que sous ce poids leurs arabas, mauvais chariots traînés par des bœufs maigres, casseraient ou culbuteraient, et que d’ailleurs, aux premières pluies, les routes deviendraient impraticables et tout charroi impossible: or nous étions à cinquante lieues [over 3km to the league] environ de la côte, et décembre approchait. En allant à Euïuk dans la belle saison, muni de moyens de transports supérieurs à ceux dont disposent les paysans, accompagné de quelques bons ouvriers qui allégeraient les blocs en en dégrossissant la face postérieure, peut-être réussirait-on, mais non sans peine, à faire arriver au rivage quelques morceaux intéressants. Ne pouvant penser pour cette fois à une pareille entreprise, nous n’avons du moins rien négligé pour bien faire connaître tout ce qui subsistait de ce curieux édifice ou du moins tout ce que nous pouvions en atteindre sans démolir les maisons bâties sur l’emplacement du palais. Pendant une semaine, nous avons fait travailler à déblayer la façade principale, et, en même temps, M. Guillaume dessinait et M. Delbet photographiait tout ce qui se découvrait à nous, à mesure que les choses sortaient de terre. Toute cette série de reproductions, complètement nouvelles, permettra aux savants de contrôler mes conjectures sur l’âge du monument et de chercher le sens des représentations sculptées sur le granit, ainsi que des symboles qui les accompagnent; aux artistes, d’en apprécier le style et le caractère. [ 253] Cornwall_1924_214: “The normal method of conveyance in Anatolia is the araba, sl four-wheeled cart of rough construction, usually drawn by two horses. There are two varieties, the yaili, or spring cart for passengers, and the yuk drabasi, or springless baggage waggon for luggage or merchandise. The yaili accommodates five at a pinch, or three in comparative comfort, besides the driver; the yuk arabasi carries a maximum load of about 16 cwts. Both are covered with a tilt, usually of waterproof material, that of the yaili having openings at the side, which can be closed by eur-tains. The horses are of the local country-bred ‘light vanner’ type. They are shod with whole plates, instead of with shoes of European pattern . . . The arabajis reckon on a nine-hour day, including an hour for the midday feed and rest. Distances in Anatolia are reckoned not in miles or kilometres but in hours. The roads vary considerably in their suitability for wheeled traffic. Our average pace during twenty-two days’ march in an araba worked out at 3 3/4 miles per hour.” [ 254] Dallaway_1797_7 “The English tourist must endeavour to forget the luxurious conveyance he has left behind him, and will owe to the spirit with which he pursues the objects of this country, possessing on so many accounts a decided superiority over others, all the pleasure, and all the usefulness of his journey.”



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[ 255] Dunn_1905_35: “In the case of Turkey, however, there are many causes which contribute to this backwardness, in addition to the want of enterprise. / The first of these is the deficiency of means of transport. The making of public roads has been neglected for many centuries, and the only means of communication has been by caravans of camels and mules. Most of the rivers and canals are too shallow for navigation; even the once magnificent rivers Tigris and Euphrates have become of little use for transport. The once flourishing ports on the coasts of Syria and the Red Sea have become silted up and almost closed to commerce. / Now all of these deficiencies are easily reparable, and of this fact the present Sultan and his Ministers are fully cognisant, and he has granted many concessions to carry out the necessary works.” [ 256] Schoenberg_1977_360: “Although the Ottoman Empire shared in the improvements of water transport, Muslim Turks were not involved. Greeks and other non-Muslim groups formed the seafaring races that invested in steamships and played a leading role as Ottoman subjects. When these non-Muslim nationalities revolted, particularly in the case of the Greeks, the Ottoman Empire lost the ships which then went to the opposing side. Even with non-Turks playing the major role in Turkish cabotage, the Ottoman Empire did not even rank among the top five in handling its own internal shipping.” [ 257] Macarius_(fl._1636–66)_1836_I_231 Haghia Sophia at Kiev: “In one of the tabernacles is a fount of white marble, with its lid or cover of large dimensions and concave form, ornamented with crosses, and resembling the urn of St. Elian in Emessa. The wonder is, whence they brought this marble, and these huge pillars which are outside the church; for there is no such thing in this whole country as a marble quarry. It would appear that they conveyed them in ships from Marmora, which is in the neighbourhood of Constantinople, by way of the Black Sea, and by ascending the great river Niepros (Dnieper), which flows into it; and landed them at this city of Kiev: whence, and from all the vicinity of which, there is a traffic, by both hauling and sailing vessels, on the great river just mentioned; and thence the navigation is continued on the Black Sea.” [ 258] Collas_1865_324: Le carovane mantengono il traffico fra i porti di mare e le città dell’interno e i paesi lontani. I fiumi e le riviere sono abbandonati; il loro regime s’è alterato per mancanza di cure: ingombri di melma, di sabbia, permettono alla navigazione fluviale e al servizio dei battelli soltanto di essere ausiliarj per brevi distanze e su pochissima profondità d’acqua. [ 259] Fellows_1843_16–17 Xanthos: it took four days to get their boat nine miles up-river to the site, with much undergrowth needing to be cut away – the trip back would take them three-quarters of an hour. [ 260] Dallaway_1797_237 Priene now four miles from the sea. He concludes that: “in consequence of the decay and desertion of these cities, no precautions have been taken to prevent the accumulation of soil by the rivers, which in so many ages has formed a new territory.” [ 261] Dallaway_1797_235–237 for description of Priene, 236 for the Temple of Minerva Polias: “Although the demolition be complete, and there seems to be nothing of its original form left for time to destroy, yet the architectural parts are mutilated in so small a degree, and preserve so much of their richness, that the imagination is encouraged to put it all together.” [ 262] Cust_1914_198 on the Dilettanti in 1861 “This committee met on June 6, and considered a proposition from Mr. R. P. Pullan, the architect who had been sent out by the Government to assist Mr. Newton at Budrum, to visit and examine the sites of Teos, Branchidae, and Priene, receiving for four months’ work £150, or for six months £200. [ 263] Chandler_1825_I_187 walking down to Didyma: “In descending from the mountain toward the gulf, I had remarked in the sea something white on the farther side; and going afterwards to examine it, found the remain of a circular pier belonging to the port, which was called Panormus. The stones, which are marble, and about six feet in diameter, extend from near the shore; where are traces of buildings, probably houses, overrun with thickets of myrtle, mastic, and evergreens.”



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[ 264] Chandler_1825_I_229 Iasos: A vessel from the island of Stanchio was at anchor in the bay, with some small-craft, which fish, or lade with tobacco, figs, and cotton, the produce of the country. These often carry stones away for ballast. We had paid a piaster at Scio for leave to transcribe three marbles, which lay on the shore, and were transported from this place. They contained honorary decrees made by the Iasians. One is of the age of Alexander the Great, and remarkable for the extreme beauty of the characters, which were as finely designed and cut as any I ever saw. These stones were part of a square pilaster before the senate-house.” [ 265] Judeich_1890_138 Iasos: Dann wurde Anfang des Jahres 1887 plötzlich wieder das Interesse auf die Ruinen von lasos gelenkt durch die Gerüchte von fabelhaften Funden an Inschriften und Skulpturen, die ein türkischer Kapitän bei dem Abbruch eines Teiles der Stadtmauer dort gemacht haben sollte. Die Funde rechtfertigten in keiner Weise die übertriebenen Nachrichten, doch regten sie zu neuen Besuchen an. – footnoted as follows: Alle Fundstücke sind mit den Quadern der Mauer nach Konstantinopel überfuhrt worden, wo sie Ende des Jahres 1887 noch im Hof vor dem Tchinili Kiosk lagen. Es sind fast ausnahmslos Inschriften und zwar Inschriften, die soweit ich damals feststellen konnte, keinen hervorragenden Wert besitzen und aufwärts bis in die hellenistische Zeit, abwärts bis in die Kaiserzeit reichen. Die bis jetzt aus der grossen Masse veröffentlichten Stucke (Bull, de corr. hell, XI 1887 213 ff. Journal of Hellenic stud, IX 1888 338 ff. Classical Review 1889 333) können nur diese Auffassung bestätigen. Die von Hamdi-Bey beabsichtigte Gesammtausgabe ist meines Wissens noch nicht erschienen. / An Skulpturen sollen nur einige Statuen römischer Zeit gefunden worden sein, wie an Ort und Stelle versichert wurde. [ 266] Cousin_1900_346: Nous longeons la plaine arrosée par le Kamis-tchai, et arrivons à Dermen-bachi, d’où, en 1885, M. Deschamps et moi sommes partis, nous engageant dans la montagne, pour aboutir à la découverte du temple, de Zeus Panamaros. Mais, avant de revenir à Aïdin, j’ai voulu vérifier si, à Asia, l’antique Iasos, la destruction des ruines avait mis à jour de nouveaux documents. Footnoted as follows: M. Diehl et moi avons signalé cette destruction, BCII, XIII, p. 2ff, note. Les blocs avaient été enlevés pour paver, dit-on, les quais de Constantinople. Si jamais on trouve sur l’un d’eux une inscription, on saura à quelle ville l’attribuer; cf. BCII, XV, p. 545; XVIII, p. 21. [Ces pierres, qui avaient été transportées à Constantinople en Mars 1887 pour y servir à la construction de la jetée de Bebek, ont été sauvées par H. E. Hamdi-Bey, et sont conservées aujourd’hui à Tchinily-Kiosk. Cf. Rev. Et. Gr., 1893, p. 153]. [ 267] Bérand_1891_545: Iasos était exploitée par l’amirauté turque, pour la construction du nouvel arsenal de Constantinople. Un navire de guerre, à l’ancre dans le port, fournissait les équipes de travailleurs; nous avons copié à grand’peine les marbres, gardés par des sentinelles. [ 268] Conder_1830_103 Smyrna: “in 1402, Tamerlane (or Timur Leng), hearing that the Christians and the Mahommedans had each a stronghold at Smyrna, and were always at war, marched against it in person, and attacked it by sea and land. To ruin the port, he ordered each soldier to throw a stone into the mouth, by which means it was filled up: the ships had got away.” [ 269] Thompson_1744_III_64 harbour of Tyre: “The two Havens of Tyre, the one call’d Open, and the other Close, were form’d by the Isthmus that joins the Island to the Continent. The former look’d towards Egypt, and was accordingly call’d the Egyptian Port, and the other was on the North Side, towards Sidon. These Ports are still pretty large, and defended in some measure from the Sea by a Mole running out directly from each Side of the Island; but though the Turkish Gallies could formerly lye here, it is said they are only capable of receiving small Fishing-Boats at present, having been stopp’d up by the Emir Faccardine, as well as that of Sidon, for political reasons.” [ 270] Tchihatchef_1854_120 Cilicia, Silifke: non-seulement toute la plaine, que l’on parcourt pendant deux heures en y descendant de la vallée d’Ermenek pour arriver au village Selevké, est jonchée d’anciens débris; mais encore ceux-ci forment une traînée non interrompue depuis le village jusqu’à la mer, où se trouve la petite rade, nommée Echelle de



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Selevké ou Liman Iskélessi, éloignée de deux heures de Selevké. Sur tout cet espace on voit des alignements de pierres taillées, des restes d’enceintes quadrangulaires, des colonnes, des fragments de corniches, etc. Ces débris sont particulièrement très-nombreux à côté du village Tchaouchmahazy, situé sur une des collines calcaires que l’on voit à droite du chemin qui conduit du village à l’Echelle; de même cette dernière est encombrée de fragments d’architecture antique. L’Echelle n’est composée que de cinq à six maisons habitées par des Arméniens qui font le commerce de bois, en le livrant aux bâtiments qui viennent le chercher d’Alexandrie et de Beyrout. [ 271] Carles_1906_63: Beyrouth, devenue par l’achèvement de ses quais en 1895, une ville de commerce international, abrite les navires contre les vents d’Ouest et Nord-Ouest grâce à une jetée de 800 mètres; mais la profondeur des eaux le long des quais n’est que de 4 mètres, aussi les steamers d’un tonnage quelque peu important sont-ils obligés de procéder à leurs opérations de débarquement et embarquement par allèges; d’où une perte de temps et des frais supplémentaires qui sont une entrave d’autant plus regrettable que les navires devraient pouvoir entrer dans le port à toute heure, la côte syrienne n’ayant pas de marée. [ 272] Scott-Stevenson_1881_392–393 Killendryeh, between Anamur and Siklifke: “The village stands on the site of the old Celendris, a town said to be of Phoenician origin, though the ancient remains are nearly all evidently Roman. The aqueduct we had followed on entering, formerly led into the old town. A fine marble monument still stands erect at the east end of the village, consisting of a pyramid (a good deal broken) mounted on four arches supported by four pilastres of marble. The pattern of acanthus leaves, round two of the capitals, is not of very finished workmanship. A stream of water runs near it. / On the western extremity of the little bay, are the remains of an old castle, which extended over a large space of ground. An old tower is the only part of it now remaining. Much of the debris was used in building a konak on the spot; a handsome square building still standing, but rapidly falling into decay, as it has not been occupied since the seat of Government was moved to Bozaghatsch. The inhabitants complained bitterly because the broken bridge across the Calycadnus had never been repaired; declaring that were it made serviceable, their little town and harbour would be the most thriving along the coast. This I can well believe, for it is undoubtedly the nearest port to the interior, and except for about ten weeks in midwinter, the pass is open all the year round.” [ 273] Tchihatchef_1850_842–843: A défaut de voies de communication intérieures, l’Anatolie présente du moins, surtout dans ses parties occidentale et méridionale, des côtes bien disposées pour la navigation. Sur tout son littoral du midi et de l’ouest, on pourrait créer un grand nombre d’excellens ports; les criques, les baies, les anses abondent sur ces côtes capricieusement déchiquetées par la nature. Des travaux hydrauliques souvent très simples auraient pu remédier à un inconvénient qui se reproduit dans la plupart de ces petites rades, trop peu abritées du côté du midi ou de l’ouest. Outre ces abris encore insuffisans, on pourrait signaler aussi en Anatolie plus d’une localité favorable à l’établissement presque immédiat de ports riches et productifs. Sans parler du superbe golfe de Smyrne, je citerai les baies de Mermeridja, de Makri et de Kastellorizo, qui offrent une retraite admirable aux bàtimens. abrités de tous côtés, soit par la saillie des côtes terminées en promontoire ou recourbées en croissant, soit par des îles qui forment autant de jetées naturelles. Déjà, malgré l’état de langueur commerciale que prolonge pour l’Asie Mineure l’absence des voies de communication, les échelles du littoral méridional servent de débouchés à divers produits de l’intérieur de ce pays. [ 274] Casas_1822_347–348 Kerkova: D’Antiphille, j’ai été a 15 milles plus loin, dans le magnifique port de Cacova, qui peut contenir toutes les armées navales d’Europe réunies; il a plusieurs entrées, et offre certainement un des plus beaux moulllages du monde, quoiqu’un navire marchand s’y soit perdu dernièrenient par la negligence de l’équipage. Lcs tremblemens de terre ont beaucoup élevé la mer dans ce port; elle couvre à présent une parte de la ville antique; et un tombeau parfaitement conservé s’élève au-dessus des eaux a quelque distance du rivage, cunvert de débris d’edifices de la haute antiquité et du moyen âge.



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[ 275] Duc de Raguse_1837_II_177–178 Avec nos grands bâtiments, et leur tirant d’eau considérable, il faut une mer profonde et des côtes élevées et sinueuses, qui garantissent des efforts de la mer et des vents. Une côte plate, n’offrant pas d’abri et peu de fond, est toujours une côte dangereuse et redoutable. / Dans l’antiquité les bâtiments, même d’une très-grande charge, pouvant naviguer dans une mer peu profonde, ne s’éloignaient que rarement des côtes. Une plage de sable et une rivière étaient des localités merveilleuses pour y creuser un port et un abri. [ 276] Sayce_1880_81: “At Alexandria Troas itself three enormous columns, one of which is shattered, still lie on the bank of the pestiferous pond which marks the site of the ancient harbour, and nine companion columns may be seen in the granite quarries near Kochali Ovasi in the very places where they were cut. Seven of these lie together in one place, and the two others a little beyond, a vast heap of stone chippings coming between them. I mention this because the number of columns in each case has been wrongly stated in Murray’s Guidebook.” [ 277] Reinach_&_Pottier_1882_200–201 Myrina: A l’endroit où la baie se creuse pour former un port, les cartes de l’amirauté anglaise ont signalé depuis longtemps les restes d’un môle de granit qui s’avance dans la mer et les débris d’un quai en marbre. Si nous redescendons vers la rivière, nous trouvons en face d’une petite île plusieurs assises, encore en place, d’un quai de granit. Immédiatement au nord de ce quai, nos sondages ont fait reparaître les fondements d’un édifice rectangulaire, en granit également. Tout l’espace compris entre l’Apano-tépé et le Kato-tépé est d’ailleurs jonché de fragments de marbre, et l’on en compte un grand nombre dans les murs de clôture qui ont été élevés en cet endroit. Les restes désignés sous le nom de vestiges antiques sur notre carte sont des fûts de colonnes généralement lisses, des restes de corniches ou d’architraves en granit. Entre le tchiflik et le Kato-tépé est un monticule formé d’une accumulation de blocs de granit taillés: nous avons trouvé tout auprès, en remuant le sol, une grande plaque de marbre avec une croix byzantine. D’après les récits de quelques paysans, c’est de là que proviendraient les marbres conservés à Ali-aga dans la cour de l’église; ce sont quatre blocs ornés de filets et de feuilles d’eau, qui semblent avoir appartenu à une corniche. Dans la ferme de Kalabassary, on conserve un haut de pilastre corinthien trouvé, dit-on, au même endroit. [ 278] Texier_1837_225 Antiphellus: Cette ville a conservé son nom. Il n’y a pas même aujourd’hui de village, c’est tout simplement un poste de douane pour l’embarquement des planches et du bois. L’aga demeure près d’un magasin, en pierre où l’on dépose de la chaux; il y a un café tout récemment construit, et cinq ou six familles. On y trouve du lait, des œufs, des poules et du bétail, c’est un endroit de ressource en comparaison de Patare. / Ce petit hameau est situé à l’entrée de l’ancien port dont on voit encore le môle. La nécropolis de la ville s’élève sur un coteau à l’E.; elle est placée sur des rochers, et les sarcophages sont quelquefois taillés dans le roc même. Mais la plupart sont composés de trois pièces, la. chambre souterraine, le sarcophage et le couvercle. [ 279] Rott_1908_298 Antiphellus: Heute liegt der kleine Hafen ungeschützt gegen jede Sturzwelle da, und haushoch schlug nach wenig Stunden die empörte Brandung am Ufer bis zu der Tür des kleinen Kawees empor, wo wir unsern Hunger stillten. Da türmten sich die grünlichen, schaumgekrönten Rosse des Meeres zu Wellenbergen auf, stürmten mit gewaltigem Donnern gegen die ausgelaugten Kalkfelsen heran, färbten sich mit weißen Kämmen und zogen dann gurgelnd in tausend und abertausend Grotten hinein, um in unzähligen Kaskaden niederzurinnen und beruhigt auf einen Augenblick vom granitenen Widerstand zurückzuweichen, gleich wieder dasselbe ewige Spiel beginnend. Dann sieht man auf Augenblicke die versunkenen Trümmer einer dahingeschwundenen Stadt, die Reste von Grab-, Schiffs- und Hafenbauten des alten Autiphellus. Stumm und einsam steht der, welchem die Schönheit noch eine Welt bedeutet, auf den obersten Stufen des verlassenen Theaters, wo tausend lichttrunkene Augen vom heitern Maskenspiel des Lebens über die Bühnenwand hinausschauten aufs endlose Meer in sonnenbeglänzte Fernen. [ 280] Saint-Martin_1852_II_66, citing de la Condamine in 1731–2: ma navigation de l’Archipel, que je traversai à voile et à rame dans un bateau du pays, j’observerai seulement



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qu’en côtoyant la Natolie, et en passant d’une île à l’autre, je vis une grande quantité de très-beaux marbres que nous ne connaissions point ici, et qui partout ailleurs ne resteroient pas inutiles. [ 281] Azaïs_&_Domergue_1858_204 at sea between Korykos and Elaiussa: Un aqueduc antique, à double rang d’arcades superposées y traverse ces gorges et court le long de la côte: il rappelle l’aqueduc romain du Pont du Gard. Nous suivons longtemps les longues lignes de ses arcs parfaitement conservés. Ces grandes ruines qui s’étendent sur une longueur considérable, et qui descendent jusqu’à la mer, ne sont-elles pas des vestiges de l’ancienne Eleusa? [ 282] Azaïs_&_Domergue_1858_206 at sea between Anemourium and Myra: Les ruines reparaissent avec le jour, et l’on dirait que sur cette côte autrefois si peuplée la vie a disparu, et qu’il n’existe plus que des monuments renversés et des villes désertes. Quelle abondante moisson pour le voyageur qui peut aller interroger ces débris du passé, et recueillir les souvenirs de ces cités éteintes! [ 283] Caldavène_1837_157: le port de Guverdjinlik, aujourd’hui désert et fréquenté seulement de loin en loin par quelques navires qui viennent y charger du bois de chauffage pour l’Égypte. / Des ruines de quais rasés à fleur d’eau, et quelques autres débris, restent encore là comme pour attester une ancienne prospérité; mais dès long-temps le commerce a oublié la route de Guverdjinlik. [ 284] Affagart_1902_40 (travelling 1533–1534) in the Gulf of Attalia, Madame SaincteHélaine, revenant de Hiérusalem, après avoir conquesté toute la Terre Sainct et trouvé la croix précieuse en laquelle Nostre Seigneur fur cruciffié, affin que le passaige fut doresnavant pacifique, elle gecta ung des cloux de quoy Nostre Seigneur fut cloué en l’arbre de la croix, et depuys la mer a esté plus tranquille. [ 285] Deshayes_de_Courmenin_1624_325 in the Gulf of Satalia “Les Mariniers le craignent merveilleusement à cause de l’impetuosité des vents, qui sortent des montagnes qui agitent ordinairement la mer, ils croyent qu’anciennement l’on n’y pouvoit passer sans courre un grand danger, mais que saincte Hélene en retournant de Hierusalem, y ietta undes cloux de nostre Seigneur, pour appaiser l’orage, et que depuis les tourmentes n’y ont pas esté si grandes.” [ 286] De_Brèves_1628_22–23 Satalia: estant au reste la coste si haute, & si pleine d’escueils, que ny galeres, ny vaisseaux ronds, n’y peuvent aborder, et encore moins demeurer sur le fer, tant la mer est impetueusement agitée . . . Le port est fort éstroit & bon seulement pour les petits vaisseaux, l’entrée en est tres-malaisée, & perilleuse, a qui n’y est usité, n’ayant qu’un petit endroit par où on puisse passer, tout le reste estant remply de ruines, quasi à fleur d’eau, si bien que les barques mesmes ne s’y peuvent conduire, sans toucher. [ 287] Lucas_1714_I_245 Le port de Satalie est peu de chose, et ne peut recevoir que de petits bâtiments, des Barques, des Tartanes, de petits Caiques. [ 288] Stochove_1643_255 Antalya: le port est petit & seulement capable pour recevoir de petites barques, la plage y est mal asseuré, dautant qu’elle est pleine d’escueils qui faict que les galères & les vaisseaux y peuvent malaysiement aborder, & encore moins y demeurer à l’ancre, tant la mer y est d’ordinaire agitée. [ 289] Seiff_1875_481 Antalya: Der Hafen selbst, mit seinen terrassenförmig sich übereinander aufbauenden Häusergruppen und der bunten Staffage seiner unregelmässigen Kais, ist sehr pittoresk; aber ohne jede Bedeutung und für grössere Schiffe unzugänglich. Nur wenige kleine Küstenfahrer fanden wir darin vor Anker liegen. An seinem Eingange ragen ein Paar mächtige Pfeiler aus der klaren Tiefe hervor, die früher wohl Vertheidigungswerke getragen haben. [ 290] Collignon_1880–1897_54–55 Antalya: Le quartier grec, la marine et le bazar, voilà les points où se concentre la vie active à Adalia. Rien de pittoresque comme ce joli port, enserré entre de hautes murailles crénelées dont la base disparaît sous les mousses, la verdure et les plantes grimpantes; à l’entrée se dressent deux piliers massifs d’appareil romain, restes des travaux qui avaient fait de l’antique Attalie une importante place maritime. Le port n’est guère fréquenté que pendant les mois d’avril et de mai; des vapeurs



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italiens, des navires de Rhodes, de Salonique, de Smyrne, y viennent charger le blé, le seigle et le sésame que produisent les vastes plaines de la Pamphylie. Passé ces mois, le port devient presque désert, à cause de la difficulté du mouillage; on n’y voit guère aborder que les petits caïques de la côte et les vapeurs anglais qui font le service entre Adalia, Rhodes et Smyrne. [ 291] Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_211–212 Antalya: “The population of Adalia is about thirteen thousand, of whom three thousand are Greeks. There are ten mosques and seven churches, several of them interesting, on account of their antiquity or beauty. The houses and walls contain many fragments of sculpture, columns, and inscribed blocks, indicative of the ancient extent and importance of the site. The cemeteries without the city, are also more than usually filled with marble fragments and columns, remains of substantial and costly edifices. The style of these relics is invariably Roman, and of a date agreeing with that of the foundation of Attaleia.” [ 292] Beaufort_1818_140–141 (travelling 1811–1812) Lara, five miles from Antalya: “The remains of a broad flagged quay are manifest along the margin of the harbour; and from thence the ground rises in a gentle slope, overspread with loose building stones and small remnants of columns and sculpture, which have the appearance of great antiquity. / Nothing remains erect, but a few piers of an arched aqueduct; and some vaulted ruins near the harbour, which have a more modern appearance.” [ 293] Conder_1830_252–253 Lara, near Antalya: “Laara, though now wholly abandoned, contains, in its artificial port, decayed aqueduct, and other ruins, sufficient evidence of its having been a city of some magnitude. It is supposed to be the ancient Magydus; a place which flourished under the Byzantine empire, and was a bishopric of. the province of Pamphylia. The remains of a broad, flagged quay are visible along the margin of the harbour, from which the ground rises in a gentle slope, overspread with small remnants of columns, sculpture, and building materials: nothing remains erect, but a few piers of an aqueduct, and some vaulted ruins of a more modern appearance.” [ 294] Rott_1908_55: Bevor wir Adalia verließen, um nach Ostpamphylien aufzubrechen, ritten wir nach dem kaum zwei Stunden entfernten, südöstlich von dieser Stadt am Meer gelegenen Lara hinüber, in dessen Nähe die alte Episkopalstadt Magydus, heute Monastir genannt, liegt. Ihr Bischof Aphrodisius wohnte bereits dem Konzil von Nicäa bei. Le Quien zählt außer ihm noch weitere fünf Bischöfe auf. Schon Ptolemäus erwälmt die Stadt zwischen den Katarakten und dem Kestros. Durch eine Unzahl von Dudenbächen mußten wür hindurchreiten, da es weit gefährlicher ist, sich den elenden Brücken anzuvertrauen. Noch erkennt man Reste vom Uferquai, durch das kristallhelle Wasser schimmern die Travertinblöcke der Molen herauf, und die versteinerten Wasserläufe, die von Norden her kommen, sind die stummen Überbleibsel eines versinterten Aquäduktes. Von der bedeutenden Stadt der christlichen Epoche fanden sich außer einer Inschrift nur die Reste einer kleinen Kirche dicht über dem Strand, deren Chor und Südwand noch erhalten ist. Im Chor quillt ein Hagiasma, dessen Süßwasser bis nach Adalia hinüber gebracht wird. Auch Reste von Mosaikbelag sind noch im Boden sichtbar, und ringsum liegen viele Ziegeltrümmer. Nördlich davon ist teilweise auf den Fundamenten der alten eine neue Kirche aufgebaut. Am Strande wächst in reichlichen Mengen das Süßholz, das eben in Säcken eingesammelt wurde, um über Alexandrette auf englischen Schiffen nach Europa zu gehen. [ 295] Cuinet_1896_I_163 Lattakia: Deux châteaux ruinés, datant du temps des croisades et sur l’un desquels est posé le phare, dominent l’entrée du port, non sans l’encombrer quelque peu mais ce port, si artistement creusé jadis, si richement décoré, est d’ailleurs en grande partie ensablé, et les splendides colonnes corinthiennes qui l’ornaient ne supportent plus aucun des anciens ouvrages. [ 296] Salverte_1861_19–20 Lattakia: description by a French 12thC pilgrim: Cette ville, dit Raoul de Caen, comme peut le voir encore aujourd’hui par ses ruines seules, se distinguait entre toutes les autres ses nobles églises, sa population, ses richesse ses tours, ses palais, ses théâtres et ses édifices de toute sorte. A l’exception d’Antioche, aucune ville de la Syrie ne présente dans son enceinte les traces d’une aussi ancienne noblesse. De nom-



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breuses rangées de colonnes, des aqueducs pratiqués à travers les précipices, des tours qui s’élèvent jusqu’aux cieux, des statues qui semblaient veiller sur les places publiques: tous travaux, précieux autant par les matériaux employés que par l’art qui les avait produits, rendent témoignage de la ville passée, meme dans son état actuel; de ce qu’elle était dans son intégrité, maintenant qu’elle est détruite. [ 297] Al-Dimashki_(b.1256)_1874_284–285 Laodicea: Laodicée, entourée de 3 cotés par la mer; cette ville ressemble à Alexandrie par sa construction, mais elle n’a pas d’eau courante pour arroser son territoire; c’est pourquoi il n’y a guère d’arbres, et ses maisons sont anciennes. On y trouve une carrière de marbre blanc, vert et rayé; près de cette ville est situé le couvent Deib EL-Farous, d’une merveilleuse construction. Les chrétiens s’y rassemblent une fois par an. Le port de Laodicée est excellent et bien vaste, de sorte qu’il est continuellement fréquenté par de grands vaisseaux; il est fermé par une chaîne de fer, qui empêche les vaisseaux ennemis d’y entrer. [ 298] Rey_1871_157 Sajette, sea castle, and quais: Nous ayons donc ici sous les yeux une portion de quai bâtie par les croisés et qui nous est parvenue à peu près intacte. / D’après son mode de construction, il est facile de voir que les Francs de Syrie prirent pour modèle les quais antiques, dont ils durent trouver de nombreux restes dans les villes maritimes de la Terre Sainte. [ 299] Irby_1823_508–509 Pompeiopolis: “Time and the weather have given the columns a black and dismal appearance, and they are surrounded with dark looking bushes. Forty four columns, of a bad style, are standing, out of about two hundred; but what is that to Palmyra or Djerash where two hundred and forty still stand with their capitals and epistylia? the remains of perhaps two thousand! With the excavation of the colonnades and some sarcophagi which are scattered about without the walls, and are of large dimensions, we found little to interest us. The theatre is in a most ruinous state, as is the ancient port, filled with an accumulation of earth.” [ 300] Beaufort_1820_59 Pompeiopolis, the harbour: Enfin le théâtre majestueux et les hautes colonnes de Soli ou Pompeiopolis, s’elevant au-dessus de l’horizon, semblèrent justifier les descriptions que les pilotes nous avoient faites de la grandeur des monumens de ce lieu: quand nous les vîmes de près, notre espérance ne fut pas entièrement déçue. Le premier objet qui s’offrit à nous, lorsque nous mîmes pied à terre, fut un beau port artificiel ou bassin elliptique, entouré d’un quai continu, et terminé par deux jetées ou môles courbés, de 5 pieds d’épaisseur et de 7 de hauteur. Ce quai est construit en moelons liés par un ciment très-fort, révêtus et recouverts de blocs de calcaire coquillier jaune qui avoient été unis ensemble par des crampons de fer. [ 301] Pococke_1772_V_56 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Ephesus: Le théâtre est vis-à-vis au sud-ouest de la montagne, & le cirque au nord-ouest. Ces édifices devoient former un coup d’oeil admirable, & l’on peut dire qu’aucune ville n’a jamais eu la même commodité d’en construire qu’Ephèse; le mont Lepre & le mont Corissus étant composés de pierres de taille & de marbre il leur étoit aisé de les tailler & de les faire rouler dans les endroits ou ils vouloient bâtir. Le lac qui est au couchant du temple de Diane, étoit probablement une espéce de port où l’on débarquoit les marbres que l’on tiroit des contrées étrangères. [ 302] Collignon_1880–1897_8–9 Kaunos: La plaine marécageuse qui sétend des ruines à la mer est de formation récente; les alluvions du fleuve ont peu à peu fait reculer le rivage, et le port, marqué seulement par une dépression du sol, se trouve aujourd’hui à plus d’une lieue et demie de la mer. Les ruines de la ville n’offrent guère d’intérêt que pour l’archéologue. Cependant le théâtre mérite attention: le mur d’enceinte percé de couloirs voûtés, les gradins encore intacts sur plusieurs points, ailleurs disjoints par les racines d’énormes figuiers qui les ombragent de leurs larges feuilles, tout cela forme un semble imposant, que vient compléter la haute masse des montagnes grises du cap Kapania. Les ruines des thermes, les vestiges du mur fortifié qu’on aperçoit à travers une végétation courte et drue de lentisques et d’astidis, donnent l’idée de ce que pouvait être une grande ville d’Asie-Mineure; on suit encore pendant plusieurs kilomètres les traces des murailles qui défendaient la ville.



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[ 303] Stochove_1643_259 Side, after noting the theatre, le long de la Marine nous vismes plusieurs colomnes de Marbre blanc, y en ayant quelques unes de trente six & trente sept pieds de long, l’on y void aussi plusieurs statues les unes entieres, & des autres brisées, & par tout quantité d’inscriptions tant Latines qu’Arabesques, mais si usées que nous ne scavions cognoistre que bien peu des caracteres. So many stones in the harbour they could not anchor there, so had to run out to sea about half-a-league, and anchor to wear out a storm. [ 304] Corancez_1816_377–378 Side: L’immensité des travaux qu’a dû exiger la construction de la jetée qui ferme le port; les blocs énormes de pierre qui y ont été transportés, et qui restent encore debout au milieu des vagues ont été si long-temps battus, attestent, par leur existence même, le degré de leur solidité tous les vestiges des dépenses consacrées à l’embelissement et à la commodité du port de l’ancienne ville, ne permettent guères de douter qu’elle n’ait été l’entrepôt d’un grand commerce; car les sommes que le commerce emploie pour assurer sa prospérité, sont presque toujours la preuve de cette prospérité déjà existante. [ 305] Conder_1830_257 Side: “The double harbour at the extremity of the peninsula, is now almost filled with sand and stones borne in by the swell; and one of the moles, 260 yards in length, by which it was formed, has been destroyed. The entire harbour must have been 500 yards long.” [ 306] Un_jeune_voyageur_1830_67 at Chesme/Erythrae: Une colline se présente d’abord à l’est, à une centaine de pas de la plage. En montant sur cette colline, on marche constamment au milieu, d’une énorme quantité de débris d’édifices, appartenant pour la plupart à une espèce de pierre dure dont j’aurai occasion de parler plus bas. Des fragmens de marbre rouge et blanc, parmi lesquels diverses portions de colonnes brisées s’y trouvent aussi en grand nombre. Tous ces fûts de colonnes sont ou unis ou cannelés; il est presque superflu de dire que les chapiteaux sont tous d’ordre ionique. L’oeil est frappé de restes de murs, de pièces de soutien de portes et de pierres, taillées, de grande dimension, présentant des creux carrés parallèles où pénétrait le métal qui servait à les lier. [ 307] Keil_1910_Col 12 Erythrai peninsula, details of antiquities: Stelle der drei benachbarten Dörfer Elen Chodza, Inedzik und Sseki sowie in ihrer unmittelbaren Umgebung sind nur geringe Reste alter Besiedelung vorhanden. So hat ein gewisser Arnaut-Oglu Hassan in seinem eine Viertelstunde von Elen Chodza gelegenen Weinberge byzantinische Bausteine, ferner einige dünne Marmorsäulen und eine byzantinische Reliefplatte mit Rankenwerk und Weintrauben ausgegraben. Der Hauptort der Gegend lag im Altertum wie im Mittelalter anscheinend weiter im Innern, dort wo das Kos Gudan Dere in eine kleine Hochebene übergeht. Nach den dort in der Gegend Kara Agatsch reichlich vorhandenen Besiedlungsresten, meist byzantinischer Zeit, handelt es sich um eine ausgedehnte, aber ärmliche Ortslage, welche wegen der noch an mehreren Stellen konstatierbaren Reste von Ölmühlen reichlich Ol produziert zu haben scheint. Der Hafenplatz für diese Dorflage dürfte ehemals geradeso wie heute bei Kaina Bunar (Kössedere) gelegen haben. Dort wenigstens sind auf einem Acker unmittelbar westlich des nur wenige Häuser zählenden Ortes viele antike Reste, darunter ein Architravblock und große Quadern ans Tageslicht gekommen; einige ganz zerfressene Säulen liegen in dem Molo der Hafenstelle. [ 308] Un_jeune_voyageur_1830_23 at Chesme/Erythrae: A moitié chemin des bains à cette montagne, on voit quelques vestiges d’ancienne date, mais qui ne présentent rien de remarquable. On a aussi découvert dans le bourg même, en creusant pour poser les fondemens d’une maison, des colonnes qui ont servi à décorer, il y a quelques années, la belle église grecque que l’on y élevait alors. Si Tchesmé n’offre point d’ailleurs des ruines anciennes à l’œil du voyageur souvent avide d’objets de ce genre, il n’aura qu’à se transporter à trois lieues de là pour y trouver de quoi satisfaire sa curiosité. Les ruines d’Erythrée sont à une pareille distance de Tchesmé, comme nous l’avons déjà dit, mais il y a cependant plus de quatre heures de marche d’un point à l’autre, à cause d’un circuit que forme la route. On choisit au reste rarement le chemin de terre pour aller visiter ces ruines, puisqu’il est



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si commode de s’y transporter en bateau, et que par un temps favorable on en fait facilement le trajet en deux heures. [ 309] Geary_1878_299 Smyrna: “We landed at a splendid quay, a mile and a half long and fully sixty feet wide, built of granite in the most substantial fashion. This fine work has been completed quite recently by some French capitalists who procured a concession from the Government. Their enterprise has been amply rewarded; the fees received for all packages and passengers landed at the quay bring in a large revenue, and the facility it offers to trade is very great. On the land reclaimed along the shore by the construction of the quay, a line of palatial edifices is being erected for the most part by speculative Frenchmen. They are intended for hotels and business premises, and as the quay is not only the great centre of commerce, but is also a sort of marine Champs Elysées, the extensive row of large shops springing into existence may be expected to do well. / There are no less than nine cafes chantants of considerable size along the quay, and at night they are frequented by the foreign and the Christian elements of the population. But the Turk, more home-keeping than even an Englishman, never patronizes such places.” [ 310] Van_Lennep_1870_I_16 Smyrna, light boats in the harbour: “with two green lights, and the outer with two white lights, which have recently been placed upon the shoals formed by the waters of the Hermus, and have nearly put an end to the running ashore of vessels and steamers so frequent in former years. It is strange, however, that the Government do not see the necessity of guarding against the further encroachments of the river deposits; for there can be no doubt that Smyrna will ere long cease to be a seaport town, and will, like Nice, stand upon an inland lake, whose overflow will reach the sea through a narrow canal. It is thus that the prosperity of Ephesus has perished, and from being a flourishing sea-port, it has become a ruin surrounded by marshes, and standing several leagues from the sea-shore. Voorla will probably then become to the present Queen of Anatolia what Scala Nova is to ancient Ephesus.” [ ] 311  Fermanel_1668_269 Halicarnassus: Son Port est si petit, qu’aucune Galère ni Vaisseau un peu grand n’y peut entrer. [ 312] Newton_1865_II_44–45 Calymnos: “I was interested to see that since my visit to Calymnos the inhabitants had made great progress in the making a pier into the deep water of their harbour, alongside of which ships of 200 tons can be safely moored. This pier has been formed by a very simple process. Each Calymniote caique that goes out on a cruise is expected to bring back a certain number of stones for the pier, according to its capacity and opportunities. And so the work goes on by slow and gradual deposits, each native mariner contributing his mite towards it.” – presumably from antiquities from the mainland. [ 313] Beaufort_1818_81 (travelling 1811–1812) Cnidus: “Cape Krio is a high peninsula, united to the main by a sandy isthmus: according to Strabo, it had been an island, but was then connected with the city of Cnidus by a causeway. On each side of the isthmus, there is an artificial harbour; the smallest has a narrow entrance between high piers, and was evidently the closed basin for triremes, which he mentions. The southern and largest port is formed by two transverse moles; these noble works were carried into the sea to the depth of nearly a hundred feet; one of them is almost perfect, the other, which is more exposed to the southwest swell, can only be seen under water.” [ 314] Beaufort_1818_300–301 (travelling 1811–1812): “On the extreme point is Ayas Kalassy, a small village comprised within the walls of a half-antient castle. Fortune did not permit me to reach this castle; but some of the officers, by whom it was visited, observed there the shattered remains of a port and artificial pier; probably the antient Aegae, of which the present name Ayas appears to be a corruption. A little to the westward there is a round tower, with an Arabic inscription over the door; and several of the stones in this tower are of a hard black lava, resembling the Sicilian millstones which are procured at Mount Etna. / No ruins of any consequence were discovered in the neighbourhood; but some vestiges of antient buildings: were seen, and many small fragments were scattered about the plain.”



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[ 315] Gough_1954_52b Ayas: “The road then follows the coastline for several kilometres, passing many small Classical and Early Byzantine sites on the way until, finally, an extensive area of heroa and sarcophagi foretells the presence of an ancient city. This funerary area covers the ground which rises above the shallow curve of what was once a bay, before the island of Elaeusa was connected to the mainland by the sand left behind by an ever-receding tide. / The heroa are ranged in orderly streets which run, on terraces, northwest and south-east, while another road, bordered by sarcophagi, leads inland to a site now only known by its modern name, Qati Oren. Again on the mainland, and directly opposite the island on which the greater part of Elaeusa was built, are a number of public buildings, including the baths and theatre; while at the extreme south-east of the topmost terrace are the remains of the temple, which must have been visible for many miles out to sea.” [ 316] Gough_1954_57 Ayas: “The temple in recent years has been used as a quarry, and the lower course of some interior walls, not visible in 1924, have now been disclosed by the activities of stone robbers. Only a small part of them now remains, in the north-west of the temple.” [ 317] Irby_1823_515 to the west of Ayas: “We started early on foot, the horses following; We soon ascended an ancient paved way, lined with many of those square tombs described yesterday, more or less perfect, as well as with many large sarcophagi. Some of these are very beautifully ornamented in relievo; one in particular represented an eagle treading on a serpent, and holding a wreath on each side, supported at the other ends by cherubs, with a rose over each wreath. Another had an ox’s head suspending wreaths of vines, pomegranates, grapes, &c. Some had tablets for inscriptions, and some were inscribed in large Greek characters covering the whole of one side. Besides the tombs and sarcophagi, we found some pieces of rich frieze as well as several altars; and there were edifices which appeared not to have been tombs but habitations, some of which looked modern. This paved road finally brought us to a sandy bay, and an isthmus which separated a rocky promontory from the main line of rugged coast.” Ibid., 516 west of Ayas: “Here the great aqueduct again appear, though much in ruins; and near it are the remains of a palace, the façade of which is one hundred paces across. It has had a colonnade in front, of sixteen pillars; the pedestals only remain; a great many shafts of columns are made use of as modcrn fences on the isthmus. At the back of the palace, on the ride of the hill, appears to have stood a theatre, but it is more ruined even than that of Pompeiopolis. On the promontory are many ruined buildings; one of these has three columns, of a portico in front of it still standing; the shafts and capitals are of a single piece, and of good marble: they are of the Corinthian order. According to Captain Beaufort, these are the ruins of Eleusa or Sebaste.” [ 318] Langlois_1854b_87 Ayas: C’etait à Aias (Lajasso) que les navires génois et vénitiens venaient apporter les marchandises de l’Occident, pour les échanger contre les produits des plaines de Tarsous et de la montagnc du Taurus. / C’est aussi dans cette ville que se trouvait une douane, succursale de celle de Tarsous. / Le commerce qui se faisait à Aias n’était pas la seule ressource des Arméniens et des Grecs de la Cilicie: pendant tout le moyen âge, les Ciliciens s’étaient adonnés au commerce de caravanes et d’entrepôts; et Nicétas va même jusqu’à dire que la piraterie était encore exercée dans ce pays au XIIIe siècle. / Un château bâti sur le bord de la mer, et que restaura le sultan Soliman, prouve que, pendant la période des invasions musulmanes, Aias était un point militaire qui assurait la possession’ d’une partie de la côte et de la plaine, jusqu’aux portes Amanides. / C’est dans l’intérieur de ce château que se trouve l’Aias moderne reduite a quinze cabanes couvertes en chaume, et dont la population n’atteint pas le chiffre de cinquante personnes. [ 319] Robert_1973_208–209 for the relief in Plymouth, in the 1870s: Ainsi l’escadre anglaise du Pirée venait hiverner dans le golfe de Yumurtalik-Ayas. Dès lors s’explique lumineusement que soit arrivée dans le grand port de guerre anglais de Plymouth une inscription d’Aigeai. C’est la confirmation et l’explication de la provenance décelée par Ad. Wilhelm. Est confirmé aussi le rejet, motivé ci-dessus, de Mopsueste comme provenance de «l’inscription du Père Girard». Les deux inscriptions, dédiées aux mêmes dieux



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Dionysos et Déméter, sous la même forme, avec aussi la mention de la maison sévérienne, ont été également élevées à Aigeai, et l’une fut emportèe à Plymouth par un officier de marine qui avait séjourné avec son bâtiment dans le golfe de Yumurtalik, le Bittern ou un autre. [ 320] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_165 Heraclea: Trois heures avant la nuit nous arrivâmes à Heraclée, qui a un beau Port fait en Amphithéâtre, d’environ trois milles de tour, & dont la bouche est au Nord-est. Nous eûmes assez de temps pour y aller chercher des Antiquitez, & nous ne tardâmes pas d’en découvrir. Les murailles ont des pièces de statues, de colonnes & de chapiteaux enclavées parmi leurs autres matériaux, & ayant apperceu quelque Inscription, nous volumes la copier, mais malheureusement mon camarade & moy avions perdu nos plumes. – they waylayed a goose, and got the job done. [ 321] Le_Brun_I_1725_210 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) Perinthus/Heraclea, present-day Marmaraereglisi in the Gulf of Rodosto: Cette Ville est située à quarante-deux degrez de Latitude Septentrionale, aux environs d’un Promontoire qui forme deux bons Ports y dont celui qui est du côté du Nord-Est est le plus grand & le plus sur, & c’est aussi le seul dont on se sert: mais comme on n’a aucune soin de nettoyer ces Ports, & que les Turcs les laissent insensiblement remplir des décombres & des ruines des vieux bâtiments qui sont sur le rivage y il n’y a plus que de médiocres Vaisseaux y comme les Barques, les Marsillanes y les Caïques des Turcs y & autres semblables qui y puissent entrer, au lieu que du tems de l’Empereur Severe, & encore long-tems après lui, on y pouvoir retirer toute une Flotte & y trouver un bon fond pour les plus gros Vaisseaux. [ 322] Porter_1835_226 “Heraclea is a peninsula, with what was once, and is yet, an excellent harbour; the mole, however, which ran nearly half-way across the mouth of it, has gone to ruin, and may be seen about two feet below the surface of the water. Detached pieces of the old walls of the city, may still be seen, and a number of white marble columns, capitals and pedestals, may be found lying on the sides of the streets. On a hill at the back of the town, and over-looking the sea, is an ancient monastery. An aged priest accompanied us to visit it. The interior we found in some parts considerably dilapidated, but the paintings on the walls are still fresh, which latter, are literally covered with representations of the most remarkable events recorded in the New Testament, and some of the pictures are in pretty good style. / We here found several remains of antiquity, and among others, a pedestal, with a long Greek inscription, and the toes of a female colossal figure of white marble, beautifully sculptured. The old priest told me, that about six thousand years ago, this was the site of a pagan temple, and that the female figure had been the idol worshipped.” [ 323] Tournefort_II_1718_138–139: “Penderachi is a little Town built on the Ruins of the antient Heraclea: this latter must have been one of the finest Cities in all the East, if we may judge by its Ruins, especially by the old Walls built of huge Stones that are still on the Sea-shore. As to the compass of the City, which is fortify’d from distance to distance by square Towers, that indeed seems to be no older than the Greek Emperors On every hand you discover Columns, Architraves, and Inscriptions very much defac’d. Near a Mosque is the Door of a Turk’s House, the Mounters whereof are pieces of Marble, on which is legible on one side” [– and then quotes the Trajanic inscription] . . . This City was built on a high Coast which governs the Sea, and seems to have been design’d to command the whole Country: landward there still remains an antient Gate, perfectly simple, built of great pieces of Marble. They assured us that further off there were other Remains of Antiquity; but Night coming on, and the Tents of the Women being set up near those Ruins, we durst not go to view them.” [ 324] Elliott_1838_II_193–194 Patara: “The river Xanthus once laved the feet of this favored offspring of Grecian taste: but time, which changes all, has changed its course, and the yellow river was displaced by two large mounds, or mountains, of yellow sand, which accumulated in the course of centuries and gradually forced it from its natural bed: the stream then flowed close to these on the west; but, disturbed by some other cause, it has again modestly resigned its rights and now humbly seeks admission to the sea under



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the seventh cape of Hepta Cavi. The port is no longer known except in history; for it has been completely destroyed by the formation of sand-banks which make a boat’s approach, even in calm weather, so perilous that we were compelled to land considerably to the east of them, scramble over some rocks, and then cross successive ridges of sand, in order to attain the ruins.” [ 325] Fellows_1839_223–224 Patara: “A triple arch leads hence to the city, and the brackets upon it for busts or statues have Greek inscriptions; it is not in pure taste. Several ruins of large Christian churches are here seen in massy piles of stones, the materials of former temples. The theatre is, as usual, excavated from the hill sheltering it from the sea; but the quantity of sand brought down by the river Xanthus, and by the almost continual eddies of wind occasioned by the high mountains of the Cragus range, have formed banks of sand along the coast, which is drifted over the walls of the theatre, so that the area of it is more than half filled up, and the whole, with many other ruins, will soon be entirely buried and left for future ages to disinter. The harbour is now rich with the vegetation of shrubs, and many fine clusters of palm-trees. / The city has been extensive, but the buildings are for the most part constructed of fragments of earlier ages, when symmetry of form was better understood; no building of the early Greek age remains entire.” [ 326] Lane-Poole_1896_16 for Al-Maqrizi on sand: “It is said – but God knows best – that the figure known in the present day by the name of Abu-l-Hol [‘Father of Fright,’ i.e. the Great Sphinx] was a talisman contrived by the ancients to keep away the sand from overspreading the fields and obstructing the river; and on the opposite side of the river was another figure, corresponding with Abu-1–Hol, by the Kasr esh-Shema’, also facing the east, which was for the like purpose of keeping away the sand from the eastern side of the river. This latter was destroyed by some of the Emirs of the Sultan Mohammad ibn Kalaun, in 711 [1311–12]: they dug up the ground beneath it until they came to water, thinking that they should find treasure, but found none. This image was called the Concubine of Abu-1-Hol [Suriyet-Abi-1–Hol]. Soon after its destruction the sand advanced on the eastern side, and the islands which now exist were formed.” [ 327] Fellows_1841_179 Patara: “This morning we rode down the plain to Patara, which place I have before visited. I again sought the points of the greatest interest – its very perfect theatre, the arched entrance to the city, and clusters of palm-trees; and, owing to the dryer state of the swamp, I was enabled to visit a beautiful small temple about the centre of the ruined city: its doorway, within a portico in antis, is in high preservation, as well as its walls; the doorway is of beautiful Greek workmanship, ornamented in the Corinthian style, and in fine proportion and scale; the height is about twenty-four feet.” [ 328] Leake_1824_182–183 Patara: “The port of Patara, which was too small to contain the allied fleet of the Romans, Rhodii, and other Greek states under the command of L. Aemilius Regillus in the Antiochian war, is now entirely choked up by encroaching sands. The ruins of the city are extensive; consisting of the town-walls, and of numerous sepulchres on the outside and within, of the remains of several public buildings. Among these is a theatre, in good preservation, and nearly of the same size as that of Telmissus; it is 295 feet in diameter, with thirty-four rows of seats, and a proscentum, upon which a long inscription shows that the theatre was built by Q. Velius Titianus, and dedicated by his daughter Velia Procla, in the fourth consulate of the Emperor Antoninus Pius (A.D. 145). Appian remarks, that Patara was like a port to Xanthus; which city appears from Strabo and the Stadiasmus to have been on the banks of the river Xanthus, eight or nine miles above Patara. Ruins are known to exist in this situation, but they have not yet been described by any modern traveller.” [ 329] Tchihatchef_1854_74–75 Lycia: A quatre heures et demie à l’ouest d’Elmalu, on aperçoit, sur la chaîne de Kuyu-Bêli, à une altitude de plus de cinq mille pieds au-dessus du niveau de la mer, des tronçons de colonnes antiques. / Le petit village Seidser-Yailassi, dont l’altitude est très-considérable, et qui sert de campement d’été (yaila) aux habitants de la vallée du Xanthus, appelée aujourd’hui Eurentchaî, est rempli de débris de constructions antiques. Parmi les dalles qui marquent l’enceinte carrée d’un ancien édifice, il en



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est plusieurs qui portent des inscriptions; j’en ai copié une. / Le village Eurène est, comme tous les villages de la vallée du Xanthus, plus ou moins rempli de pierres taillées et de tronçons de colonnes. A une heure et demie à l’ouest de Doloman, qui est à dix heures au nordouest de Makri, l’antique Telmeissus, on voit une colline de serpentine, au pied de laquelle se trouve le petit village Aktchetach. Cette colline est couronnée par de vastes ruines, composées de plusieurs pans de mur assez grossièrement construits. Cependant, comme ces constructions, probablement du moyen âge, ont été, en grande partie, effectuées aux dépens des ruines antiques, on pourrait peut-être y découvrir quelques fragments intéressants. / Le village Yamourtach, à sept heures au sud-est de Karayukbazar, est tellement riche en colonnes antiques, que non-seulement on en voit des tronçons enchâssés dans les murs des habitations, mais encore chaque plate-forme de maison en a plusieurs, destinés à aplatir le sable et la terre dont sont composés les toits. Il est certain que, dans les environs, a dû exister une ancienne ville. [ 330] Allen_1855_II_210–11 Seleucia in Pieria: “On approaching the port of Seleucia in Pieria we were astonished at the stupendous proofs of the energies displayed by the ancient possessors of this fine country; energies which overcame all obstacles, and supplied by artificial means a secure harbour, with appliances, and under difficulties, that would have done honour to the best engineers of the present day. / In the hope of finding that this port is capable of being restored to its original purpose, I proposed to make a little survey of it . . . / This noble work consisted of two ports; with a connecting channel, and a fine culvert, for the purpose of feeding the one, and sluicing and cleansing the other. The outer port was formed, on the open coast, by two massive moles projecting to seaward, about 240 paces apart; that to the north can only be traced in ruins above the sand, which has filled the port. The southern mole has the inner part nearly perfect, formed of large blocks of stone placed transversely; and it must have been very wide, as some of the stones measure twenty-three feet in lengthy and one which was broken was twenty-nine feet four inches. This mole ran west from the shore eighty paces, and then turned to the north-west. The latter portion is completely ruined, and is only traceable for a short distance under water.” [ 331] Allen_1855_II_212 as for the inner port at Seleucia in Pieria: “The basin is about 2000 feet long, by 1250 in its extreme breadth, covering an area of about 47 acres. That is, as large as the export and import basins of our East and West India Docks put together. The west side was formed by a wall of large blocks of stone; and is perfect in the whole length, below, with the exception of one part, where it has been broken through, in an abortive attempt to drain the basin.” [ 332] Le_Strange_1890_530 Seleucia Pieria (Salukiyyah) writes Mas’udi (943) “some wonderful ruins on the sea-coast near Antioch, which are worthy of notice even at the present day.” [ 333] Allen_1853_157 Seleucia Pieria: “This noble work comprises a small outer port, an inland basin, and a stupendous culvert; which last was doubtless intended for the purpose of cleansing the one and feeding the other. The port is formed by two massive moles, projecting to seaward, about 240 paces apart. That to the N. can only be traced in ruins above the sand which has filled the port. The southern mole has its inner part nearly perfect, constructed with large blocks of stone placed transversely; and it must have been nearly 30 feet wide, as some of the stones measure 23 feet in length, and one which was broken was 29 feet 4 inches. It ran out W. from the shore 80 paces, and then turned to the N. W.; the latter portion is completely ruined, and can only be traced for a short distance under water.” Allen_1853_161 Seleucia Pieria: “It is thus evident that in its present state this noble work is useless; but such is its solidity and intrinsic excellence, that I presume restoration would not be difficult; since, of the three main features, namely, the great culvert, the inland basin, and the sea port, the two first require but little labour to restore them, though they would still be unavailable without the third – a sea port for communication with the basin. This also might be easily accomplished, as there is great abundance of



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material at hand, the shore is gradual, the bottom good for pile-driving, and labour is very cheap.” [ 334] Geary_1878_278: “Near the mouth of the Orontes, indeed, there is, or rather there was, a harbour, that of the once considerable sea-port of Seleucia. It is now quite filled up, the sand being on a level with the mole, which yet remains. The possibility of clearing it out is not denied, and the operation, it is said, would only cost about 30,000l; but as it is only some two thousand feet long by twelve hundred wide, it would be quite inadequate to the requirements of modern trade. The mouth of the Orontes itself might, in the opinion of some, be converted into a spacious harbour, but the cost would be great . . . But Alexandretta has a harbour ready for instant use – a harbour now in actual use – and none of its competitors can show an equivalent. The marsh-fever may be extirpated at draining the marsh: it is said that the work can be done at an outlay of two thousand pounds.” [ 335] Bent_1893_30 Dallam at Alexandretta (travelling 1599–1600): “we returned throughe the scatelsteade [roadstead, or wharf], plat [plan], or foundationes of the towne or cittie of Scandaroune, so caled by the Turkes, but formerly caled Allicksandretta. There we myghte se greate peecis of wales wheare goodly housis and monestaris had bene, which in the same is now nothing but boges and pondes, wals of housis, and a castle, so sunke into the grounde with water aboute it that no bodie can go unto it.” [ 336] Pratt_1915_334–335: “Then in 1911 the Company acquired the right to build a new port at Alexandretta, with quays, docks, bonded warehouses, etc., and to construct thence a short line of railway connecting with the Baghdad main line at Osmanieh, east of Adana. By these means the Germans acquired the control over, if not an actual monopoly of, the traffic between one of the most important ports on the eastern sea-board of the Mediterranean – a port where a trade valued at three and a half million sterling is already being done – and the vast extent of territory in Asia Minor designed to be served by the Baghdad Railway.” [ 337] Conder_1830_121 Teos, quoting Chandler: “The walls, of which traces are extant, were about five miles in circuit; the masonry handsome. Without them are vaults of sepulchres stripped of their marble. Instead of the stately piles which once impressed ideas of opulence and grandeur, we saw a marsh, a field of barley in ear, buffaloes ploughing heavily by defaced heaps and prostrate edifices, high trees supporting aged vines, and fences of stones and rubbish, with illegible inscriptions, and time-worn fragments. It was with difficulty we discovered the temple of Bacchus, but a theatre in the side of the hill is more conspicuous. The vault only on which the seats ranged remains, with two broken pedestals in the area. The heap of the temple, which was one of the most celebrated structures in Ionia, is in the middle of a corn field, overrun with bushes and olive trees.” [ 338] Hamilton_1842_II_16–17 Teos: “On the eastern side of the marshes, and bearing N.E. from the mole, at a distance of rather more than a mile, we found another interesting relic of the former wealth of Teos, and of which I have found no notice in the works of preceding travellers. It consists of a low mound covered with remains of a small but richly ornamented building, probably a temple, raised upon a square pyramidal foundation, some of the steps of which are still visible: nothing can exceed the fine workmanship of the cornices which lay about, consisting, as well as the rest of the structure, of large blocks of yellowish marble. One of the steps just below the platform, less concealed than the others, measured 45 feet from E. to W. by 38 from N. to S. Amongst the most remarkable features of the building is a handsome and extensive enclosure or colonnade, which may be distinctly traced on three sides. It consists of huge pilasters of grey marble at regular distances, with half-columns attached on two opposite sides. The north side, which is most perfect, measures 141 paces, and the west 160: here the marble pilasters are much closer, being only twelve or fourteen feet apart, but none are sufficiently perfect to measure their height. The edifice was probably a temple dedicated to Bacchus, and situated within its sacred enclosure. / While pursuing our researches in the vicinity we discovered in the adjoining marsh two marble blocks, of which only very small portions were visible above the ground; their peculiar form attracted our attention, and we set to work to dig them



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out, an undertaking of no little trouble from the extreme wetness of the soil, the water pouring in almost as fast as we removed the earth. We were, however, rewarded for our pains by finding two colossal sitting figures, despoiled of their heads and arms, but robed, and seated on chairs, the supports of which represented the legs of birds with lions’ claws. The arms of each had been originally formed of separate blocks, fastened to the torso by rivets, the sockets of which were still visible: the large and ample folds of the drapery and the workmanship of the whole were very well executed. We were unfortunately without any means of removing these fine remains of art, we could not even raise them on their feet, and from the position in which they lay it was difficult either to sketch or to measure them. The largest, however, exclusive of the base, which was nearly a foot in height, measured, from the heel to the shoulder, six feet one inch: this would give at least seven feet six inches to the entire figure, or nine feet if erect. Neither of them bore any emblem or inscription on them, indicating either name or purpose: they were probably magistrates to whom honours had been decreed by their countrymen, in acknowledgment of patriotic services. The dress, attitude, and general appearance of both were the same; even the chairs on which they were seated being, as well as we could judge, precisely similar.” [ 339] Béquignon_&_Laumonier_1925_283 Teos: Les monuments déjà signalés par les anciens voyageurs sont assez nombreux: Chandler, dès 1770, avait remarqué le théâtre, le port ensablé, des murailles de 5 milles de circuit et de grands tombeaux sur le rivage. Il notait également qu’aucune trace de civilisation byzantine ou turque n’était visible sur l’emplacement de la ville antique. Hamilton, en 1842, vit le théâtre, plusieurs petits temples, le port du Sud avec son môle, et un monument en forme de temple, monté sur une pyramide, enfin deux statues colossales assises, en dehors de l’enceinte de la ville. Texier, en 1881, n’apporta aucun document nouveau à notre information: il s’est contenté de préciser les données de ses devanciers sur l’état du théâtre, du temple et du petit édifice porté sur un soubassemeut pyramidal, enfin des murs dont le tour, atteint, dit-il, 6 kilomètres. [ 340] Collignon_1880–1897_70–71 Khilindri est un petit port marchand, assez fréquenté dans la belle saison. Aussi la ville s’agrandit, et des maisons neuves s’élèvent autour de la baie. C’est à cette activité qu’il faut attribuer la disparition rapide des ruines de l’antique Celenderis, à laquelle la ville moderne a succédé. En 1853, M. Victor Langlois y avait vu un aqueduc, un château ruiné, et de nombreux édifices funéraires. On les chercherait vainement aujourd’hui. Les maçons de Khilindri n’ont respecté qu’un joli petit édifice, monument honorifique ou tombeau qui paraît être une imitation lointaine du tombeau de Mausole. On sait que ces sortes de réplique d’un type célèbre n’étaient pas rares en AsieMineure. Le monument de Khilindri a la forme d’un édicule porté sur un soubassement; les pilastres d’angles, à chapiteaux très fouillés, sont réunis par un cintre, et soutiennent une pyramide quadrangulaire, aujourd’hui tronquée. L’édifice, construit en beau marbre blanc, est malheureusement destiné à fournir tôt ou tard des matériaux pour les maisons de la ville moderne. [ 341] Clarke_1817_132 (in the East 1801–1802) medals discovered at Alexandria Troas: “Many had been discovered in consequence of the recent excavations made there by the Turks, who were at this time removing the materials of the old foundations, for the purpose of constructing works at the Dardanelles.” [ 342] Stochove_1643_214 Alexandria Troas: from Tenedos he returned to the mainland, iustement ou il sembloit y avoir eu autrefois un port, y ayant un creux bien avant dans la terre en forme ovale, ou tout alentour gisoient plusieurs belles colomnes, y en ayant quelques unes de trente et trente cinq pieds de long, et grosses à l’avenant: nous y vismes aussi quelques grands tables de marbre ou il paroissoit y avoir eu quelques chiffires dessus, mais si usez que nous ny pouvions cognoistre aucune forme: nous montasmes une petite colline d’ou tout ce que nous pouvions descouvrir estoit couvert de ruines, nous fusmes bien deux lieus avant dans la terre, rencontrans plusieurs arcades, portiques, pans de murailles, & entre autres la moitié d’un temple ruiné, lequel paroissoit avoir esté grand & beau.



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[ 343] Fellows_1852_43 Alexandria Troas: “The ancient port is very interesting, and has been highly ornamented; hundreds of columns, on a somewhat small scale, lie scattered in all directions, and bristle among the waves to a considerable distance out at sea. A wall or pier also stands out in the sea, under water, causing breakers, which show its situation. The harbour is now shrunk to two small salt-water lakes.” [ 344] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_150–151 Alexandria Troas, which he calls “Troye”: Quand nous fûmes prés du lieu où étoit la Ville, nous vîmes quantité de colonnes, dont il n’y en a pas une entière avec le chapiteau. A l’extrémité de la Ville du côté de la Tramontane est le Port de Troye, que l’Antiquité à rendu célèbre y mais présentement l’entrée en est bouchée, Se il y relie peu d’eau dans le bassin, qui est presque tout comblé de sables. Les pieds des colonnes qui restent autour font juger que son circuit étoit d’environ quinze cens pas. Ces colonnes ayant été toutes rongées par l’air, ne paroillent pas plus belles que la pierre ordinaire; mais on ne laille pas de remarquer qu’elles étoient de marbre granité d’Egypte. La rade servoit aussi de Port, ce qu’il est aisé de juger par quantité de colonnes & de piliers qui y restent. Il y a même dans un endroit des degrez de marbre, & proche de là deux ou trois tombeaux dont la figure n’est guère differente dé ceux des Romains qui sont à Arles. Leur conformité me fait avoir cette opinion, & m’empêche de croire que ce soient des monumens des anciens Troyens. [ 345] Pococke_1772_V_56B the swamp at Ephesus: Le lac qui est au couchant du [misidentified] temple de Diane, étoit probablement une espéce de port ou l’on débarquoit les marbres que l’on tiroit des contrées étrangères. Jamais endroit ne fut si convenable pour des édifices publics. [ 346] Wood_1877_14 at Ephesus: “although there are many small houses and huts at Ayasalouk, there are not more than twenty regular inhabitants, the houses being occupied only during the sowing and harvest time by the people from Kirkenjee, who cultivate the land in the plain of Ephesus and now grow tobacco amongst the ruins of the ancient city.” [ 347] Stephens_1842_176–177 Ayasoluk to Ephesus: “the fallen city was on the opposite hill at but a short distance, and the shades of evening seemed well calculated to heighten the effect of a ramble among its ruins. In a right line it was not more than half a mile, but we soon found that we could not go directly to it; a piece of low swampy ground lay between, and we had not gone far before our horses sank up to their saddle girths. We were obliged to retrace our steps, and work our way around by a circuitous route of more than two miles. This, too, added to the effect of our approach. It was a dreary reflection, that a city, whose ports and whose gates had been open to the commerce of the then known world, whose wealth had invited the traveller and sojourner within its walls, should lie a ruin upon a hill-side, with swamps and morasses extending around it, in sight but out of reach, near but unapproachable.” [ 348] Hammond_1878_289 Temple of Diana, and Ephesus: “Even this site is now sought with difficulty, for the unhealthiness of the plain of Aiasalook (from malaria) makes it an unsafe residence during six months of the year. Part of the ground on which Ephesus formerly stood is now under the plough. Fragments of ruined buildings are scattered about; after dark the mournful cry of the jackal is heard upon the spot, while the night hawk and owl flit amongst the ruins of departed greatness.” [ 349] Childs_1917_334–335 Tarsus: “But out of sight is a city of which many fragments appear now and then, all bespeaking its ancient richness and importance. Tarsus, indeed, has risen above its evidence of that era, and so has hidden its antiquities. The Cydnus carries much matter in suspension, and is in flood often, and in two thousand years has covered Greek and Roman Tarsus, and in a thousand years the level of the Arab city too. So when men build in Tarsus now they expect to dig deep before finding a foundation; nor do they complain, for so digging they know they will obtain from structures of the ancient city all the stone required for their new buildings. They go down ten, twenty, thirty, forty feet, and are among great blocks of stone and marble filled in with soft silt, and now and again light upon fragments richly carved – marble friezes, capitals of columns, enrichments – and these, if not too large, are sometimes brought to the surface in evidence of the past. I saw various fragments so obtained, – marble basins and pedestals and a bronze tripod or



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two. There are mounds also at Tarsus which are said to cover remains of vast buildings. One such elevation is now a Turkish cemetery, and grown over with aloes – a ragged, unpromising place; but there, when digging for graves, they sometimes unearth statuettes – so you are told, and have to take the statement on faith, for exploration is forbidden.” [ 350] Langlois_1861_313 (travelling 1852–3): Le château de Tarse appartient aussi à l’époque byzantine; il est situé au nord-est et sur une petite éminence assez rapprochée de la ville. Les fondations reposent sur celles d’une construction romaine en briques, dont on voit les restes à l’intérieur du monument. Les matériaux employés pour l’édification du château consistent en larges pierres de taille entre lesquelles se trouvent enchâssés, en divers endroits, soit des fûts de colonnes en marbre blanc, soit d’autres matériaux ornés de sculptures et provenant d’an- ciens monuments de l’époque romaine. Le château de Tarse était entouré d’un fossé et défendu par une double enceinte. [ 351] Purdy_1826_308 on Tarsus, relaying Irby & Mangles’ 1818 visit: “The antiquities of this place are but few; fragments of friezes, columns and Corinthian capitals, are scattered about in various parts of the town. The governor lately made excavations for stones to build with, when many columns, etc. were found, showing the abundance of antique remains which must still exist under ground.” [ 352] Le_Camus_1889_I_295 in a schoolyard at Tarsus: On proclame des vacances pour la soirée et nous avons le plaisir de voir ces jeunes écoliers user et abuser de la récréation que nous leur avons value. Ils s’installent pour y jouer sur des chapiteaux, des fûts de colonnes et dos frises de marbre blanc très finement sculptées qui, après avoir fait l’orgueil de la vieille ville au temps de Paul, gisent maintenant çà et là, pêle-mêle, tout en étant dignes de faire l’ornement de nos musées nationaux. Les chers élèves en rupture de banc grimpent sur quelques pauvres mûriers, qu’ils débarrassent de leurs fruits. Le tumulte devient indescriptible. [ 353] Baydur_2001, on Tarsus: a temple covering 2054 sq.metres, with a concrete core, and originally 21 fluted columns – but the only survivals are a chunk of fluting weighing a few kilos, and ditto a bit of acanthus from a capital, and a slice of egg-and-dart cornice. Author suggests the temple was destroyed in 4thC earthquake. [ 354] Normand_1921_198 collecting for the museum at Adana: de transférer à Adana les objets disséminés dans les rues et les maisons. Car Tarse, comme Ayas, Missis, mais plus que toute autre ville cependant, est construite en débris antiques, et partout l’on retrouve des colonnes en marbre, souvent même des sculptures, encastrées dans les murs ou perdues dans les découdires. On put recueillir ainsi des frises sculptées en guirlandes, de charmantes stèles décorées de danseuses, des bustes, un torse d’homme, deux statues délicieusement drapées, le tout en marbre blanc (dont une carrière existe près de Tarse), et même des motifs décoratifs arabes et de très belles et profondes inscriptions coufiques. [ 355] Ramsay_1903_364–365: “In that early time when Mallos was the great Cilician port, the river Cydnus flowed not into the sea direct, but into a lagoon or Rhegma, into which the sea broke over its bar of sand. Tarsus was not at that time a city with a harbour; and it could not be a centre of trade. In that early period the Greek city Mallos, the trading capital, is contrasted with Tarsus, the Oriental city. That lagoon has long ceased to be a lagoon; it is now an inland lake, supplied by fresh-water springs and by overflow from the Cydnus, which no longer flows into the lake, and reaches it only by occasional overflow. But the very name Rhegma shows that it was originally a lagoon, half barred from, half connected with, the sea. / This change in the course of the Cydnus was due to human agency: it was the work of Justinian in the sixth century after Christ. Before that time the Cydnus flowed into the Rhegma, and thence reached the sea. But already, in the time of Strabo, about A.D. 19, it was no longer a lagoon, but only a wider part of the river-channel, serving as harbour and arsenal of the city; and the river flowed on in a well-defined course with a full body of water into the sea. / The conclusion seems clear. Engineering operations had assisted nature and helped to define the lake and the lower course of the river, to regulate both, to embank them and border the lake with piers and dockyards.” [ 356] Ramsay_1903_365 Tarsus: “The useless lagoon had been converted into an admirable harbour, perfectly open, yet completely land-locked. This great operation must be



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understood as a part of the improvements whereby Tarsus had ousted Mallos from its rank as the chief port-city of Cilicia. Thus ancient Tarsus, like modern Glasgow, made its own river and its own harbour. / But, owing to the very slight difference of level between the lake and the sea, it must have required constant care to keep the harbour of Tarsus open; and in the stagnation of later Byzantine times, and the ruin and carelessness of Mohammedan rule, the harbour became closed. The operation of Justinian (though, as I believe, it was intended only as a safety-valve, carrying off a dangerous superabundance of water likely to cause a flood in the city, and not to turn away the river entirely from the city and the harbour) acted injuriously on the harbour. The old channel through the city became blocked, and the river gradually turned its waters wholly into the freer channel on the east. Thus at present the old Rhegma is a marshy lake a mile or two west of the river, varying greatly in size at different seasons, discharging a small body of surplus water by a narrow channel into the river 2 miles or so above the sea, turning a great deal of the best land of Tarsus into useless marsh, and breeding fever and insect pests to such a degree as to make Tarsus the most trying place of summer residence that I have experienced in the whole country.” [ 357] Hasluck_1911–1912_213: “Now Tarsus-Tarshish, according to John of Hildesheim [writing c.1370?], was the port whence the Three Kings of Cologne embarked to escape from Herod, who in revenge ‘with a strong wind brake the ships of Tarshish.’ It should be noticed that John of Hildesheim placed Tarsus correctly in Cilicia, in his time Lesser Armenia, a Christian kingdom. In the fifteenth century the interior of Asia Minor was less known, and there was no obvious impropriety in a German knight – the Castellans of S. Peter’s were for a long time Germans – bringing the site into connection with his country’s saints.” [ 358] Irby_1823_503–504 Tarsus: “About a mile to the north of the town, the river previously of a considerable depth and breadth, falls over a bed of rocks about fifteen feet in height, whence it separates into several small channels, turning mills, and watering beautiful gardens. These streams afterwards unite in one, and so continue to the sea. We were told that the inhabitants do not drink of the water of the river, deeming it unhealthy. Many of the principal houses are supplied from wells, but we saw many of the people filling their jars from the tributary streams. The antiquities of this place are but few; fragments of friezes, columns, and Corinthian capitals are scattered about in various parts of the town. The governour lately made excavations for stones to build with, when many columns, &c. were found, shewing the abundance of antique remains which must still exist under ground.” [ 359] Langlois_1861_65 around Tarsus: Dans cette contrée jadis si belle, aujourd’hui couverte de ronces to de marais infectes, la fièvre décime une population chaque année moins nombreuse, qui n’oppose aux envahissements du fléau que son incurable apathie. [ 360] Favre_&_Mandrot_1878_140–141 Tarsus: Un fait plus extraordinaire est l’augmentation progressive de la distance de Tarse à la mer. Au temps de Strabon, Tarse était à 5 stades (soit au maximum 1 kilomètre) de l’embouchure du Cydnus dans la lagune qui servait de port à la ville. Maintenant on compte jusqu’à la mer 20 kilomètres de terre ferme. Tarse, de port de mer qu’elle était, est devenue une ville de l’intérieur. C’est là ce qui, avec l’insalubrité de ce sol marécageux, explique la décadence d’une cité que Mersine et Adana dépouillent tous les jours davantage des restes de son activité. [ 361] Layard_1903_I_208 Tarsus: “The town of Tarsus had fallen into decay. Its flat-roofed houses were for the most part in ruins. Its streets almost impassable for filth and mud. The Cydnus, which had once witnessed the pageants and glories of Antony and Cleopatra, had become an unruly torrent, which, occasionally overflowing its banks, had formed marshes, adding their pestilential miasma to the sickening effluvia arising from the carcasses of animals and putrid animal matter encumbering the streets. It was no matter for surprise that the “Tarsus fever,” from which Alexander the Great had not escaped, and from which more than one Roman Emperor had died, had become almost proverbial, and of the Europeans



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who had settled in the place as Consuls or traders there had been few who had not succumbed to it.” [ 362] Elliott_1838_II_105–106: “At a distance of three hours from Adala, the road, passing over a hill, enters a morass formed by the waters of the Gygsean lake, which sometimes overflow, and, then subsiding, leave it covered with a slimy deposit that feeds a noisome rush and engenders a pestilential miasma. This malaria has co-operated with a bad government to depopulate the country, and, extending to Sardis, has given rise to the prevalent dread of occupying a house on the site of the once famed capital of Lydia. The road runs for two hours along this morass and scarcely emerges from it when signs of cultivation are perceived within an hour of Marmora.” [ 363] Le_Camus_1896_219 Sardis: Deux misérables maisons, couvertes de branchages avec une sorte de terrasse sur le devant, abritent les quinze ou vingt habitants qui représentent l’immense cité d’autrefois.Comme ils font mal à voir ces descendants des vieux Lydiens de Crésus, couverts de haillons, rongés par la fievre et voués à mourir de faim parce qu’ils ne veulent pas secouer leur incurable paresse. Une femme s’exerce pourtant à alléger son enfant de la vermine qui le dévore, tandis que des hommes dorment les pieds à l’ombre et la tête au soleil. [ 364] Ramsay_1903_357: “Cilicia is marked off, as with a giant’s hand, by bold and lofty mountain ranges, and it lies far down under them, beside the sea, well-watered, fertile, and requiring, for the most part, only the minimum of work and forethought to maintain that proper balance between water and soil which in those countries is the prime condition, and which can rarely be attained in them except with great care and elaborate preparation. The maintenance of the balance requires both that the waters which flow down from the surrounding mountains should not be allowed to form marshes in some places, and that their fertilizing influence should not be denied to other parts. At the present time long neglect has permitted some portions of Cilicia to become useless from one or other of those two causes.” [ 365] Galt_1813_292: “The marshes round Ephesus are not half so extensive as the levels on the South side of London. Now, were it possible to imagine the modern Babylon desolated; the ruins of the bridges interrupting the course of the Thames; scarcely a vestige of all her thousands of streets.and structures remaining; the very site of St. Paul’s unknown to the miserable inhabitants of a few hovels, half hid by the briars and nettles among the ruins; – were it indeed possible to imagine the ruin of London as complete as that of Ephesus; what would then be the state of the low grounds of Vauxhall, Lambeth, and Camberwell, which at present are covered with so many floarishing gardens and terraces? – could they be otherwise than putrid fens, the abodes of reptiles, and the nurseries of pestilence, like those of the plain of Ephesus?” [ 366] Hawley_1918_170b Magnesia: “Once this city rivalled Ephesus and Sardis in importance; but now it is utterly forsaken, except for the few families of Circassians who inhabit the hamlet of Tekke on one edge of it, and the Yuruks who occasionally pitch their black tents among the stagnant pools of pestilence scattered over it . . . Most of it is now in ruins; but the little that remains of the agora, temple of Zeus, theatre and gymnasium, is in itself sufficient evidence of the city’s early importance. It was, however, the temple of Artemis, situated between the agora and the present railway, that was the most famous of all the ancient buildings.” [ 367] Dallaway_1797_195: “We were, in fact, several centuries too late for antiquities at Magnesia; for when any public work was erected by the Turks, all the external blocks of marble of great edifices were rehewn, and modelled to their taste. The shafts of columns only, not their heterogenous capitals, have escaped such barbarism.” [ 368] Rustafjaell_1902_182 silting around Cyzicus: “The wind blows with the steadiness of trade winds from the east-north-east the whole year round, and as the above-mentioned process must have continued for innumerable ages, it may easily be conceived that the low-lying swampy isthmus of to-day is of comparatively recent creation. Not very long before the beginning of our era, what is now a lagoon and a marshy isthmus was a clear



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sheet of water dividing the island from the mainland. / In studying this question on the spot, one arrives at the conclusion that when the natural channel began silting up and choking the eastern passage, the Cyzicenes, unable to cope with the accumulating sand, were forced to devise means whereby a channel could be kept clear for their shipping. It was then that the eastern harbour with its breakwater and canal must have been constructed. The natural passage on the western side is partly open, even at the present day, where the low-lying beach, owing to the absence of westerly winds, is perfectly clear of sand ridges.” [ 369] Tchihatchef_1869_339: C’est cependant dans ces lieux, qui aujourd’hui paraissent exclure toute condition indispensable à l’existence de l’homme, que s’élevait l’une des plus splendides cités de l’antiquité, car Kisserhissar n’est autre chose que la célèbre Tyana, patrie du rameux Apollonius, que les philosophes païens de l’ère chrétienne ont si souvent opposé à Jésus-Christ. Aujourd’hui, cette cité, qu’animait jadis une population nombreuse et civilisée, est représentée par quelques misérables huttes, dont les habitants à face fiévreuse errent au milieu des magnifiques colonnes qui se dressent encore majestueusement au sein des marais. Sans doute, ici comme sur tant d’autres points de la Lycaonie complètement dénués de végétation arborescente, il est impossible de ne pas admettre que tel n’était pas le cas à une époque où cette contrée nourrissait une nombreuse et opulente population, dont l’existence est si irrécusablement attestée par les innombrables restes de splendiile architecture et de routes qu’on aperçoit au fond de tous les marais. [ 370] Beaujour_1829_II_173–174 the Maeander and the coast: Toute cette côte est dentelée et découpée en golfes profonds. En sortant par le canal de Samos du golfe d’Ephèse on entre dans celui de Milet, qui est en partie comblé, mais qui offre encore dans la baie de Balat un abri sûr aux navigateurs. Le Méandre a fermé par ses atterrissements le fond de ce golfe; et en le convertissant en un lac qui baigne aujourd’hui le pied du mont Latinus, il a enseveli sous ses eaux les ruines de Milet. / Le fleuve a maintenant plusieurs embouchures qui épanchent leurs eaux dans les terres voisines; et là où s’élevait la plus belle cité de l’Ionie, on ne trouve plus que des marécages pestilentiels, et qu’une aiguade infecte aux mêmes lieux où l’on voyait la fontaine de Biblis. De toutes les révolutions causées par le travail des eaux, aucune n’est mieux constatée que celle qui s’est opérée sur ce rivage; et tant de marbres mutilés, confusément épars, et les nuances variées du terrain qui borde le petit lac de Bafi, attestent encore les grands changements arrivés sur les lieux où le Méandre finit son cours. [ 371] Irby_1823_529 Karamania, where some of the party fell ill: “This unfortunate termination of our journey must be attributed, besides the privation of wholesome food, for we had lately eaten scarcely any thing but rotten biscuit and dried beef, to lying out in damp nights on the ground, with very insufficient covering, and to the unwholesome waters which discharge themselves into the sea along the coast we traversed, and which vary in their properties, according to the soils from whence they flow; but there was no choice; and though we were sometimes apprised of the baneful qualities of particular streams, nevertheless we were obliged to avail ourselves of them. On some occasions we slept on the margin of stagnant swamps, where it was next to impossible to escape inhaling disorder from the mal aria of such situations. It is a coast, therefore, where a traveller must be fortunate indeed if he escapes without suffering material injury to his health.” [ 372] Walckenaer_&_Raoul-Rochette_1850_235: Un troisième voyage, beaucoup plus intéressant, pourrait lui être indiqué: c’est l’exploration de la côte sud d’Asie, depuis Satalia jusqu’à Tarsous et Alexandrette. Ce pays n’a presque point été visité par des voyageurs européens, et les excursions rapides du capitaine Beaufort, de M. Corrancez et de notre confrère M. Léon de Laborde, en 1824 et 1826, ont éveillé la curiosité des savants, plutôt qu elles ne l’ont satisfaite. Les récentes découvertes faites en Lyde par M. Felloras [sic] donnent lieu d’espérer que la Pamphylie et la Cilicie recèlent des monuments d’un caractère non moins original. Ce serait rendre un véritable service aut études archéologiques que de jeter quelque lumière sur des régions encore si imparfaitement connues.



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[ 373] Robert_1961_176a prosperity and work in Cilicia: Dans ce voyage nous avons connu la richesse de la Cilicie romaine. Sur ces terres si fertiles de la Cilicie Plane, le régime moderne avait laissé se développer l’abandon des terres, les marécages, la fièvre et l’insécurité; la lecture des voyageurs du milieu du xixe siècle est instructive; ainsi la région d’Anazarbe était un marécage et une jungle. Après des progrès partiels, le pays a été transformé en ces dernières décennies. Partout désormais, après les travaux de drainage, d’irrigation, la construction d’un barrage sur le Saros, s’étendent les cultures, en une image d’une richesse comme écrasante: les blés, vers l’Ouest surtout les orangeraies et les citronniers, vers l’Est surtout les rizières, partout le coton; c’est pourquoi je dis que l’on a – avec la différence de certaines cultures – de nouveau l’image d’un pays aussi riche et prospère que sous les Romains, et ce territoire explique la fortune des grandes villes de la Cilicie Plane, de Tarse et d’Anazarbe, et de leur cortège de villes prospères, Adana, Mopsuheste, Mallos, Aigeai, Flaviopolis, Castabala. [ 374] Fellows_1843_43 “It was the 8th of June [1842] before the party left the coast. At this season the Turks had put the valley under irrigation, and had themselves retired to their summer farms in the Yeeilassies of the mountains. Noctious evaporation and malaria were the consequence, and fever appeared among the seamen on board the Monarch at anchor off the coast. The stone sawyers taken from Malta to divide the heavy stones of the Horse Tomb had several weeks’ work before them; it was impossible to allow the sailors to remain in the country, therefore all sailed away, bringing 78 of the cases and leaving the Horse Tomb for another season. The striking beauty of this monument wall be the guarantee for its arriving where art is appreciated.” [ 375] Allen_1853_162a Seleucia Pieria: “The restoration of such a port, larger than our East India export and import docks together, being about 47 acres, where so many ships might load and unload at the quays, would stimulate and draw to itself, as the best outlet, all the trade, not only of Syria and Mesopotamia, but of the western parts of Persia, which now, small in amount, is transported by camels over the difficult and dangerous pass of Beilan, to the unhealthy port of Iskanderun or Alexandretta; whereas, a good road, without the impediments of mountains, might easily be made from Seleucia to Aleppo, and thence to the Euphrates, which noble river would again become what it appears to have been destined for – the means of communication between the regions of the east and of the west.” [ 376] Allen_1853_162b Seleucia Pieria: “It is not unreasonable to suppose that if this were accomplished, the fine climate of the beautiful valley of the Orontes would attract settlers from England, as well as many Christians from all parts of Syria; while the native population of the northern bank of the river, who are nearly all Christians, and who, though industrious and well disposed, are poor and stationary on the soil, would have elasticity imparted to their present inert condition, by the example and stimulus of new ideas and new sources of prosperity. From these germs improved grades of society would spring, and thus in a short time a large town might arise to emulate the glories of ancient Seleucia.” [ 377] Allen_1853_162–163 Seleucia Pieria: “The same elements of prosperity which called forth and rewarded the exertions of the former possessors, still exist in the inexhaustible fertility of these favoured regions. To these the cities of the Tetraplis, viz., Antioch, Apamea, Laodicea, and Seleucia, with many others, owed their origin and rapid prosperity; and if it was worth while to construct such magnificent works for the convenience of their commerce, it surely ought to be worth the while of their successors – the present occupants – since the riches of the soil are still to be obtained by industry, to avail themselves of these noble legacies, and especially to restore the port of Seleucia, which would require so small a proportion of the labour and expense originally bestowed upon it / The result would be very beneficial to the Turkish empire, by adding to the revenues of the Sultan, and by infusing vigour into the provinces which now languish through the efforts made for the prosperity of the capital. / To Great Britain, also, the advantages would be undeniable, in opening new channels for our commerce, and by facilitating the communication with her Majesty’s eastern dominions.”



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[ 378] Ramsay_1897b_143: “When both Turkey and Russia were exhausted with the war of 1877–78, Britain stepped in, and like the lawyer seized most of the oyster for which they had been contending, and gave them each a shell. She was left in possession of Cyprus (which needed only the expenditure of a sum, large indeed, but an insignificant detail in an English Budget, to be made an important point with a new harbour), holding the Protectorate of Asia Minor, champion of the Christians in Armenia, checking by a system of military consuls the administration of the country. The Porte was powerless to resist, and could only obey. The aspirations and hopes of the Christians, in whom lay the real strength of the land (except in open battle) hopes which had previously rested on Russia were now turned towards England as having guaranteed good government for them, and having prevented Russia from undertaking the guarantee. Britain had planted herself upon all the lines of development in the country, and all its strongest forces were pushing her on.” [ 379] Ramsay_1897b_145: “The only way in which Britain could atone for the cunning that had given her so strong a position in Asia Minor was by using that position for the advancement of civilisation and the benefit of the peoples of Asia Minor, just as she has used her position in Egypt. The advent of the consuls was understood by all to be in reality, what it was in name, the inauguration of the Protectorate of Asia Minor; and it was hailed with joy and relief by almost every section of the population, except the officials. The Consul-General, Sir C. Wilson, was a man who combined the qualifications of knowledge of the East and good judgment; he was ably seconded, and for a time all went well. Then came a change of government in England and the consuls were no longer supported. The corrupt officials whose degradation they had insisted on were reinstated, and the old state of Turkey was resumed. But the consuls were still in the country, and their presence was an offence to the Porte, a sign of tutelage and subordination, as well as a possible danger in the event of a resumption of active policy in Turkey.” [ 380] Alcock_1831_140 Cornwall_1924_214: “The normal method of conveyance in Anatolia is the araba, a four-wheeled cart of rough construction, usually drawn by two horses. There are two varieties, the yaili, or spring cart for passengers, and the yuk drabasi, or springless baggage waggon for luggage or merchandise. The yaili accommodates five at a pinch, or three in comparative comfort, besides the driver; the yuk arabasi carries a maximum load of about 16 cwts. Both are covered with a tilt, usually of waterproof material, that of the yaili having openings at the side, which can be closed by eur-tains. The horses are of the local country-bred” light vanner type. They are shod with whole plates, instead of with shoes of European pattern . . . The arabajis reckon on a nine-hour day, including an hour for the midday feed and rest. Distances in Anatolia are reckoned not in miles or kilometres but in hours. The roads vary considerably in their suitability for wheeled traffic. Our average pace during twenty-two days? march in an araba worked out at 3 3/4 miles per hour.” [ 381] Dallaway_1797_368: village of Klassaki, on Marmora/Proconnesus, a village of Greeks, but some converted to Islam: “Those employed in the marble quarries have certain immunities, or exemptions, upon the same principle as the cultivators of mastic in the island of Chios.” [ 382] Hunt_1817_87: “the island of Proconnesus, now called Marmora, on account of its quarries of coarse greyish marble, of which a great quantity is sent in slabs and blocks to Constantinople for the pavement of mosques and baths, and for making tombstones. The quantity imported for this purpose from Marmora, and from the islands of the Archipelago, is incredible; the cemeteries of the Turks, Greeks, Armenians, and Jews, round Constantinople, could now supply marble for building a large city. But mosques and public baths and sepulchral monuments are the only objects that most of the inhabitants of Turkey think worthy of durable materials: the possession of private property is too precarious to induce them to build a solid house; their residences are, in consequence, a kind of slight, but gaudily painted wooden barrack.”



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[ 383] Hamilton_1842_I_416b near Ankara: “In the burial-ground, and other parts of the village of Ravli, distant six hours from AkjahTash, I found many large blocks of hewn stone, evidently intended for some considerable building; as well as architraves, cornices, columns, and sepulchral cippi. All retain distinct marks of the chisel, and appear never to have been finished. The limestone hills we had just left probably contained the quarries which supplied Angora with marble; and these blocks may have been on their way thither, when the wave of destruction rolled over the Roman empire, checking the further progress, and for a time destroying the very existence, of civilization. The rough appearance of many of them justifies this supposition; for otherwise, why should we find so many pedestals and cippi in such an unfinished state, without ornament or inscription?” [ 384] Roland_1987_397–398 transport: À Didymes, on a calculé (B. Haussoullier et A. Radet) que l’extraction et le dégrossissage à la carrière revenait à environ 3 drachmes le pied, et le transport à plus de 4 drachmes, le passage par mer n’étant que de 5 oboles. / Comme on le voit dans les comptes d’Eleusis, pour les fournitures de entélique, c’est le transport par terre qui est d’un prix très élevé, surtout lorsqu’il s’agit de blocs importants pesant 4 ou 5 tonnes. On s’explique ainsi l’importance du chapitre transport dans les coûts et la construction et la place prédominante des matériaux locaux dans les constructions. Les comptes di Didymes permettent de diffuser avec une assez grande exactitude les principaux postes de dépenses relatifs à l’érection d’une colonne . . . / La seule colonnade de Didymes dépassait le prix total du Parthenon. On comprend aisément que la construction de ce temple ait duré presque trois siècles, et ait exigé des contributions fort importantes des divers princes hellénistiques. [ 385] Gregory_of_Nyssa_Ep16: Nyssa located near to the modern town of Harmandali, Ortaköy district, Aksaray province. Cf Gregory of Nyssa, Ep16 to Amphilochius of Iconium, at http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/291116.htm: “The form of the chapel is a cross . . . within the cross there lies a circle, divided by eight angles (I call the octagonal figure a circle in view of its circumference) . . . / . . . It is the scarcity of wood that brings us to this device of roofing the whole fabric with stone; because the place supplies no timber for roofing. Let your unerring mind be persuaded, because some of the people here contract with me to furnish thirty workmen for a stater, for the dressed stonework, of course with a specified ration along with the stater. But the material of our masonry is not of this sort, but brick made of clay and chance stones, so that they do not need to spend time in fitting the faces of the stones accurately together. I know that so far as skill and fairness in the matter of wages are concerned, the workmen in your neighbourhood are better for our purpose than those who follow the trade here. The sculptor’s work lies not only in the eight pillars, which must themselves be improved and beautified, but the work requires altar-like base-mouldings, and capitals carved in the Corinthian style. The porch, too, will be of marbles wrought with appropriate ornaments. The doors set upon these will be adorned with some such designs as are usually employed by way of embellishment at the projection of the cornice. Of all these, of course, we shall furnish the materials; the form to be impressed on the materials art will bestow . . . Besides these there will be in the colonnade not less than forty pillars: these also will be of wrought stone. Now if my account has explained the work in detail, I hope it may be possible for your Sanctity, on perceiving what is needed, to relieve us completely from anxiety so far as the workmen are concerned.” – and he wants to pay by piecework. [ 386] Ramsay_1897a_698 the Pentapolis, with the author’s “transport rules”: “It is impossible to assign with certainty the place of origin of the inscr. found in the different villages in Sandykli-Ova. Communication is so easy, and stones for building mosques and fountains are carried so regularly, that identification of origin is difficulty and the classification here adopted is only tentative. Our rules are (1) each stone is classed to the site from which transport is shortest and easiest, unless there is distinct evidence either in the inscr. or from the statements of natives that it has been brought from a more distant site, (a) Stones used in a turbe, or mosque, or fountain are most likely to be carried: for



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the skilled workmen required for such construction are hired (often from a considerable distance) by the villagers, and they commonly bring with them in their carts some stones: on the other hand, stones standing free are much less likely to be carried from a distance. (3) Stones standing free on an ancient site must be assigned to it: this criterion determines the origin of no. 634, 638, (4) The more modern the building, the more likely is a stone in it to have been carried from a distance. (5) Uncut stones used as gravestones have usually been transplanted, but only from a neighbouring situation within a radius of 2 or 3 miles: cut gravestones have come from a mason’s yard in a city, and their original provenance is quite uncertain.” [ 387] Clarke_1817_163–165 (in the East 1801–1802) the antiquities at Beyramich came from Kushunlu Tepe: “On the western extremity of the area were considerable remains of baths, whose stuccoed walls and terra-cotta conduits were still entire in several places. An excavation had been made by the Turks, on the south side, for the stones of the foundation, to the depth of twenty-two feet. By the appearance of the foundation, the walls, on this side at least, had been double, and admitted of a passage between them. Above this area (perhaps that of a temple), towards the north, were tombs. We entered an arched vault, thirteen yards long, and five wide, and saw near to it the remains of a bath, wanting only the roof. Here lay some columns sixteen inches in diameter, among pieces of broken amphorce, fragments of marble, granite, basalt, blue chalcedony, and jasper . . . Higher upon the hill we found the remains of another temple: the area of this measured one hundred and forty yards long, and forty-four wide. Here the workmen had taken up about a hundred blocks of stone and marble; every one of which measured five feet eleven inches in length, and eighteen inches in thickness.” [ 388] Cuinet_1894_IV_229–230 Docimion/Synnada: Les carrières de ce marbre, d’un blanc lucide, avec des taches presque circulaires d’un rose vif veiné de bleu, de lilas et de violet foncé, sont encore aujourd’hui très riches. Leur exploitation pourrait redevenir fructueuse. Il est vrai que les voies antiques qui ont servi jadis au transport en Europe de ces splendides matériaux, chantés à l’envi par Claudien, Juvénal el d’autres poêles illustres décrits et admirés par Strabon, Pausanias et Paul le Silentiaire, n’existent plus depuis bien des siècles. Mais elles vont être bientôt remplacées, avec avantage, par la voie rapide et économique des chemins de fer en construction de Eski-Chèhr à Koniah, et de Alaschèhr-Ouchak-Kara-Hissar. [ 389] Ramsay_1890_54 “Dokimion was a self-governing municipality, and the marble would not have been known to the world as Synnadic, unless it had in some way come into connection with Synnada. In fact this marble, when exported, never actually passed through Dokimion, which is about two or three miles from the quarries. It was carried direct to Synnada, where in all probability was situated the chief office of administration, to which the orders for marble were sent; and thence passed along the trade-route. It is moreover very doubtful whether the road between Klannoudda and Philadelpheia was ever made passable for monolithic columns; though there can be no doubt in the mind of one who has seen the bold engineering by which the road is carried over the mountains between Synnada and Metropolis that the Romans were quite able to make the road to Philadelpheia passable even for the largest columns.” [ 390] Rustafjaell_1902_176: “Yeni-Keui, the village on the coast near the eastern wall of Cyzicus, is an offshoot of Yapidji-Keui, and consists of less than fifty families. They are poor, and ignorant in proportion, and have no land beyond that on which the village is built. They depend mainly on the granite quarries for a livelihood. During the German Emperor’s visit to Constantinople, when a few streets were paved, there was a temporary boom in the quarries, which are plentiful on the peninsula, though most of them are now closed. Another source of income to the villagers is also gradually disappearing through the wanton destruction of the ruins at Cyzicus, the cartage of the building material from the site, and its shipment to Panderma and Constantinople.” [ 391] Karivieri 2002.



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[ 392] Le_Bas_1888_142–143 Aezani, Reinach citing an unpublished letter by Le Bas: Il restait encore beaucoup à dire sur Aizani, même après ce qu’ont écrit les voyageurs anglais qui l’ont visité, et môme après M. Texier, il y restait encore beaucoup à faire pour un archéologue et pour un artiste. Figure-toi, au milieu d’une plaine fertile entourée de montagnes, que domine au nord-ouest la montagne sacrée des Phrygiens, le Dindyme à la cime neigeuse, figure-toi une ville ancienne dont le temple principal, l’agora, le stade, la basilique, les ponts, les quais, la nécropole restent encore debout, comme pour attester son antique splendeur. Cette ville, il y a vingt ans, n’était encore connue que par les médailles qui portent son nom et par les courtes mentions qu’en font Strabon, Pausanias et labréviateur d’Etienne de Byzance. Ce fut au mois de juillet 1824 que le vicomte SaintAsaph, depuis comte d’Ashburnham, se rendant de Kutaya à Kédis ou Ghédis, recontra à la fin de la première journée le village de Tchavder-Hissar, dont les ruines imposantes appelèrent son attention. Les inscriptions gravées sur la paroi septentrionale du temple lui apprirent à n’en pas douter qu’il était sur l’emplacement d’Aizani, et la nouvelle de cette découverte bientôt propagée appela dans ces lieux plus d’un voyageur. Ils furent successivement visités par le comte Alexandre de Laborde et le docteur Hall en 1827, par le major Keppel en 1829, par MM. Caillé et Stamati en 1830, par MM. Meredith, d’Israeli et Clay vers la môme époque, par M. Pellowsen 1838, par M. Texier en 1839 et enfin par nous en 1843. De toutes ces visites, la nôtre a été évidemment la plus longue, car elle a duré depuis le 7 novembre jusqu’au 8 du mois suivant, et pendant tout ce temps l’artiste qui m’accompagnait a constamment dessiné, mesuré, fait pratiquer des fouilles, d’où il résulte qu’il a beaucoup plus et – il faudra bien en convenir – beaucoup mieux vu que ses devanciers. J’ai parcouru minutieusement l’Aizanitide, ses bourgs et ses villages, j’ai copié tous les monuments écrits qu’ils renferment, et le nombre de ceux que j’ai recueillis s’élève à 154. Plusieurs de ces documents jettent un jour nouveau sur la topographie comme aussi sur l’histoire d’Aizani et de la contrée dont elle était la capitale, de même que mes différentes courses et l’observation attentive des lieux me permettront de fixer plus d’un point incertain jusqu’à ce jour.” [ 393] Anderson_1903_28: Kerkennis Kale, near Keuhne, identified by author as Mithridation: “On the roomy summit of the acropolis, now overgrown with a low scrub, there is little to be seen beyond traces of the road up and the remains of walls here and there; but the extent of the lower town, which lay on the gentle slope on the north side, is marked by a tumble-down wall of rough, unhewn stones running round three sides of a square, of which the fourth side is occupied by the acropolis itself. The circuit-wall was of the same rough construction as those which we saw on many Galatian sites in 1898. The worked stones have all been carried away: a fair number of them are to be found in the surrounding villages such as Mehmet-beyli in the plain below (column shafts and blocks), Babali on the north (some blocks and one incription no. 254), Keuhne (columns, blocks, sepulchral slabs, and inscr. nos. 255–256), as well as in the villages north-east of Keuhne.” [ 394] Choisy_1876_161b near Aezani, having slept at Kurd-Kale: En descendant, je m’arrête près d’une carrière de marbre d’où l’on dit que sont sortis les matériaux d’Aezani. Le fait est au moins vraisemblable; le marbre est bien le même: même blancheur azurée, même grain, même aspect: On distingue sur les parois de l’excavation la trace des instruments tranchants. Aux abords, quelques pierres dégrossies, abandonnées comme rebuts; dans la carrière même, un fût de colonne à demi extrait, déjà arrondi en cylindre, et qu’on a laissé sur place à cause d’une veine dangereuse. Point d’inscriptions, point de marques de carrière. [ 395] Choisy_1876_193b near Eski Karahissar: Vers Eski-kara-hissar, les rochers reparaissent. Au village même, ils sont de lave noire, mais le village est rempli de blocs de ce magnifique marbre blanc qui s’est extrait tout près d’ici sous les empereurs romains; et les signes de comptabilité gravés sur ces blocs montrent incidemment que la tendance aux écritures remonte fort au-delà de l’invention du papier. La date consulaire de l’extraction du bloc y est inscrite, sa grandeur, son prix, que sais-je? Il eût été plus vite fait de tailler, une seconde pierre, que de marquer sur la pierre extraite les indications qu’on y lit.



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[ 396] Fellows_1852_45–46 near Alexandria Troas: “Riding towards the north-east for a mile and a half, we followed an ancient paved road from the city, and by the wayside found an immense granite colunm, unbroken, lying in the bushes. I took its dimensions, which were as follow: thirty-eight feet six inches in length; the diameter of the top four feet six inches, with a cornice fifteen inches in depth; diameter of the base five feet six inches, with a moulding twelve inches broad. It was in excellent preservation; but I sought in vain for its pedestal, and wondered that its fall should not have broken it. In two hours we reached Gaicle, and thence walked to a gorge near one of the peaks of the granite range of hills, about a mile off, to see the Seven Columns. I there found in the quarry, with all their chips about them, and their parent rock within a few feet distance, seven finished columns, in form and measurement precisely like the one which I had seen on my way, and also like the column I had noticed lying on the beach at Troy, – thus making nine in all; they were, no doubt, about to be used in, or shipped from, the city, which was visible from this quarry, and distant in a straight line not above five or six miles: this at once explained the facts that there was neither pedestal for, nor fracture in, the one by the wayside, and no other remains in the city similar to the column lying in the port. A long groove was cut on the solid face of the rock in the quarry, marking out the first stage towards hewing out another similar column.” [ 397] Tchihatchef_1854_59–61 columns in the Troad: A peu près à dix minutes au sud-est du village Katchaliovassi, situé à un quart d’heure au sud-ouest d’Iné, on voit, dans une gorge encaissée entre d’énormes rochers de trachyte, neuf magnifiques colonnes couchées par terre au milieu des blocs dans lesquels elles avaient été taillées. Parmi ces colonnes, sept se trouvent placées les unes à côté des autres, parallèlement à leurs axes; les deux autres sont un peu plus loin. Le fût des colonnes, qui est parfaitement uni et non cannelé, se termine aux deux extrémités par des bourrelets circuiaires qui indiquent la position des chapiteaux. Ils sont encore trop peu façonnés pour que l’on puisse en deviner le caractère architectural. Cependant, quelques contours, à peine ébauchés, semblent annoncer l’ordre dorique. Les fûts vont en s’amincissant de bas en haut; à leur base, ils ont la circonférence considérable de trois mètres dix centimètres, tandis que leur longeur totale est de onze mètres cinquante centimètres, sans compter les portions non achevées des deux extrémités, dont l’une devait se transformer en chapiteau et l’autre en piédestal. La polissure exquise des fûts prouve que cette partie de l’ouvrage a été parfaitement achevée et que le travail n’a été arrêté qu’au moment où l’on allait s’occuper des extrémités. De plus, en examinant la localité où se trouvent ces colonnnes, on se convainc qu’elles étaient destinées à quelque édifice placé dans un tout autre endroit; car, évidemment, elles ne devaient point être érigées dans la gorge même où on les avait travaillées; rien n’y annonce l’emplacement d’un édifice quelconque, et tout prouve, au contraire, qu’elle n’est que la carrière qui a fourni les matériaux aux ouvrages qui y ont été exécutés, sauf à les transporter plus tard au lieu de leur destination. Or, qu’on ait eu l’intention de les acheminer vers le littoral ou vers tout autre point de l’intérieur, ce transport n’aurait pu s’effectuer que très-difficilement, vu la constitution fort montagneuse de la contrée limitrophe. En établissant leur atelier dans une gorge rocailleuse, les anciens devaient donc être en possession de moyens de transport assez efficaces pour qu’ils n’aient pas eu besoin d’exécuter leur ouvrage dans la proximité même de l’édifice dont il devait faire partie. Il ne serait pas impossible que les belles colonnes laissées inachevées, à la suite de circonstances inconnues, n’eussent été destinées à quelque temple de l’Alexandria Troas. [ 398] Newton_1865_I_128 in the Troad, leaving Kemali: “We rode on, the next morning, to a village called Koushibashi in the mountains, half an hour south of Chimenlai [Kemali] and about three hours east of Alexandria Troas. Near this are seven immense granite columns, lying just as they were left rough-hewn in the quarry, from which they have been cut as neatly as if their material was cheese or soap. They vary from 37 to 38 feet in length, and are about 5 feet 6 inches in their greatest diameter. They appear to be Roman, and to have been left rough-hewn to be conveyed to some distant temple, and then polished. This accounts for their not being all exactly the same length. The quarry



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from which they were taken lies to the north-east of the row. The marks of the chisel remain on the vertical face of the granite in parallel horizontal grooves. / On the road from this quarry to Alexandria Troas is another of these columns, abandoned on its way to the sea. There is something very grand in the aspect of these seven sleepers lying so silently on the granite bed out of which they were hewn.” [ 399] Roland_1987_390–391 gigantism: Ces constructions naxiennes et déliennes, tout au long du VIe siècle, attestent une maîtrise évidente du matériau qui se manifeste dans l’art de la taille et de l’assemblage. Elles traduisent un goût évident pour le mégalithisme: colonnes monolithes, pièces d’architecture de 3 ou 5 mètres de long, poutres de charpente de 2 m à 2,50/3 m, s’ajustant en arc dièdre pour supporter une couverture entièrement en tuiles de marbre. Et c’est le même caractère, avec plus d’ampleur encore, qui s’exprime dans les premiers grands temples des côtes d’Asie Mineure, dont le foisonnement des colonnades, laissant transparaître des modèles égyptiens, en particulier dans le premier temple de l’Artémis d’Éphèse, avec ses colonnes de plus de 1 5 m de haut, ses blocs d’architecture mesurant de 6,20 à 8 m de long, pesait plus de 20 tonnes. Les architectes Chésiphron et Métageitnès avaient fait, d’après Vitruve, des prodiges d’imagination pour assurer le transport et la mise en place de ces énormes pièces d’architecture. [ 400] Clarke_1881_401 on Assos: colonnade on the Acropolis: “Near the marble steps were various remains belonging to a monument of small dimensions and lavish Diadochian ornamentation, – the marble gutters carved with lions’ heads, broken cornice blocks and mouldings being so incomplete as to afford no guide to the original purpose or appearance of the structure. This state of destruction had been brought about by the systematic burning of the stone, the blackened walls of a mediaeval lime-kiln standing directly beside the stylobate.” [ 401] Sterrett_1885_17 Assos: Inscription # VIII: “Marble stele found underneath the altar of the Byzantine apse which was built upon the foundations of the temple in antis at the western end of the agora . . . The stone was not used as part of the pavement, but was thrown in with the debris to raise the level of the floor of the apse.” [ 402] Sterrett_1885_59 Assos: #XXX: “Great pedestal block of bluish-gray marble, found at the wcstern end of the Agora. It is so massive and heavy that all attempts to break it for lime-burning or to split it for building purposes were in vain. It is badly battered, as if by a heavy hammer, and is nearly cut in two by a saw; the mouldings are well designed and cut. Breadth below mouldings, 0.645m.; whole height, including mouldings, 1.35m.; height between mouldings, 0.94m.” [ 403] Clarke_1882_40–41 Assos, near the Gymnasium: “Near the marble steps were various remains belonging to a monument of small dimensions and lavish Diadochian ornamentation. – the marble gutters carved with lions’ heads, broken cornice blocks and mouldings being so incomplete as to afford no guide to the original purpose or appearance of the structure. This state of destruction had been brought about by the systematic burning of the stone, the blackened walls of a mediaeval lime-kiln standing directly beside the stylobate.” [ 404] Clarke_1881_12–13 on Assos: “At the time of Mr. Abbot’s visit, in November, 1864, a work of systematic destruction was going on. The Turkish Government were employing a considerable detachment of soldiers to displace and carry from the ruins the largest and best hewn stones. The material thus obtained was shipped to Constantinople, and used, it is said, in the construction of the new docks of the Arsenal at Top-haneh. The auditorium of the theatre, which less than twenty years ago remained almost uninjured, was by this vandalism transformed to an enormous quarry, the seats being piled one above another in indescribable confusion. The chief entrance gate of the city, one of the finest known monuments of Greek military architecture, – previously in such good preservation that it in no wise seemed a ruin, – was in part carried away, in part wantonly overthrown. Blocks spoken of as part of a Doric temple, which had long passed for that of Augustus, were at the time of Mr. Abbot’s visit ranged side by side on the path leading to the sea, ready for shipment. / It appears from the present aspect of the site that this destruction was



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carried on for some months. The work was undertaken as though all the remains of the city were to be carried away; a road was built down the most regular declivity of the hill for the transport of the stones upon rough sledges, so that the making of a way for the reliefs taken from the Acropolis by the present expedition was greatly facilitated. The overthrow and removal of these stones must have been the most severe blow ever experienced by the ruins of Assos. The lime-burners of the Middle Ages had destroyed every vestige of marble to be found upon the surface; that the remaining monuments of volcanic stone should so very recently find a similar fate is indeed deplorable. The carved architectural fragments, which still thickly cover the city enclosure, only indicate the great relative wealth of the site.” [ 405] Clarke_1882_29–30 Assos: “The upper part of the columns must have been overthrown and rolled down the steep sides of the Acropolis at a time when the stumps of the shafts were still standing. Several of the smaller drums were dug out from the reservoir before the stoa; others, hollowed at one enci, have long served the inhabitants of the village as mortars for crushing coffee. The cella wall, of which not a block is recognizable, was probably removed at a far earlier period by builders covetous of its evenly squared stones. The skeleton of columns and entablature may then have stood in much the same condition as those of the temples of Segesta and Aegina.” [ 406] Hasluck_1910_10–11 at Cyzicus: “While the marble of the temple has been consigned piecemeal to the kiln, the sub-structures, being of baser material, have escaped. The mound is traversed by seven parallel tunnels running east and west, for the most part built of rubble and very dilapidated. The best preserved portion, measured and planned by Perrot, probably supported the cella, and is somewhat west of the centre of the mound: it occupies the breadth of the three central tunnels, and its outer walls are carefully built of squared blocks, now stripped of their metal clamps; the walls of the central nave and the vaults throughout are of rubble set in coarse pink cement.” [ 407] Perrot_&_Guillaume_1864_350: A près de deux cents mètres vers le nord-ouest d’une tour byzantine auprès de laquelle passe le chemin d’Erdek à Panderme et que mentionnent, sous le nom de Tour Balkiz, toutes les descriptions des ruines de Cyzique, se rencontrent des souterrains au-dessus desquels sont amoncelés, parmi les broussailles, d’innombrables fragments de marbre blanc qui paraissent avoir appartenu à un édifice considérable et richement décoré: c’est ce que les gens du pays appellent le bézestein, par analogie avec les galeries voûtées de leurs bazars. [ 408] Rayet_&_Thomas_1877_II_70 for the column blocks for Didyma: Il a été débarqué à la baie Kouvella, l’ancien port Panormos, où il en existe encore sur le rivage plusieurs énormes blocs seulement dégrossis dans la carrière, et laissés là peut-être à cause de quelque défaut révélé par un examen attentif. [ 409] Haussoullier_1902_159 Didyma: le port de Panormos. [4km from the site] On y débarquait le marbre taillé dans les carrières des îles Korsese [Fourni, to S. of Samos]: aujourd’hui encore, à l’embouchure du ru qui se jette dans la baie de Kouvella, l’ancien Panormos, et sur le rivage de la baie, on voit d’énormes blocs et plusieurs tambours de marbre, formant une espèce de môle. [ 410] Arundell_1834_II_36–38 church at Sagalassos: “The street now takes a direction towards the west, and the terrace is edged by the remains of a massy wall. Beyond this succeeds an immense heap of sculptured stones and other walls, and nearly at the northwest extremity are the remains of a very ancient Christian temple . . . It is constructed of large blocks of marble; the architecture of the richest style, the columns fluted with Corinthian capitals, and two feet in diameter . . . The portico, or pronaos was twenty-seven feet long, and beyond this, the walls were still extended on either side. From the number of columns lying in all directions, some fluted, others plain, it is possible there was a nave and side-aisles, but there are no foundations to support the conjecture, and the columns may have belonged to the front and side colonnades. On the upper part of the walls, which are standing on the north-eastern end, are a number of small figures, for the most part grotesque, as masks, &c., but executed in a very spirited style. A large cross is cut deep into one of the blocks of the principal entrance.”



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[ ] 411  Béquignon_&_Laumonier_1925_292 Teos, Sanctuary of Dionyus: La façade mesure environ 23 mètres. On y accédait par un escalier de 11 degrés, dont aucun, malheureusement, n’a subsisté. Il ne reste que les fondations en blocage. Du péristyle, rien n’est demeuré non plus. – footnoted as follows: (2) Il est avéré qu’a la suite des fouilles des Dilettanti, une carrière de marbre fut ouverte dans le sanctuaire par une société de Smyrne. C’est ainsi qu’on transporta, entre autres, quelques blocs de la frise sculptée, qui sont restés pendant longtemps dans la cour du Konak à Smyrne: ils ont été places cette année même, par les soins d’Aziz-Bey, dans la cour du futur Musée de Smyrne. / D’ailleurs Chandler avait déjà note la présence de fours à chaux sur l’emplacement du sanctuaire, et de nombreux éclats de marbre (Ionian Ant., 1769, p. 4) et dans un article sur le Vandalisme en Orient au xixe siècle (Rev. des deux M., 1er mars 1883), S. Reinach signalait qu’un industriel avait même obtenu, il y a quelques années, la concession du temple de Bacchus à Téos” (p. 162). [ 412] Pococke_1772_V_37 port of Teos: Il était défendu du vent du midi par un môle d’environ trente pas de large qui s’étendoit environ un stade vers l’orient. On voit encore plusieurs débris autour & il paroît qu’on l’avoit construit en creusant le bassin; ce dernier est comblé. Il y a un petit ruisseau qui s’y jette, & l’on pouvoit au moyen de quelques écluses le rendre très commode pour les vaisseaux. [ 413] Ramsay_1890_170: “The route from Dokimion to the coast is commercially almost the most important in Asia Minor. The road along which the enormous monolithic columns of Dokimian marble were transported as early as the time of Strabo must have been well-constructed and carefully kept. Its course is now quite certain. It passed through Synnada, where the central office for managing the quarries was situated, and which gave its name to the marble. Between Dokimion and Synnada was Prymnessos, a little west of the direct and easy path, but yet necessarily included in the xxxii miles placed by the Table between Dokimion and Synnada. The road went straight south from Synnada to Metropolis by a route via Baljik Hisar, crossing a lofty ridge by a finely engineered path, the cuttings and curves of which can still be observed. / The approximate distances are: Synnada to Metropolis xviii miles. Metropolis to Apameia xxiv. / This road was, as I believe, constructed by the Romans. Before their time the case was probably the same as at the present day: there was a horse-road over the mountains, and a waggon-road round the detour by Uzun Bunar. Manlius, who was accompanied by an army heavily laden with plunder, must have taken the waggon-road, and Diniae, through which he passed, must be sought on it. Alcibiades, on the other hand, was more likely to travel by the direct horseroad, and Melissa, where he was killed, was on the road between Synnada and Metropolis, and may be sought at Baljik Hisar, where there are said to be remains on a hill round which the road winds.” [ 414] Hamilton_1842_I_461 Eski Kara Hisar: “Eski Kara Hissar, situated at the northern extremity of a small plain, and watered by a river which we crossed in the town, by a marble bridge, apparently of ancient construction. The place itself, which is near the celebrated quarries of Synnadic or Docimitic marble, contains numerous blocks of marble and columns, some in the rough and others beautifully worked. In an open space near the mosque was a most exquisitely finished marble bath, intended perhaps to have adorned a Roman villa; and in the wall of the mosque and cemetery were some richly carved friezes and cornices finished in the most elaborate style of the Ionic and Corinthian orders 1 had ever beheld. They could not have been destined for any building ou this spot, but were probably worked near the quarries for the greater facility of transport, as is still done at Carrara. Many rough blocks were also there with rude marks and characters on them, or with the names of emperors or consuls, and sometimes a numeral. I also copied several inscriptions in different parts of the village, which were generally in good preservation.” [ 415] Choisy_1876_196–7 near Eski Karahissar: Au point du jour je visite les carrières de ce marbre docymien dont j’étudiais hier la comptabilité complexe. On se rend compte à première vue du moyen employé pour l’extraire. L’ouvrier, – un condamné sans doute, car le codé antique compte ces rudes travaux parmi les peines légales, – ouvrait en plein roc une tranchée verticale de deux pieds de largeur; puis, le bloc isolé par en haut et par derrière, on achevait à l’aide de coins de le détacher de sa base. L’outil tranchant a laissé



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son empreinte fraîche encore sur les parois du roc; on voit des blocs à demi dégagés: on dirait un chantier abandonné d’hier. J’ai failli même rétablir d’après un document qui me paraissait authentique le matériel entier d’une carrière. Je me faisais illusion, mais ma méprise peut compter à sa manière comme un exploit archéologique. Cette région est de celles où les souvenirs des janissaires sont aujourd’hui même les plus vivaces; les environs d’Eski-hissar présentent à chaque pas des dalles sépulcrales où leurs armes sont grossièrement figurées. J’avais pris leurs tombeaux pour des stèles antiques, et leurs armes pour des outils de carriers: le fusil est un levier d’une figure spéciale; la cartouchière, une scie à dents; la poire à poudre elle-même a son rôle. [ 416] Robinson_1906_130–131b Sinope: “Returning to the town on the neck of the promontory we find upon the site of the ancient city an inner walled enclosure with a Turkish castle and prison, probably the site of the Sinopean acropolis, and outside the wall northeastward, toward the promontory, the Greek and Christian quarter. Unhappily there are few certain data for reconstructing the ancient city. Looking down from the height above I tried in vain to make a mental plan which would include the stoas, gymnasium, and market-place, the Palace of Mithradates, and the Temple of Serapis. There are no ruins or even any mounded outlines for points of departure. However, we have the two walls across the isthmus which have been built and razed and rebuilt in the same positions and out of the most heterogeneous materials arranged in the most disorderly manner. There are foundation stones from buildings; columns of Roman date whose unfluted sides indicate their previous position in stoas; pieces of sculpture scattered at random, including a lion built into the top of the wall, in one case, while a similar one lies upon the ground; and pieces of architraves and of cornices. Many other pieces of carving have been carried away by individuals or have found their way into museums, especially that at Constantinople. In the wall nearest the mainland, but on the inside, are arches indicating the remains of a Roman aqueduct. This part of this wall is better built than the rest and probably goes back to Roman date, whereas the greater portion of it, like the other walls, was built by the Genoese and later by Turks.” [ 417] Tournefort_II_1718_156 Sinope: “It is not known what ill Treatment the City might have then; but it is certain the Walls were very fine in Strabo’s time, who liv’d under Augustus; the present were built under the laft Greek Emperors. The Walls have double Ramparts, defended by Towers mostly triangular and pentagonal, which present but one Angle. The Town is commanded landward, and would require two Fleets to besiege it by Sea. The Castle is very much neglected now. There are but few Janizaries in the Town, and they will admit of no Jews. The Turks, who mistrust the Greeks, oblige them to lodge in a great Suburb, that is without any defence. We found no Inscription either in the City or Parts adjacent; but to make us amends, besides the Fragments of Marble Pillars that are let in the Walls, we saw a prodigious quantity in the Burying-place of the Turks amidst several Chapiters, Bases, and Pedestals of the same kind: they are the Remains of the Ruins of the magnificent Gymnasium, Forum, and Porticoes spoken of by Strabo, not to mention the antient Temples of the Town.” [ 418] Skene_1853_33–34 Sinope: “Many fragments of ancient architectural art, however, such as broken columns, mutilated cornices, and half-defaced inscriptions on architraves and sepulchral stones, have been made use of in raising these feeble fortifications, and they still attest what Sinope once was; while the quarries above the town, whence one of the calcareous beds in the trachytic rock overlaid by a black volcanic formation seems to have furnished its building materials, tell an eloquent tale of its sudden downfall, for large blocks lie there hewn and ready for removal, some sculptured, and some actually on their way to the city. We saw also the picturesque ruins of an aqueduct, designed by Pliny the Younger to supply the Sinopians with good water from a distance of sixteen miles; and the ancient mole can be distinguished under the sea, enclosing a considerable space along the shore, and leaving only a narrow entrance for galleys, but many of the great square stones composing it have been worn and displaced by the action of the waves with the aid of that universal destroyer, Time.”



appendix

[ 419] Cuinet_1894_IV_575–576 Sinope: Les empereurs byzantins la dotèrent de nouveaux et nombreux embellissements, mais leurs palais et leurs temples ont disparu, comme ceux des rois de Pont, sans laisser d’autres vestiges que des ruines informes, décombres épars le long des côtes, où la moindre fouille fait découvrir des monnaies antiques et des fragments de statues. Entre autres restes semblables, on cite une vaste enceinte de murailles appelée Palatia, située près des bords de la mer, et au milieu de laquelle on a bâti une chapelle grecque entourée d’une cour. Les vieux murs, dit-on, sont ceux d’un ancien palais de Mithridate. / On voit encore à Sinope des murs de l’antique acropole. Sur le point le plus élevé, on y remarque une construction qui semble avoir dû servir de vigie et d’où l’on découvre au loin de tous côtés, l’immense étendue de la mer. / A 3 kil. environ, au nordouest de Sinope, se trouve le port d’Ak-Limân et à 10 kil. au sud-est, celui de Tchobânlarkeuï, où l’on rencontre, parmi les débris de vieux murs écroulés, des monnaies et autres objets antiques. Du reste, à partir de Sinope jusqu’à la limite du sandjak de Djanik, au sud-est, et jusqu’à Inéboliy à l’ouest, le rivage de la mer est partout bordé de décombres d’anciens édifices où l’on n’a jamais opéré les fouilles les plus superficielles sans y trouver des antiquités intéressantes. On raconte à ce sujet, dans le pays, qu’un certain Kiani-zadéBey a fait convertir en bagues, pendants d’oreilles et autres bijoux à l’usage de sa famille, il y a 35 à 40 ans, le contenu de 3 sacs remplis de précieux objets antiques découverts ainsi dans ces localités désertes. [ 420] Walker_1897_73–4 Ankara: “At a short half-hour’s drive from the station hotel, we reach a broad district of low grass and bramble-covered hillocks, broken-up mounds and deep holes, in which men are busily working, taking out huge blocks of stone or marble. We had met on the road several rude carts heavily laden, and we were disposed at first greatly to admire the fine native zeal for antiquarian research, until it was explained that the country round possessed no stone-quarries, and that the stone-workers were simply seeking for material to be cut up for house-building. One long trench certainly showed, deep down, remains of a basement of wall of cut and chiselled marble, with indications of coping-stone and ornamental work; other holes revealed corners and fragments of white marble gleaming through the brown earth.” [ 421] Cousin_1900_335–336 De Termessos à Aïdin: Départ pour Tchikinova. Sur la route, cimetière turc fait presque exclusivement avec des colonnes funéraires antiques ou de grandes pierres antiques. J’ai voulu en faire dégager une où l’on voyait quelques lettres; mais, pour y réussir complètement, il nous aurait fallu des instruments que nous n’avions pas, et le village était trop loin. Voici ce que nous avons pu mettre au jour avec l’aide de morceaux de bois, comme leviers. [ 422] Grothe_1903_231–303 for Anatolia – on a German-built railway, and details the increased speed and access it affords. [ 423] Chantre_1896_41: Autrefois on mettait huit jours pour aller à Angora en caravane aujourd’hui, grâce au chemin de fer, on n’en met plus que deux, et l’on n’en mettrait même qu’un seul si le train marchait la nuit. / Mais, à cause soit du peu de sécurité du pays traversé, fort désert en grande partie, soit de la mauvaise qualité du terrain sur lequel repose la voie, on ne circule que le jour. [ 424] Allen_1894_3. [ 425] Tournefort_1741_363 (travelling 1700–1702) Scalanova: “You see a great many old Marbles in this City.” [ 426] Ramsay_1890_59: “Before the Ottoman Railway was opened, connecting Smyrna with the Maeander valley, the harbour of Scalanova took the place of Ephesos, and maintained a feeble competition with Smyrna for the trade of the Maeander valley: but with the advantage of railway communication Smyrna is beyond competition. / The railways that radiate from Smyrna have taken the place of the old roads. One of them goes by the Hermos valley to Philadelpheia, and corresponds therefore to the “Royal Road.” The other connects Smyrna with Ephesos, the Maeander valley, and Apameia-Celaenae: it corresponds to the eastern ti-ade-route. The latter, which was first built, cut out Scalanova and gave Smyrna the entire command of the tretde of the Maeander valley. To take one example,



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the liquorice root of the Maeander valley, in which a great trade has sprung up during the last forty years, was formerly shipped from Scalanova: now it all goes to Smyrna.” [ 427] Hogarth_1908_561: “In all the districts of Asia Minor, at a distance from railways and the larger seaports, there is much cartographical material still to be collected. Every traveller who penetrates inland finds that the latest maps constantly mislead him in such respects as the relative position of villages to one another and to streams.” [ 428] Leaf_1912_29: “The starting point for any western visitor to the Troad is, of course, the town of Dardanelles [Canakkale], easily reached by almost daily steamers from both east and west. There is a metalled road running from Dardanelles by the village of Eren Koi to Ezine at the western extremity of the plain of Bairamich, a distance of about fifty kilometres. The first portion, from Dardanelles to Eren Koi, is old and has been allowed to fall into terrible disrepair. For more than a mile in the immediate neighbourhood of the town of Dardanelles itself, all vehicles have to leave it and drive through the sandy fields at the side. But during our visit we found that a serious effort was being made to repair it; we saw several sections being dealt with by large gangs of men, and various culverts were actually built between our first and last visits.” [ 429] Bent_1889_12–13 near Bursa: “Our charioteer, as we drove along, cast many a scornful glance and uttered many a sarcastic sneer at his fallen rival, namely, the ruined railway which ran for some distance by the side of the road. It was Vefyk Pasha, the great benefactor of Brusa, who constructed it, and being only 35 miles in length it was completed at the cost of £20,000; its ruins, as seen to-day, are a monument of Turkish imbecility and the grievances of bondholders. The rails were laid, stations were built, the rollingslock was bought, before the collapse came. Now you see the loose rails straying down the sides of the embankments ready for the peasants to carry away; the culverts are nearly all destroyed; goats browse in what should be the station booking-offices; and at Modania a shed contains the fast decaying remnants of the rolling-stock.” [ 430] Schoenberg_1977_363: “Although the Ottoman Empire neglected the development of shipping and of highways, the same pattern was not followed in regard to railroads. The advantages of a railroad network were numerous – political, military and economic. The major motivation was strictly military in nature. With the help of railroads, the Ottoman Empire would be able to mobilise its resources in the event of war and put down any local uprisings. The Crimean War had shown the inadequacies of Turkey’s transport system. There was no way to move a large number of troops and supplies over long distances in a short period of time. Another motivation in constructing railways was to centralise the Ottoman Empire. Tax collectors with troops to back them up could make the authority of the central government be felt more firmly. Third, the motivation was cultural, intellectual and social. Railroads would link the educated classes of the Ottoman Empire together, expose them to western ideas, and facilitate their travel to Europe. Finally, the peasants and merchants would receive economic benefits through improved transport. Peasants would be encouraged to shift from subsistence agriculturet or commercial agriculture – i.e. producing for a national or world market instead of the local market. Thus, the railroad system of the Ottoman Empire was constructed primarily for non-economic reasons.”

chapter four

Waterworks: aqueducts, fountains and baths The Roman Use of Water The Romans developed and exploited the motive power of water, which has “implications for the study of the ancient economy, and of Roman attitudes to production and investment.”1 Within cities, extravagant architecture emphasised the technological achievement of an abundant water supply: “the nymphaeum is a visual presentation of water within the city. Also, it serves senses other than the ocular, like auditory and tactual. More than that, the nymphaeum is a relief in urban life both by the relief of the sound of water and the relief of knowing that water is always there and available.”2 Later centuries much admired what the Romans had installed, but it was recognised as being expensive. Caylus, for example, writing in 1764, and reviewing scholarly work on the water supply of Lyon, considered paying for such work impossible, especially the lead piping. This, in his day, would cost a King’s Ransom, but of course the ancients had used troops, slaves and conquered peoples: “ces seuls tuyaux, dis-je, couteroient aujourd’hui, pour l’achat & la façon de la matière, douze ou treize millions: mais on ne peut évaluer les peines & la dépense, toujours considérables dans de pareilles entreprises, malgré la diminution des frais produite par le travail des Troupes, des Esclaves, des Peuples vaincus employés.”[1] Roman water systems remain fascinating for today’s scholars, and many systems have been studied in Asia Minor, including their survival and occasional revival.3 Since water was vital for life, Ramsay points out that “necessity has maintained some skill in this one branch of engineering,” but that Roman engineers could bring water from afar, whereas later settlements were made near a water source: “in many cases a modern town has grown up at some point where abundant water is at hand, while the Roman or 1  Wilson 2002, 3; Bianco 2007 for an excellent survey of the sources; Özis 2006 for an overview of the technologies. Humphrey 2006, 35–51. 2 Uğurlu 2004, 29. 3 Tanriöver 2006 for work done and in prospect in Caria. Magnusson 2001 for survival in the West.

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Byzantine city a few miles distant has sunk into decay.”[2] At Cnidus, water provision was apparently only by cistern, “for there is neither stream nor fountain anywhere near.”[3] At Constantinople, the waterworks were a focus of study by earlier scholars.4 Although life is impossible without water, the Romans therefore gilded the lily by flaunting in various ways their ability to provide it in abundance. Monumental aqueducts5 are a symbol of Roman civilization,6 and probably yet more expensive than temples.7 Aqueducts and siphons, on arches and through hills, required many skills. Vast cisterns could provide storage; monumental fountains could demonstrate how elegantly water could be wasted or at least drain into the fields: an aqueduct could not be turned off, except perhaps at its source. And monumental baths (some of which, like the drainage and sewage systems, used water recycled from fountains) could employ water as an important element in social intercourse. Not all fountains were monumental, and on some Roman roads small ones were regularly spaced, and often recognised by travellers. Thus Hofland in 1828, on a Roman road leading to Shoback/Montreal in Jordan, noted that “at intervals, were ruins of square buildings, one of which had a cistern, which indicated that they had been erected for the benefit of travellers.”[4] In Asia Minor, the Romans had equipped their roads with fountains fed from springs, and Durbin says that several of these in the Valley of the Cayster, where the road “lay through jungles of brush-wood, the pavement of the old Roman way occasionally appearing,” were still working in 1845. But unless of special utility they were not all maintained throughout later centuries: “Every few miles a fine fountain stood by the road-side, pouring its water into a richly-sculptured marble sarcophagus, into which our horses thrust their heads and drank. Sometimes the fountain was dry, the water-pipes from the mountain being either choked up or cut off. Frequently we came upon vast desolate cemeteries adorned with marbles, and overrun with vines and shrubs.”[5] So where this happened, perhaps the population dropped or concentrated. Stochove in 1643 says that at Antioch people only lived along the river,[6] whereas Lassus believes 4 Forchheimer and Strzygowski 1893. 5 Listing with individual bibliographies at http://www.romanaqueducts.info/. 6 Grewe 1998, 135ff for Roman aqueduct tunnels, in Algeria, Italy, Greece and Turkey, as well as Jordan, Jerusalem and Lebanon, etc. 7 Malissard 1994, 302–3: Aqua Marcia cost 180m sesterces in 144BC; Herodes Atticus spent 15m on the tiny aqueduct at Alexandria Troas. Auth reckons that 1 kilometre of the Aqua Marcia cost 1.96m, but a portico 30,000, baths 400,000, and 100,000 for the capitol at Volubilis. 1 kilometre of road cost 340,000 in the 1stC AD. Cf. also Shaw 1991, 68–9.



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that water was flowing there post-Moslem conquest.8 At Stratonicea, on the other hand, people still live among the ancient ruins (their houses perhaps not much changed since Deschamps described them in 1894[7]) because “it is watered by a limpid and lively rill, with cascades.”[8] There were forty-nine huts there in 1854.[9] Even where springs were nearby, it was not always the case that the structures were kept in working order: Ainsworth found such springs near Kadi Koy in 1840, but the whole antiquities-built setup (including a mosque) was “totally neglected and abandoned . . . By the side of this inclosed space there appeared also to have been formerly gardens and respectable houses; but now all is deserted, and not a being was to be seen around.”[10] Water, once brought to a monument or fountain, cannot be allowed to lie around without risk of disease; and household wastes are more easily disposed of using water. Therefore a necessary part of any Roman town are the sewers, and anyone walking around any such ancient site today quickly becomes aware of where they run and how easy it is to trip a foot or lose a pushchair and its contents down one of the drains. Many of these, plus cisterns, must have been visible in earlier centuries, and Grégoire came across a large section at Nicopolis/Purkh (Pontus), which he dates to Justinian: “Il est construit en pierres noyées dans un épais mortier byzantin, et date sans doute de la reconstruction de la ville par Justinien” – but nothing worked any more because the site had served as a quarry for surrounding villages, all of course without sewers.[11] Water in Post-Antique Asia Minor This section traces the abandonment of often elaborate fountains and nymphaea in classical cities. These were “landmarks for mentally mapping the city and as urban furniture in a properly functioning urban public sphere,”9 but also the frequent embellishment of Moslem fountains with earlier antiquities. A glance westwards shows some continuity and revival in France, where aqueducts flatter first aristocratic and then bourgeois snobbery: “l’aqueduc demeure jusqu’au XIIe siècle une marque de l’aristocratie avant de devenir celle de l’idéologie bourgeoise,”10 but we are 8 Lassus 1983: colonnaded street now 8m underground. 220: “on a pu relever et remployer des canalisations entières. On trouve, après l’occupation musulmane, des remplois de plusieurs époques ;” but says no work has been done on these. 9 Uğurlu 2004, iii. 10 Guillerme 1983: calculates that half of all aqueducts were still functioning in the Merovingian period; 171 calculates disuse by the thickness of earth: at Amiens and Troyes,

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largely in the dark about arrangement in Asia Minor, although of course a lot is known about the water supply in classical cities such as Pergamon.11 However, we can trace a continuing interest in fountains, Hamadeh believing that eighteenth-century Constantinople was “obsessed” by them.12 Monumental fountains were a prominent feature in the ancient towns of Asia Minor, and 145 of them have been catalogued;13 their water supply as well as appearance have been thoroughly studied.14 Here we might note that ablution requirements for Moslems encouraged the construction of fountains, some of them very elaborate, and frequently constructed from antiquities, such as the one Castellan describes at Gallipoli.[12] The structure of some Roman fountains probably survived into the Middle Ages, one being part-dismantled to build a Seljuk Han;[13] and many spoliadecorated fountains survive today, as we shall see.[14] In 1872 Perrot was amazed to visit a village in the Rhyndacos Valley, to find several fountains decorated with funerary stelai.[15] Some new drains were indeed dug in nineteenth-century Asia Minor, and the effort produced its own reward: for at Cadyanda, it was the draindigger who found coins and offered them for sale.[16] But concern for sewers was far from the thoughts of most Turkish villagers, which made Westerners jumpy about the possibilities of disease. Many travellers comment on accumulated filth, but Mac Farlane in 1850, visiting Apollonia, which sticks out like a finger into a lake, was especially exasperated: “saw by broad daylight the utterly indescribable filth of the place, I sat down on the fragment of a fair, ancient, marble column by the margin of the lake, and cursed the lazy, dirty habits of the people of the town, both Greeks and Turks, who, with an over-flowing abundance of water on all sides of them, never washed street or house, never made a drain, never did anything to remove the foul accumulation.”[17] The site has not altered substantially since Hamilton described it in 1842.[18] As late as 1894 Deschamps was still exclaiming “Elle dort, la vieille Turquie!”[19]

2m of earth between 3rdC and Merovingian times; Auxerre, Orléans, Paris, Reims, Troyes, Sens have over 1.5m, indicating the ruralisation of towns; 173: fountains, baths and hence aqueducts are prestigious for the Merovingians. 11  Garbrecht 1987. This volume also deals with Aspendos, Ephesus, Perge and Side. 12 Hamadeh 2002. 13 Dorl-Klingenschmid 2001, 168–256 for catalogue; e.g. at Ephesus #20 with an inscription; #28 Byzantine fountain near stadium; #29 late antique fountain near Library of Celsus. 14 E.g. papers in Wiplinger 2006 II, for Hierapolis (387–395) and Aspendos (397–400).



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Classical Baths and Moslem Hammans Roman and later bath skeletons, usually built with a rubble and concrete core (tedious and difficult to dismantle even assuming anyone wished to do so) were the great survivors in the landscape. Usually they lacked their marble fitments, which sometimes disappeared during “refurbishment,” as at Cankirikapi in Ankara, where, during later repairs, “the marble and mosaic were removed and replaced with plaster.”15 Of course, travellers often noticed brick-and-cement structures, as Chandler found at Erythrae in 1775, “like Clazomene, stripped even of its ruins, except some masses of hard cement.”[20] The concrete/cement was the reason why such structures, though rendered useless over the centuries, still stood: the very building technique that had led to the greatest of Roman innovations, such as water systems, canals, baths and domes.16 At Sardis Chandler wanted a brick from the “Gerusia,” “but the cement proved so very hard and tenacious, it was next to impossible.”[21] Such baths were sometimes later flagged with the name Eski Hamman (Old Bath, as at Neoclaudiopolis), where in 1909 Grégoire described the structure, decorated with Christian and pagan antiquities – fabulous beasts as well as crosses: C’est là qu’on a découvert une conque de marbre supportée par quatre animaux fabuleux, sirène, sphinx, hippogriffes. Ce curieux monument, malheureusement très endommagé, a dû servir de vasque à une fontaine. La sculpture chrétienne est représentée à Vézir-Keupru par une dalle encastrée dans le mur du même Hammam, et aussi par un grand sarcophage, placé dans la cour de la nouvelle caserne (Göshla). Il est décoré d’une croix accostée de méandres.[22]

Radet saw something similar at Eskihissar in 1895, but reusing Byzantine columns and building blocks.[23] Little is known about Byzantine baths, because so few have been excavated, however we have literary accounts of them.17 But an exception is Amorium, where the baths were refurbished, perhaps in the later eighth century, and beautified with marble from far-flung locations, presumably recycled from some earlier structures.18 At 15 Foss 1977, 63. 16 Hieber 2007. 17 Tomaschek 1891, for scrupulous account from mediaeval authors (not from on-theground observation) of fountains, ruins, etc., especially those noted on the first three Crusades; these are in sections West to East. 18 Lightfoot 2007b, 281 Amorium: “As part of her work on the marble revetment slabs from the bathhouse, Olga Karagiorgou has also studied the imported colored marble fragments and identified them as coming from various parts of Greece. They include slabs of

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Aezani, the baths were richly decorated with marble, and a church was set within them in Justinianic times;19 but whether the water was still running then is unknown.20 A bathing culture survived in Islam,21 even if a main impulse was ritual cleanliness rather than socialising; and there is some evidence of Moslem adaptation not just of ancient bathing technologies, but also occasionally of the re-use of ancient bath remains. In most cases, however, it was only the materials stripped from ancient buildings that were then reused elsewhere,22 as in the bath Hamilton describes in 1842 at Vizir Keupri (cf. the quotation from Grégoire just above). The adjacent mosque also received plentiful antiquities: “its construction was evidently Turkish. In the walls, however, many large blocks of marble derived from ancient buildings had been used. This appears also to have been the case in the construction of a neighbouring mosque.”[24] Again, marble was taken to the new town of Yuzgat in the 1850s, to decorate baths and fountains.[25] Mosaic floors were usually left strictly alone, even when in opus sectile, as in Hierapolis in Phrygia.23 The same happened at Magnesia, where in the latrines in the Artemis Complex “hundreds of pieces . . . were found in the sewage channel,”24 so perhaps the decoration simply fell off the walls. The solidity of bath walls certainly militated in favour of reuse as well as mere survival, as can be seen with the Grande Edificio at Hierapolis, occupied perhaps continuously right up to Ottoman times. Unfortunately, however, this was without flowing water, for water-collection vases have been found on the site.25 An important category of pseudo-fountain in Asia Minor is hot springs, usually with curative properties, of which Hierapolis is the best known, and rich in antiquities. North of Kayseri is Terzili-Hamman, the site of a Roman town, and which Chantre through coin-finds dates to Justinian. The site was still popular in his day (1890s), and new inhabitants converde antico from Thessaly, green porphyry from near Sparta, and cipollino from Karystos on Euboea. Of course, it is not at all clear when the marble was brought to Amorium since, as with many of the floor slabs used in the middle Byzantine church, these pieces may be spolia that were reused during the refurbishment of the baths, possibly in the latter part of the eighth century. Nevertheless, their presence shows that an appreciation for luxury Bunt marmore persisted at Amorium well into Byzantine times.” 19 Naumann-Steckner 2010, Abb. 112, stressing metropolitan quality. 20   Gagniers 1969, 132 for notes on fountains, Christian churches, and water. 21  Grotzfeld 1970. 22 Reyhan 2004 for a study of baths in the Seferihisar–Urla Region. 23 Kadioğlu 2007. 24 Bingöl 2007, 90–94. 25 Piera Caggia 2007: cf. 302 for vases to collect water, from the 11thC.



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gregated there, seeking materials with which to build their houses. They unearthed a 3 kilometre-long enclosing wall of the ancient town, and many marble blocks with inscriptions, column-shafts and the like. And others were being turned up daily, according to the locals: “partout dans les murs du village se voient des blocs de marbre sculptés, quelques-uns portant des inscriptions grecques, des fûts de colonnes et autres débris d’architecture. Il ne se passe pas de jour, nous disent les habitants, sans que quelque découverte ne soit faite.”[26] We cannot know whether the baths survived from Antiquity, or were some late resurrection, but the finds demonstrate a symbiosis between antiquities and habitation, not always completely to the disservice of the former. In Mysia, Munro notes springs with antiquities, and still in use in 1900,[27] and several similar examples appear in the following pages. Springs were noted in 1884 as very popular: “They are found in every district, and during the summer are much visited; those of Brusa, frequented by people from Constantinople, are best known, but Smyrna, Angora, Konieh, Kaisarieh, and Sivas have each their special hot springs.”[28] In 1880, Sayce noted popular springs near Alexandria Troas, still containing a female marble torso.[29] Antiquities Built into Fountains The Romans were not the only inhabitants to make fountains, and if Turkish ones were less monumental in scale, they were considerably more numerous, and often very monumental indeed in the antiquities they contained. Men and animals had to drink, so antiquities built into fountains generally get noticed, the more so because of their location on roads or tracks. As Chandler remarks, one simply could not travel around Asia Minor without frequent fountains, often donated as a pious duty,[30] just as ancient-looking terracotta pots were replenished where springs did not exist.[31] (The tradition of pious duty continues: visiting Cairo’s mosques, for example, is more refreshing because of the terracotta pots left in the street for passers-by, or sometimes a refrigerated supply from mains water and electricity.) Since plain blocks were plentiful, the inclusion of sculptured blocks into fountains was surely done with decorative intent – the Turks being as great connoisseurs of water as the modern-day Romans. Many of these fountains seem to have been in action for centuries, and impressed travellers from Dernschwam onwards.[32] Some are still going. Sarcophagi-as-basins were still in use at the end of the nineteenth century, as Doublet and Deschamps found at Yenibolou.[33] Indeed Bean, in 1960, notes two antiquities-decorated fountains at Kusbaba, in Pisidia.[34]

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The basins into which the water flows may be divided into ancient vessels, ancient lids and (perhaps in imitation) vessels re-cut from antiquities and looking like sarcophagi. All were frequently seen, and we may imagine that lids could be popular because they were more easily shiftable than the vessels they once covered. We may assume that the majority of thirsty patrons knew full well that sarcophagi had once held a body, and that it did not deter them from reuse; but at Assos Fellows was told by a local Turk that he had not known such vessels were for actual burial, for “he supposed the chambers, or large sarcophagi, were for the angel or spirit to wait in.”[35] At Kula there was “a marble sarcophagus with its cover bearing an inscription in which is the name of the person whose remains it once contained. It is now used as a trough for a public fountain.”[36] At Pompeiopolis, still inhabited in 1811, there stood a sarcophagus-turnedfountain, “un beau sarcophage de marbre blanc qui sert aujourd’hui de fontaine aux habitans, et d’ornement à la place publique.”[37] Grégoire saw a sarcophagus as water basin at Beuiren, on the road to Amasia where antiquities are still used in a fountain but (this being 1909) they are apparently also being collected together in what appears to have been a local museum: “Le bassin de la fontaine est une grande cuve de sarcophage; mais, au-dessus de cette cuve sont des dalles sculptées, certainement byzantines, décorées de vignes. Non loin de là, sous un hangar, les paysans ont réuni des débris antiques: chapiteaux d’époque tardive et tronçons de colonnes.”[38] Elliott at Philadelphia found a sarcophagus in use as a fountain-basin. This was a normal re-use for them, the majority mutilated in some way,[39] but one he considered a desecration;[40] and he was informed that the ruins of the church provide a charm against tooth-ache.[41] So, when ground into powdered to form a potion, did an antique basin at Ephesus, prayed at by Christians and Moslems alike,[42] and presumably completely different from the vessel which puzzled Le Camus in 1896.[43] Near Bergama, Fellows used a fountain with an inverted sarcophagus lid;[44] Fuller saw a similar setup at Akhissar;[45] and also near Amasia in 1806 – “des sarcophages ornent la plupart des fontaines publiques.”[46] In 1870 there were also antiquities to be seen in the main street of the town.[47] At Sultanhisar, at least, water troughs were much more useful than capitals and bases – so presumably with a great deal of reworking hundreds were converted, as Fellows observed in 1841.[48] (They were plentiful in the islands as well).[49] Maniyas boasted “the sepulchral monument of a Roman governor, built into the wall of a fountain.[50] Villages near Assos



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were also endowed with inscriptions for their fountains.[51] Ichmé, in Cilicia, had a sulphurous spring known to the Romans, and in the 1850s the water flowed through sarcophagi – “dans quelques sarcophages, antiques monolithes qui servent de cuves à bains.”[52] At Ladik/Laodicea, near Konya, in 1855, Taylor found that “the lid of a sarcophagus, formed of a single block of marble, now serves as a watertrough, and the fountain is constructed of ancient tablets,”[53] and the town houses as full of fragments as the approach road.[54] Aksehir also contained many antiquities, built into Seljuk structures[55] and perhaps later educational structures, madrassas[56] – so perhaps the nearby causeway/bridge was of this late date. Near Lattakia, in 1816 Corancez found a highly decorated sarcophagus in good condition in use as a fountain basin.[57] At Erkessy in the Troad, a tomb chest was transported a few kilometres: “In the street of this village there is a marble Soros, quite entire. This was brought from Alexandria Troas, and it is now used as a public cistern. It is of one piece of stone, seven feet in length, three feet and a half wide, and, without including the operculum, rather more than three feet in depth.”[58] Fountain-Basins with Other Antiquities Probably many more fountains were made from antiquities other than sarcophagi, and it was the latter which got noticed by travellers because of their size or decoration. At Pergamon, which had of course been supplied with extensive antique water courses,26 the locals in 1797 were reported to be carving blocks from the Temple of Trajan. near the top of the acropolis, into water troughs:[59] had pieces of suitable dimensions in the lower town already been exhausted? On the road from Sultan Hissar in 1841, for example, Fellows asserted that “hundreds of capitals and bases of columns have been converted into well-copings and troughs,”[60] and counted another dozen in the town of Acsa, and yet more in the surrounding area.[61] Near Eregli, Scott-Stevenson found in 1881 a fountain surrounded by “huge granite troughs,” presumably sarcophagi, and “the streets originally were all paved with the same kind of stone as the causeway, probably Roman

26 Garbrecht 1983: cisterns at first, and Eumenes II constructed a 42 kilometre aqueduct. In 2ndC AD, the “kaikos” conduit was built: over 50 kilometres, a canal with over 40 aqueducts and 6 tunnels. This was destroyed by an earthquake in 178, and partially reconstructed. Byzantine and Ottoman conduits were built to the N and the W of the town, but they were short: see map at Bild 2.

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work.”[62] This could have come from Eregli itself, where Ainsworth found “an inner wall still existing, huge blocks of basalt and limestone are piled upon one another, and intermingled with columns and fragments of Byzantine cornices and tablets, with sculptured crosses and Christian inscriptions.”[63] Here are some more examples noted by travellers, with their descriptions, given in alphabetical order. There must have been fountains fed by springs without any terminating basin; but of course what the travellers notice are the decorated ones: Aezani: near the village and while walking down the ancient road Keppel found “an ancient fountain” with a marble bust nearby: “We then descended a hill, and at the bottom of it, on the left hand, saw an ancient fountain; close to it is a marble bust, but the face has been so ill treated as to render the features undistinguishable; the dress bespeaks it to be that of a consul.”[64] Ak-chay: Arundell notes a marble with a cross, “probably from the church of Nysa.”[65] Alexandria Troas: springs generally keep flowing, and those with curative properties, often decorated with antiquities, maintained their clientèle – and their antiquities. Thus Lydia Hamam[66] and Kaploudja Hamam,[67] the Turks not being averse to adding ancient sculptures to decorate them.[68] Indeed, so taken was Stochove by such an antiquitiesdecorated fountain here that he and his party spent the night close by.[69] Pococke saw perhaps these same hot baths in the 1730s, presumably with the waters still in use, and with a colossal female statue in one of them: “Je vis dans l’un de ces bains une statue colossale de femme de marbre blanc, dont la tête est rompue mais la draperie en est fort belle, & il m’a paru qu’elle avoit une main couverte de sa robe.”[70] Balikh Pniar: in Phrygia. Here is an ancient fountain, largely collapsed but still in use: Emilie Haspels suggests that the first building for this fountain was Byzantine, and that the basins are same date as the han, at the nearby village of Döger, built by Murat II, 1421–1451.27 There are other spolia fountains at Ortaca and Mamak.28 Boulavadyn: (Polybotus) Choisy admired the fountain and the antique fragments around the village and in the cemetery wall, into both of which the Turks had incorporated many Byzantine antiquities: “La fontaine et le 27 Emilie Haspels 1971, 273 and fig. 477 for the ancient fountain at Balikh Pinar; 280 and figs 486–489 for fountains with reused antiquities. 28 Hunger 1990, figs 87, 93 and 90.



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mur du cimetière sont de véritables musées: les Turcs y ont maçonné en guise de moellons toute une série de pierres sculptées, restes de quelque édifice byzantin d’une prodigieuse richesse.”[71] Bounarbachi: in the Troad, Mauduit in 1811 described a fountain with multiple basins rebuilt with antiquities and, from the fact that similar marble slabs were reused in the cemetery as gravestones, deduced that the Turks had at some time degraded their own water supply by filching identical slabs from the fountain basins, which was why the water overflowed where gaps had been created: “la terre humide tout autour, l’eau qui s’échappe de tous les côtés, prouvent que ce bassin était autrefois beaucoup plus grand; mais, plus près des habitations modernes, il a été plus exposé que le premier aux dégradations qu’y ont apportées les hommes plus que le temps.”[72] This site was seen by several travellers, its spelling variable. Clarke in 1817 describes the fountain here: Half an hour after leaving Turkmanle we came to Bonarbashy of Beyramitch, the second place we had seen of that name; and so called from its vicinity to the fountain-head of some very remarkable warm springs, three of which gush with great violence from artificial apertures, into a marble reservoir entirely constructed of antient materials . . . The shafts of two pillars of granite, of the Doric order, stood, one on each side of the fountains; and half the operculum of a marble Soros lay in the wall above them.[73]

By 1869 the two springs had been encased with marble slabs: “They are both about five feet square, and are encased on three sides by marble slabs, on which the Greek women of Bunarbashi wash their clothes; beneath these the water gashes out from numerous sources.”[74] A block at Eskishehir was used by the washerwomen there – but the locals still called it a talisman, attributing to it a magical as well as a practical use.[75] Caister: in the valley of the Caister, following the Roman road kept man and beast supplied with water from ancient installations: “Every few miles a fine fountain stood by the road-side, pouring its water into a richlysculptured marble sarcophagus, into which our horses thrust their heads and drank. Sometimes the fountain was dry, the water-pipes from the mountain being either choked up or cut off.”[76] Corinth: here the famous Peirene Spring also boasted reuse, but was then blocked by a chapel.29

29 Hill 1964, 1–115 for Peirene, 1–8 for ancient and later travellers’ accounts. Setup in trouble by the Seventh Roman Period (104), and then decorated in early Byzantine period with five Corinthian columns “drawn from various buildings, presumably in the vicinity” (105). All five bases remain, but only two shafts and one capital. Painted inscription dated

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Cos: On occasion, multiple elements came together, as under the famous antiquities-supported plane tree on Cos/Stanchio, which sheltered not only a fountain and coffee house, but also the tomb of a Turkish saint.[77] Geredeh: near here Morier, in Persian dress, sketched a fountain with Christian spolia while his horse was drinking: “I could not neglect the opportunity of copying it, while our horses were drinking. It was terminated by a cross, which was an evidence that the monument had some connection with the primitive Christians. I wished much to have taken the other inscriptions, as, in general, they seemed legible; but I found that any notice of Greek was incompatible with the character of a Persian, and might have excited a suspicion of my disguise.”[78] Ghiediz: Keppel records that “on a fountain in the bazaar is a votive altar sacred to Aesculapius.”[79] Haimaneh: Ainsworth saw old baths here in 1842: “Within the inclosure, besides the baths, there are the ruins of dwelling-houses, and a burial-ground, in which are numerous Byzantine tombstones, cornices, pillars, and other fragments. There is also a modern mesjid, constructed chiefly with the stones of a former Greek temple, but this is tumbling in ruin . . . The natives call the place Yanina, or Yapak Hamman.”[80] Although not explicitely stated, these seem to have been Moslem baths built with spolia, just like the other later structures in the village. Ilan Kalessi: this village, on an ancient site in Lydia, had a fountain made from slabs with Greek inscriptions, though much pitted and often unreadable from such reuse: “Une fontaine dans le village est bâtie en anciennes dalles de marbre, toutes recouvertes d’inscriptions grecques, qui, malgré la beauté des caractères, deviennent presque indéchiffrables à cause des crevasses et des dégradations dont la pierre est partout sillonnée et qui interrompent presque chaque ligne.”[81] Kalaha: nor was it only classical antiquities that were built into modern fountains, as Perrot discovered at Kalaha, an hour from Ankara, where a Hittite lion was displayed.[82] Kavza/Cauvsa: (near Amasia), in 1806 Fourcade reported on thermal baths, but definitely later than Roman, and reusing antiquities, including inscriptions as well as architectural débris barbarously incorporated: Les murailles de la salle où l’on se baigne, la fontaine, le pavé, toute la salle en un mot, est ornée de pièces de marbre de la plus grande beauté, toutes to fifth century, showing the fountain was still known as Peirene. Later, a Byzantine chapel was erected in front of chambers I–III of the fountain.



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retirées des monuments antiques. Le plus grand des bains antiques est distribué comme ceux des Grecs et des Romains. Aux quatre parties d’une grande salle, on voit des salons particuliers où l’on pouvait se faire suer, masser, baigner à l’eau froide. / Avec des pierres chargées d’inscriptions grecques ou latines, très mal conservées, les murailles de tous ces monuments offrent des briques dont la forme, la couleur et les dimensions sont les mêmes que celles des briques du gymnase de Sinope et du Palais de Mithridate à Samsoun (Amisus Eupatoria). Elles ne sont ainsi que des bases, des chapiteaux, des pièces d’entablement, encadrées dans les murs de la manière la plus barbare. / On ne voit rien de conservé du temps des Grecs et des Romains.[83]

Mermera: Laborde saw a fountain near Mermera in 1828, and in another location a well-head made from a capital, and a counter-weight from a statue fragment.[84] Mut: the fountain here, underneath a fig-tree, was popular, allowing Collignon to explain that its use offered a perfect picture of the immobile Orient: “Une dizaine de Turcs sont accroupis autour de la vasque; aux moments prescrits, ils font leurs ablutions et leurs prières, puis reprennent leur attitude immobile. Les heures s’écoulent ainsi pour eux dans une sorte de torpeur; leurs yeux vagues regardent dans le vide, avec une expression d’hébétement. C’est une parfaite image de l’Orient immobile, où rien ne change, où le temps n’a aucune valeur, et où les mots d’activité et d’énergie paraissent n’avoir pas de sens.”[85] Smyrna: at the “Baths of Diana” near Smyrna, antiquities tumbled into the water from what might once have been a temple (Stochove in 1643 describes it as a standing temple,[86] and De Monconys confirms this[87]). “What pity it was that Homer’s Mother did not come to be deliver’d near so fine a Fountain,” writes Tournefort.[88] Indeed, there were so many antiquities here, and in the huge cemetery, that in the 1730s Pococke was convinced it was the site of a large town: “on trouve dans ces cimetières quantité de colonnes, de corniches &c. qui me font soupçonner qu’il y a eu autrefois un temple; & il paroît par une inscription grecque qu’il y avait une Eglise.”[89] By 1834, Arundell could note just how quickly antiquities were disappearing on the road from Smyrna, presumably into the expansion of Smyrna itself. He instances a “mausoleum, called absurdly the Temple of Janus, on the left side of the road, no longer exists – not a trace is left of it, though perfect much less than a century ago.” As for the baths themselves, “many columns of white marble have been seen by those who have had the curiosity to bring a boat up the river which issues from the bath: and some pillars of red and white marble were lately standing among the high reeds on the north side of it, evidently belonging to an ancient edifice.”[90] The site boasted a small lake which had been

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formed by the several springs, and in 1837 plenty of marble antiquities that the washerwomen could use for their work: “des ruines antiques et de beaux marbres, souvenirs du temps passé, se remarquent sur ses bords,” and “aujourd’hui elles servent aux usages domestiques, et les blanchisseuses de Smyrne viennent y exercer leur industrie.”[91] By 1887 the Bath was reached by railway – but had already enjoyed an existance as a (now burned-down) paper mill, “and is now used as a flour-mill, which is driven by a powerful turbine wheel. To such a common purpose has this great relic of antiquity descended.”[92] By 1918 the Société des Eaux de Smyrne had prettified it with columns.[93] Tenedos: Lechevalier found a sarcophagus brought from the Troad and used as a fountain-basin, plus a thriving trade in converting antiquities into Moslem cemetery markers.[94] Uyuz Hammam: 4 kilometres W of Yerköi is a hot spring, Uyuz Hammam: “In the middle of the pool is a lion head of the Seljuk period, from whose mouth flows the hot water.”[95] Yarislee: Arundell found a fountain decorated with inscriptions: “had time permitted, we would willingly have remained much longer, as we found several interesting inscriptions on the fountain and in the mosque, and might have found many more.”[96] Using/Refurbishing Ancient Aqueducts, Constructing New Ones Aqueducts, “indubitable signs of an ancient place which flourished under the Romans,” as Leake writes,[97] were the proud sentries of conspicuous expenditure, but cisterns hid their light under a vault.30 Elevated aqueducts crossing valleys, some with inverse siphons, are a signature of Roman extravagance, and there was little doubt what they were or what they could do, since their remains were to be found everywhere – settlement tanks, cisterns, and pipes.31 Plenty of evidence survived, and Weber made brief surveys of some of the sites.[98] So were ancient aqueducts ever repaired in later centuries? The fact that some baths functioned into late antiquity suggests at least some centuries of maintenance, as at Ankara.32 At Oinoanda, the aqueduct was 30 O’Connor 1993, 150–162. 31   http://www.romanaqueducts.info/aqualib/aqualit.htm#turkey for bibliography by site. 32 Foss 1977, 66 for a late antique private house at Ankara, with a 25m x 20m pool, “revetted on the interior with marbles of different colors. Objects found in the excavation show that the bath was of late antique construction and was in use throughout the period.”



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repaired with Hellenistic blocks, some from tombs, presumably late in the Roman Empire.33 Close to Constantinople, in the mid-eighteenth century adjacent villages were to care for ancient and working aqueducts, their taxes remitted because of this charge.[99] Were any similar tax-breaks recorded for Asia Minor, for aqueduct or perhaps road maintenance? One matter which particularly interests us in our examination of reuse of ancient artefacts is whether investigation of such ancient technologies prompted the moderns to make use of them. Certainly, the Romans left heavy arched hints marching across the landscape, having done all the planning and declination, Aspendos being the most prominent example. But could the moderns have rebuilt them had they been so minded or technically equipped? Did it ever happen? And what about the underground conduits which the moderns must often have come across while rummaging ancient sites, or even just digging down in their own villages? As we should expect, the locals often knew what aqueducts were about, witness the sad legend at Amasya in Pontus of the girl who would accept a suitor only if he carved an aqueduct to bring water (or, in one version, milk) down to her; but after many years’ work, learning that she was dead, he “either beat in his own head with his entrenching tool, or, according to another version, threw his hatchet into the air and himself down a precipice.”34 From travellers’ accounts we also learn about the manifold water maintenance activities they came across. It is usually impossible to know from these whether the channels being worked on were old or new. If aqueducts were generally neglected, the motive power of water was used where appropriate all over Asia Minor. This involved constructions which often reused antiquities. Whether this was the case at Kars, with the stone bridge and its flowing water feeding several mills, we cannot say.[100] Unfortunately, surviving (Ottoman) mills are rapidly disappearing, as electricity takes over from water; and if such mills were common,35 33 Stenton and Coulton 1986, 27; 28: “Blocks from the missing Hellenistic wall were used not only in repairing the aqueduct to the south, but also in the Late Roman South Wall to the north. In addition the line of the missing Hellenistic wall is occupied by a series of late houses which also cannibalize it. The line of the presumed aqueduct extension is by contrast completely bare, and it is striking that in the various phases of repair, material was taken from the Hellenistic wall and from nearby tombs, but not, apparently, from the aqueduct itself.” 34 Nicholson and Nicholson 1993, 144. 35 Donners et al. 2002, 15: “Anatolia clearly played a major role in the development and spread of water mills. The horizontal-wheeled mill was possibly a creation of nearby Byzantium, while the peninsula itself also provided the oldest literary evidence of verticalwheeled water mills. As archaeological (Ephesus, Kolosse) and epigraphic (Hierapolis,

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they only hint that water-mills to saw marble also once existed in quantity. Happily, such mills have survived from late antiquity, and have been studied in some detail.36 We shall meet such mills later in this chapter. Chandler describes the laying of pipes from springs, and implies that it is common practice: “The method of obtaining the necessary supplies of water used by the ancients still prevails. It is by conveying the fluid from the springs or sources, which are sometimes very remote, in earthen pipes or paved channels, carried over the gaps and breaks in the way on arches. When arrived at the destined spot, it is received by a cistern with a vent; and the waste current passes below from another cistern, often an ancient sarcophagus or coffin.”[101] Travertine pipes survive at Laodicea, but they do not seem to have been replaced (this is a hard-water area) after antiquity.37 The variety of artefacts which survived into at least the nineteenth century can be seen in this alphabetical selection, which also includes mills, since they were dependent upon channeling: Akseray: Hamilton noted in 1842 how the inhabitants lived in garden houses “with which the site of the old town is surrounded, and which are well supplied with water by means of numerous aqueducts from the Beas Su,”[102] though whether these were refurbished antique channels he does not relate. Alekiam: near the Sangarius River in 1842, Hamilton came across a mill, “in the new dam of which a large pedestal has been used as a cornerstone, with a long Latin inscription on three sides. It is placed upside down, and under the falling water, so that I found it difficult even to attempt to copy it.”[103] Alexandria Troas: So large and high were some of the conduits here that travellers such as Della Valle in 1615, might be unsure whether they were looking at water channels or underground streets: “Vidi un condotto di acqua, grande, che vi può entrar un uomo in piedi: ma io lo stimo piuttosto chiavica che condotto, perchè cammina sotto terra, ed alla riva del mare viene al piano dell’acqua; e certo, dal modo della fabbrica, sto in dubbio di quello che possa essere.”[104]

Orkistos) evidence shows, milling became quite widespread during the Roman and early Byzantine periods.” 36 Seigne 2006. 37 Şimşek and Büykolanci 2006.



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Amorium: some ancient baths were indeed repaired in later centuries: at Amorium, for example, “strenuous efforts were made to repair and maintain the bathhouse during the Dark Ages, but it is unknown who provided the funds and workmen for its upkeep. Likewise, there is no evidence for how the baths functioned on a day-to-day basis.” There were even fragments of (imported) red marble, porphyry, and verde antico reused in the bathhouse floor, “chosen in order to enhance the appearance of the building.”38 So clearly some trade and industry kept going in Asia Minor.39 Ankara: Pococke found stone conduits around Ankara in the mid-eighteenth century, though he does not actually write that they were still in use: “On trouve dans les environs de la ville quantité de conduits de pierre, pareils à ceux de Laodicée, avec des tours de distance en distance, dans lesquelles l’eau monte & descend dans des tuyaux de terre, & se rend dans les quartiers les plus élevés de la ville; ce qui est une méthode fort usitée dans le levant.”[105] Such conduits are still to be seen in the fortifications of the citadel. Also at Ankara, Perrot records seeing stone conduit blocks being manufactured in 1872, compares them to those in the walls of the citadel, but does not describe where they were then used.[106] Antalya: in 1820, Leake observed “an aqueduct, extending the whole length of the suburbs, but now quite ruined and overgrown with bushes.”[107] Aspendos: site of the famous inverted syphon, this aqueduct is estimated from the sinter in the pipes to have worked for some 150 years, to have been brought down perhaps by an earthquake, and then to have been abandoned. Pipe-blocks were reused in a Roman bridge, perhaps of early fourth century, and then in the Seljuk bridge over the same river.40

38 Lightfoot 2007, 136–138; Lightfoot 2007b, 281: “Both the Enclosure bathhouse and the Lower City church had marble revetment on their walls and marble flooring. / These two buildings stood throughout the dark ages but, whereas the bathhouse was probably abandoned in the ninth century, the church was completely refurbished in the middle Byzantine period. This work included the laying of a new opus sectile floor in the nave,” with marble from far and near. 39 Lightfoot 2007b, 286: Amorium “must have functioned as an important center for the production of finished goods, a commercial entrepot, and a major source of both skilled and casual labor. Although a number of other cities must have served a similar function as regional centers, few have been or are able to furnish the same wealth of archaeological evidence as Amorium has now begun to provide.” 40 Cf Roger D. Hansen’s paper at www.waterhistory.org/histories/aspendos/aspendos. pdf.

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Assos: two cisterns near the mosque on the acropolis probably fed the garrison, thought Hunt in 1817; and one had a fountain which still fed the village.[108] Ayas: Beaufort found reservoirs and aqueducts here in 1818: “the most striking proof of the former opulence and grandeur of this place, appears in the elaborate pains that were bestowed on providing it with a supply of water. Besides many capacious reservoirs, there were three aqueducts.”[109] These had gone by Beaufort’s day, but did any water supply operate in earlier centuries? Certainly, the port was operating in the later Middle Ages, when Sicilian merchants took a relief from the site back to their Cathedral in Messina,[110] so perhaps some water was still available. Banaz-Ova: in a village in this area Ramsay came across a Greek workman repairing an aqueduct: “There are Greek workmen in Turkey who still possess some considerable skill in making such underground channels for water. I once saw one of these workmen engaged in arranging the water-supply for a village in Banaz-Ova: he had nearly finished the work, but as it was still incomplete I had the opportunity of seeing a great part of the aqueduct. It was apparently an old channel, which had been broken; and until the repairs were completed the village had to carry all its water from this break, about half a mile away, while the new fountain in which the aqueduct was to end, was as yet quite dry.”[111] Just how old the channel the workman was repairing is unclear, but it stands a good chance of being ancient: why re-lay new aqueducts if old channels could be made to work? Bursa: in the Citadel, the Ottoman fountains had collapsed by 1820 when Hammer visited, and one of them simply spewed water through broken pipes onto the surrounding ground, partly because the basin itself was clogged with débris: “ayant rompu ces tuyaux, s’écoule de côté et arrose la terre; des graminées et des percepierres croissent dans les bouches de marbre qui versoient l’eau, et des décombres remplissent le bassin qui le reçevoit autrefois.”[112] This, then, is an example of a water conduit that was not repaired. Cyzicus: here water conduits were visible in 1902, and their breakdown perhaps contributed to the swampy ground, for some of the pipes were “used in various ways by the natives” – but not to repair the ancient water system. As Rustafjaell records: On the peninsula there can also be seen traces of a system of water conduits, which supplied the city with water from the interior, both from the east and west, by means of red earthen pipes, 6 feet long and 2.5 feet in diameter. The western conduit was the more important one. Traces of a dam to divert



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a stream from its course into a tunnel cut through the hill can still be seen some distance inland. This tunnel was connected with the pipes by a set of conduits hewn out of the rocks. Earthquakes and time have destroyed these also, but some of the pipes are in a perfect state of preservation, and are used in various ways by the natives. I saved two from destruction by bringing them down to Yeni-Keui. Their weight is about seven hundredweight each.[113]

Ephesus: in 1718, Tournefort described not only the aqueduct built from spolia, but also “[the waters] se distribuoient à la ville par des tuyeaux de brique, pratiquez dans de petites tour quarrées & appuyées contre quelques-uns des piliers.[114] From the tense he uses, these pipes were no longer in operation. D’Estournel counted seven long inscriptions embedded in the aqueduct,[115] so we may therefore assume that it was built or repaired in perhaps late antiquity, and “serv’d to convey Water to the Castle as well as the City, from a Spring mentioned by Pausanias.”[116] And there may have been more than one such spolia-built structure, if we are to believe De Monconys, who was there in 1648.[117] In Antiquity, Ephesus lost the decoration for one of its fountains to the Library of Celsus where its sculptures were reused.[118] Fal: here Sykes found a Turkish fountain overlying the Roman road, and he suggests that this is proof-positive of the latter’s non-use “where there are evident signs of a paved road of great antiquity. My reason for saying this is that on the top of it there is a Turkish fountain built at least three hundred years ago; and if the road was so little considered three centuries back one cannot but suppose that its date is early.”[119] Equally, however, we might suspect that the Turkish fountain simply replaces a Roman one. Gortyn (Crete): appears here because its water supply has been studied. Underground piping was abandoned in the sixth or seventh century in favour of above-ground supply direct from the aqueducts, the distribution of cisterns suggestions what part of the city remained inhabited.41 Halicarnassus: the ancient aqueduct was no longer working by the 1840s, but the modern one supplying a town fountain was supported on spolia: “some sculptured circular pedestals or stelae, adorned with festoons of grapes and vine-leaves, rams’ heads, and cornucopiae. Two of them supported the low piers of a modern aqueduct which supplied the

41 Giorgi 2007, 297 and fig. 9.

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fountains of a mosque near the castle; others served in the same way to keep up the wooden props in the bazaar.”[120] Hierapolis: here the villagers were quite capable of building aqueducts, for when the Ninfeo dei Tritoni fell in the seventh century, overground canals were then built to succour the population, some at least of which survived into Ottoman times. One nymphaeum saw continuing use for various purposes in the Byzantine period and later.42 Iasos: Iasos appears to have been abandoned in about 1760:[121] was this because the aqueducts stopped functioning? Kayseri: in 1917 Childs wrote that “here and there may be seen portions of brick conduits – for water evidently played a great part in the city – and old vaults running back into the hillside, the outer end broken down, the interior filled with debris and earth”[122] – so obviously unused. Lampsacus: a mill lock was seen in 1829 constructed from columns and other architectural members, which the locals believed came from a Temple of Venus, the same temple from which they filched other building materials: “une quantité de tronçons de colonnes en marbre et en granit, des chapiteaux et des corniches, qui, sans doute, appartenaient jadis à un grand temple . . . On nous assura que d’autres colonnes, restes d’un édifice consacré à Vénus, étaient encore debout à un quart de lieue de distance; nous nous y rendîmes: malheureusement le vandalisme des habitans les avait renversées pour les convertir en monumens tumulaires.”[123] The same town sported antiquities in its houses, as well as capital-mortars and antiquities built into a fountain.[124] Laodicea ad Lycum: Hamilton, describes what he found at this site, with stone pipes encrusted and sometimes completely blocked (some are still in place),43 and what he considered to be evidence of earthquake damage: As was the usual practice of the Romans, the water was conveyed down the hill in stone barrel-pipes; some of these also are much incrusted, and some completely choked up. It traversed the plain in pipes of the same kind; and I was enabled to trace them the whole way quite up to its former level in the town . . . The aqueduct on the hill appears to have been overthrown by an earthquake, as the remaining arches lean bodily on one side, without being much broken. At the spot where it reaches the town is a high conical wall

42 Silvestrelli 2007, for the effects of the 7thC earthquake, including the construction of canals presumably to replace the ruined aqueducts. 43 Traversari 2000, 61–63 for monumental fountain, with some of the terracotta feed pipes still in place: see fig. 29.



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picturesquely covered with incrustations and water-pipes of red clay, some of which are completely choked up; the remains of what appeared to have been another water-tower were not far distant.[125]

The locals would certainly have known of the liming resulting from an uncared-for water supply. Here also modern aqueducts follow the ancient ones,44 and Rosenmüller in 1846 states that a subterranean one was still working, for it “brings the water of the hills to the town.”[126] Magnesia: here Laborde in 1838 saw a ruined aqueduct he first took to be Roman, but which was Turkish, apparently used to feed the nearby baths.[127] Chandler in 1775 records “By the track is a fountain, with a broken inscription, and earthen pipes, which convey water down to the city.”[128] Marmora: in this village in 1845 Durbin saw many earthern conduits “for supplying water to a city which has disappeared, while the vast necropolis at hand attests its populousness,”[129] and where “the landingplace is built on six marble piles.”[130] Mehullich: between Cyzicus and Bursa Pococke came across a modern aqueduct in the 1730s. It was unfinished before its four-mile length was completed, because the benefactor had died, and even the existence of only well-water in the town did not impel the locals to complete the work. It had, nevertheless, received some piping: “On avoit commencé un aqueduc de quatre milles de longueur pour conduire l’eau à la ville; il étoit composé de vingt-sept piliers en forme d’obélisques; mais celui qui en faisoit la dépense étant mort, ce peuple indolent n’a pas eu l’industrie de l’achever bien qu’il n’y ait que de l’eau de puits dans la ville. Les puits ont trois pieds de diamètre, mais ils ne sont point revêtus en dedans, & pour empêcher la terre de s’ébouler, on a soin d’y adapter un tuyau composé de plusieurs tubes de terre d’environ deux pieds de long.”[131] Neocaesarea: in the province of Tokat Hamilton in 1842 found the aqueduct of the fortress still operating, part of it being replaced by wooden pipes.[132] Nicomedia and its saw mills: The companion to the lime-kiln, for transformation rather than destruction, was perhaps the saw-mill, offering another way of rendering antiquities into better-sized reusable pieces. We may accept that saw-mills similar to that already described by 44 Simsek and Büyükkolanci 2006, illustrating Laborde’s 1838 print to show what has been lost.

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Dernschwam and Nicomedia were common for converting antique blocks into the innocuous panelling in fashion in Constantinople, for there is no other way to saw marble accurately. However, we simply have no records of them. Water-driven saw-mills, transforming rotary into reciprocating linear motion, and dealing with wood were of course common,[133] but their operation presented fewer difficulties than stone. Such mills certainly existed in antiquity, and surviving traces have been studied.45 What did not exist from antiquity until Ottoman times were horizontal lathes for shaping columns46 – an indication that there were plenty of old ones to reuse. Pococke’s remark about indolence, cited for Mehullich above, may be prejudice, given that wheeled devices for raising water were in evidence in Asia Minor in the nineteenth century and surely before,[134] for example from the third century BC in Egypt. At Adana, Lucas in the first years of the eighteenth century described aqueducts with waterwheels, which had disappeared by the mid-nineteenth century.[135] In the same time-frame a fortress covering the bridge, and which might have been Byzantine, also disappeared, presumably into new buildings.[136] But similar prejudices were common, such as those in favour of the Greeks and against the Turks.[137] Sagalassos: public latrine established in the Roman baths in the sixth century, with the sewage network still operating.47 Scala Nova: (Kusadasi) environs, Texier came upon a working mill perhaps deriving from an ancient nymphaeum (as he interpreted the layout of the remaining blocks), and the water torrent seemed related to the aqueduct to Ephesus: La profondeur du vallon a été autrefois occupée par une construction dont il reste des vestiges imposants; ce sont trois assises de pierre de taille ou plutôt de fragments de rochers qui formaient sans doute les fondations d’une grotte ou d’un nymphée. On voit encore une partie circulaire qui terminait le fond du nymphée. Les eaux passaient sans doute par quelque issue souterraine aujourd’hui détruite. Ce qui reste de cet édifice rappelle les plus anciennes constructions des premiers Grecs.[138]

45 Seigne 2000, 223, hints from Vieil-Evreux and Jerash conduit à restituer une scie à lames multiples, lisses, montées sur un cadre rigide vertical, guidée par un bâti indépendant, pour la préparation simultanée de trois ou quatre plaques de pierre dure, de faible épaisseur mais de grandes dimensions: cf his diagrams. Wilson 2002, 15–16 for further references. Wikander 2000 passim for water-mills. 46 Kretzschmer 1978, fig. 33 for reconstruction of horizontal lathe for shaping columns. 47 Martens 2007, 343–344.



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Selymbria: Eight miles from this town, Covell in the 1670s described a near-ruinous aqueduct, yet with water still running in its pipes: An aquaeduct of 96 paces long (the distance from edge to edge of the grass), with one onely little high arch in the midst. It is decay’d and dayly running to ruine, yet the earthern pipes on the top are yet whole, and the water runs still in them . . . I saw several old ones at Carthage, Ephesus, Smyrna, etc., which must needs some of them have lain in the ground thousands of yeares unperisht. I shall briefly give you this description: they make earthen trunks about foot and half (sometimes little more) long; one end is made with a shoulder, the other end with a female grove (to receive that end of a second trunk). Now to close each joynt they have an excellent mortar, which they call Lukium or Lookioóm; it is made of unslaked lime and beaten brick, most finely powdered and sifted, cotton wool very thinly pul’d and strew’d on, and then all slaked with linseed oyle and mixt together, then they reject whilst it is fresh made, otherwise it hardens immediately. Then care is to be taken that the trunkes be kept from force, and they will endure to eternity.[139]

Sinope: Hamilton in 1842 describes piped water conduits, but does not say they are antique: “One building particularly attracted my attention; it consisted of three large vaulted chambers, which, from the incrustation on the walls, probably formed a cistern. About 200 yards higher up the hill, was a spring and fountain excavated in the rock, to which a narrow entrance had been formed of regularly hewn stones. The water now used in the town is entirely supplied from the peninsula; it is conveyed by small earthen pipes, all the springs in the hills being collected together and carried in pipes to the east gate, where they unite, and are thence conducted across the bridge to be dispersed through the town.”[140] By 1906 only vestigial traces of an aqueduct survived.[141] Ross, writing in 1851, had bemoaned the decline of this city, for “everything showed that the decayed city of ricketty plank dwellings, black and rotten from age and neglect, had been adorned with magnificent temples and buildings.”[142] Smyrna: we might expect plenty to be known about the water arrangements in this town, given the number of travellers who passed through. Weber in 1899 traced and wrote up the evidence for several remains of antique water supply,[143] trying to work out survivals, and from when.[144] It appears that Byzantine and seventeenth-century aqueducts were indeed still working.[145] It also seems that at least one of the Roman aqueducts feeding Smyrna may have been kept going by Turkish repairs, writes Beaujour in 1829.[146] Smyrna environs: Davis saw two fine aqueducts, and “the lower is one of the very few public works constructed by the Turks. It was built in

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1674–5, together with the Bazaars and various other public buildings, by the Grand Vizier, Ahmet Kiuprili,” but at the expense of materials from Smyrna’s theatre and city wall.[147] Tchifut-Kassaba: in the village, identified by Ramsay as Synnada, the fountains were indeed working, and he explains how (though not in this case) modern towns differ from ancient ones: Turkish towns are generally placed where a copious supply of running water is available with little trouble. In some large towns, the water flows continuously through most of the streets; and in almost all there is abundance of fountains running constantly. The ancient cities, on the other hand, were placed rather with a view either to convenience of trade or to military strength; and, as there was far greater engineering skill among the ancients, they did not shrink from the task of conducting an artificial water-supply to their cities from a considerable distance. Tchifut-Kassaba seems, however, to stand actually on part of the site of Synnada; and the acropolis of the ancient city is at the edge of the modern. There are numerous fountains, which pour an abundant supply of water through the town. The water is brought in underground channels from the hills near the city on the west side.[148]

Trapezopolis: Anderson in 1897 noted stone water pipes at both Laodicea and Trapezopolis: “and lying about we saw some of the stone pipes, which are of exactly the same form as those that are found in such quantities, largely in situ, at Laodiceia.”[149] A modern mapping produced many more at other sites.48 Tyana: At Kiz Hisar, ancient Tyana, the aqueduct by the stream was broken but, as Ainsworth describes it in 1844: “The site is watered by a small stream, along the course of which are the remains of an ancient aqueduct. This rivulet rises from a small lake or pool, which is surrounded by numerous blocks of marble, and fragments of cornices and architraves.”[150] This was a thermal spring which had been adapted from Roman installations and, by 1899 when Alishan described it, had been canalised to a length of seven miles (presumably because the aqueduct no longer functioned) to support a mill: “il n’ a pas moins de sept milles de longueur; cinquante voûtes restent encore debout les plus grandes et les plus hautes sont près de la ville, les plus petites, près de la colline, d’où coule continuellement une source qui se déverse dans un bassin de 40 à 50 pieds de longueur; ce lac est appelé maintenant Kezlar-gueul (Lac aux Filles).”[151] Rott in 1908 describes this same setup in greater detail: 48 Stenton and Coulton 1986, fig. 9 and table 2.



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“Zum Teil aus ihren verborgenen Quellen gespeist entspringt 1/4 Stunde von den letzten Gartenhäusern Tyanas der Köschsu, wo der Beginn des alten Aquädukts zu suchen ist und eine mächtige Ader aus dem Fuß der Anhöhe entspringt, die nach wenig Schritten bereits eine Mühle treibt. Antike Werkstücke schimmern aus dem lichtklaren Wasser herauf, eine mächtige Steinplatte mit großem Kreuzrelief dient als Brückensteg des mittleren der drei Quellanne. In der Nähe steht noch ein zerfallener, älterer Quaderbau, anscheinend ein Bad aus türkischer Zeit.”[152] In 1818 Kinneir had admired the granite aqueduct of Tyana, attributed by the natives to Nimrod himself.[153] This proved a sturdy belief, repeated to Scott-Stevenson in 1881.[154] Sites Without Running Water Consequences of Broken Water Supplies Plenty of ancient sites today offer evidence of water conduits furred-up and sometimes completely blocked because the water was hard. These show just how long water kept flowing without any preventive maintenance at the receiving end. So what happened when such water systems broke down (through silting, earthquakes, or war) and were left unrepaired? Generally, non-management of aqueducts was a disaster for the land across which they passed – remembering that water from the system needs to escape somewhere, and preferably into fountains and then sewers, rather than to form malarial swamps. In some cases, the abundance of water became a curse, as the flows from broken aqueducts and fountains simply seeped into the ground and infected it with standing, stagnant pools. The best-known example of this is Rome herself, where many aqueducts eventually turned the Campagna into a malaria-infested marsh. The same happened at Paestum, where the malarial marshes protected the Greek temples, and also across Asia Minor. Just as in the Roman Campagna, so the area around Iskenderun was malarial: the aqueducts had not been repaired,[155] and there were to be seen only “quelques cabanes éparses au milieu de roseaux et de palmiers.”[156] Nicaea was declared unhealthy in the 1730s, perhaps from a similar cause,[157] and to landwards was declared a marsh in 1864.[158] Perhaps this was because the ancient aqueduct that Fellows in the mid-century said was still working had been broken.[159] Here, to match abandoned fountains, in 1850 “in several spots we saw good traces of the stone-embanked canals by which the ancient Greeks

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had carried off the superfluous water which is now left to stagnate round the old walls and even within them.”[160] Ephesus was also unhealthy, perhaps mainly because of the swampy erstwhile harbour.[161] Lucas confirms that one of her aqueducts was working in 1712 (presumably still feeding the fountains he mentions), although others were broken.[162] At Perge the fountain at the top of the colonnaded street was once a columned nymphaeum,49 so it may be no coincidence that the area around Perge was also marshy in the nineteenth century. Fellows also describes toward the south end of the town a fountain dribbling over the sides of the channel.[163] In 1835, in the theatre at Perge, Texier notes the freshness of the sculpture: “les ornements et les sculptures ont peu soufert des injures du temps.”[164] In 1839 when Fellows visited, this was indeed bandit country, and he could report that the stadium was “quite perfect”[165] in use as an enclosure for nursing camels, and it is of course in reasonable condition today.50 Was such survivability due to bandits, or perhaps because of the marshy ground between the site and Antalya, still croaking with frogs in 1908?[166] Parts of the south coast were certainly malarial, the transplanted Circassians in the 1870s staying in the plain throughout the year – and suffering the price.[167] The more an aqueduct is constricted by furring the higher up the line the leakage will occur. For the reasons already given, neither Ayasoluk nor Ephesus site was attractive in the nineteenth century: Ayasoluk in 1845 was dilapidated and nearly desolate (except for storks and their nests),[168] and Durbin saw “not a human habitation, not even a tent, nor a human being” there. As a result of such neglect, “the plain has become marshy and exceedingly unhealthy. The peasants that till it dwell in villages in the adjacent mountains.”[169] Side: Nomads and Kilns, But No Water Beaufort noted here in 1818 that the aqueduct “seems to have been long since ruined: at present there is neither stream nor spring in the immediate vicinity; and the want of that necessary article explains the cause of this place being now entirely abandoned.”[170] Cockerell concurred: the good preservation of the site when he visited in the early nineteenth century was “probably because the aqueduct which supplied the ancient 49 Uğurlu 2004 fig. 19 for reconstruction. 50 Stubenrauch 2006, cat 23. For literature and illustrations.



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city is broken, and there is no water whatever on the site.”[171] We are reminded of the emphasis the Romans placed on blatant display (“conspicuous consumption” is a more polite description) in the location of the monumental nymphaeum at Side, directly adjacent to a gate, and looking out toward the arid interior. Any post-antique visitor with a sense of irony might have enjoyed the spectacle, but could not have drunk from it, for it was dry. Sufficient remains of this structure near the Land Gate survived for Beaufort to describe in 1818, including the water spouts, although the majority of the sculpture has long disappeared: “The interior of the building had been profusely ornamented: from a vast mass of ruins we extricated the figures of a warrior, a colossal female, and many representations in low relief of familiar mythological subjects; such as the Rape of Proserpine, Diana and Endymion, &c. A multitude of small soffits also lay about the ground, on each of which was carved a rose, a dolphin, or a mask.”[172] Such fountains were useless when the water supply stopped, and nobody was on hand to get it going again. The city therefore remained remarkably intact, preserving its late antique form,51 and Stochove in 1643 walking around the streets and houses and public squares, all tangled with brambles, so perhaps not yet attacked by spoliators: “il est vray qu’en pas un endroict nous n’en avons veu de si entiere, il y reste encore des maisons, des Temples, d’autres grands bastimens dans leur entier: nous nous y promenasmes bien deux heures y pouvans cognoistre les rues & les places publiques.”[173] Corancez was similarly impressed in 1816, apparently landing by boat at the harbour, which was less impressive than the ruins of the town: “Celles du port ne donnent qu’une bien foible idée de la magnificence des ruines de la ville même. En franchissant la muraille qui formoit son enceinte, on est arrêté à chaque pas par la grandeur et la beauté des débris qui couvrent le sol. Il est difficile de s’y frayer une route et d’arriver de l’un à l’autre.”[174] There was no modern town nearby, hence the survival of many monumental remains in spite of lime-burners. A knock-on effect of the lack of channelled water was that the town was uninhabited except by nomads, whom Fellows encountered in 1839: “The rambling dwellers in tents could of course give me no information, except that lime was obtained there. I found several kilns, which are supplied from the cornices and capitals of columns, these parts being the whitest and the most easily broken up.”[175] And indeed, the plentiful monuments meant that lime-burning could be frequent. Since the lime must surely have been 51 Dorl-Klingenschmid 2001, 147–150 Side in der Spätantike: Punktuelles Bauten.

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taken where it was to be used by boat, presumably lime-burners landed here when needed, much as charcoal-burners would roam through the woods. Rott in 1908 says a few refugees from Crete had recently established themselves here, in huts amidst the ruins, and perhaps to develop a kind of trading-post: “Kleine freundliche Hütten erheben sich seit wenig Jahren zwischen den gigantischen Ruinen von Eski Adalia, dem alten Side. Flüchtlinge von Kreta haben sich hier niedergelassen, und vielleicht erblüht wieder einmal ein kleines Emporion.”[176] Side had over twenty kilns when Rott visited in 1908, and reliefs noted by a previous traveller had disappeared.[177] Cisterns Ancient and Modern Sites without water were generally left alone by succeeding generations because they were ipso facto uninhabitable except by nomads for short periods – and hence the antiquities survived untouched for centuries. This spin-off effect could be seen in the area around Korykos, described by Hogarth as “a veritable Pompeii,” with a few nomads, “and thus have been preserved for us between Olba and the sea the Roman roads, towns, and villages, almost as they were when the Arabs first began to harry Cilicia.”[178] Bell noted its Via Sacra, with tombs, an appropriate epithet.[179] When aqueducts broke down after antiquity, and a site was still inhabited, water could be stored in make-do cisterns. At Sardis, for example, once graced with plentiful fountains and a (now reconstructed) bath complex, the great temple had foundations filled in with statue fragments, helping form a floor for the cistern above,[180] demonstrating the relative value of temples and water: “It was hardly to be expected that statues or inscriptions in considerable numbers would be found in a temple which had been cleared out to serve as a cistern, and which was the site of numerous lime kilns the main food for which would be just such objects.”[181] But this setup did not continue in operation into modern times, with the consequence that broken aqueducts led the area to be considered unhealthy. However, the conversion of part of the temple into a cistern was apparently not much used perhaps because any settlement had shifted to the north, close to buildings which could provide shelter and protection. Hence as Elliott writes in 1838, the area had degraded from healthy to pestilential: Strabo and Herodotus mention that the air of this part of the country was so healthy that the inhabitants generally lived to a great age. The Turks now



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consider it pestilential, and have a saying that every man dies who builds a house at Sardis; consequently, not a single native Moslim resides there. About thirty vagrants from Turcomania, who have permission to inhabit a certain district of Anatolia entirely deserted by Turks, pitch their tents in the neighbourhood in summer, and house themselves during winter in huts scattered at the foot of the mountain.[182]

At Pergamum, the Asklepieion had its underground tunnel, the cryptoporticus, converted into a cistern in Byzantine times.52 There is slight evidence that water management was not much practiced in mediaeval Asia Minor: at Tralles, for example, the supposed restoration by Andronius in c.1280 apparently came to grief because, as the chronicler relates, they neglected to provide reservoirs for the imported population. This was an omission which killed off ten thousand of them: “car le destin voulait que par la suite périssent des groupes entiers de dix mille personnes parmi celles qui allaient y habiter . . . Ils n’avaient pas en effet de reservoirs d’eau, pour s’apprivoisionner en eau en temps utile.”[183] At other ancient sites, however, cisterns were apparently constructed recently, in at least one case reusing an antique structure. At Pogla, in Pisidia, Bean believed that a low-lying market hall was reused in modern times as a cistern: “In the middle of the village stands an angle of a massive building, of solid but not very elegant masonry of the Roman period, still 7–8 m. high in parts. At the end, entered by an arched doorway, is a long rectangular chamber with corbelled roof, now underground; it contains water, but this has been introduced in recent times to form a cistern. The building might be a market-hall or something similar.”[184] This was presumably an easier alternative to repairing any aqueducts. There were also plenty of ancient wells surviving in Asia Minor, so in some cases no doubt the Turks simply updated their structure or decoration, as Tchihatchef describes in 1854, using antique stone vessels for the basins, which he thinks were originally animal troughs: “Tout l’espace entre Adalia et Yenidjekhan, espace qui a près de six lieues de longueur, est parsemé de puits antiques encadrés de belles pierres de taille circulaires, et le plus souvent munis de vases en pierre en forme de crèche, qui, probablement, servaient d’abreuvoir aux animaux.”[185] In matters of water, therefore, the ancient infrastructure had perforce to be maintained, even if only in part, if human beings were still to inhabit the transformed ancient landscape. 52 Rheidt 1998, 401.

230 1  Caylus_1764_VI_342 2  Ramsay_1890_88 [ ]  3  Hamilton_1842_II_41 [ ]  4  Hofland_1828_111 [ ]  5  Durbin_1845_134 [ ]  6  Stochove_1643_279b [ ]  7  Deschamps_1894_339 [ ]  8  Chandler_1825_I_ 240–241 [ ]  9  Tchihatchef_1854_73–74 [ ]  10  Ainsworth_1840_ 280–281 [ ]  11  Grégoire_1909_34 [ ]  12  Castellan_1820_221 [ ]  13  Harada_&_Cimok_ 2008_I_189 [ ]  14  Harada_&_Cimok_ 2008_I_214–215 [ ]  15  Perrot_1872_I_107 [ ]  16  Fellows_1841_122–123 [ ]  17  Mac_Farlane_1850_ I_531–532 [ ]  18  Hamilton_1842_II_90 [ ]  19  Deschamps_1894_ 256–257 [ ]  20  Chandler_1825_I_114 [ ]  21  Chandler_1825_I_ 316–317 [ ]  22  Grégoire_1909_11–12 [ ]  23  Radet_1895_430 [ ]  24  Hamilton_1842_I_329 [ ]  25  Ross_1902_253 [ ]  26  Chantre_1898_118–119 [ ]  27  Munro_1901_235 [ ]  28  Wilson_1884_309 [ ]  29  Sayce_1880_81b [ ]  30  Chandler_1825_I_24–25 [ ]  31  Fellows_1839_258–259 [ ]  32  Dernschwam_1986_151 [ ]  33  Doublet_&_ Deschamps_1890_629 [ ]  34  Bean_1960_46 [ ]  35  Fellows_1852_88 [ ]  36  Van_Lennep_1870_ II_275 [ ]  37  PTF_Consul_1811_35 [ ]  38  Grégoire_1909_15 [ ]  39  Texier_1844–1845_ 320–321 [ ]  40  Elliott_1838_89 [ ]  41  Elliott_1838_II_90 [ ]  42  Fermanel_1668_ 298–299

chapter four 43]  Le_Camus_1896_137 44]  Fellows_1839_30 [ ]  45  Fuller_1829_58 [ ]  46  Dehéran_1924_333 [ ]  47  Van_ Lennep_1870_I_104 [ ]  48  Fellows_1841_23–24 [ ]  49  Tournefort_1718_I_68 [ ]  50  Hamilton_1842_II_ 107–109 [ ]  51  Sterrett_1885_49 [ ]  52  Langlois_1861_73 [ ]  53  Taylor_1855_267 [ ]  54  Tchihatchef_1854_ 98–99 [ ]  55  Hamilton_1842_II_ 185–186 [ ]  56  Rott_1908_94–95 [ ]  57  Corancez_1816_59–60 [ ]  58  Clarke_1817_199–200 [ ]  59  Dallaway_1797_304 [ ]  60  Fellows_1852_245 [ ]  61  Fellows_1839_23–24 [ ]  62  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_296 [ ]  63  Ainsworth_1839_225 [ ]  64  Keppel_1831_II_ 238–239 [ ]  65  Arundell_1834_II_214 [ ]  66  Renoüard_de_ Bussierre_1829_I_189 [ ]  67  Lechevalier_1802_I_241 [ ]  68  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_ II_144 [ ]  69  Stochove_1643_215 [ ]  70  Pococke_1772_V_ 268–269 [ ]  71  Choisy_1876_201 [ ]  72  Mauduit_1840_41 [ ]  73  Clarke_1817_160–161 [ ]  74  Tozer_1869_I_29 [ ]  75  Kinneir_1818_39 [ ]  76  Durbin_1845_II_134 [ ]  77  Wittman_1804_92–93 [ ]  78  Morier_1816_316–317 [ ]  79  Keppel_1831_II_242– 244 [ ]  80  Ainsworth_1842_I_145 [ ]  81  Tchihatchef_1854_63 [ ]  82  Perrot_1864_460 [ ]  83  Dehéran_1924_335 [ ]  84  Laborde_1838_16b [ ]  85  Collignon_1880–1897 _87

[ ] 

[

[ ] 

[

86]  Stochove_1643_20 87]  De_Monconys_1665_ 475 [ ]  88  Tournefort_II_1718_ 386 [ ]  89  Pococke_V_1772_22–23 [ ]  90  Arundell_1834_I_9; Arundell_1834_II_ 405–406 [ ]  91  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_ II_154–155 [ ]  92  Cochran_1887_337 [ ]  93  Hawley_1918_90–91 [ ]  94  Lechevalier_1802_II_ 146–148 [ ]  95  Van der Osten_1929_ 84 [ ]  96  Arundell_1834_II_115 [ ]  97  Leake_1824_62 [ ]  98  Weber_1904 & Weber_1905 [ ]  99  Thompson_1744_II_54 [ 100]  Tournefort_II_1718_ 217 [ ]  101  Chandler_1825_I_25 [ 102]  Hamilton_1842_II_222 [ 103]  Hamilton_1842_I_ 446–447 [ 104]  Della_Valle_1843_I_ 11–12 [ 105]  Pococke_1772_V_191 [ 106]  Perrot_1872_I_269 [ 107]  Leake_1820_257–258 [ 108]  Hunt_1817_126–126 [ 109]  Beaufort_1818_251 [ ]  110  Robert_1973_211 [ ]  111  Ramsay_1897b_76 [ ]  112  Hammer_1820_276 [ ]  113  Rustafjaell_1902_184 [ ]  114  Tournefort_1718_II_ 205 [ ]  115  D’Estournel_I_1844_ 218 [ ]  116  Thompson_1744_II_ 360 [ ]  117  De_Monconys_1665_ 427 [ ]  118  Heberdey_1904_Cols_ 53–54 [ ]  119  Sykes_1904_129 [ 120]  Hamilton_1842_II_ 30–31 [ ]  121  Texier_1835_492–493 [ 122]  Childs_1917_199b [ [



waterworks: aqueducts, fountains and baths

123]  Renoüard_de_ Bussierre_1829_169–170 [ 124]  Castellan_1820_ 240–241 [ 125]  Hamilton_1842_I_ 515–516 [ 126]  Rosenmüller_1846_ 47–48 [ 127]  Laborde_1838_11 [ 128]  Chandler_1825_I_333 [ 129]  Durbin_1845_153 [ 130]  Porter_1835_225 [ ]  131  Pococke_1772_V_291 [ 132]  Hamilton_1842_I_346 [ 133]  Alexander_1827_239 [ 134]  Chandler_1825_I_339 [ 135]  Langlois_1854–1855_ 645–646 [ 136]  Langlois_1854–1855_ 648–649 [ 137]  Hamilton_1842_II_264 [ 138]  Texier_1843_253–254; Texier_1843_255 [ 139]  Bent_1893_181–182 [ 140]  Hamilton_1842_I_312 [ ]  141  Robinson_1906_264 [

142]  Ross_1902_158 143]  Weber_1899_19–20 [ 144]  Weber_1899_4 [ 145]  AJA_IV_1900_524 [ 146]  Beaujour_1829_II_163 [ 147]  Davis_1874_24 [ 148]  Ramsay_1897b_75 [ 149]  Anderson_1897_ 401–402 [ 150]  Ainsworth_1844_43 [ ]  151  Alishan_1899_185 [ 152]  Rott_1908_99 [ 153]  Kinneir_1818_113–115 [ 154]  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_272–273 [ 155]  Robinson_(travelling_ 1830–1832)_1838_373 [ 156]  Callier_1835_247 [ 157]  Pococke_(travelling_ 1737ff)_1811_719–720 [ 158]  Moustier_1864_240 [ 159]  Fellows_1852_87 [ 160]  Mac_Farlane_1850_ I_360 [ ]  161  Davis_1874_40 [ 162]  Lucas_1712_I_83

231

163]  Fellows_1852_144 164]  Texier_1835_494 [ 165]  Fellows_1839_191 [ 166]  Rott_1908_46 [ 167]  Favre_&_Mandrot_ 1878_23 [ 168]  Durbin_1845_124 [ 169]  Durbin_1845_129 [ 170]  Beaufort_1818_160–161 [ ]  171  Cockerell_1903_175 [ 172]  Beaufort_1818_156–157 [ 173]  Stochove_1643_258 [ 174]  Corancez_1816_ 379–381 [ 175]  Fellows_1852_152–153 [ 176]  Rott_1908_61–62 [ 177]  Rott_1908_63 [ 178]  Hogarth_1893_654 [ 179]  Bell_1906–1907_II_7 [ 180]  Butler_1922_52 [ ]  181  Butler_1922_74 [ 182]  Elliott_1838_II_71 [ 183]  Pachymeres_1984_20 [ 184]  Bean_1960_56 [ 185]  Tchihatchef_1854_88

[

[

[

[



appendix

[ ] 1  Caylus_1764_VI_342 after consideration of the water system for ancient Lyon, impossibility of paying for the kind of aqueducts the Romans built: Les tuyaux de plomb disposés en siphons renversés pour conduire les eaux d’une montagne à l’autre, dans les parties où la hauteur auroit été trop considérable pour construire des ponts-acuéducs; ces seuls tuyaux, dis-je, couteroient aujourd’hui, pour l’achat & la façon de la matière, douze ou treize millions: mais on ne peut évaluer les peines & la dépense, toujours considérables dans de pareilles entreprises, malgré la diminution des frais produite par le travail des Troupes, des Enclaves, des Peuples vaincus employés à la construction & à la bâtisse que l’on verra décrites & détaillées dans l’Ouvrage de M. de Lorme [i.e. writing on Lyon] Cette construction exécutée avec tout le soin possible, est pratiquée même sous les siphons, & se trouve continuée sous différentes formes pendant l’espace d’environ 40 lieues. [ ] 2  Ramsay_1890_88 water supply: “It is indeed true that to this day necessity has maintained some skill in this one branch of engineering (so far as my experience goes, among the Greek Christians only): the modern aqueducts are constructed with considerable skill in underground channels which wind round the slope of hills to secure a slow, continuous descent from the source to the public fountain or Tcheshme. But even where such aqueducts have recently existed, they have often been allowed, like all things in Turkey, to go to ruin. Moreover, the ancient engineers were far less dependent on the nearness of their sources than the modern. In many cases a modern town has grown up at some point where abundant water is at hand, while the Roman or Byzantine city a few miles distant has sunk into decay. Examples of this class are Tyana, formerly supplied by a large aqueduct, now a mere village a few miles distant from the towns of Bor and Nigde, and Laodiceia, now supplanted by Denizli. In general the probability is that some such convenience is the reason for any change of site that has occurred in the last few centuries. / In the later Byzantine period an instructive example which bears on this point occurs. Tralleis had gradually descended from the high plateau, where the Roman city commanded one of the grandest inland views I have ever seen, down the slope towards the lower valley of the Maeander. As the valley was made unsafe by Turkish incursions, the city became entirely deserted. Andronicus Palseologus about 1306 made an attempt to restore the city on the Roman site above; but the inhabitants found the water-supply deficient, and were soon forced to desert Andronicopolis or Palaeologopolis, as the new city was called during its brief existence. The water-supply, which was sufficient for a rich and large city in the Roman time, and which even at present is conducted in a channel nearly on the level of the ancient city, would have been quite enough for Andronicopolis, if engineering skill to use it had been possessed by the founders.” [ ] 3  Hamilton_1842_II_41 Cnidus: “Although the remains within the walls are highly interesting, we found no traces of public buildings or temples to indicate its former splendour. With the exception of the two theatres, both in a ruined condition, a long Doric stoa or portico, the basement of a large building, perhaps a temple, and the extensive vaulted substruction of another large building apparently of a more modern date, the remains consisted chiefly of lines of streets and private dwellings, steps leading from one terrace to another on the side of the hill, and circular or pear-shaped cisterns in the ground, covered within by a coat of cement. These were probably reservoirs for containing water: one seems to have been attached to almost every house, and indeed they appear to have been the only means by which water was obtained, for there is neither stream nor fountain anywhere near.” [ ] 4  Hofland_1828_111: “Soon after, they found an ancient Roman highway, paved with black stone; and on the right, at intervals, were ruins of square buildings, one of which had a cistern, which indicated that they had been erected for the benefit of travellers. They found three mile-stones, but their inscriptions were effaced; and, following the road to the edge of a deep vale, they came suddenly upon Shobek, or Showbac, which stands like a gigantic mound, the foot of which is terraced round by gardens with fig-trees, at this time full of verdure.” [ ] 5  Durbin_1845_134 Valley of the Cayster, from Ephesus to Philadelphia: “The valley was perhaps from twelve to fifteen miles wide. The road, as on the day before, lay through



full endnote texts chapter four

jungles of brush-wood, the pavement of the old Roman way occasionally appearing. Every few miles a fine fountain stood by the road-side, pouring its water into a richly-sculptured marble sarcophagus, into which our horses thrust their heads and drank. Sometimes the fountain was dry, the water-pipes from the mountain being either choked up or cut off. Frequently we came upon vast desolate cemeteries adorned with marbles, and overrun with vines and shrubs.” [ ] 6  Stochove_1643_279b Antioch: Ceste ville jadis si florissante n’est à present qu’un amas de pierres & un Sepulchre delle mesme, elle n’est habitée que le long de la riviere. [ ] 7  Deschamps_1894_339 Stratonicea: Ce triste village turc a l’air d’une nécropole. Des colonnes gisent, en des attitudes désolées. On a l’impression d’une grande ville pillée, martelée, cassée . . . Nous prenons nos quartiers dans le péribole du temple de Sérapis. En Orient, tout est immuable. Les maîtres nouveaux occupent la place des maîtres anciens et couchent dans leur lit. Probablement, l’aga Abdullah se prélasse à l’endroit même où quelque pontife idolâtre étalait sa stupide majesté. / La maison de l’aga, toute en colonnettes de bois, galeries ajourées, minces cloisons, badigeons de plâtre et de chaux, est légère, frêle, comme toutes les maisons turques, mais spacieuse, aérée, commode. Dans la cour, une source jaillissante emplit d’eau claire un chapiteau renversé et creusé. [ ] 8  Chandler_1825_I_240–241 Eskhissar: “Eski-hissar, once Stratonicea, is a small village; the houses scattered among woody hills, environed by huge mountains; one of which, toward the south-west, has its summit as white as chalk. It is watered by a limpid and lively rill, with cascades. The site is strewed with marble fragments. Some shafts of columns are standing, single; and one with the capital on it. By a cottage we found two, with a pilaster, supporting an entablature, but enveloped in thick vines and trees. In the side of a hill is a theatre, with the seats remaining, and ruins of the proscenium or front, among which are pedestals of statues; one inscribed, and recording a citizen of great merit and magnificence. Above it is a marble heap. The whole building is overgrown with ihoss, bushes, and trees. Without the village, on the opposite side, are broken arches, with pieces of massive wall, and marble coffins. One of these is very large, and double, or intended for two bodies. Several altars with inscriptions lie. about; once placed in the sepulchres. The inhabitants were very civil to us; and the Greeks, some of whom accompanied us, as inquisitive as ignorant.” [ ] 9  Tchihatchef_1854_73–74 Stratonicea: Bien que les magnifiques ruines de Stratonicea, au milieu desquelles se trouve le misérable village Eskihissar, composé seulement de quarante-neuf cabanes, aient été visitées et en partie décrites, elles pourront encore donner lieu à la découverte de pièces et documents archéologiques très-intéressants, surtout si l’on ne se contente pas d’étudier seulement les nombreux et splendides monuments qui sont encore à la surface du sol, mais qu’on s’attache à le fouiller, car partout on voit percer à travers la couche diluvienne les extrémités de corniches, de chapiteaux, d’ogives, etc., plus ou moins profondément ensevelis. Il ne serait pas impossible que ces fouilles ne parvinsent à mettre au jour quelques restes du célèbre temple de Jupiter Chrysaotes mentionné par Strabon. Dans tous les cas, elles ne peuvent manquer d’être fort productives. [ ] 10  Ainsworth_1840_280–281 warm springs near Kadi Koy: “This spring is inclosed in a showy modern building,with the usual dome-roofs, divided in to two parts, 32 feet square, one for men, the other for women. The roof of that intended for the men has fallen in, the place being totally neglected and abandoned . . . Within this inclosure there is a modern jami, or mosque, also going to ruin, constructed chiefly with the stones of a Greek temple; there are also many ruined modern houses, and a burial-ground, with Byzantine tombstones, cornices, pillars, &c., but we found no inscriptions. By the side of this inclosed space there appeared also to have been formerly gardens and respectable houses; but now all is deserted, and not a being was to be seen around.” [ ] 11  Grégoire_1909_34 near Enderes, the ancient Nicopolis, in Pontus: Notre première excursion, faite d’Endérès, nous conduisit à Purkh. Dans cette localité, on nous montra un souterrain rempli d’eau, reste des anciens égouts de Nicopolis. Ce tronçon était en parfait état de conservation. Voûté, il se prolonge sur une centaine de pas, et est fermé



appendix

actuellement aux deux extrémités. Il est construit en pierres noyées dans un épais mortier byzantin, et date sans doute de la reconstruction de la ville par Justinien. Au Nord-Ouest du village, à 200 m. environ des dernières maisons, se trouvait un édifice romain dont nous avons photographié quelques pierres. / Purkh, qui a servi de carrière aux villages des alentours a fourni assez peu d’inscriptions; on a remarqué avant nous que ces textes sont en grande majorité de l’époque byzantine. [ ] 12  Castellan_1820_221 a fountain in Gallipoli: L’une de ces fontaines, bâtie, nous a-t-on dit, par un visir, se trouve à l’angle d’un carrefour. Le dôme, recouvert en plomb doré, attire de loin les regards, et se termine par une corniche très-saillante. Le dessous est enrichi de compartimens arabesques, où l’or se marie aux couleurs les plus vives. Ce dôme est soutenu par dés colonnes et des pilastres de beaux marbres, les unes toutes d’une pièce, les autres par assises alternées de plusieurs couleurs. Ces colonnes et ces pilastres posent sur un soubassement de marbre sculpté, peint et doré, au bas duquel se trouvent les robinets et les réservoirs qui servent pour les ablutions et pour abreuver les chevaux et les bestiaux. Ibid. 222–223 Gallipoli: On remarquera, dans la vue que je donne de la place de la grande mosquée, une autre petite fontaine isolée, qui est d’un style arabesque très-élégant. Un beau sarcophage antique, orné de têtes de béliers et de guirlandes, sert de réservoir: il y a même une inscription grecque assez longue, qu’on ne nous a pas permis de copier. Ce sarcophage est élevé sur une base, aussi bien en proportion que l’ensemble de ce petit monument. / Il est rare que les Turcs ne mutilent pas les matériaux antiques dont ils se servent en les adaptant à leur usage, et il seroit à désirer qu’ils les employassent toujours aussi heureusement qu’ils sont fait à l’égard de ce tombeau, qui, selon les apparences, abrité comme il l’est, et consacré à l’utilité publique, sera aussi respecté par les Turcs, que tous les établissemens de ce genre. [ ] 13  Harada_&_Cimok_2008_I_189 “fountain with Roman material along the route of the Via Sebaste to the north of Neapolis (Kiyakdede).” [ ] 14  Harada_&_Cimok_2008_I_214–215 Incirli Han built 1239–140 and “includes blocks from the nearby monumental Roman fountain.” [ ] 15  Perrot_1872_I_107 the Rhyndacos Valley, near Delikli-tach, the village of Mohimoul, où nous nous arrêtions pour lire des inscriptions. Le bourg, où les eaux vives abondent, est plein de fontaines, et chacune de ces fontaines n’est autre chose qu’une pierre tumulaire. Ces tombeaux présentent une disposition toute particulière. Dans chacun d’eux, une ou deux portes figurées et divisées en panneaux etc On trouve aussi plusieurs de ces marbres dans une petite ville voisine, Taouchanlou, et ils sont très-nombreux à Aizani, d’où il auront été apportés à Mohimoul et à Taouchanlou . . . Les murs de soutènement d’un lavoir situé au pied du bourg de Mohimoul contiennent plusieurs inscriptions. [ ] 16  Fellows_1841_122–123 Cadyanda: “Returning to the village, we found the principal people again assembled to see us, and all we had to show them. We learned that no European had before been up to see the ruins, but that some Franks had last year been as far as their village, and had bought some coins; eight or nine I found in the possession of a man who had picked them up in the ruins. Hoping to learn from them something of the ancient city, I told my servant to buy them, and he was in a violent rage at the exorbitant price demanded; in his passion he forgot his nation, and said a Turk would never think of asking such a price, and that the owner of them was an imposing rogue. I found this man was the solitary Greek, whose occupation of digging drains had led him to discover the coins: he was anxious to get all he could, but like a Greek, he took less than half he had at first asked.” [ ] 17  Mac_Farlane_1850_I_531–532 Apollonia: “I passed a very bad night in the Greek house at Apollonia, and must have been very unwell and irritable on the following morning, for when I went out of the house, and saw by broad daylight the utterly indescribable filth of the place, I sat down on the fragment of a fair, ancient, marble column by the margin of the lake, and cursed the lazy, dirty habits of the people of the town, both Greeks and Turks, who, with an over-flowing abundance of water on all sides of them, never washed street or house, never made a drain, never did anything to remove the foul accumulation.



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The houses by the lake were all built on very tall wooden piles, for otherwise they would be inundated by the rising of the waters. As it is, the water sometimes intrudes into their first floor. I could not look upon that which so charmed me in the setting sun of yesterday! Picking our steps, as best we could, we walked along the strand to some old ruins and a rather long wooden bridge at the east end of the town. As the waters rise, this bridge becomes indispensable, and Apollonia is in fact an island, as it was seen and described by Tournefort, who was here at a later season than we, or in the month of December. The cone, which the town entirely covers, and which may be (at the base) about two and a half miles in circumference, is an island three or four months of the year, and all the rest of the year a jutting promontory. As yet the ground under the bridge was dry, and people walked and rode across it rather than trust the poles and planks. Beyond the east end of the bridge there rose another broad, flat cone, fringed by the dark poplars, and dotted all over with broken Turkish tombstones.” [ ] 18  Hamilton_1842_II_90 Apollonia: “I started soon after six in a small boat to see some ruins on Kiz Ada, or Maiden’s Island, a low muddy spot, about a mile N. by W. from the town. These ruins consist of the remains of a wall of very ancient masonry, built of large blocks of marble, standing about four or five feet above the water, and topped with a large projecting coping-stone. It extends all round the island, but is most perfect to the east, probably because, facing the shore, that side has been less exposed to the winds and waves. In several places stone rings still remain, which have been used for mooring boats or galleys. The N.E. comer is circular, and within the enclosure are a few fragments of large fluted columns. The large blocks of which the wall is built are laid perfectly horizontal, but the upright joints are not always perpendicular, and some of them are ingeniously pointed and dovetailed together, which led me to attribute to it an Hellenic rather than a Roman origin. It may have been the terrace on which a temple stood, perhaps dedicated, as well as the island itself, to Apollo. The island, which in winter is under water, was now covered with Agnus castus, and abounded with snakes of considerable size.” [ ] 19  Deschamps_1894_256–257 at Bozdoghan: Il y a, près du village, au pied de l’ancienne acropole, une espèce de logis féodal, dont les murs, faits de glaise et de gravier, se lézardent et s’écroulent. Des cigognes, perchées sur leurs pattes comme sur des échasses, rêvent parmi les débris du toit effondré. Les paysans racontent des histoires sur cette vieille demeure, hantée de fantômes. Quel spahi féodal, quel janissaire doté d’un fief a régné là par le sabre? La Turquie s’en va lentement, pierre par pierre, comme ce château de misère. Elle ne sent pas sa ruine, elle sommeille, comme ce pauvre village d’Inébolou, que nous avons rencontré aujourd’hui sur notre route, endormi dans la torpeur de l’été, et dont le minaret blanc ressemblait à un cierge qui veille un mort. / Elle dort, la vieille Turquie. Pendant ce temps, la civilisation la mange. Eh! parbleu, je savais bien que je la rencontrerais ici, la civilisation. Elle n’est jamais loin des cadavres. La voici, représentée par le seul homme éveillé, remuant, vivant et loquace de ce village assoupi et funèbre: l’épicier grec! [ ] 20  Chandler_1825_I_114 Erythrae: “Erythrae has been long deserted, and, like Clazomene, stripped even of its ruins, except some masses of hard cement, a few vaults of sepulchres, a fragment of inscribed architrave, a broken column or two, and a large stone, on which is carved a round shield. The bare rock afforded a natural foundation for the houses and public edifices; and the materials, when they were ruined, lay ready to be transported to Scio and other places, which continued to flourish. Some words were visible on one of the pedestals. We would have cleared them all from weeds and rubbish, which concealed their inscriptions; but our guide had affirmed that we could not pass the night here without danger; our horses were standing ready, and we had no time to spare.” [ ] 21  Chandler_1825_I_316–317 Sardis: “Going on, we passed by remnants of massive buildings; marble piers sustaining heavy fragments of arches of brick; and more indistinct ruins. These are in the plain before the hill of the citadel. On our right hand, near the road, was a portion of a large edifice, with a heap of ponderous materials before and behind it. The walls are standing of two large, lofty, and very long rooms, with a space between them, as of a passage. This remain, it has been conjectured, was the house of Croesus,



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once appropriated by the Sardians, as a place of retirement, to superannuated citizens. It was called the Gerusia, and in it, as some Roman authors have remarked, was exemplified the extreme durability of the ancient brick. The walls in this ruin have double arches beneath, and consist chiefly of that material, with layers of stone. The bricks are exceedingly fine and good, of various sizes, some flat, and broad. We employed a man to procure one entire, but the cement proved so very hard and tenacious, it was next to impossible. Both Croesus and Mausolus, neither of whom could be suspected of parsimony, used them in building their palaces. It was a substance insensible of decay; and it is asserted, if the walls were erected true to their perpendicular, would, without violence, last for ever.” [ ] 22  Grégoire_1909_11–12: Neoclaudiopolis/Andrapa: Vézir-Keupru conserve des restes antiques très importants, et il est piquant de constater qu’une petite ville de province créée par les Romains, dans un district à la vérité florissant et peuplé, a laissé plus de traces que d’illustres sanctuaires tels que Comane. / Dans le quartier dit Tchanakly, un mur en grand appareil est fait entièrement de matériaux antiques. Cet endroit s’appelle Eskihammam, et il se pourrait qu’il se trouvât sur l’emplacement d’un bain romain. En tout cas, c’est là qu’on a découvert une conque du marbre supportée par quatre animaux fabuleux, sirène, sphinx, hippogriffes. Ce curieux monument, malheureusement très endommagé, a dû servir de vasque à une fontaine. La sculpture chrétienne est représentée à Vézir-Keupru par une dalle encastrée dans le mur du même Hammam, et aussi par un grand sarcophage, placé dans la cour de la nouvelle caserne (Göshla). Il est décoré d’une croix accostée de méandres. Nous passâmes quatre jours à Vézir-Keupru, et nous réussîmes à augmenter de douze numéros la série déjà considérable des inscriptions réunies par nos prédécesseurs. [ ] 23  Radet_1895_430 Eskishehir, a hamman qui ne manque pas de beauté. La superstructure en est turque; les assises et les colonnes en sont byzantines. [ ] 24  Hamilton_1842_I_329 Vizir Keupri: “The Eski Hamaum, an old Turkish bath, was pointed out to me as a ruin, but its construction was evidently Turkish. In the walls, however, many large blocks of marble derived from ancient buildings had been used. This appears also to have been the case in the construction of a neighbouring mosque, in the masonry of which several broken shafts of columns are inserted; similar blocks of marble and shafts of columns are built into the walls of private houses, both near the marketplace, the Bezestan, and other parts of the town.” [ ] 25  Ross_1902_253 writing in 1856 “I have made a little excursion to Neffes Koi [ancient Pteria], the site of a Greek city. Great quantities of white marble slabs with Greek inscriptions are exposed by the ruins, and are cut up and sent to Yuzgat for fountains and baths. I only saw three built into the walls of the village – Greek – but in several places I noticed the fresh chips where slabs had been recently cut up, and had the very mason with me who had done it. Fragments of columns in polished pudding stone were abundant . . . I bought a small female head in white marble and another was taken lately to Constantinople.” 247 NB Yuzgat, Ross says, “was built about a hundred years ago.” [ ] 26  Chantre_1898_118–119 Terzili-Hamman, N of Kayseri: Dans ce village dont les eaux thermales sont fort connues en Anatolie et très fréquentées en été, s’élevait un bourg important à l’époque romaine . . . Ce bourg remonte sans doute à l’époque de Justinien, car les monnaies à l’effigie de cet empereur sont nombreuses, ainsi que dans toute la région. Nul doute que l’existence de ces eaux chaudes douée de propriétés merveilleuses – si l’on en croit les habitants – ait attiré ici une population assez dense, car en dehors des thermes superbes en marbre blanc dont les ruines constituent le principal intérêt de cette localité, des ruines nombreuses et importantes prouvent que l’on est bien sur l’emplacement d’un bourg qui fut florissant. En effet, les habitants nouvellement installés, à la recherche de matériaux pour construire leurs demeures, ont mis à jour sur une longueur de près de trois kilomètres, une muraille d’enceinte de trois mètres d’épaisseur rasée jusqu’au sol, et qui devait enfermer la ville. Partout dans les murs du village se voient des blocs de marbre sculptés, quelques-uns portant des inscriptions grecques, des fûts de colonnes et autres débris d’architecture. Il ne se passe pas de jour, nous disent les habitants, sans que quelque découverte ne soit faite. / On trouve fréquemment entre leurs mains, comme à



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Nefez-Keui, des vases et des lampes en terre, puis des monnaies et des sceaux en plomb. / Des thermes, le monument le plus important de Terzili-hammam, il ne reste guère que la façade longue de vingt mètres environ, construite avec de superbes matériaux en marbre blanc très pur, et dont je crois avoir trouvé la carrière près du village de Deller, à quatre heures de Terzili-hammam. Cette façade offre un rez-de-chaussée et un premier étage percés d’ouvertures en plein cintre alternant avec des ouvertures carrées. L’édifice est surmonté d’une corniche supportant une frise ornée de guirlandes alternant avec des têtes de bœuf et soutenue par des pilastres demi-circulaires couronnés de chapiteaux corinthiens. Des fouilles amèneront peut-être d’intéressantes découvertes nouvelles dans ce site. [ ] 27  Munro_1901_235 in Mysia: “There are two hot mineral springs at Khydyrlar. One is up the hillside just above the village. It is of a comfortable warmth, but utterly neglected. A little ruined bath-house of no great age is the oldest object about it. The other spring is much hotter – one cannot hold a hand in it at the source. It lies in a beech wood, half an hour farther west along the hill. Here there is a bath still in use but very mean, and round about it some scanty remnants of antiquity – rude pilasters, marble slabs, and an altar decorated with garlands and bulls’ heads, but no inscriptions. At the farmstead in the plain below are a couple of small marble columns.” [ ] 28  Wilson_1884_309: “There are also many hot springs, marked by the ruins of Roman baths, which are still used by the Anatolians for various disorders. They are found in every district, and during the summer are much visited; those of Brusa, frequented by people from Constantinople, are best known, but Smyrna, Angora, Konieh, Kaisarieh, and Sivas have each their special hot springs.” [ ] 29  Sayce_1880_81b “The ferruginous hot springs of Ligia, in a valley eastward of the ruins of Alexandria Troas, are still much frequented, and I saw the marble torso of a woman in the bath-house there.” [ ] 30  Chandler_1825_I_24–25: “The reader, as we proceed, will find frequent mention of fountains. Their number is owing to the nature of the country and of the climate. The soil, parched and thirsty, demands moisture to aid vegetation. The verdure, shade, and coolness, its agreeable attendants, are rendered highly grateful to the people by a cloudless sun and inflamed atmosphere. Hence they occur not only in the towns and villages, but in the fields and gardens, and by the sides of the roads and of the beaten tracks on the mountains. Many of them are the useful donations of humane persons while living; or have been bequeathed as legacies on their decease. The Turks esteem the erecting of them as meritorious, and seldom go away, after performing their ablutions or drinking, without gratefully blessing the name and memory of the founder.” [ ] 31  Fellows_1839_258–259 in Caria: “The water-jars of this western part of Asia Minor are made of red clay, and are in form precisely like the terra-cotta vases of the ancient Greeks. These jars, which stand but insecurely, are seen tied to the trunks of trees by the wayside, and kept constantly filled for the use of the traveller. This extremely grateful supply of water, in parts of the country remote from natural springs or aqueducts, is a religious care for the ablutions before prayer. There are very frequently endowments for the maintenance of this devotional observance. Upon fountains supplied by small aqueducts are frequently Turkish inscriptions relating the motive and occasion of such bequests to the stranger and traveller. The replenishing of these jars is usually the care of the women, who may be seen carrying them upon their backs, slung by cords.” [ ] 32  Dernschwam_1986_151, Babinger, Hans, ed., Hans Dernschwam’s Tagebuch Einer Reise nach Konstantinopel und Kleinasien (1553/55), Berlin 1986. D. in Asia Minor in 1555. 151 leaves Scutari Underwegens 3 rorpru[nnen] gefunden mit marmelsteinen trogen – and soon another mit einem marmelsteinem tre[n]gk trog. He notes a great number of such marble-decorated fountains, doing his notes as a route-march, a pargagraph, usually one sentence, for each noteworthy item encountered. He also notes bridges, both stone and wood. [ ] 33  Doublet_&_Deschamps_1890_629 Yenibolou. Dans la cour du djami, un grand sarcophage qui sert d’auge; aux angles, des figures drapées et ailées; celle de gauche tient



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une couronne; sur la face principale, un cartouche dont l’inscription a disparu; de chaque côté, deux figures; celle de droite virile et assise. Dans le cimetière, deux montants d’une porte antique, beaucoup de colonnes, une stèle avec inscription dont la gauche est toute martelée et dont la droite est presque illisible. Chez Mollah-Ali sur une pierre. [ ] 34  Bean_1960_46 in Pisidia: “The village of Kusbaba evidently occupies approximately the site of the ancient city. Water is abundant all up the hillside and remains of antiquity, both stones and sherds, are frequent in all parts of the village and on and around the acropolis. At a spot called Çalca Mahalle, in the upper part of the village, a building of squared blocks with fluted columns has lately been brought to light by digging; numerous inscribed stones are said to have been dug out, but these are now broken up or lost. At a fountain further up are two uninscribed altars or bases, and higher up still, at another fountain, a sarcophagus lid and a built tomb measuring 6 by 5 m.” [ ] 35  Fellows_1852_88 Assos: “Occasionally in the line of tombs are circular seats, as at Pompeii; but these ruins are on a considerably larger scale than those of the Eoman city, and many of the remains are equally perfect. Several are highly ornamented, and have inscriptions; others are as large as temples, being twenty or thirty feet square: the usual length of the sarcophagus is from ten to twelve feet. / My guide called every ruin an “old castle;” and even with these tombs open before him, he said that he was ignorant that they were such, till an Englishman who was here six years ago informed him. He supposed the chambers, or large sarcophagi, were for the angel or spirit to wait in. The Turk’s grave has a stone at the head and foot, with a turban or rag upon it, and is planted with cypress-trees.” [ ] 36  Van_Lennep_1870_II_275 Kula: “Walking about the town, we saw a marble sarcophagus with its cover bearing an inscription in which is the name of the person whose remains it once contained. It is now used as a trough for a public fountain. We likewise saw at the door of a public bath two lions holding the heads of bulls. As I believe Koola is not built upon the site of any ancient city, these must have been brought from the neighbourhood, where there were many towns in the olden times.” [ ] 37  PTF_Consul_1811_35: je dois faire mention d’un beau sarcophage de marbre blanc qui sert aujourd’hui de fontaine aux habitans, et d’ornement à la place publique. La sculpture présente une guirlande de fleurs et de fruits, déroulée et soutenue par des génies; des masques de Méduse ornent les quatre faces du tombeau; tout l’ouvrage est d’une belle exécution et de la conservation la plus parfaite. [ ] 38  Grégoire_1909_15 on the road from Vézir-Keupru to Amasia: On montre à Beuiren, bien que le village soit musulman, un ayasma de Ste Barbe. Le bassin de la fontaine est une grande cuve de sarcophage; mais, au-dessus de cette cuve sont des dalles sculptées, certainement byzantines, décorées de vignes. Non loin de là, sous un hangar, les paysans ont réuni des débris antiques: chapiteaux d’époque tardive et tronçons de colonnes . . . / A une demi-heure de Beuiren, sur une hauteur, est situé le village d’Ortaklar. Outre des inscriptions et un milliaire – textes déjà connus – Ortaklar possède une série de chapiteaux byzantins, provenant d’un même édifice et sur lesquels sont gravées des paroles liturgiques. [ ] 39  Texier_1844–1845_320–321: Après avoir enlevé les matières précieuses que contenaient les tombeaux, on en est venu à convoiter les monuments eux-mêmes: les nombreuses chambres sépulcrales taillées dans le flanc des montagnes ont été converties en maisons d’habitation, et les sarcophages de marbre qui paraient les abords des grandes routes ont servi comme bassins pour les fontaines. C’est grâce à cette destination que la plupart des sarcophages antiques qui sont disséminés dans toutes les anciennes villes de l’Asie mineure, sont parvenus jusqu’à nous. Mais l’horreur que professent les Musulmans orthodoxes pour toute représentation de figure humaine, a été cause de nombreuses mutilations, qui n’ont été du reste que la suite des outrages que les iconoclastes avaient fait subir à toutes ces œuvres de la sculpture. Aussi est-il extrêmement rare de rencontrer un sarcophage antique contenant des figures intactes. On peut à peine en citer trois ou quatre dans toute l’Asie mineure; et, par une singularité remarquable, l’un de ces monuments, qui représente des faits de l’Iliade, a été conservé par les princes Seldjoukides d’Iconium, qui l’ont fait encastrer dans l’une des tours de la ville.



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[ ] 40  Elliott_1838_89 Philadelphia: “The houses are mean and irregular, as throughout Asia Minor: some are tiled, but the greater part have flat roofs besmeared with mud. Few towns, however, are more interesting, for relics of antiquity meet the eye at every step: here, a broken Ionic capital forms the angle of a house, and an architrave its step; there, fragments of a rich cornice are built into a wall; a modern mosque is supported by the truncated shafts of antique columns; and sacred sarcophagi are desecrated by conversion into common water-troughs: fountains in the dirtiest streets and the very pavement on which one treads teem with vestiges of antiquity; and in a neglected spot, near the south wall of the city, amid dirt and rubbish, we remarked two venerable marble pillars lying unheeded on the ground.” [ ] 41  Elliott_1838_II_90 ruined church of S. John in Philadelphia: “The Turk gravely informed us, attesting the fact by his own experience, that every Saturday night the spirits of the martyrs who died for the sake of Jesus are seen going to and fro among the ruins; and sounds are heard as though they were reading! A superstitious opinion prevails among the Moslims that the sacred edifice possesses a charm for those afflicted with tooth-ache, and patients thus suffering, who affix lighted candles to the walls, derive immediate relief!” [ ] 42  Fermanel_1668_298–299 Ephesus: Les Grecs ont encore en une singulière vénération ce lieu-là, & toutes les années vers le mois d’Aoust il s’y fait un grand concours de peuple. Ils y ont encore un grand Bassin de Iaspe dans lequel ils disent que S. Iean avoit coustume de Baptiser: ils croyent mesme que la poudre de ce Bassin pulverisée, & prise dans quelque potion, est singulière pour les fievres, & pour quantité d’autres sortes de maladies. Les Turcs sont aussi de ce sentiment, qui s’en servent, & y vont faire leurs prières. [ ] 43  Le_Camus_1896_137 Ephesus: Une vasque de marbre, que nous trouvons sur nos pas, en revenant vers le Prion, est peut-être une oeuvre inachevée. Sa partie centrale se relève à la hauteur du bord extérieur; on n’y voit aucune ouverture pour recevoir ou pour rejeter l’eau. A vrai dire, nos bénitiers actuels n’en ont pas davantage, mais où aurait-on placé un bénitier taillé dans de si larges proportions? [ ] 44  Fellows_1839_30: “until within eight miles of this place, the ancient Pergamus, now Bergama; nor did we see even in the burial-grounds any trace of what my servant calls “old stones;” but on stopping at that point to let the horses drink, I observed that the trough was the inverted lid of a sarcophagus; and a little further on I had the baggage unpacked, and remained an hour to copy some long Greek inscriptions built sideways into a fountain.” [ ] 45  Fuller_1829_58 Akhissar: “Ak-hissar is still a very large town, and we were comfortably lodged at the ‘Yeni,’ or new Khan. There are a great number of fragments of antiquity and mutilated inscriptions to be seen in the walls of the houses; and in a farm-yard we were shown a large sarcophagus of coarse marble (now used as a horse-trough), with a long inscription very well preserved, purporting that it was made by Fabius Zosimus for himself and his beloved wife, and forbidding any person to disturb their slumbers on pain of paying a fine to the treasury of Thyatira.” [ ] 46  Dehéran_1924_333 Fourcade, leaving Amasia c.1806, arrives at Marsivan: On y voit quelques belles mosquées. «On voit dans le cimetière, dans les kans, dans les églises arméniennes de la ville beaucoup de fûts de colonnes, des pièces d’entablement, des chapiteaux. Des sarcophages ornent la plupart des fontaines publiques. Les environs sont remplis de briques et de débris de poterie ancienne. Quelques restes annoncent le siècle du bon goût, d’autres en plus grand nombre annoncent des siècles devenus barbares, la misérableépoque dite du Bas Empire. D’Anville place Phazemon au lieu même où se trouve aujourd’hui Marsivan. Il est impossible de contredire cet homme justement célèbre, quand les monuments n’offrent pas de lumière. J’ai vainement cherché des inscriptions utiles. Je n’en ai trouvé que de sépulcrales. Je voulais avoir le nom de la ville. Je n’ai recueilli que des noms obscurs et d’homme et de femme.» [ ] 47  Van_Lennep_1870_I_104 Amasia, on the main street: “This mosque is adorned with portions of fine pillars of very ancient date. Such remains ought to be common in the ancient capital of Pontus, but the place has long been in the hands of Muslems, and those of Amasia are noted over all this part of the country for their extreme fanaticism and



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bigotry. They have destroyed all they could lay their hands upon. I have seen a fine piece of Mosaic that was discovered in digging a garden; but such things are now rarely found. There is a mutilated old marble sarcophagus in the street through which we were now passing. We also saw three slabs of marble with inscriptions forming the two side-posts and top of the door of a private house.” [ ] 48  Fellows_1841_23–24 from Sultanhissar to Naslee: “Scarcely a quarter of a mile in the whole distance is without some wrought stone of a former age; hundreds of capitals and bases of columns have been converted into well-copings and troughs. Some few appeared of fine workmanship, but the greater number are of a low Roman age.” [ ] 49  Tournefort_1718_I_68 for Siphanto: En allant du port au château proche d’un puits à gauche du chemin, se voit un tombeau antique, lequel sert d’auge pour faire boire les animaux: C’est une pièce de marbre d’un grand goût, longue de six pieds huit pouces, sur deux pieds huit pouces de large, & deux pieds quatre pouces de hauteur: ce tombeau eft orné de feuilles, d’Acanthe, de pommes de pin &d autres fruits. Tout auprès de ce monument est un autre pièce de marbre enclavée dans le mur, & qui étoit le reste de quelque autre tombeau . . . Au Monastère de Brici tout près de la maison & d’une belle source qui passe par un puits, il y a un tombeau de marbre dont l’usage eft bien différent de celui auquel il étoit destiné, puisqu’il sert d’abreuvoir. [ ] 50  Hamilton_1842_II_107–109 Maniyas: “On entering the village I at once found evidence of an ancient site, in an imperfect Latin inscription, the sepulchral monument of a Roman governor, built into the wall of a fountain. The Acropolis is connected with the hills at its southern extremity, on which side a strong and massive wall once defended the approach, the rugged nature of the declivities rendering this precaution unnecessary everywhere else. / Although there can be no doubt that this was once an ancient site, the exieting walls must be referred to Byzantine times. They are, however, constructed with the ruins of former buildings; and fragments of cornices, friezes, and architraves, with pedestals, some of which still retain portions of inscriptions, have been applied to this purpose. In some places whole courses consist of columns laid transversely across the wall; other parts consist of pedestals and altars, some of which, to judge from those which have been exposed may have inscriptions which would reveal the name of the ancient town.” [ ] 51  Sterrett_1885_49 Assos: #XXV: “Slab in a fountain south of village of Pasha Kieui, about five miles directly north of Assos. Cut for fountain niche. The stone is broken away on left side. Height of slab, 0.42 m.; width, 0.42 in.” [ ] 52  Langlois_1861_73 Ichmé, in Cilicia: Une source d’eau minérale et sulfureuse, jadis connue des Romains et utilisée par eux, jaillit du rocher et vient se déposer dans quelques sarcophages, antiques monolithes qui servent de cuves à bains. [ ] 53  Taylor_1855_267 the graveyard of Ladik/Laodicea, near Konya: “pillars, cornices, entablatures, jambs, altars, mullions and sculptured tablets, all of white marble, and many of them in an excellent state of preservation. They appear to date from the early time of the Lower Empire, and the cross has not yet been effaced from some which serve as headstones for the True Believers. I was particularly struck with the abundance of altars, some of which contained entire and legible inscriptions. In the town there is the same abundance of ruins. The lid of a sarcophagus, formed of a single block of marble, now serves as a water-trough, and the fountain is constructed of ancient tablets. The town stands on a mound which appears to be composed entirely of the debris of the former place, and near the summit there are many holes which the inhabitants have dug in their search for rings, seals and other relics.” [ ] 54  Tchihatchef_1854_98–99 near Konya: La contrée limitrophe de Konia est également assez riche en débris antiques. Ainsi à Ladik, au nord de Konia, qui certainement occupe une partie de la piace où se trouvait Laoaicea, on aperçoit dans les murs des maisons, entassés pêle-mêle, une fouie de tronçons de colonnes, soit cannelées, soit à fût uni, et de belles dalles. De semblables fragments forment une longue traînée sur la route qui conduit de Ladik à Konia. En sortant de Ladik, on marche pendant plus d’une heure au milieu d’un amas de dalles, colonnes, corniches etc.; parmi ces débris, il y en a beaucoup qui portent des inscriptions grecques. Le reste d’un ancien pavé perce d’une manière évidente au



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milieu de toutes ces ruines. A une heure de marche, après avoir quitté Ladik, on voit une belle fontaine construite par les Turcs, avec des dalles antiques, et de laquelle jaillit par deux bouches une eau excellente, phénomène qui, dans les plaines arides de la Lycaonie, est toujours salué par le pèlerin avec un certain enthousiasme. [ ] 55  Hamilton_1842_II_185–186 Aksehir: “After taking a meridian observation, I started in search of antiquities and inscriptions. I found one of the latter in the street; and in the wall of a neighbouring Tekiyeh were many marble blocks and columns, and three inscriptions. The Imaum was very averse to my copying them, but Hafiz kept him occupied until I had finished. The walls of many houses, fountains, and mosques showed other proofs of ancient architecture, and marble blocks, and two more inscriptions . . . This place appears to have been of great importance under the early Turkish rulers: many handsome Saracenic buildings are still extant, some of which are attributed to Sultan Alettin, particularly a fine mosque, near the entrance of the town from Isakli; and many of its marble blocks are evidently derived from more ancient edifices. The modem mosque of Imareh is a very handsome structure, and the portico is supported by four monolithic columns.” [ ] 56  Rott_1908_94–95 Aksehir: der Stadt des türkischen Eulenspiegels Nasr-EddinChodscha an, besuchten am nächsten Morgen die seldjukischen Sehenswürdigkeiten, darunter die Taschmedrese des Sultans Kai Kaus I, die 1216 von Hassan Emirdads Sohn Ali errichtet wurde und unter der türkischen Lotterwirtschaft jetzt einem raschen Untergang entgegengeht. Byzantinische Reliefs des ausgehenden I. Jahrtausend mit zerstörten Kreuzen sind zur Einfassung eines Seitenportals daselbst verwandt, im Hof der Medrese fanden wir Marmorsäulen und -Kapitale, die nach ihren Ornamenten teils dem Stil der Hagia Sophia in Konstantinopel, teils der Zeit der Heraklius-periode angehören. [ ] 57  Corancez_1816_59–60: A Bisnada, village peu éloigné de Latakié, sont les restes d’une vaste habitation qu’un riche négociant anglais y fit construire, il y a un siècle, voulant finir ses jours sous le beau ciel de la Syrie. C’est près de là qu’une fontaine remarquable par la pureté de ses eaux, jaillit au fond d’une grotte pratiquée dans le rocher. Cet endroit est délicieux par la fraîcheur qu’on y respire et par la beauté des aspects qu’il présente. On remarque à quelque distance un grand sarcophage de marbre blanc, chargé au dehors d’ornemens encore bien conservés. Il y a quelques, années qu’on déterra aussi dans les environs un beau groupe de la même matière, représentant un homme de haute stature qui tient un lion enchaîné. Ce groupe avoit appartenu à un édifice ancien, que la terre recouvre aujourd’hui. Quelques instances qu’on ait faites auprès de l’aga de Latakié, il n’y voulut permettre aucune fouille: il fit même recouvrir de terre la statue que le hasard avoit fait découvrir. [ ] 58  Clarke_1817_199–200 (in the East 1801–1802) District of Troas, village of Erkessy: “In the street of this village there is a marble Soros, quite entire. This was brought from Alexandria Troas, and it is now used as a public cistern. It is of one piece of stone, seven feet in length, three feet and a half wide, and, without including the operculum, rather more than three feet in depth. [ ] 59  Dallaway_1797_304 Pergamon, at the Temple of Trajan: “The intermediate possessors have evinced their neglect of these reliques [he has just written of the friezes], and the Turks are daily hewing the vast single blocks into troughs for water. The marble vase and inscription seen within the castle by Smith and Wheler no longer remain.” [ ] 60  Fellows_1852_245 leaving Sultan Hissar / Nyssa: “From Sultan Hissa, called by the Greeks Heliopolis, we rode for twelve miles to Naslee, the whole country from Idin being a continued succession of orchards and fields of corn. The soil is light, and the roads are perfectly flat: for many miles they serve as the courses for the water drawn off from the mountain-streams for the purposes of irrigation. Scarcely a quarter of a mile in the whole distance is without some wrought stone of a former age; hundreds of capitals and bases of columns have been converted into well-copings and troughs. Some few appeared of fine workmanship, but the greater number are of a low Roman age.” [ ] 61  Fellows_1839_23–24 Acsa: “This town teems with relics of a former splendid city, although there is not a trace of the site of any ruin or early building. I saw ten or a dozen



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well-tops or troughs made of the capitals of columns of different kinds. In a portion not exceeding one-third of a burial-ground I counted one hundred and thirty parts of columns; and upon measuring them, and noticing their orders, I found that seven or eight distinct temples or buildings must have contributed; one Corinthian column was flat at each angle, ready for fluting, but only partly finished. The streets are in places paved with fragments of carved stone. I saw several columns of granite, some of red-veined white marble, and some of grey and white; also some small columns, or rather two-third pilasters, I fancy of a later date than the other remains, but I may be in error. / For two miles out of the town the mouths or curbs of the wells are formed of the capitals of extremely fine Corinthian pillars, the bucket being drawn through holes cut in the centre.” [ ] 62  Scott-Stevenson_1881_296 village of Bektik, near Eregli, a mosque built by Sultan Selim: “The projecting roof is supported in front by a row of six fine monolithic alabaster pillars; whilst in the centre is a marble door carved in the same style as the Medresseh at Nigdeh. Opposite to the mosque is a fountain, but many years have passed since water flowed into its basin. Large pieces of alabaster lie scattered about, and if only some of the Urgub merchants came here to carve the alabaster on the spot, they might realise large sums of money; for the dervishes at Koniah are particularly fond of it and generally have small plaques of it fastened on their chests or in front of their waistbands. / We noticed another fountain in the centre of the town; a tall arch shadows it, inclining to one side from want of a proper support, and huge granite troughs lie round it. The streets originally were all paved with the same kind of stone as the causeway, probably Roman work. Indeed there are many evidences that the town was formerly a place of importance; but the unfertile surroundings, and pestilential marsh, make it difficult to understand why such a site should have been chosen. We had noticed no signs of cultivation since we left Eregli, nor indeed could anything grow on the volcanic sand.” [ ] 63  Ainsworth_1839_225 Eregli/Bendereregli/Heraclea: “Having staid here 4 days, we had time to make a plan of the ancient town, and copied an inscription in the Acropolis. The walls are now in a ruinous condition, and constructed chiefly of the remains of a former rampart. In that part which fronts the sea, and where there are remains of an outer as well as an inner wall still existing, huge blocks of basalt and limestone are piled upon one another, and intermingled with columns and fragments of Byzantine cornices and tablets, with sculptured crosses and Christian inscriptions. The castle upon the height is in a very ruinous condition. Only part of the ancient town was contained within the wall.” [ ] 64  Keppel_1831_II_238–239 leaving Aezani: “going in a westerly direction, ascended a hill which brought us to an open country: thence, we passed through a valley formed by two mountains parallel to each other; where we came on the traces of the old Roman road. In the middle of this valley, are two votive altars, partly out of the ground; on one of them, is the vestige of a Latin inscription. We then descended a hill, and at the bottom of it, on the left hand, saw an ancient fountain; close to it is a marble bust, but the face has been so ill treated as to render the features undistinguishable; the dress bespeaks it to be that of a consul.” [ ] 65  Arundell_1834_II_214 at Ak-chay: “Ak-chay is supposed by Pococke to occupy the site of Briula; but on inquiring about the numerous fragments in the burial-ground, I was told they were brought from Sultan-hissar. On the fountain is a marble with a cross and letters, probably from the church of Nysa.” [ ] 66  Renoüard_de_Bussierre_1829_I_189 at Alexandria Troas: Des sources bouillantes, salées et ferrugineuses, connues sous le nom Lydia Hammam, s’échappent du flanc de la montagne, et sont reçues dans des bassins de forme carrée, que couvrent de petits bâtimens et des dômes antiques. Ces eaux ont encore aujourd’hui de la réputation pour la guérison des rhumatismes, de la lèpre et des maladies de peau. On voit auprès des sources une voûte antique, qui forme un carré long, et quelques autres petites bâtisses, dont les pierres, posées en losange, ressemblent à diverses ruines romaines. J’y trouvai aussi une statue en marbre blanc, de taille colossale, couchée à terre, parmi des ronces et des plantes sauvages: elle paraît avoir été d’un assez beau travail, et bien drapée; mais les bras et la



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tête sont cassés; d’ailleurs, servant à soutenir le chemin du côté du précipice, ses contours sont en général fort usés. [ ] 67  Lechevalier_1802_I_241 (travelling in 1785–1786) Alexandria Troas, the thermal springs called Kaploudja-Hamam: Les murailles qui les entourent sont construites avec des débris de statues; on y distingue celle d’Hercule jeune, et celle d’une femme dont la draperie est du plus beau stile. / La colline sur laquelle elles sont situées, est couverte de tombeaux. [ ] 68  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_II_144 Alexandria Troas: A la partie méridionale, et hors de l’enceinte de la ville, à quatre milles des bords de la mer, sur le penchant du plateau sur lequel Alexandria-Troas était bâtie, au-dessus d’une petite rivière qui le sépare de la base du mont Ida, il existe une source d’eau thermale très-abondante, qui alimentait autrefois des bains. Une statue d’Hercule enfant, qui se trouve placée dans des constructions turques récentes, peut faire présumer qu’ils étaient consacrés à Hercule. [ ] 69  Stochove_1643_215 Alexandria Troas: then a bath by a warm spring: nous y trouvasmes aussi quantité de statues de marbre, quelques unes entieres d’autres a demy ruinées – so taken with the ruins that his party were benighted there. [ ] 70  Pococke_1772_V_268–269 (in the Orient 1737–1742) vicinity of Alexandria Troas: Environ un demi mille à l’orient de la ville il y a une vallée avec un ruisseau d’eau salée appelé Aiyeh Su, & au couchant de celui-ci plusieurs sources d’eau salée & sulphureuse chaude dont le goût tient de celui de l’acier. On a bâtis deux bains au-dessus sur la croupe de la montagne, & l’on voit tout auprès les ruines de plusieurs anciens édifices, dont plusieurs arches existent encore. Les murailles sont bâties de pierres blanches & noires disposées en forme de losange; quelques-uns croient que c’est Larisse. Je vis dans l’un de ces bains une statue colossale de femme de marbre blanc, dont la tête est rompue mais la draperie en est fort belle, & il m’a paru qu’elle avoit une main couverte de sa robe. [ ] 71  Choisy_1876_201 After leaving Eski-Karahisar and Seideler: Boulavadyn (Polybotus) parait avoir été une ville somptueuse au temps du Bas-Empire. La fontaine et le mur du cimetière sont de véritables musées: les Turcs y ont maçonné en guise de moellons toute une série de pierres sculptées, restes de quelque édifice byzantin d’une prodigieuse richesse. La ville est remplie de fragments: ici une corbeille de marbre taillée à entrelacs sert de borne; là un chapiteau corinthien, admirable par la franchise du galbe et l’élégance du feuillage, est jeté dans la rue et gêne les passants. En somme, des fragments, pas une pierre en place, pas un reste qui mérite le nom d’une ruine; et toutes les villes antiques de l’Asie Mineure présentent, à des degrés divers, ce spectacle de dévastation. [ ] 72  Mauduit_1840_41 (travelling in 1811) at Bounar-Bachi: Cette source est renfermée en partie dans un bassin fait par les nouveaux habitants avec les débris d’un plus ancien. Deux des côtés de ce bassin sont formés par des pilastres de granit renversés, dont l’un est entier et orné de ses moulures hautes et basses, le second est plus informe. Les deux autres côtés sont formés par des dalles de marbre blanc, jetées l’une sur l’autre, sans soin, comme l’ont été les deux pilastres, et à l’effet seulement de retenir, par leur poids, le sable que l’eau pourrait entraîner. La terre humide tout autour, l’eau qui s’échappe de tous les côtés, prouvent que ce bassin était autrefois beaucoup plus grand; mais, plus près des habitations modernes, il a été plus exposé que le premier aux dégradations qu’y ont apportées les hommes plus que le temps. Les dalles qu’on y voit sont peut-être les restes de celles qui formaient ses margelles, et dont probablement les murs du canal étaient aussi recouverts. En parcourant le cimetière de Bounar-Bachi, éloigné de ce premier bassin de seulement une centaine de toises, j’y ai vu encore plusieurs dalles pareilles, et le peu d’épaisseur de la plupart des pierres funéraires, lesquelles sont toutes de marbre de la même nature, dispose fortement à penser que ces bassins étaient les carrières où les Turcs du village ont été pendant nombre d’années chercher les matériaux dont ils avaient besoin pour orner leurs tombes. [ ] 73  Clarke_1817_160–161 (in the East 1801–1802) District of Troas: “Half an hour after leaving Turkmanle we came to Bonarhashy of Beyramitch, the second place we had seen of that name; and so called from its vicinity to the fountain-head of some very remarkable warm springs, three of which gush with great violence from artificial apertures, into a



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marble reservoir entirely constructed of antient materials . . . The shafts of two pillars of granite, of the Doric order, stood, one on each side of the fountains; and half the operculum of a marble Soros lay in the wall above them. Some peasants brought to us a few barbarous medals of the lower ages, with effigies of Saints and Martyrs.” [ ] 74  Tozer_1869_I_29 Burnabashi: “To return now to the springs at Bunarbashi. Proceeding westwards from the village, you soon arrive at the two first of these, which are situated in the rocky ground at the edge of the plain, about sixty feet from one another, with a gnarled willow-tree growing between them. They are both about five feet square, and are encased on three sides by marble slabs, on which the Greek women of Bunarbashi wash their clothes; beneath these the water gashes out from numerous sources.” [ ] 75  Kinnear_1818_39 Eskishehir: “Whilst copying the inscription an immense crowd of men and boys assembled around me, but they were all extremely civil, and one of them perceiving lliat I wanted a piece of paper, sent for some and gave it to me. This man also informed me that he knew a place where there was a stone containing a talisman, and accordingly took me to a house where I found a woman washing linen on a handsome block of ash coloured marble, with an eagle in alto relievo admirably executed at the top, and under it the inscription No. 4.” [ ] 76  Durbin_1845_II_134 the valley of the Caister: “The valley was perhaps from twelve to fifteen miles wide. The road, as on the day before, lay through jungles of brush-wood, the pavement of the old Roman way occasional ly appearing. Every few miles a fine fountain stood by the road-side, pouring its water into a richly-sculptured marble sarcophagus, into which our horses thrust their heads and drank. Sometimes the fountain was dry, the waterpipes from the mountain being either choked up or cut off. Frequently we came upon vast desolate cemeteries adorned with marbles, and overrun with vines and shrubs.” [ ] 77  Wittman_1804_92–93: “In passing through the town, we saw several fragments of antique statues and columns. The inhabitants consist partly of Turks, and partly of Greeks. / We were highly gratified by the view of a beautiful oriental plane tree of surprising dimensions, situated near the entrance of the fort, and overshadowing a large tract of ground. From the outside of its branches to the opposite side, it measured an hundred and twentynine feet; and its trunk was thirty-four feet in circumference. Its enormous branches were supported by large and beautiful columns of marble and granite, about twenty in number, which had been brought purposely thither; and beneath its shade was the tomb of a Turkish saint, together with a fountain, and Turkish coffee-houses.” [ ] 78  Morier_1816_316–317: “From Geredeh to Boli is twelve hours. On quitting Geredeh we crossed one of the most beautiful regions that I had ever seen. It was a continual garden of vineyards and corn-fields, shaded by walnut and oak trees, growing here to a greater size than any that I had hitherto found in the country. At very frequent intervals, on each side of the road, were large collections of blocks of stone, of different shapes, squares, oblongs, and pillars of five or six feet high: several with Greek inscriptions upon them. That these spots were ancient places of burial is more certain, because there are now mixed among them many modern tombstones. There are two inscriptions near the durand or guard-house: one, on a column on the left of the road; and one, inserted in a wall on the right. I did not care for the chance of decyphering them to stop the rapid progress of our journey, (for we now went generally on a full gallop) but on coming up to a very conspicuous pillar on the side of the road near a fountain, I could not neglect the opportunity of copying it, while our horses were drinking. It was terminated by a cross, which was an evidence that the monument had some connection with the primitive Christians. I wished much to have taken the other inscriptions, as, in general, they seemed legible; but I found that any notice of Greek was incompatible with the character of a Persian, and might have excited a suspicion of my disguise.” [ ] 79  Keppel_1831_II_242–244 “Ghiediz, the Cadi of the ancients,” near Aezani: “The moment I dismounted, I sallied forth on my antiquarian pursuit. This place cannot boast of the same splendid specimens of antiquity as Azani; still there are sufficient remains to identify it as the site of an ancient town; I found in several places the capitals of pillars of the Corinthian and other orders of architecture. Of this, the post-house itself is an example,



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where these capitals form the bases of rude wooden pillars which have been found useful in supporting the ill-constructed building. On a fountain in the bazaar is a votive altar sacred to Aesculapius . . . The principal Turkish mosque is built of large Hellenic blocks, about which it is impossible to be deceived, as no such blocks have ever been employed by the Turks: hence it may be fairly inferred, that it was formerly an ancient temple. / On the balustrade of a bridge of Turkish structure, is an inscribed stone, which has been placed there not with reference to the characters on it, but as its size accidentally suited the purpose of the builder. / Near the arch of the same bridge, is a complete illustration of the Turks’ thorough indifference to the fine arts. Laid in with the other stones of which the bridge is built, are the fragments of two very fine white marble statues of a male and female. The first of these represents a man wanting the head and legs, in Grecian or Roman armour. The other the body of a woman from the hips downwards, in loose flowing drapery.” [ ] 80  Ainsworth_1842_I_145 Baths in the Haimaneh: “Within the inclosure, besides the baths, there are the ruins of dwelling-houses, and a burial-ground, in which are numerous Byzantine tombstones, cornices, pillars, and other fragments. There is also a modern mesjid, constructed chiefly with the stones of a former Greek temple, but this is tumbling in ruin . . . The natives call the place Yanina, or Yapak Hamman.” [ ] 81  Tchihatchef_1854_63 in Lydia: La contrée entre Merméré et Selendji, et surtout aux approches de ce dernier village, offre une foule de tronçons de colonnes antiques, de corniches, de chapiteaux, etc.; plusieurs des colonnes, cassées au-dessus de leur base, sont encore debout. Le village d’Ilan Kalessi, où se trouvent des ruines, au dire des habitants, et la présence de ces débris dans les environs de Selendji, prouvent que dans ces parages a dû exister une riche cité. Une fontaine dans le village est bâtie en anciennes dalles de marbre, toutes recouvertes d’inscriptions grecques, qui, malgré la beauté des caractères, deviennent presque indéchiffrables à cause des crevasses et des dégradations dont la pierre est partout sillonnée et qui interrompent presque chaque ligne. [ ] 82  Perrot_1864_460: Le sol de la Galatie a gardé des monuments assez nombreux d’une antiquité reculée, d’un art primitif bien antérieur à la conquête gauloise, et même à l’ascerndant pris par le génie et l’art grecs suries races qui peuplaient, depuis les temps antéhistoriques, l’intérieur de l’Asie Mineure. Sans parier des importants monuments de style assyra-médique que l’on connaît auprès de Boghaz-keui, dans la Galatie orientale, et que nous n’avons pas encore vus, de ce côté-ci de l’Halys, aux environs d’Ancyre, j’ai découvert des œuvres encore inconnues de ces temps lointains et de ce même art primitif. Dans une fontaine turque, auprès d’un petit village nommé Kalaha, à une heure d’Angora, se trouve encastré un bloc d’une espèce de granit noir, qui porte, sculpté avec un trèsfaible relief, un lion en course. Par son caractère de force et de simplicité, cette figure rappelle certains lions assyriens en bronze que nous possédons au Louvre, et se rapproche aussi de ceux que nous avons vus représentés dans quelques-unes des nécropoles primitives de la Phrygie. [ ] 83  Dehéran_1924_335 Fourcade reports c.1806 on the thermal baths at Kavza/Cauvsa (near Amasia): «Les murailles de la salle où l’on se baigne, la fontaine, le pavé, toute la salle en un mot, est ornée de pièces de marbre de la plus grande beauté, toutes retirées des monuments antiques. Le plus grand des bains antiques est distribué comme ceux des Grecs et des Romains. Aux quatre parties d’une grande salle, on voit des salons particuliers où l’on pouvait se faire suer, masser, baigner à l’eau froide. / Avec des pierres chargées d’inscriptions grecques ou latines, très mal conservées, les murailles de tous ces monuments offrent des briques dont la forme, la couleur et les dimensions sont les mêmes que celles des briques du gymnase de Sinope et du Palais de Mithridate à Samsoun (Amisus Eupatoria). Elles sont ainsi que des bases, des chapiteaux, des pièces d’entablement, encadrées dans les murs de la manière la plus barbare. / On ne voit rien de conservé du temps des Grecs et des Romains. Les trois quarts des inscriptions sont illisibles et appartiennent à des pierres sépulcrales. La majeure partie indique même par la forme des lettres les siècles des Empereurs romains.



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[ ] 84  Laborde_1838_16 à vingt minutes de distance de Mermera, près d’une fontaine construite en fragments antiques, dont l’un porte une inscriptions grecque. Ibid., 115 Comment on his Caramanie, Pl.XXX, 131: Je dessinai ce croquis, preuve surabondante de l’existence de nombreux fragments de l’antiquité. Employés partout comme matériaux de construction, ils servent ici comme ustensiles de ménage: d’un chapiteau on a fait la margelle d’un puits, d’un fragment de statue le contr-poids de la bascule, d’un couvercle de sarcophage l’auge pour abreuvoir les bestiaux. [ ] 85  Collignon_1880–1897_87 Mut: Des pierres antiques ont servi à construire une fontaine, et quelques débris de l’époque hellénique sont engagés dans la maçonnerie. C’est là, sous l’ombre d’un énorme figuier dont le tronc s’allonge horizontalement comme un serpent, que les habitants de Moût viennent passer les heures chaudes de la journée. Une dizaine de Turcs sont accroupis autour de la vasque; aux moments prescrits, ils font leurs ablutions et leurs prières, puis reprennent leur attitude immobile. Les heures s’écoulent ainsi pour eux dans une sorte de torpeur; leurs yeux vagues regardent dans le vide, avec une expression d’hébétement. C’est une parfaite image de l’Orient immobile, où rien ne change, où le temps n’a aucune valeur, et où les mots d’activité et d’énergie paraissent n’avoir pas de sens. [ ] 86  Stochove_1643_20 near Smyrna, half-a-league distant: nous fusmes veoir un ancien Temple basty de grosses pierres de marbre brute, mises les uns sur les autres sans ciment, ceux du pays l’appelent le Temple de Diane & disent que ceste Deesse, y a esté autrefois adorée. [ ] 87  De_Monconys_1665_475 (in Anatolia 1648) un vieil Temple des Romains qui est à un quart de lieuë de Smyrne, & à un jet de pierre du grand chemin de Constantinople; quelques-uns le nomment de Ianus parce qu’il est quarré à quatre arcades enfoncées, don’t l’une sert de porte . . . il est de très-grosses pierres & fait en petit Dome quarré: il y a des deux costez de l’entrée un escalier pratiqué dans le gros de mur pour aller jusques sur le haut. [ ] 88  Tournefort_II_1718_386 near Smyrna: “A Mile or thereabouts on the other side the Meles, in the Road to Magnesia, to the Left in the middle of a field, they still shew the Ruins of a Building they call the Temple of Janus, and which M. Spon suppos’d to be that of Homer; but since the Departure of that Traveller they have utterly demolish’d it, and that Quarter is filled with fine antient Marbles. Some Paces thence runs an admirable Spring, which turns constantly seven Mill-stones in one Mill. What pity it was that Homer’s Mother did not come to be deliver’d near so fine a Fountain. One sees there the Fragments of a great Marble Edifice, call’d the Baths of Diana; these Fragments are very magnificent, but there are no Inscriptions.” [ ] 89  Pococke_V_1772_22–23 (in the Orient 1737–1742) the Bains de Diane, near Smyrna, at Bonavre: On ne voit que ruines depuis cet endroit jusqu’à la ville, ce qui me donne lieu de croire qu’elle s’étendoit autrefois jusques-là. Les Turcs ont au village de Bonavre un cimetière si considérable qu’il est presqu’impossible que ce n’ait point été une grande ville & l’on m’a dit que dans les Patentes que le Grand Seigneur donne aux Consuls il les crée Consuls de Bonavre & de Smyrne, comme si c’était une ville de commerce bien qu’elle foit à une lieue de la mer. On trouve dans ces cimetières quantité de colonnes, de corniches &c. qui me font soupçonner qu’il y a eu autrefois un temple; & il paroît par une inscription grecque qu’il y avait une Eglise. Sur la croupe de la montagne, en tirant au couchant & vers l’encoignure de la baie, sont plusieurs sépulcres anciens. Les plus simples consistent dans une éminence de figure circulaire de pierres de taille ou de cailloux amoncelés les uns sur les autres. Au-dessous sont deux cercueils enfoncés dans la terre & couvertes d’une grosse pierre. Les autres forment des buttes circulaires depuis vingt jusqu’à soixante pieds de diametre, entourées d’une muraille rustique de même hauteur que la bute. Au-dessous est un caveau partagé en deux; dans quelques-uns ces murailles sont d’une espéce de granite bâtard de couleur foncée mais si poli qu’on a de la peine à distinguer les joints. [ ] 90  Arundell_1834_I_9; Arundell_1834_II_405–406 outside Smyrna: “Advancing towards the place called the Baths of Diana, the mausoleum, called absurdly the Temple of Janus,



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on the left side of the road, no longer exists – not a trace is left of it, though perfect much less than a century ago. That there were numerous places of sepulture hereabout is evident from the four granite sarcophagi, used as water-troughs, at the fountain; and probably the mosaic pavement, yet buried near some fig-trees at a short distance behind the fountain, belonged to a mausoleum of superior order, if it was not a bath.” Arundell_1834_II_405–406 near Smyrna, the “Baths of Diana”: “Some arches and foundations of buildings have been discovered near it, the magnificent fragments, says Tournefort, of a great marble edifice. Many columns of white marble have been seen by those who have had the curiosity to bring a boat up the river which issues from the bath: and some pillars of red and white marble were lately standing among the high reeds on the north side of it, evidently belonging to an ancient edifice; it was from hence, according to common report, that the pillar was brought, which is at present in the mosque at Bournabat, having this inscription [in Greek].” [ ] 91  Duc_de_Raguse_1837_II_154–155 Baths of Diana, near Smyrna: A peu de distance de la ville, du même côté, au delà du Mélès, se trouvent des sources abondantes, qui forment un petit lac. Des ruines antiques et de beaux marbres, souvenirs du temps passé, se remarquent sur ses bords, et beaucoup de roseaux, qui rappellent au temps présent, croissent en liberté aux environs. Cette pièce d’eau porte le nom pompeux de bains de Diane, et il paraît que cette divinité y avait autrefois un temple. On pourrait tirer de ces eaux un grand parti, pour l’utilité comme pour l’agrément. Aujourd’hui elles servent aux usages domestiques, et les blanchisseuses de Smyrne viennent y exercer leur industrie. [ ] 92  Cochran_1887_337: “the Bath of Diana, near the village of Mersenliqui on the Smyrna and Cassaba Railway. Leaving the railway carriage at Mersenliqui, the tourist walks along the margin of a canal-like stream for about a mile, until the gate of a large establishment – burnt-down paper works – is reached. The stream is believed by some authorities to be the river Meles of Homer, formed by the overflow from the fountain within the enclosure. At the gate sits a Turkish porter or guard, but there is no difficulty thrown in the way of strangers desiring admittance. The portion of the burnt-down works nearest the fountain has been of late repaired, and is now used as a flour-mill, which is driven by a powerful turbine wheel. To such a common purpose has this great relic of antiquity descended.” [ ] 93  Hawley_1918_90–91 near Smyrna, Diana’s Bath: “at some period, the land stretching between them and the city was a place of interment for the wealthy, as is evident from the number of carved sarcophagi that have been found. Yet this spot is no longer a home of the muse, the abode of elegant nobles, or a burial ground for the dead; the Société des Eaux de Smyrne have acquired possession and, surrounding it by a high wall, have built over one of the springs on the bank of the lake a pretty pagoda supported by eight columns, and conduct the surplus water to part of the city.” [ ] 94  Lechevalier_1802_II_146–148 relaying Bochart, on the island of Tenedos: Je vis près du port de la ville de Tenedos, un ancien sepulcre de la Troade, que les Turcs avaient transporté pour servir de fontaine; et j’ai retrouvé sur ce monument, l’inscription grecque publiée par le savant M. Chandler. Plus loin, dans la place publique, je trouvai encore d’autres tombeaux de laTroade, qui etaient consacres au meme usage, mais qui n’avaient point d’inscription. J’observai dans toute l’île, et même à l’entrée du port, une foule de colonnes brisées, faites avec le granit de la Troade; des vases antiques metamorphosés en abreuvoirs; beaucoup d’anciens marbres employés à la construction des cheminées. On sait que dans les guerres civiles de I’Angleterre, les marbres qui contiennent la chronique de Paros, le plus precieux monument de la chronologie ancienne, éprouvèrent en partie le même sort. J’allai exprès à Tenedos cliez un Turc, tailleur de pierres, qui brisait les sarcophages et les inscriptions de la Troade, pour en faire des tombeaux qu’il vendait aux personnes de sa religion. Une partie considérable des monumens de ce pays classique avait été déjà enlevée par les ordres du fameux capitan-pacha, Hassan-Pacha, il Gazi, qui fit faire des boulets avec les plus beaux marbres des environs des Dardanelles, et en préféra l’usage à celui du fer pour les grosses pièces d’artillerie. [ ] 95  Van der Osten_1929_84 4km W of Yerköi is a hot spring, Uyuz Hammam: “In the middle of the pool is a lion head of the Seljuk period, from whose mouth flows the hot water.”



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[ ] 96  Arundell_1834_II_115 “In the village of Yarislee, where we arrived at twelve o’clock, we were detained till one, and had time permitted, we would willingly have remained much longer, as we found several interesting inscriptions on the fountain and in the mosque, and might have found many more. The villagers, with their Aga at the head, escorted us from place to place, and pressed us much to visit the remains of a castle and other ruins on the mountain above the village; the site, no doubt, of the ancient town, from whence the inscribed stones were brought. They told us also, that great quantities of marble were visible under water in the lake.” [ ] 97  Leake_1824_62: “At Kilisa Hissar are found very considerable ruins of an ancient city, among which are those of an aqueduct upon arches, designed to convey water to the town from the hills to the southward, which are connected with the last slopes of Mount Taurus. Aqueducts of this description are indubitable signs of an ancient place which flourished under the Romans, and such we know to have been the condition of Tyana.” [ ] 98  Weber_1904 & Weber_1905. [ ] 99  Thompson_1744_II_54 on the road to Belgrade, 16 miles from Constantinople: “Part of the Valley. To the East of this we saw another that has three Ranges of Arches; and to the North another that joins two Hills together, over a narrow but deep Valley. This last has no more than four Arches, but they appear to be fifteen or sixteen Yards wide, for we did not go near enough to measure them exactly. The Care of these Waters, and the cleansing the Channels of the Aqueducts, is imposed upon the neighbouring Villages, for which Service they are exempted from all other Taxes. Most of the Aqueducts were built by the later Roman and Greek Emperors, but by Length of Time, and being neglected during the Troubles of the Empire, they ran to decay, and were render’d useless. However, they were repair’d again at a vast Expence by Sultan Solyman, who for this, and the stately Mosque he built in the City, was not undeservedly call’d the Magnificent. These Waters being thus brought to Constantinople, are there discharged into large Reservoirs, and thence dispersed by Pipes to the feveral Quarters of the City.” [ 100] Tournefort_II_1718_217 the river at Kars: “After having winded about this Plain, it comes to Cars, where it forms an Island, running under a Stone Bridge, and follows the Valley that is behind the Castle. There it not only turns several Mills, but also waters the Fields and Gardens.” [ ] 101  Chandler_1825_I_25: “The method of obtaining the necessary supplies of water used by the ancients still prevails. It is by conveying the fluid from the springs or sources, which are sometimes very remote, in earthen pipes or paved channels, carried over the gaps and breaks in the way on arches. When arrived at the destined spot, it is received by a cistern with a vent; and the waste current passes below from another cistern, often an ancient sarcophagus or coffin. It is cmnmon to find a cup of tin or iron hanging near by a chain; or a wooden scoop with a handle, placed in a niche in the wall. The front is of stone or marble; and in some, painted and decorated with gilding, and with an inscription in Turkish characters in relievo.” [ 102] Hamilton_1842_II_222 Akseray: “At half-past eleven, after winding for some time between gardens and orchards, we entered the ruined town of Ak Serai: the heat was so oppressive, that a spare horse which had carried a load yesterday, but had shown symptoms of being knocked up, staggered over a heap of rubbish, and soon died. On our way to the konak we passed some fine remains of the Saracenic period, and a low hill in the centre of the town covered with the ruins of a handsome mosque, and other Turkish buildings, as tekiyehs, turbehs, baths, &c. which once flourished round it, but are now fallen to decay. The bazaar alone remains in this part of the town; for the inhabitants live in their garden houses, with which the site of the old town is surrounded, and which are well supplied with water by means of numerous aqueducts from the Beas Su . . . Ak Serai contains between six and seven hundred houses, chiefly Turkish, and about ten Armenian families.” [ 103] Hamilton_1842_I_446–447 Alekiam, near the Sangarius River: “The burial-ground of Alekiam was close to us, and was full of broken columns, and other ancient remains, on several of which were inscriptions . . . In answer to my inquiries where they came from, I was directed to a small Turkish Tekiyeh, not half a mile off S, by E., where I unexpectedly



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found myself in the midst of the ruins of an ancient city, which must have been Orcistus, three or four miles to the S.E. of the modem village of Alekiam. / The ground was literally covered with ruins: fragments of columns, tombstones, pedestals, and blocks of marble lay scattered in all directions; and I distinctly traced the foundations and part of the walls of three, if not more, large buildings, probably temples or churches, composed of blocks of marble and limestone; but, as if to economise the materials, the blocks were generally placed edgewise with the rough side inwards; some parts of the town had been cleared and ploughed over. About a mile to the west of the ruins is a mill, in the new dam of which a large pedestal has been used as a comer-stone, with a long Latin inscription on three sides. It is placed upside down, and under the failing water, so that I found it difficult even to attempt to copy it. I tried it again the next day, but could only make out enough to satisfy me that it was the same as that of which part had been already copied by Pococke.” [ 104] Della_Valle_1843_I_11–12 (writing in 1615) Alexandria Troas, aqueducts: Vidi un condotto di acqua, grande, che vi può entrar un uomo in piedi: ma io lo stimo piuttosto chiavica che condotto, perchè cammina sotto terra, ed alla riva del mare viene al piano dell’acqua; e certo, dal modo della fabbrica, sto in dubbio di quello che possa essere. Un altro simile ne trovai dentro terra, che mi fece maravigliare; perchè è grande che vi entrerebbe una carrozza: e quando io vi passai sopra alla bocca, credeva certo che fosse ponte: ma ponte non è; né condotto di acqua può essere, perchè è troppo grande, e troppo basso, e dicono che va sotto terra un gran pezzo: di maniera che non so pensare che possa essere stato; se non fosse a sorte qualche strada sotterranea. [ 105] Pococke_1772_V_191 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Ankara: On trouve dans les environs de la ville quantité de conduits de pierre, pareils à ceux de Laodicée, avec des tours de distance en distance, dans lesquelles l’eau monte & descend dans des tuyaux de terre, & se rend dans les quartiers les plus élevés de la ville; ce qui est une méthode fort usitée dans le levant. [ 106] Perrot_1872_I_269 on the stone conduit blocks seen in the walls of the citadel at Ankara: l’usage de ces tuyaux faits de la pierre dur du pays ne s’est pas perdu à Angora. Nous en avons vu plusieurs fois tailler aux abords de la ville. [ 107] Leake_1820_257–258 Antalya: “Granite columns, and a great variety of fragments of ancient sculpture, found about the place, attest its former importance as a Greek city. Among other remains are those of an aqueduct, extending the whole length of the suburbs, but now quite ruined and overgrown with bushes. These different objects, with the sea, and the stupendous ridge of rugged mountains on the west side of the gulf, render the place extremely picturesque.” [ 108] Hunt_1817_126–126. [ 109] Beaufort_1818_251 (travelling 1811–1812) Ayas (to the W. Pompeiopolis): “Near the landing place, and standing alone, there is a small square mausoleum with a pyramidal roof of twelve faces; it has an inscription over the door, apparently in Arabic, but which no one, to whom I have shewn it, has been able to decipher. The rest of the tombs are at the other extremity of the town; some of them are large buildings, neatly finished, with Corinthian pilisters, and in excellent preservation. / The remains of a theatre were found, and a multitude of other ruins too numerous to detail; but the most striking proof of the former opulence and grandeur of this place, appears in the elaborate pains that were bestowed on providing it with a supply of water. Besides many capacious reservoirs, there were three aqueducts.” [ ] 110  Robert_1973_211 the Messina relief: les Messinois participaient directement au commerce d’Ayas. D’autre part, Messine était l’escale des commerçants originaires de la Méditerranée Occidentale. Quant à la Sicile et à la Sardaigne, aussi longtemps qu’elles furent politiquement dans la dépendance de l’Aragon, elles restèrent commercialement dans l’orbite de Barcelone et les Génois y furent relégués au second plan. Messine, cependant, jouissait d’un privilège exceptionnel: grâce à sa situation sur un point où passait tout le trafic, elle était devenue une sorte de rendez-vous du commerce du monde entier. A leur retour de l’Orient, les marins des provinces occidentales de l’Italie, les Provençaux,



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les Catalans y faisaient relâche et y laissaient une partie des épices qu’ils rapportaient, de sorte que le marché en était toujours approvisionné. 216. Ainsi, par les rapports de Messine au Moyen Âge avec Ayas-Lajazzo, grand port du royaume de la Petite Arménie, s’explique le transport de la dédicace d’Aigeai à Asclépios et Hygie, ses dieux poliades, dans la cathédrale de Messine. [ ] 111  amsay_1897b_76: “There are Greek workmen in Turkey who still possess some considerable skill in making such underground channels for water. I once saw one of these workmen engaged in arranging the water-supply for a village in Banaz-Ova: he had nearly finished the work, but as it was still incomplete I had the opportunity of seeing a great part of the aqueduct. It was apparently an old channel, which had been broken; and until the repairs were completed the village had to carry all its water from the break, about half a mile away, while the new fountain in which the aqueduct was to end, was as yet quite dry.” [ ] 112  Hammer_1820_276 Bursa inside the citadel: Mais dans l’enceinte du château même, rien n’offre tant d’intérêt que les ruines des palais impériaux, jadis le siège florissant des premiers sultans ottomans. Ils ne sont pas encore réduits à de simples monceaux de pierre, ils ne sont pas encore démolis au point qu’on ne puisse reconnoître leur emplacement, la distribution des différens appartemens, les bains, les jardins, les Kiosk et les fontaines. Il y en a de ces dernières conservées tout en entier dans un pan de muraille; mais l’eau, ayant rompu ces tuyaux, s’écoule de côté et arrose la terre; des graminées et des percepierres croissent dans les bouches de marbre qui versoient l’eau, et des décombres remplissent le bassin qui le reçevoit autrefois. [ ] 113  Rustafjaell_1902_184 Cyzicus peninsula: “On the peninsula there can also be seen traces of a system of water conduits, which supplied the city with water from the interior, both from the east and west, by means of red earthen pipes, 6 feet long and 2.5 feet in diameter. The western conduit was the more important one. Traces of a dam to divert a stream from its course into a tunnel cut through the hill can still be seen some distance inland. This tunnel was connected with the pipes by a set of conduits hewn out of the rocks. Earthquakes and time have destroyed these also, but some of the pipes are in a perfect state of preservation, and are used in various ways by the natives. I saved two from destruction by bringing them down to Yeni-Keui. Their weight is about seven hundredweight each.” [ ] 114  Tournefort_1718_II_205: Les piliers qui soutiennent les arcades, sont bâtis de très-belles pieces de marbre, entremêlées de morceaux d’architecture, & l’on y lit des Inscriptions qui parlent des premiers Cesars . . . [the waters] se distribuoient à la ville par des tuyeaux de brique, pratiquez dans de petites tour quarrées & appuyées contre quelques-uns des piliers. [ ] 115  D’Estournel_I_1844_218 Ayasoluk aqueduct: est construit comme la porte en matériaux antiques, parmi lesquels j’ai remarqué sept inscriptions assez longues et en beaux caractères, sans parler de plusieurs autres qui ne contiennent que quelques mots. [ ] 116  Thompson_1744_II_360 Seljuk: “Going Eastward from the Gate of the Persecution we come to a ruin’d Aqueduct, which was the Work of the Greek Emperors, and serv’d to convey Water to the Castle as well as the City, from a Spring mentioned by Pausanias. The Arches are supported by square Pillars, which consist of fine Pieces of Marble; and there are Inscriptions on them, which speak of the first Cesars. The Greeks live near this Aqueduct, and the Turks in the more Southern Part of the Village. Very few of the Inscriptions are legible, and others are so high that we could make nothing of them; nor could the Greeks lend us any such thing as a Ladder.” [ ] 117  De_Monconys_1665_427 (in Anatolia 1648) Ayasoluk: the four columns in the mosque are des debris du Temple de Diane . . . il y a dans la plaine des aqueducs rompus dont les piliers faits de diverses pierres à moitié escrites & taillées comme celles du Chasteau, font voir que l’un et l’autre ouvrage est du temps du bas Empire; ainsi les Grecs Modernes, & les Turcs ayant pris tout ce qui avoit échappé de l’embrasement [viz. the castle



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enceinte], on ne voit plus rien de beau ny de considerable que la grandeur de l’espace qu’occupoit le Temple de Diane suivant ce que l’on montre. [ ] 118  Heberdey_1904_Cols_53–54: In spätrömischer Zeit wurde die Freitreppe zur Bibliothek außer Gebrauch gesetzt und auf ihren untersten Stufen eine Reihe kolossaler Reliefplatten aufgestellt, die einem älteren Monumente, dessen Platz man in der Nähe vermuten darf, entnommen wurden. Sie sind nur zum Teil in der ursprünglichen Abfolge in zwei Serien angeordnet, welche in der Mitte durch eine einspringende halbrunde Nische getrennt werden. Da sie mit einer dicken Schicht wasserdichten Mörtelmauerwerkes hintermauert und an der Vorderseite stellenweise stark versintert sind, wird anzunehmen sein, daß sie als Schmuck eines Wasserbassins dienen sollten – ähnlich den verwandten Reliefs mit Stierköpfen und Guirlanden außen an der Südwestecke der “römischen Agora.” [ ] 119  Sykes_1904_129 at Fal: “The next is Fal, where there are evident signs of a paved road of great antiquity. My reason for saying this is that on the top of it there is a Turkish fountain built at least three hundred years ago; and if the road was so little considered three centuries back one cannot but suppose that its date is early. The same road appears to run right away to the Euphrates, when it turns to the right. I at first took it to be Roman, but was told by the Zaptieh that it was made by Sultan Murad: this I accepted until we reached the Zakharish pass, where there is a cutting of Roman or ancient workmanship. On examining the ground closely I found there were two roads sometimes overlapping, the upper one cobble (Turkish) and the other slab and pavement, such as the Roman road in the Hauran. Before entering the Zakharish pass I noticed an ancient quarry on the right of the path, and discovered four rock-hewn tombs, but with no inscriptions.” [ 120] Hamilton_1842_II_30–31 Halicarnassus: “Passing between the ruined piers forming the narrow entrance of the harbour, we landed on the sandy isthmus which connects the castle with the town. Here we observed some sculptured circular pedestals or stelae, adorned with festoons of grapes and vine-leaves, rams’ heads, and cornucopiae. Two of them supported the low piers of a modern aqueduct which supplied the fountains of a mosque near the castle; others served in the same way to keep up the wooden props in the bazaar.” [ ] 121  Texier_1835_492–493: La ville de Iassus, dont la marine était puissante, subsiste encore en entier. Son théâtre, l’agora, la nécropole, et un grand nombre d’édifices publics existent encore dans un bel état de conservation. Cette ville est aujourd’hui déserte; mais il doit y avoir peu d’années que sa population l’a abandonnée. Les derniers voyageurs qui en parlent y ont trouvé encore des habitants en 1760. On l’appelait encore Arsem-Kaleci, nom qui est resté au golfe. Ses murailles de marbre blanc ne servent plus qu’à enclore une forêt naissante. [ 122] Childs_1917_199b Kayseri: “Here and there may be seen portions of brick conduits – for water evidently played a great part in the city – and old vaults running back into the hillside, the outer end broken down, the interior filled with debris and earth. Now and then a small glistening piece of marble arrests the eye and proves to have been polished, and may even show a fragment of carved surface – part of a leaf, a scroll, or moulding. On a wider survey the site of the stadium becomes apparent; and the morning sunlight, falling much aslant on the bare surface of a shallow valley, brings out, at a little distance, a series of faint regular shadows which suggest unmistakably the greater stoppings of an amphitheatre. A great city, indeed, extended over these low spurs and valleys coming down from Argaeus.” [ 123] Renoüard_de_Bussierre_1829_169–170: Lampsacus: Après une demi-heure de marche nous trouvâmes une quantité de tronçons de colonnes en marbre et en granit, des chapiteaux et des corniches, qui, sans doute, appartenaient jadis à un grand temple. On s’en est servi pour construire une écluse de moulin. Une vieille tradition prétend que de riches trésors ont été enfouis en ce lieu. On nous assura que d’autres colonnes, restes d’un édifice consacré à Vénus, étaient encore debout à un quart de lieue de distance; nous nous y rendîmes: malheureusement le vandalisme des habitans les avait renversées pour les convertir en monumens tumulaires.



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[ 124] Castellan_1820_240–241: Les maisons de Lampsaki sont construites avec des débris antiques, et souvent la façade est bizarrement ornée de très-beaux fragmens. Des frises sculptées sont dressées verticalement aux côtés d’une porte, dont une petite colonne forme le couronnement. Nous avons vu dans les rues plusieurs tronçons en marbre de colonnes cannelées, d’un très-fort diamètre: on les a creusés, et ils servent, en guise de mortier, pour battre le grain, et le dégager de son enveloppe. Ailleurs, une corniche d’ordre corinthien, chargée d’ornemens travaillés avec délicatesse, formoit le réservoir d’une fontaine, ou plutôt un lavoir où des femmes étoient occupées à laver du linge d’une blancheur moins éclatante que celle du marbre de ce fragment qui sans doute avoit appartenu à un magnifique édifice. D’autres fragmens dont l’énumération seroit trop longue, sont convertis en bornes, employés à des fondations et à des usages enfin bien étrangers à leur origine. [ 125] Hamilton_1842_I_515–516 the aqueduct at Laodicea: “Amongst other interesting objects are the remains of an aqueduct, commencing near the summit of a low hill to the south, whence it is carried on arches of small square stones to the edge of the hill. Here also the water must have been much charged with calcareous matter, as several of the arches are covered with a thick incrustation. From this hill the aqueduct crossed a valley before it reached the town, but, instead of being carried over it on lofty arches, as was the usual practice of the Romans, the water was conveyed down the hill in stone barrel-pipes; some of these also are much incrusted, and some completely choked up. It traversed the plain in pipes of the same kind; and I was enabled to trace them the whole way quite up to its former level in the town. Thus we have evidence that the ancients were acquainted with thie hydrostatic principle of water finding its level when confined in a close pipe or drain of sufficient strength. The aqueduct on the hill appears to have been overthrown by an earthquake, as the remaining arches lean bodily on one side, without being much broken. At the spot where it reaches the town is a high conical wall picturesquely covered with incrustations and water-pipes of red clay, some of which are completely choked up; the remains of what appeared to have been another water-tower were not far distant.” [ 126] Rosenmüller_1846_47–48 Laodicea: “Here there is still to be seen a subterraneous aqueduct, which brings the water of the hills to the town; as also a Stadium, or race course, which is almost quite entire on the north side. Adjoining it are the remains of a large edifice, the use of which cannot be clearly ascertained. Its outer wail had seven gates on the longer side, and one at each of the ends: they inclosed two large halls, sixty paces long and forty broad, besides several apartments of smaller dimensions, with porches and vaults, in the construction of which columns and pillars had not been spared. There are also observable the remnants of several temples, and of two theatres, the larger of which is still tolerably entire.” [ 127] Laborde_1838_11 Magnesia: Les maisons sont construites en bois, comme dans toute la Turquie. [ 128] Chandler_1825_I_333 Magnesia: “The castle hill is exceedingly high, the ascent steep and tiresome, with loose stones in the way. By the track is a fountain, with a broken inscription, and earthen pipes, which convey water down to the city. It is a mean fortress, abandoned, and in ruins.” [ 129] Durbin_1845_153 at Marmora, on the banks of the Gygean Lake: “Next morning I took a rapid survey of the town, and found everywhere the comminuted remains of former grandeur. Fragments of marbles were scattered about the streets, built into the ordinary dwellings, and wrought into gravestones to adorn the over-crowded cemeteries. Occasionally were seen, uncovered by the gradual removal of the soil in the streets and roads, the conduits, formed of earthenware cylinders, as at Jerusalem and on the declivity above Sardis, for supplying water to a city which has disappeared, while the vast necropolis at hand attests its populousness.” [ 130] Porter_1835_225 town of Marmora: “The landing-place is built on six marble piles.” [ ] 131  Pococke_1772_V_291 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Mehullich, on the way from Cyzicus to Bursa: On avoit commence un aqueduc de quatre milles de longueur pour conduire l’eau à la ville; il étoit composé de vingt-sept piliers en forme d’obélisques; mais celui qui



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en faisoit la dépense étant mort, ce peuple indolent n’a pas eu l’industrie de l’achever bien qu’il n’y ait que de l’eau de puits dans la ville. Les puits ont trois pieds de diamètre, mais ils ne sont point revêtus en dedans, & pour empêcher la terre de s’ébouler, on a soin d’y adapter un tuyau composé de plusieurs tubes de terre d’environ deux pieds de long. [ 132] Hamilton_1842_I_346 Niksar/Neocaesarea (nine hours from Tokat) “In the gateways of the outer and inner walls were many large blocks of stone which had evidently belonged to older buildings, on two of which I found unimportant fragments of inscriptions. Amongst the walls near the summit of the castle were the remains of a handsome facade, containing three arches of good workmanship, apparently Roman, and belonging to an ancient edifice, on the ruins of which the modem fortress has been built. At a neighbouring fountain was a bas-relief representing a contest of animals, or rather two lions devouring a goat; and let into the wall close by were four stones with very rude sciilptures, two of which represented animals, and two men, one of whom was apparently a blacksmith. The castle was supplied with water by an aqueduct, part of which is still in use, the ruined portions being replaced by wooden pipes.” [ 133] Alexander_1827_239 Boli: “we arrived at the city of Boli, in which there were whole streets of houses recently built and building . . . The country round this flourishing city was enclosed and divided into fields by wicker and thorn fences. After leaving Boli, we passed a saw-mill driven by water, at which the people seemed busily employed preparing timber for the capital, for which there was a great demand in consequence of the fire: the road was covered for miles with waggons laden with timber.” [ 134] Chandler_1825_I_339 at Sedikui for watering gardens: “When it happened that the springs were dry, or the allowance not sufficient, the necessary fluid was raised by a machine, as in the orange-orchards of Scio. It is a laige broad wheel furnished with ropes, hanging down and reaching into the water. Each rope has many cylindrical earthen vessels, fastened to it by the handles with bands of myrtle or of mastic. This apparatus is turned by a small horizontal wheel, with a horse or mule blinded and going round, as in a mill. The jars beneath fill and arrive in regular succession at the top of the wheel, when they empty, and return inverted to be again replenished. The trough, which receives the water, conveys it into a cistern to be distributed, at a proper hour, among the drooping vegetables. A like engine is in use in Persia and in Egypt.” [ 135] Langlois_1854–1855_645–646 Adana: Enfin, une construction monumentale, due aux Romains, existait encore à Adana au commencement du siècle dernier; le voyageur Paul Lucas en donne la description et indique son emplacement: «A main droite, au ponent, sont de grands aqueducs, au bas desquels on voit des roues qui puisent l’eau de la rivière.» / Le même voyageur découvrit sur ces aqueducs et copia une inscription métrique, qui depuis a été transportée dans l’église grecque d’Adana, où je l’ai vue pendant mon séjour dans cette ville; elle est gravée sur une dalle carrée, en marbre blanc, qui aujourd’hui sert d’autel. [ 136] Langlois_1854–1855_648–649 Adana: Sur la rive droite du Sarus et couvrant le pont d’Adana, dont il défendait l’approche, est un château ruiné, qui paraît être de construction byzantine. Paul Lucas donne des détails sur ce monument, qui de son temps était encore en assez bon état, puisqu’il était occupé par une garnison turque. Kinneïr, qui le visita au commencement de ce siècle, le prit pour un édifice musulman, et signala son état de délabrement. / De nos jours, il ne reste du château fort que les pans de murailles, dans l’intérieur desquels sont groupées des habitations turques. Les matériaux entrés dans la construction de la forteresse se composaient de belles pierres de taille. Après les sièges de 1485, par Bajazet II, qui la fit réparer, et de 1488, par le sultan d’Egypte, qui la fit miner pour obtenir et hâter sa reddition, on remarque avec étonnement le bon état de conservation dans lequel s’est maintenue la base de cette forteresse. [ 137] Hamilton_1842_II_264 near Kayseri: “Another day I made an excursion to the monastery of Yanar Tash, about eleven or twelve miles E.N.E. from Caesarea, over a bleak, rocky, and partly undulating country. On some low heights, about a mile and a half N.E. from the town, I observed several remains of Turkish or Saracenic buildings which, with



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the ruined edifices within the walls, prove that for some time after the decline of Byzantine or Roman rule. Caesarea must have been a much more important place than it is now. Two or three miles further we came upon hills of volcanic tuff, which form the S.E. boundary of the valley of the Sarmasakli Su» and presently descended to a large village, called Ghirmi, built on the steep sides of a ravine in the same formation, perforated by numerous caves, and surrounded by gardens. Some of the houses, built of stone, were large and respectable; the streets were generally paved, so that it hardly resembled a Turkish village; indeed, a considerable portion of the inhabitants were Greeks.” [ 138] Texier_1843_253–254; Texier_1843_255 in the hills near Scala Nova, with a mill perhaps deriving from an ancient nymphaeum: En s’enfonçant plus avant dans la gorge, on aperçoit une église rustique récemment construite. Un moulin à eau fait entendre son bruit monotone: on se croirait dans quelques vallées de la Suisse. Le torrent qui descend de la montagne roule avec fracas au milieu des débris des rochers, parmi lesquels on remarque d’énormes blocs grossièrement écarris. En effet, la profondeur du vallon a été autrefois occupée par une construction dont il reste des vestiges imposants; ce sont trois assises de pierre de taille ou plutôt de fragments de rochers qui formaient sans doute les fondations d’une grotte ou d’un nymphée. On voit encore une partie circulaire qui terminait le fond du nymphée. Les eaux passaient sans doute par quelque issue souterraine aujourd’hui détruite. Ce qui reste de cet édifice rappelle les plus anciennes constructions des premiers Grecs. Près de l’église, on voit une colonne de granit qui appartient évidemment à une époque moins ancienne; en effet, les Caloyers l’ont trouvée sur la partie supérieure de la montagne et l’ont roulée jusque là. / Les trois assises de pierre reposent sur un soubassement en saillie d’environ 9 mètres et de même construction. C’est là tout ce qui reste de cet antique édifice. Texier_1843_255 the mill he found in the hills near Scala Nova, presumably related to the Ephesus aqueduct: En remontant le cours du torrent, on trouve à gauche, une route, taillée dans le roc au milieu des broussailles, qui conduit à une grotte profonde d’où s’échappe une source abondante. Une partie de la grotte a été excavée de main d’homme, et sur le flanc du rocher s’ouvre un conduit d’aqueduc qui recevait la majeure partie des eaux de la source. Ces eaux étaient portées à Éphèse par le grand aqueduc, qui suit la sinuosité des montagnes, et dont nous avons observé d’énormes débris dans la vallée de Pigèle. Depuis la prise d’eau jusqu’à Éphèse, les eaux parcouraient un espace de 5 myriamètres [1 myriamètre = 10km], toujours soutenues à 35 ou 40 mètres au-dessus du niveau de la mer. [ 139] Bent_1893_181–182 Covell (travelling 1670–1679) 8 miles from Selymbria, at Chiorlóo: “At the lower end (from the Town) it is crost with an aquaeduct of 96 paces long (the distance from edge to edge of the grass), with one onely little high arch in the midst. It is decay’d and dayly running to ruine, yet the earthern pipes on the top are yet whole, and the water runs still in them. It was a very antient way of conveighing water, and far beyond either wood or lead. I saw several old ones at Carthage, Ephesus, Smyrna, etc., which must needs some of them have lain in the ground thousands of yeares unperisht. I shall briefly give you this description: they make earthen trunks about foot and half (sometimes little more) long; one end is made with a shoulder, the other end with a female grove (to receive that end of a second trunk). Now to close each joynt they have an excellent mortar, which they call Lukium or Lookioóm; it is made of unslaked lime and beaten brick, most finely powdered and sifted, cotton wool very thinly pul’d and strew’d on, and then all slaked with linseed oyle and mixt together, then they reject whilst it is fresh made, otherwise it hardens immediately. Then care is to be taken that the trunkes be kept from force, and they will endure to eternity.” [ 140] Hamilton_1842_I_312 Sinope, to the E. of the town: “One building particularly attracted my attention; it consisted of three large vaulted chambers, which, from the incrustation on the walls, probably formed a cistern. About 200 yards higher up the hill, was a spring and fountain excavated in the rock, to which a narrow entrance had been formed of regularly hewn stones. The water now used in the town is entirely supplied from the peninsula; it is conveyed by small earthen pipes, all the springs in the hills being



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collected together and carried in pipes to the east gate, where they unite, and are thence conducted across the bridge to be dispersed through the town.” [ ] 141  Robinson_1906_264 Sinope: “Of the architecture of ancient Sinope, its art as carried into building, no more can be said than of its other art. Notwithstanding the care with which the city was built, the old structures have perished. The only possible trace I could find of the aqueduct is in the arches against which part of the city wall is built. The wall also contains, as before noted, 3 pieces of architraves with inscriptions and columns.” [ 142] Ross_1902_158 on Sinope, writing in 1851 “Everywhere fragments of columns are seen cropping out of the ground, built into wretched-looking houses, or forming the headstones of the Mohammedan dead. In the walls of the fine old Genoese castle wall . . . are the almost erased remnants of Grecian bas-reliefs, and amongst them are later inscriptions of the Roman Hadrian. Everything showed that the decayed city of ricketty plank dwellings, black and rotten from age and neglect, had been adorned with magnificent temples and buildings.” [ 143] Weber_1899_19–20 at Smyrna, by his detective work can identify and trace elements of aqueducts: An der Südost-Ecke des byzantinischen Mauerrings des Schlofsberges fand ich ein Steinrohr in die innere Fassade eingelassen (Fig. 27), eine Thatsache, die zum Schluss berechtigen dürfte, dass zur Zeit der Erbauung dieser Mauer unsere Wasserleitung schon zerstört war; und allem Anscheine nach sind noch andere gleichartige Werkstücke in derselben Mauer verbaut. / Nach längerem Suchen fanden sich aufserdem auf dem Nordabhang des Pagus vier Steinrohre. Das erste liegt auf der Strasse, westlich vom Stadium, das zweite ist in der Mauer eines Hauses im Apano-Mahalla oberhalb der Johannes-Kirche verbaut, das dritte befindet sich in der Gartenmauer der neuen Moschee Hadschi-Bei. Etc [ 144] Weber_1899_4 Smyrna: Eine Darstellung der antiken Leitungen von Smyrna, wie ich sie jetzt folgen lasse, beruht zwar auf langjährigen Beobachtungen, die ich aber ebenfalls in Folge jener Anregung in den letzten Jahren mit verstärktem Eifer verfolgt habe. Es sind sechs Leitungen, zwei davon zerstört, vier noch in Thätigkeit, eine siebente gehört als ein eben erst in Herstellung begriffenes Werk modernen Wasserbaus nicht hierher. Aufser den Wasserleitungen mögen zum Schlüsse auch noch die in byzantinischer Zeit auf dem Schlofsberge erbauten Cisternen Erwähnung finden. [ 145] AJA_IV_1900_524: The Water Works of Smyrna. II. Four distinct constructions have been traced which brought water to Smyrna from the south: one from Ak Bunar, and the others from nearer hills across the Meles river. The first, a covered channel of masonry, leads to the temple of the Acraean Zeus, and dates from about 80 A.D. The second, the Osman Aga aqueduct, of similar construction, was built in the fifth or sixth century after Christ. It crosses the Meles by a picturesque bridge of brick and stone. The Vezir Su aqueduct is a line of earthen pipes laid in 1674, at a lower level. These two are still in use. Two lines of earthen pipes uniting near the city, which have now nearly disappeared, date from Byzantine times. One of them crossed the Meles by an inverted siphon. There are rainwater reservoirs in the citadel hill, the largest of them probably built by the exiled Greek emperor about 1225. Lastly, the upper city is tunnelled with horizontal passages leading to the springs in the heart of the hill. (G. Weber, Jb. Arch. I. XIV, 1899, pp. 167–188; 19 cuts.) [ 146] Beaujour_1829_II_163 Smyrna: Il parait aussi que l’aquéduc, en ligne brisée, qui amène dans la ville les eaux d’une montagne voisine et qui traverse sur des arches trèsélevées le Mélès, en tournant au nord le mont Pagus, est encore un ouvrage de construction romaine, mais qu’il a été reconstruit, ou du moins réparé par les Turks. [ 147] Davis_1874_24 and note: “We left Smyrna for Aiasolouk. The railway passes round the base of Mount Pagus, through some deep cuttings in the volcanic rock, and enters the plain of Boujah. It crosses the Meles near the Great Cemetery, where, overshadowed by gloomy cypresses, sleep generations of Muslim dead. The deep ravine through which the stream runs is spanned by two fine aqueducts, both apparently in ruin.” Noted as follows: “I am told that both are still serviceable. The lower is one of the very few public works constructed by the Turks. It was built in 1674–5, together with the Bazaars and various other



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public buildings, by the Grand Vizier, Ahmet Kiuprili. To supply materials for these works, the City Wall and the Theatre (the scene of Polycarp’s martyrdom) were demolished.” [ 148] Ramsay_1897b_75: “Turkish towns are generally placed where a copious supply of running water is available with little trouble. In some large towns, the water flows continuously through most of the streets; and in almost all there is abundance of fountains running constantly. The ancient cities, on the other hand, were placed rather with a view either to convenience of trade or to military strength; and, as there was far greater engineering skill among the ancients, they did not shrink from the task of conducting an artificial water-supply to their cities from a considerable distance. Tchifut-Kassaba seems, however, to stand actually on part of the site of Synnada; and the acropolis of the ancient city is at the edge of the modern. There are numerous fountains, which pour an abundant supply of water through the town. The water is brought in underground channels from the hills near the city on the west side. [ 149] Anderson_1897_401–402 Trapezopolis: “The site, which still retains the latter half of the name in the form ‘Bolo,’ conspicuously justifies by its shape the title ‘Table-City,’ especially when one gets a view of it from the side of Baba Dagh (Mt. Salbakos). A search over the plateau, which is now turned into cornfields, revealed numerous remains of all kinds. The foundations of the aqueduct, which brought a supply of water down from Mt. Salbakos, can be easily traced for a considerable distance, and lying about we saw some of the stone pipes, which are of exactly the same form as those that are found in such quantities, largely in situ, at Laodiceia.” [ 150] Ainsworth_1844_43 “The site is watered by a small stream, along the course of which are the remains of an ancient aqueduct. This rivulet rises from a small lake or pool, which is surrounded by numerous blocks of marble, and fragments of cornices and architraves. To the north-west of this are some caves in the face of the hills, one of the largest of which was carved all round with narrow round niches, like the windows and arches of a Byzantine church. The burial-ground in the neighbourhood is also full of columns, marbleblocks, &c. The koma, or mound, consists of loose sand, and there were many marble-blocks and old foundations in the walls of the houses, and in the pits dug near them. The modern town of Bór is about three miles north of Kiz Hisár, and in its streets and buildings are many large blocks of stone and marble, and fragments of broken columns brought from Tyana.” [ ] 151  Alishan_1899_185 Tyana, on the road from Sardis to Tarsus, and its thermal springs in a lake: son eau est toujours bouillonnante, mais jamais elle ne déborde; il est entouré de pierres de taille massives, dont une grande partie ont été enlevées afin de former un canal pour les moulins; les Romains aussi avaient construit ici un grand aqueduc en marbre, pour conduire l’eau dans la ville, il n’ a pas moins de sept milles de longueur; cinquante voûtes restent encore debout les plus grandes et les plus hautes sont près de la ville, les plus petites, près de la colline, d’où coule continuellement une source qui se déverse dans un bassin de 40 à 50 pieds de longueur; ce lac est appelé maintenant Kezlar-gueul (Lac aux filles). [ 152] Rott_1908_99 Klisse Hissar / Tyana: Majestätisch ragen über die Kleinheit und den Schmutz der heutigen Welt die Bogen der römischen Wasserleitung, deren Pfeiler aus großen Scagliaquadern erbaut sind. Einst trug sie köstliches Naß in die Stadt herab von dem östlichen Plateau, wo eine Reihe kleinerer Seen kristallklares Wasser aufsprudelt. Wir besuchten einige derselben, den Dibsisgöl, den von Kainartsche, den Üschgöl in dessen Nachbarschaft, und noch weiter südlich den Jenigöl. Zum Teil aus ihren verborgenen Quellen gespeist entspringt 1/4 Stunde von den letzten Gartenhäusern Tyanas der Köschsu, wo der Beginn des alten Aquädukts zu suchen ist und eine mächtige Ader aus dem Fuß der Anhöhe entspringt, die nach wenig Schritten bereits eine Mühle treibt. Antike Werkstücke schimmern aus dem lichtklaren Wasser herauf, eine mächtige Steinplatte mit großem Kreuzrelief dient als Brückensteg des mittleren der drei Quellanne. In der Nähe steht noch ein zerfallener, älterer Quaderbau, anscheinend ein Bad aus türkischer Zeit.



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[ 153] Kinnear_1818_113–115 at Ketch Hissar, near Nidegh/Cadyna: “the most remarkable of which was a beautiful aqueduct of granite, supported on lofty but light and elegant arches, and extending, as he informed me, to the foot of the mountains, a distance of about seven or eight miles. I could only trace it about a mile and a half, when it disappeared amidst the thick foliage of the trees. The massy foundations of several large edifices were to be seen in different parts of the town. Shafts, capitals, and pedestals of pillars, lay half buried under ground, and near the vestiges of an old building a handsome granite column still soared erect. The aqueduct, as well as the other buildings, are all attributed to Nimrod by the natives; but they are, without doubt, the work of the Romans, and are probably the ruins of the ancient town of Tyana, once the metropolis of the second Cappadocia, and called Dana, by Xenophon . . . Great quantities of gunpowder are manufactured at Ketch hissar, the whole surrounding country being impregnated with nitre.” [ 154] Scott-Stevenson_1881_272–273 Kiz-Hissar/Tyana: “This place was one of the chief towns in Cappadocia and was known as Tyana. The hill is built on what is said to be the mound of Semiramis, and Nimrod, the natives affirm, founded the city. / The first thing that struck us was the remains of the old aqueduct extending for several miles over the plain and conveying water to the summit of the hill. It is in a very ruined state now, but there still stand many arches which are wonderfully light and elegant They are covered with the nests of the hadji bird. Massive foundations like those at Bor are seen in many parts of the town, and many marble columns still exist. A capital had lately been excavated which had the beautiful honeysuckle ornament carved gracefully round it; a decoration very prevalent, also, on the capitals at Bor. It is, I believe, a peculiarly Greek style, borrowed originally, I have read, from the Assyrians. Yet my husband thought these foundations were Roman. One marble column stands erect. It is composed of seven separate pieces, and on one side of it are two smaller columns built into a wall. There are many of these broken columns built into the ruined houses all round this spot, showing that either a temple or a colonnade must have stood on it. A huge marble sarcophagus lies a few yards off, the lid broken in halves beside it. It bears no sign of any carving or inscription. The ground is so built over with half-ruined houses, it is impossible to follow out the plan of any single building. / I fancy not more than half-a-dozen of these mud huts are inhabited and the few people remaining are inhospitable and uncouth. Bor has taken all the inhabitants away, and those left behind have a very bad name.” [ 155] Robinson_(travelling_1830–1832)_1838_373 in Syria, Iskenderun and water problems: Ces marais se sont formés depuis peu; on les attribue généralement à deux petites sources qui sortent de dessous quelques rochers à environ un mille au midi de la ville, et qui, ne trouvant plus de passage à travers les canaux qu’on avait creusés dans l’origine pour conduire l’excédant de leurs eaux à la mer, se sont répandues peu à peu sur les basfonds et ont formé un marais pestilentiel. La baie d’Iskenderoun, autrefois très-fréquentée par les vaisseaux pour l’excellence de son mouillage, le plus sûr de toute la côte de Syrie, n’est plus aujourd’hui approchée par les marins qu’avec terreur à cause de la réputation d’insalubrité de l’air qu’on y respire, quoiqu’il soit évident pour quiconque visite ce lieu qu’il suffirait d’un système judicieux de dessèchement pour la rendre de nouveau ce qu’elle était autrefois, c’est-à-dire un lieu fort sain comparativement à son état actuel. [ 156] Callier_1835_247: Quelques cabanes éparses au milieu de roseaux et de palmiers composent le village de Scanderoun, situé sur l’emplacement d’Alexandria Cata-Isson. Les ruines d’un fortet de quelques tours, voilà tous les vestiges qui indiquent l’existence de cette ville fameuse; encore ces constructions ne paraissent-elles pas remonter au-delà du moyen age: peut-être sont-elles l’ouvrage de nos guerriers d’Occident. [ 157] Pococke_(travelling_1737ff)_1811_719–720 Nicaea: “The air is very unhealthy here, occasioned probably by the rivulets not having a free course, and by turning them into their gardens within the walls, where the water stagnates and corrupts the air.” [ 158] Moustier_1864_240 at Nicaea, on the land-side: De ce côté d’anciens aqueducs amènent, de la montagne, des eaux belles et abondantes; mais une partie de ces eaux se perd sans doute dans le trajet, et, faute de quelques fossés d’assainissement, humectent le



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sol, qui sur ce point est devenu un vrai marais. Cela contribue à faire de Nicée l’une des villes de l’Asie Mineure où la fiévre sévit le plus constamment. / On ne doit pas cependant s’en prendre uniquement à a négligence de l’administration actuelle; dans l’antiquité l’insalubrité de l’air qu’on y respire avait déjà été signalée. [ 159] Fellows_1852_87 Nicaea: “Every fence, step, trough, or paving-stone is from this quarry of art; many fragments of good sculpture are also built into the houses. Without the walls is a Roman aqueduct, which still supplies the town with water from the neighbouring mountain.” [ 160] Mac_Farlane_1850_I_360 Nicaea: “There had also been many marble fountains and subterraneous aqueducts; but with the exception of one fountain near the coffee-house (and that had been sadly maltreated) they were all abandoned, broken, or stopped up. In several spots we saw good traces of the stone-embanked canals by which the ancient Greeks had carried off the superfluous water which is now left to stagnate round the old walls and even within them, and to poison that beautiful, genial, balmy atmosphere.” [ ] 161  Davis_1874_40 Ephesus is now a “very nest of fever and malaria, lonely, waste, and dangerous. Its magnificent ruins, the very mass of fine white and coloured marbles still remaining after so much spoliation, attest its former grandeur; but now only a few povertystricken peasants cultivate a patch here and there over its buried palaces and temples.” [ 162] Lucas_1712_I_83 Nicaea’s fountains: Nicée en est des mieux fournies; elles sont toutes bâties de Marbre, & l’eau de la plupart est salutaire. Il y a auprès un Aqueduc magnifique qui conduit l’eau de l’une des montagnes voisines; il y en avoit autrefois plusieurs autres, mais ils sont à présent démolis, & l’on ne voit plus hors de la Ville que de tristes restes de ces beaux édifices qui en faisoient autrefois l’ornement. [ 163] Fellows_1852_144 aqueducts at Perge: “I observed one very singular feature here which puzzled me. On entering the town I noticed a wall, which at first t thought was Cyclopean, but afterwards found to be of rock or stone, without joints; on following it, there appeared in places some jointed stone wall, and to my surprise I discovered that this had been an aqueduct, and that the deposit from the water had formed a solid mass or cast, from which the stone walls that had formerly inclosed it had fallen away; in some places these walls remained, but were entirely incrusted in the deposit, which, having filled up the original water-course, extended over its sides, covering the whole structure, and giving the appearance of a solid stone wall. In many water-courses in the town I found the arch of masonry inclosing a solid mass of the stone formed by this deposit; and the earthen pipes which were placed upright against the buildings, some of six inches in diameter, were in many instances completely filled up, or had an opening or bore left not larger than a quill; these were probably rendered useless during the existence of the town.” [ 164] Texier_1835_494 Perge: La ville de Perga, en Pamphilie, située sur les bords du fleuve Cestrus (Sari-sua), n’avait pat encore été visitée. Son théatre, dont une très-petite portion seulement est détruite, est le plus vaste monument de ce genre qui reste de l’antiquité. La scène, les salles des acteurs et les galeries de service sont encore intactes. Les ornements et les sculptures ont peu soufert des injures du temps. On remarque surtout un large pilastre de marbre, formant un des pieds-droits de la scène, sur lequel sont sculptés Apollon et les Muses enlacées dans des couronnes de laurier. Ce morceau est achevé. Les ruines de la ville sont tellement complètes, qu’on se promène au milieu des édifices publics et dans les rues ornées de portiques. La végétation qui envahit ces lieux est le seul indice qui rappelle que ces monuments ont près de vingt siècles. / Osman, pacha d’Adalia, qui l’an dernier avait fait connaître ces ruines à M. Texier, lui fit donner toutes les facilités nécessaires pour les explorer. / En général, dans tous les endroits où la Mésange [his ship] a abordé, elle a trouvé le plus parfait accueil. Les gouverneurs donnaient les ordres les plus sévères pour que rien ne put gêner l’accomplissement de sa mission. [ 165] Fellows_1839_191. [ 166] Rott_1908_46 from Antalya: Von Adalia aus ritten wir mehrere Tage hintereinander nach Perge, der alten Metropolis des kirchlichen Pamphyliens, hinüber. Stundenlang führt der alte verfallene Straßendamm durch verpestete Landschaft. Zu beiden Seiten breiten



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sich weite Sümpfe aus, in denen Millionen von Fröschen quaken und zahlreiche Störche auf Reptilien Jagd machen. Es sind die Wasser des Duden, die sich auf dieser letzten Treppenstufe der pamphylischen Terrasse nochmals in der Ebene stauen, um dann in prächtigen Fällen über die steilen Felswände ins Meer hinabzustürzen. [ 167] Favre_&_Mandrot_1878_23: Les Circassiens seuls semblent faire exception à la règle et habitent la plaine toute l’année. Aussi ont-ils été cruellement décimés parles fièvres et les maladies de toutes sortes. Il n’est pas impossible, d’ailleurs, que la culture modifie à la longue l’insalubrité du climat et par suite les mœurs de la population. [ 168] Durbin_1845_124 Ayasoluk: “Aiasaluk is the successor of Ephesus, and was built out of its ruins by the Saracens about five hundred years ago. Hence the rich materials of the ancient capital of proconsular Asia are seen strewed everywhere amid the ruins of the modern town; in the walls of the deserted mosques, the decayed mausoleums, and in the arches and channel of the dilapidated aqueduct that stretches across the plain from the castle to the mountain. The modem Aiasaluk is nearly as desolate as the ancient Ephesus, if we except the thousand storks and their nests, perched upon her castle battlements, crumbling minarets, and dome-crowned tombs.” [ 169] Durbin_1845_129 Ephesus: “On the right of the theatre, nearly on a level with it, and extending along the declivity of Prion, were the ruins of the Stadium, which rested on arches also; and below, in the plain, the crumbling walls of the agora, or market-place, of temples, and other public edifices. Beyond them, the Cayster wound through a morass to the sea, which is now three miles distant, but once was near at hand, and bordered by the overflowing city. Within the whole range of vision I saw not a human habitation, not even a tent, nor a human being except those that belonged to our party. Luxuriant grain covered the plain, and concealed foundation-walls, fractured columns, and sinking arches. By neglect, the plain has become marshy and exceedingly unhealthy. The peasants that till it dwell in villages in the adjacent mountains.” [ 170] Beaufort_1818_160–161 (travelling 1811–1812) Side, the harbour: “The city was supplied with water by the aqueduct already noticed, which seems to have been long since ruined: at present there is neither stream nor spring in the immediate vicinity; and the want of that necessary article explains the cause of this place being now entirely abandoned. The neighbouring plains, however, must be furnished with water, for they are well stocked with cattle. The keepers of those cattle were so shy, that it was with great difficulty we could induce them to approach us; but we at length succeeded in purchasing some small bullocks, though we failed in obtaining any information; except that their Agha was subject to the Pasha of Adalia, and that there was no modern town in the neighbourhood. / This last circumstance may account for the unmolested state of the theatre, and of some of the other buildings. Destruction, however, had not been quite idle; most of the columns have been carried away, and some large shafts of white marble were found, broken into short lengths, and rolled down to the shore, as if prepared for embarkation. A few of them had been rounded into balls, such as the Turks use in their immense cannon at the Dardanelles and at Smyrna.” [ ] 171  Cockerell_1903_175 (travelling 1810–1817): “Eski Satalia, the ancient Side, where we remained four days. The Roman theatre is of vast dimensions and in good preservation, and it is noticeable that, as is evident from marks of crosses on the stones, it had been repaired in Christian times, which shows that theatres were still used after the conversion of the inhabitants to Christianity. The proscenium was in ruins, as usual, and some of its sculptures lay in the arena. In comparatively modern times it had been utilised to form part of the city wall, but the theatre itself was in wonderful preservation. Side is now absolutely desolate, probably because the aqueduct which supplied the ancient city is broken, and there is no water whatever on the site. This accounts for the theatre being so well preserved.” [ 172] Beaufort_1818_156–157 (travelling 1811–1812) Side: “The last building that we had time to examine, is on the outside of, and facing the land-gate. One long wall, yet standing, is divided into three recesses of a concave form; and in the centre of each recess, a few



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feet from the ground, there is a hole through the wall, with a projecting lip or spout on the inside. The interior of the building had been profusely ornamented: from a vast mass of ruins we extricated the figures of a warrior, a colossal female, and many representations in low relief of familiar mythological subjects; such as the Rape of Proserpine, Diana and Endymion, &c. A multitude of small soffits also lay about the ground, on each of which was carved a rose, a dolphin, or a mask.” [ 173] Stochove_1643_258 Side / “Esquy Attalia”: de loing elle paroist estre entiere, mais quand on s’en aproche ce ne sont que ruines, il est vray qu’en pas un endroict nous n’en avons veu de si entiere, il y reste encore des maisons, des Temples, d’autres grands bastimens dans leur entier: nous nous y promenasmes bien deux heures y pouvans cognoistre les rues & les places publiques, que nous avoins bien de la peine à passer estant tellement remplies de fenouil, de ronces, & d’espines que nous y laissasmes une partie de nos habits. [ 174] Corancez_1816_379–381: Les ruines que l’on voit sur le bord de la mer, entre Satalie et le point où nous sommes, ne peuvent donc appartenir qu’à l’ancienne Attaléa, et celles de Sataliadan doivent répondre à l’emplacement de Sidé. / L’étendue et la magnificence de ces ruines viennent encore à l’appui de notre conjecture. Celles du port ne donnent qu’une bien foible idée de la magnificence des ruines de la ville même. En franchissant la muraille qui formoit son enceinte, on est arrêté à chaque pas par la grandeur et la beauté des débris qui couvrent le sol. Il est difficile de s’y frayer une route et d’arriver de l’un à l’autre. Quelques-uns édifices n’offrent plus que des monceaux de pierres de taille que leurs dimensions énormes rendent très-remarquables. D’autres sont encore entiers . . . [381] Plus loin, à deux cents pas de distance [from the theatre], sont les restes d’un temple magnifique. Ce sont de colonnes de marbre blanc de Paros, cannelées dans toute leur longueur, et d’une immense proportion; j’en comptai plus de trente. La terre est jonchée de leurs chapiteaux dont le travail est exquis; de morceaux d’entablemens couverts de sculptures; de tables de marbre chargées de bas-reliefs. Tous ce débris sont en beau marbre blanc de Paros. Le temps en a attaqué le poli; mais il conserve encore, malgré sa vétusté, l’éclat demitransparent qui caractérise cette belle pierre. [ 175] Fellows_1852_152–153 Side: “There being no village near, nor any cultivation of the ground in the neighbourhood, the hidden relics and coins will remain for future times to discover. The rambling dwellers in tents could of course give me no information, except that lime was obtained there. I found several kilns, which are supplied from the cornices and capitals of columns, these parts being the whitest and the most easily broken up. The glowing colours in which this town is described in the “Modern Traveller,” as quoted from Captain Beaufort’s admirable survey, show how essential it is to know upon what standard a description is formed. It would have given Captain Beaufort much pleasure to have gone inland for a few miles, and to have seen theatres and towns in perfect preservation as compared with Side, and of so much finer architecture. From the account which he gives I was led to expect that this would form the climax of the many cities of Asia Minor, but I found its remains among the least interesting.” [ 176] Rott_1908_61–62 Side: Kleine freundliche Hütten erheben sich seit wenig Jahren zwischen den gigantischen Ruinen von Eski Adalia, dem alten Side. Flüchtlinge von Kreta haben sich hier niedergelassen, und vielleicht erblüht wieder einmal ein kleines Emporion. Freilich schäumt heute die See einstweilen über die Reste der Molen und Hafen-dämme hinweg und spült eine Unmasse von Ziegelscherben ans schmale Ufer. Eine freundliche Göttin aus längstverschwundenen Zeiten begrüßte uns gleich in der ersten Morgenstunde. [ 177] Rott_1908_63 kilns at Side: die Beschreibung der Ruinen von Side in dem trefflichen Reisewerk von Lanckoronski eine dürftige geblieben ist. Um so bedauerlicher ist dies, als ich bei meinem Besuche über zwanzig Kalköfen dieser Kreter zählte, in denen der gesamte Marmor der alten Bauten verkalkt und zum Aufbau der Häuser verwandt wird. Von den Reliefstücken, die Hebebdey-Wilhelm in ihrem Reisewerk erwähnen, haben wir keine Spur mehr entdecken können. [ 178] Hogarth_1893_654 around Korykos: “a veritable Pompeii, many miles in extent, left to decay on the desolate hills when the artificial water-channels fell into disrepair. With



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only a few brackish wells, and hardly any perennial streams, wandering Yuruks alone are able to maintain a precarious existence on this rocky waste. Nature is more slow to destroy than man, and thus have been preserved for us between Olba and the sea the Roman roads, towns, and villages, almost as they were when the Arabs first began to harry Cilicia.” [ 179] Bell_1906–1907_II_7 Korykos: “I found four large churches along the ancient paved road, a sort of Via Sacra, that ran between rows of sarcophagi parallel to the modern carriage road, but a little further to the north.” [ 180] Butler_1922_52 Sardis: “The west wall of the cella had hardly been passed before great difficulties were encountered in the clearing out of the interior, for it was discovered that the west end of the cella had been converted into a cistern at some time after the partial destruction of the temple . . . We soon discovered that the interior had been entirely cleared before the cistern was made; for we found only the marble foundations of two interior columns 10 cm. below the level of the original pavement, which was of marble and had likewise been removed.” [ ] 181  Butler_1922_74 Sardis: “It was hardly to be expected that statues or inscriptions in considerable numbers would be found in a temple which had been cleared out to serve as a cistern, and which was the site of numerous lime kilns the main food for which would be just such objects. Many of the fragments of sculpture and inscriptions had been found in the filling below the bottom of the cistern; although a few of these things, like the Lydian stele, had been discovered on the lower levels and in situ. Coins were found in abundance throughout the season and served, as formerly, as guides to the age of different levels. They are for the most part of bronze, Hellenistic, late Roman, and Byzantine; for the dearth of Roman imperial coins earlier than Constantine continued through the season and is not without significance in relation to the history of the temple.” [ 182] Elliott_1838_II_71: “The very first stones which arrest the eye of the traveller as he enters Sardis speak of life, and youth, and glory past away. They are the remains of an old Turkish burial-ground, now disused because the living have well nigh fled from a place which seems to be devoted to destruction. Strabo and Herodotus mention that the air of this part of the country was so healthy that the inhabitants generally lived to a great age. The Turks now consider it pestilential, and have a saying that every man dies who builds a house at Sardis; consequently, not a single native Moslim resides there. About thirty vagrants from Turcomania, who have permission to inhabit a certain district of Anatolia entirely deserted by Turks, pitch their tents in the neighbourhood in summer, and house themselves during winter in huts scattered at the foot of the mountain.” [ 183] Pachymeres_1984_20, Andronius’ restoration of Tralles: On s’adonnait donc à l’ouvrage et on avançait dans la reconstruction, lorsque vint augmenter encore plus leur ardeur au travail un oracle gravé sur le marbre, qu’on trouva là et qui prétendait que quelqu’un relèverait la ville en ruines et la rétablirait dans un état plus prospère qu’auparavant [but apparently the oracle was une plaisanterie et une rêve, as was discovered during the rebuilding] car le destin voulait que par la suite périssent des groupes entiers de dix mille personnes parmi celles qui allaient y habiter – the problem being, as the chronicler goes on to relate, Ils n’avaient pas en effet de reservoirs d’eau, pour s’apprivoisionner en eau en temps utile. [ 184] Bean_1960_56 in Pisidia, Pogla: “the summit has been much dug over by the villagers and numerous bases, columns and architectural fragments have been removed to the village. On the south side, a little below the wall, are four irregular rows of rock-cut seats or steps of uncertain purpose. Sherds of the familiar Roman types are abundant on the hill, both inside and outside the wall. Near the foot of the east slope, towards the village, are the ruins of a built tomb approached by a flight of four rock-cut steps; across the dip from here, in the highest part of the village, is a similar tomb with steps. / In the middle of the village stands an angle of a massive building, of solid but not very elegant masonry of the Roman period, still 7–8 m. high in parts. At the end, entered by an arched doorway, is a long rectangular chamber with corbelled roof, now underground; it contains water, but this has been introduced in recent times to form a cistern. The building might be a market-



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hall or something similar. On the slope across the road from the school is the lower part of a solid and handsome mausoleum, measuring 6.80 by 5.30m., raised on three steps. Others similar stand at intervals in the plain, apparently marking the line of a road from Pogla to Comama. / The village is full of sculptured and inscribed stones; a considerable number have been described by previous travellers. A few have been collected at the school.” [ 185] Tchihatchef_1854_88 Pamphylia: Tout l’espace entre Adalia et Yenidjekhan, espace qui a près de six lieues de longueur, est parsemé de puits antiques encadrés de belles pierres de taille circulaires, et le plus souvent munis de vases en pierre en forme de crèche, qui, probablement, servaient d’abreuvoir aux animaux.

chapter five

Houses in wood; churches and mosques in marble Conflicting Traditions We have already seen that marble architecture was a fashion imposed on Asia Minor by the Romans. If the classical City Beautiful in the West erected in marble public buildings – temples, basilicas, theatres – ordinary housing was generally in brick or wood.1 This is easily seen in today’s Rome, where the lower elements of several basically antique tenement blocks survive: these were characteristically in brick, and the upper ones in wood. Upper-class housing was more sophisticated. In Asia Minor in Antiquity, stone and marble were used for public buildings, and rubble for poor private houses. But we must suspect that peasant housing, just as it often preferred villages to towns, also favoured simpler building methods, and that this also applied to prominent people as well, as is surely reflected in the many Lycian tomb monuments which mimic what must have been well-to-do houses built in wood.2 Again, whereas some public building continued in Late Antiquity, “The growing discrepancy between the quality of, on the one hand, public, prestigious buildings and, on the other, private and residential structures, is another important characteristic of late antique architecture.”3 As a result of tenacious “peasant” traditions, the technology-dependent Roman way of doing things largely disappeared with their domination. In post-antique times, then, the main building materials for housing were wood and mud-brick (that is, shaped blocks which were not kiln-fired) just as they might have been made before the Romans. Similarly, Cerasi demonstrates that some parts of Anatolia were unaffected by Ottoman house-types for recent centuries, until perhaps the nineteenth century;

1 Lavan 2007A for thematic and regional bibliographical essays. Miller 2007 for the context of the technologies involved. 2 Mühlbauer 2007 details and profusely illustrates the process of reproducing stone structures in wood, with plenty of illustrations of existing wooden buildings in Lycia. Abb. 188–277 for models and erection details of full-sized structures. 3 Santangeli Valenzani 2007, 444.

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and that “any sense of permanency, both of tenure and materials, was rare, and perhaps not even conceivable in the institutional and psychological context of Ottoman society.”4 Takaoglou believes that domestic architecture remained remained unchanged in parts of Anatolia, so “archaeologists working at Karatas were able to benefit from contemporary building techniques in interpreting architectural fragments from the prehistoric mound excavations.”5 No wonder that mud brick remained a building material in parts of Asia Minor, such as near Eskisehir, where recycling materials, including mud bricks, continued into the 1980s.6 As we have seen in previous chapters, antiquities were often built into later houses, so that Ramsay cautions epigraphers to look everywhere for, although inscriptions were mostly to be found in cemeteries (which were legion),[1] mosques and fountains, yet “even in the poorest hut a fine old inscription may be concealed, and in the best houses inscribed marbles are often found.”[2] Nevertheless, the salient fact is that for many parts of Asia Minor wood was a superabundant commodity, and in 1850 (and presumably much earlier) was exported in great quantity to the rest of Turkey, and to Egypt.[3] It was easy to work, light in construction, and observably survived better in earthquakes than sloppily built stone houses. Its continuing use might account for a dearth of reused antiquities in some regions, such as Paphlagonia; as Hirschfeld writes in 1883, “Ancient remains also are very scanty, and we are forced to conclude that the people of Paphlagonia, like their neighbours a little further east, of whom Xenophon bears record, took the building materials for their miserable huts from the inexhaustible forests around them, as their successors do to this day.”[4] Compare Japan, with frequent earthquakes and plentiful forests and granite; here the granite is used in foundations, and wood for almost everything else, secular and religious. Japanese carpentry is amongst the most sophisticated on the planet, so it would be incorrect generally to view work in wood as deriving from an inability to work in stone. 4 Cerasi 1998, 120. 5 Takaoğlu 2004, 26. 6 Dittemore 2007, for village of Zemzemiye, NW of Eskishehir. All information relates to her research there in 1980–1981. 91–142 Building production, re-use, abandonment and decay. 103–104: “entire walls made of stone are infrequent unless they are a structural necessity.” Lots of limestone now quarried, but “it is not uncommon to see a family digging up the old foundations of a building for re-use elsewhere. Stones are also sometimes taken from the ruins of Ören.” 104: Over the past century “wood has become a scarce and expensive resource.” But most walls from the 1960s “are made almost totally of mud brick.”



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Equally, there were plenty of surviving how-to-do-it examples of antique stone houses in Asia Minor: scarcely anywhere could the villagers have been unaware of how stone houses were built by the ancients, for on some sites, such as near Tyana, their walls still stood to nearly 30 feet,[5] and at Anemurium some Byzantine houses survived nearly intact.[6] But such reports from the early 1800s are just a point in time. At Tyana, by 1908, Rott could describe huts still nestled amongst the marble remains, but those antiquities going quickly, including column-shafts broken up into hard-core for roads.[7] Around Mount Tmolus antiquities were still going for the same purpose in the 1970s.7 At Pergamon, the Byzantine houses are built using materials from the ruins, but didn’t use mortar, and so didn’t last.8 At Holmi, in Cilicia, ancient house walls were built of red or green marble, and were still visible in 1861.[8] As with aqueducts, then, the surviving examples were plentiful, but few locals were interested in reviving them. And the situation is complicated because different regions of Asia Minor had different building traditions. While Laborde believed all houses in Turkey were built in wood, just like those he saw in Manisa,[9] at Ghieuldiz in Manisa Province Keppel found a village entirely of stone, with 70 Greek and 30 Turkish houses. Here “not only in the village itself, but at a considerable distance around it, may be traced foundations of houses and small temples. In the walls of the villages are numerous fragments of fine marble; bas-reliefs abound every where, and many have been employed by the villagers for the structure of their houses, and are placed sideways, or upside down, as the shape best suited the builder.”[10] (Houses could also be built directly on top of temples, as at Aksehir.[11]) At Khosru Khan, the huts were built of rough stones and timber, but there were plenty of antiquities nearby. These disparities will be discussed below. Earthquakes Again The solidity/brevity antithesis is, however, probably too simplistic, because it does not consider the devastation caused by frequent and often 7 Foss 1978, 41: “many inscriptions are discovered and suffer a typical fate: they are usually broken up for stone, or carried off by the forestry service for use in roadbuilding.” 8 Rheidt 1999, from 6thC, emphasises lack of continuity from luxurious antique villas, and quotes Th. Laskaris on mouseholes among the ruins: die Bautechnik und Konstruktion dieser einfachen Anlagen konnte sich bei weitern nicht mit den hochentwichelten Technik der römischen Vorgängerbauten messen. Illustrations through the volume of mud huts, reed and wood huts going back to the Neolithic: so Roman building was imposed and, by the evidence, transient.

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widespread earthquakes. Generally earthquakes toppled antiquities, but occasionally landslides revealed them, in one instance disgorging a large tomb.[12] For Perge, Rott considers it declined very early because of earthquake damage: “Die Gründe scheinen jene frühmittelalterlichen Erdbeben gewesen zu sein, die auch die Bewohner von Kremna, Sagalassos und anderen Städten zwangen, den alten Ort zu verlassen.”[13] There is no evidence that Anatolian peasants developed any extensive anti-earthquake measures (such as supposedly did the earlier Greeks, with their polygonal masonry). But it is possible that building in wood was a roundabout learned-from-experience anti-earthquake measure: wooden buildings are easily shaken, like toys, and sometimes collapse – but are just as easily re-erected, which was not the case with stone structures, which require scaffolding, hoists and masons. The distinction houses in wood, mosques in marble holds good for Constantinople, where marble mosques are its glory, and wooden houses the terror of its inhabitants. Thanks to devastating fires, few pre-twentieth century houses are left in the old city, but plenty from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are to be seen up the Bosphorus. Many travellers recorded the devastating fires that resulted in narrow streets, Le Brun in 1725 witnessing one at Galata that destroyed five hundred houses.[14] The simpler explanation was that light and therefore combustible materials were preferable in earthquake zones – witness the rebuildings in Constantinople and in Smyrna.[15] Hubris and Other Reasons Part of the reason for eschewing grand houses, of whatever material (for “everyone lives in a hut or cottage”) may have been concern for hubris. Busbecq writes already in the 1580s of the typical Turk, “if he aims at having a pretentious house, for he shows thereby, according to their notion, that he expects himself and his house to last for ever.”[16] Equally, housing of low quality might simply have been a distaste for ostentation – although Laurent, the Chevalier d’Arvieux, suggests that Turkish housing at Smyrna, in contrast to that of the foreigners, was unsanitary.[17] Two more reasons could well have been simple technological ones, firstly, that wood was much easier to work than stone, even with simple tools; and secondly, that keeping tools sharp in some regions of unhelpful rock was not easy. At Xanthus, for example, Fellows found that “the peasantry came down from miles around to sharpen their tools.”[18] A third suggestion would need specialist investigation: Alcock, writing in 1831, seems to think that “stone is not allowed to be employed in building, as it would interfere



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with the duty on timber; and a fire is therefore a source of real gain to the coffers of government, however much it may impoverish unfortunate individuals.”[19] From what follows, it seems clear that the locals distinguished sharply between how mosques and houses were built. In some areas stone was used for house foundations, and antique blocks at that; but the materials above ground might be anything from stone to wood to rushes. Mudbrick houses needed no foundations. Mosques, however, were generally built more sturdily. Keppel provides an illustration of this near Aezani. He arrived in a village of “a few wretched hovels built of stone,” where the old men had unearthed “a Greek-inscribed column” – which was then used as a minaret during Ramadan, the muezzin being perched on top of it to make the call to prayer.[20] Disparities Between Ancient and Modern Technologies For Westerners, even more startling than the fact of building in wood or mud were the disparities between modern building and ancient techniques. On the way from Esksehir to Aksehir in 1823, Irby records two roadside fountains decorated with antiquities, in an area where the houses were “mere huts, built of rough stones and timber.”[21] At Ladik/ Laodicea Combusta, the houses were of mud, and any marble was used in the cemetery,[22] making it difficult to apportion where any hubris might fall. Disparities were most evident when comparing housing and cemeteries: for, as Michaud and Poujoulat remarked of a Turkish cemetery at Smyrna, the houses of the dead were better built and ornamented than the abodes of the living: “la demeure des morts est plus ornée et plus solidement bâtie que celle des vivans.”[23] A similar disparity existed in Greece at the same period,[24] although at Gortyna on Crete some peasants built with antiquities.[25] In most settlements, the disparity between the stone-built mosques and khans and people’s houses was stark, so much so that travellers often record villages built in stone, surely because this was unusual. Several travellers, such as Tchihatchef in 1854, were impressed by the magnificence of some khans; he found that called Oklakhan, with its host of spolia, “jadis d’une grande magnificence.”[26] Many of the (usually ruined) early churches our travellers saw were indeed built from marble remains, and some were converted into mosques; but one commentator notes that Sultan Selim wished to have the Christians thenceforth build churches only in wood. This does not seem to have happened, but disparity between

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the relative importance of the materials is underlined by the intention.[27] Indeed, the vague Turkish policy seems to have been to degrade Christian communities and their buildings by a multi-pronged attack on the whole ecclesiastical institution.9 Housing on Ancient Sites Most villages on classical sites have now been moved (Miletus and Aphrodisias, for example), but one can still visit Aezani and see what Layard saw in 1839, namely some houses built with classical remains: “In the narrow streets were the shafts and capitals of columns and broken friezes. The graves of the Mussulmans in the cemetery were marked by Greek sarcophagi and blocks of sculptured stone.”[28] Fellows in 1839 describes the stranger’s house at Aezani, demarcated by a wall composed of fragments of classical marble – the house itself “of mud mixed with straw, about seven feet high, with a flat roof of earth grown over with grass.”[29] Today, it is the mud and straw which have largely gone, while many of those built partly or wholly with antiquities remain.10 Villages on other ancient sites reused few or no antiquities. The “wretched huts” at Sardis in 1846 were also of mud,[30] just as they had been in 1805.[31] And in 1845 Durbin counted only two of them within the walls;[32] then he also mused on whether the lack of superstructures meant that the ancient houses there had also been built of sun-dried bricks, or perhaps of wood.[33] In the village of Marmora, between Sardis and Ekhissar, Burgess counted at least three hundred “mud houses” in 1835.[34] We should be careful in assessing the reasons behind the use of spolia in housing, as well as the quantities employed. Fortuitous re-use of the odd column-stump or capital is common, but Santangeli Valenzani reminds us that energetic and extensive spoliation required technological resources so that, in Rome, “These cases indicate that such operations cannot be considered merely as sporadic activities that happened with9 Vryonis 1975, 60: “the catastrophic decline of the Church occasioned by the Turkish conquests . . . The invaders destroyed the Church as an effective socio-cultural institution by depriving it of most of its property and revenues, by taxing it, and by excluding the metropolitans and bishops from their seats for extended periods of time . . . the Anatolian Christians were deprived of effective Christian leadership and of their basic social and eleemosynary institutions. The Church no longer had the economic power to support education, hospitals, orphanages, monasteries, and the like on an extensive scale.” 10 Blum 2010, with plentiful photos, elevations, and sections of how antiquities have been reused in modern wood-and-stone houses; as the piece subtitles its conclusion (167), Jahrtausende alte Lebensweisen in Anatolien.



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out any regulation, as was widely assumed to have been the case until a few years ago, when Late Antiquity was mainly regarded as a period of decline. Instead, the examples mentioned above show us that the spoliation and re-use of building materials were carefully planned projects involving the upper classes.”11 Some stone-built ancient sites may have been occupied for centuries after they were built. One wonders whether this was the case with the “Dead Cities” around Aleppo, that is, late antique villages built in local stone, and generously endowed with churches and monasteries? Some of these are part-inhabited today for animal husbandry and, if Eton in the 1790s is to be believed, were well-inhabited before being visited by plague and famine.[35] Reuse via complete dismantling and rebuilding was probably common, whether to make houses of fragments, or to rework materials for some new purpose, as Rott saw in Cappadocia at the beginning of the twentieth century.[36] Conversely, there are several towns built on ancient sites where the antiquities do not normally get built into the houses, but are used for other purposes. At Pergamon, in the lower town (many of the antiquities were on the acropolis), the houses are of wood, and built to last only the owner’s lifetime, a practice, to repeat, that Teule believed was couched in their greater interest in eternity than in their passage on this earth: “on peut croire que les Turcs, aspirant de tout leur cœur à un autre séjour que celui-ci, et comptant bien n’y plus revenir, ne sont pas soucieux de laisser une trace inutile de leur passage ni de réparer une propriété qu’ils ne doivent pas revoir.”[37] On other occasions antique structures were used to save the trouble of building a modern enclosing house wall, as with the houses within the Temple of Augustus at Ankara, which probably saved that monument from some destruction: these were already there in the early eighteenth century,[38] and remained to the end of the nineteenth century.[39] Building in Wood As already noted, then, this was probably an anti-earthquake measure, Chandler reporting in 1775 that wood and plaster houses swayed and undulated as necessary.[40] At Limyra, for example, a site still strewn today with many antiquities, Spratt and Forbes describe the fortress, “an open

11 Santangeli Valenzani 2007, 442.

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quadrangular building with towers, apparently a late Roman or middleage edifice, constructed of small stones, bricks and mortar, well cemented together.” Yet gypsy families did not live inside it, but rather in strawthatched huts.[41] Even the houses of locally important people were of wood. At Konya in 1838, the pasha lived in “une mauvaise construction moderne en bois et en moellons”[42] – and was perhaps housed much better than most of the inhabitants. For there was evidently no problem about describing grand wooden houses as palaces: at Uskub in 1863 Perrot found the “palaces” in wood, and he stayed in one, although half-ruined. These were evidently once-grand buildings: “une fois nos bagages installés dans un de ces grands palais de bois à demi ruinés qui datent du temps des déré-beys.”[43] Building in Mud-Brick Mud-brick houses are easy to erect, remarkably sturdy (such houses in Afghanistan have easily stood up to RPG rounds) and thatched with reeds or branches; they do not require foundations. They are easily rebuilt or repaired. At Konya in the early nineteenth century, therefore, unlike the pasha (see above), the houses were in mud brick, just like those of the poorest villages: “Le case sono di terra o di mattoni colli al sole, come quelle de’ più poveri villaggi.”[44] Little had changed there by 1878: “small huts, built of sun-dried bricks, and wretched hovels thatched with reeds.”[45] This was in a city with crumbling Seljuk walls, from which we know materials were being taken by the end of the century; when, surely, a change to building in stone took place, and factories and barracks were erected. The widespread preference for mud-brick sometimes puzzled Wester­ ners, who came from a climate which could not countenance such a technology, and which of course they considered primitive. Furthermore, they could not understand why antiquities were not more extensively reused, although they constantly observed how the houses changed as one changed landscapes. Colligon noted in Lycia that wood gave way to pisé: “les maisons de bois aux toits pointus, les greniers en forme de coffres posés sur d’énormes pierres sont remplacés par des habitations basses, construites en pisé et en bois de grume, et couvertes de terrasses.”[46] At Kirshehir Allen saw the local Turks, “when making the mud-straw bricks used in house-building, scratch dirt for the purpose from between the marble slabs and boulders that lay in profusion over the ground.”[47] At Tokat Van



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Lennep exclaims at “a strange sight, indeed, to see a city of mud enclosed by mountains of marble!”[48] Again, Balahissar was a site with plentiful antiquities, and “partially constructed from its remains, but chiefly of common stone cemented with mud.”[49] And near Konya, Cronin noted a ruin-field “on the site of a town, once of considerable importance” – and on it “a small collection of mud huts.”[50] Similarly Ayas in 1811–1812 was “a collection of miserable huts, which are surrounded by the ruins of a town that formerly occupied a considerable space of ground.”[51] Earth Roofs and Antiquities Even wooden or earth-brick houses could make use of antiquities: all over Anatolia, column-shafts were used to roll and compact flat roofs, rendering them watertight, as Arundell relates for a village near Colossae.[52] Thus at Assos where blocks were plentiful, the house in which Fellows stayed in the 1830s was “built of stones, of all shapes, put together with mud,” and with a piece of column on the flat earth roof to roll it and keep it watertight.[53] In Lycia, Fellows reports the same use of a roller (which was often a column-shaft).[54] In 1842 Hamilton observed the mud houses at Ghiediz, each with their marble roller.[55] In the early nineteenth century Tarsus also had many of its houses built of earth,[56] although plenty of antiquities were to be seen in the streets: “numerous fluted columns, capitals with figures and flowers carved on them, and other remains of the ancient city, either half buried in the ground or built into the walls of modern houses.”[57] Several such rollers are still to be seen today in the north and east of Asia Minor, for example on a church in the Pontus, where the roof is a threshing floor, and has a roller in place.12 Building with Antiquities Western travellers, as well as copying inscriptions they found, and sometimes transporting antiquities home to museums, pass their often disdainful remarks about how the locals mis-used classical antiquities in later constructions, or indeed defaced, destroyed or reworked them. Luckily, the spolia are sometimes described thoroughly, as for the Turkish

12 Bryer 2002, pl.140 Malacha, Church of S. Paul.

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house-walls seen by Hamilton in 1842 at Akjah Tash.[58] These provide us with valuable evidence for the sometimes thorough but usually gradual and partial wreck of the ancient world. Because so many of these constructions have disappeared in their turn, their descriptions are valuable. Some travellers, such as Hans Rott, were indeed interested in reuse itself, rather than just the ancient blocks they saw, for he goes around spotting Christian pieces reused in mosques and other structures.[59] Moustier, travelling in 1862, came across, and illustrated, a house in Ushak built almost entirely of ancient funerary monuments.[60] In the west of Asia Minor, where stone was more common, and where the available blocks were small enough to shift, not only were some houses stone-built (as they are today), but antiquities were more commonly made into houses. Hence villages, such as those in the region of Alexandria Troas13 (a landscape of ruins,[61] stretching for a mile along the shore and well inland[62]) had their houses completely constructed from antique fragments,[63] with other material rolled to the seashore for export. Indeed, Clarke referred to the site in 1817 as “this wealthy magazine.”[64] Only four years later, Firmin-Didot wrote that surely the ruins were exhausted, so much activity had he seen on the site;[65] but in fact Alexandria continued to provide antiquities for building and scholarly inspection for decades to come. For more important buildings, antiquities might be transported from a few kilometres distance, as for the construction of a tchiftlik (an estate).[66] Michaud and Poujoulat found the same reuse of antiquities at a site opposite Lesbos, inhabited by a hundred Moslem families, where not only the houses but the mosque were constructed from “des débris de colonnes, de châteaux et de piédestaux d’un fort beau travail,” which they suggest came from a temple.[67] Similarly, Keppel could copy an inscription dug up in Kutayha “by the old men while digging for stones to build their houses”[68] – did they take any from the antiquities reused in the fortress there?[69] At Konya, digging the foundations for a new house in 1892 uncovered old blocks, some with inscriptions, which were promptly reused in the new structure: “Ces inscriptions qui sortent de terre, sont inédites; elles doivent déjà ne plus exister.”[70] Several examples of houses built completely from antiquities can be seen to this day at Aezani, where the serried ranks of remains are much as they were described in 1831,[71] so distant is the site from large towns. Nevertheless, there was no reuse of large blocks, as Taylor reported in 13 Feuser 2009, 60–1 for shafts, whole and broken, marble and granite, 78 in all.



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1855, noting that the village “exhibits very few of the remains of the old city in its composition.”[72] So apart from the temple and theatre/stadium the site during the time of our travellers gave little surviving evidence of its past glory, although this has been changing thanks to the archaeological work of recent years. Photographs survive of the spolia-rich houses in the village of Geyre, on the site of Aphrodisias, taken by Ara Güler before it was moved for Erim’s excavations from 1960. These are available online,14 and show not only the plentiful use of column-shafts, upturned capitals, marble bases and some wooden columns to support the house porticoes, but also sarcophagi in use for pressing grapes. The ruins were still being dug for building materials in 1846 when Bailie visited,[73] so the houses in Güler’s photographs are not necessarily very old. Antiquities for Structure or for Show? Not all Anatolians, then, built in wood: some evidently eschewed hubris, for they incorporated antiquities in their houses for display. Laumonier saw a relief of Greeks and Amazons in a house at Alinda,[74] others at Stratonikeia,[75] and yet more in the headman’s house in the village of Panamara.[76] Sometimes it is impossible to know whether incorporating antiquities in houses was something of a local vogue because of a nearby antique site, or because house-builders liked to use them – for in most cases travellers simply note the incorporation of antiquities, without saying whether they were “displayed” or not.[77] The house Fellows stayed in at Antalya had eighteen wooden columns supporting the upper storey, each sitting on a Corinthian capital.[78] At Pompeiopolis, in 1811 a house had a frieze of an Amazonian combat above its door,[79] while at Niksar, the houses were of wood and stone mixed.[80] But such friezes must have been a rare and acquired taste. For at Lagina, several of the bas-reliefs of the temple seem to have lain where they fell for some considerable time, until late in the nineteenth century,[81] and four columns were still upright in 1865.[82] And at Magnesia, Ampère admired in 1842 the temple friezes,[83] the rest of which Texier thought might still be underground: “Une pareille frise, transportée à Paris, serait un des plus beaux ornements de notre Musée.”[84] He had something to beat, given Choiseul-Gouffier’s

14 At http://www.magnumphotos.com/C.aspx?VP3=SearchResult&STID=2S5RYDY7TL XD.

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Erechtheum-like museum which he set up on the Champs Elysées to display his antiquities collected in Asia Minor and Greece.[85] Mosaic Floors Ancient (and Byzantine) mosaic floors were probably plentifully visible as well, just waiting there for later centuries to rebuild on top of them. But this almost never happened, nor is there evidence proof-positive of ancient tesserae being much recycled, although plenty lay around: Langlois was picking up tesserae from churches in Cilicia in the 1850s.[86] There is little evidence of esteem for ancient or Christian mosaic floors, but some of reuse through inertia; so at Bursa, a Byzantine mosaic floor survived in the church converted into the Tomb of Orkhan, “while the marble walls were inlaid with various patterns, in one of which I was surprised to see the figure of a cross, which had escaped destruction by the hands of the Turks.”[87] Generally, indeed, even when mosaics were grubbed up, it was only for use as building slabs, several hundred running feet of which Fellows found in use as walls to a corn-field near Smyrna.[88] Marble blocks (not from mosaic floors) served the same purpose at Cyzicus,[89] and such reuse was surely frequent. Nevertheless in the Troad, Newton in 1865 found Greeks cutting “a coarse tesselated pavement” into squares to pave their church.[90] Such slabs of cement and mosaic would have been lighter than an equivalent block of marble, easier to cut and to handle. Perhaps for this reason pilgrims, always keen on a numinous souvenir, abstracted mosaic tesselations from a church near Kayseri.[91] It is probable that in some areas new inhabitants took over old houses, built up the walls, and put on a roof, so that it might not have been unusual for nineteenth-century Turks to live on a Roman mosaic floor. This seems to have been the case at Almali, where the house was used for guests, and also for prayer. It is likely the mosaic was antique, since Hoskyn writes of “many vestiges of antiquity here, such as pedestals, fragments of columns, and massive foundations” in the vicinity.[92] At Massicytus, Fellows was taken to see some mosaic pavements in the yard of a house: ancient baths, he suggests, and does not say if any of the modern dwellings of the complex were also set on mosaic floors.[93] And at Bursa, the Yéni-Kaplidja Bath had an entrance hall with marble that Cuinet believes came from some Byzantine building.[94]



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Building with Antiquities and Wood As we have seen, wood (in regions often heavily wooded) was common for domestic building, though often eked out with antiquities for foundations, corner-blocks or even doorways. Near Afyon, for example, in 1842, Hamilton found a town with the corner of one building formed from an upright sarcophagus lid – and other vessels lacking their lids nearby.[95] Similar structures were to be seen at Ayasoluk in 1918: “their walls are made either of sun-baked earth, or of pieces of stone of all sizes and shapes with the interstices filled with clay . . . Here and there, with strange incongruity, a fragment of carved marble appears in the sides of the huts or in the crudely built walls supporting the terraces before them.”[96] Such mixtures might have been common. At Ghiediz, for example Keppel in 1831 “found in several places the capitals of pillars of the Corinthian and other orders of architecture. Of this, the post-house itself is an example, where these capitals form the bases of rude wooden pillars which have been found useful in supporting the ill-constructed building.”[97] But supporting modern structures on marble columns was also a common practice, which Castellan saw used for many of the houses at Gallipoli, plus decoration with sculptures, not only above the door, but also elsewhere on the façades: “La plupart des galeries qu’on a établies devant les maisons sont supportées par des colonnes de marbre, dont les chapiteaux servent souvent de base. Au-dessus d’une porte nous avons remarqué une tête colossale de cheval, qui sailloit du mur, et d’autres morceaux de sculpture aussi bizarrement placés.”[98] Building with Antiquities and Mud-Brick From our survey thus far, it is clear that mud-brick houses are to be found in the midst of antiquities, and some stones in their turn are built into mud-brick houses. Nor should we expect reuse of antiquities to be only into stone-built houses: at Akhissar, for example, Durbin in 1845 notes a profusion of marble fragments, some of them “worked into the mud walls of the houses,”[99] as they were at Medet, near Guzeljabulouk.[100] But at Marmora, Olivier observed in 1800 that such fragments were rarely used in house construction, mostly going into tombstones.[101] It was also the case that large quantities had already gone into Byzantine churches.15 15 Mango and Ševčenko 1975, 273, noting “that the construction of four-column churches depended on the supply of column shafts and large capitals. In all three churches of this

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Throughout Asia Minor Davis described house construction as generally “walls are of clay mixed with straw, less often, of stones set in clay” and with a porch of posts, “– the spoil of some ancient temple or theatre when not too distant.”[102] In other words, this was a mixed solution, well seen at Ankara in 1700, strewn as it was with antiquities: “the Houses are made of Clay, yet one sees in them oftentimes very fine Pieces of Marble.”[103] This had not changed by 1818, when “the houses are principally built of brick and wood,”[104] and in the 1890s still “unbaked mud-brick buildings stand on the foundations of marble temples and palaces.”[105] We might assume that houses in the midst of antique ruin-fields were naturally built from ancient materials, but this was far from the case. On or near some sites, antiquities were indeed incorporated into the houses, as near Alexandria Troas[106] or Mylasa, where Tchihatchef suggests that the town’s 2000-plus houses were built with antiquities, on an antique site. He recommends a close examination of all the houses, for their walls were rich in antique members as well as inscriptions: singulièrement favorisée par l’établissement à sa place d’un bourg assez considérable, dont les maisons, qui sont au nombre de plus de deux mille, ont été presque toutes bâties avec les matériaux antiques, l’examen des murs de ces dernières pourrait conduire à la découverte de beaucoup de fragments précieux, car il n’y a pas une demeure, peut-être, dans ce bourg, dont les murs ne contiennent des lambeaux d’architecture antique, parmi lesquels quelques-uns couverts d’inscriptions grecques, sans parler des débris de portes et de colonnes encore debout.[107]

But an “antiquities blitz” such as surely devastated Mylasa after Le Bas described it in 1844[108] was not universal. Mut, near a pass over the Taurus, was itself a veritable ruinfield. In 1820 not only were the plentiful antique remains eschewed for building houses, but also earlier Mohammedan structures: “a few hovels made of reeds and mud are sufficient to shelter its present scanty population.”[109] This small town therefore retained many of its antiquities into the nineteenth century, hence the opportunity to use them for structures other than houses on-site. The survivals included not only marble colonnades, but also lines of sarcophagi on the

group that we have been studying these elements are reused. Even in a church as luxurious as that of the monastery of Lips the large capitals have been taken from a building of the fifth century and carefully mended, while the marble blocks used for the cornice were removed from a pagan cemetery of Cyzicus. This suggests to us that the quarries of Prokonnesos may not have been exploited at the time or, perhaps, exploited on a very small scale.”



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ancient road, which led through the cemetery.[110] Collignon in the later nineteenth century found two of every three houses uninhabited and ruinous, and the khan and the baths long since abandoned.[111] But by 1899 the ruins were disappearing, as successive travellers counted more modern houses there, to add to the earlier khans and mausolea.[112] Building in stone and marble was clearly a taste newly acquired. Churches and Mosques In certain areas, as we have seen, it is not unusual to find antiquities and wood being used in combination for housing. A similar combination was popular in some areas for mosques, as for example in the mosques just below the citadel in Ankara. Perhaps because marble shafts of suitable height were not available for such a lofty structure, antique bases and capitals are employed together with wooden columns throughout. In Lycaonia, at Severek, in 1854, Tchihatchef notes that one marble column is employed amongst the wooden ones, and many miserable huts are to be seen in a village rich in reused antiquities: La mosquée du village a, parmi les colonnes en bois qui la soutiennent, une belle colonne antique en marbre blanc. Les murailles de la mosquée sont chamarrées de fragments d’anciens édifices, et l’on en voit également beaucoup dans le village dont les misérables cabanes sont construites en limon et en cailloux, et sont au nombre de quatre-vingts. Parmi les innombrables pierres antiques incrustées dans les murs de la mosquée, l’une porte une inscription qui est malheureusement interrompue par des crevasses.[113]

We have already noted mud huts in the midst of Mut’s ruinfield, but there were marbled mosques as well. Presumably the ruins were even richer when the Hadji Bey Oglou Jami was built. While other local mosques had marble shafts, this one had some wooden columns: Built by a Seljukian sultan, it is quite a ruin [in 1881]. Four carved wooden pillars stand in front of the arched entrance. / The two finest mosques we had purposely left for the last, so as to study them more leisurely. One of these, not very far from the khan, is called the Khatouniat-Jami. It is completely ruined with the exception of one end, now used as a school for Turkish children. Several fine antique columns support the side arches.[114]

So it appears to have been a traditional reaction to build communal buildings with antiquities (even bringing antiquities from a distance to build them into mosques)[115] and, in many areas, to use them only occasionally in houses. As we have already learned, plenty of houses contained

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antiquities, and some details come from epigraphers hunting inscriptions. But sometimes the communal/domestic division is striking. In 1903 at Verisa Anderson lists “some capitals of Corinthian style and a few other stones in the turbe-mosque at Bedir-Kale, some blocks in the mosque at Dodarga, a small number of columns and blocks at Gedaghaz, Karwanserai and Eidir together with a few Byzantine columns, pillars, and moulded fragments at Tuzla represent all that I could discover of the surface remains of the town.” But villagers at one part of the ancient mound were “preparing sites for their wretched houses,” and he noted that “evidently Verisa was mainly built of sun-dried mud-bricks.”[116] So could the tradition of “houses in wood, mosques in stone” date from antique times? It is also conceivable that building houses in stone was a trigger to building communal structures with antiquities. For only stone houses needed foundations of any depth so, in a circular argument, only determined builders-in-stone, with suitable tackle or at least multiple strong arms, would come across antique remains while digging. For example, some Armenians at Eskihissar in 1835, in digging foundations for a new church, found the useful remains of an older one.[117] This must have been a common occurrence, given than many antiquities were naturally to be found buried at some depth – the depth to which, in any case, some foundations for new buildings had to be dug. Overview: Temples, Churches and Mosques With the collapse of the ancient world, churches and then mosques took the place of temples,16 and the more prestigious examples carried on the tradition of solid and sometimes exuberant construction in stone or marble, even if only for decorative details.17 Just how long it took for paganism to die out and temples to be spoliated is a matter of continuing dispute,18 although their active use does not apparently last beyond 16 Ward-Perkins 2003, 287, “as in the West, the builders of churches normally avoided sacred pagan sites,” but did they? And for how long? (In the UK, for example, great numbers of churches occupy pagan sites.) For an overview of paganism cf. Talloen and Vercauteren 2011, and Mulryan 2011 for a regional bibliography. 17 Zäh 2003 for a typology of churches in SW Asia Minor into the twentieth century, and 96–127, an overview of the topic from the Turkish takeover to the 1920s. 18 Lavan 2011, xxvii, lvi: “This lack of evidence for serious physical destruction cannot simply be taken as a problem of archaeological visibility: there are thousands of temple sites, and the evidence is not hard to find for other episodes of conflict . . . This present volume suggests that the end of the temples was slower than once thought, and that



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the fourth century. Temples were sometimes converted into churches, but conversion of secular buildings was much more common. However, temple precincts were indeed re-used, and materials adapted, as at Side, where the peripteros of one of two adjacent temples arguably acted as the propylea for a Christian basilica.19 Eventually, churches were frequently converted into mosques, and Moslems had no difficulty in naming and therefore recognising a “Giaour Kilise” – that is, for foreigners, or built by them.[118] The term “monastery” might mean just that, or simply an old building.20 Nor were they generally particular about reusing Christian material in their cemeteries and, indeed, some of the reused material was especially prized or even venerated, just as pagan material was sometimes venerated by Christians.[119] Hasluck maps out the ground rules for such special treatment.[120] In other words, Christian symbolism did not seem to bother re-users of handy stones. Irby in 1823 records a cemetery on the way to Konya, where “Christian epitaphs are frequently used as head stones of the Turkish graves, the cross being left very perfect and unmutilated upon them, and the stones placed as at Christian graves, except that the head is towards Mekka.”[121] Biliotti observed Christian-to-Turkish reuse at Satala.[122] Nor were crosses absent from mosques, as Hamilton found at Kirmasli.[123] Indeed, material incorporating crosses was frequently reused. After all, the cross was a symbol, and often considered a particularly potent one. As well as legends surrounding Constantinople itself and Haghia Sophia,21 there are also plenty which tell of Christian symbols necessary to keep mosques safe, including a cross on a transformed church at Thyatira (Ak-Hissar), with a column inside which wept when a Christian entered the mosque.[124] Indeed, crosses so frequently appear in mosques and other Moslem buildings that they were probably accorded folkloric healing properties by Moslems as well as by Christians. A similar argument ‘paganism’ survived longer.” E.g. Talloen and Vercauteren 2011, 349–355: “The decline of the temples: decay and violence?” Ibid. 373–379: “Temple conversion and Christian perception.” Vaes 1984–86 for a broad overview. 19 Talloen and Vercauteren 2011, 363–6 and fig. 5. 20 Foss 1978, 41, at Lübbey Yaylasi: “among which was a large column base. According to the villagers, many columns have been found on the site, all of them now broken up or left buried; the whole area is said to be full of buried foundations. Part of this area is referred to as Manastir Yeri, ‘the site of the monastery;’ a name which may indicate that a church stood on the site, or merely that the name ‘monastery,’ which might designate nothing more specific than an ancient ruin, was applied to the building of which the base and columns were discovered.” 21  Yerasimos 1990.

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could be adduced for sarcophagi: they were only rarely used for (re-)burial by Moslems, but were frequently to be found in use as basins for springs and fountains, as we have seen; so we must surely discount the notion that Moslems did not bury in them because they were unclean. It seems likely that they simply did not care since, as already noted, treasure hunting must have provided proof positive of just what sarcophagi were for. The same probably applied to Christians: an Armenian cemetery near Ankara amongst many antiquities contained “a heathen altar among them, which once bore sacrifices to idols, but now serves to mark the resting-place of a believer in the One and Only True God.”[125] A similar mixture is reported at Afyon Karahissar,[126] where the citadel also sported a mix of figured antiquities.[127] Occasionally, churches and mosques were built directly on top of ancient buildings, as at Hersek,[128] Nova Isauria/Dorla,[129] Alabanda,[130] or Finike, in which last case the column bases of the temple without being moved apparently served for the church.[131] Sometimes, as we have seen, antiquities could be reused in foundations or as quoins to straighten-up lines, or even as decoration. Consciousness of the brevity of human life is surely expressed in the intentional solidity built into prestigious churches and mosques, hence the frequent emphasis on the re-use of antique materials that, it was easy to see, were durable. Occasionally, so extensive was the reuse from temple to church that the layout of the older building can be determined thanks to spolia in the later one, as with a 5th-century church at Sagalassos, the Temple of Apollo Klarios,22 or the Temple of Aphrodite at Aphrodisias, where considerable heavy lifting was required to complete the conversion.23 Plenty of church shells survive in Asia Minor – but just the shells, the building blocks of which were of little interest; all the veneer and marble columns (but not always limestone ones) have gone. Hamilton, for example, no doubt intrigued by the Thousand Churches, was disappointed when he got there, “for not a fragment of marble or a column is to be seen,”[132] all, presumably, taken away for later buildings such as mosques. There are plenty of mosques in Asia Minor that simply take over churches, and some very fine ones at that, such as Fatih Camii at Tirilye (now Zeytinbagi) on the Sea of Marmara, the quality of the 6th-

22 Waelkens 1990, 188: “A detailed study of all reused elements allowed a reconstruction of the Apollo temple as an Ionic peripteros.” 23 Chaniotis 2008. Elton 2007 deals with Diocaesarea, Elaiussa Sebaste, Alahan and Corycus.



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century capitals being very high.24 Again, newly constructed mosques frequently employed some spolia.25 One mosque outstanding for its use of antiquities is Ulu Camii at Diyarbekir, built 1091–1092, under the Seljuks. Here the eastern and western courtyard porticos are rich in antiquities, but present something of a problem. According to an inscription, the eastern portico was completed in 1117; the western portico dates to 1164. Although there are plenty of mosques which take over elements from temples or churches, and many which adapt column furniture to colonnaded or arcaded porticoes, yet Diyarbekir is exceptional in that the mosque (and it seems to be the only surviving one known to have done this) mimics Roman architectural aesthetics in the way it erects classical elements. Perhaps the mosque was even erected onto some already standing and column-articulated Roman wall. It also reuses a few figured antiquities.26 Since the mosque was built on the site of an earlier one, itself having taken over a church, some of the Byzantine elements are easily explained. We must assume that the mosque’s builders were especially taken with the Roman monuments in the area, or found so much so easy to reuse that they could not pass up the opportunity. The area was indeed once rich in antiquities, and these were disappearing (characteristically) during the later nineteenth century. According to Geary, writing in 1878, antique monuments destroyed included the indictment “that within the last three years a Roman arch of equally fine proportions was actually taken down by the local authorities, to get material for the building of some wretched little office, which might just as well have been made of old brick.” He suggests the citadel was ruined for similar purposes.[133] This ruination perhaps started with the eleventh-century mosque itself, the interior of which, writes Nassiri Khosrau, who visited in 1046, was supported on hundreds of columns.[134] What is left, such as the Corinthian capitals on the north side of the courtyard, suggesting the splendor of what has gone. So grand was the

24 Mango and Ševčenko 1975, 235–238 and illustrations. 25 Riefstahl 1931, 7–15 Manisa, Ulu Camii; 24–30 Birgi (he calls it Birgeh), Ulu Camii; 38–39 Aydin, Djihan Zadeh Camii, with reused shafts in e.g. its madrassa; mosque dated 1756. 47–48 Yirli Camii in Antalya, with reused shafts and capitals, 14thC. 26 Roux 1980, 307–308: Tant par le style que par le sujet, ces scènes de combat contrastent avec le relief, que nul ne semble avoir remarqué, et qui orne, vers l’extérieur, le linteau de la porte secondaire de la mosquée, située à l’ouest. Au centre, un vase entouré de deux oiseaux laisse échapper des pampres portant de lourdes grappes de raisins. Aux deux extrémités, deux personnages debout, les bras levés (?) sont flanqués de deux animaux affrontés, des quadrupèdes, peut-être des fauves à tête d’oiseau.

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mosque’s courtyard that Geary, perhaps not fancifully, believed it to have been the forum of the Roman city.[135] One element to add here is the occasional reappearance of the classical system of patronage whereby wealthy citizens gained prestige through the public buildings for which they paid. Ramsay writes of a villager hoping to attract the attention of Sultan Abd-el-Hamid (deposed 1909) by building a new mosque: “I have seen a case in which quite an interesting old village mosque was pulled down, in order to substitute for it a new, ugly, barnlike structure, possessing no architectural feature whatsoever. The person who was guilty of this act told me that it had cost him £500, but a Greek servant whom I had declared that the new mosque would cost about £50 to build: no Turk, in boasting about his merits, can be expected to underestimate their value.”[136] Thus does the antique give way to modernity. Churches From late antiquity large numbers of churches were built (and sometimes subsequently rebuilt) from antique materials. Westerners were alert to the importance of Christian architecture in Asia Minor; and the French, as early as 1850, were proposing it as a special focus of study. For, as they noted, surely inaccurately, these monuments had not been modified: “ces monuments, par un privilège bien rare, n’ont subi aucune modification”[137] – believing this, perhaps, because so many had been built in very large numbers in areas subsequently uninhabited, such as Cilicia. The structures, occasionally themselves built on temple-sites as happened at Cnidus,[138] could later become mosques. Thus three “religious generations” on the same site or, in other locations, could be remembered after they had disappeared, presumably by being spoliated.[139] The templeinto-church trajectory can be seen in the successive fates of the Red Hall in the lower town at Pergamon, called by Elliott in 1838 the Church of S. John: Though now dilapidated and covered with storks’ nests, this church is said to have been once decorated with handsome pillars and marbles taken from the ruins of heathen temples. The nave is converted into a cow-yard; and a subterranean room at one end, supported by two rows of four pillars each, is a manufactory for pottery; while the other, which appears to have been the chancel, is turned into a Greek school.[140]

But this structure was much too large to provide columns for modern building, and so shafts were taken from the acropolis for the new mosque,



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which was being built in 1820.[141] Nevertheless, such upheavals sometimes meant discovery, as when an ancient cemetery was unearthed when digging the foundations for a Greek school at Philadelphia.[142] Some temples had their decoration reused in the church on their site, which might have been the case at Ephesus, in the church built within the Artemision,27 excavated “by the aid of gunpowder in small quantities.”[143] Across the site, several churches were enlarged or refurbished in the early sixth century,28 and perhaps these followed some kind of conversion at the Artemision. Wood writes in 1877 that “the destruction of the church piers and examination of the stones of which they had been built was a long and tedious affair; but, as I have already said, numerous fragments were recovered which, when cleaned from the mortar that enveloped them, furnished me with much of the detail of the architectural enrichment of the Temple.”[144] However, he does not make clear whether such decorative elements were used for anything other than making up the church piers. How long the church survived is unknown, and one part of the site contained a cemetery in the accumulated fourteen feet of silt.[145] Similarly, the church of St. John at Ayasoluk might also have reused material from the Artemision,29 perhaps because it was much closer to the great temple than the main site. Didyma also had an early Byzantine church located in its adyton,30 but it seems likely that churches were generally set in temples only well after the collapse of paganism, when the structure “n’avait probablement plus de signification anti-païenne très nette.”31 Legends still stuck to some Christian antiquities when they were reused in mosques. At Lampsacus Spon and Wheler were treated to the (common) story of how columns in a church returned there, thanks to God’s displeasure, when Moslems tried to build a mosque with them, “Dieu ne

27 Muss 2008, 53: church erected in Artemision by 6thC at the latest, and Ibn Batuta reported it in 1333, so the alluvium was later? Bammer 2008: temple sacked by the Goths in 263; used as quarry for Christian and Islamic buldings; Abb. 232 for his reconstruction of this substantial structure – two storeys of arcading – within the temple, but not reusing its column drums, presumably because they were simply too massive either to shift or to rework? 28 Landstätter and Pülz 2007, 413–414 for Ephesus: churches enlarged or refurbished in the early 6thC, including Basilica of S. John rebuilt larger to accommodate influx of pilgrims. 29 Plommer 1962, 128 à propos a classical fragment with palmettes: “Our stone could come, I suppose, from some Augustan building. But I should far rather assign it to the fourth century B.C. and the milieu of the Temple of Artemis.” 30 Bumke 2009. 31  Spieser 1976.

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voulant pas que des pierres qui avoient été employées pour une Eglise, servissent aux Mosquées des Turcs.” This is a town where the mosque already had crosses on its columns, symbolism with which the locals were clearly conversant: “Les gens du pays disent qu’elle a servi d’Eglise aux Chrétiens, & en effet aux quatre colonnes que soutiennent le Portique, on remarque des croix sur les chapiteaux.”[146] Unfortunately the river was navigable in the winter and, as Castellan noted in 1820 of the temple ruins, they were easily removable by river: “on peut aisément les enlever peu à peu, les disperser, et les dénaturer au point de faire disparoître un des plus beaux témoignages de la magnificence antique”[147] – which is exactly what happened. In some cases it seems that Moslems coveted the materials from which churches were built, and sought to prevent Christians from spoliating as they were themselves doing. This was but one extra tax on non-Moslems in the Ottoman Empire, and a long-lasting if unofficial one. At Pergamon, this translated into an 1838 embargo against removing blocks from the acropolis for building the Bishop’s palace.[148] On the acropolis there, the late Byzantine bishop’s palace and church were built within the Sanctuary of Athena, with part of the cult statue’s base in the apse: “By then probably no one even remembered on what historic and sacred pagan soil the new and comparatively poor buildings were erected.”[149] In the lower town, any modern building needing mortar had to obtain it from marble antiquities, “la pierre calcaire manquant tout à fait dans cette contrée au sol volcanique.”[150] Given the quantities of antiquities in many regions, it is unsurprising that so many churches were constructed with such stones. At Myra, for example, which has been extensively studied,32 the Church of S. Nicholas is a hodge-podge of reused elements. Apart from the theatre and the rockcut tombs, other indications of the past are now scarce there, although still plentiful at nearby Andriake. But in the 1840s Spratt and Forbes remarked on the profusion in the cemetery: “marble columns inverted, with the capitals in one part and their pedestals in another, massive lintels and inscribed fragments, – almost all in a reverse position to that in which they were originally intended to be placed – are strangely mingled with turban-headed tomb-stones.”[151] At Sardis, one of the churches “consisted also of brick arches raised upon six marble piers, made up entirely of architectural fragments plundered from former buildings. Corinthian and Ionic mouldings, shafts of columns, friezes, architraves, and frag32 Borchhardt 1975.



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ments of entablatures, are all worked up together with a large quantity of cement: but four only of these piers are now standing.”[152] This, suggested Elliott in 1838, showed “the stamp of an age in which architecture had begun to decline, and of a people not rich enough to raise costly structures.”[153] Churches were still being built with antiquities in the nineteenth century. Caldavène, passing through the village of Guverdjinik, destroyed during the Greek Revolution, came across a reconstruction effort using local antique ruins, including blocks, columns and capitals: Nous aperçûmes au fond d’une petite anse un misérable hameau détruit pendant la révolution grecque, et que ses anciens habitants commençaient à relever de ses ruines. Ils étaient alors occupés de la reconstruction de l’église, et ils employaient pour ce travail quelques colonnes, des chapiteaux et des pièces de marbre évidemment antiques. Ces débris avaient été tirés de grandes ruines qu’ils nous signalèrent à deux lieues de là environ.[154]

And in 1840 at Eudemich (73km from Smyrna) a splendid Greek church was built from the ruins of Hypaepa, recourse to spolia being the only way of attaining such splendour, because their limited funds were insufficient to build otherwise than by using materials conveniently available three kilometres distant. Their money eût été insuffisante à payer les frais d’un pareil édifice, si presque tous les matériaux n’avaient été tirés des ruines de la ville antique d’Hypsepa, situées au pied du Bouz-dagh, à 3 kilom. au nord d’Eudémich. Sur ce qui reste aujourd’hui de ces ruines, s’élève le petit village turc de Tapoe, auquel la population grecque a laissé le nom de la ville antique: Hypipa. Tous les marbres ont servi à l’ornement de l’église ou à faire de la chaux, car la pierre calcaire est très rare dans la contrée. Les inscriptions et les œuvres d’art ont été ainsi perdues.[155]

When Texier visited this site in 1862, the marble seats had gone from the theatre, a lime-kiln stood nearby, and he reports that twenty carts of marble from the proscenium went to help build the church.[156] Mosques Beautified with Spolia Some of the oldest mosques, madrassas and similar foundations in Asia Minor were simply taken over from a Christian or earlier structure. For Ramsay, such adoption suggests that some areas were redolent of religious feeling; so a temple site would become a bishopric, and then house a Moslem tomb. He might usually be correct, but his account of Atanassos involves more osmosis argument: “It was doubtless this deep-lying

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religious feeling that made Atanassos the seat of a bishopric. The mosque of the Dede shows evident traces of early Byzantine work.”[157] Grégoire in 1909 came across a tekke (a soufi convent) in the village of Kyrklar, 45mins from Zileh (Pontus), where the adjacent turbe was of Byzantine masonry, perhaps the remains of a monastery that was simply taken over and parts re-used as necessary, with columns and capitals decorating the prayer area, and an inscription clinching their source as a Byzantine monastery: Les moulures mêmes de la porte rappellent beaucoup celles des églises byzantines. Dans les murs du turbê étaient encastrés plusieurs fragments antiques. Devant la mosquée, le Namaz-yeri, ou lieu de prière, était orné de colonnes et de chapiteaux certainement byzantins. Nous trouvâmes par surcroît un fragment d’inscription qui ne laissait aucun doute sur l’existence, en ces lieux mêmes, d’un monastère byzantin.[158]

Ramsay’s observation is better related to a cult of saints which easily passed to the Moslems (who officially, of course, had no saints). Indeed, there is plenty of folklore concerning the takeover of temples into churches, and then churches into mosques, with a cult of saints sometimes transferring easily to the Moslems, as Hasluck relates for the Parthenon, which had of course been early converted into a church:33 The antecedent Christian sanctity of the building and the potency of Christian magic were credited with two miracles of the ‘black’ sort. (1) A Turk, who ventured to open a marble chest or tomb, was struck dead, and his action brought plague on the town. (2) Another, who fired at an eikon of the Virgin in the building, was killed outright by the ricochet of the bullet . . . on the doubtful authority of La Guilletière, . . . about the middle of the seventeenth century the Parthenon became the centre of an important Moslem pilgrimage administered by dervishes from Asia Minor, who, however, had been driven out some ten years before our author wrote (i.e. about 1659).[159]

Such superstitions sometimes involve antiquities,[160] and they were very persistent. Anderson provides an account of how S. Theodore “was taken over by the Turks, clothed in a Mohammedan form, and kept up by an establishment of Dervishes at Elwan Tchelebi.”[161] Hence it should not surprise us that structures were reused as well as ideas, sometimes no doubt as part of the same package. For example in 1900, on the road to Tokat, Cumont found a madrassa, built in white mar33 Branco 2008, very well referenced; includes the Christian devastation of the Asclepieion; Kaldellis 2009, chap. 1 for the various states of the building.



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ble, with an architrave bearing a dedication to Marcus Aurelius, and the remains of a gazi in an antique sarcophagus: d’énormes blocs de marbre blanc . . . Les montants et le linteau de la porte sont formés de trois fragments d’architrave portant une dédicace à Marc Aurèle; un quatrième a été transporté dans la citadelle. D’autres débris de l’entablement et de la corniche sont encastrés dans la maçonnerie turque. Dans une salle octagonale, contiguë à cette école, un sarcophage antique a été sauvé de la destruction parce qu’on y a déposé le corps du conquérant Honlfet-Ghazi.

– and not only was the sarcophagus figured, but the faces had not been destroyed.[162] At Edinjik, very near Cyzicus, Mac Farlane describes the principal mosque, where everything is of wood, except for the upturned capitals which support the wooden pillars of the “shabby colonnade.”[163] This is in distinct contrast to a new mosque at Mylasa, which Chandler was told in 1775 was built with marble from the Temple of Augustus and Rome there, dismantled down to its basement.[164] The temple, aesthetically undistinguished according to Pococke, had previously been converted into a church.[165] Some mosques were clearly built direct on ancient foundations, and this showed in their lower courses, as at Hersek.[166] This might have been common in the locality, for nearby Yalova also imported many of the antiquities to be seen there, from Sestos.[167] Because modernisation reached the coasts well before inland, the surviving mosques making extensive use of antiquities are to be found on the plateau. Beysehir contains a large and impressive mosque partly constructed from antiquities, the most conspicuous of which is the sarcophagus used as a cistern for ablutions on the main exterior wall. The internal height was probably too great for the reuse of marble shafts, so the columns are all in wood. At Konya, Alaeddin Camii (mid-twelfth century and later, part-converted from a church somewhere on the site34) has a much lower ceiling, supported on a great variety of column sets retrieved from classical and Byzantine buildings. This is not surprising in a city the walls of which were deliberately decorated with antiquities. The whole area around Konya is rich in antique sites, which have been plundered not only for this mosque, but also for the Seljuk khans nearby, although not all of them incorporated antiquities (presumably dictated by their distance from reusable supplies). One which did so was Zaz-ed-Din Khan some 20 kilometres from Konya, and built with classical and Byzantine spolia:

34 Redford 1991, 57–58 for spolia.

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chapter five Whatever other buildings may have been despoiled, it is certain, both from the character of many of the stones and from the inscriptions, that the church and grave-yard of the village have been put under contribution. This was natural, as the church, probably already in ruins when the khan was built, lay close to hand. Its foundations can be traced a few yards north of the khan; and the stones it contributed are so numerous, that an architect could probably rebuild it from them. The inscriptions, which are all sepulchral, are in most cases undoubtedly Christian, and in all cases probably so.[168]

In 1842 Ainsworth reports on Khanun Khan near Konya with “many stones with Greek crosses and inscriptions” set in the walls.[169] Ten hours’ ride from the city, Tchihatchef provides a litany of standing as well as reused antiquities.[170] Unfortunately, much antique material described in 1902 had disappeared by the mid-century, and “at Doganbey the villagers in Konya cheerfully admitted that they had plundered the ancient site.”[171] This also appears to have happened in the main part of Beysehir, probably during the same period.35 Population Fluctuations and Surviving Antiquities Unfortunately, because of the manifold uncertainties of Ottoman demo­ graphy,36 we cannot easily correlate a dearth of antiquities in a certain district with an expanding population, on the thesis that antiquities inexorably went into new housing. They certainly did so from the nineteenth century, but the evidence for such reuse in earlier centuries is patchy, probably because so many later structures themselves fell to pieces or had their materials reused yet again. Denizli is one town which expanded greatly in the nineteenth century, to some 19,000, up from just a few huts in 1765,[172] and obtaining its materials from Laodicea. Conversely sites distant from growing modern towns, such as Aphrodisias, survived as ruin-fields: “Much has been removed in the course of ages, here, as in every other ruined city of Anatolia, but the prodigious mass of ruin still left, and the rich materials employed, testify to the former opulence of 35 Hall 1968 68, in Pisidia: “Only a few pieces of Classical building material can now be seen in Beysehir itself although I have been assured by inhabitants that many of the buildings in the new town, south of the river, are constructed of ancient material dug up in the northern mahalle.” 36 Inalcik 1978, 71–80 for discussion and some population tables; 80–83 for Problem of Population Pressure: Demography and Economic Conditions. Ataman 1992, 187: “A government where figures have not yet been uncovered.” Clarke 1865 for tables of population c.1865, divided by ethnicity.



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the city.”[173] Aphrodisias had been on a near-building-standstill since the third century,37 then declining,38 and there were no large towns nearby to expand, so that what Waddington described in 1853 is still to be seen today,[174] except for moving the village of Geyre, itself built with a positive riot of antiquities, since it was built on part of the site near the theatre. Denizli was an hour on horseback from Laodicea, which retained many of its monuments in 1840, in rich confusion, with walls, squares and perhaps the remains of temples: “Nous marchons sur l’emplacement de Laodicée, et nous rencontrons des murailles en marbre formant des carrés parfaits. Sont-ce là des restes de temples, de palais? il me serait impossible de vous rien expliquer là-dessus. Si j’entreprenais de vous décrire tous les vestiges de la cité d’Antiochus, je tomberais dans une confusion inévitable.”[175] But as communications improved, even the ruins of Aphrodisias were being plundered in 1842 to be remade for Moslem funerary furniture for the town of Karadja-Su, a few hours distant, and modern stonecutters were at work: “les morceaux les plus précieux périssent sous son ciseau barbare.”[176] The old village of Geyre, surviving now only in photographs, suggests how many towns and villages on or near ancient sites must have looked for centuries (as well as the cleaning up – the tidying back to some semblance of ancient visibility) that excavated sites adopt today in an attempt, perhaps, to offer a simpler story to visitors. But the result is a constructed fiction, whereas villages such as Geyre were a fact. 1  Pococke_1772_V_33 2  Ramsay_1897b_293–294 [ ]  3  Tchihatchef_1850_ 713–714 [ ]  4  Hirschfeld_1883_276 [ ]  5  Hamilton_1839b_172–173 [ ]  6  Collignon_1880– 1897_69 [ ]  7  Rott_1908_100–101 [ ] 

[ ] 

8  Langlois_1861_180 9  Laborde_1838_11 [ ]  10  Keppel_1831_II_356 [ ]  11  AJA_III_1899_250–251 [ ]  12  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_III_1834_306 [ ]  13  Rott_1908_54–55 [ ]  14  Le_Brun_1725_I_462 [ ]  15  Teule_1842_29

16]  Busbecq_I_1881_90 17  Laurent_1735_I_42–43 [ ]  18  Fellows_1843_37 [ ]  19  Alcock_1831_139–140 [ ]  20  Keppel_1831_II_ 196–198 [ ]  21  Irby_1823_491–492 [ ]  22  Kinneir_1818_224

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37 Ratté 2001, 123: apart from building of the city walls, “almost no major new building projects at Aphrodisias after the early 3rdC., and most construction takes the form of repairs to or modifications of existing structures.” Tiny number of inscriptions compared with 1stC and 2ndC. 140–44 for earthquakes; and for some possibility of massive depopulation through plague. Smith 1999 for the urban history 300–600. 38 Ratté 2001, 145 for Aphrodisias: like Sardis and Ephesus, “radical urban transformation in the early 7th century caused generally by the weakening of imperial power, and specifically by the Persian invasions;” Ratté 2006, 48 “was the decrease in urban population accompanied by a corresponding decrease in rural population? In other words, was Aphrodisias abandoned because its inhabitants died? Or because they moved back to the farms and villages that their distant ancestors had left behind them over half a millennium before?”

260 23]  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_I_1833_ 256–257 [ ]  24  L_1834_72–73 [ ]  25  Tournefort_1718_I_ 24–25 [ ]  26  Tchihatchef_1854_ 96–97 [ ]  27  Poujoulat_1853_II_48 [ ]  28  Layard_1903_I_166 [ ]  29  Fellows_1839_137–138 [ ]  30  Rosenmüller_1846_20 [ ]  31  Griffiths_1805_255 [ ]  32  Durbin_1845_146 [ ]  33  Durbin_1845_147 [ ]  34  Burgess_1835_101 [ ]  35  Eton_1798_267 [ ]  36  Rott_1908_283 [ ]  37  Teule_1842_71–72 [ ]  38  Tournefort_II_1718_ 335–336 [ ]  39  Guillaume_ 1870–1872_357 [ ]  40  Chandler_1825_I_340 [ ]  41  Spratt_&_Forbes_ 1847_I_147–148 [ ]  42  Laborde_1838_119 [ ]  43  Perrot_1863_104 [ ]  44  Ali_Bey_1817_105 [ ]  45  Hammond_1878_295 [ ]  46  Collignon_1880–1897_ 22–23 [ ]  47  Allen_1894_12 [ ]  48  Van_Lennep_1870_I_ 139–140 [ ]  49  Van_Lennep_1870_II_ 214–215 [ ]  50  Cronin_1902_370–371 [ ]  51  Beaufort_1818_250–251 [ ]  52  Arundell_1828_97 [ ]  53  Fellows_1839_54–55 [ ]  54  Fellows_1841_129–130 [ ]  55  Hamilton_1842_I_107 [ ]  56  Ali_Bey_1814_291 [ ]  57  Scott-Stevenson_1881_ 130 [ ]  58  Hamilton_1842_I_413– 414 [ ]  59  Rott_1908_9–10 [ ]  60  Moustier_1873_92 [ ]  61  Deshayes_de_ Courmenin_1624_304 [ ]  62  Gemelli_Careri_1699_ I_227 [

chapter five 63]  Choiseul-Gouffier_ 1842_III_338 [ ]  64  Clarke_III_1817_191 [ ]  65  Firmin-Didot_1821_47 [ ]  66  Legrand_1893_#52 [ ]  67  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_I_1833_ 341–342 [ ]  68  Keppel_1831_II_196–197 [ ]  69  Choisy_1876_130 [ ]  70  Helbig_1892_115 [ ]  71  Keppel_1831_II_204–5 [ ]  72  Taylor_1855_295 [ ]  73  Bailie_1846_64 [ ]  74  Laumonier_1936_299 [ ]  75  Laumonier_1936_ 320–321 [ ]  76  Laumonier_1936_327 [ ]  77  Tchihatchef_1854_ 65–66 [ ]  78  Fellows_1839_187 [ ]  79  PTF_Consul_1811_35–36 [ ]  80  Munro_1893_782 [ ]  81  Chamonard_1895_ 235–237 [ ]  82  Newton_1865_II 50–52 [ ]  83  Ampère_1842_12 [ ]  84  Jaubert_1842_129 [ ]  85  Pingaud_1887_287 [ ]  86  Langlois_1858–1859_ 748 [ ]  87  Hamilton_1842_I_ 72–73 [ ]  88  Fellows_1839_10–11 [ ]  89  Sestini_1785_28 [ ]  90  Newton_1865_I_131 [ ]  91  Rott_1908_159–160 [ ]  92  Hoskyn_1842_155 [ ]  93  Fellows_1841_126 [ ]  94  Cuinet_1894_IV_30–31 [ ]  95  Hamilton_1842_II_ 176–177 [ ]  96  Hawley_1918_148 [ ]  97  Keppel_1831_II_ 242–244 [ ]  98  Castellan_1820_216 [ ]  99  Durbin_1845_154 [ 100]  Laborde_1838_101 [ ]  101  Olivier_1800_II_21 [ 102]  Davis_1874_84 [ 103]  Tournefort_1741_290b [ 104]  Kinneir_1818_64 [ 105]  Barkley_1891_106 [ 106]  Poujoulat_1840_I_246 [

107]  Tchihatchef_1854_72 108]  Le_Bas_1888_48 [ 109]  Leake_1820_237 [ ]  110  Leake_1820_238 [ ]  111  Collignon_ 1880–1897_86 [ ]  112  Alishan_1899_336 [ ]  113  Tchihatchef_1854_ 95–96 [ ]  114  Scott-Stevenson_ 1881_349–350 [ ]  115  Cronin_1902_100 [ ]  116  Anderson_1903_38 [ ]  117  Burgess_1835_II_105–6 [ ]  118  Langlois_1861_ 187–188 [ ]  119  Kinneir_1818_233 [ 120]  Hasluck_1929_219–220 [ ]  121  Irby_1823_493–494 [ 122]  Biliotti_1874_233 [ 123]  Hamilton_1842_I_82 [ 124]  Ramsay_1916_21 [ 125]  Van_Lennep_1870_ II_181–182 [ 126]  Van_Lennep_1870_ II_235–236 [ 127]  Aucher-Eloy_1843_ I_148 [ 128]  Legrand_1893_538 [ 129]  Ramsay_1905_164 [ 130]  Edhem-Bey_1905_455 [ ]  131  Hicks_1889_47 [ 132]  Hamilton_1842_II_ 317–319 [ 133]  Geary_1878_II_213–214 [ 134]  Khosrau_1881_28 [ 135]  Geary_1878_II_220–221 [ 136]  Ramsay_1916_51 [ 137]  Walckenaer_&_ Raoul-Rochette_1850_ 235–236 [ 138]  Newton_1865_II 243–244 [ 139]  Grégoire_1909_8 [ 140]  Elliott_1838_II_125–6 [ ]  141  Turner_1820_III_279 [ 142]  Clark_1914_122 [ 143]  Wood_1877_259–60 [ 144]  Wood_1877_279 [ 145]  Wood_1890_47 [ 146]  Spon_&_Wheler_1679_ 162–163 [ 147]  Castellan_1820_ 254–255 [ [



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148]  Elliott_1838_II_132 149]  Radt 2001, 55 [ 150]  Cuinet_1894_III_476 [ ]  151  Spratt_&_ Forbes_1847_ I_138 [ 152]  Ainsworth_1844_10 [ 153]  Elliott_1838_II_75 [ 154]  Caldavène_1837_159 [ 155]  Cuinet_1894_III_515 [ 156]  Texier_1862_249 [ 157]  Ramsay_1897a_ 504–505 [ 158]  Grégoire_1909_25–26

159]  Hasluck_1929_I_13–14 160]  Hasluck_1929_I_ 351–352 [ ]  161  Anderson_1903_10–11 [ 162]  Cumont_1906_168–169 [ 163]  Mac_Farlane_1850_I_ 468 [ 164]  Chandler_1825_I_ 234–235 [ 165]  Pococke_1772_V_ 95–97 [ 166]  Legrand_1893_#12

[

[

[

[

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167]  Picard_&_ Reinach_1912_276 [ 168]  Cronin_1902_358 [ 169]  Ainsworth_1842_ II_64 [ 170]  Tchihatchef_1854_100 [ ]  171  Hall_1968_65 [ 172]  Poujoulat_1840_I_ 48–49 [ 173]  Davis_1874_76b [ 174]  Waddington_1853_45 [ 175]  Poujoulat_1840_I_ 50–52 [ 176]  Jaubert_1842_133b [



appendix

[ ] 1  Pococke_1772_V_33 (in the Orient 1737–1742) going from Vourla to Sevrihissar: Il y a à moitié chemin un cimetière Turc un autre à Erecui, un troisième à un village ruiné appelle Guzelhissar & un quatrième près de la ville de Sevrihissar. On trouve dans tous plusieurs morceaux de marbre & de colonnes, & quantité d’inscriptions à moitié effacées, qui prouvent qu’il y a eu autrefois dans ces endroits des édifices considérables. [ ] 2  Ramsay_1897b_293–294: “Most of the inscribed stones that have as yet been discovered in the Turkish country are found either in cemeteries, or in the walls of mosques, or in the masonry of the fountains which are often the least squalid erections in a Turkish village. The travelling archaeologist can, and ought to, make sure of omitting none of the inscribed stones in these three classes; and yet it is marvellous how difficult it is to induce most travellers to examine patiently every one of these places in every village. I could tell many stories on this subject, some of them heart-rending tales of lost opportunities, some of them hair-breadth escapes from such losses; but the most striking incidents of this kind might cause some regret, and I do not wish to recall them. / In the houses or huts of the Turks, there is less need for good stones than in the more elaborate structure of mosques and fountains; but even in the poorest hut a fine old inscription may be concealed, and in the best houses inscribed marbles are often found. For stones in private houses or in barns, on tchiftliks, the archaeologist must trust to chance, or the favour of heaven, his own wit and power of ingratiating himself with the natives (as described in the first two chapters) or a smart servant (if he is lucky enough to find one). Time is needed to make discoveries in this direction, and it is quite certain that in the great cities, like Kara-Hissar, Konia, Kutaya, and many others, there remains a great deal to reward the archaeologistsof the future. But they must be prepared to spend time; and with the railways that now spread so far over Asia Minor, they can travel in a day into the heart of the country, and settle there at a city in comparative ease of a rough and ready kind. The explorer must not, however, expect a European hotel.” [ ] 3  Tchihatchef_1850_713–714: Quant au bois de construction, l’Asie Mineure ne sait pas assez qu’il y a là pour elle une branche d’exploitation considérable. Les côtes de l’Asie Mineure, les côtes méridionales surtout, présentent de superbes forêts de pins, qui pourraient donner non-seulement de nombreux matériaux de construction, mais aussi d’excellens bois de mâture. Plusieurs régions de l’intérieur offrent également de grandes richesses forestières qui. faute de moyens de transport, sont complètement perdues pour le pays, de telle sorte qu’il n’y a que les forêts de la Cilicie Pétrée et de l’Isaurie qui soient en partie utilisées, mais encore seulement pour le commerce avec le reste de la Turquie, ou bien avec l’Egypte. Ce commerce s’effectue par l’entremise des petites échelles situées sur la côte méridionale depuis Tarsus jusqu’à Adalia; ces échelles ne sont le plus souvent composées que de quelques masures appelées mahazy, où le bois, ainsi que les glands de chêne connus sous le nom de vallonnée, se trouvent déposés: les bois travaillés en planches sont protégés par une espèce de toiture contre les intempéries des saisons; les autres bois taillés en rondins d’un à deux mètres de long, et destines au chauffage ou aux bâtisses, sont entassés sur la plage; à l’époque des pluies et des tempêtes, les vagues viennent souvent enlever une grande quantité de ce bois qui, après avoir été promené quelque temps, finit toujours par échouer sur les côtes de Chypre et de l’Egypte, où les habitans épient ces arrivages qui leur fournissent un moyen très économique d’approvisionnement. [ ] 4  Hirschfeld_1883_276: “Ancient tradition, so rich for the south and the interior of Asia Minor, has left us almost nothing for Paphlagonia but a bare list of names of cities. Ancient remains also are very scanty, and we are forced to conclude that the people of Paphlagonia, like their neighbours a little further east, of whom Xenophon bears record, took the building materials for their miserable huts from the inexhaustible forests around them, as their successors do to this day.” [ ] 5  Hamilton_1839b_172–173: Je fis une excursion vers des ruines intéressantes au pied du Hassan-Tagh, à environ 18 milles au sud-est d’Ak-Séraï, et sur la route de cette ville à Bor (Tyana). Si Ak-Séraï est Archelais, il est probable que ces ruines sont celles de Nazianzus. L’emplacement qu’elles occupent, nommé Vîran-Chehr ou Youran-Chehr (ville ruinée), est



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situé sur une plate-forme rocailleuse immédiatement au-dessus de plusieurs sources abondantes qui forment un lac long et profond, duquel sort une petite rivière qui se réunit au Béyaz-Sbu d’Ak-Séraï et va se jeter dans le lac salé. / Les rues et les maisons d’une grande partie de la ville subsistent encore; les murs ont en quelques endroits 20 à 30 pieds de haut et sont composés entièreinent de blocs cyclopéens irréguliers, sans ciment ni mortier. Les murs de l’acropolis peuvent être reconnus distinctement, ainsi que quelques édifices curieux d’unc architecture plus régulière et voûtée. Les tombeaux très-nombreux, sont en général mieux bâtis et d’un style plus hellénique. Ceux dans lesquels j’entrai, contenaient ordinairement deux rangs de bancs de pierre pour recevoir les corps; dans l’un je trouvai des ossements. Outre ces constructions, je vis les ruines de trois églises byzantines d’une architecture très-ancienne et grossière, mais évidemment d’un âge moins, reculé que le reste de la ville, car on y avait employé beaucoup de mortier et de petites pierres de démolition. [ ] 6  Collignon_1880–1897_69 Anemurium: Nous visitons les ruines de l’ancien Anemurium qui sont de l’époque byzantine. Surprise en pleine prospérité par la conquête ottomane, la ville abandonnée s’est ruinée peu à peu; les murailles du kastro, posé comme celui d’Alaya sur un promontoire élevé, enserrent des groupes de maisons envahies par les mousses et les pariétaires. Quelques-unes se sont conservées presque intactes, et présentent l’aspect désolé des ruines récentes et vulgaires, que le temps n’a pas consacrées. En dehors de la ville, de curieux édifices offrent à l’archéologue d’intéressans sujets d’étude. Il faut sans doute reconnaître des tombeaux dans ces constructions qui à l’extérieur ont toute l’apparence d’une maison d’habitation, et à l’extérieur sont ornées d’un revêtement de stuc; des rinceaux, des arabesques courent le long des parois et entourent des niches creusées dans l’épaisseur du mur. Ce sont de véritables columbaria byzantins. [ ] 7  Rott_1908_100–101 Tyana: Der kleine Hügel der Semiramis, auf dem heute dicht gedrängt ärmliche und schmutzige Hütten aus Lehm und antikem Flickwerk zwischen ausgedehnten Ruinen sich eingenistet haben, ist wie ein Steinbruch allenthalben tief durchwühlt und muß Marmor und Quaderblöcke für den Häuserbau von Klisse Hissar und aller umliegenden Ortschaften liefern. Denn überall starren die gewaltigen Mauern aus dem Boden heraus, und die Substruktionen der öffentlichen antiken Bauten erregen selbst das den Türken sonst fremde historische Staunen. Hadji Chalfa spricht noch in seiner arabischen Geographie von einem großen Schloß in Tyana mit quadergefügten Wölbungen auf Marmorsäulen, das zu seiner Zeit noch aufrecht stand. Durch die wilde Abteufung werden in wenig Jahren auch die Fundamente der antiken Gebäude verschwunden sein. Wo jetzt auf der Höhe des sagenhaften Erdwalles der hier reichlich gewonnene Salpeter zu förmlichen Hügeln aufgeschüttet wird, ragt noch einsam in die Luft die hohe Marmorsäule, die Hamilton vor 60 Jahren schon sah, als er den alten Asmabäus suchte. Bald wird sie ihr Los ereilen; denn als ich zwei Monate später südwärts zu Tyana hinaus den Pylen zu zog, da hatten die Barbaren die schönsten Marmorsäulen des Ortes weit hinaus geschleppt und zerschlugen sie eben zu Schottersteinen für die neu angelegte Gebirgsstraße. / Die Stelle der Hauptmoschee auf der Höhe des Hügels nahm eine Kirche ein. Die Säulen, die sie stützen wie die vielen Reste von Basen, Kapitalen und Gesimsstücken der Vorhalle entstammen dem christlichen Gebäude. Der mich begleitende türkische Gastfreund versicherte obendrein, daß hier einst die „Klisse“ stand. Die heutige Moschee ist wahrscheinlich diejenige des Sultans Ala Eddin, die der oben genannte arabische Geograph unter den damaligen elf Djamien erwähnt. Leider blieb uns keine Zeit, um den von Hamilton entdeckten Asmabäus, den heutigen Ortasangöl aufzusuchen, so wenig wie die Höhlenkirchen von Kara Mahmutlu, zwei Stunden südlich von Tyana, die ihre Fresken noch bewahren sollen. [ ] 8  Langlois_1861_180 (travelling 1851–1853) Holmi, in Cilicia: les débris de maisons antiques. Les murs de ces habitations sont bâtis avec des blocs de marbre rouge ou vert d’une telle grosseur, que l’enceinte de chaque maison est encore très-bien conservée, malgré le nombreux prodigieux d’arbres et de buissons qui ont envahi ces ruines. [ ] 9  Laborde_1838_11 Magnesia: On sort de la ville en passant auprès d’un vieux palais arabe en ruiné . . . A côté sont d’anciens bains. Quelques piliers encore debout au milieu des champs semblent les restes d’un aqueduc. Dans l’ardeur de notre zèle d’antiquaires,



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nous prenons ces constructions pour un ouvrage romain; mais, en l’examinant, les doutes se produisent . . . C’est un aqueduc turc. [ ] 10  Keppel_1831_II_356 at the village of Ghieuldiz, one hour from Kula (Manisa Province): “This village is built entirely of stone. It contains, one hundred houses, of which seventy are Greek, and thirty Turkish. The priests say that it formerly contained one hundred and sixty houses. It produces nothing; the inhabitants going elsewhere for work, and eating the fruits of their labour at home. Nevertheless, it pays a tax of thirty thousand piasters to government, nearly the whole of which is defrayed by the Greek population. / January 9. I commenced my examination at daylight. Not only in the village itself, but at a considerable distance around it, may be traced foundations of houses and small temples. In the walls of the villages are numerous fragments of fine marble; bas-reliefs abound every where, and many have been employed by the villagers for the structure of their houses, and are placed sideways, or upside down, as the shape best suited the builder. In all directions I saw Corinthian capitals, fragments of pillars, small broken statues, and a variety of sculptures. On these last the sacrifice of the bull is frequently observable. The greater part of them are, however, either votive altars or sepulchral monuments.” [ ] 11  AJA_III_1899_250–251: “AK-SHEHIR. A Monument of Roman Date. Professor Hilprecht reports from Ak-Shehir (‘The White Town’), in Phrygia, by several authorities regarded as identical with ancient Philomelium, and, according to Strabo, not far from the boundary of the province of Lycaonia, that, in excavating the cellar of a house, workmen discovered the platform of an ancient monument of the Graeco-Roman period. The platform, to which, on all four sides, well-carved steps lead up, is constructed of white marble, and quadrangular in form, the four sides being represented by four curves (bent inward), each about 20 or 25 feet long. In order to ascertain the exact character of this wellpreserved platform, so far only partly exposed, and what stood upon it (shrine or statue), it will be necessary to remove the two adjoining houses, and to excavate even a portion of the neighboring street. Orders have been issued to preserve the monument intact. (S. S. Times, October 22, 1898.)” [ ] 12  Michaud_&_Poujoulat_III_1834_306 outside Metellin town: Dans une de nos promenades au sud-ouest de la ville, nous avons vu sur le chemin qui conduit à Métymne, un grand tombeau formé d’une seule pierre. Ce tombeau était tout-à-fait enfoui dans la terre; un éboulement de terrain l’a fait reparaître; comme il était ouvert, nous avons pu examiner ce qu’il renferme; ce sont des ossemens desséchés, des vases de terre, quelques débris de charbon, et un petit peighe en bois de cèdre avec lequel les femmes dé l’ancienne Grèce avaient coutume de tenir leurs cheveux attachés. On nous a parlé d’une médaille; mais elle avait disparu. [ ] 13  Rott_1908_54–55: Schon sehr früh muß Perges Bedeutung als Metropolis des westlichen Pamphyliens gesunken sein. Die Gründe scheinen jene frühmittelalterlichen Erdbeben gewesen zu sein, die auch die Bewohner von Kremna, Sagalassos und anderen Städten zwangen, den alten Ort zu verlassen. [ ] 14  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_462 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708): Comme la plupart des maisons à Constantinople ne sont presque bâties que de bois, & que les Turcs sont fort négligents à l’égard du feu, on y est fort sujet à le voir prendre aux maisons, & quand cela arrive lorsqu’il fait un grand vent, les rues étant extraordinairement étroites, le feu y fait de si terribles ravages, qu’on ne sçauroit voir ces embrasements que les larmes aux yeux. J’ay vu, lorsque je demeurois à Galata, un incendie où il y eut environ cinq cents maisons de brûlées, & si le vent eût été un peu plus fort, la Ville alloit être entièrement embrasée. [ ] 15  Teule_1842_29: Malgré le danger des incendies, qui se répandent avec une vitesse incroyable à cause de l’entassement des demeures, et qui se propagent si loin lorsque le vent lance des brandons ou qu’il sème, sans qu’on les voie, des clous rouges de feu sur les maisons voisines, l’économie des constructions en bois et la crainte des tremblements de terre font préférer toujours les matériaux légers, mais combustibles, avec lesquels Smyrne et Constantinople se sont réparées et renouvelées plusieurs fois depuis qu’elles sont au pouvoir des Turcs.



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[ ] 16  Busbecq_I_1881_90 (Ambassador to Turkey 1582–1589) the Turks and houses: “Another reason for this negligence is that it is part of the Turkish creed to avoid display in the matter of buildings; they consider that a man proves himself a conceited fellow, who utterly misunderstands his position, if he aims at having a pretentious house, for he shows thereby, according to their notion, that he expects himself and his house to last for ever. They profess to use houses as travellers use inns, and if their habitations protect them from robbers, give them warmth and shade, and keep off rain, they want nothing more. Through the whole of Turkey it would be hard to find a house, however exalted or rich its owner may be, built with the slightest regard to elegance. Everyone lives in a hut or cottage. The great people are fond of fine gardens and sumptuous baths, and take care to have roomy houses to accommodate their retinues; but in these you never see a bright verandah, or a hall worth looking at, nor does any sign of grandeur attract one’s attention.” [ ] 17  aurent_1735_I_42–43, Manière de bâtir à Smirne, in 1654: Les maisons des Francs ont pour l’ordinaire leurs murs de pierre ou de maçonnerie à chaux & à sable, & tous les murs de resens sont de bois, garnis de brique ou de terre battue, blanchis de chaux. / Les maisons des Turcs & des Juifs, & de la plûpart des autres Orientaux ne sont que de terre & n’ont que l’étage du rez de chaussée. Ils ont fait des fossez pour en tirer la terre de leurs bâtimens, & ces fossez se remplissant des eaux de pluye, causent une corruption & une puanteur qui rend la Ville fort mal saine, particulierement en Automne, où les fièvres malignes attaquent & font périr une grande quantité de gens. Malgré ces funestes expériences, les Turcs ne songent point du tout a y remedier. Ils renvoyent ces soins à la Providence, & munis de leur prédestination, ils attendent la vie & la mort avcc une fermeté qu’on ne remarque que chez-eux. Ils ne bâtissent que pour eux uniquement, sans se mettre en peine de leurs enfans, à qui ils laissent le soin de se bâtir comme ils le jugeront à propos. Leurs maisons, comme on le voit, ne sont pas d’une grande valeur. Il est rare qu’ils y fassent des réparations, ils aiment mieux en bâtir de nouvelles que de réparer celles qui mcnacent ruine; il n’y a que les Mosquées & que les Caravan-Serails que l’on entretient. [ ] 18  Fellows_1843_37: “One of the prettiest sights I witnessed while at Xanthus was caused by the novelty and use of our carpenter’s grindstone; the peasantry came down from miles around to sharpen their tools. This became troublesome to our workmen, and the handle was taken off. The use of the stone then became a favour, which I often granted in order to oblige them, and to see the groups assembled around; each had his sword, pruning-hook, axe, knife or ploughshare in his hand, and patiently awaited his turn at the stone. On leaving the country I promised the people that I would send them one, to be placed under the care of young Mahomet, for the use of all the peasantry of the valley; and I hear from Malta that my present was sent and highly appreciated. I have never seen gritstone in that district of Asia Minor, and the native limestone rocks are a poor substitute for the revolving stone which they now possess.” [ ] 19  Alcock_1831_139–140 a fire in Constantinople: “Frightful as the devastation was, and surrounded as we were by positive danger on every side from the houses that were momentarily fallings still the raging of the flames appeared to us awfully grand: once effectually on fire, a large house, of four or five stories high, would be laid low by the alarming element in ten or fifteen minutes at furthest. Stone is not allowed to be employed in building, as it would interfere with the duty on timber; and a fire is therefore a source of real gain to the coffers of government, however much it may impoverish unfortunate individuals.” [ ] 20  Keppel_1831_II_196–198 on his way to Aezani: “I arrived in the afternoon at a Turkish village called Tatar Bazarjik: it contains a few wretched hovels built of stone. I had intended to have gone to a village further on in the plain, but was arrested by a Greekinscribed column, which I stopped to copy; and darkness coming on, I was obliged to halt here for the night. This stone, which was the upper part of the shaft, had only recently been discovered by the old men while digging for stones to build their houses. This relic of the ancient Giaours had been applied to a curious purpose by the true believers. At the feast of the Ramazan, the old inhabitants hire a priest, whom they perch upon it, and thence make him call the hour of prayer. It now stands about three feet out of the ground;



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sculptured on it is a wreath of ivy, and above it the words as here given . . . Not far from this pillar was a stone, upon which the villagers told me there was a long inscription, in the same character as that I had copied. I set the whole population to work; but it was amidst the ruins of a house that had fallen in, and the frost was so very sharp, that it was impossible to detach it from the other fragments of masonry to which it adhered. Besides this stone, several broken pillars and fragments of ornamental architecture were observable.” [ ] 21  Irby_1823_491–492 leaving Eski Sehir toward Aksehir: “At six o’clock we proceeded on our journey, through a country consisting of open, naked plains, and at noon stopped at Sidi Gazi. In this place are many ancient fragments, such as pieces of columns, friezes, altars, and inscriptions. We remained one hour, and then ascended through a woody country into park scenery, where we found a stag standing in the road; he allowed us to come so near before he retired, that the Tartar dismounted to fire at him. At six we passed a road-side fountain, at which were several antique fragments; one bore a Greek inscription and the cross. We stopped for the night at Khosru Khan, a miserable place, the houses being mere huts, built of rough stones and timber; and here we first came to the flat roofs. There are in the neighbourhood many remains of columns, an altar with a female figure, and another bearing a Greek inscription. The next day our road conducted us through a woody country; at eight we breakfasted at a fountain built with stones, on some of which were Roman sculpture, and a Greek inscription.” [ ] 22  Kinneir_1818_224 Ladik/Laodicea Combusta: “Ladik is a mud town, containing about four of five hundred inhabitants, situated at the foot of a range of hills sind in a small valley opening towards the N. into an immense plain. There are no vestiges of the old Laodicea excepting some fragments of marble columns, and a few capitals and pedestals of pillars, which the Turks have turned into tomb-stones.” [ ] 23  Michaud_&_Poujoulat_I_1833_256–257 cemeteries at Smyrna: Nous avons réconnu que chez les Turcs la demeure des morts est plus ornée et plus solidement bâtie que celle des vivans; les cimetières présentent souvent d’élégans mausolées revêtus de belles colonnes; il est peu de tombeaux qui ne soient ornés de marbre avec des inscriptions, quelquefois tracées en lettres d’or; souvent ce sont des marbres arrachés à des ruinés d’anciens édifices, des colonnes enlevées a dès monumens antiques qui viennent décorer les cercueils; on réprendra quelque jour aux cercueils leurs ornemens pour en construire des édifices nouveaux; ainsi va le monde; on bâtit dés sépulcres avec les pierres des palais; et des palais avec le marbre des sépulcres; c’est comme la nature qui modifie sans cesse ses formes, qui détruit pour créer, qui crée pour détruire, et qui compose chaque saison avec les débris des saisons précédentes. [ ] 24  L_1834_72–73: Les maisons des Grecs, non-seulement dans les villages, mais aussi la plupart de celles des villes, sans même eu excepter Patras, et dans la règle, plus des trois quarts de la totalité, ne peuvent être appelées que des écuries pour des hommes. [ ] 25  Tournefort_1718_I_24–25: Auprès des ruines de l’Eglise Métropolitaine, nous en vîmes d’autres qui nous parurent les reftes de quelque monastère: les bergers y ont bâti de misérables retraites, avec de grosses pièces de marbre antique, parmi lesquelles fe trouve un chapiteau orné de deux rosettes, & d’une croix de Saint Jean de Jérusalem. Sans doute que la ville n’a été détruite qu’après l’établissement des Chevaliers Hospitaliers, qui sont à présent à Malte. And on Crete in general, ibid., 35: La plupart des villages y sont bâtis de marbre blanc, mais il est tout brut & ne paroît pas plus que nôtre moilon: on n’employé le marbre que parce qu’il est plus commun que les autres pierres . . . [in antiquity] ces grands hommes n’employoient pas 1a boue au lieu de mortier, comme les Grecs d’aujourd’hui, qui ne font que délayer la terre avec de l’eau, sans y mêler ni chaux ni sable. [ ] 26  Tchihatchef_1854_96–97 Lycaonia: A deux heures d’Obruklu, se trouve un autre khan nommé Oklakhan, dont l’intérieur est partagé en plusieurs compartiments percés d’arcs. Il a dû avoir été jadis d’une grande magnificence. Les matériaux en sont également empruntés aux restes d’une ancienne ville dont la présence est attestée par les traces d’enceintes carrées, des blocs équarris symétriquement alignés, et par une foule de tronçons de colonnes et de chapiteaux, etc. Ce qui donne un certain caractère d’antiquité



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classique à ce khan ce sont les arcs de l’intérieur de l’édifice, arcs qui sont assez hardis; mais la présence de tronçons de colonnes doriques enchâssés dans les murs extérieurs, prouvent bien que c’est encore aux dépouilles antiques que ce khan doit sa naissance. L’édifice est divisé transversalement en cinq compartiments formés par des murs élevés; chacun d’eux est percé de quatre arcs; les deux murs mitoyens sont détruits. La porte est formée également en arc, mais plus élevée que les arcs intérieurs. L’édifice est complètement privé de sa toiture, qui, comme on le voit, a dû reposer sur les cinq voûtes allant d un mur transversal à l’autre. [ ] 27  Poujoulat_1853_II_48: Les prêtres chrétiens sont admis à l’audience de Sélim et rappellent à Sa Hautesse l’engagement de Mahomet II de laisser aux enfants de l’Évangile la moitié de leurs églises et le libre exercice de leur culte. Mais l’acte par lequel toutes ces promesses sont stipulées a été dévoré dans un incendie, le patriarche invoque le témoignage de trois vieux janissaires, glorieux débris de l’armée qui avait pris Constantinople en 1453, et les trois vétérans attestent, en présence de Sélim, la vérité courageusement soutenue par le patriarche. Le sultan respecte la parole de son aïeul pour ce qui concerne la liberté du culte, renonce au massacre projeté des chrétiens, mais il leur vole toutes leurs églises. Le Koran ne dit pas, ajoute l’empereur en prenant cette décision, que d’aussi beaux édifices doivent être plus longtemps souillés par l’idolâtrie. “Afin de ne pas porter atteinte au droit des Grecs et des étrangers professant le christianisme, a dit un historien [Hammer], Sélim ordonna de leur construire des églises en bois.” En s’appropriant de celte manière (le magnifiques monuments, en donnant en échange, aux chrétiens, quelques misérables baraques qui disparurent au premier incendie, le sultan foula aux pieds, selon nous, le droit acquis et viola les engagements solennels de son grand-père. [ ] 28  Layard_1903_I_166 Aezani in 1839: “Almost every cottage in the village was built of the remains of ancient edifices. In their walls could be seen the most exquisite mouldings in white marble, and fragments of inscribed slabs. In the narrow streets were the shafts and capitals of columns and broken friezes. The graves of the Mussulmans in the cemetery were marked by Greek sarcophagi and blocks of sculptured stone. The temple, with its remaining eighteen columns of white marble, of the purest Ionic order, and of exquisite loveliness, was at a short distance. We passed some hours in examining it, the remains of the adjacent theatre and stadium, and the tombs with their sculptured panels and ornaments. At that time there yet remained much of these beautiful monuments of Greek art, skill, and taste. Several of the columns of the temple have, I believe, since fallen, and the greater part of the bas-reliefs which adorned the theatre have been removed to Paris. Of the former there still existed the cella with its inscriptions, and two entrances, flanked by highly decorated pilasters, and a vaulted chamber beneath the building. Many of the marble seats of tlie theatre and stadium still remained. The proscenium of the former had been overthrown, and its marble fragments, with architectural ornaments of exquisite beauty, lay scattered around.” [ ] 29  Fellows_1839_137–138 Aezani: “The modern village consists of a few huts, and is as straggling as most other Turkish villages. We were as usual shown to the stranger’s house, which I will describe as a specimen of this kind of building, and as displaying the manners of the people, which, as I advance into the interior of the country, are becoming more simple. My arrival in the place was generally known before I reached the stranger’s house, which had a wall of loose stones piled round to mark the extent of the premises, the whole of the stone employed being fragments of worked marble. The house was of mud mixed with straw, about seven feet high, with a flat roof of earth grown over with grass, and a chimney, but no window. We passed through the stable into the smaller apartment within, which had walls of bare mud, and a wide open chimney, admitting scarcely sufficient light to enable me to see the interior.” [ ] 30  Rosenmüller_1846_20 Sardis: “A mean shepherd’s village, called Sarty occupies a small part of the site of this once great and rich city.” At the western base of the castle wall,” says a late traveller [Otto V. Richter in his Wallfahrten, p. 511] “lie a dozen of wretched huts, built of mud, (as Thyatira and all the other places of this district are), and



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at its eastern extremity is a garden with a mill. Such is the form of the modern Sardis. Between these points the space is occupied by the ruins of walls and churches of comparatively recent erection, in the building of which the large marble square stones of the more ancient edifices had been employed. The foundations of the old walls, which ran out from the mountain, and surrounded the town, are observable in some of the mounds of earth by which they are now covered. In the garden already mentioned, there are still standing the remains of large marble pillars resembling towers, upon which brick arches had been constructed, which are now quite fallen down.” [ ] 31  Griffiths_1805_255 at Sardis, “an inconsiderable village of clay huts”: “Here we remained a few hours, and ate our frugal meal amidst those ruins of brick and marble which formed and decorated one of the spacious halls where the richest monarch of Asia Minor displayed the splendor of his court. To judge from the quantity of materials still remaining, and the space they occupy, this apartment belonged to an extensive palace. The dimensions of several others adjoining may be traced by diligently observing the ground-floors, and also the square bases of pilasters of neat and appropriate workmanship, though for the most part covered with earth. / At a short distance from what may be termed the back part of the building, the broken shafts and capitals of various sized columns give reason to suppose that another edifice had been there erected; but I could not figure to myself, amidst the heaps of stones which lay in every direction, any such, in shape or situation, that could lead me to think they had been employed in the construction of an ampitheatre. [ ] 32  Durbin_1845_146 Sardis: “It was more desolate and utterly destroyed than Ephesus. We hastened forward and passed a rude mill, soon approached the northeastern base of the Acropolis Hill, up which yet ran the old city wall. Entering where was once a gate, we found substructions ridging the ground, and open arches mining the hill. Close on our left, upon the declivity, swept inward and upward a vast amphitheatre, the abutments of whose proscenium and stoa impended over us, but the magnificent columns and fine marble seats were gone. A little farther west were the four huge square buttresses upon which once rose the dome of the Church of St. John; all besides was gone. To the right were to be seen portions of the walls, and the square bases of the interior pillars of the Church of the Virgin. The only human habitations in sight were two rude cabins, the one a Turkish coffee-shop, and the other a Greek khan. It seemed impossible to realize that we were in the midst of Sardis.” [ ] 33  Durbin_1845_147 Musing on the lack of superstructures at Sardis: “No new city, as at Epbesus, arose in the neighbourhood to require them; and Sardis is too far from the sea to support the hypothesis of their distant transportation. Possibly they were built of sundried bricks, as are the houses in Damascus/and hence quickly perished when allowed to fall into decay. But in this case mounds would have been formed as on the sites of ancient Egyptian cities. Perhaps the material was wood, as are the houses at Constantinople, and may have been consumed by the population of the declining city and the villages in the vicinity. Be this as it may, with the exception of a few massive substructions and walls, all have disappeared. Among those which remain are the foundations and three vast apartments of the Gerusia, or Palace of Croesus.” [ ] 34  Burgess_1835_101 Marmora, between Sardis and Ekhissar: “This town is situated under a cliff, has two mosques, and a great number of mud houses; many of which are at present in a state of dilapidation. The host of the cafenet, who was a Greek, said that twenty five families were now settled at the place, but formerly there were more; and that the Turkish houses had diminished from one thousand to one hundred, which I thought could not be true; for taking into consideration that part of the town which runs up the hill at the southern extremity, I could not form my estimate of houses at less than three hundred. On the plain side, fig trees, pomegranates, and vines abound. Some travellers think this may be the site of the ancient Exusta: it is certainly the site of an ancient town; for both in the burial ground, and in the streets, are seen, constantly, fragments of columns and other vestiges.”



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[ ] 35  Eton_1798_267 Aleppo: “The late Dr Russel (in his Natural History of Aleppo), calculated the number of inhabitants, in his time, at about 230,000; at present there are not aboye 40 or 50,000. This depopulation has chiefly taken place since 1770. As this city is built of a kind of marble, and the houses are vaulted, they are not subject to decay and fall in ruins, though they remain uninhabited; they stand a monument of the destruction of the human race: whole streets are uninhabited and bazars abandoned. Fifty or sixty years ago were counted forty large villages in the neighbourhood, all built of stone; their ruins remain, but not a single peasant dwells in them. The plague visits Aleppo every ten or twelve years. About four years ago there was at Aleppo one of the most dreadful famines ever known any where.” [ ] 36  Rott_1908_283 at Nazianz (Cappadocia): Die Bewohner von Sorsovu bedauern jetzt sehr den Wassermangel und können sich noch der Zeit erinnern, als das köstliche Naß herabkam. Die sichtbaren Ruinenreste, soweit sie nicht von den Abschwemmungen der westlichen Höhe verdeckt sind, liegen auf einer breiten Stufe etwas höher als die Talsohle des Gebirgsbaches, waren also vor Überschwemmungen geschützt. Von hier stammen die vielen Marmorwerkstücke, die man in die neuen Häuser von Sorsovu eingemauert sieht. Überall graben die Einwohner die Fundamente nach Steinen auf, so daß wir von der Konstantinskirche, wie die Türken die eine von zwei sichtbaren Kirchenruinen nennen, nur den Chor und einen Teil der Umfassungsmauern feststellen konnten. Der uns begleitende Türke, ein zuverlässiger Mensch, erzählte uns, daß er die Säulenreste an seinem neuen Haus hier ausgegraben habe. Die Einwohner des Dorfes versicherten, daß schöner Marmor hinter Siwri Hassar im Melendizdagh gefunden werde. Eine amphitheatralische, regelmäßige Vertiefung machte mir den bestimmten Eindruck eines kleinen Theaters. [ ] 37  Teule_1842_71–72 Turkish Pergamon: a l’apparence d’un grand village, n’ayant ni portes ni murailles. Ses maisons de bois, peintes, basses et grillées, sont construites pour durer une vie d’homme seulement; l’aspect de chacune donne l’âge du maître qui l’a fait élever, et, toutes ensemble, elles sont comme le signalement de la population de la ville: on en voit de toutes neuves où des ménages nouveaux viennent d’entrer; on en voit de vieilles et voûtées comme l’aga qui les habite et qui, attachées à son existence, n’attendent que son dernier jour pour tomber avec lui et le couvrir de leurs ruines. On peut croire que les Turcs, aspirant de tout leur cœur à un autre séjour que celui-ci, et comptant bien n’y plus revenir, ne sont pas soucieux de laisser une trace inutile de leur passage ni de réparer une propriété qu’ils ne doivent pas revoir. [ ] 38  Tournefort_II_1718_335–336 Ankara, the Inscription: “One sees within the Circumference of this Building the Ruins of a poor Christian Church, near two or three sorry Houses, and some Cow-houses . . . We might perhaps discover something more particular concerning this Edifice, if we could find out the meaning of divers Greek Inscriptions which are cut on the out-side of the Walls; for this Building undoubtedly stood alone. At present we find these Inscriptions in the Chimneys of several particular Houses, where they are cover’d with Soot. These Houses stand against the chief Wall on the Right.” [ ] 39  Guillaume_1870–1872_357, Temple of Augustus at Ankara: Au-delà du chœur nous trouvons une propriété particulière. Sur la gauche, au N. 0., et en avant au S. 0., sont les terrains transformés en cimetière et appartenant à la mosquée, la mosquée elle-même, un turbeh ou tombeau d’un saint musulman, et le minaret. Sur la droite, c’est-à-dire au S. E., trois maisons turques s’appuient à la muraille du temple. Dans la première, une colonne et demie environ de la traduction grecque était visible, les six colonnes suivantes étaient cachées derrière un contre-mur. La deuxième maison contenait dans sa grange obscure les colonnes 10 à 13. Un gros contre-fort séparant ces deux maisons nous a caché la neuvième colonne, et nous avons dû renoncer, non sans regrets, à le démolir. La troisième habitation a remplacé celle que M. Hamilton a détruite pour lire les colonnes 14 à 17 et la moitié de la dix-huitième. Bien payée sans doute par lui à son propriétaire, elle a été reconstruite avec soin, et lesdites colonnes sont ensevelies derechef pour longtemps. La cour de cette troisième habitation laisse à découvert la dernière et dix-neuvième colonne et la moitié



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de la dix-huitième. Nous retrouvons là aussi le soubassement complètement dégage, mais très-fruste et détérioré. Une assise et demie de libages y sont à découvert. [ ] 40  Chandler_1825_I_340 in Sedicui: “Our house was two stories high; chiefly of wood and plaster, which materials are commonly preferred, not only as cheap, but for security in earthquakes; the joists and nails swaying and yielding as the undulation requires.” [ ] 41  Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_147–148 Limyra: “At this spot the principal ruins of the city are concealed by a piece of swelling ground, near the end of which were the thatched huts of three or four Chingunee families. On crossing it we found ourselves close to a large fortress, a well preserved theatre, and other ruins, scattered at the foot of a hill, the face of which is honeycombed with rock-tombs. The theatre we found so overgrown with bushes that it was impossible to penetrate it, or to make any measurements of its dimensions, but it appeared one of the larger class, and bore testimony to the former populousness of Limyra. The fortress is an open quadrangular building with towers, apparently a late Roman or middle-age edifice, constructed of small stones, bricks and mortar, well cemented together.” [ ] 42  Laborde_1838_119 Konya: L’habitation du pacha, ce qu’on nomme son palais et son sérail, est une mauvaise construction moderne en bois et en moellons. [ ] 43  Perrot_1863_104 Uskub: Uskub, l’ancienne Prusa ou Prusias ad Ilypium. Uskub est un village de près de cent cinquante maisons, toutes mahométanes. Il n’en faut pas plus pour que, dans tout le pays environnant, on lui donne le titre de ville. Après les visites aux autorités, une fois nos bagages installés dans un de ces grands palais de bois à demi ruinés qui datent du temps des déré-beys, – les souverains locaux qu’a détruits Mahmoud, – nous faisons le tour de l’ancienne enceinte, pour nous rendre compte de ce que l’on peut trouver ici d’intéressant. [ ] 44  Ali_Bey_1817_105 Konya: Le case sono di terra o di mattoni colli al sole, come quelle de’ più poveri villaggi. Non osservai che una sola casa che avesse un buon esterno; ma anche questa formata col materiali delle altre case. Si vuole che quest’edificio, che per la sua forma ed ampiezza potrebbe dirsi un palazzo, fosse fabbricato da un uomo che ne’ paesi de’cristiani aveva imparata l’alchimia, ossia l’arte di far l’oro, col qual mezzo si era fatto ricchissimo. Al presente serve d’ospizio ai poveri. Ho pur veduto l’esteriore di tre moschee che hanno un magnifico aspetto con grandi cupole, e campanili alti e sottili. [ ] 45  Hammond_1878_295 Konya: “The modern city of Koniyeh has an imposing appearance, from the number and size of its mosques, colleges, and other public buildings; but these stately edifices are crumbling into ruins, while the houses of the inhabitants consist of a mixture of small huts, built of sun-dried bricks, and wretched hovels thatched with reeds. / Koniyeh appears the most ruinous and fallen of all amongst the many great towns of the Lesser Asia. [ ] 46  Collignon_1880–1897_22–23: Nous quittons Uhl-Keuï après une excursion à Chorzum et une longue visite aux ruines de Cibyra. Halte au misérable village de Beyi-Keuï, et départ à l’aube pour Téfény, où nous conduit une demi-journée de marche. La physionomie des villages change avec celle du pays. Les maisons de bois aux toits pointus, les greniers en forme de coffres posés sur d’énormes pierre sont remplacés par des habitations basses, construites en pisé et en bois de grume, et couvertes de terrasses. On chercherait vainement le type de construction adopté dans la région du littoral, et qui reproduit avec fidélité frappante les façades sculptées dont les Lyciens décoraient leurs tombeaux creusés dans le roc. [ ] 47  Allen_1894_12 Kirsehir: “The mud buildings of Babylon, and not the marble edifices of Nineveh, have served as models for the Turkish architect. We have seen the Turks, when making the mud-straw bricks used in house-building, scratch dirt for the purpose from between the marble slabs and boulders that lay in profusion over the ground.” [ ] 48  Van_Lennep_1870_I_139–140 Tokat: “The bold castle hill, with its ruinous walls and towers, hides a portion of it on the west; the semi-circle of mountains sweeps thence to a lofty hill frowning upon the town on the east, excepting a narrow gorge which opens on the south-east side. Mosques, minarets, khans, can be distinguished in the centre or



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lowest part of the town, and these are of stone. But the great mass of building present an earthy colour, being built of timber and mud-bricks dried in the sun and plastered over with mod on the outside. A strange sight, indeed, to see a city of mud enclosed by mountains of marble!” [ ] 49  Van_Lennep_1870_II_214–215 Balahissar: “The village which now occupies the site of this once rich and proud city is partially constructed from its remains, but chiefly of common stone cemented with mud.” [ ] 50  Cronin_1902_370–371 near Konya: “The light was fading rapidly when we started again on our journey after copying these inscriptions, and a storm, which fortunately passed off, was threatening. We went on in darkness for some time until the moon, then at its full, rose and aided us with its light. When we reached Yaghli-Baiyat we found not a village but a small collection of mud huts, perhaps twenty in all – a yaila, without inhabitants except in the summer months. Our journey from the cemetery occupied an hour and a half. / The next morning, however, left us no doubt that we were on the site of a town, once of considerable importance. The yaila lies almost in the centre of an amphitheatre of hills, a short way only up the slope of its eastern side. For a considerable distance in every direction – towards the west for upwards of a mile – the hills were covered with ruins. On the hill to the extreme west, called Maltepé were the ruins of a temple. East of Maltepé about half a mile west of the yaila, were the ruins of a small theatre looking east. In the low ground, immediately west of the yaila, we could trace along the road which led to Konia the sites of several public buildings.” [ ] 51  Beaufort_1818_250–251 (travelling 1811–1812) Ayas (to the W. Pompeiopolis): “Ayash is the name given by the present inhabitants, to a collection of miserable huts, which are surrounded by the ruins of a town that formerly occupied a considerable space of ground. The most conspicuous of these ruins is a temple, finely placed on the projecting ridge of a low hill. The columns of this temple are of the composite order, fluted, and about four feet in diameter; there are only a few of them now standing, and it would seem that the rest had been prostrated by the shock of an earthquake, The singular displacement of the blocks of two of the columns, which are still erect, led to this conjecture; in one of them, the middle stone of the shaft has been forced out sideways so as to project some inches, though the upper stone preserves its original position; and in the other column, the upper block has, in falling, been caught in the most unaccountable manner transversely on its own shaft, across which it now lies.” [ ] 52  Arundell_1828_97 village of Khonas, vicinity of Colossae: “Descending, we passed through the village on the eastern side, and found it to be of considerable extent; the multitude of fragments of marble pillars almost upon every terraced roof, used there as rollers, proved the existence of some considerable ancient town in the neighbourhood.” [ ] 53  Fellows_1839_54–55 a house at Assos: “The houses of the villages in Turkey seem very much alike. I have been into many, and will describe the one appointed for me last night at Beahrahm [viz. Assos]. On the outside it looked like a square box, and the inside measured from twelve to fourteen feet: it was built of stones, of all shapes, put together with mud. The roof was flat and covered with earth; a small roller, generally a piece of a column, lying on the top to make this compact, in order to keep out the wet. There was no window, and consequently light was admitted only by the door, which had no lock or fastening, except a piece of wood suspended over the top with inside, and falling down when the door shut, whilst on the outside hung a peg, with which this inside fastening might be pushed up on entering. The walls and floors were of mud, mixed with short pieces of straw; the roof was a tree laid across and boards placed transversely; the interior was black with the smoke from a large open fire-place, and on entering, the house appeared quite dark. The lamps here are of tin or earthenware, and of the beautiful forms used by the Greeks and Romans.” [ ] 54  Fellows_1841_129–130 Lycian cottages: “In the various cottages, the roof, which is always of earth, is held in its form by an attic of stones; upon this roof, as I have often before mentioned, the Turks keep a roller for levelling and rendering the earth water-tight;



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but at the edges and on the corners, where the roller cannot press, weeds often grow luxuriantly, and this suggests the tuft-like leaf ornament so often seen in the Greek buildings rising from the edge of the roofs. The Greek generally lives in a hut built with more art and neatness, but still of a temple-like form, as may be suggested by the sketch; his hut is usually whitened, while that of the Turk is of mud, imbedding stones, sticks, or straw, as circumstances offer the material. The walls never form the strength of the house, which derives its support entirely from the framework of timbers resting upon the columns or upright stems of trees on the outside; stones placed under these, to prevent their sinking into the ground, form bases, while the beams resting upon their tops appear as capitals; in front, a stone or piece of wood is placed upon these posts, to support the ends of the beams, which are the dentils in the frieze of this simple little building.” [ ] 55  Hamilton_1842_I_107 Ghiediz: “Looking down from this commanding spot, all the houses are seen to be flat-roofed, and on each roof is a marble roller, generally part of an ancient column, for the purpose of keeping the earth, of which it is formed, hard and water-tight. The houses are all built of mud, so that at a distance the town would not be distinguished from the surrounding parched and dried-up ground, except for the four white and graceful minarets which adorn it.” [ ] 56  Ali_Bey_1814_291: Tarsus ou Tarsis (puisqu’on le prononce des deux manières) est une ville assez considérable, dont les maisons sont fort laides et construites en terre. [ ] 57  Scott-Stevenson_1881_130 Tarsus: “On our way through the town we pulled up opposite the new Armenian church, which the Christian inhabitants are very proud of. It is said to be the finest modem building in the town. In digging the foundations a number of coins were discovered and also some antique jewellery, which was bought by a Greek gentleman living in Alexandria. / Mr. Tattarachi had arranged that we should stop at the house of Mr. Avnea, the Dutch consul. On our way there we passed numerous fluted columns, capitals with figures and flowers carved on them, and other remains of the ancient city, either half buried in the ground or built into the walls of modern houses.” [ ] 58  Hamilton_1842_I_413–414 Akjah Tash: “Having heard that some inscriptions and ruins were to be seen at a small village called Akjah Tash, three hours to the N.W., I determined to visit it in my way to Angora, although not in the direct road. Leaving Kalaijik soon after eleven, we crossed a lofty chain of hills to the N.W., partly through a narrow and wild ravine. In two hours we reached the summit of the pass, whence a short but rapid descent brought us into a fertile plain watered by a stream flowing N.E., which was now dry. The village of Akjah Tash was visible on the other side of the plain, at the distance of between three and four miles to the N.W.; at half-past two we reached its mud houses, built on the southern slope of an almost insulated limestone hill which rises behind it, and may have been the Acropolis of an ancient city. Many remains of antiquities were in the walls of several houses in the village. The inscription No. 100 was on a large block of stone, with a bas-relief above representing the bust of a Roman senator. No. 101 was on a stone in the wall of the same house with two figures above, and below them a halflength figure with the toga, enclosed within a wreath or garland. Another large block of marble with a figure rudely sculptured on it, carrying a standard surmounted by an imperial eagle, seemed intended to form part of a large building, and the marks of the chisel were still visible upon it. On the hill behind the village were more blocks of stone, and amongst them one evidently sepulchral, being divided on one side into four compartments, in two of which garlands were sculptured, in another a large figure like an inverted gamma, while the fourth was too much injured to distinguish it. All these stones are of the same material as the hill itself, a compact semi-crystalline limestone. / On the summit of the Acropolis are the remains of lines of old walls, and houses of large and small stones irregularly heaped together. In the burial-ground are several fragments of columns, and large blocks of stone, while long lines of wall, apparently ancient, stretch away to the south. It is evidently the site of an ancient town, which was situated between the present village and the burial-ground, with its Acropolis to the N.N.W., and commanding a rich and extensive plain towards the south.”



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[ ] 59  Rott_1908_9–10 at Selef/Seleucia: An dem einst besiedelten, niedrigen Hügel von Güle Önü vorüber kamen wir nach Bajad, dessen kleine Moschee über einer alten Kirche errichtet ist, die schon ins Weichbild von Seleucia fällt. Omamentstücke mit bereits ganz romanischem Charakter, eine Steinplatte mit einer christlichen Inschrift und römische Grabstelen mit Totenfiguren sind in die Sudmauer verbaut. Die Turwange des Westportals ziert eine Ehreninschrift des Kaisers Claudius. 82 on the Apamea-Konana road: alte Konana, dessen Name in dem modernen Gjönen fortlebt. Viele Werkstücke des Altertums, Sarkophagteile und eine Unmasse von Grabstelen, meist aus marmorweißem Kalkstein hergestellt, sind in die Häuser und Tscheschme eingebaut. Drei kläglich zerfallene Moscheen mit eingestürzten Minarets, von denen die eine über den Fundamenten einer Kirche errichtet scheint. [ ] 60  Moustier_1873_92. [ ] 61  Deshayes_de_Courmenin_1624_304 in the Troad: Il est vray que de ce qui reste, l’on peut aisément juger que les bastimens en estoient très-beaux et très-superbes, parce qu’il y a quantité de marbres et de colomnes que les laboureurs découvrent tous les iours avec le socq de leurs charrues. – but 305 he is told of so many ruins de façon que Troye estoit plutost un païs qu’une ville. [ ] 62  Gemelli_Careri_1699_I_227 Alexandria Troas: Trovai lungo la spiaggia, per più d’un miglio, marmi bianchi, e colonne, cosi per terra, come in piedi; che si scorge csscre state del porto della Città: e camminando dentro terra per più d’un miglio, fra gli alberi, vidi fabbriche antiche, tutte fatte di pietra viva, parte in essere, e parte cadute. Vidi anche una gran Torre quadrata, di grosse pietre, che avea alcune picciole finestre d’intorno al primo cornicione, e’l tetto terminava in rotondo; dai che io giudicai aver servito di’Tempio all’antichità. Non andai più avanti, perche non mi diede tempo il Rais, il quale mi riferi, che per una giornata dentro terra, si truovano sempre simiglianti fabbriche rovinate, e buoni marmi per terra. La chiamano i Turchi Costantinopoli la vecchia. [ ] 63  Choiseul-Gouffier_1842_III_338 (ambassador to Constantinople 1784 to 1791) Tchiblac, near Ilium: Ce village est composé d’une trentaine de maisons, toutes construites des ruines d’Ilium; on n’y voit que des morceaux d’architecture antique, des inscriptions, des débris de bas-reliefs et des parties de colonnes engagées datis les murs. Ceux de la mosquée offrent des fragments de chapiteaux de différents ordres, principalement doriques. Dans les cabanes des paysans on trouve des frises de cet ordre, des entablements et des ornements de tout genre. [ ] 64  Clarke_III_1817_191: “The remains of Alexandria Troas have long served as a kind of quarry, whither not only Turks, but also their predecessors, during several centuries, have repaired, whenever they required either materials for ornamental architecture, or stones for the common purposes of building. Long before the extinction of the Greek empire, the magnificent buildings of this city began to contribute the monuments of its antient splendour towards the public structures of Constantinople; and, at present, there is scarcely a mosque in the country that does not bear testimony to its dilapidation, by some costly token of jasper, marble, porphyry, or granite, derived from this wealthy magazine.” [ ] 65  Firmin-Didot_1821_47 at Alexandria Troas: Dans ce port, on voit confusément entassés une grande quantité de colonnes et de fragments de marbres divers. Sur le bord de la mer, nous aperçûmes plusieurs autres colonnes; mais, parmi les nombreuses ruines que l’on voit en ce lieu, aucun débris ne porte un beau caractère d’architecture; et nous ne trouvâmes pas un seul chapiteau. On doit présumer que tout ce qui était précieux aura été emporté, le voisinage de la mer rendant le transport facile. Il est même très-probable que les colonnes qui se trouvent au bord de la mer y auront été roulées dans ce dessin. [ ] 66  Legrand_1893_#52 Près de Balouk-Tchesmé, à quelques pas du village tcherkesse de Tschmar-Dére entre Kemer et Gurendjeh. Grand piédestal quadrangulaire en marbre blanc, fraîchement déterré . . . / Beaucoup d’autres fragments de marbre ont été trouvés au même endroit et transportés à quelques kilomètres pour la construction d’un tchiflik; aucun ne porte d’inscription; ce sont des débris de pilastres, de balustrades, de vasques, provenant sans doute d’une ville.



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[ ] 67  Michaud_&_Poujoulat_I_1833_341–342 Kiolafli (perhaps Amanitus, opposite Lesbos): Avant d’arriver à Kiolafli, on trouve quelques jardins plantés de beaux orangers: dans les clôtures de ces jardins, nous avons remarqué des fragmens de’ marbre et des pierres de taille; d’énormes tambours de colonnes gissent dans l’enceinte au pied des arbres, et le grenadier laisse tomber sa fleur purpurine sur ces grands marbres d’une étincelante blancheur. Pour vous donner une idée de ces colonnes, il me suffira de vous dire qu’elles pourraient être comparées à celles du temple de Jupiter Olympien, que nous avons vues à Athènes; seulement ces dernières ont pris une teinte jaune, et celles de Kiolafli ont conservé leur premier éclat. Au milieu de ces jardins s’élève un reste de mur antique semblable de loin à une colonne, et protégé par le nid d’une cigogne. Il est probable que tous ces débris ont appartenu à un temple. La plupart des maisons de Kiolafli sont construites avec des débris de colonnes, de chateaux et de piédestaux d’un fort beau travail. La mosquée, d’une grandeur médiocre, est bâtie presque tout entière avec d’anciennes ruines, et nous avons regretté de ne pouvoir pénétrer dans ce sanctuaire qui renferme peut-être de précieuses antiquités. Le village est habité par environ cent familles musulmanes. [ ] 68  Keppel_1831_II_196–197 near Kutayha: “I arrived in the afternoon at a Turkish village called Tatar Bazarjik: it contains a few wretched hovels built of stone. I had intended to have gone to a village further on in the plain, but was arrested by a Greek-inscribed column, which I stopped to copy; and darkness coming on, I was obliged to halt here for the night. This stone, which was the upper part of the shaft, had only recently been discovered by the old men while digging for stones to build their houses. This relic of the ancient Giaours had been applied to a curious purpose by the true believers. At the feast of the Ramazan, the old inhabitants hire a priest, whom they perch upon it, and thence make him call the hour of prayer.” [ ] 69  Choisy_1876_130 Kutayha: Je monte à la citadelle. Des pierres de l’enceinte hellénique subsistent encore. L’enceinte byzantine en briques est intacte, et l’on y voit, incorporés avec toute l’habileté imaginable, de précieux débris d’une fortification antérieure. Les tours se montrent si multipliées, que l’intervalle d’une tour à l’autre est inférieur à l’épaisseur même des tours. [ ] 70  Helbig_1892_115 Konya, a house under construction, dans les fondations de laquelle ont été trouvés de gros blocs de pierre portant des inscriptions. Informations prises, un grand nombre de pierres bleuâtres, dont sept avec inscriptions, ont été déterrées quelques jours auparavant. / Quatre de ces dernières ont déjà été mises en pièces et ont servi à la construction des murs de la maison. Nous copions les inscriptions sur les trois pierres existant encore, mais qui devaient incessament subir le sort des autres. Ces inscriptions qui sortent de terre, sont inédites; elles doivent déjà ne plus exister. [ ] 71  Keppel_1831_II_204–5 at Aezani “the ancient Azani. The beautiful temple had been visible at six miles’ distance: our nearer approach to it was marked by lanes formed by a prodigious quantity of prostrate shafts of columns plain and fluted, highly ornamented capitals, and superbly wrought entablatures; rows of erect columns are still standing in several parts of the village. The burying-grounds are full of architectural fragments, and Greek inscriptions meet the eye at every turn.” [ ] 72  Taylor_1855_295 Aezani: “Our approach to the city was marked by the blocks of sculptured marble that lined the way: elegant mouldings, cornices and entablatures, thrown together with common stone to make walls between the fields. The village is built on both sides of the Rhyndacus; it is an ordinary Turkish hamlet, with tiled roofs and chimneys, and exhibits very few of the remains of the old city in its composition. This, I suspect, is owing to the great size of the hewn blocks, especially of the pillars, cornices, and entablatures, nearly all of which are from twelve to fifteen feet long. It is from the size and number of these scattered blocks, rather than from the buildings which still partially exists that one obtains an idea of the dse and splendor of the ancient Oezani. The place is filled with fragments, especially of columns, of which, there are several hundred, nearly all finely fluted. The Rhyndacus is still spanned by an andent bridge of three arches, and both banks are lined with piers of hewn stone.”



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[ ] 73  Bailie_1846_64 Aphrodisias: “Here, as in many other sites, I am persuaded that judicious excavations would amply reward the traveller who possesses the rare union of wealth and taste, and has time at his command. Scarcely a day elapses, during the season of field labour, without some relic of antiquity being disinterred by the villagers of Gheyerah. Then, there exist, as I have mentioned, considerable remains of the city wall, into which have been inserted many precious monuments of the pagan inhabitants of Aphrodisias, their friezes, their statue-pedestals, their sepulchral monuments, many of them beautifully chiselled and sculptured. I recollect one series of these, in particular, which attracted my attention as I was making the circuit of the ramparts. It lay on the face of the wall towards the south; a group of sculptures in low relief, on what appeared to have been a frieze of a temple surmounted by a highly ornamented cornice. These sculptures still possess traces of elaborate execution, not perhaps in the very loftiest style of art, but by no means unworthy of an artist’s notice. The grouping and the action are highly spirited, and very probably were intended to carry out some mythological idea.” [ ] 74  Laumonier_1936_299 Alinda: Dans une des plus belles maisons du village, assez proche du grand portique à étages, est inséré à une grande hauteur un fragment de frise de marbre représentant un combat de Grecs et d’Amazones (?); on distingue au moins huit personnages: au centre, deux combattent au-dessus d’un mort étendu; à droite, deux combattent par dessus un blessé assis; à gauche, deux combattent et un troisième (très mutilé) est agenouillé, tout-à-fait à gauche. Le marbre mesure environ 40 à 50 cm. de haut et 1 m. 25 de long. (includes photo). [ ] 75  Laumonier_1936_320–321: A Stratonicée, j’ai remarqué: 1 dans une maison en ruines, une console ou bloc de frise en marbre gris-blanc, décoré en fort relief (0 m. 24) d’une tête de bœuf large de 0 m. 45 (fig. 31). – 2° Sur le bord d’un chemin qui sort du village près de la porte romaine, un bloc de frise en marbre représentant un quadrige en course (long. 0 m. 80; haut. 0 m. 37 (fig. 32). – 3° Dans le mur de la maison n° 85, une petite base de marbre portant en relief la déesse Hékate, debout, dans une pose raide, sans polos, tenant le flambeau à la main droite; la main gauche est repliée, indistincte (haut. 0 m. 54; larg. 0 m. 29) (fig. 33). – 4 Au musée de l’école, une statuette en marbre d’IIéraklès (haut. 0 m. 72), debout nu, massue pendante à la main droite, peau de lion à la gauche; inachevée, mutilée, la figure est plutôt en relief qu’en ronde bosse; le fond est sommairement dégrossi. [ ] 76  Laumonier_1936_327 sanctuary near Panamara, and in the village: Parmi les nombreux blocs de marbre qui gisent à la partie supérieure du cône, on note au centre des ruines: une colonnette à vingt facettes (diam. 0 m. 40), cinq fragments de linteaux et montants de porte inscrits et ayant la forme d’architraves à trois registres et corniche . . . un bloc courbe inscrit, provenant d’une voûte de porte romaine . . . un bloc décoré de deux registres d’oves surmontés d’un bandeau plat . . . Dans la maison du hodja (fig. 38 et 39) sont insérées, outre de nombreuses inscriptions, une bande à oves étroites et serrées . . . et une frise de masques féminins soutenus par une guirlande . . . un bloc analogue est encore visible au milieu des ruines. – excellent photos. [ ] 77  Tchihatchef_1854_65–66 valley of the Maeander: En remontant la vallée du Méandre, à l’est d’Aïdin, on arrive au petit village d’Harpas-Kalessi, dont le nom moderne ne paraît être que la corruption du nom de Harpas. On y voit d’abord les restes d’un mur et quelques tours assez bien conservées; mais ils n’ont point le cachet antique et appartiennent évi-demment à l’époque du moyen âge. Mais ces murs et ces tours se trouvent au milieu d’autres ruines d’un caractère tout différent, et qui représentent, trèsprobablement, les restes de l’antique Harpas; ils mériteraient peut-être de devenir l’objet d’une étude plus sérieuse. Dans ce nombre figure une muraille qui remonte les lianes de la montagne jusqu’à son sommet et qui offre tout le type des constructions cyclopéennes ou pelasgiques. Les pierres sont d’une dimension prodigieuse, et, comme dans tous ces genres de bâtisses, seulement juxtaposées sans l’intermédiaire de ciment. Entre Aïdin et HarpasKalessi se trouve le village Sultan-Hissar, que l’on a identifié avec Nysa. J’ai été frappé, en traversant ce village en 1853, de la grande quantité de dalles intercalées dans les murs des maisons et revêtues d’inscriptions grecques. De plus, les habitants de ce misérable village,



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qui ne compte que cinquante huttes, m’ont appris que sur la montagne voisine il y avait un amphithéâtre assez bien conservé. [ ] 78  Fellows_1839_187 Antalya: “In the town of Adalia are numerous fragments of ancient buildings, columns, inscriptions, and statues, which are generally built into the walls of the town with care and some taste. In the court-yard of the house in which I resided there were eighteen wooden pillars supporting the building above, and each of these had for its base an inverted capital of a Corinthian column.” [ ] 79  PTF_Consul_1811_35–36: Sur la porte d’une cabane, j’ai distingué le combat d’une amazone contre un lion; l’animal est mutilé, mais on a respecté le corps de l’héroïne. Si le travail est un peu dur, l’expression est vigoureuse, sans être forcée, et la tête de l’amazone vraiment admirable. Je n’ai jamais pu décider le propriétaire à me vendre cet objet précieux – footnoted as follows: Les Turcs, au moment de la conquête, mutilent les images; mais ils respectent assez tous les morceaux de sculpture que le premier mouvement de fureur n’a pas atteints. Une fois placés dans les lieux publics, ces morceaux sont aussi bien conservés que dans les villes d’Italie les plus jalouses de leurs monumens. On peut trouver à cet égard des exemples dans la plupart des villes de la Grèce, et même dans celles où l’esprit d’intolérance et de barbarie domine le pins. Je puis citer Iconium, Candie, Salonique, etc., etc. [ ] 80  Munro_1893_782 Niksar: “From the modern bridge may be discerned remains of an older structure a little farther down, and on the outskirts of the town are several ruined buildings, a series of rubble arches, and a Seljuk gate and tomb. The houses are of wood and stone mixed; the flat mud roofs of the interior here give place to the sloping tiles characteristic of the northern towns. There are two very late reliefs built into the wall of the konak, and local tradition tells of written stones taken to Stambul; but we failed to find any inscriptions.” [ ] 81  Chamonard_1895_235–237 at Lagina they did indeed lie where they fell: Les ruines du sanctuaire d’Hécate a Lagina ont été souvent visitées par les explorateurs. M. Newton, dans la relation de son voyage et de ses découvertes, parue en 1863, avait donné quelques inscriptions trouvées sur l’emplacement du temple, et décrit neuf bas-reliefs ayant fait partie de la frise; quatre de ces bas-reliefs furent même reproduits; dans son ouvrage. MM: Benndorf et Niemann, en 1881–82, explorèrent aussi les ruines, découvrirent de nouvelles inscriptions, et six autres blocs de la frise. Plusieurs membres de l’École Française, MM. Hauvette-Besnaultet et Dubois en 1880; Diehl et Cousin en 1885 ont à leur tour fait à Lagina une ample moisson de documents. Enfin mon camarade M. Legrand, et moi, dans un voyage en Carie en Mai 1891, avons passé quelques jours à Lagina, et pu faire de nouvelles recherches qui ont amené la découverte de plusieurs inscriptions inédites, et de treize nouvelles plaques de la frise . . . L’emplacement même ou ont été trouvés les différents blocs permet de les attribuer avec une assez grande certitude à l’un ou l’autre des côtés du temple. Je ne m’occuperai aujourd’hui que de ceux de, la façade postérieure, côté Ouest. Ce sont les mieux conservés, et ceux sur lesquels le sujet de la scène est, le plus-aisé à reconnaître. Les sculptures de la façade principale Est, qui représentent très vraisemblablement la naissance de Zeus, sont en fort mauvais état. So perhaps the differential damage due to the orientation of the temple? Lagina, now the small village of Laïna, is two hours NW from Eskihissar. [ ] 82  Newton_1865_II 50–52 Lagina: “On inquiring for ruins, I was taken to a place about half an hour distant from the village where I found the remains of the temple mentioned by Strabo, lying in situ. Columns, pieces of frieze and architrave, and other architectural marbles, were lying piled up, one over the other, just as they must have fallen, if, as can hardly be doubted, this temple was thrown down by an earthquake. / The ruins form an irregular mound, extending N.W. and S.E. for about 73 paces, and presenting two principal heaps connected by an intermediate lower ridge. The heap on the N.W. is formed by the ruins of a Corinthian temple, peristyle, and octostyle in the fronts. Four columns are still in position on the north-west front . . . / On the southeastern heap are shafts of columns partially fluted, 2 feet 1 inch in diameter, and fragments of Doric architecture, which seem



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to belong to a smaller edifice adjoining the Corinthian temple. / Of the frieze I found nine slabs, on all of which were groups of standing and seated figures. From the composition and general type of these figures, I should infer that they represent deities. I was unable to recognize the subjects of any of them. On one slab was represented a female seated on a throne, near whom a female figure stands holding in her left hand what may represent a new-born female child, Avrapped in swaddling-clothes. Several other figures, male and female, are represented on this slab. It is possible that the subject may be the birth of Hekate herself. Most of these slabs have suffered greatly from the weather. The style of the sculpture is bold and forcible, though somewhat coarse and conventional. The drapery is rather too angular and deficient in flow. / In the south-east heap I found a statue, lying half-buried in the ground. It is engaged at the back in a pilaster, and was, therefore, probably an architectural statue. It represents a female figure, draped to the feet, rather larger than life-size. The style is somewhat meagre.” [ ] 83  Ampère_1842_12 Magnesia: temple d’Artémis Leucophryné . . . De ce temple, il ne reste pas une colonne debout, mais les fragments sont considérables, d’une grande beauté et d’un grand intérêt. Sur des parties de frise bien conservées, on voit des combats de guerriers et d’amazones d’une époque antérieure à celle du Parthénon. Les fûts des colonnes, les architraves, les chapiteaux, offrent des détails curieux; il n’est pas deux de ces colonnes qui soient semblables; les bases, les chapiteaux, ont des ornements différents. Ces ruines sont importantes. On conçoit facilement combien il est utile d’étudier l’histoire de l’architecture ionique en Ionie. [ ] 84  Jaubert_1842_129 Magnesia: La ruine la plus remarquable de Magnésie est celle du temple de Diane Leucophryenne (aux blancs sourcils), qui avait presque autant de célébrité que celui d’Éphèse: moins riche que ce dernier, dit Strabon, il était plus remarquable par la perfection des sculptures qui en décoraient l’extérieur. Nous avons pu vérifier nous mêmes ce témoignage en faisant exécuter sous nos yeux quelques fouilles pour dégager des portions de la frise; nous avons trouvé des bas- reliefs de la plus belle exécution représentant un combat entre des Amazones et d’autres guerriers tous à cheval. M. Texier est persuadé qu’il serait facile de retrouver, en fouillant le sol, presque toute cette frise; en effet, le temple parait avoir été renversé par un tremblement de terre; du moins c’est ce que nous avons conjecturé d’après la disposition régulière des fragments que la terre n’a point recouverts. Une pareille frise, transportée à Paris, serait un des plus beaux ornements de notre Musée. [ ] 85  Pingaud_1887_287: pour accomplir un projet qui datait également de loin, il élevait aux Champs-Elysées, sur les hauteurs de Chaillot, auprès du jardin Marbeuf, un édifice à trois portiques destiné à contenir ses collections. C’était à la fois une imitation de l’Erechthéion d’Athènes, et un souvenir de ces jardins pittoresques chantés par Delille, de ces ruines factices dont les tableaux d’Hubert Robert nous font connaître les séduisantes perspectives; c’était aussi un premier essai de ces musées historiques de sculpture dont Berlin offre aujourd’hui le modèle le plus complet, et dont l’utilité n’a guère encore été appréciée en France. Là devaient prendre place et la métope ramassée au pied du Parthénon et restaurée par le sculpteur Langue, et l’inscription sur les finances d’Athènes interprétée jadis par Barthélémy, puis les fragments de sculpture grecque et romaine originaux, copiés, imités ou moulés, qu’il avait acquis depuis quarante ans, un certain nombre d’antiquités égyptiennes, ses dessins, ses cartes, les réductions de monuments, les inscriptions historiques, les tableaux représentant les ruines des pays visités par lui, en un mot, une représentation plastique, aussi complète que possible, de l’art et du génie des anciens. [ ] 86  Langlois_1858–1859_748: Une éminence couverte de débris de monuments appartenant à l’époque de la domination byzantine en Cilicie, se trouve au nord, entre l’échelle de Selefké et la ville de ce nom. Les ruines rapprochées de ce dernier point consistent en églises, sarcophages avec inscriptions, citernes, réservoirs voûtés et soutenus par des colonnes ensevelies dans le sol, par suite d’éboulements de terrain, mais dont on aperçoit encore les chapiteaux. Ces réservoirs ont beaucoup d’analogie avec la célèbre citerne des Mille et une colonnes, à Constantinople (Bin-bir-direk). / Les églises sont con-



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struites dans le style des anciennes basiliques, et on peut supposer, par les cubes en verre de couleur provenant des mosaïques qui les ornaient, que ces édifices étaient somptueux et richement décorés. / Des pans de murailles, restes de vastes constructions, font supposer qu’il y avait sur ce point un monastère d’une grande étendue; c’est au surplus ce que semble indiquer le nom que les habitants de Selefké ont donné à ces ruines, appelées par eux Mériam-lik (lieu de Marie). [ ] 87  Hamilton_1842_I_72–73 Bursa: “On the flat table-land which I have mentioned, we found the remains of an ancient gateway and wall of huge blocks of stone, which must unquestionably date from classic times; so that there can be little doubt that this hill of travertine was the first Acropolis of Bruso. In this part of the town is the mosque of Daoud Monasteri, formerly a Byzantine church; it is small and not very remarkable for the richness of its architecture, but it contains the tomb of the celebrated Orkhan, son of Othman, who in 1326 wrested the town of Brusa from the hands of the Byzantines. A priest or hodja of the neighbourhood was willing to show us the interior, on the donble condition of a few piastres for himself, and our taking off our shoes in honour of the prophet. In general this last ceremony is a matter of indifference, as the mosques are almost always spread with thick carpets: in this case, however, and in this season, the bare marble slabs were not so agreeable. The floor consisted chiefly of Byzantine Mosaic, while the marble walls were inlaid with various patterns, in one of which I was surprised to see the figure of a cross, which had escaped destruction by the hands of the Turks. The tombs of the conqueror and his family stand upon a raised dais in the centre. / To the west of this mosque was the ruined castle, with two gateways, one to the south and the other to the west, on each side of which were some very rude bas-reliefs. The area of the castle had been converted into gardens, and nothing remained but the outer wall, of alternate courses of brick and stone, flanked by towers in a state of ruin.” [ ] 88  Fellows_1839_10–11 at Smyrna: “Near the town I observed a wall loosely built of stone, and thinking that it looked of a lighter colour than the common stone of the neighbourhood, I went to examine it. It was composed of what appeared to be flat stones, about three inches thick, and all of conglomerate or grout; but to my astonishment I found that the surface of every piece (some were two feet long) was formed entirely of mosaic work, with beautiful patterns in black, white, and red. There must have been hundreds of feet of this, which had no doubt formed the floor of some temple or bath in the immediate neighbourhood, probably of the Temple of Ceres, which is said to have stood here. These blocks of mosaic now form the walls of a corn-field, out of which they must have been dug, for I observed that the small pebbles in the soil were all square pieces of marble of the same size as the stones of the mosaic.” [ ] 89  Sestini_1785_28 on the Cyzicus peninsula: andammo ad osservare alcuni sepolcri stati scavati in una vigna vicino alla spiaggia del mare, lontani un’ora di cammino. Ove furono scavati tali sepolcri, vì era stato un antico Monastero greco detto Anghià Eleusini, il quale si vede che fu del tutto devastato, non osservandosi se non gran quantità di pietre, le quali ora formano un lungo muro a secco che serve di separazione fra una vigna e l’altra. / I Sepolcri che scavarono, erano dei lunghi, e quadri Sarcofagi semplici, di marmo bianco, essendovene uno che aveva il coperchio a padiglione d’ordine dorico. [ ] 90  Newton_1865_I_131: “On our way home from Alexandria Troas, we halted at Kahfatli, near the Mendere. Here has been recently discovered a coarse tesselated pavement, with the usual common patterns. As we passed, we found the Greek villagers cutting it up into squares to pave their church with, as if it had been so much oilcloth. For several acres round this spot the ground is strewn with fragments of marble and of coarse Roman pottery. East of the pavement are traces of walls with foundations of grouted rubble.” [ ] 91  Rott_1908_159–160 Alidagh near Kayseri: Als wir die mittlere Einsattlung des Alidagh, wo in den Steintrögen einer alten, großen Zisterne das Wasser zu Eis gefroren war, hinter uns hatten, fanden wir auf dem südlichen Berggipfel die erwähnte Ruinenstätte. Freilich sind die Quader meist als Baumaterial nach Kaisarie hinabgeschleppt worden, von der einen Basilika mittlerer Größe stand nur der im Hufeisenbogen angelegte . . . Apsis an und Reste von Pilasterkapitälen lagen unter den Trümmern. Noch vor Avenig Jahren nahmen



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hier die frommen Pilger prächtige Mosaikstücke mit sich fort. Hier hätten wir also ein Beispiel des Hufeisenbogens etwa aus dem V. Jahrhundert vor uns. Ringsum sind in den Fels große Zisternen ausgehauen, die mit Tonnengewölben von feinster Quaderkonstruktion gedeckt und mit drei Öffnungen zum Heraufholen des Wassers versehen waren. Durch Aufmauerungen ringsum wurde das Regenwasser in die Behälter geleitet. [ ] 92  Hoskyn_1842_155: “Sedeler Yailah [near Almali] stands at the east end of an extensive plain; it is prettily situated, surrounded by gardens and vineyards. There are many vestiges of antiquity here, such as pedestals, fragments of columns, and massive foundations. A Turk called us into a house to show us a mosaic pavement. This house was offered to us for our night’s lodging, but, being the place in which the Turks assemble in this season (the Ramazan) to pray, and eat their evening meal, we declined, fearing we should inconvenience them, or interfere in some way with their observances.” [ ] 93  Fellows_1841_126 Massicytus: “In the yard of one house we were taken to see some beautiful pavements, formed in elegant patterns, with small different-coloured slabs of marble. These pavements had formed the floors of three different apartments, each probably not more than eight feet square, and all very near together; one was of small stones, of the size, and quite similar in arrangement to, the Roman mosaic: these buildings, from their dimensions, can have been only baths.” – presumably the modern building set directly on top of the ancient one. [ ] 94  Cuinet_1894_IV_30–31 Bursa, the Yéni-Kaplidja Bath: La salle d’entrée ou djamékian est d’architecture ottomane, avec pavage en mosaïque de lapis-lazuli, de marbre rose et de marbre vert antique, rapportés de quelque monument byzantin . . . La salle principale, ou bain proprement dit, est octogone . . . une piscine de 8 m. de diamètre sur un peu plus d’un mètre de profondeur, située au centre de la salle; on y descend par quelques degrés de marbre blanc. Quatre énormes colonnes byzantines s’élèvent des bords du bassin central et supportent la coupole. [ ] 95  Hamilton_1842_II_176–177 leaving Afyon Karahissar ESE: “After a few miles we passed several large sarcophagi lying about in the fields at the foot of the hills to the left: they were all uncovered, but the lids of several were lying near. The conviction that they marked the existence of some ancient city in the neighbourhood was confirmed by finding, farther on, the foundations and houses of a considerable town, of which the lines of streets and walls, with spaces for door-ways, &c., formed of huge blocks of stone and marble, might be traced to a great distance. These ruins are situated in the plain, and, although extensive, do not appear to have been surrounded with a wall; some of the foundations rest upon the solid rock, which rises above the surface. In the centre was an open space without any buildings, apparently the agora, or forum. The corner or angle of one of these ruined edifices consisting of a strangely-shaped stone proved, on examination, to be the cover of a sarcophagus placed upright in the ground. This made me rather doubtful as to the antiquity of the site, although there could be no doubt that the materials had been derived from an ancient city at no great distance. In a neighbouring burial-ground I found several columns of Synnadic marble, on one of which was a long inscription, in a very mutilated state; a large portion of it was underground, and could I have procured men to dig it out and raise it, I have no doubt I should have been well rewarded for the trouble, for the portion which I copied contains the name of the neighbouring town of Docimia. / The supposition of one or more ancient cities having existed in this vicinity was confirmed by finding other fragments of columns, architraves, pedestals, &c., in a neighbouring burial-ground. Near the village of Surmendh, which also furnished a rich mine of antiquarian treasures, was a remarkable spot of ground of considerable extent covered with huge square blocks, heaped together in considerable masses: yet it might be too much to say that it is really the site of a ruined town; it may be merely the quarry, where the flat limestone, rising to the surface, was easily worked. It is evident, however, that this neighbourhood is a spot of great interest; and though on the high road to Syria, it seems to be quite unknown” – he thinks it is Synnada. [ ] 96  Hawley_1918_148 houses at Ayasoluk: “Some on the south-east side are plastered houses of more than one story surrounded by stone walls enclosing small gardens of fruit



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trees. Their furnishing is of the simplest character; yet at the windows of two or three I saw kilims and rugs hanging to air. Others have a less inviting appearance; and on the western side of the ridge, facing the plain of Ephesus, the homes are little more than a jumble of huts, distinguished by an uncleanliness and disorder only equalled by their picturesqueness. Their walls are made either of sun-baked earth, or of pieces of stone of all sizes and shapes with the interstices filled with clay, and have a few small openings for windows. While some of the roofs are covered with tiles, others are thatched with rushes, which in a few instances are also used for the sides of the huts. Many of the houses are close beside small sheds where shaggy donkeys are stabled; and the open spaces in front of them, though only a few yards square, are planted with vegetables, or more often are merely filthy spaces where dogs and chickens run and scantily dressed children play. Here and there, with strange incongruity, a fragment of carved marble appears in the sides of the huts or in the crudely built walls supporting the terraces before them.” [ ] 97  Keppel_1831_II_242–244 “Ghiediz, the Cadi of the ancients,” near Aezani: “The moment I dismounted, I sallied forth on my antiquarian pursuit. This place cannot boast of the same splendid specimens of antiquity as Azani; still there are sufficient remains to identify it as the site of an ancient town; I found in several places the capitals of pillars of the Corinthian and other orders of architecture. Of this, the post-house itself is an example, where these capitals form the bases of rude wooden pillars which have been found useful in supporting the ill-constructed building. On a fountain in the bazaar is a votive altar sacred to Aesculapius . . . The principal Turkish mosque is built of large Hellenic blocks, about which it is impossible to be deceived, as no such blocks have ever been employed by the Turks: hence it may be fairly inferred, that it was formerly an ancient temple. / On the balustrade of a bridge of Turkish structure, is an inscribed stone, which has been placed there not with reference to the characters on it, but as its size accidentally suited the purpose of the builder. / Near the arch of the same bridge, is a complete illustration of the Turks’ thorough indifference to the fine arts. Laid in with the other stones of which the bridge is built, are the fragments of two very fine white marble statues of a male and female. The first of these represents a man wanting the head and legs, in Grecian or Roman armour. The other the body of a woman from the hips downwards, in loose flowing drapery.” [ ] 98  Castellan_1820_216 Gallipoli: La plupart des galeries qu’on a établies devant les maisons sont supportées par des colonnes de marbre, dont les chapiteaux servent souvent de base. Au-dessus d’une porte nous avons remarqué une tête colossale de cheval, qui sailloit du mur, et d’autres morceaux de sculpture aussi bizarrement placés. Une haute tour carrée, qui se lie par des murailles à l’ancienne forteresse, nous a paru construite en entier avec des débris divers entassés sans ordre, et qui semblent montrer la précipitation avec laquelle cette bâtisse a été faite: l’on y voit jusqu’à des colonnes couchées parallèlement en forme d’assises. Laissons un moment ces amas de ruines, qui né nous intéressent que quand elles peuvent servir à expliquer ou à remplacer quelques feuillets de l’histoire ancienne, et écrivons quelques pages de l’histoire moderne. [ ] 99  Durbin_1845_154 Akhissar: “The town contains about 1200 houses, of which 400 belong to the Greeks, 30 or 40 to Armenians, and the remainder to the Turks. There was an unusual profusion of broken marbles lying in the streets, worked into the mud walls of the houses, or used in the construction of mosques and baths, and in adorning the cemeteries.” [ 100] Laborde_1838_101 Medet, near Guzeljabulouk: nous trouvâmes bientôt dans les maisons de Medet et dans la mosquée d’assez nombreux fragments pour nous expliquer et l’existence et la disparition d’une ville ancienne. Il reste encore des masses de substructions et les restes d’une acropole; mais comme cette ville a dû suffire depuis des siècles à l’approvisionnement de toute la plaine en matérieux de tous genres, il est naturel qu’il ne soit rien resté debout de ses édifices. [ ] 101  Olivier_1800_II_21 Marmara: On en trouve des fragmens sur les ruines de presque toutes les villes anciennes: on en voit des colonnes en divers endroits, et notamment dans les mosquées de Constantinople. On n’exploite aujourd’hui ce marbre que pour les pierres



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sépulcrales dont se servent les Turcs, les Arméniens et les Européens: il est rare qu’on l’emploie dans la construction des maisons. [ 102] Davis_1874_84: “The dwellings of the peasantry are nearly alike over the whole interior, except in the large towns. They consist of one low room square or oblong in form, often without a window, and only lighted from the open door. I speak here of the men’s dwelling only: the women of the family almost invariably live apart. The walls are of clay mixed with straw, less often, of stones set in clay (a house of regular masonry is exceedingly uncommon), sometimes of wood. The flooring is of clay, the roof of rough poles, over which is laid brushwood and clay. The roof projects beyond the main wall of the hut in front, and is supported by posts, thus forming a kind of porch – indeed, the Greek Temple is nothing but a refined imitation of the peasant’s hut. These upright posts rest upon blocks of stone – the spoil of some ancient temple or theatre when not too distant – and are thus prevented from sinking into the ground. In general each hut has also a fragment of an antique column, which serves to roll the clay roof and so keep it watertight.” [ 103] Tournefort_1741_290b (travelling 1700–1702) Ankara: There is nothing so surprizing as the Steps of the Door of a Mosque: They are fourteen in Number, and consist only of Bases of Marble- Pillars, plac’d one upon another. Tho’ at present the Houses are made of Clay, yet one sees in them oftentimes very fine Pieces of Marble.” [ 104] Kinnear_1818_64 Ankara: “the city walls, which were built, or, perhaps, rather repaired, by Bajazet previous to his defeat, are in the same mouldering state, and if we may judge from their appearance the Sultan must have despoiled many an ancient edifice to procure materials for their construction. The houses are principally built of brick and wood, and in general two stories high, with projecting verandas and pent roofs: the population does not exceed twenty thousand souls, of which number one third are said to be Armenians of the Catholic persuasion.” [ 105] Barkley_1891_106 Ankara: “The glory of those days has departed, and the Angora of to-day can be little like the Angora the Turks found when they became masters of the country. Unbaked mud-brick buildings, stand on the foundations of marble temples and palaces. Decaying mounds of filth and rubbish fill every vacant space, while the steep, tortuous, narrow streets are little better than open sewers.” [ 106] Poujoulat_1840_I_246 near Alexandria Troas: Nous avons vu un autre bourg nommé Kémerlik, dont la plupart des maisons sont bâties avec des pierres tirées d’Alexandria-Troas. [ 107] Tchihatchef_1854_72 Mylas: bien que Mylassa n’offrît point de ruines aussi nombreuses ni aussi bien conservées que celles de Stratonicea, que je mentionnerai tout à l’heure, néanmoins, comme la destruction de Mylassa a dû avoir été singulièrement favorisée par l’établissement à sa place d’un bourg assez considérable, dont les maisons, qui sont au nombre de plus de deux mille, ont été presque toutes bâties avec les matériaux antiques, l’examen des murs de ces dernières pourrait conduire à la découverte de beaucoup de fragmients précieux, car il n’y a pas une demeure, peut-être, dans ce bourg, dont les murs ne contiennent des lambeaux d’architecture antique, parmi lesquels quelques-uns couverts d’inscriptions grecques, sans parler des débris de portes et de colonnes encore debout. [ 108] Le_Bas_1888_48 Reinach relaying Le Bas’ comments on Mylasa, published in 1844: Quelle riche récolte dans cette ville [Mylasa]! Que de trésors inconnus sont venus enrichir mes calepins! Pendant huit jours entiers, j’ai écrit, et toujours de l’inédit: jugez de ma joie! Je dois ce bonheur à un compatriote, M. de Salmon, médecin qui, à la suite d’une vie aventureuse qu’il a promenée dans toutes les contrées de l’Europe, en Egypte et en Asie, s’est fixé et marié dans ce coin de l’Anatolie et veut y faire souche d’honnête homme . . . Près de cent cinquante inscriptions, toutes longues et incomplètes, ce qui est un mérite de plus, car, de fait, que serait l’épigraphiste s’il n’avait à déployer sa sagacité dans les restitutions? . . . Le 16 mars, je quittai Mylasa, ayant pressé le citron jusqu’à la dernière goutte. Les voyageurs peuvent se dispenser de passer par là désormais. Je ne leur ai pas laissé le moindre petit épi à glaner . . . [ 109] Leake_1820_237 Mut: “Mout stands on the site of an ancient city of considerable extent and magnificence. No place we have yet passed preserves so many remains of its



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former importance, and none exhibits so melancholy a contrast of wretchedness in its actual condition. Among the ruined mosques and baths, which attest its former prosperity as a Turkish town under the Karamanian kings, a few hovels made of reeds and mud are sufficient to shelter its present scanty population.” [ ] 110  Leake_1820_238 leaving Mut: “we particularly admire the fine effect of the castle with its round and square towers, the precipices with the river below them, the surrounding trees, the antient colonnades, and, among the most remarkable of the modern buildings, an old Turkish mosque with the tomb of Karaman Oglu, its founder. On quitting the town, we pass along the antient road, which led through the cemetery. Sarcophagi stand in long rows on either side, some entire and in their original position; others thrown down and broken; the covers of all removed, and in most instances lying beside them. The greater part were adorned with the usual bull’s head and festoons, and had a Greek inscription in a tablet on one side. The letters were sufficiently preserved to indicate the date to be that of the Roman Empire, but we searched in vain for the name of the city.” [ ] 111  Collignon_1880–1897_86 Mut: Mout compte à peine deux cents familles. La ville, florissante au temps des Seldjoukides, est tombé au rang d’une bourgade. Tout témoigne d’une décadence profonde; sur trois maisons, deux sont inhabitée et tombent en ruines. Le khan, les bains sont depuis longtemps abandonnés; le kastro, ou château fort, est seul presque intact et élève sur une éminence voisine de la ville ses courtines, et ses tours crénelées. De la ville antique, Claudiopolis, ancienne colonie de l’empéreur Claude, il reste quelques traces; les plus importantes sont les débris d’un grand portique, dont le plan encore fort visible, grâce à des arasements de murs et à des fûts de colonnes restés en place. Des pierres antiques ont servi à construire une fontaine, et quelques débris de l’époque hellénique sont engagés dans la maçonnerie. [ ] 112  Alishan_1899_336 the fortress of Mut: On voit tout près de là les ruines d’un château sur une colline les remparts sont munis de tours carrées, et le donjon, grande tour ronde qui se trouve à l’ouest, a trois étages, et est protégé par une double enceinte. Les murs ont 14 pieds d’épaisseur à la partie inférieure un escalier intérieur conduit au sommet, où les murs ont 6 pieds. On voit encoreles débris d’un temple, une colonnade avec des voûtes, des ocles et des débris de colonnes de marbre vert, des mosquées et des bains bâtis par les Karamans, et enfin le mausolée des chefs de cette tribu. Les ruines de la ville ancienne sont sur les collines au sud-est du village actuel. Davis y a compté 46 maisons en 1875, et l’année suivante, Colignon en vit 200 On peut encore voir à Moute des débris d’édifices anciens, plusieurs fragments de colonnes autour de la fontaine, près de laquelle il devait y avoir anciennement une place publique, et au sud du château sept colonnes encore debout et à côté, les seuils d’une grande porte-cochère. [ ] 113  Tchihatchef_1854_95–96 Lycaonia: Lorsque je franchis la chaîne de l’Émir dagh, pour descendre dans les vastes plaines de la Lycaonie proprement dite, je suivis les traces d’un pavé antique, qui commence à trois heures et demie au sud- est de Kouloukéssi et qui traverse le défilé qui conduit vers le plateau de Sévérek. Au pied des hauteurs à travers lesquelles passe le défilé, se trouvent beaucoup de tronçons de colonnes, chapiteaux etc., ainsi que trois puits antiques entourés de pierres équarries, dont quelques-unes sont chamarrées d’inscriptions grecques; malheureusement ces inscriptions sont tellement oblitérées, qu’il est tout à fait impossible d’en tirer le moindre sens. A une demi-heure à l’ouest de Sévérek, on voit d’autres puits également antiques, ainsi que des fragments de colonnes. La mosquée du village a, parmi les colonnes en bois qui la soutiennent, une belle colonne antique en marbre blanc. Les murailles de la mosquée sont chamarrées de fragments d’anciens édifices, et l’on en voit également beaucoup dans le village dont les misérables cabanes sont construites en limon et en cailloux, et sont au nombre de quatre-vingts. Parmi les innombrables pierres antiques incrustées dans les murs de la mosquée, l’une porte une inscription qui est malheureusement interrompue par des crevasses. Depuis le village de Sévérek jusqu’à la rive sud-ouest du lac Mourad (Bouloukgheul), c’est-à-dire sur un espace de plus de quatre lieues, on voit constamment des tronçons de colonnes,



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des débris méconnaissables, et surtout des abreuvoirs et des encadrements de puits, le tout entassé pêle-mêle ou disséminé sur la surface de la vaste plaine. A quatre lieues de Sévérek, et déjà tout près de la rive sud- ouest du Bouloukgheui, se trouve une source d’eau saumâtre enfermée dans un bassin en dalles antiques. Dans le petit village Obruklu, situé à l’ouest-sud-ouest de Sévérek, s’élève un khan ruiné, très-considérable, dont les matériaux ont évidemment été empruntés aux ruines d’une ancienne ville, située dans la proximité, peut-être Savatra. Etc etc [ ] 114  Scott-Stevenson_1881_349–350 Mut/Karaman: “Emir-Jami which followed is quite in ruins. Fortunately, however, nine columns still stand, and one lies on the ground. These support arches on which the cupola must have stood. There are some Christian tombstones on the floor, almost entirely defaced. We also saw the Valideh Tekke, under the charge of the dervishes, and the Hadji Bey Oglou Jami – this latter, built by a Seljukian sultan, is quite a ruin. Four carved wooden pillars stand in front of the arched entrance. / The two finest mosques we had purposely left for the last, so as to study them more leisurely. One of these, not very far from the khan, is called the Khatouniat-Jami. It is completely ruined with the exception of one end, now used as a school for Turkish children. Several fine antique columns support the side arches. One of the doorways is a perfect gem of art. It is constructed partly of marble and partly of limestone, with the most delicate carving and arabesques engraved all over it.” [ ] 115  Cronin_1902_100 at Yonuslar: “We searched for the stone on which No. 315 is inscribed, but we did not find it where Professor Sterrett said it was to be found. We were told that it had been taken to Kara-Ali, a village two hours north-west of Yonuslar, and built face downwards into the staircase of the mosque.” [ ] 116  Anderson_1903_38 Verisa: “The ruins of the town have almost completely disappeared. Some capitals of Corinthian style and a few other stones in the turbe-mosque at Bedir-Kale, some blocks in the mosque at Dodarga, a small number of columns and blocks at Gedaghaz, Karwanserai and Eidir together with a few Byzantine columns, pillars, and moulded fragments at Tuzla represent all that I could discover of the surface remains of the town. On arriving at the village of Bolus, which is built at the foot of the mound on the east side, I observed that in preparing sites for their wretched houses the villagers had deeply scarped the slope of the mound, and a short search discovered numerous potsherds protruding from the edge of the escarpment or lying at the foot of the cuttings amid a profusion of all sorts of bones. The whole mound is of a soft loamy soil: evidently Verisa was mainly built of sun-dried mud-bricks.” [ ] 117  Burgess_1835_II_105–6 at Eskihisar: “At a little distance from the six columns [perhaps part of the ancient agora], the Armenians were laying the foundation of a new church; and, in digging, had turned up a quantity of marbles, some of them inscribed both with Greek and Armenian characters. The ground had been used for Christian sepulchres from time immemorial; and some of the more recent coverings were inscribed with dates as early as 1640. The church, which had just been taken down to make room for the new foundations, was probably built in the interval between the ravages of Tamerlane and the fall of the Byzantine empire: but it had only succeeded to another of more remote antiquity; as appears from the remains, which I was fortunate enough to see. A section of a wall was discovered at some depth below the actual surface; it was of an elliptical form, and of considerable thickness: the briekwork was far superior to any I had seen either at Ephesus or Sardis, and of a character decidedly Roman. Close by it was dug up a marble cross, cut out in relief upon a small tablet. The labourers had respected this relic, and carefully set it up upon the wall: the lower part of the tablet was fractured, and a piece of one of the arms of the cross broken off; but even supposing the broken piece to be very small, it would, if added, form a Latin, and not a Greek cross. The “tribune” of the new church will, I fear, conceal those remains; but from the care I observed, in putting aside all the bricks found, and the value set upon the cross, I should not despair of the old wall being at least preserved. Finding a Roman wall, therefore, thus characterised as the remains of a church,



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and upon a spot which tradition has rendered sacred, I concluded that these were genuine vestiges of, perhaps, the first church that was ever erected at Thyatira.” [ ] 118  Langlois_1861_187–188 (travelling 1851–1853) Les restes de Séleucie consistent, de nos jours, en deux temples assez rapprochés l’un de l’autre, et situés à environ huit minutes à l’est du village actuel de Sélefké. L’un de ces temples, dont les débris gisent épars sur le sol, était orné à l’intérieur d’un frise représentant des génies ailés qui tiennent d’énormes grappes de raisin. Une belle colonne corinthienne, surmontée d’un chapiteau du même ordre, a quatre pieds de diamètre. / Lors de l’établissement du christianisme, les néophytes de Séleucie construisirent, avec les matériaux de ce temple, une église dans le style des basiliques, et dont il reste l’abside percée de deux baies séparées par une colonnette de marbre rouge. Les gens du pays donnent à ces ruines le nom de Giaour-Kilisé (église des chrétiens). A quelque distance de cette église on voit plusieurs fûts de colonnes fichés dans le sol, et qui ont dû appartenir plutôt à une église qu’à tout autre édifice, à en juger par les débris épars sur le même point. [ ] 119  Kinneir_1818_233 Afyon Karahisar: “There was, in one of the churches, a block of marble, about five feet in length, for which the Armenians professed a certain degree of veneration. It was brought from the village of Surmina, and contained some antique sculptures rudely executed. In the first of the three compartments, into which it was divided, were two figures with their right hands resting upon their breasts, and in the middle three of larger proportions, resembling some of those at Persepolis. The lower compartment contained a relief of two bulls.” [ 120] Hasluck_1929_219–220: “Our general conclusions may be tabulated somewhat as follows: (l) Certain kinds of stones, especially (a) holed stones, (b) columnar stones, (c) stones carved with figures, and (d) inscribed stones (irrespective of the meaning of their inscriptions), are especially likely to attract superstitious veneration. (2) Selection from among these classes depends on such considerations as size, or other conspicuousness, backed by the coincidence of dreams, or other accidental happenings, with their discovery or use. A stone’s chance of selection for veneration is greatly enhanced if it is introduced (accidentally or purposely) into (a) a sacred building or (b) a cemetery. (3) The ritual connected with the veneration of such stones is exactly that of other venerated objects in popular religion, chiefly forms of ‘contact’ or ‘absorption’. (4) Reverence for such stones, whether secular or religious, by Christians or Moslems, need not be of old standing, nor need it persist. Proved or even probable survivals from antiquity are exceedingly rare.” [ ] 121  Irby_1823_493–494 From Aksehir heading for Konya: “The road led us through a country of downs; in seven hours we reached Khadun Khan; here are some Roman ruins, basso-relievos, inscriptions, a lion, fragments of columns in the burial-ground, &c.; the cross generally accompanies the inscriptions. Beyond this place, to the right of the road, are two old altars with Greek inscriptions, and fragments of columns, used as mere modern grave-stones; the Turks called them the five brothers, who they say were buried here, after having fallen in a civil war, at what period was not mentioned. In three hours from Khadun-Khan we reached Ladik, where we remained for the night The Mahommedan burial-ground of this place contains many columns, friezes, and inscriptions of the lower empire. These Christian epitaphs are frequently used as head Stones of the Turkish graves, the cross being left very perfect and unmutilated upon them, and the stones placed as at Christian graves, except that the head is towards Mekka.” [ 122] Biliotti_1874_233, Roman legionary fortress of Satala, where he spent nine days, a building SE of the walls: “That this building has been used in latter times as a church, there is not the slightest doubt. On the S.E. of it there is a Christian burial ground from which the natives of Saddak, and of the surrounding villages, extract tomb-slabs, some of them inscribed with epitaphs. The characters are very coarsely cut, and belong to the Byzantine period. I enclose copy of those which have been shewn to me. I cannot say whether there has ever been at the time of the Byzantine Empire a settlement so important at Saddak as



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to comport with the erection of a Basilica of such magnitude, even if the spot had been in special veneration.” [ 123] Hamilton_1842_I_82 Kirmasli (with about 800 houses): “The Agha then gave orders for us to see the interior of the mosque, where, he said, there were some “old stones” with inscriptions. We searched long in vain for them, but on raising the carpet and matting found one broken in two . . . and on another a Greek cross. Several large marble blocks, the remains of ancient buildings, were inserted in the walls of the surrounding houses, and in the burial-ground was a column of black or Egyptian granite twelve feet long, while another of variegated marble was placed in the ground close by.” [ 124] Ramsay_1916_21: “that old Turkish legend sought to legitimize the possession of Asia Minor by creating a hero of the Conquest, who by marriage to a Christian Princess became possessed of her right of inheritance. One is struck with numberless examples of this belief among the Turks, that mere military conquest does not convey full right of possession. The religious feeling is never completely eliminated, though it lies so deep as to express itself only in mythology and folk-lore, that the old race and the old religion are the rightful possessors. For example, in Thyatira, the modern Ak-Hissar, there is a round mosque, which is a converted Christian Church, and on the top there stands a cross. When my wife drew the attention of the Imam to this cross, he explained that the building could not survive unless the cross were kept there, and he showed us inside the mosque a short column of marble, supporting nothing, which as he declared always wept when a Christian entered the mosque. Similar beliefs have been observed in Konia, Constantinople, Damascus, &c.” [ 125] Van_Lennep_1870_II_181–182 excursion outside Ankara to visit (180) “a buryingground lying beside an old Armenian church and convent, built outside of the town upon the site of a temple of Jupiter”: “[at the monastery] We saw many ancient marbles and pieces of columns lying about in the yards . . . [in the cemetery] are the graves of the former European residents. They consist of slabs of marble, just as they were taken from the ruins of the heathen temple, with a Latin inscription in memory of the deceased. One of them is the cover of a fine marble sarcophagus. Another consists of a handsomly-carved cornice, and another still was the capital of a pillar. I saw a heathen altar among them, which one bore sacrifices to idols, but now serves to mark the resting-place of a believer in the only only and True God, awaiting the morning of the resurrection. Another altar, with its Graeco-Latin dedication, covers the remains of an Armenian or Greek, but bears no other than the ancient inscription.” Then gives list of the European burials, dating between 1679 and 1779. [ 126] Van_Lennep_1870_II_235–236 at Afyon Karahissar “Visited the Armenian buryingground . . . several monuments of antiquity, slabs and sculptures said to have been brought from Eski Karahissar, the ancient Docimaeum, the present town being of comparatively modern origin. There are several pieces of marble finely carved into panels, as the ancients ornamented their ceilings. One sculpture represented men in togas standing side by side; another, masks placed at regular intervals, with festoons of flowers gracefully hanging between them; it probably once ornamented a theatre. The statues of females had lost their heads, hands and feet; but the drapery is well executed. The best piece of work, however, is a Head of Medusa, supported by two angels.” [ 127] Aucher-Eloy_1843_I_148 the citadel at Karahissar: j’y trouvai plusieurs débris d’antiquités, en bas, un torse d’homme et un lion en marbre blanc, et des débris à la sommité, probablement ceux d’un petit temple. Sur une pierre qui a du servir d’entablement sont sculptées plusieurs figures symboliques, un oiseau tenant une plante dans le bec, deux lions, dont l’un a des ailes, et un homme tenant une couronne. [ 128] Legrand_1893_538: Hersek, entre Karamoussal et Jalova. Une mosquée en ruines occupe l’emplacement d’un édifice antique, dont les soubassements sont encore parfaitement visibles. Sur la façade ouest, deux bases de colonnes non cannelées, et deux bases de pilastres semblent être demeurées en place. Sur une plaque de pierre noire se lisent quelques lettres: l’inscription doit être à peu près complète vers la gauche.



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[ 129] Ramsay_1905_164 Nova Isauria / Dorla: “The Temple of the Great Mother, where on certain days she came to feast, was replaced by the Church, parts of which can still be seen amid the houses on the summit: it was impossible for us to tell how far the walls of the Church might still be traced, as careful exploration amid the houses was not within our power. It is unfortunate that the modern village is for the most part built om the hill, covering up the most interesting ruins. Even as things are, there can be little doubt that £100 or £200 spent in excavation would reveal many of the ancient grave-monuments. The account given by the inhabitants unanimously is that in the open spaces between the houses the upper surface of soil, about four or five feet deep, covers over a mass of cut stones. The tomb of the Bishop Theophilus, No. 2, was evidently a monument of large size; and perhaps several, or even many, of the component stones were inscribed (No. 58 may belong to this monument).” [ 130] Edhem-Bey_1905_455 Alabanda: En même temps qu’on fouillait le temple, je fis opérer plusieurs autres sondages sur différents points de la ville. Je dégageai, dans la région H du plan, un alignement de colonnes également distantes les unes des autres. Elles étaient placées sur un soubassement continu et rectangulaire. Trois des côtés subsistent. L’un d’eux porte six colonnes; les autres, respectivement, trois et quatre. Au delà, vers l’ouest, le soubassement est détruit. Un dallage de marbre entouré de petits murs de l’époque byzantine précède vers l’est le côté aux six colonnes. A l’intérieur, on trouve les vestiges d’un pavement en pierre et en mosaïque. Je suppose qu’il y avait là une église byzantine construite sur des soubassements antiques. [ ] 131  Hicks_1889_47 Casarea, relaying Bent: “From the mouth of the harbour there runs northward across the isthmus a narrow valley, which the people of Phenike use for growing corn; it is full of the débris of an ancient city. Beneath a large caroub-tree, and covered by the ruins of a Byzantine church, we found a row of bases of columns (apparently in situ), as if a temple had stood here.” [ 132] Hamilton_1842_II_317–319 Bin Bir Kilesi: “We reached the ruins of Bin Bir Kilisseh before nine; and, notwithstanding their extent, and a certain degree of mystery and interest with which they are always alluded to by the Turks and passing travellers, I was disappointed at their general appearance, for not a fragment of marble or a column is to be seen. The ruins consist of about twenty Byzantine churches, of various sizes, built entirely of red and grey trachyte, a few ancient tombs and sarcophagi, and many deep subterranean cisterns. The town is chiefly built on the western side of the valley, sloping gently towards the N.E. Near its S.E. extremity are three small churches close together, in a very ruinous state, and without any remarkable feature about them. Ascending from them to the west, I passed through an ancient as well as a modern burial-ground, containing many large sarcophagi, the stone covers of which had been removed, and were lying near them, the sarcophagi themselves, in many cases, retaining their original position. / A six–minutes’ walk from these churches, in a westerly direction, brought me to another, surrounded by a rude wall defended by round and angular towers, the church itself forming the S.W. angle. Here also the style is Byzantine, a circular bema being at the east end: the greater part of the roof had fallen in, but it had evidently been lower over the aisles than over the centre. Here I had an opportunity of seeing the mode in which the flat double columns were used in the early buildings, viz. to support the roof of the centre aisles; for they, as well as the horse-shoe arches which spring from them, were here quite perfect. The walls were well built, the outer stones carefully jointed and fitted together without cement, as was also the dome over the bema, although the inner part of the wall was generally filled up with loose rubble and mortar. Within the enclosure belonging to the church were many other ruined walls, besides sarcophagi, tombs, and cisterns, some of which opened at the top, while others had steps leading down to them. / Proceeding N.N.E., and at a distance of 230 paces from the enclosure, measured as carefully as was possible over broken ground, covered with ruined walls and subterranean hollows, was another large church, the west end of which presented a handsome Byzantine façade, with numerous windows. Near it is a small octagon chapel, with an Echinus beading carried round the architrave of the doorway, the only attempt at ornament or carved work which I saw amongst the ruins. Not far



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to the east of these two churches are several ancient tombs, which have an imposing and even classic appearance, resembling some of those in the Necropolis of Hierapolis; but they have no inscriptions, nor are they so numerous as the sarcophagi. / I next proceeded to a large building at the N.N.W. extremity of the town, distant nearly a mile from the principal edifices, and which had greatly attracted my attention. Two other masses on the way thither appeared to be the extremities of a large hall or basilica. That to which I was going, proved also to be a church of considerable dimensions, although of ruder construction than the others, the stones of the outer wall not running in straight courses. The roof of the centre had fallen in, but the arches, which spring from the columns over the aisles, were still standing. A small octagon chapel stood near it on the north side, which may have been attached to the church, on the wall of which was the only inscription I found amongst the ruins; it was very rudely cut upon the rough trachyte.” – he believes the site to be the ruins of Lystra, not Derbe. [ 133] Geary_1878_II_213–214 Diyarbekir: “Within the walls the great mosque, which is of unknown age, having been a Christian church before it was a mosque, and a pagan temple before it was a Christian church, is conspicuous near the centre of the city. There is another mosque which was permitted to remain a Christian church until one unlucky day, three hundred years ago, when a pasha, riding through the town, heard the congregation singing a hymn, and being offended at the sound, ordered the building to be taken from its rightful owners and made over to the moulahs. Thirteen minarets scattered over the town diversify its outline very artistically; five of them were once the adjuncts of Roman churches. A sixth of these square Christian towers fell not long ago, and it is to be feared that some of those still remaining will fall too, if they are not repaired in time. I have mentioned the fine arch under which one passes in approaching the citadel; that is most certainly doomed to perish very speedily, unless it be strengthened at once; but I am afraid there is not much likelihood of any local board of works taking the trouble to do anything of the kind. I am told that within the last three years a Roman arch of equally fine proportions was actually taken down by the local authorities, to get material for the building of some wretched little office, which might just as well have been made of old brick. I am inclined to suspect that the ruin of the citadel is due to the fact that it has been made a quarry for stone required for building purposes. Seeing that the whole country around is one vast quarry, ready to yield stone enough to build a hundred Diarbekirs, this Vandalism is without the shadow of excuse.” [ 134] Khosrau_1881_28. [ 135] Geary_1878_II_220–221 Diyarbekir: “Passing from one of the busiest streets through a large gateway, we found ourselves in a rectangular space, with the long façade of the mosque on one side, and the other three sides surrounded by the remains of handsome arcades and buildings of considerable size, elaborately carved marble columns supporting their entablatures. In some places only the fronts of the buildings remain. This was no doubt the forum of the Roman city. Cufic inscriptions were cut in prominent parts of most of the buildings, doubtless by the early conquerors; but they do not suffice to change the general aspect of the great quadrangle. / The structure which is now a mosque, but was originally a heathen temple, is manifestly of a much older date than the others. It is austerely plain, being built of dark basalt and without a column or pilaster to break the monotonous lines of its long front. A fountain, with a spacious basin, occupies the middle of the great quadrangle.” [ 136] Ramsay_1916_51 mosque-building in the reign of Sultan Abd-el-Hamid: “It was regarded as a thing likely to attract his attention and to produce some reward, if an influential native of a village set himself to make a new mosque. I have seen a case in which quite an interesting old village mosque was pulled down, in order to substitute for it a new, ugly, barn-like structure, possessing no architectural feature whatsoever. The person who was guilty of this act told me that it had cost him £500, but a Greek servant whom I had declared that the new mosque would cost about £50 to build: no Turk, in boasting about his merits, can be expected to underestimatc their value.”



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[ 137] Walckenaer_&_Raoul-Rochette_1850_235–236: Jusqu’à présent ce voyageur n’a dû s’occuper que d’architecture grecque ou asiatique; nous allons lui proposer une étude toute différente. Nous supposons qu’il retourne de Tarsous à Constantinople ou à Smyrne, non point par la voie de mer ou en longeant la cote, mais en traversant le Taurus et en passant par Konich. La route de Selefki, qui entre dans la montagne en suivant le lit du Calycadnus et se dirige vers Caraman, offre an grand nombre de monuments chrétiens des premiers siècles de notre ère, encore presque entièrement inconnus et qui peuvent avoir une très-grande importance pour l’histoire de l’architecture du moyen âge. Ces monuments, par un privilège bien rare, n’ont subi aucune modification. Les variations de culte, les dévastations des barbares les ont mutilés sans doute, mais ne les ont point altérés comme ces lentes transformations qu’ont subies tous nos monuments européens. La route de Caraman à Selefki par Mont a été la route ordinaire de la Terre Sainte pour les pèlerins d’Europe, avant la grande invasion des croisés. Les hôtelleries pour chaque étape étaient des couvents qui offraient aux pieuses caravanes une église pour la prière et un cimetière pour leurs morts, quand les corps étaient moins robustes que la foi. L’église d’Aladja, entre Mont et Caraman, est peut-être de tous ces monuments le plus remarquable. Bâtie en grand appareil d’une «précision extraordinaire, entourée d’un cimetière, de cloîtres, de galeries couvertes de sculptures, elle offre un vaste sujet d’études pour l’iconographie chrétienne. La solidité de sa construction et son isolement au milieu des bois l’ont protégé contre le vandalisme musulman, et nous ne doutons pas qu’on n’y retrouve encore aujourd’hui toutes les dispositions de la primitive église. [ 138] Newton_1865_II 243–244 Cnidus: “a small platform covered with Byzantine ruins, and bounded on the south by a wall, the beautiful masonry of which showed that it was of a good period of art. Clearing away the ruins on the surface, which evidently belonged to a Byzantine church, I came to the foundations of a small Doric temple, 65 feet long by 49 wide, with four columns in the southern front. The interior is divided into two nearly equal compartments by a wall running east and west, and the northernmost of these compartments is again subdivided into two chambers. In front of the colonnade, on the south, is a small court bounded by the wall which first attracted my attention on this site, and which forms the external boundary or peribolos. / On the stylobate was a Byzantine wall, into which were built many fragments of the columns, architrave, and frieze.” [ 139] Grégoire_1909_8: around the village of Kara-keuï: D’autres inscriptions chrétiennes du Ve ou du VIe siècle se trouvaient aux villages environnants. Il est donc vraisemblable qu’une population grecque chrétienne assez dense habitait autrefois les montagnes situées à l’Ouest de Kavak, où, actuellement, l’élément turc existe seul. La tradition des paysans garde, d’ailleurs, le souvenir, d’anciennes églises. On nous signala, par exemple, un point très élevé appelé aujourd’hui Kilissé-Tépéssi (la colline de l’Eglise), sur lequel s’élevait autrefois une église ou une chapelle dont nous avons reconnu des traces, d’ailleurs peu importantes, à la surface du sol. Ce lieu est très connu dans la région et semble encore vénéré des populations. [ 140] Elliott_1838_II_125–6 in the lower town of Bergama/Pergamon, the Church of St John (i.e. The Red Hall): “The brick walls, as they are seen at the present day, are about a hundred feet high and two yards thick. Though now dilapidated and covered with storks’ nests, this church is said to have been once decorated with handsome pillars and marbles taken from the ruins of heathen temples. The nave is converted into a cow-yard; and a subterranean room at one end, supported by two rows of four pillars each, is a manufactory for pottery; while the other, which appears to have been the chancel, is turned into a Greek school, where a hundred and sixty children of both sexes are instructed in reading and writing: it was once used by the Greeks as a church, but the Turks compelled them to desist from applying it to sacred purposes. A local sanctity is attached even by Moslims to the remains of Christian temples; and here, as in Philadelphia, superstition has connected a miracle with the ruins of an early Christian edifice. Soon after the followers of the prophet got possession of Pergamus, they converted this building into a mosque; but the minaret was miraculously thrown down, or, as some say, the position of its door



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was preternaturally altered, and it was thenceforth resigned to the destructive influence of time.” [ ] 141  Turner_1820_III_279 Bergama: “There are two bridges over the river near the city, and a new mosque is now building, for which columns are brought down from the Acropolis.” [ 142] Clark_1914_122 Philadelphia: “Though almost no excavation work has been done in Philadelphia, there are many indications that it would be most rewarding could any one be found with time and money to unearth the buried treasures. In digging the foundations for a Greek school an ancient Greek cemetery was discovered with many beautiful stelae, funeral urns, and mourning figures; these are preserved in one of the rooms of the school, which appeared to be an admirable institution for so remote a town.” [ 143] Wood_1877_259–60: Temple of Artemis: “It was finally determined to take to pieces and examine the whole of the foundation-piers of the church which I have described in Chapter III. (Part 2) as having been thrown in against the cella-walls before they were removed. In doing this, which we partly effected by the aid of gunpowder in small quantities, we found a great number of fragments of an archaic frieze which had probably belonged originally to the altar of the last temple but two, also many fragments of architectural enrichment – a Greek inscription, a small archaic head, in calcareous stone, of Egyptian character, and, above all, a magnificent lion’s head, which was doubtless one of the gargoyle heads belonging to the main cornice of the last temple, and which, placed immediately over one of the columns, spirted out the rain-water from the roof on to the pavement below.” [ 144] Wood_1877_279, at Ephesus 1874: “The destruction of the church piers and examination of the stones of which they had been built was a long and tedious affair; but, as I have already said, numerous fragments were recovered which, when cleaned from the mortar that enveloped them, furnished me with much of the detail of the architectural enrichment of the Temple. The difficulty is to sort the fragments and to assign them to the particular temple to which they belonged, and to their exact original position in the building.” [ 145] Wood_1890_47 Ephesus: “Some of the foundation-piers of a church, or some other important building, were found within the walls of the cella of the temple on the north side. Towards the east end of the site wc discovered the foundations and base of a large monument only eight feet below the present surface. A large Roman sarcophagus and one or two graves were also laid bare near this spot, showing that some centuries after the destruction of the temple, and when the site was silted up to the height of fourteen feet, a Roman cemetery occupied the site.” [ 146] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_162–163 Lampsacus: La Mosquée est assez belle pour ce lieulà. Les gens du pays disent quelle a servi d’Eglise aux Chrétiens, & en effet aux quatre colonnes que soutiennent le Portique, on remarque des croix sur les chapiteaux. Nôtre juif nous mena voir à une demi-heure de là au quartier de Soubachi quelques débris d’une Eglise, avec sept ou huit colonnes couchées par terre les unes sur les autres. Il nous en fit un conte que les paysans d’alentour assurent être véritable, que depuis peu d’années on en voulut emporter quelques-unes pour servir dans Lampsaque à la fabrique d’une Mosquée neuve, mais que le lendemain on les trouva dans le même lieu d’où elles avoient été ôtées; & cela par deux fois; ce qu’ils attribuent à un miracle, Dieu ne voulant pas que des pierres qui avoient été employées pour une Eglise, servissent aux Mosquées des Turcs. Néanmoins ils ne doivent être que trop convaincus du pouvoir que Dieu a donné à ces Infidèles sur les Chrétiens de l’Eglise Greque, dont ils se sont appropriez par toutes les princpales Eglises. [ 147] Castellan_1820_254–255 the temple at Lampsacus: Nous avons cependant reconnu, à travers des flots d’écume, les débris précieux arrachés au temple, qui devoit être magnifique, à en juger par ce qui reste. Un seul tronçon de colonne, de plusieurs pieds de diamètre, étoit debout. Les autres débris gisoient couchés sans ordre, à moitié ensevelis dans les sables, ou même recouverts par les eaux. Ces colonnes, d’environ trois pieds de diamètre, étoient d’un marbre blanc, veiné de gris. D’autres, plus petites, étoient de gra-



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nit et de marbres de couleurs variées. On retrouve aussi des fragmens de corniches et d’entablemens sculptés avec soin, des frises chargées d’ornemens d’un bon goût, et des bas-reliefs de marbre blanc, dont les Turcs ont mutilé les figures. Nous avons cherché en vain quelque fragment de chapiteau qui pût nous faire juger de quel ordre d’architecture étoit ce temple, dont il ne reste qu’une amas de ruines d’autant plus affligeant, qu’ici la main de l’homme a évidemment devancé l’effet du temps et des élémens. Ces ruines sont répandues sur la pente rapide d’un coteau, du sommet duquel il semble qu’on les ait précipitées pour servir au besoin, soit à construire ou à réparer la digue, soit à d’autres usages; et pour les transporter ailleurs, au moyen de la rivière, qui, dans l’hiver, est navigable. Il est certain que, dans l’état où sont ces matériaux, c’est-à-dire sans aucune liaison entre eux, on peut aisément les enlever peu à peu, les disperser, et les dénaturer au point de faire disparoître un des plus beaux témoignages de la magnificence antique. [ 148] Elliott_1838_II_132 Pergamon: “Immediately under the citadel are the Greek quarter and the bishop’s palace; to build which the Turks refused permission to take stones from the ruins of the acropolis, though for their own structures they have plundered them without remorse.” [ 149] Radt 2001, 55. [ 150] Cuinet_1894_III_476 Izmir: Les quartiers modernes d’ailleurs sont bâtis en pierre tirées des ruines, et cimentées avec de la chaux faite de marbres antiques, la pierre calcaire manquant tout à fait dans cette contrée au sol volcanique. [ ] 151  Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_138 Myra: “The extensive burying-ground which we passed through on first entering Myra, was also well hunted over for inscriptions, but we found only one worth copying; it was on an inverted pedestal. Here there is a large collection of architectural fragments of all orders and descriptions, ornaments of the ancient buildings of Myra. Marble columns inverted, with the capitals in one part and their pedestals in another, massive lintels and inscribed fragments, – almost all in a reverse position to that in which they were originally intended to be placed – are strangely mingled with turbanheaded tomb-stones, inscribed with verses of the Koran.” [ 152] Ainsworth_1844_10 Sardis, by the acropolis hill: “Near the bottom of the hill are the ruins of two churches which belong to the early ages of Christianity. The lowest of them consists of several handsome marble piers supporting brick arches; but the greater part of the brick-work is gone, enough only remaining to shew the spring of the arches. It is nearly two hundred feet long, its greatest length being from east to west, and having a semicircular termination, like the bema of the Greek churches, at both ends, but which does not appear externally. The other, higher up the hill, consisted also of brick arches raised upon six marble piers, made up entirely of architectural fragments plundered from former buildings. Corinthian and Ionic mouldings, shafts of columns, friezes, architraves, and fragments of entablatures, are all worked up together with a large quantity of cement: but four only of these piers are now standing.” [ 153] Elliott_1838_II_75 Sardis, churches of S.John and the Panagia: “Five of the main buttresses of each of these Christian edifices still exist. The lower part is constructed of stone, the upper of brick; and in the former building the curve of the arches is discernible. Both these temples bear the stamp of an age in which architecture had begun to decline, and of a people not rich enough to raise costly structures; for their materials were evidently collected from the ruins of their predecessors, as appears from fragments of handsome cornices, shafts, and capitals, exposed in the centre of the walls. But the age they mark is their charm.” [ 154] Caldavène_1837_159: Le 12 décembre, nous étions éloignés de Guverdjinlik d’une lieue environ vers le N., quand, au sortir des bois où nous étions occupés à chasser, nous aperçûmes au fond d’une petite anse un misérable hameau détruit pendant la révolution grecque, et que ses anciens habitants commençaient à relever de ses ruines. Ils étaient alors occupés de la reconstruction de l’église, et ils employaient pour ce travail quelques colonnes, des chapiteaux et des pièces de marbre évidemment antiques. Ces débris avaient été tirés de grandes ruines qu’ils nous signalèrent à deux lieues de là environ vers l’E., et



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nous convînmes qu’ils nous y accompagneraient le lendemain. Nous passâmes la nuit sous les toits de feuillage que ces pauvres gens avaient élevés en attendant que leurs habitations fussent terminées, et nous écoutâmes avec attendrissement l’histoire lamentable de leurs longues souffrances. [ 155] Cuinet_1894_III_515 at Eudemich, Vilayet of Smyrna: En effet, en 1840, date de cette construction, la communauté grecque orthodoxe y avait pourvu par une cotisation de 500.000 piastres, mais cette somme, d’environ 100,000 francs, eût été insuffisante à payer les frais d’un pareil édifice, si presque tous les matériaux n’avaient été tirés des ruines de la ville antique d’Hypsepa, situées au pied du Bouz-dagh, à 3 kilom. au nord d’Eudémich. Sur ce qui reste aujourd’hui de ces ruines, s’élève le petit village turc de Tapoe, auquel la population grecque a laissé le nom de la ville antique: Hypipa. Tous les marbres ont servi à l’ornement de l’église ou à faire de la chaux, car la pierre calcaire est très rare dans la contrée. Les inscriptions et les œuvres d’art ont été ainsi perdues. [ 156] Texier_1862_249 Hypaepa: Le théâtre est situé sur la colline de l’autre côté du pont. La scène n’a que 65m de diamètre; les gradins, qui étaient de marbre, ont été enlevés, et les restes d’un four à chaux attestent que les Grecs ont employé jusqu’aux derniers débris de cet édifice; il ne subsiste aujourd’hui que le mur de soutènement des gradins qui étaient en petits moellons de granit. Les ruines du proscenium ont fourni environ vingt voitures de marbre pour l’église des Grecs. La statue de la Vénus a été trouvée dans l’angle à droite de l’orchestre. Les ruines d’un édifice composé de plusieurs salles existent encore au bas de la colline. [ 157] Ramsay_1897a_504–505 Atanassos: “It has perhaps some bearing on this topic that so many of the Chr. inscr. are found at the villages near the site of Attanassos, marked by a fine old mosque with the tomb of a Dede. The centre of the old Phrygian religion seems to have become also the centre of Chr. feeling. Religious emotion always clings to the old localities, taking on a Christianized form. It was doubtless this deep-lying religious feeling that made Attanassos the seat of a bishopric. The mosque of the Dede shows evident traces of early Byzantine work. The bishop’s chair and the Bema, which are at Aidan (no. 381, 383), are relics of the cathedral church of Attanassos, which was in all probability at or close to the mosque. The buildings attached to the mosque would well repay careful examination. In 1887 I was unable to effect an entrance, as the doors were locked, and the whole place was deserted. Relics may yet be found of a Chr. building earlier than Constantine at this site.” [ 158] Grégoire_1909_25–26 at the village of Kyrklar, 45mins from Zileh: Le cheikh nous envoya ensuite, en compagnie de son fils, visiter le tekké. Nous reconnûmes tout de suite que la tradition des moines musulmans n’était pas mensongère. Si la mosquée du couvent est récente, la partie la plus vénérable du tekké, le turbê, est un édifice ancien, dans lequel subsiste un reste de maçonnerie byzantine. Un angle de ce turbé est, en effet, constitué par des moellons, séparés par des couches de briques placées de chant. Les moulures mêmes de la porte rappellent beaucoup celles des églises byzantines. Dans les murs du turbê étaient encastrés plusieurs fragments antiques. Devant la mosquée, le Namaz-yeri, ou lieu de prière, était orné de colonnes et de chapiteaux certainement byzantins. Nous trouvâmes par surcroît un fragment d’inscription qui ne laissait aucun doute sur l’existence, en ces lieux mêmes, d’un monastère byzantin. [ 159] Hasluck_1929_I_13–14 Parthenon: “Of its Christian marvels at least one continued to attract the admiration of the new congregation the transparent marble windows by which light was admitted to the interior. This simple miracle, thought by Martoni in 1395 to indicate the presence of a buried saint, was considered by the seventeenth-century Turks to be a sign given by the Prophet to Mohammed the Conqueror the day the church was changed into a mosque. / The antecedent Christian sanctity of the building and the potency of Christian magic were credited with two miracles of the ‘black’ sort. (1) A Turk, who ventured to open a marble chest or tomb, was struck dead, and his action brought plague on the town. (2) Another, who fired at an eikon of the Virgin in the building, was killed outright by the ricochet of the bullet, or, according to other accounts, was punished



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by the withering of his arm. Further, we have evidence, though on the doubtful authority of La Guilletiere, that about the middle of the seventeenth century the Parthenon became the centre of an important Moslem pilgrimage administered by dervishes from Asia Minor, who, however, had been driven out some ten years before our author wrote (i.e. about 1659).” Ibid., 67 Armenian church: “A church at Angora, possessing a miracle-working cross of transparent marble, was a Turkish pilgrimage at least as early as the fifteenth century.” [ 160] Hasluck_1929_I_351–352: “The discovery of bogus saints depends primarily on accidents such as the fall of an old wall, or the observation of phosphorescent lights, which seem to be regarded as a divine substitute for the lights placed by men on the graves of the sainted dead. More tangible revelations, such as the discovery of an uncorrupted body, a sarcophagus, or remains of buildings resembling a grave or a mausoleum, are similarly accepted, under favourable conditions, as adequate grounds for the institution of a cult.” [ ] 161  Anderson_1903_10–11: “The worship of St. Theodore, who became one of the great warrior saints of the Greek Church, was taken over by the Turks, clothed in a Mohammedan form, and kept up by an establishment of Dervishes at Elwan Tchelebi. Only the memory of the Dervishes and their cult now survives . . . It was different in the sixteenth century, when Van Busbeek [Busbequius] and his fellow-diplomatists passed through the village on their way to visit the sultan Sulaiman I at Amasia. The Dervishes and their sanctuary are described at some length by Hans Dernschwam and more briefly by Van Busbeek in the first of his Legationis Turcicae Epistolae quatuor, where he says: «Post in Theke Thioi [Tekke-Keui] venimus. Hie malta didicimus a vionachis Turcicis quos Deruis vocant, qui eo loco insignem habent aedem, de heroe quodam Chederle summa corporis atque animi fortitudine, quern eundem fuisse cum nostro D. Georgio fabulantur; eademque illi ascribunt quae hide nostri: nimirum vasti et horrendi draconis caede seruasse expositam virginem. Ad haec alia adiciunt multa; et quae libitum est comminiscuntur». The village is situated close to the scene of the saint’s triumph. Dernschwam says, «Sie sagen audi von einem Drako, der alda gezvohnt habe; au/dem perge ist oben in der hoche ein zeichen 6 schritt lang mit steinen gelegt, als lang der Drako gewesen soil sein. Under dem perge, ein weisser marmelstein, darin sieht man wie hufeisen, soil S. Jorgen mirakel sein.» The village contains many fine blocks of marble and other dressed stones, built into the handsome mosque and the houses, as well as some inscriptions.” [ 162] Cumont_1906_168–169. [ 163] Mac_Farlane_1850_I_468 Edinjik, near Cyzicus: “At no very remote time Edinjik had evidently been four times larger than it now is. Although the ruins of Cyzicus be so near, I fancy it must occupy the site of some ancient city: architectural fragments are very numerous in it and about it. What is now the principal mosque is a large, square, but paltry building of wood, with a very shabby colonnade in front, where wooden pillars rest upon ancient marble capitals turned upside down in the usual fashion of the Turks. Some joints of ancient columns served as stepping-stones to cross the filth in the middle of the main street.” [ 164] Chandler_1825_I_234–235 Mylas: “Our first inquiry was for the temple, erected about twelve years before the Christian era by the people of Mylasa to Augustus Caesar and the goddess Rome, which was standing not many years ago. We were shewn the basement, which remains, and were informed the ruin had been demolished, and a new mosque, which we saw on the mountain-side, above the town, raised with the marble. The house of a Turk oocupying the site, we employed the Hungarian to treat with him for admission; but he affirmed we could see nothing; and added, that there was his haram, or the apartment of his women, which was an obstacle not to be surmounted. It had six columns in front, and the whole number had been twenty-two. / On the hill, and not far from the basement of the temple, is a column of the Corinthian order, standing, with a flat-roofed cottage, upon a piece of solid wall. It has supported a statue, and on the shaft is an inscription. “The people have erected. Menander, son of Ouliades, son of Euthydemus, a benefactor to his country, and descended from benefactors.” The Turk, who lived in the cottage, readily permitted a ladder to be placed on the terrace for measuring the capital,



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which was done as expeditiously as possible, but not before we were informed that several of the inhabitants murmured because their houses were overlooked. Besides this, two fluted columns of the Ionic order remained not many years since.” [ 165] Pococke_1772_V_95–97 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Mylasa, Temple of Augustus and Rome: Le plus beau monument qui reste à Melasso, est un temple dédié à Auguste & à Rome, dont l’architecture est ce qu’on peut voir de plus achevé. Le temple est petit. Il y a audevant un portique composite, & des trois autres côtés une colonnade ionique. Il y a de chaque côte de la porte un massif de maçonnerie qui servoit probablement de piedestal aux statues d’Auguste & de Rome. Les colonnes sont canelées & le temple porte sur un soubassement dont on ne voix que la corniche. Il régne tout autour une espéce de plinthe en forme d’escalier; qui a trois faces comme un architrave. Chaque colonne a sa plinthe & une base canelée. La frise est ornée de trépieds, de têtes de boeufs & de pateres. Rien ne prouve plus le mauvais goût de l’architecte, que d’avoir mis l’ordre composite dans le frontispice, & l’ionique sur les aîles & le derriere du temple. Les chapiteaux sont fort beaux & ne pèchent qu’en ce que les caulicolé & l’abaque ont trop de a quatre festons qui régnent autour de la colonne environ deux pieds au-dessous du chapiteau . . . Ce qui me feroit croire que ce temple a été converti en Eglise, ou tel autre édifice public lors de l’établissement du Christianisme, sont certaines inscriptions, la plupart effacées, sur lesquelles sont des croix. [ 166] Legrand_1893_#12 Hersek, entre Karamoussal et Jalova. Une mosquée en ruines occupe l’emplacement d’un édifice antique, dont les soubassements sont encore parfaitement visibles. Sur la façade ouest, deux bases de colonnes non cannelées, et deux bases de pilastres semblent être demeurées en place. [ 167] Picard_&_Reinach_1912_276 Yalova: Très escarpé du côté Sud, le tekké d’Ak-bachi s’abaisse au contraire au Nord-Est en pente douce. De ce côté, on rencontre, à une demiheure de route, le village turc d’Ialova, où ont été portées pendant longtemps les antiquités de Sestos. A notre passage, rien de nouveau n’avait été exhumé. Nous avons revu, encastrée dans le dallage du portique de la mosquée, l’inscription trouvée par A. Hauvette dans le cimetière turc. Le marbre signalé au puits de Hadji-Mehemet avait disparu. Ialova, à part l’inscription de la mosquée, ne conserve plus actuellement que très peu de pièces antiques. Nous avons noté seulement, dans un mur près de la maison de K. Konstantis, quelques tambours de colonnes, tous brisés, et des plaques sculptées byzantines, dont l’une avec croix à six branches. [ 168] Cronin_1902_358: “Zaz-ed-Din Khan is a ruined Seljuk khan distant about four hours (twelve or fourteen miles) from Konia. Its bearing from the Ala-ed-Din mosque at Konia is 48°. From the same point the bearing of the pass by which the Konia-Obruk road crosses the Boz Dagh is 66°. In the map which accompanies Sterrett’s Wolfe Expedition, the road is, therefore, represented fully ten degrees south of its proper direction. The khan is on this road, which at that point lies a little west of the direct line between Konia and the pass. Before the khan fell into ruins, it was a magnificent building, the beauty of which can have been only slightly marred by the presence in its walls of stones – mouldings, pillars and such like – previously used in older buildings. Whatever other buildings may have been despoiled, it is certain, both from the character of many of the stones and from the inscriptions, that the church and grave-yard of the village have been put under contribution. This was natural, as the church, probably already in ruins when the khan was built, lay close to hand. Its foundations can be traced a few yards north of the khan; and the stones it contributed are so numerous, that an architect could probably rebuild it from them. The inscriptions, which are all sepulchral, are in most cases undoubtedly Christian, and in all cases probably so” – and then transcribes many inscriptions found in the walls of the khan. [ 169] Ainsworth_1842_II_64 from Aksehir towards Konya: “We travelled over an uninteresting country three hours and a half, to Khanun Khan (Lady’s Khan), a village of about 250 houses, with a large khan, in the walls of which many stones with Greek crosses and inscriptions are dovetailed.”



appendix

[ 170] Tchihatchef_1854_100 near Konya: En allant d’Ali Beïkoï, à sept heures au sud-sudest de Konia, à Suléimanhadji, j’observai, à une demi-heure d’Ali Beïkoï, un beau pont de construction probablement antique, qui passe par-dessus le lit desséché, c’était au mois de juin, d’un torrent assez large. Le pont repose sur six voûtes. A deux heures d’Ali Beïkoï, on voit dans la plaine une grande quantité de colonnes, dont plusieurs sont encore debout. Suleïman Hadgi n’est qu’un amas de masures, composées de cailloux, et revêtues de terre glaise; parmi ces matériaux grossiers, se trouvent des tronçons de colonnes et des morceaux de dalles antiques. La petite mosquée en contient un grand nombre. Le village même d’Ali Beïkoï offre une foule de fragments d’architecture antique; je les ai suivis sur un espace de trois lieues en me dirigeant au nord de ce village. C’est surtout entre Tchourma et Ali Beïkoï que ces débris commencent à se multiplier; ils consistent particulièrement en fragments de chapiteaux, de colonnes, de pierres équarries, etc., disséminés sur la surface de la plaine. [ ] 171  Hall_1968_65 in Pisidia, near Beysehir: “A visit to Doganbey in summer 1958 revealed little trace of the plentiful material reported by the Prague expedition of 1902. A number of ancient building stones have been used in the construction of a large çesme, and these include two battered, pock-marked Byzantine column drums. It was also reported that “ancient stones” are frequently dug up in the village, from a depth of about 3 metres. The Austrians were of the opinion that ancient material here and in Qonya derived from an ancient site lying between the two villages, which they called Karacaviran (Karadsch(a) Oren).” – footnoted as follows: “The villagers in Qonya cheerfully admitted that they had plundered the ancient site.” [ 172] Poujoulat_1840_I_48–49 Denizli: Cette ville compte quinze mille musulmans, trois mille Grecs et deux mille Arméniens En 1765, Chandler n’avait trouvé que quelques cabanes à Dégnislèh; le prodigieux accroissement de cette cité ne surprend pas à la vue des fertiles campagnes parmi lesquelles elle est bâtie. [ 173] Davis_1874_76b Aphrodisias: “Near the present Turkish village are the remains of what was perhaps the Agora, with a portico of two rows of red granite columns, upon some of which the architrave still remains, and the site of other columns which have been removed may be still distinguished; but this building is of inferior style. A few scattered columns still remain erect: two small, with spiral flutings; two other, very beautiful, belonging to a small temple in ruins of the Corinthian style; another porticus (perhaps) on the south side of the city; and in a field, opposite the Great Temple, a large single column, of which only a few feet remain. The whole open space around the Temple and up to the city wall is covered with prostrate columns of marble and granite, and fine fragments of huge size. Much has been removed in the course of ages, here, as in every other ruined city of Anatolia, but the prodigious mass of ruin still left, and the rich materials employed, testify to the former opulence of the city.” [ 174] Waddington_1853_45 Aphrodisias: Les ruines d’Aphrodisias à Ghéra sont fort belles et fort intéressantes; on y admire encore le temple ionique dédié à Vénus, un beau stade, des colonnades, etc.; les remparts bâtis vers le quatrième siècle après J.-C. avec les édifices de l’ancienne ville, contiennent une foule d’inscriptions; pendant mon séjour à Ghéra, j’ai pu en ajouter quelques-unes au nombre déjà considérable de celles que Bœckh a réunies. [ 175] Poujoulat_1840_I_50–52 Laodicée, appelée par les Turcs Eski-Hissàr (vieux château), est située à une heure au nord de Dégnislèh, sur un vaste plateau détaché des monts Messogis. Les premières ruines qui frappent le regard en arrivant à Eski-Hissar sont celles d’un stade de cent pieds de longueur sur cinquante de largeur. Ce stade conserve encore vingt-deux rangs de sièges en marbre blanc. A l’extrémité occidentale du monument est une arcade de marbre par où les gladiateurs entraient dans l’arène. Cette arcade porte une inscription grecque, qui apprend que le stade fut commencé sous le consulat d’Auguste Vespasien, fils de l’empereur de ce nom, et achevé par Trajan dans la quatre-vingt-deuxième année de l’ère chrétienne. A l’ouest du stade se montre un théâtre de vingt-cinq rangs de sièges: les portes d’entrée sont renversées; des colonnes cannelées, des chapiteaux, des entablements, des corniches d’un beau travail, gisent sur le sol où s’élevaient les portes. Un



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théâtre beaucoup plus grand, et faisant face à la plaine où coule le Méandre, se présente au nord-est. Ce théâtre compte cinquante rangs de gradins en marbre; le monument a quatre cents pas de circonférence. Je puis bien ici compter des gradins et vous dire la forme de ce théâtre, mais comment vous donner une idée de son imposante majesté? comment vous mettre sous les yeux cette enceinte immense tristement encombrée de débris d’architecture? / Ce qu’on éprouve, en présence de ce magnifique théâtre, c’est une grande admiration pour l’antique génie qui l’éleva et une impression pleine de tristesse à la vue de la solitude du monument. On voudrait lui rendre son peuple et ses jours de fêtes; on voudrait voir encore dans cette enceinte la multitude applaudissant les chefs-d’œuvre dramatiques de la Grèce! / Entre le premier et le second théâtre sont de grandes colonnes brisées, des chapiteaux corinthiens du style le plus pur. Nous marchons sur l’emplacement de Laodicée, et nous rencontrons des murailles en marbre formant des carrés parfaits. Sont-ce là des restes de temples, de palais? il me serait impossible de vous rien expliquer là-dessus. Si j’entreprenais de vous décrire tous les vestiges de la cité d’Antiochus, je tomberais dans une confusion inévitable. [ 176] Jaubert_1842_133b Aphrodisias: M. Texier avait beaucoup à faire à Geyra, pour mesurer et dessiner les restes du temple de Vénus et ceux du stade. Dix-huit colonnes du temple sont encore debout. Les alentours de cet édifice sont jonchés de sculptures du meilleur style; on lit sur ces débris plusieurs inscriptions, une entre autres qui fait mention d’un don fait par Olympias, peut-être la mère d’Alexandre. Le marbre de ces fragments est exploité journellement par un entrepreneur de tombeaux de la ville voisine de Karadja-Sou, et les morceaux les plus précieux périssent sous son ciseau barbare. Tel basrelief représentant une danse de nymphes ou une chasse est destiné à prendre la forme d’un turban pour décorer, selon l’usage, la tombe de quelque croyant. Quel dommage! La matière est si belle, que j’en ai ramassé un fragment dont je veux faire un presse-papier, en souvenir de l’antique Aphrodisias.

chapter six

The locals: attitudes to antiquities As a counterpoint to Western attempts to export antiquities from Asia Minor, this short chapter attempts at third hand to determine what the locals thought, knew or believed about the ruins all around them. These attitudes reach us largely via the second-hand accounts of travellers, and only occasionally via surviving or convincingly described monuments on the ground, which also require some interpretation. Mixtures of positive and negative attitudes toward pagan statuary have also been studied for late antiquity by Ine Jacobs, who concludes “that statuary was still employed to various ends: to scare the enemy, to provide links with a glorious past, to express prestige, to indicate general cultural learning or wealth, or simply to adorn.”1 The tolerance and reuse she demonstrates make it clear that a large crowd of statues survived into later centuries, when attitudes were inevitably more varied, because such works no longer formed part of a living tradition either of aesthetics or of the City Beautiful. Our travellers report a mix of nonchalance, indifference and ignorance, as well as superstition. They detail claims of ownership (given the value of materials for reuse), of destruction to accommodate an expanding and town-based population, and finally the development and enforcement of regulations to retain antiquities. These eventually went into newly-developed local museums, fostering national pride under the Turkish Republic: “an important tool for binding together a multi-lingual, multi-religious, multi-ethnic population as proud citizens of one nation.”2 Indeed, it was considered “fundamental to demonstrate that Anatolia belonged to the Turks even before the Seljuk and Ottoman Turks arrived . . . aimed to refute western imperialism by claiming the land that it held.”3 But just who were the locals? The travellers generally divided them up into Turks, Greeks, Armenians, Jews and nomads. Some Greeks spoke Greek (although many had Turkish as a first language, some writing it 1 Jacobs 2010 293, with a catalogue of 48 items, 293–298 presenting an Overview of Pagan and Mythological Statuary Remains in Late Antiquity. 2 Tanyeri-Erdemir 2006, 390. 3 Takaoğlu 2004, 19. Díaz-Andreu 2007, 82–87 The Past in the Struggle for Greek Independence.

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in the Greek script), and most travellers could communicate with them better than with the Turks. None of our travellers has much specific to say about Jews and antiquities, except to observe that, like everyone else, they frequently used spolia in their cemeteries. As we have already seen from several travellers’ comments, Armenians and Greeks were generally seen in the nineteenth century as industrious and, conversely, the Turks as nonchalant or even lazy. To what extent this derived from the language problem is difficult to determine; but very few travellers indulge in comments disparaging Islam (except to suggest that the religion influenced the mentality), so it is difficult to see anti-Turk comments as religiously based. Rather, they seem to stem from Westerners’ fear in bandit-ridden lands; from their introduction to cultures they simply did not understand; and finally to the frustration of such up-to-date modernists with the technological backwardness of Asia Minor. Most (but far from all!) travellers failed to understand the various reasons for this, already touched upon in earlier chapters. The Greek Spirit and Romanticism In “modern” development, whether it be building houses, connecting pipes to new fountains, or trading, the work seemed to Ramsay at the end of the nineteenth century to be always in the hands of Greek Christians: “If a Turk lives in anything better built than a hut, I have always found that it is constructed by a Greek. If a Turkish village requires a fountain with its aqueduct, a Greek workman is employed, as already suggested, to make it.”[1] Similar remarks are made by many travellers (such as Dallaway),[2] just possibly because more of them understood Greek better than Turkish (although Ramsay had both). Certainly, the Greek War of Independence saw the West on the side of the Greeks, not the Ottoman Empire, and affected the orientation of archaeology ever thereafter.4 Perhaps because the magic of things Greek (and the Greeks’ greater interest in education) still held sway – although examples could also be adduced of Greeks throwing antiquities into the kilns.[3] Ramsay repeats the theme with even greater emphasis: “It is literally true that the Turkish Empire stands on a pre-Turkish foundation, and is built up of scraps and fragments of the ruined Roman institutions. Just as the Turkish villager lives in a house

4 Marchand 1996A.



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built by a Christian mason . . . and drinks water brought in an aqueduct made by a Christian artisan; just as the executive of Turkish administration could not be kept up without a staff of Christian subordinates to do such parts of the work as demand a little education.”[4] This is typical of plain statements of the facts on the ground, at least in the nineteenth century, as some travellers saw them. It also seems that the Greeks were collecting antiquities together by the 1830s, when Arundell found several inscriptions in a Greek school.[5] Again, Collignon and Duchesne were able to draw antiquities at Cibyra, a site with the ruins just about flat to the ground,[6] because these had been gathered by the local Greeks.[7] This accords with the situation in Greece proper, where Athens founded an Archaeological Society in 1837, and began publishing an archaeological periodical.5 Hamilton may have picked up a whiff of pro-Greek prejudice at Trebizond, with “its interesting and picturesque ruins and walls, which are clearly Byzantine, but which the Turks, perhaps through jealousy of the Greeks, call Genoese.”[8] In 1700, these walls apparently stood to full height.[9] Certain travellers, however, themselves imbued with an education in matters Greek, believed in the “Greek spirit,” Ramsay considering that “even the rudest and least educated Greeks” possessed a passion “for antiquities and education.” He demonstrated this in one instance,[10] but we might suspect he was simply infected by a certain romanticism common (and fatal) from Byron to Churchill – a similar romanticism to that which found pleasure in the ruins of past religions, as Hobhouse did at Ayasoluk.[11] Ampère, at the same site, admired the vigorous vegetation,[12] which was itself another protector of antiquities. As for Turkish reuse of antiquities for building materials, the most fanciful account (as a retro-fitted explanation for the post-1453 addiction to marble?) is that of the vision of Suleiman Pasha, son of Orhan, sitting at Cyzicus in 1354, and viewing the porticoes and peristyles, the palaces and temples which would spur his own reign: il regardait, à la clarté de la lune, les portiques et les péristyles se reflétant dans les flots et les nuages courant sur la surface de la mer, il crut voir ces palais et ces temples en ruines sortir de l’abîme, et une flotte naviguer sous les eaux . . . Suleïman, enflammé par le souvenir de la vision fantastique qui avait présagé l’empire du monde aux enfants de sa race, résolut de transporter

5 Gallis 1979, 1: the Society’s first meeting was held, naturally, in the Parthenon.

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chapter six la puissance ottomane au delà du détroit, et de réaliser ainsi le songe de son aïeul.[13]

Hasluck provides an excellent commentary on this vision,[14] which is not a million miles from Virgil’s Haec tibi erunt artes. Closer to home, though, could this be modelled on Andronius’ supposed restoration of Tralles in c.1280,[15] and could the restoration of the ruined town have included its ancient remains?6 Indifference Much less romantically, most foreigners attributed reuse of antique materials to ignorance or indifference. “Cela provient uniquement de leur ignorance; ils n’ont aucune idée du mal qu’ils font en détruisant ces restes précieux” writes Renoüard de Bussierre in 1829.[16] And according to Fellows, the Turks had no idea of what ancient theatres or tombs were used for, any more than they understood the lock on his carpet-bag[17] or (astonishingly) the correct use of bridles and stirrups.[18] What threw most earlier Westerners was that reuse (except for the continuing supportive rôle of columns) was almost never for the original purpose: columns, capitals and bases found several different uses. At, for example, Gritille, in the south east, Roman pantiles from a nearby ancient site were not used for roofing, but for lining their ovens[19] – just as stelai could form the floor of ovens, as at Nicomedia.[20] One pointer toward indifference is the practice of incorporating spolia into a new house (so the material was obviously useful) but taking no interest in any relief or inscription, by reversing the viewing face into the wall. Epigraphers frequently came upon such cases. Even demolishing a staircase did not necessarily reveal the desired inscription, as Biliotti found at Satala in 1874, for it was built into the foundations of a modern house face-inwards.[21] That this reversing was ever done for structural reasons seems unlikely, so sometimes it does seem to have been the material rather than any decoration which was sought. That is, the blank back was preferred to the inscribed face. And the practice seems to have been common, as Cronin reports from Konya in 1902, where “the house of the Chelibi Effendi was built, came from a place called Yaghli-Baiyat.

6 Failler 1984: Pachymeres places the restoration in 1280, Gregoras 1272/1282. Failler writes only about the fortress, whereas Pachymeres seems to mean the whole town.



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With the exception of one stone, which is unimportant, all the inscribed stones have been built into the wall or floor of the house face inwards.”[22] Valuing Antiquities, Distinguishing Stones The visibility of ancient monuments might well have been a spur to enthusiasm for them, and their obliteration under silt, deep in the earth, a reason for complete ignorance of their existence. At Antioch, for example, with the antiquities buried deep under silt, “les habitans de la ville moderne n’ont pas conservé la plus faible tradition de sa gloire passée.”[23] This seems a little unfair, given the deep silting. In contrast, at Pergamon the Turks showed Fellows round in 1839, “and show all they have not themselves built, calling every ruin by the simple name of the “old walls.”[24] So they had at least some basic knowledge, presumably based on style and materials. The locals sought marble, whether in columns or as veneer; architectural members if they could be reused; bas-reliefs if they too were of squarish dimensions and therefore reusable. And as Galt observed, it was the Moslems, with their obligation of cleanliness, who built and maintained roadside fountains, whereas “Christians prefer building useless chapels, in the hope of future reward.”[25] Le Brun, for example, noted that when travelling they sought water, washing themselves from a bottle if no fountain was available.[26] Fountains built with antiquities do not in themselves prove that the locals were attracted to the antiquities they reused therein, but given the enormous quantity of such examples, it does seem that attractive blocks were specially sought out. But they did not prize limestone, so buildings of this material survive stripped of their marble.7 Sarcophagi in limestone survived well, partly because of the difficulty of shifting them, but partly because the material was of little interest, except for making lime. Basalt, a building material common in the east of Asia Minor, was also generally left alone, so places which used this material could survive in good condition; thus Ainsworth describes an ancient town and cemetery near Mardin “which with respect to its construction and arrangement, is the most perfect necropolis that I have ever seen.”[27] Marble imported to grace marble-less places such

7 Severin and Grossmann 2003. 6thC Justinianic buildings with some decoration (such as capitals) in marble, cf. 141f., 147f., 150–152, 154, 161, 164.

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as Sagalassos often disappeared, probably into lime-kilns.8 Statues, as we have seen, were sometimes considered to contain treasure, and were broken up in a vain attempt to recover it. Although appreciation changed over time and, excluding the treasure dimension, most locals did not conceive of antiquities as having a value over and above that of immediate usefulness for building work. But then aesthetics is a moveable feast, even amongst foreigners, as when Galt censures Haghia Sophia because “the native beauty of the marbles is not enriched by any shew of taste or skill. In point of workmanship, it is immensely inferior to Westminster Abbey.”[28] Tournefort said much the same a century previously: “they succeed very ill, for they bestow Pains and Labour without any Skill or Taste.”[29] We should observe that few travellers looked any further than classical excellence; as his biographer observes of Choiseul-Gouffier, his focus was not that of an archaeologist, for he was interested in beauty rather than fragments: “il demandait à la pierre les témoignages d’un art exquis et non l’histoire fragmentaire d’une civilisation. Cette poursuite ardente de tant de chefs-d’œuvre mutilés constituait, avec leur reproduction par le crayon, le principal intérêt de son œuvre.”[30] We might add that horizons broadened as the nineteenth century progressed. In Asia Minor Byzantine and Hittite antiquities began to receive attention, as in North Africa did the plentiful prehistoric and Phoenician remains. So did some locals actually prize antiquities, or simply want to keep control over what were recognised as valuable materials? Probably both, for they could either be sold to foreigners, or reused locally in new and sometimes prestigious constructions. Hamilton in 1842 found inscriptions collected in the courtyards of Greek houses, but he does not say for what purpose;[31] and he goes on to mention pedestals with inscriptions in the Agha’s konak at Ishekli.[32] The Agha at Mylasa also had an altar in the courtyard of his house,[33] and substantial remains of the ancient city were still to be seen in 1865.[34] At the village of Yaï-ken, an important house in 1890 had ancient paving and other antiquities, but no inscriptions to reveal the name of the ancient site it occupied.[35] Nor was the town itself the only possible source of antiquities, plenty of which were

8 Mägele 2011: Marble brought here from Dokimeion and Aphrodisias; about 40% of the statues from the Upper Agora Nymphaeum survive (fig. 21.8), with some standing until the structure collapsed at the end of the 6thC. The Nymphaeum of the Lower Agora, like the Upper Agora one, had some of its sculptures replaced, and was abandoned during late 5th-early 6thC. The Tiberius Claudius Piso Nymphaeum (fig. 21.13) retained five statues and three bases, out of 14 “slots” for statues.



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noted by Caldavène on the road thither.[36] At Tefené, north of Antalya, the Agha’s seraglio had its upper levels of wood, but its foundation was an ancient building, and other antiquities (columns and bas-reliefs) had been imported to decorate it.[37] This was not the only example of antiquities unearthed, brought together and built into a house, as we see from the antiquities from Tralles collected by Tahir Pasha, as related by Fellows in 1841: At Smyrna I had heard much of the statues discovered and preserved by Tahir Pasha, and of persons who had travelled thence to see them: how strange it seems that such specimens as the following should alone be prized, when the country is rich in the works of the ancient Greeks! Upon two marble blocks, apparently pedestals, which are now built into the wall on either side of the entrance to the Pasha’s house, are bas-reliefs of a low age, probably Byzantine, or perhaps as late as the Crusades: they each have a superscription . . . These were found only a few months ago, as well as several broken statues, which are preserved with great care by the Pasha, who is anxious to acquire the European taste for such things.[38]

At Ankara, the Vali “engaged in cleaning and repairing the famous Temple of Augustus, with a view to collecting all the antiquities in the neighbourhood and placing them there,”[39] as Warkworth reported in 1898. Certainly, the attitude of governors, if they did not exactly protect antiquities, could act as a disincentive to their getting purloined. In 1725, Le Brun could find nobody (even paid) to help him filch an antique statue from Ephesus by night, in case they were spotted.[40] A much more general reason for such “protection” was that it was the governor who owned such antiquities, and would tax finds as if they contained gold, as Fellows relates at Mylasa in 1839.[41] What was sacred was also a moveable feast, for Moslems (often needed to help shift materials) were not generally bothered about epigraphers copying inscriptions in their cemeteries. As Sterrett writes, “sometimes after I had finished with a stone in a cemetery, they would reverently put it back in its old place, but by no means always.”[42] He might have observed the water channels from Ayasoluk to the surrounding fields which, in the 1880s, were covered with Turkish gravestones.[43] If quarries were not to be worked, destruction was necessary in order to build: many Turks took up alien traditions, and were as enthusiastic users of antique material as the Crusaders. Mehmet’s reported reaction to the glories of Constantinople, riding all over and marvelling at the sights (“cavalco da un luogo all’altro, considerande con grandissima maraviglia fabriche tanto rare”)[44] suggests something more programmatic,

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especially since he retained some antique statues.9 So also does that of Tamerlane before him, who supposedly “wondered at the costly buildings of the temples, the faire ingraven pillars, the high pyramides”; whilst at Jerusalem, he “sought out all the antiquities of that auncient citie.”[45] And if neither of these episodes actually happened, the chroniclers were quite clear that they should have done. Ottoman admiration for the past certainly had a practical aspect, since it was common knowledge that the new buildings of the capital were constructed from antiquities vacuumed up from the region, as Covell writes in the 1670s: Round Stambol for many miles the Turkes have taken almost all the fair stone they could find to rayse their buildings in the City, so that little is to be expected of inscriptions or monuments of antiquity; especially in Thrace, or anywhere near the shore of the Propontis, from whence caryage by sea is easy. Nothing remaining in a manner but the inward part of the walls of old buildings; the Maidan, the case or outside of it was of good stone, being pull’d down and disposed of.[46]

Several travellers came across the backwash of the élite’s search for prestigious materials for their own building projects. And naturally, since most of the élite lived in Constantinople, Chalcedon just across the water was frequently plundered, to just about complete obliteration,[47] Valens perhaps amongst the first, needing material for his aqueduct.[48] Here the locals did not help, for they had a swift way of dealing with unearthed pots which had holes in them – rather than repair them for reuse, they simply broke them up.[49] According to Chesneau in 1541, some of the marbles for the Seraglio at Topkapi had themselves come from near Chalcedon,[50] just as a church there was said to have helped supply the Suleymaniye.[51] Following pillage in earlier centuries,[52] destruction was already well under way in the 1550s, in favour of marble-rich buildings on the European shore.[53] Morritt, visiting Chalcedon in 1794, watched the destruction of a palace and its marble columns and decoration, though without knowing what was to happen to so many high-quality materials: A little to the east of Chalchi, between it and Scutari, is an old Seraglio, called that of Sultan Mourat (Amurath). It was the palace the Grand Signor occupied before he resided at that of Constantinople. The workmen are now pulling it down, and so, the whole being open, I got a view of the inside, both of the gardens and palace. The first consist, however, of nothing but long avenues and clumps of cypress, which, however beautiful, are gloomy

9 Ousterhout 2004 173–174 for Mehmet’s retention of statues in Constantinople.



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without the mixture of livelier greens, and the palace is a cluster of low, illproportioned rooms, with a profusion of beautiful marble. The doorcases, windows, fireplaces were all ornamented with it, and there were marble fountains in many of the rooms. All these the workmen were taking up, and with true Turkish indifference demolishing, by express order of the Sultan, who did not choose that other people should have what had served to adorn a royal palace. One could not help regretting the fine pieces of marble thus sacrificed to his stupid pride.[54]

By 1835, little was left except fragments,[55] and vineyard walls incorporating antiquities.[56] This was some change from the beginning of the century, when one Frenchman reckoned Scutari was used only for cemeteries, since the European side would one day fall into the hands of the infidels.[57] Belon remarked in the 1540s[58] that the Turks tended to leave alone towns or fortresses they captured (such as Rhodes). So perhaps they are also to be congratulated on such occasions for attitudes ranging from insouciance to neglect; these were attitudes that ensured that more antiquities-rich buildings would survive than would otherwise have been the case, because there were more monuments than could conveniently be reused. Nevertheless, in Asiatic Turkey, after centuries of admiring visits, by the early twentieth century scholars were alarmed at how quickly antiquities were disappearing, and of the urgent need to make discoveries before the march of progress obliterated ancient sites[59] down to the scattered remains we see today.10 At least these are being diligently catalogued.11 Superstition and Ignorance Many locals were ignorant about antiquities. A Turk on Samos, asked in 1813 about some ancient walls, very reasonably replied: “That he could tell nothing about the age of those walls, for they were older than him, and that we could see, as well as he, that they were very old;” adding, profoundly, “who can now tell by whom they were constructed, or for what purpose, since every one is dead that had any thing to do with them.”[60]

10 Eichler 1999, 438–644 for Turkey. 11   E.g. Brandt and Kolb 2005 for Lycia and Pamphylia, with excellent maps for the various periods; good overview accounts of Xanthus, Antiphellus, Tlos, Patara, Kyaneai, Myra, Arycanda, Limyra and the rest. Excellent plans/maps of Tlos, Cyaneae, Limyra, Phaselis, the whole of Lycia (with settlements and monuments marked), Teimiusa.

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In spite of travellers often tilting in favour of Greeks, neither blissful ignorance nor superstition were restricted to the Turks. Hamilton came across a French doctor in Aidinjik who “talked of Greek inscriptions as des choses de l’Eglise, seeming to have no idea of the difference between a Greek temple and a Christian church. He had heard of the ruins of Cyzicus, or Bal Kiz, as the Turks call them, and believed them to be very old and built by the Genoese, because the Turks had told him so,” and goes on to claim that foreign doctors frequently mislead travellers by exaggerating what is to be seen.[61] If Elliott, writing in 1838, is to be believed, doctors in Anatolia were invariably Greek, since “the Turks are compelled to have recourse to foreigners as surgeons, since they are forbidden by their religion to dissect a body, and can therefore attain to no knowledge of surgery, and but little of medicine.”[62] As with doctors so with priests, who often got a bad press for being both ignorant and superstitious.[63] But on Myconos it was a priest who negotiated with Le Bruyn in 1725 for the recovery of a statue he had re-buried on Delos.[64] It might have been such problems which led locals to attribute magical powers to antiquities – and even to a Venetian coin in an Armenian monastery at Ankara.[65] At Ermenek, a local had an antique coin which made bread rise, or turned milk into yoghurt.[66] Some Christians were convinced that marble could work magic, and clerics were apparently as convinced as the laity. Near Kumkale, ancient marbles were used by the locals to cure rheumatism, with the help of the Christian priest.[67] This was the famous Sigaean Inscription, set with a figured relief at the entrance to a church. Already coveted by Louis XIV,[68] the locals had again refused to sell in 1738–9[69] and, yet again, to the French Ambassador at the end of the century.[70] At Yenisehir the sufferer was rolled over another inscription, and this custom continued for so long that the inscription was nearly obliterated;[71] indeed, it was very faint by 1791.[72] Parallel to such medicinal hopes was the admiration of antiquities as talismans: Sterrett explains the attitudes of Turks in detail,[73] and Reinach gives a specific example from Lagina, in south-west Turkey.[74] And at the 1001 Churches, the nomads swore that they saw monks visiting the churches one by one, the fallen columns and statues righting themselves as they passed.[75] Perhaps attitudes were balanced, in the sense that some foreigners were as amazed at the attitudes of Turks to antiquities, as were Turks to them. The idea of crossing the seas to view and even take home ruins was regarded with astonishment,[76] yet legends of the power of some stones were rife: the eighteenth-century bey who stole stone from a church at



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Ankara went blind.[77] As for “special” stones, such treatment was not restricted to Christians: there are numerous examples of such Moslem veneration, sometimes in the tall-story category. Hasluck records: Of another columnar stone, sixteen feet high, near Koch Hisar, Ainsworth tells a pretty story to the effect that a mosque was once being erected in a neighbouring village and good Mussulmans were contributing to it by the voluntary labour of bringing stones. A pious girl was enabled by her faith to transport this huge stone to the spot where it now rests. Here a young man appeared to her and told her ‘God had accepted her services and was well pleased’: the girl died on the spot and was buried beneath the stone.[78]

Antiquities could also be dangerous, and the locals near Antiphellus enquired of Spratt and Forbes in 1847 whether they had obtained the treasure from an obelisk at Pyrrha, “connected with which they narrated a tradition about a man, who in attempting to break it open lost the use of one side, and subsequently died.”[79] At Amasia, Van Lennep put the lack of ancient monuments down to fanaticism,[80] but did not examine the converted church nearby which had, as Smith recounts in 1834, “once been used by the Turks as a mosk, but was now shut up and deserted, because they found that they could not say their prayers in it!”[81] This was surely distinct from Bajazet’s mosque, which also reused antiquities,[82] of which there were plenty spread around the town. Cumont, visiting Amasia in 1900, instanced the spolia material in the fortress.[83] This, with Sinope, was already a fruitful target for antiquities-collecting in the seventeenth century.12 Although not systematically destroyed, writes Grégoire, Amasia’s soil did not yield much by the beginning of the twentieth century.[84] At their lowest, to repeat, antiquities were valued only for what could be done with their materials, whether reused for building, rendered to the lime kilns or, for metals, melted down. Although expertise differed from place to place, and over time, it was the material that was therefore important, and not the use that the ancients had made of it: so that among the ignorant metals were assessed only at their melt-down value, and not at Western collectors’ rates. This perhaps led to the destruction of bronze statues, elements of which were seen at the legionary fortress of Satala 12 Martin 1998, 177, citing a 1627 report from Roe to Buckingham: “I am this day sending a drogaman, and Janitzarie, with an Italian to Brussia, the antient metropolis of Bythinia, where, I am enformed, are many marbles; and I attend a return from Sinope on the Blacksea, in Amasia.”

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in 1872, and one head of which found its way to the British Museum.[85] Lack of knowledge of intrinsic value of antiquities allowed Morritt in 1795 to boast of the two-hundred-plus coins he had bought, and his plan to buy many more.[86] Similarly, in 1863 Perrot met a Greek shoemaker from Tinos, buying up coins very cheaply in the villages around Cyzicus.[87] Stelai were on sale near Cyzicus in 1839,[88] and this was the case even in the early twentieth century, when Banks in 1912 recounts his experiences in Bursa and Constantinople.[89] Once again, coins were usually assessed for their metal, and assumed to have no additional value. But not all locals were similarly benighted for, as Banks relates, “Once, when a stranger was intently examining my collection, as if he, too, had been smitten with the disease, I asked him in what coins he was most interested: “American dollars,” was his prompt reply.” But enthusiasm for antiquities did not necessarily indicate knowledge about them, beyond their presumed pecuniary value. One indication of this is Bean’s assertion in 1960 that the locals still believed that stones indicated buried treasure. Particularly, they thought that dowelled channels to take the lead for securing joints indicated the direction of the buried treasure,[90] proof positive that at least some had no concept of just how an antique building was constructed. This is strange, since they so often had intimate knowledge of how to dismantle buildings, and should surely have realised just what the lead channels did. Another characteristic, probably not uncommon in Europe as well, is a general inability to distinguish one period of “old stones” from another. This was certainly Laborde’s explanation for his guide leading him to refurbished Crusader fortresses rather than to the “old columns” he asked for: Nous avons si souvent demandé à notre guide s’il ne connaissait pas de vieux murs, de vieilles colonnes . . . pour ne pas toujours se refuser à nos désirs, il nous promet une vieille ville, et s’engage à nous montrer lui-même le chemin . . . Il s’acquittait de sa promesse, c’étaient bien de vieux murs . . . les restes peut-être d’une de ces forteresses prises et reprises tour à tour par les Turcs et les croisés.[91]

Conceivably, however, this was that strain of politeness that does not wish to offend by saying “no,” preferring to offer a positive if incorrect response. “Mischievous” Destruction The locals also prized their tranquillity, and there are instances of antiquities being deliberately destroyed because foreigners flocked to see them. Although traditionally hospitable, not every local was charmed by the



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incursions of foreigners turning antiquities this way and that in order to copy them. At Mylasa, for example, as Fellows discovered in 1840, one inhabitant was so annoyed at being disturbed by epigraphers that he chipped off the inscription on the column that formed part of his house, “through the top of which the column rises. This has been done in order to prevent the intrusion of strangers to see this relic.”[92] Chipping off incuse letters was considerable work, and usually only indulged in by professional masons to prepare a slab for reuse in a cemetery. Le Bruyn, in 1725, wished to buy a bas-relief from above the door of a Turkish house in Smyrna; but its resident mutilated it when he would not agree a price with the foreigner;[93] but whether from bloody-mindedness or, as Le Bruyn suggests, from nervousness about images (“un scrupule d’avoir une Image à sa maison”) is not clear. Such dog-in-the-manger attitudes which, for whatever reason, amount to “hands off, they’re mine!” – may not have been rare; at Pergamon in 1838, Elliott reported that “immediately under the citadel are the Greek quarter and the bishop’s palace; to build which the Turks refused permission to take stones from the ruins of the acropolis, though for their own structures they have plundered them without remorse”[94] – for example, to build a khan.[95] A near miss was the Temple of Augustus and Rome at Ankara, partly stripped of its marble veneer in 1834 by the sheikh of the adjacent mosque to build a private bath in his country house. What he took included parts of the famous inscription, “l’imbecillité d’un imam qui avait besoin de pierres pour se bâtir une maison de campagne.”[96] Not only this, but the whole structure was subsequently threatened with destruction by the locals, for it already had houses within it. The 1834 plundering alarmed the French sufficiently to obtain a preventative firman from Constantinople.[97] Given, however, that the country house bath was a small one, just where most of the marble from the temple went was a mystery, Guillaume asserting that he could find no trace of any likely reuse of its elements in the city.[98] His mournful conclusion was that, in this volcanic landscape, much of the marble from the temple had gone to the lime kilns, to manufacture mortar for modern building. Indeed, as Texier explained in 1862, subsequent accretions to the Temple had probably protected it from complete destruction.[99] The Ancyra Project is now in progress, but expressing alarm at the “complete degradation of the whole site,” and the continuing need to protect the inscriptions.13

13 http://www.isprs.org/proceedings/XXXIV/5-W12/proceedings/18.pdf: “These extraordinary inscriptions, cultural heritage of mankind, are undergoing irreversible deterioration caused by pollution, seismic disaster and climatic factors as well as man-made damage.”

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As a thirteenth-century Turkish dervish put it, in a lament which predates the general vacuuming of antiquities for the Ottoman city of Constantinople, might stand as an echo to the beliefs of many travellers: It is for the work of demolition that Turkish workmen must be hired. For the construction of the world is special to the Greeks [. . .] They erected numerous cities and mountain fortresses [. . .] so that after centuries these constructions serve as models to the men of recent times [. . .] [God] created the people of the Turks in order to demolish, without respect or pity, all the constructions which they see.[100]

Indeed, this lament is repeated down the centuries, and not only by travellers. Wilson, in Konya in 1884 met “a thoroughly educated Turkish gentleman, and when standing on the mound which partly covered the great palace of the Seljuk emperors, the Turk, after looking at the scene, said, “What have we Ottoman Turks done since we came into the country but destroy?”[101] Antiquities Laws and Museums Before antiquities laws were put in place, European nations extracted what they could carry. At Pergamon, Fellows writes in 1839 that “the marbles found here are numerous, and are continually taken off for the museums of Europe. The French sent a vessel last year for a bath and statue, which had been for years unnoticed. I could not have imagined to what variety of uses columns may be applied; they are to be had for nothing, and are therefore used for every purpose.”[102] Most such antiquities went into foreign museums, for nearly all prestigious local antiquities in France had been reused or museified. This perhaps helped provoke Philibert de l’Orme’s development of “French” columns which could be substituted for antiquities,14 just as wooden trunks substituted for too-short classical columns in Anatolia. Such laissez-faire was before the development of Ottoman laws against the export of antiquities, and foreigners themselves were quickly alarmed at the quantities of material being looted and exported, not necessarily to their own museums. But how might this be prevented from happening? Regulations were essential, as we may imagine; but several suggestions were floated for antiquities inspectors with

14 Plagnieux 2006 on the development of supports in mediaeval France: different techniques needed for bigger, taller buildings.



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executive authority. Inspection, let alone guarding and enforcement, in a country so large, were hopeless tasks, although this did not prevent Perrot in 1872 from proposing inspectors, not necessarily foreigners, to undertake this task. He specified that they have “science européenne,” and would visit sites such as Nicomedia “et saisir au passage tout ce qui méritait d’être gardé.”[103] The best measure of a developing Ottoman consciousness of the cultural rather than just the monetary value of antiquities is the series of laws in the 1880s and 1890s, which “saw a drastically diminished ability of authorised foreign excavators to export the majority of finds made by them on Ottoman soil.”[104] But an earlier initiative was the collection of antiquities from Tralles made by Tahir Pasha, and related by Fellows in 1841.[105] The digging of trenches and embankments for railway construction across long stretches of Asia Minor alerted the authorities to the need for regulation for, as Shaw remarks, after the English received the IzmirAydin concession in 1856, From that moment on, the acquisition of antiquities was wedded to the digging activities necessary for railway construction . . . new issues of territorial control came to be played out in disputes over the ownership of antiquities found during railway construction. / The 1884 antiquities law failed to specifically mention railways as possible sites for the discovery of antiquities. Nonetheless, as railways expanded across the empire, the Ministry of Education repeatedly issued directives against the taking of antiquities by European railway engineers.15

As additional railways were built (such as Haydarpaşa-Pendik in 1871, or Mersin-Tarsus-Adana from 1882), we may assume antiquities suffered accordingly. This echoes what happened in England, where protests against the wanton destruction by railways had already been active for decades. Perhaps, also, locals congregated at railway stations to sell antiquities to tourists, as happened in Egypt. Now the archaeologists, instead of competing with various European museums, were in competition with the Turks, who not only benefitted from finds as new track was laid, but were collecting together antiquities into little museums. One example is Sivas, whither pieces were gathered up from the whole area in a local school: “il n’y a guère d’autres antiquités . . . que celles qui y ont été apportées, dans ces derniers temps, des différents points du vilayet; elles sont 15 Shaw 2003, 131–148 “Technologies of collection: railroads and cameras;” see 132 with supporting quotes from the Ottoman archives; Civelli 2007, 56–66 for Europäische Ingenieure und enheimliche Bauarbeiter, but nothing on finding antiquities.

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placées dans le Musée de l’école Idadié”[106] – a dearth Cumont attributed to the Seljuks.[107] Of course, one of the reasons for developing regulations was that foreigners were continuing to behave badly, and were still smuggling in contravention of established agreements with central government. Wood’s work at Ephesus was targeted by the Ottoman Embassy in London, which relayed a complaint from the Porte to the Trustees of the British Museum that Wood was exceeding the conditions of his firman for excavations at Ephesus. This stipulated that half of the antiquities were to be delivered to the Ottoman authorities, yet only a few actually reached them. The Trustees were therefore asked to complete a list of all the antiquities which had been discovered in the course of the Ephesus excavations and had been transported to England: “the destruction was being carried out and could not be stopped as the temple was being deconstructed so that the columns could be transported to England.”[108] What is more, the Governor General of Smyrna had sent an official to Ephesus to stop these activities. And at Didyma in the early 1870s, the excavators had to make a marble-laden escape flight because the local authorities were making (unspecified) difficulties. This was done using a wagon built at Smyrna, and trundled into a small bay, with some pieces weighing up to three tons.[109] To develop museums of antiquities on Turkish soil was laudable, but transport and handling were sometimes a problem, as Dennis recounted in 1883 for sarcophagi unearthed at Clazomenae.[110] Nevertheless, by 1905 the Sultan desired more antiquities, and left it to the Museum to choose which site to dig: “S. M. I. le Sultan, désireuse de faire pratiquer en son nom des fouilles archéologiques, avait laissé au Musée impérial le soin de choisir un emplacement à cet effet” – and Alabanda was chosen.[111] And by 1928, the Turkish government had commissioned Gabriel to survey Islamic monuments in Asia Minor, and to make recommendations.[112] Turkish enthusiasm perhaps balanced a distinct lack of commitment to foreign excavation in Asia Minor after the shutters came down on the export of finds. Claros, for example, first dug in 1913, was not dug again until 1950 and then 1961 and 1988.16 Because of or in spite of the various antiquities laws, attractive items were fetching high prices by the end of the nineteenth century, because sites simply could not be adequately protected. Thus of the ten Clazomenae sarcophagi studied in 1913 (terracotta, 16 Le Rider 1996, 1245 for details.



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and therefore easy to lift), six were in the hands of dealers.[113] Figured terracottas and other small tomb goods now replace more prestigious antiquities in the accounts of travellers and archaeologists. Large antiquities could no longer be exported, even if transport was increasingly less of a problem, as roads were developed, port facilities improved, and ships got bigger. In any case, small items were much easier than colossal statues to slip past customs inspections. 1  Ramsay_1897b_22 2  Dallaway_1797_246 [ ]  3  Urquhart_1838_60 [ ]  4  Ramsay_1897_264–265 [ ]  5  Arundell_1834_II_ 293–294 [ ]  6  Davis_1874_265–266 [ ]  7  Collignon_&_ Duchesne_1877_365 [ ]  8  Hamilton_1837_42 [ ]  9  Tournefort_II_1718_175 [ ]  10  Ramsay_1897b_133 [ ]  11  Hobhouse_1817_104 [ ]  12  Ampère_1842_10 [ ]  13  Ubicini_1855_11–13 [ ]  14  Hasluck_1910_203–204 [ ]  15  Pachymeres_1984_ 19–20 [ ]  16  Renoüard_de_ Bussierre_1829_139 [ ]  17  Fellows_1852_39 [ ]  18  Fellows_1839_236–237 [ ]  19  Redford_1986_110 [ ]  20  Legrand_1893_8 [ ]  21  Biliotti_1874_235 [ ]  22  Cronin_1902_367–368 [ ]  23  Callier_1835_245 [ ]  24  Fellows_1839_34 [ ]  25  Galt_1812_208 [ ]  26  Le_Brun_1725_I_134 [ ]  27  Ainsworth_1840_ 522–523 [ ]  28  Galt_1812_259 [ ]  29  Tournefort_II_1718_ 285 [ ]  30  Pingaud_1887_41 [ ]  31  Hamilton_1842_II_139 [ ]  32  Hamilton_1842_II_ 165–166 [ ]  33  Chandler_1825_I_ 236–237 [ ]  34  Newton_1865_II 47 [ ] 

[ ] 

35]  Doublet_&_ Deschamps_1890_ 603–604 [ ]  36  Caldavène_1837_158 [ ]  37  Corancez_1816_412–413 [ ]  38  Fellows_1841_17–19 [ ]  39  Warkworth_1898_10 [ ]  40  Le_Brun_1725_I_105 [ ]  41  Fellows_1839_260 [ ]  42  Sterrett_1889_9 [ ]  43  Krumbacher_1886_ 257–258 [ ]  44  Podesta 1672, 100 [ ]  45  Knolles 1603, 222–3 [ ]  46  Covell (travelling 1670–79) 1893 at Constantinople 179 [ ]  47  De_la_Motraye_1727_ I_209 [ ]  48  Tournefort_II_1718_101 [ ]  49  Walker_1897_96 [ ]  50  Chesneau_1887_26 [ ]  51  Porter_1835_60 [ ]  52  Chesneau_1887_60 [ ]  53  De_Busbecq_1881_I_125 [ ]  54  Morritt_1914_85–6 [ ]  55  Porter_1835_I_181–1 [ ]  56  Porter_1835_I_140 [ ]  57  Olivier_1800_I_75–78 [ ]  58  Belon_1588_196 [ ]  59  Sterrett_1911_172 [ ]  60  Galt_1813_301 [ ]  61  Hamilton_1842_II_ 96–97; Hamilton_1842_ I_390 [ ]  62  Elliott_1838_II_62 [ ]  63  Collignon_1880_for_ June_1880 [ ]  64  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_62–63 [ ]  65  Aucher-Eloy_1843_I_72 [ ]  66  Collignon_ 1880–1897_79 [

67]  Wittman_1804_60 68]  Anon_antiquités_ grecques_1820_41 [ ]  69  Sandwich_1807_291 [ ]  70  Olivier_1800_II_56 [ ]  71  Walpole_1817_97 [ ]  72  Lechevalier_1791_17 [ ]  73  Sterrett_1889_8 [ ]  74  Reinach_1891_16 [ ]  75  Laborde_1838_50 [ ]  76  Fowler_1854_308–309 [ ]  77  Hasluck_1929_29 [ ]  78  Hasluck_1929_182 [ ]  79  Spratt_&_Forbes_ 1847_I_67 [ ]  80  Van_Lennep_1870_ I_104 [ ]  81  Smith_&_Dwight_ 1834_38 [ ]  82  Dupré_1819_I_34a [ ]  83  Cumont_1900_138–184 [ ]  84  Grégoire_1909_17 [ ]  85  Biliotti_1874_236 [ ]  86  Morritt_1914_179 [ ]  87  Perrot_1867_106 [ ]  88  Hamilton_1839_137–138 [ ]  89  Banks_1912_21 [ ]  90  Bean_1960_48 [ ]  91  Laborde_1838_35b [ ]  92  Fellows_1841_70 [ ]  93  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_81–82 [ ]  94  Elliott_1838_II_132 [ ]  95  Elliott_1838_128 [ ]  96  Henzen_1861b_226 [ ]  97  Guillaume_1870–1872_ 353 [ ]  98  Guillaume_1870–1872_ 351 [ ]  99  Texier_1862_482 [ 100]  Jalal_A-Din_Rumi_ 1975 [ ]  101  Wilson_1884_325 [ [

280 102]  Fellows 1839, 36 103]  Perrot_1872_I_4 [ 104]  Donkow_2004_114 [ 105]  Fellows_1841_17–19 [ 106]  Grégoire_1909_41

chapter six 107]  Cumont_1906_218 108]  Donkow_2004_113 [ 109]  Rayet_&_Thomas_ 1877_II_53–4 [ ]  110  Dennis_1883_1

111]  Edhem-Bey_1905_443 112]  Dussaud_1928_137 [ ]  113  Picard_&_Plassart_ 1913

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[ ] 1  Ramsay_1897b_22: “Every one of the few processes in Turkey that require skilled labour is performed by a Christian. If a Turk lives in anything better built than a hut, I have always found that it is constructed by a Greek. If a Turkish village requires a fountain with its aqueduct, a Greek workman is employed to make it. On a splendid Seljuk medresse (religious college) at Sivas is inscribed the name of the Greek architect KaloYannis. Needless to say that almost all trade, especially the carrying and retail trade, is in the hands of Christians: the muleteer is often, and the camel-driver always, Turk or Turkmen, but the owner both of the goods and of the animals is a Christian.” [ ] 2  Dallaway_1797_246 Didyma: “founded within a few years, consisting entirely of Greeks; it is remarkable that such villages are more flourishing than those inhabited by Turks, in every stage of our journey.” [ ] 3  Urquhart_1838_60 near Thessaloniki: “In the once considerable village of Battis there were not twenty houses roofed; they were, however, busy building, their quarry being old Hellenic blocks; and, to my horror, I saw the fragments of a statue piled in a limekiln by the hands of Greeks.” Footnoted as follows: “It is generally supposed that Mussulmans mutilate and deface ancient structures. Mr. Michaud says, that “posterity will learn with amazement, that to the Turks we are indebted for the conservation of the two noblest relics of religion and the arts.” Mr. Michaud’s contemporaries have as much to learn, in this respect, as their posterity. There is a saying of Mahomet to this effect: let the man be a reprobate who sells a slave, who injures a fruit-bearing tree, and who makes lime from chiselled marble.” [ ] 4  Ramsay_1897_264–265: “It is literally true that the Turkish Empire stands on a preTurkish foundation, and is built up of scraps and fragments of the ruined Roman institutions. Just as the Turkish villager lives in a house built by a Christian mason, if he has anything better than a hut, and drinks water brought in an aqueduct made by a Christian artisan; just as the executive of Turkish administration could not be kept up without a staff of Christian subordinates to do such parts of the work as demand a little education . . . ” [ ] 5  Arundell_1834_II_293–294 Menimen (ancient Temnus?): “We visited the Greek school, where the plan of mutuel enseignement had been introduced a short time before, but it was not then in operation. In the corner of the school are several marbles with inscriptions . . . / In a room carefully locked, we were shown a quantity of marble doorcases, of a circular form, of beautiful red and variegated marble – and we were told of an equestrian statue, buried beneath the pavement of the court. All these, including the inscriptions, were discovered at a place called Nemourt, which the priest told us is five hours from Menimen.” [ ] 6  Davis_1874_265–266 ruins of Cibyra: “The ruins of the old city, which are neither extensive nor interesting, are upon the uneven chalky hills above the village, about 500 feet above the level of the plain, which is itself 3,500 feet above sea level. Smaller ridges branch off in various directions from the main hill. One of these, to the north-east, showed traces of a paved road, and was bordered by many sarcophagi and monuments; indeed, there are groups of sarcophagi and tombs on all the ridges and hill sides. / . . . The south end of the Stadium is circular. The whole is much over-grown with bushes, and the blocks displaced and covered with earth; indeed, this is in worse preservation than any Stadium we had yet seen. To the north-east of the Stadium are foundations of many large buildings on a wide levelled space; but all are even with the ground, and the very mass of ruin is much less than would be expected from the former size and importance of the city. A few broken columns are scattered about, and the foundations of private houses are spread over the whole surface of the hill. / The Theatre, which is not in very good preservation, lies north-west of the Stadium, and on a higher part of the hill.” [ ] 7  Collignon_&_Duchesne_1877_365 Cibyra: Il faut de plus tenir compte des monuments figurés trouvés à Cibyra, et qui ont été recueillis par les Grecs de la région. Ainsi nous avons dessiné: 1 à Chorzum, un bas-relief représentant trois personnages, en costume militaire romain, armés de haches, et tenant des chiens en laisse; 2 une statuette d’Eros en marbre, chez un habitant d’Isbarta; 3 un fragment représentant une tête de bœuf,



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d’un travail très-soigné; 4 une statuette en terre cuite, d’une terre rouge et lourde, figurant une femme drapée. Ces monuments peuvent fournir d’utiles renseignements pour l’archéologie figurée de cette région. [ ] 8  Hamilton_1837_42 Trebizond: “To-day I have been rambling about over the town, and its interesting and picturesque ruins and walls, which are clearly Byzantine, but which the Turks, perhaps through jealousy of the Greeks, call Genoese.” [ ] 9  Tournefort_II_1718_175 Trebizond: “The Walls are not the same as those describ’d by Zozimus; the present are built of the Ruins of antient Edifices, as appears by old pieces of Marble set in several parts, and whole Inscriptions are not legible, because they are too high.” [ ] 10  Ramsay_1897b_133: “Fifteen or sixteen hours east of Dineir, in a Pisidian valley, on the head waters of the Eurymedon, where, probably, no Christian set foot for centuries, we found in 1890 a tchiftlik (estate), belonging to a Greek family resident at Egerdir near Sparta: there was a considerable degree of activity perceptible about it, and a score or more of rude inscriptions in an unknown Pisidian dialect, found in the digging and building operations carried out by the new Greek owners, had been collected in an outhouse, which thus was constituted into a rough and rude museum. It is characteristic of the Greek spirit and the admiration of even the rudest and least educated Greeks for antiquities and education, that on this outpost of Greek life in the Turkish mountains there should be already what you might call a museum, even though it was only a rough shed, used for storing other things as well as antiquities.” [ ] 11  Hobhouse_1817_104 Ayasoluk: “The desolate, walls of the mosck of St. John, and the whole scene at Aiasaloky cannot but suggest a train of melancholy reflections. The decay of three religions is there presented at one view to the eye of the traveller! The marble spoils of the Grecian temple adorn the mouldering edifice, once, perhaps, dedicated to the service of Christ, over which the tower of the Mussulman, the emblem of another triumphant worship, is itself seen to totter, and sink into the surrounding ruins.” [ ] 12  Ampère_1842_10 Ayasoluk: J’errai longtemps sur la montagne où fut cette ville: j’allais de mosquée en mosquée; j’entrais par le toit dans des bains abandonnés: je parcourais ensuite l’enceinte du château-fort, et je regardais à travers une porte de cette enceinte la campagne d’Ëphèse et la mer. Au milieu de cette mort qui m’entourait, j’admirais la vigueur de la végétation orientale. Un fragment de mur en briques, qui pouvait peser cinquante milliers, avait été mis sur champ par quelques-unes de ces commotions du sol fréquentes dans l’Asie Mineure. Un figuier avait plongé ses racines entre les briques verticales, et ces racines étaient allées chercher la terre à une distance de plus de six pieds. Enfin j’arrivai à une assez grande mosquée, construite en marbre noir et blanc comme la cathédrale de Pise. Les chambranles des fenêtres étaient travaillés à jour dans le goût moresque. A l’intérieur s’élevaient de magniûques colonnes de granit africain semblables à celles que j’avais vues gisantes dans les marais de la plaine. L’une d’elles avait conservé son chapiteau corinthien; les autres s’entouraient à leurs cimes d’ornements qui pendaient avec grâce comme des stalactites. Sur le sol se voyaient encore les traces d’un pavé en faïence bleue, et sur les murs un revêtement d’émail. Les mosquées de Constanlinople, toutes plus modernes (je ne parle pas de celles qui ont été des églises comme SainteSophie), sont en général beaucoup plus grandes, mais m’ont paru bien inférieures par le style à la mosquée déserte d’Aia-Soluk. [ ] 13  Ubicini_1855_11–13 Cyzicus and Suleiman (Pasha, son of Orhan) in 1354: Cyzique, située au point où la péninsule se joint au continent, était la capitale de cette province: cité jadis florissante, elle ne conservait plus de son ancienne splendeur que les ruines du temple d’Adrien, le plus vaste et le plus magnifique des temples du paganisme. L’aspect de ces ruines augustes remplit l’âme de Suleïman d’admiration. Les colonnes brisées, les marbres épars sur le gazon, lui rappelaient les débris du palais de la reine de Saba, Balkis, élevé par les ordres de Salomon, et les restes de Persépolis et de Palmyre. Un jour qu’assis au bord du rivage il regardait, à la clarté de la lune, les portiques et les péristyles se reflétant dans les flots et les nuages courant sur la surface de la mer, il crut voir ces palais et



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ces temples en ruines sortir de l’abîme, et une flotte naviguer sous les eaux. Autour de lui s’élevaient des voix mystérieuses dont le bruit se mêlait au murmure des vagues, tandis que la lune, qui brillait en ce moment à l’Orient, semblait joindre, par un ruban argenté, l’Asie à l’Europe. C’était elle qui, sortant autrefois du sein d’Edébali, était venue se cacher dans celui d’Osman. Suleïman, enflammé par le souvenir de la vision fantastique qui avait présagé l’empire du monde aux enfants de sa race, résolut de transporter la puissance ottomane au delà du détroit, et de réaliser ainsi le songe de son aïeul. [ ] 14  Hasluck_1910_203–204: “The year 1356 marks the first permanent settlement of the Turks in Europe – another step to the fall of Constantinople – and with the romantic enterprise of Suleiman pasha, resulting in the capture of Tsympe, near Gallipoli, are associated the ruins of Cyzicus. The dream of the conquest of Europe came to him by chance, say the Turkish legends, when, reviewing his newly acquired territory, he came for the first time to those strange ruines and marvellous buildings of Solomons Pallace now known by the name of the Fair Prospect, being the place (as they say) to which the throne of Belkis was transported. From the time of the most Excellent Solomon till now the marble stones and mighty pillars of the high fabrick have been transported thence to the edifices of Great Princes and Potentates: and to this very day the Ottoman Kings (whose offspring let God establish on the throne of peace) do bring from thence such wonderfull Stones for their Magnificent Churches and lofty Pallaces that the description of them would be a large subjects.” – and footnoted as follows: “Seaman, The Reign of Sultan Orchan. Another version in the historian Jemali, but omitted as irrelevant by Leunclavius in his translation, ascribed the Palace to the agency of Djinns working on behalf of Shemseh, daughter of Ankur, king of Ferengistan, and wife of Solomon. (B. M. Catal. Turkish A/SS, p. 47, note on Add. 5969.) The name of Aidinjik, “little moonlight” (Von Hammer I. 152), is connected by the Turks, with the moonlight night of Suleiman’s adventure, and the “palace of Solomon” or “Tamashalik” (probably the ruined amphitheatre), with the place of his dream. The throne of Balkiz may have been the imposing ruins of the Hadrian Temple, of which thirty-one columns were standing when Cyriac visited the site in 1431 (B.C. H. xiv. 540). The devastations of the “potentates since Solomon,” who is of course a synonym for extreme antiquity, are exemplified by Justinian’s removal of materials for St Sophia (cf. Evliya effendi i. 55), while the columns of the Suleimanyeh at Constantinople (Goold, Cat. Mus. Imp. p. 1 note), and much of the building materials of Brusa (Cyriac) were brought from Cyzicus by the Osmanlis. / As the Turks ascribed the ruins to Solomon, so the later Greeks, with equal ignorance, associated them with Troy. Gerlach (p. 255) says that in his time the Greeks called Cyzicus “Little Troy”; as Alexandria Troas, and Parium (Ansbert, “ad laevam nostram Trojam relinquentes,” cf. Muntaner 214) also claimed the name, fabulous ideas as to the extent of the city were common: the Sieur des Hayes (p. 139 and map p. 338) mentions a wall which cut off the corner of Asia including the three cities. Duchastel (who recognised the absurdity of the idea) has handed down the name “Palace of Priam” as in his day applied to the ruins of the Temple of Hadrian. Fynes Moryson says, “On the way (from Gallipoli to Marmora) they shewed me a castle towards the E. upon the shore of Asia, which they say stands on the confines of the Trojan dominion and thereof hath the name till this day.” The same idea underlies Meletius’ note on Karabogha.” [ ] 15  Pachymeres_1984_19–20, Andronius in the East: vit aussi une très grande ville, Tralles; il fut saisi par les charmes de l’endroit, et l’idée lui vint de relever la ville en ruines, d’y établir avec un très grand nombre d’autres personnes ceux qui en avaient émigré et de lui donner, une fois rétablie, son proper nom, en sorte que désormais ell ne fût plus appelée Tralles, mais Andronikopolis ou encore Palaiologopolis. Il déploya donc pour elle le plus grand zèle, plaça à sa tête le grand domestique et ordonna de la reconstruire le plus rapidement possible. [ ] 16  Renoüard_de_Bussierre_1829_139 in Constantinople: L’indifférence des Turcs pour tout ce qui n’est pas musulman est surtout déplorable en ce qui concerne les monumens de l’antiquité; elle a fait plus de mal que le temps: un fragment antique a tout juste autant de mérite à leurs yeux qu’une pierre brute; ils le brisent, ou l’emploient dans leurs



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constructions. Au reste, cela provient uniquement de leur ignorance; ils n’ont aucune idée du mal qu’ils font en détruisant ces restes précieux. [ ] 17  Fellows_1852_39 Assos: “The Turks have no traditions of the country, and are more ignorant than can be conceived, being not only un-learned, but resolved not to learn. They call all buildings which they have not themselves constructed, whether bridge, bath or aqueduct, temple, theatre or tomb, all Esky kalli, ‘old castle.’ The uses of the two latter buildings are unknown to the Musselmans, and they can scarcely comprehend even visible objects. When curiosity has led them to examine my baggage, or the spring-lock of my carpet-bag, they have, after I have given a simple explanation, turned away, saying, ‘I cannot understand.’” [ ] 18  Fellows_1839_236–237 in the valley of the Xanthus: “They were good horses, but had no shoes, and were not accustomed to bridle or saddle; nor was the man who brought them more familiar with these equipments, for he tied my stirrups together under the horse with the girths, and did not dare to encounter the intricacy of a common bridle, but asked my guide which way upwards to put it on. The Turks have not the least ingenuity; they never apply any instrument to a double purpose, and if they see any contrivance which is new to them, they exclaim, ‘Allah! Allah!’ even about the merest trifles.” [ ] 19  Redford_1986_110 at Gritille, SE Turkey: “Many ovens were found with a packing of broken pan tiles. For two reasons these may be considered examples of the creative reuse of material rather than as part of the original structure. First of all, the tiles, as mentioned above, were often found incorporated into structures, but rarely found in a position which indicated that they had fallen from the roof of a collapsed structure. This in itself could be an accident of preservation, but, as stated above, roof rollers point to the probability that houses at Gritille were flat-roofed. Second, modern villagers themselves use these pan tiles as oven-packing, praising their heat-retaining capabilities. The villagers of Biriman (Kovanoluk), site of the Gritille Project camp and 2 km. southwest of Gritille, point to the fields of Roman ruins near Samsat as the source of these tiles.” [ ] 20  Legrand_1893_8 Ismit: Dans le four du boulanger Spyro. Stèle arrondie en haut. [ ] 21  Biliotti_1874_235, Roman legionary fortress of Satala, where he spent nine days: “In conversation Mahmoud Aga, the chief of Saddak, having informed me that he had built a large stone, with a single line of letters, in the wall of the house in which I was living, I caused to be demolished a staircase, which was supposed to hide the inscription. But here also bad luck would have it that the part inscribed was reversed down in the foundations. This block measures 7’ by 3’ by 2’. It was I presume the architrave of the doorway of a temple, and the writing on it a dedication. Also built up in Mahmoud Aga’s house, there is a stone block 2’ 9” by 2’ by 10”, which was undoubtedly used as the basis of a statue, two grooves to receive the feet being in perfect preservation. Other blocks on the same house measure respectively 3’ 6” by 2’ 1” by 1’ 6”; and 4’ 6” by 2’ by 1’. All the architectural remains, as well as a drum, and the capital of an engaged column, were dug up in a neighbouring field where the horse’s legs, mentioned to me by Mr. Consul Taylor, were discovered two years, and not two months, ago, as it was wrongly reported to him.” [ ] 22  Cronin_1902_367–368: “When we were at Konia we had occasion more than once to visit the suburb Meiram, and we were told that many of the stones, with which the house of the Chelibi Effendi was built, came from a place called Yaghli-Baiyat. With the exception of one stone, which is unimportant, all the inscribed stones have been built into the wall or floor of the house face inwards. Such information about Yaghli-Baiyat as we were able to obtain at Konia or Meiram was of the vaguest kind; the only description indeed that we could obtain even of the place in which it was situated was that it was somewhere in the Boz Dagh, and that in order to reach it we ought to follow the Obruk road. It was clear, however, that it was being used as a quarry, and we decided to make an attempt to find it.” [ ] 23  Callier_1835_245: La nouvelle Antioche occupe aujourd’hui un petit espace dans l’enceinte de l’antique cité. Les anciens murs existent encore dans toute leur etendue, ils partent des bords du fleuve, traversent la plaine et s’élèvent sur la pente rapide des montagnes dont ils couronnent les sommets. Voila tout ce qui subsiste encore de cette



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capitale si célèbre des rois de Syrie, et que sa grandeur et sa beauté faisaient regarder comme la troisième ville du monde. Pour le voyageur qui arrive dans ces murs, avide de rencontrer au moins de curieuses ruines et d eloquens débris, il ne reste plus rien que des regrets et de tristes pensees; de ces palais somptueux, de ces temples, de ces monumens si vantés, tout a péri, tout jusqu’au souvenir; car les habitans de la ville moderne n’ont pas conservé la plus faible tradition de sa gloire passée. [ ] 24  Fellows_1839_34 Pergamon: “I have now seen the town, and am not disappointed, never having enjoyed the excitement of discovery more than on this day. The Turks take you round, and show all they have not themselves built, calling every ruin by the simple name of the “old walls.” They know nothing of traditions, for they are only conquerors here, and extremely ignorant; but I required no guide; the stupendous ruins proclaimed their builders, and their situation told who selected it. The site of the theatre is truly Greek. It embraces in its view the city, and the plains of Pergamus with its chain of mountains, and is lit by the rising sun. There is in the middle of the city a ruin of such extent that it can have been nothing less than the palace of a Roman emperor, and that worthy of an Adrian.” [ ] 25  Galt_1812_208 near Salona: “Throughout Turkey, fountains are so common on the sides of the roads, that it was remarkable none should have been erected at this place. But the country is chiefly inhabited by Greeks, and the road is not often frequented by Turks. The Christians prefer building useless chapels, in the hope of future reward; and sneer at the Mahomedans, who, from the same motive, are induced to provide the refreshment of cool water for the dumb animal and the thirsty stranger.” [ ] 26  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_134 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) of the Turks: Quand je me trouvois en voyage avec eux, je les voyois tous les jours lorsque l’heure de la Prière approchoit, arrêter leurs chevaux, & faire leurs Prières en pleine campagne, cherchant toujours un endroit où il y eût de l’eau, afin de s’y pouvoir laver auparavant. Ils portent pour cet effet toujours avec eux un petit pot de cuivre étamé. [ ] 27  Ainsworth_1840_522–523 at Koh Hisar, in sight of Mardin, with basalt walls like those of Diyarbekir: “extent of any one of the sides from 600 to 700 yards: the whole of this space is filled up with ruins of houses, except towards the E., where there is a large mound, apparently once a building of some extent. The houses were constructed of hewn stone with semi-circular arches and intervening masonry: many of the arches are still standing . . . By far the most remarkable remnant connected with the ancient place is the burial-ground without the walls, which with respect to its construction and arrangement, is the most perfect necropolis that I have ever seen: each tomb was a separate and distinct mausoleum, built of massive hewn stones, forming a chamber with three arcades, one fronting the entrance a nd one on each side: each of these arcades was divided into two parts,by a huge single slab of basalt, so as to contain one coffin above and one below, or six in the same sepulchre. The door itself consisted of another heavy mass of basalt, swung upon hinges cut out of the rock, and received into circular holes in the building. Although many of them were quite perfect, it required a man’s strength to move them; and as a portal was thus left to the houses of the dead, it appears as if as in Egypt, the inhabitants had been in the practice of visiting them; and in the interior there was space for two or three persons to walk about in: these tombs were in part underground, laid out in regular rows, of which there were about twenty, each containing nearly 100 tombs: amidst these are the more lofty ruins apparently of churches, not unlike, as are also the houses, those at Garsaura: one of these was tolerably perfect; of another the walls only rose like pillars from the plain.” [ ] 28  Galt_1812_259 Haghia Sophia: “The ornaments of the capitals of the columns seem designed rather to imitate feathers than the acanthus, and the native beauty of the marbles is not enriched by any shew of taste or skill. In point of workmanship, it is immensely inferior to Westminster Abbey.” [ ] 29  Tournefort_II_1718_285: “The Master-piece of the chief Artists is to make a Tomb for the Grand Signiors in which notwithstanding, they succeed very ill, for they bestow Pains and Labour without any Skill or Taste. They commonly dig among the Ruins of the antient



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Towns to search for pieces of Pillars, or some old Marbles, to make Grave-stones of. They who take pleasure in Inscriptions, should not neglect to visit the Cemeteries, because the Turks, the Greeks, and the Armenians; carry the finest Marbles thither.” [ ] 30  Pingaud_1887_41 at the time of his 1776 trip: Son amour pour la Grèce n’en avait point fait ce qu’on appelle de nos jours un archéologue; il demandait à la pierre les témoignages d’un art exquis et non l’histoire fragmentaire d’une civilisation. Aussi remuait-il d’une main infatigable les innombrables débris épars sur ce sol dévasté, entablements, frises, corniches, fragments de statues; il interrogeait même les débris sculptés perdus au fond des étables ou maçonnés dans les murailles. Cette poursuite ardente de tant de chefs-d’œuvre mutilés constituait, avec leur reproduction par le crayon, le principal intérêt de son œuvre. [ ] 31  Hamilton_1842_II_139 Koula: “In the immediate neighbourhood of Koula are the remains of several ancient cities. The village of Ghieuldé is situated near the centre of the ridge which separates the plain of Koula from that of Sandal, being about three miles E.N.E. from the latter, and four miles N.W. from the former place. It stands upon an insulated patch of crystalline marble, surrounded by volcanic cones and coulees of lava. Although now a poor and ruined village, containing about sixty Greek and ten Turkish houses, with the ruins of others, the many fragments of sculpture and architecture with Greek inscriptions clearly point it out as the site of one of the cities which formerly flourished in this part of Lydia. Many of the inscriptions now in the court-yards of the Greek houses at Koula have been derived from this locality, the marble quarries immediately adjoining affording great advantages for this purpose; but none of the inscriptions give any clue to the ancient name.” [ ] 32  Hamilton_1842_II_165–166 Ishekli: “This stream turns several mills near its source, and is evidently the Glaucus. Above it are some curious caves or excavations in the limestone cliff, the largest of which on the left hand has near its base several grooves and furrows cut in the rock, as if for a doorway or closed entrance. There is also a row of square holes above, for the insertion of beams, to form a building or portico in front, not unlike the appearances which I had observed amongst the ruins of Antioch of Pisidia. Many columns and pedestals lie near the spot, as if marking the site of an ancient building. In the court-yard of the Agha’s konak were several sepulchral inscriptions on marble pedestals; these now support the wooden pillars of the gallery round the court. In the town I saw other marble pedestals or seats ornamented at each corner with lions’ claws. In the bazaar we got a large lump of ice or compressed snow for a few paras, a luxury which the Turks appeared fully to enjoy during this hot weather. The town is said to contain 250 to 300 houses, most of which are Turkish, a few belonging to Greeks and Armenians; every spot was rich in fragments of ancient buildings, columns, and sepulchral pedestals.” [ ] 33  Chandler_1825_I_236–237 Mylasa: “We saw a broad marble pavement, with vestiges of a theatre, near the Corinthian column. Toward the centre of the town we observed a small pool of water, and by it the massive arches of some public edifice. In the court of the aga’s house was an altar much ornamented. We found an altar likewise in the streets, and a pedestal or two half buried, with pieces of ancient wall. Round the town are ranges of broken columns, the remnants of porticoes, now, with rubbish, bounding the vineyards. A large portion of the plain is covered with scattered fragments, and with piers of ordinary aqueducts; besides inscriptions, mostly ruined and illegible. Some altars dedicated to Hecatomnus have been discovered.” [ ] 34  Newton_1865_II 47 Mylasa: “At about ten minutes’ distance to the south-west of the town is a field called Guwiseh Guza. Here are a number of unfinished columns of grey marble ranging in a line with an old Turkish tomb and a decayed fountain. To the southwest of these columns is a platform which appears to be supported by a wall under the surface. In a hedgerow near these remains are some smaller fluted columns. / In this field I noticed at a well part of a large column on which were the prongs of a trident rudely cut in relief, and some letters of a Greek inscription partly concealed in the wall. Near these



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remains a portion of the ancient city wall runs east and west for about 117 yards. Towards the south it runs up to the foot of a rocky hill, where it is lost.” [ ] 35  Doublet_&_Deschamps_1890_603–604 Unknown town: Dans les montagnes qui séparent la vallée du Yéni-déré-tchai (anc. Harpasus) et celle du Karasou-tchai, nous avons découvert l’emplacement d’une ville antique. C’est le village de Yaï-ken, pays misérable, habité par quelques Youroucks . . . / Les fragments de sculpture sont assez nombreux. Une pomme de pin, sur un ornement indistinct; une dalle de marbre qui porte une foudre ailée et deux étoiles; une guirlande de boules d’où pend une bandelette; trois dalles de marbre avec une colonne à cannelures torses; à un quart d’heure du village actuel, un sarcophage de pierre, renversé sur le côté; il porte une inscription grecque que la position du tombeau et le mauvais état des lettres nous ont empêchés de lire et même d’estamper. / Il y a des restes de constructions assez importantes, entre autres des bases de tours au nombre de quatre, un fragment de chapiteau ionique, une architrave surmontée de sa corniche, qui porte une inscription et soutient aujourd’hui la margelle d’un puits public; dans le mussaur-oda d’Ali-Kiaoullak-Ibrahim où nous étions descendus, l’on voit un dallage qui paraît ancien, une colonne byzantine, d’autres fragments de colonnes; çà et là dans le village, des chapiteaux, des socles, des croix. / Nous avons trouvé aussi un certain nombre d’inscriptions qui malheureusement ne nous ont pas appris le nom de la ville antique. [ ] 36  Caldavène_1837_158 on the road to Mylasa: Quelques minutes au-delà, près d’un khaféné isolé où nous nous arrêtâmes, de belles pièces de marbre blanc richement travaillées gisaient éparses sur le sol, et tout indiquait le voisinage d’une ville antique. Nous explorâmes long-temps mais en vain les environs; nous aperçûmes bien encore plusieurs colonnes doriques d’un fort beau travail et quelques pilastres du même ordre; mais ils avaient été employés à une reconstruction d’époque chrétienne, et nous ne découvrîmes aucune trace des monuments auxquels ils avaient primitivement appartenu. Notre guide nous pressait, et il fallut reprendre la route de Mylasse. [ ] 37  Corancez_1816_412–413 town of Tefené, well inland from Antalya: Il y a au centre de la ville une place régulière et une assez belle mosquée. Plus loin est le sérail de l’aga de Tefené. II est composé de plusieurs corps de bâtimens disposés autourd’une vaste enceinte où les gens de l’aga s’exercent à lancer le djerid. Le haut de ces bâtimens, construit en planches de pin, présente à l’extérieur de beaux kiosques, des galeries vastes et bien aérées; à l’intérieur, des salons également remarquables par leur propreté et par leur élégance. Tout cet échafaudage de planches est élevé sur des massifs de maçonnerie, dont les pierres, bien taillées et formant de gros blocs, ont appartenu à d’anciens édifices. Parmi plusieurs débris de colonnes on remarque les restes d’un bas-relief dont les figures sont grossièrement sculptées, et qui, par une inscription placée au-dessous, paraît avoir fait partie d’un monument élevé en l’honneur d’une famille particulière, et destiné à en conserver la mémoire. Les gens de l’aga de Tefené me dirent que ces colonnes avoient été tirées du village situé vers l’orient du fleuve . . . il n’en peut être ainsi du massif de pierres de taille sur lequel le sérail est construit. Ce massif appartient évidemment à un ancien édifice qui se trouvoit sur le même lieu que le sérail occupe de nos jours. [ ] 38  Fellows_1841_17–19 collecting antiquities at Tralles: “At Smyrna I had heard much of the statues discovered and preserved by Tahir Pasha, and of persons who had travelled thence to see them: how strange it seems that such specimens as the following should alone he prized, when the country is rich in the works of the ancient Greeks! Upon two marble blocks, apparently pedestals, which are now built into the wall on either side of the entrance to the Pasha’s house, are bas-reliefs of a low age, probably Byzantine, or perhaps as late as the Crusades: they each have a superscription . . . These were found only a few months ago, as well as several broken statues, which are preserved with great care by the Pasha, who is anxious to acquire the European taste for such things.” [ ] 39  Warkworth_1898_10 Ankara the Vali “engaged in cleaning and repairing the famous Temple of Augustus, with a view to collecting all the antiquities in the neighbourhood and placing them there.”



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[ ] 40  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_105 at Ephesus: Nous y decouvrîmes encore plusieurs Statues de marbre ensevelies en terre; mais avec tant de négligence que les pieds de quelques unes sortaient dehors. J’eusse bien voulu en déterrer quelqu’une pendant la nuit, et la porter à Smyrne en cachette; mais je ne pus trouver personne qui m’aidât même pour de l’argent, parce qu’ils craignoient qu’on ne nous épiât. [ ] 41  Fellows_1839_260 Mylas: “On entering Mellassa I was amused by a gravestone in a Turkish burial-ground, formed of a robed female statue of white marble, stuck head and shoulders downwards into the ground: the projecting feet had been broken off, but the folds of the drapery showed that the statue must have been of good Greek workmanship. In the town I also saw a beautiful body of a child, about a foot or eighteen inches long, with one arm over its breast, built into the wall of a house; the head and legs had been broken off. I wished to purchase it, and was told that the occupier of the house would willingly part with it for a trifling sum, but that he could not because he was a rich man. On inquiring into the reason of this, I learned that the stones of the country are the right of the governor, as lord of the manor; and that if he heard of a rich tenant selling one. he would assert that the stone contained gold, and levy a tax or fine upon him of some thousand piastres. This arbitrary power proceeds doubtless from a very bad system, but in its operation is not without its advantages.” [ ] 42  Sterrett_1889_9 cemeteries: “Notwithstanding the sacredness of the cemetery I found that the Turks were ever ready to lend me a helping hand in digging about stones that marked the graves of their ancestors. Sometimes the stone had fallen and lay half buried and would have to be raised or turned over, because I either suspected that it contained an inscription, or else a part of the inscription would be visible, the rest being under ground. The stones used by the ancients for inscriptions and milestones are massive and heavy. It was always necessary for me to call upon the villagers for assistance. In return for a few cents they would come with mattocks and levers and soon the inscription would be exposed to view. Sometimes after I had finished with a stone in a cemetery, they would reverently put it back in its old place, but by no means always.” [ ] 43  Krumbacher_1886_257–258 Ephesus: Vor nicht allzu langer Zeit sass hier, wie die Moscheen beweisen, eine zahlreiche türkische Bevölkerung. Wohin ist sie geschwunden? Die grosse, aus Trümmern des Artemistempels erbaute Moschee Selims ist jetzt eine dachlose Ruine, die kleinen Moscheen, welche unterhalb des Burghügels liegen, werden von den Bauern als Ställe und Scheunen benützt. Eine weitere Profanierung sehen wir bei einer kleinen, zur Bewässerung der Felder dienenden Wasserleitung. Sie ist grösstenteils mit türkische Grabsteinen überdeckt. Dass eine solche Verunglimpfung mohammedanischer Kultusgegenstände in den vom Reiche los-gelösten christlichen Landschaften gewöhnlich ist, dafs z. B. in Bulgarien die zahllosen türkischen Grabstelen zur Anlegung von Treppen in steilen Gassen verwendet werden, war mir bekannt; hier aber mitten in türkischem Lande, in der Nähe der osmanischen Hochburg Aidin, berührt dergleichen doch ganz anders und lehrt nur allzu deutlich den unaufhaltsamen Niedergang der türkischen Dinge. Daneben streben Griechen und Armenier rasch vorwärts; da die ersteren fast überall die grosse Majorität besitzen, so kann ihnen der endgültige Sieg nicht ausbleiben. [ ] 44  Podesta 1672, 100. [ ] 45  Knolles 1603, 222–3. [ ] 46  Covell (travelling 1670–79) 1893 at Constantinople 179. [ ] 47  De_la_Motraye_1727_I_209 Chalcedoine: Il mérite à peine aujourd’hui le nom de Village [only sign of antiquity a small church] . . . Je n’ai trouvé à Calcedoine, à deux diverses fois que j’y ai été, aucun autre vestige de son antiquité; je n’y ai vu non plus aucune Inscription. [ ] 48  Tournefort_II_1718_101 Constantine: “The Persians having destroy’d Chalcedon, and that Emperor having order’d it to be rebuilt, as they were going to work upon’t, several Eagles came, and with their Talons took away the Stones from the Workmen, and carried them to Byzantium. This Miracle being several times repeated, the whole Court was alarm’d; Euphratas, one of the Emperor’s Chief Ministers, assur’d him it was the Will of



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God he should build a Church, at Byzantium, in honour of the Virgin. Chalcedon seems to have been built on purpose to embellish Byzantium; for when the Emperor Valens had caus’d the Walls of Chalcedon to be level’d with the Ground, to punish the Inhabitants for siding with Procopius, he order’d the Materials to be sent to Constantinople, to be us’d in that beautiful Aqueduct call’d the Valentinian Aqueduct.” [ ] 49  Walker_1897_96 in Chalcedon in 1865: “While we were groping at the foot of a figtree, the Croat guardian of the vineyard came near to inspect our proceedings, imagining, perhaps, that we were interested in the tomatoes, whose bright scarlet balls were peeping out all around from under their green leaves; but I quickly explained that our object was ‘stones,’ very, very old – quite of the ancient time. He seemed much struck with the novelty of the idea; he settled his fez, and said: ‘Mashallah! when we were digging up this land we found a great many large pieces, and one big jar.’ ‘Well, and what did you do with it?’ ‘Oh ! it was of no use; it had a hole, so we broke it up and strewed the little bits all about.’” [ ] 50  Chesneau_1887_26 (1541) at Constantinople Ledict sérail est merveilleusement beau et y ont esté portées de grosses pierres de marbre de toutes couleurs, porphyre, colonnes et autres choses singulieres tant de la ville de Constantinople, Calcydoine, que des environs de toute la Grèce et de l’Asie pour le bastir. [ ] 51  Porter_1835_60 the Suleymaniye, in Constantinople: “The church of St. Euphemia, where the ‘Council of Chalcedon’ was held, in the suburbs of Chalcedon, now Kadi Kieuy, furnished the mass of the materials, and many of the ornamental parts of this stately mosque. There are to be found in it also, splendid colunms of Egyptian granite of sixty feet in height, taken from Ephesus.” [ ] 52  Chesneau_1887_60 (1541) editor’s note on Kadikoy/Chalcedoine: Au VIIème siècle, elle fut pillée par les musulmans. Le quatrième concile général se réunit à Chalcédoine en 451. Sultan Suleyman, en 1552, fit transporter à Constantinople, pour orner la mosquée qu’il faisait bâtir, les colonnes et les marbres de la chapelle du monastère construit par Rufin, ministre d’Arcadius. [ ] 53  De_Busbecq_1881_I_125 (at the court of Suleyman 1554–62): “You must not expect here to have the story of why in former days the people of Chalcedon were called blind, who lived opposite Byzantium – the very ruins of Chalcedon have now well nigh disappeared.” [ ] 54  Morritt_1914_85–6 (travelling 1795) at Chalcedon in 1794: “At Chalcedon, which is opposite part of Constantinople, and which we visited in a morning’s sail some days after I wrote, there is nothing remaining of its ancient grandeur (for it had once considerable commerce) except an extent of orchard and garden over the promontory where most of the town stood, a small village retaining the name of Chalchi, and great masses here and there of old ruined walls or foundations which have fallen into the sea. There were here and there marble shafts of columns in the walls of the houses or by the shore, as in many villages about this place, but they seemed chiefly either Turkish or of the lower Greek Empire. A little to the east of Chalchi, between it and Scutari, is an old Seraglio, called that of Sultan Mourat (Amurath). It was the palace the Grand Signor occupied before he resided at that of Constantinople. The workmen are now pulling it down, and so, the whole being open, I got a view of the inside, both of the gardens and palace. The first consist, however, of nothing but long avenues and clumps of cypress, which, however beautiful, are gloomy without the mixture of livelier greens, and the palace is a cluster of low, ill-proportioned rooms, with a profusion of beautiful marble. The doorcases, windows, fireplaces were all ornamented with it, and there were marble fountains in many of the rooms. All these the workmen were taking up, and with true Turkish indifference demolishing, by express order of the Sultan, who did not choose that other people should have what had served to adorn a royal palace. One could not help regretting the fine pieces of marble thus sacrificed to his stupid pride.” [ ] 55  Porter_1835_I_181–1 at Kadikeuy: “I have been on the summit of the mountain of Boul-gourlou, the best point from which you can view Constantinople, the Bosphorus, the sea of Marmora, and the adjacent country. / Over the whole of this plain, you meet with fragments of marble, porphyry etc., the wrecks of former temples and palaces; but they



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have all been engulphed in the insatiable maw of Stamboul. Even the walls of Chalcedon now form, what remains of the aqueduct of Valens, which is gradually fielding up its materials to other structures. The mosque of Suleiman, contains within it, the materials which composed the Christian church of Chalcedon. / Two great cities cannot long exist beside each other. One, in time, will certainly swallow up the other; as has been the fate of Chalcedon, from its vicinity to Byzantium. All that is to be seen now of what was once so gay and beautiful, is about four or five hundred wooden houses. Its temple and palaces, and even their ruins, have disappeared.” [ ] 56  Porter_1835_I_140 Letter addressed from Kadikeuy, Chalcedon, with the Sea of Marmora on his left, in a vineyard: “enclosed by a stone wall, ten feet high, made up of rough stones, shafts of marble columns, parts of capitals, fragments of porphyry, etc etc.” [ ] 57  Olivier_1800_I_75–78 for the cemeteries of Scutari – holy land where rich Turks wish to be buried, since the European side doit tomber un jour entre les mains des puissances chrétiennes, et être foulée par les infidèles. [ ] 58  Belon_1588_196 (travelling 1546–1549) Rhodes: Tous les bastimens des chevaliers de Rhodes, tant François que d’autre nation, sont encor par tout en leur entiers. Car les Turcs n’ôtrié osté des armoiries, peinctures, sculptures, & engraveures, & escriteaux qu’ils y ont trouvé. Et encor pour le jourd’huy s’en peuvent lire plusieurs inscriptions tant en François qu’en Italien. Nous disons en outre que les Turcs ont toujours eu ceste coustume,que quelque chasteau ou forteresse qu’ils ayent jamais pris, est demeuré au mesme estat en quoy ils l’ont trouvé: car ils ne demolissent jamais rien des édifices & engraveures . . . Les murailles de Rhodes sont au mesme estat en quoy elles estoyent quand ils les forcèrent des mains des chevaliers. [ ] 59  Sterrett_1911_172 a group from Princeton writes: “There can be no doubt among archaeologists or historians that Asia Minor is now the most important land to explore and excavate. There is good reason to expect that the clues to the understanding of the ethnology, history and civilization of three milleniums previous to the Mycenean age will be found there. The development of municipal government under the Macedonian and Roman Empires, the conditions under which the Christian Church was organized, the origins and spread of the Byzantine culture can be studied best in Asia Minor. Only a beginning has been made of scientific explorations of this immense territory. / There is also need of haste. With the construction of the new railroad and the changed conditions of the country has come an activity in building which threatens to remove in a short time many of the most important monuments; for inscriptions and works of art alike are being used as common building material, broken into rubble, burnt for lime, or otherwise totally destroyed.” [ ] 60  Galt_1813_301 at Foscia, on Samos, enquiring about the ruins there: “Desiring Jacomo to enquire at one of the Turks about an appearance somewhat like a wall, along the face of the hills, I was amused by the Turkishness of the reply. Jacomo, as is usual with him, instead of putting a plain question, prefaced the enquiry with some observations of his own, relative to antiquities in general, the great love and esteem which the British have for them, particularly his master, and how for them only he had come on shore, &c. &c. The Turk listened to the oration with the greatest possible gravity; and when Jacomo had made an end, answered, “That he could tell nothing about the age of those walls, for they were older than him, and that we could see, as well as he, that they were very old;” adding, profoundly, “who can now tell by whom they were constructed, or for what purpose, since every one is dead that had any thing to do with them.”” [ ] 61  Hamilton_1842_II_96–97 Aidinjik: “After visiting the Agha, who received me with great civility, and wished me to buy some Byzantine coins, and sepulchral tablets with inscriptions, under the usual funereal bas-reliefs, I proceeded to explore the town. I was accompanied during part of my search by his Frank doctor, the most absolutely ignorant of the whole race of Medici whom I had met with in the East. He called himself a Frenchman, and talked of Greek inscriptions as des choses de l’Eglise, seeming to have no idea of the



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difference between a Greek temple and a Christian church. He had heard of the ruins of Cyzicus, or Bal Kiz, as the Turks call them, and believed them to be very old and built by the Genoese, because the Turks had told him so. Here were numerous fragments of columns, cornices, and marble blocks lying about in all directions, said to have been brought from Bal Kiz. / In front of one of the mosques, of which there are six in Aidinjik, were two handsome Corinthian capitals, now used as bases to the wooden pilasters of the portico. I found also a long inscription, in small characters, on a large slab in the wall of the burialground, but serving as a step for those who enter the enclosure, and consequently almost every letter is defaced.” Hamilton_1842_I_390 Nefez Kieui: “Upon the whole I waa much disappointed with these ruins. From the descriptions of former travellers I had expected something more perfect, more imposing, and in a better state of preservation; and I could not refrain from reflecting on the many disappointments which a traveller is doomed to undergo in Asia Minor. On the one hand he is told that nothing is to be seen where, perhaps, objects of the greatest interest are yet undiscovered; and, on the other, he is led to expect much in buildings which on examination prove to be of modern date. The Turks look upon him with suspicion, and being convinced that his search for antiquities is connected with a knowledge of hidden treasure, they never volunteer the truth; while the Frank doctors scattered throughout the country, knowing his weak side, invariably deceive him by boasting of their knowledge of ruins which have no existence, and by describing fragments of modern walls, or natural caverns, as splendid buildings, theatres, or temples, covered with inscriptions or supported by standing columns. There is no exaggeration in this statement, for I have frequently experienced the truth of it. But as to the site of Nefez, there can be no doubt that it was once occupied by an ancient city, though many of the remains of architecture have a very Byzantine character. The columns in the burial-ground were neither Roman nor Greek, and some of the capitals and other fragments evidently Byzantine. The coins, too, which were brought me as having been picked np amidst the ruins, with the exception of one of Angora, were of the same character.” [ ] 62  Elliott_1838_II_62: at Manisa: «The Turks are compelled to have recourse to foreigners as surgeons, since they are forbidden by their religion to dissect a body, and can therefore attain to no knowledge of surgery, and to but little of medicine. Consequently, in almost every Anatolian town the medical man is of Greek extraction, has been educated among Franks, and wears the Frank dress.” [ ] 63  Collignon_1880_for_June_1880: Dans un village d’Asie-Mineure, un enfant était malade de la fièvre; le papas n’a rien trouvé de mieux pour le guérir que de lui faire avaler les cendres d’un petit papier où il avait écrit une formule magique. Tandis que dans un village grec le didaskal ou maître d’école est souvent d’un réel secours pour le voyageur en quête d’antiquités, le papas ne sait rien. Il arrive parfois d’ailleurs que les desservans des villages, contraints parla nécessité, exercent une profession manuelle, ce qui ne profite ni à leur dignité, ni à leur instruction. [ ] 64  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_62–63: Pendant le séjour que nous fîmes a Micone, je tâchai de m’informer de quelques Prêtres Grecs, si je ne pourrois point recouvrer quelques Antiquitez par leur moyen. Et m’étant adressé à l’un d’eux, il me dit qu’il avoir caché en terre à Délos une Statue qu’il gardoit depuis quatre ans, et il ajouta que si j’avois envie de l’aller voir, & de mener avec moi du monde de nôtre Vaisseau pour la déterrer, il me conduiroit sur le lieu où elle étoit. J’en allai aussitôt informer le Commandant. Je pris donc quelques matelots avec moi, & je trouvai que c’étoit une Statuë de femme un peu moins grande que nature. C’étoit un bas relief, sur une grande pierre, & d’une allez bonne main; mais elle étoit un peu gâtée en quelques endroits. Nous convinmes du prix, et nous l’achetâmes pour nôtre Commandant qui la voulut porter en Hollande. Nous la laissâmes là, après l’avoir tirée hors de terre, â dessein dé la faire bientôt ensuite porter dans nôtre Chalouppe. Cependant, tandis que nous nous en étions allez, il y vint des gens avec la Chalouppe du Capitaine Théodore Verburg, qui étoit un de ceux qui alloient à Smyrne, Ces gens ayant trouvé nôtre Statue comme nous l’avions laissée, & s’imaginant avoir fait une



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heureuse rencontre, le mirent en devoir de la porter sur le bord de la mer pour la mettre ensuite sur leur Vaisseau. Etc etc. [ ] 65  Aucher-Eloy_1843_I_72 Ankara: Visite au monastère arménien schismatique fondé, selon la tradition, par saint Paul. Pièce de monnaie vénitienne à laquelle les moines attribuent des qualités médicinales. Tombeaux français, anglais, hollandais. Auprès du couvent, grande quantité de débris de monuments anciens qui servent de pierres tumulaires. [ ] 66  Collignon_1880–1897_79 talking with the locals at Ermenek: L’un de nos causeurs nous vante les vertus d’une médaille mystérieuse qu’il possède: posée sur la pâte, elle fait aussitôt lever le pain, et elle peut transformer immédiatement le lait le plus frais en yaourt ou lait caillé. Il nous montre sa médaille, qui est une monnaie antique, un bronze romain de l’époque impériale. Un autre nous conte l’histoire du roi des serpens (Vasileis tôn Phidiôn) caché à Constantinople, près de la mosquée du sultan Achmed. Tous les voyageurs qui ont visité Stamboul ont vu sur la place de l’At-Meïdan les débris de la colonne de Delphes, faite de trois serpens de bronze enlacés, et portant sur ses replis les noms des villes grecques qui combattirent à Salamine et à Platées. Les Grecs Byzantins la prirent pour une oeuvre du démon, et un patriarche de Constantinople la mutila à coups de hache. Aujourd’hui encore, la superstition populaire croit à l’existence d’un dragon diabolique, retenu prisonnier dans un souterrain non loin de l’ancien hippodrome. [ ] 67  Wittman_1804_60: “On the 7th, at eight in the morning, I accompanied the General and officers to Koum Kali, which we reached between ten and eleven o’clock. We there paid our respects to the Bey, Adam Oglu, governor of the four fortresses, and of the district of the Dardanelles. He gave us a very civil reception, and supplied us with horses to proceed to the village of Giawr-keuy, or Janizari Cape, built on the site of the ancient Sigaean, and standing on an eminence which commands the plain of Troy. The purport of our journey thither was to procure a very curious bas-relief, and the celebrated Sigaean inscription, for Lord Elgin, who had seen them, and was desirous to transmit them to England. To accomplish this, a firman was procured from the Capitan Pacha, who also furnished a chaous to be the bearer of it. We were not long in coming at these valuable antiquities, which we found at the entrance of a small Greek chapel. The Greeks, by whom the village was exclusively inhabited, were extremely averse to their being taken away. Their reluctance, we were told, arose from a superstitious opinion they entertained, that by touching these stones agues were cured. We were, however, more fortunate on this occasion than the Count de Choiseul Gouffier (ambassador to Constantinople 1784 to 1791) was some years before, in his attempt to remove the marble containing the Sigaean inscription. He failed, notwithstanding the firmans of Hassan Pacha, who had aided him with all his influence over the Greeks: but our chaous, with the Capitan Pacha’s firman, effected his purpose. The block of marble on which the Sigaean inscription, so frequently mentioned by antiquarians, is cut, constituted originally the pillar of an hermetic column. The words of the inscription itself are alternately written backwards and forwards, a peculiarity which denotes it to be of the highest antiquity. On the bas-relief we found five figures very finely sculptured, but the heads of which, with one exception only, were unfortunately broken off. As this curious remnant of antiquity has, as well as the Sigaean inscription, been since conveyed to England, any further details relative to it would be superfluous.” [ ] 68  Anon_antiquités_grecques_1820_41 the Sigaean Inscription: monument que plusieurs ambassadeurs des cours chrétiennes auprès de la Porte ottomane, et même l’ambassadeur de Louis XIV alors au faîte de la puissance et de la grandeur, avaient essayé en vain d’obtenir. Lord Elgin trouva que le monument servait de seuil à la porte d’une chapelle grecque, qui était fréquentée tous les jours par des personnes tourmentées de la goutte, et qui se sentant soulagées en se couchant à la renverse sur cette pierre, attribuaient leur guerison à ce marbre sacré plutôt qu’à la position élevée et à l’air de la mer qu’elles avaient l’avantage de respirer. Cette malheureuse superstition est cause que plus de la moitié de l’inscription est effacée. Encore quelques années, elle serait devenue entièrement illisible.



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[ ] 69  Sandwich_1807_291 (travelling 1738–9) the Sigaean Inscription: “The people, who arc proprietors of it, notwithstanding their extreme poverty, are resolved not to part with it upon any consideration whatever; having a superstitious tradition among them, that upon the removal of another stone of the same kind, the village was immediately attacked with a violent plague, which swept away the best part of the inhabitants. Had I imagined that I was likely to have better success than many others, who have endeavoured to tempt the people with considerable sums of money, I would have taken any method of procuring that valuable piece of antiquity.” [ ] 70  Olivier_1800_II_56 the Sigaean Inscription: Yénitcher-keui, bâti sur les ruines de Sigée, présente encore quelques vestiges de l’ancienne ville. Les curieux viennent y admirer un bloc de marbre de huit à neuf pieds de long, placé à côté de la porte d’une église: il porte une inscription grecque, presque entièrement effacée, dont les mots se suivent sans interruption, c’est-à-dire, que la première ligne va, comme chez nous, de gauche à droite, et la seconde revient de droite à gauche, et ainsi de suite jusqu’à la fin. / De l’autre côté de la porte on voit un bas-relief en marbre assez bien travaillé: il représente une femme assise, à qui d’autres femmes paraissent offrir des enfans emmaillotés: derrière celles-ci on voit une autre femme portant une boîte d’une main et un vase de l’autre. M. de Choiseul, ambassadeur à Constantinople, désirant faire enlever ces deux marbres, s’adressa à la Porte et en obtint la permission; mais n’ayant pu lever les obstacles que lui opposaient les habitans, il se contenta de faire prendre des empreintes du dernier. [ ] 71  Walpole_1817_97 from the Journals of Dr. Hunt at Sigeum, near KumKale on the Dardanelles, on the abstraction of marbles by Lord Elgin: “The sighs and tears with which the Greek priest accompanied his story did not, however, arise from any veneration he bore to the antiquity of these marbles, from any knowledge of their remote history, or any supposed relation they bore to the tale of Troy divine, but because, as he told us, his flock had thus lost an infallible remedy for many obstinate maladies. To explain this, it may be necessary to mention, that during the winter and spring, a considerable part of the neighbouring plain is overflowed, thus afflicting the inhabitants with agues; and such is the state of superstition at present among the Greek Christians, that when any disease becomes chronic, or beyond the reach of common remedies, it is attributed to daemoniacal possession. The Papas or priest is then called in to exorcise the patient, which he generally does in the porch of the church, by reading long portions of Scripture over the sufferer; sometimes, indeed, the whole of the four gospels. In addition to this, at Yenicher, the custom was to roll the patient on the marble stone which contained the Sigean inscription, the characters of which . . . were supposed to contain a powerful charm. This practice had, however, nearly obliterated the inscription.” Such beliefs are widespread even in the last century, when locals were loth to let Piero della Francesca’s Madonna del Parto out of the village of Monterchi in case anyone had any birthing difficulties. [ ] 72  Lechevalier_1791_17 a marble at Yenisehir: “But the piece of marble which exhibits the inscription, is famous among the Greeks, as a remedy of foreign efficacy in the cure of agues. They place the patient upon it, and he lies down, and rolls himself; and every body believes him cured. Meanwhile this operation gradually obliterates the precious characters of the monument, and perhaps, alas! while I am now speaking, no trace of them remains.” [ ] 73  Sterrett_1889_8: “There is a belief that pervades all classes of Turks, both high and low, that the stones which bear inscriptions have money or other treasure either inside the stones themselves, or else that the inscriptions on the stones tell where money or treasure was hid by the people who fled from their homes when the all-conquering hordes of Turks were invading the country more than four hundred years ago. Their theory in regard to the business of the Archaeologist is that he is a lineal descendant of the former inhabitants of the country, that his family has preserved throughout all these ages traditions in regard to vast treasure stowed away by them when they were compelled to abandon their former homes, and lastly, that the Archaeologist has come to search the country, find the family inscriptions that tell exactly were the treasure is hidden, and then return to the home of his adoption laden with wealth. Accordingly ignorant peasants are loth to tell of inscriptions



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in their houses, because such stones are their own individual property, and they can not bring themselves to give away a secret which may one day be converted into millions. Nothing whatever can shake their faith in this superstition. Often and often as I was busy copying or making impressions of inscriptions, a curious, suspicious mob would collect around me. As a rule I had no time to waste upon them; but presently some one would pluck up courage enough to ask me where the money was? When I intended to get it? How much it was, and whether I would not be generous enough to share my wealth with them? I always denied the existence of treasure, and explained that my business was to gather up the scattered facts of history, so that by weaving together a multitude of facts the historian might be able to give something like an accurate account of the country before it was conquered by their ancestors. This was all wasted breath; and possibly my servants pursued the wiser plan, for their aim was to get as much fun as possible out of the simple villagers, and they made it a point to tell them that there was buried treasure and that by digging they would find it. The natives have dug on their own account in innumerable places, and many ancient buildings have been brought to ruin by having their foundations undermined by these searchers after hidden treasure. In their search for buried gold they are always guided by what they call a Nishan. The word Nishan is equivalent to our word sight i. e., the sight or sights of a rifle gun. These Nishan sights are generally round natural holes in rocks, such as are often found in the limestone formation. The theory is that they point directly toward the spot where the coveted treasure lies hid. But unfortunately they only indicate accurately the direction, but not the spot itself, where lies the treasure, and it is assumed that the inscriptions, which, alas, they can not read, give the information necessary for identifying the exact spot. Accordingly they envy and hate the interloping Archaeologist, because, in their opinion, he possesses the knowledge necessary to unravel the mystery and lay hold upon the coveted treasure. / There is a Nishan sight of a different character. The ancients often made sun-dials on the walls of buildings, especially on walls that faced the marketplace. Little grooves, to mark the time of day, radiated from the dialnail. They were chiseled with care on the face of the wall. Now some of these grooves of course pointed down to the ground, and according to the prevailing superstition located exactly the spot where treasure lay buried. Knowing as I do the insane mania of the Turks on this subject, I can easily picture to myself the ecstasy of joy felt by a peasant on discovering a Nishan sight of the latter kind. He hurries home, gathers up the implements necessary for unearthing the buried gold. He works secretly, but with might and main, hoping to get it alone and unaided. He has not quite reached it. His family notices his mysterious absences; they detect and then assist him, working with fever heat in order to get the gold before the neighbors find it out. But their secrecy and their toil avail them nothing; the matter has become known to all the villagers; they turn out in a body; a great space is soon excavated at the base of the building; the wall totters; it falls, and one more memento of the mighty men of old lies prone in the dust.” [ ] 74  Reinach_1891_16 for 1883 at Lagina (SW Turkey): D’autre part, on nous signale des actes de vandalisme qui n’ont même pas pour excuse l’absurdité d’une loi prohibitive. Des savants autrichiens, ayant obtenu un fîrman pour Lagina, ont envoyé un ingénieur sur les lieux pour estimer la dépense à laquelle pourraient s’élever les fouilles et le temps qu’il faudrait y consacrer. Pendant une absence de cet ingénieur, un Turc, nous écrit-on, a brisé en mille morceaux une statue d’Apollon, la tète d’un guerrier en armure et la moitié d’une statue de femme. M. Benndorf, qui doit fouiller à Lagina en automne, perdra son temps s’il veut convaincre les Turcs que les statues de marbre ne contiennent pas d’or à l’intérieur. On ne saura jamais combien de monuments figurés sont tombés victimes de cette croyance absurde et de la loi non moins absurde promulguée en 1874. [ ] 75  Laborde_1838_50 the 1001 Churches, at Caradagh: Les Yurucks . . . prétendaient avoir vu, la nuit, dans la lumière tremblante de la lune, une longue procession de moines blancs visiter une à une les mille et une églises. A leur passage, toutes les pierres des sépulchres, toutes les colonnes des églises, toutes les statues qui jonchent le sol, se dressaient pour former une haie d’honneur et comme un rempart à cette fantastique milice. Aussitôt la procession passée, ou le jour venu, les Yurucks, donnant cours à leur fanatisme musul-



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man, auraient boulversé l’ordre de ces pierres respectueuses, mais bien en vain: car le lendemain, c’était un vendredi saint, la procession et la haie se reformèrent de plus belle. [ ] 76  Fowler_1854_308–309: “It seems astonishing, the insensibility of the Turks to those splendid remains of art which are yet to be seen amongst the ruins of their barbarous conquests. When gaping with stupid wonder on columns of temples so rich in genius, so elaborate in workmanship, that they imagine them to have been the works of genii – they burn the sculptured marble into lime with which to stucco their houses; and they look with contempt on the “Feringee” who will cross seas and mountains to get a sight of it before it is consigned to the tomb of all the Capulets, and more particularly at the toil and expense he will be at to remove it to his own country.” [ ] 77  Hasluck_1929_29: “Spoliation of churches is likewise apt to bring with it untoward results. The bey who stole the famous ‘burning stone’ of Angora went blind till he returned it, and only recovered his sight by the intercession of a sinless child.” (Lucas, Voy. dans la Grece, i, 111–12). [ ] 78  Hasluck_1929_182 venerated stones: “The selection of these stones for veneration evidently depends primarily on their unusual material. In other cases colour plays a part. Yellow stones preserved in two mosques at Constantinople (the Ahmediyyeh I and the Yeni Valideh) are held to be charms against jaundice. Analogous is the use of white stones as milk-charms, of which the semi-opaque prehistoric gems of Melos and Crete offer an excellent example. A plain white marble slab built into a church on the Cyzicene Peninsula is credited with the same property, scrapings of it being drunk in water by anxious mothers.” Ibid., 196–197: “Columnar stones are similarly brought into the pale of Islam by connecting them with saints. A good example of the plain ‘shaped stone’ class is afforded by the stones at Konia associated with the tomb of the Imam Baghevi. These are two drums of an angle-pillar from a classical colonnade. The pillar, which formed the junction between two ranges of columns set at right angles, had its two antae worked as half-columns, so that the section of each drum is heart-shaped. With the angle uppermost the two drums present some resemblance to a saddle, from which circumstance they are supposed to represent the horses of the Imam turned to stone, and cures are wrought by contact with them in the posture thus suggested. Of another columnar stone, sixteen feet high, near Koch Hisar, Ainsworth tells a pretty story to the effect that a mosque was once being erected in a neighbouring village and good Mussulmans were contributing to it by the voluntary labour of bringing stones. A pious girl was enabled by her faith to transport this huge stone to the spot where it now rests. Here a young man appeared to her and told her ‘God had accepted her services and was well pleased’: the girl died on the spot and was buried beneath the stone.” [ ] 79  Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_67 Saaret valley, ancient city of “Pyrrha” (near Antiphellus): “On our return to Isna, much anxiety was shewn by its inhabitants, to know the result of our visit to the ruins, more particularly if we had seen or obtained the treasure from the large stone, meaning the obelisk, connected with which they narrated a tradition about a man, who in attempting to break it open lost the use of one side, and subsequently died.” [ ] 80  Van_Lennep_1870_I_104 at Amasia in a mosque: “This mosque is adorned with portions of fine pillars of very ancient date. Such remains ought to be common in the ancient capital of Pontus, but the place has long been in the hands of Muslems, and those of Amasia are noted over all this part of the country for their extreme fanaticism and bigotry. They have destroyed all they could lay their hands upon. I have seen a fine piece of Mosaic that was discovered in digging a garden; but such things are now rarely found. There is a mutilated old marble sarcophagus in the street through which we were now passing. We also saw three slabs of marble with inscriptions forming the two side-posts and top of the door of a private house.” [ ] 81  Smith_&_Dwight_1834_38 Amasia: “On leaving the town, we passed an ancient building of an unusually venerable appearance, the front wall of which, surprisingly solid and thick, was entire in its ancient style, and formed a striking contrast to the coarseness and weakness of the other parts, which were of modern origin. It was doubtless an old church, which we were told in the course of the day, when inquiring for antiquities, had



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once been used by the Turks as a mosk, but was now shut up and deserted, because they found that they could not say their prayers in it!” [ ] 82  Dupré_1819_I_34a (travelling 1807–1809) Amasia: Le fameux sultan Bajazet orna cette ville d’une mosquée à deux minarets, qui porte son nom; deux superbes colonnes d’un très-beau marbre en décorent le portique. [ ] 83  Cumont_1900_138–184 for Amasia, with llustrations of spolia, including ancient architrave as lintel in the castle (157); notes 165 Les belles colonnes sur lesquelles reposent les coupoles et les portiques des djamis, supportèrent sans doute successivement le fronton d’un temple et la nef d’une église. [ ] 84  Grégoire_1909_17 Amasia: Amasie a été visitée très souvent par les archéologues, mais, dans cette importante cité où les antiquités n’ont pas été l’objet d’une destruction systématique, le sol rend au jour, de temps en temps, des souvenirs du passé. De plus, un certain nombre d’inscriptions de la ville, quoique bien connues des habitants, n’avaient pas encore été copiées par des Européens. [ ] 85  Biliotti_1874_236, Roman legionary fortress of Satala, where he spent nine days: the field in question, location of the horse’s legs, and of a bronze head now in the BM: “130 yds from the spot where the horse’s legs were found. The discoverer of the head, an old man named Youssouf, pointed out to me the exact spot where he picked it up. It was on the limits of his field, which, together with that of his neighbour Vely, occupy the centre of the platform. He told me that a little more than two years ago he was cutting a trench for watering his field, when, at a depth of about 2 ft, his pickaxe struck against a piece of metal, and in clearing the earth it proved to be the head in question, which he describes as broken at the neck, and representing a youthful woman. Together, and touching it, was the left fore-arm of a bronze statue with the hand half shut, holding, he says, a purse, but which was, perhaps, a piece of drapery. Youssouf carried the head and hand to Erzinghian for sale, but the fact of the discovery having become known to the Governor of the town, he took possession of both relics, and sent them to the Governor General of Erzeroom, his superior. They were forwarded by him to the Porte, who, I am assured, by the Government Accountant accompanying me, acknowledged their receipt. The fact of the head having subsequently passed into private hands can be taken as an instance of the little care which is bestowed by the Turkish Government on objects of art, which are taken possession of under the plea of adorning the Museum at Constantinople. Youssouf accompanied the bronze head to the capital, & was paid 8 pounds Turkish for it, a sum which, he was telling me, did not cover his travelling expenses. / The then Caimakam of Saddak sent immediately the very Accountant who was now with me to make excavations in the hope of discovering the body of the statue. He cut along the limits of Youssouf and Vely’s fields a trench about 2 yds by 20, but unsuccessfully, and removed to further explorations. Shortly after, that is about two years ago, Hassan, a young man, and owner of the field at the foot of the platform was digging up stones, when, at a depth of about 6 ft he came upon the legs of a full-size bronze horse. From this spot had been extracted the architrave, pedestal, and other blocks built in Mahmoud Aga’s house. The legs were taken possession of by the Caimakam of Kelkit, Hassan receiving nothing for them, and they were likewise sent to the Porte. Of their ultimate fate, & of that of the head, I have been able to learn nothing, although I have caused inquiries to be made at Constantinople.” [ ] 86  Morritt_1914_179 (travelling 1795) the town of Athens in 1795: “It is very pleasant to walk the streets here. Over almost every door is an antique statue or basso-rilievo, more or less good though all much broken, so that you are in a perfect gallery of marbles in these lands. Some we steal, some we buy, and our court is much adorned with them. I am grown, too, a great medallist, and my collection increases fast, as I have above two hundred, and shall soon, I hope, have as many thousands. I buy the silver ones often under the price of the silver, and the copper ones for halfpence. At this rate I have got some good ones, and mean to keep them for the alleviation of Sir Bilberry’s visits, as they will be as good playthings as the furniture and pictures for half an hour before dinner.”



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[ ] 87  Perrot_1867_106 meets a Greek shoemaker from Tinos: Se trouvant sans ouvrage, il a été passé quelques jours dans les villages qui entourent les ruines de Cyzique, et a ramassé là, sans dout à très-bas prix, un grand nombre de monnaies. [ ] 88  Hamilton_1839_137–138 Aidinjik: “The town is full of ancient fragments brought from the ruins of Cyzicus, called Balkis by the Turks, and the Agha showed me several sepulchral monuments or votive tablets with inscriptions, all from the same place, which he was anxious I should purchase, but they were not sufficiently interesting to tempt me.” [ ] 89  Banks_1912_21 at Bursa: “A merchant in the Brusa bazaars temptingly held before me a large copper coin stamped with the face of Christ. Like most Americans I was woefully ignorant of the coinage of the ancient world, and knowing nothing of the value or of the history of the coin, I purchased it for eighty cents, and believed that I was in possession of a treasure beyond price. A few days later, in the bazaars of Constantinople, I saw a duplicate of the coin, yet somewhat better preserved, and after proper bargaining, I purchased it for two cents. Though I no longer regarded the Brusa coin as a treasure beyond price, I contracted from it a disease which might be termed the “coin fever.” I began to purchase coins wholesale until I was known as the “coin man.” The small merchants brought me their stock which for years they had been gathering from the peasants; strangers stopped me on the street, and in the course of a year I found myself in possession of about five thousand ancient coins. One might suppose that to obtain such a collection would mean the expenditure of a fortune. Not at all. Frequently, I was able to purchase Roman or Greek coins for the value of their copper or silver or gold. There is no more fascinating employment, nor a better teacher of history, than the cleaning and the classifying of the coins of the ancient nations, and many a month of waiting, which otherwise would have been irksome, was thus pleasantly passed.” [ ] 90  Bean_1960_48: “The belief that writing and other marks on ancient stones indicate the position of buried treasure is still widespread in Anatolia, but more deeply rooted at Kestel than anywhere else in my experience. Time and again I was entreated to point out the right places to dig, and was offered a share of the treasure when it was found. In particular, dowel-holes with lead-channel are supposed to point in the direction of the hidden gold.” [ ] 91  Laborde_1838_35b Nous avons si souvent demandé à notre guide s’il ne connaissait pas de vieux murs, de vieilles colonnes . . . pour ne pas toujours se refuser à nos désirs, il nous promet une vieille ville, et s’engage à nous montrer lui-même le chemin . . . Il s’acquittait de sa promesse, c’étaient bien de vieux murs . . . les restes peut-être d’une de ces forteresses prises et reprises tour à tour par les Turcs et les croisés. [ ] 92  Fellows_1841_70, Mylasa in Caria in 1840: “The site of Mylasa has been covered with public buildings, and many of the stones remaining show them to have been highly ornamented. The Corinthian order seems to have prevailed; but Ionic capitals are also seen built into the walls. / The following fragment of an inscription I copied from the tablet upon a solitary Corinthian column standing conspicuously in the town. The letters have been chipped off by the present occupier of the house, through the top of which the column rises. This has been done in order to prevent the intrusion of strangers to see this relic.” [ ] 93  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_81–82 Smyrna: Lors que je demeurois à Smyrne, j’apperçus à une muraille une pierre où il y avoit quelques bas reliefs. Elle étoit sur la porte de la maison d’un Turc de qui je la voulus acheter; mais n’ayant pu convenir du prix, je remarquay quelque-tems après que cet homme, qui sans doute s’étoit fait un scrupule d’avoir une Image à sa maison, l’avoit toute gâtée. [ ] 94  Elliott_1838_II_132 Pergamon: “Immediately under the citadel are the Greek quarter and the bishop’s palace; to build which the Turks refused permission to take stones from the ruins of the acropolis, though for their own structures they have plundered them without remorse.” [ ] 95  Elliott_1838_128 Pergamon: “Not far from the bath are the ruins of a khan, whose verandah was originally supported by ancient pillars of fine granite, five on each side of the square. Eight are still standing; and in the centre is the mouth of a well, composed of



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marble beautifully chiselled; its interior surface exhibits marks of the ropes used in drawing water, which in the course of ages have worn furrows in the stone. In the same quarter of the town, six fine arches and some high walls tower above the neighbouring buildings. They seem to have belonged to an ancient temple, but we could obtain no satisfactory account of them.” [ ] 96  Henzen_1861b_226 Temple of Augustus & Rome at Ankara: Dans l’intérieur de la cella nous avons lu une longue inscription bizantine de dix neuf lignes malheureusement toutes coupées vers le milieu par la brèche qu l’a faite, il y a une vingtaine d’années, dans l’un des murs de la cella, l’imbecillité d’un imam qui avait besoin de pierres pour se bâtir une maison de campagne.  [ ] 97  Guillaume_1870–1872_353: En 1834 les restes du noble édifice ont subi une dernière injure; un des descendants de Hadji-Baïram, cheik de la mosquée, ayant besoin de marbre pour construire des bains dans sa maison de campagne, trouva tout naturel d’abattre une partie du mur de la cella, celle qui manque à l’angle S. 0.; heureusement les murs portant les plus précieuses inscriptions ont été protégés, l’un par l’angle de la mosquée dont il est le soutien, l’autre par les maisons qui lui sont adossées. Une partie seulement de l’inscription byzantine, dont il est question plus haut, fut détruite. Le cheik fut blâmé, même par ses coreligionnaires, qui nous ont dit que cet acte ne lui avait pas porté bonheur. Néanmoins les voyageurs qui viennent de temps à autre étudier l’Augusteum, ceux surtout qui, comme nous, font à Angora un séjour prolongé, ne laissent pas de les troubler, et nous avons entendu dire à certains d’entre eux que, pour être désormais plus tranquilles, ils détruiraient ce qui reste du temple. Émus de ces menaces, nous avons fait à Constantinople les démarches nécessaires pour qu’ils ne puissent donner suite à ce fatal dessein, et tout nous fait espérer qu’après tant de mutilations successives, une destruction radicale et irréparable ne viendra pas anéantir ces restes précieux. [ ] 98  Guillaume_1870–1872_351, Temple of Augustus at Ankara: Qu’est devenu tout le marbre ainsi enlevé à l’édifice? – Les colonnes, si elles étaient monolithes, comme au temple de Jupiter à Aizani, ont pu être transportées à Constantinople avec tant d’autres colonnes provenant d’édifices antiques de l’Asie Mineure, car nous n’avons trouvé dans les églises, mosquées et autres édifices d’Angora aucune colonne qui ait pu appartenir à l’Augusteum; si, au contraire, elles étaient formées de tambours surperposés, comme aux temples d’Apollon Didvme à Milet, ou de Vénus à Aphrodisias, ces tambours ont dû servir, ainsi que les autres blocs, à fabriquer de la chaux, car la contrée volcanique où était située Ancyre ne contient ni marbre, ni pierre calcaire, et la crypte chrétienne avec ce qui reste du chœur n’offre pas un morceau de marbre: tout est pierre. Cette pierre du chœur et de la crypte m’a paru tout à fait analogue à celle des libages qui forment les profondes fondations du temple. Peut-être provient-elle des fondements du mur qui terminait la cella et que les chrétiens ont détruit, comme nous venons de le voir; en effet, nous n’avons plus trouvé trace de ces fondements dans les fouilles que nous avons faites sur l’emplacement de ce mur: on avait déraciné jusqu’aux derniers blocs. [ ] 99  Texier_1862_482 Ankara: Vers le milieu du dix-huitième siècle, un pèlerin de la Mecque, du nom de Hadji-Baïram, fit élever une mosquée contiguë à l’église, que les musulmans avaient détruite. On employa pour cette construction une quantité de fragments de marbre provenant de la démolition des portiques du temple, et l’église byzantine fut convertie en cimetière pour les musulmans. Quelque déplorables pour les arts que soient les dégradations commises dans le temple d Ancyre, on ne sait si l’on doit en blâmer les auteurs, car, sans nul doute, aucune partie de ce bel édifice, ne serait parvenue jusqu’à nous. La ville d’Angora étant située sur un terrain volcanique, le marbre et la pierre calcaire sont apportés de loin, et tout ce qu’on a pu arracher des monuments antiques pour l’employer à d’autres édifices, ou même pour faire de la chaux, a été enlevé sans scrupule. La mosquée a protégé le temple, et, quoique cet édifice soit aujourd’hui sans destination, il a été respecté comme dépendance d’un monument religieux. [ 100] Jalal_A-Din_Rumi_1975, in the Mamaqib al-Arifim, quoted by S. Vryonis, Nomadization and Islamization in Asia Minor, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 29 1975, 71;



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Ramsay 1897 says much the same, 264–5: “The action of the Turks in every department of life has simply been to ruin, never to rebuild. It is not merely the cities, the buildings, and the government of old Rome that they destroyed. Their work was far more thorough and far more dangerous. They destroyed the intellectual and moral institutions of a nation; they broke up and dissolved almost the entire social fabric; they annihilated every educative and humanising influence in the land; and they brought back great part of the country to the primitive simplicity of nomadic life. There was left just enough of the ancient institutions to make an Empire possible. Had the nomadisation of Asia Minor been absolutely complete, the nation would have been reduced to a mere set of wandering tribes; and out of mere nomad tribes no articulated Empire can be built. It is literally true that the Turkish Empire stands on a pre-Turkish foundation, and is built up of scraps and fragments of the ruined Roman institutions. Just as the Turkish villager lives in a house built by a Christian mason, if he has anything better than a hut, and drinks water brought in an aqueduct made by a Christian artisan; just as the executive of Turkish administration could not be kept up without a staff of Christian subordinates to do such parts of the work as demand a little education . . .” [ ] 101  Wilson_1884_325 Wilson, during the ensuing discussion: “he saw very little chance of the introduction of any real reform in the government of the country, and he did not think it was possible for the Turkish officials to reform themselves. They were just the same now as they ever were. At Konieh he met a thoroughly educated Turkish gentleman, and when standing on the mound which partly covered the great palace of the Seljuk emperors, the Turk, after looking at the scene, said, “What have we Ottoman Turks done since we came into the country but destroy?” No man could point to any caravanserai, road, or useful building which had been made by the Ottoman Turks, except the mosques at Constantinople, and Brusa. He was sorry to say he saw no chance of any reforms being introduced into the country at present.” [ 102] Fellows 1839, 36. [ 103] Perrot_1872_I_4: Il faudrait que la science européenne eût en Orient des espèces d’inspecteurs, que la fatigue n’effrayerait pas; ils passeraient leur temps à parcourir les terres classiques, pour profiter de toutes ces chances favourables qui ne servent maintenant qu’à nous appauvrir encore en vouant à une prompte et presque certain destruction les monuments retrouvés . . . Ici [Nicomedia] il n’y avait personne pour suivre avec soin les travaux, et saisir au passage tout ce qui méritait d’être gardé. [ 104] Donkow_2004_114: “With the tightening of control over foreign powers’ explorations on the territories of the Ottoman Empire, the regulations on antiquities struck a new chord. As a consequence, the late 1880s and 1890s saw a drastically diminished ability of authorised foreign excavators to export the majority of finds made by them on Ottoman soil. Although good relations with the Sultan were one way of circumventing the legislation, its promulgation marks a growing Ottoman awareness of antiquities as a part of the national heritage. / As exportation of antiquities was at the time synonymous with archaeological endeavours, foreign institutions, in this particular case the British Museum, saw little point in continuing their work at Ephesus, knowing that they would no longer remain in possession of the unearthed objects.” [ 105] Fellows_1841_17–19 collecting antiquities at Tralles: “At Smyrna I had heard much of the statues discovered and preserved by Tahir Pasha, and of persons who had travelled thence to see them: how strange it seems that such specimens as the following should alone he prized, when the country is rich in the works of the ancient Greeks! Upon two marble blocks, apparently pedestals, which are now built into the wall on either side of the entrance to the Pasha’s house, are bas-reliefs of a low age, probably Byzantine, or perhaps as late as the Crusades: they each have a superscription . . . These were found only a few months ago, as well as several broken statues, which are preserved with great care by the Pasha, who is anxious to acquire the European taste for such things.” [ 106] Grégoire_1909_41 Sivas: Il n’y a guère d’autres antiquités à Sivas que celles qui y ont été apportées, dans ces derniers temps, des différents points du vilayet; elles sont placées



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dans le Musée de l’école Idadié. Je ferai connaître ailleurs les morceaux de sculpture qui constituent cette petite collection. Je me réserve aussi de publier les photographies que nous avons prises des chapiteaux du Ve siècle, que les Seldjoukides ont remployés dans la construction de leurs médressés. L’un d’eux porte un monogramme byzantin. Avec un croix inscrite du VIe siècle, et un fragment d’inscription plus ancienne, relative à un prise d’hypothèque, ce monogramme représente toute l’épigraphie de Sivas. [ 107] Cumont_1906_218: 218 At Sivas, Une si longue prospérité explique, mieux encore que le sac de la ville par les hordes de Tamerlan en 1400, la disparition presque complète des monuments de son histoire primitive . . . Les Seljoukides ont, comme partout ailleurs, détruit systématiquement les constructions de leurs prédécesseurs païens ou chrétiens, mais l’élégance des édifices qu’ils ont élevés fait excuser ce vandalisme. [ 108] Donkow_2004_113: “The last months of the Ephesus excavations were somewhat turbulent. In June 1873 the Imperial Ottoman Embassy in London dispatched a letter notifying the Trustees of the British Museum of a complaint addressed to the Sublime Porte by the Imperial Museum at Constantinople (LKMP 2 June 1873). The claim had been made that, contrary to the contents of the firman, which regulated the conditions under which excavations at Ephesus were carried out, and which supposedly stipulated that half of the antiquities were to be delivered to the Ottoman authorities, only a few actually reached the Ottoman government In the letter, the Trustees were asked to complete a list of all the antiquities which had been discovered in the course of the Ephesus excavations and had been transported to England. Moreover, Kostaki Musurus Pasha, the Ottoman Ambassador in London, informed them that the Governor General of Smyrna had sent a Commissioner to Ephesus with orders to prevent the destruction of the Temple of Artemis. According to the Turkish claim, the destruction was being carried out and could not be stopped as the temple was being deconstructed so that the columns could be transported to England.” [ 109] Rayet_&_Thomas_1877_II_53–4 Didyma (dug 1873ff): D’autre part, l’attitude des autorités locales turques devenait de plus en plus gênante et hostile. Il fallut donc suspendre presque complètement les travaux, faire avec le caïmacam du district le partagée de la part qui devait, d’après notre fîrman, appartenir au gouvernement ottoman, et. de celle que la loi laissait aux auteurs des fouilles. Il fallut ensuite procéder à l’embarquement le plus rapide possible des marbres restés en nos mains, et qui, par un merveilleux hasard, comprenaient tout ce que nous pouvions désirer prendre. La baie des Terres rouges. petit mouillage inconnu des navires européens, fut choisie pour l’embarquement à cause de sa proximité, et parce que, le terrain descendant en pente douce entre Hiéronda et ce point, il était facile de faire une route suffisamment résistante. / Un appontement muni d’une forte bigue fut construit a Kokkina; et un brick grec de l’île de Khios vint bravement s’embôsser à l’entrée de la minuscule baie, de manière à pouvoir filer ses chaines et faire voile en cas de gros temps subit. Les ouvriers furent divisés en escouades qui se chargèrent à prix débattu de transporter les marbres: un petit chariot, construit à Smyrne, servit à ce travail. Outre les voyages de la journée, d’autres furent faits pendant la nuit. Aussi l’embarquement de morceaux dont quelques-uns pesaient de deux à trois tonnes, fut terminé très promptement, et le brick mit à la voile. C’est alors que je quittai à mon tour Hiéronda. [ ] 110  Dennis_1883_1 sarcophagi at Clazomenae: “These sarcophagi were brought to light by accident in the summer of 1882, by peasants digging in the fields. Hearing of the discovery I made an attempt to purchase them, but before my negotiations were completed, the Ottoman authorities stepped in and appropriated the monuments, which are now lying in a porch of the Governor General’s palace, much injured by the rough handling they have received in their transport to Smyrna. / These sarcophagi possess a peculiar interest as presenting to us the only specimens of local pictorial art of an early Greek period as yet discovered on the coast of Asia Minor. It is a singular fact that no figured vases, so far as I can learn, have been disinterred on this coast, save a few of small size and insignificant character found in the Troad, and two amphorae of a late period discovered by Mr. Newton in the necropolis of Halicarnassus . . . The scarcity of such vases seems to



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suggest that these exceptions had probably been imported, as we know that Greek vases were articles of commerce in ancient times (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 46); but these sarcophagi from their size, weight, and material cannot have been other than of local manufacture and adornment.” [ ] 111  Edhem-Bey_1905_443. [ ] 112  Dussaud_1928_137 On sait que, sous l’ancien régime, les monuments anciens étaient laissés à l’abandon et que nombre d’entre eux sont aujourd’hui en piteux état. Le Ministère de l’Instruction publique d’Angora vient de décider qu’une mission composée de hauts fonctionnaires turcs visiterait les centres artistiques de l’Anatolie, opérerait le classement méthodique des édifices et édicterait les mesures nécessaires pour leur conservation, II faut féliciter le gouvernement turc d’entreprendre cette tâche méritoire, parce que coûteuse et de longue haleine, mais urgente. / La direction de cette mission d’études a été confiée à notre savant compatriote, M. Gabriel, professeur à l’Université de Strasbourg, actuellement en mission à Stamboul. Dès maintenant, par Angora, Gésarée et Siwas, est commencée l’exploration méthodique de la Cappadoce et du Pont. [ ] 113  Picard_&_Plassart_1913 Of the ten sarcophagi studied, numbers 1–6 inclusive are labelled A Smyrne, dans le commerce, and 10 Au musée du Cinquantenaire de Bruxelles . . . provenance: Clazomènes? (acheté à Paris en 1912).

Section Two

The Western Impact

chapter seven

The demands of modernity: Filching the Building-Blocks of the Ancient World The Nineteenth-Century Building Surge and Its Consequences This chapter marks the increased level of destruction that inevitably followed the Ottoman Empire’s espousal of modernity, and the rise of archaeology.1 It is the nineteenth-century surge in building, because of a rising population, especially in the interior,2 that proved most destructive to antiquities. This did not entail building exactly like the ancient Romans, but simply re-using their materials and erecting lime-kilns to manufacture the necessary mortar, most easily derived from marble, since no industrialised processes were available and in any case lime-burning was generally small-scale and local. Recycling became necessary when a western-like vision of modernity (explicated by western advisors military and civil) mandated a whole series of previously unknown building-types, from barracks and banks to city squares, roads, railways and railway stations, just as it did in Europe and America. Books and photographs provided images of the up-to-date West, so that even small towns began to imitate the architecture, just as did Constantinople or Cairo. However, constructing modernity from the ground up, as it were, namely by opening quarries, could not be done because insufficient roads and poor communications meant very high transport costs. Durliat illustrates this over several centuries. Under the Edict of Diocletian, not only did the cost of corn double for every 220 kilometres of land transport; but then road services declined, for Justinian suppressed the cursus publicus in Asia Minor – the Imperial reason, as it were, for the maintenance of good road communications.3 This action also put farmers along the way out of a living, for they lived far from the sea, and could not pay their taxes: “On ne saurait mieux dire que le commerce à l’intérieur des terres

1 Thomas 2004 for the intersection of archaeology and modernity, especially 1–34, 35–54. 2 Quataert 1994, 777–797 with tables. 3 Kolb 2000, 49–226.

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était impossible et inexistant.”4 Later farmers must have encountered similar problems, as did anyone wishing to build; for Asia Minor probably suffered from a shortage of quarrying skills. And, in any case, why bother, when abundant supplies of locally-sourced antiquities were frequently to hand? Foreign Looting Shrinks: From Marble to Terracotta Travellers, especially those paid for by a state organisation, were of course expected to return home with antiquities, as we have already seen. Indeed, part of modernism for Westerners was precisely the stocking of museums, not just proving their own taste but frequently advancing what they saw as their country’s struggle against competitors. In France, for example, over 6,000 objects entered the Royal Collections and then the Louvre from the seventeenth century.5 In the seventeenth century, Colbert (the French Minister of Finance 1665–1683) had asked for medals and manuscripts, for descriptions of buildings old and new, and for plans and elevations of ruined ones. Statues and bas-reliefs of quality were also to be collected where possible, knowing travellers crossing any necessary palms with silver, and having them sent back to France: S’il rencontre aussy parmi ces ruines anciennes des statues ou bas-reliefs, qui soyent de bons maistres, il tachera de les avoir et de les remettre entre les mains de ces correspondants, pour estre envoyez icy, ce que quelquesuns, qui ont voyagé depuis peu en ces pays là, ont rapporté pouvoir estre fait facilement, témoignant de trafiquer et négotier en ces sorte de curiositéz, et faisant quelque petit présant à ceux qui ont les principales charges des lieux où elles se rencontreront.[1]

Colbert set the dragnet-standard by which French travellers, with lists of desiderata, were to be sent East to gather antiquities for the State, and he thought big, as we can see. But over the following two centuries the looting generally shrank in scale, partly because all the obvious large antiquities had already been removed or destroyed, and then because regulations prevented overt (if not covert) export. In any case, if Colbert 4 Durliat 1990, 514–515. 5 Martinez 2009–2010, 194: même si une partie de ces collections a été constituée grâce aux circuits d’acquisitions habituels (collectes des voyageurs et collectionneurs, antiquaires et marchands, diplomates et militaires, architectes et ingénieurs, historiens et archéologues), la part d’objets provenant de fouilles (Tarse, Myrina, Phocée, Éléonte) est beaucoup plus importante que pour d’autres régions du bassin méditerranéen.



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was collecting for the glory of the state, scholars were more interested in tabulating and cataloguing the remains of the ancient world, and these were often small-scale, as in the objects illustrated by Caylus who, in the 1750s, says that when he began his Recueil d’antiquités it was to complete Colbert’s work: “il résolut d’achever l’ouvrage projetté par M. Colbert, & de le dédier à la mémoire de ce grand Ministre.”[2] He was certainly in touch with the French Ambassador at Constantinople, the comte de Castellane, who wrote to him about the exploratory journey (a mere six days) which Peyssonnel made on his behalf in 1746, providing him with a text and illustrations of sites and monuments: “du côté de Nicomédie et de Nicée, lui a donné lieu de faire des découvertes sérieuses sur l’ancienne géographie, dont il a donné une relation, ornée des dessins, tant des vues des lieux où il a passé, que des monumens qu’il y a observés.”[3] Peyssonnel was named consul at Smyrna in 1768, and was soon sending antiquities back to France.[4] By the nineteenth century even small objects for carrying back to Europe were acceptable, “qui s’offriraient à lui dans les fouilles qu’il ferait exécuter ou que les hasards du voyage feraient tomber entre ses mains,” as Walckenaer and Raoul-Rochette so charmingly put it in the instructions they issued to Anger in 1850,[5] perhaps a broad hint to get hold of as much as possible. Prohibiting the export of antiquities has been suggested as the most significant contribution made by the Ottomans to archaeology.6 Since the introduction of antiquities laws, firmans would no longer be issued for unrestricted export of antiquities, which disappeared with increasing rapidity into new building rather than into the holds of foreign ships. Of course, as we saw in the previous chapter, government regulations were formulated to deal both with foreign scavengers and with the safeguard of antiquities. But Asia Minor remained a long way from Constantinople. Thus the French at least were well aware of what happened to antiquities when roads were punched through ancient sites, as Texier notes for the Algeria of the 1840s – even though “les instructions du ministre de la guerre s’opposent, en général, à la destruction des monuments antiques.”[6] But of course, opposing destruction “in general” allowed plenty of leeway “in particular.”

6 Özdogan 1998, 115: “The major difficulty in the implementation of this law was the attitude of the Western archeologists and diplomatic services, not only because they wanted to enrich the museums of their own countries, but because they considered the Turks ineligible to possess such collections.”

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It was certainly the foreigners who were keen to exploit the antiquities trade, well into the twentieth century, the American consul to the Dardanelles being amongst them, obtaining vases and terracottas from illicit excavations.[7] Why bother with large marbles when terracotta souvenirs were available? They were small, light in weight, easily concealed, and every one was an original copy, so to speak. In 1882 Reinach and Pottier protested against the undisciplined grave-robbing at Myrina (for terracotta figurines, which were very popular, such as those from Tanagra, an important ancient site),[8] and how little information was committed to paper. They then published their findings from the 965 tombs at Myrina they excavated between July and October 1880[9] – fast work indeed, and no doubt done with extreme care! This speed might have been in knowledge that the Turks were developing strict regulations against the export of antiquities; these were promulgated in 1885, and of them the American Journal of Archaeology suggested with some understatement in that same year that it “may not be superfluous to call the attention of our readers.”[10] The authorities were soon confiscating from foreigners works they had bought locally, and illegally; the same periodical notes ten years later that “Turkey will soon be a closed country to the archaeological amateur. At Kutahiyeh, in Asia Minor, the authorities have seized, on the premises of a foreigner, a carved marble slab he had purchased from a native. This has been sent to the Museum at Constantinople.”[11] This represented a big change from the 1850s, when the town was awash with figured bas-reliefs.[12] In their search for souvenirs they could carry home without raising official suspicion, not only the statuettes mentioned above appeared as attractive, but even smaller pieces. Classic examples of crass destruction were no doubt frequent, but few has the chutzpah of Scott-Stevenson to write about them, as when in 1881 she sought tiles from the ruinous Palace in Konya. This was certainly in a very bad state, and admittedly the locals were simply not interested; but her attitude is shameful, as barbarity and humbug are mixed with unctuous concern, as she and her husband nevertheless made off with their “beautiful relics”: Andrew climbed up to the top of the ruin to break off some of the tiles for me, and the zaptiehs from below at once commenced to throw up stones, not caring how many they broke off for us. One of them went up with my husband and offered his bayonet to unfasten them. They are embedded very firmly in a strong cement, and it is most difficult to get them out, without breaking the stars and globes . . . / No attempt has been made to save these beautiful relics. We were allowed to knock down a large mass of stone, so as to try and get a few of the tiles out intact The ground below is covered with



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hundreds of broken pieces, and in a few years not a vestige of the building will be left.[13]

We should not assume that attitudes to the looting of antiquities changed decisively with no looking back, for we find archaeologists still, in “unashamed quest of forbidden things,” taking away material in the early twentieth century. Hogarth wrote as follows of the locals at Antalya in 1910: “though they knew well enough that men of English speech had weighted the scale against their creed in Crete, they showed no rancour towards us, but were glad to trade in ancient coins and scarcely younger eggs. They bethought them, too, of other antiques in marble and terracotta, which they had found while collecting stones from Side, or turning its soil with their spades; and in the event, we spent some exhilarating hours in unashamed quest of forbidden things.”[14] Hogarth, then, a supposedly responsible archaeologist, was paying locals to loot local sites, perhaps specifically on his behalf. Looting by Locals Intensifies If foreigners had been responsible for most of the earlier looting (except for the gathering of building materials), the boot was now on the other foot, as the locals soon learned what was valuable and, because some of them would have been recruited as labourers on archaeological excavations, developed a good eye for the underground ancient landscape, and knew where to look for profitable material. Training the locals therefore “modernized” them, and acquainted them with western technologies. But such training was a two-edged sword in archaeology, as it provided them with expertise in values as well as techniques. (The French army had a similar but much more dangerous experience when some of their members, fighting in SE Asia but born in Algeria, joined the FLN upon returning to their homeland.) Unfortunately, just as Constantinople had been distant from Asia Minor and little concerned for its antiquities, the new capital at Ankara was equally unable to protect all antiquities in Asia Minor, for there were simply too many sites to provide with guards. As late as 1953, Louis Robert visited Amyzon, where the site’s protective solitude was now being disturbed by an encroaching population: “la ruine, si longtemps préservée dans la solitude, était gravement menacée.” For he immediately came across a workman demolishing a Byzantine wall containing inscriptions, and then a dozen lime kilns. He reported the problem at Aydin, and suitable orders were given to gendarmes some two hours distant to get rid of lime-kilns

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and deter marble workers: “il fut ordonné au poste de gendarmerie situé à deux heures de la ruine d’empêcher tout fonctionnement des fours à chaux, toute activité des marbriers et de faire des tournées fréquentes sur les lieux.”[15] But overseeing such remote sites was of course near impossible, the more so since improved communications, better transport and an increasing population ensured the continuing whittling away of antiquities.7 This was especially the case around Asia Minor’s western and southern coasts from the 1960s, when a growing tourist industry highlighted key sites (Ephesus, Perge, Side) while other, smaller groups of ruins simply disappeared. Furthermore, post-war scholars have identified what has been called the “culture of looting” in Lydia,8 itself a spin-off from tourism. Thus in 1970 it was noted of Rough Cilicia that this rugged country is being opened . . . with a speed which astonishes [and gives details] . . . Alanya is now being rapidly developed as a tourist centre. These changes have repercussions on our work: ruins long protected by their remoteness or difficulty of access are now being quarried methodically for cut stone; and there is known to us no site of any significance in all this country which has not become in these few years the stamping ground of village excavators in search of statuary or coins to sell to dealers for the tourist trade.9

War: Armies Devour Antiquities The Crimea Armies have often looted, but the enlarged scale of war in the nineteenth century, with the obnoxious example of Napoleon before them, created havoc across many ancient landscapes, not least because of the earthmoving required for forts, artillery positions, and support and supply buildings. By their very nature, modern armies impose modernity, and this is best demostrated outside Asia Minor, by Russian incursions into the Crimea long before the Crimean War.10 This itself devastated several ancient sites, but the Russians had obliterated (and this is not too strong a word) the major remains of Greek colonies there long before that con7 Quataert 1994, 798–823 for transportation in the 19th century. 8 Roosevelt and Luke 2006. 9 Bean and Mitford 1970, 2–3. 10 Haule 2004 for a selection of reports on Russian incursions and their effects, before, during and after the Crimean War.



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flict. Judging from the track-record of other invaders or immigrants into Asia Minor (the Seljuks, or the Circassians), we might have expected the remains of the past to be incorporated into new buildings. In the Crimea, large antiquities went into quays or barracks, and looted treasures went back to St. Petersburg. Any already-reused antiquities probably disappeared at this time. Hence at Chersonesus Taurica (near Sebastopol) we might have expected the Turkish mosques to contain reflections of the Greek city in their marbled mosques, and in earlier centuries the area must have been rich in marble,[16] as well as in ancient field-systems.[17] War also revealed antiquities, as happened during the First World War at Thessaloniki, when an 80,000-strong French and British army dug in, and occupied several ancient sites.11 The death-blow to Chersonesus’ prosperity was delivered as early as the thirteenth century, when it declined from trade to agriculture.12 In consequence its monuments mouldered. In the same region Caffa/Theodosia had monuments to plunder in 1816: “During the time we remained, soldiers were allowed to overthrow the beautiful mosques, or to convert them into magazines, to pull down the minarets, tear up the public fountains, and to destroy all the public aqueducts, for the sake of a small quantity of lead, they were thereby enabled to obtain . . . While these works of destruction were going on, the officers amused themselves in beholding the mischief  ”[18] – the lead being needed to cast bullets. By 1830 little was left, except for mediaeval fragments.[19] Dismantling the Genoese fortress here, and thereby losing its built-in antiquities, probably happened in the early nineteenth century. The work caused landslips and floods, and ruined houses in the town below.[20] While colonies like Phanagoria had already vanished into an earlier nineteenth century fortress,[21] the same might be said of Sinope, where re-used antiquities, already going by 1800,[22] were to be seen in the 1830s, both in the walls[23] and in the town itself,[24] but had vanished 70 years later.[25] There is evidence that antiquities were sought there for extraction to England, but there was nothing suitable to be found.13 Some of this destruction was mere devilment, and not even across religions, as it were, 11   Chairi 2004. 12 Bortoli 2002 for the Chersonesus: this declined during the 13thC with the installation of the Tatars, and the place became agricultural rather than trading. 13 Martin 1998, 177, quoting one of several reports from Roe to Buckingham in 1627: “At Bursia [Bursa] I lost my labour and expence, not having found one head nor foote. And from Sinope and Amasia, ther is nothing come but advice of a tombe, which, if it could be gotten, is too heavy for any engine to carry to the sea.”

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such as simply smashing floor slabs in a church at Sudjak Kaleh.[26] More directed was the transport of antiquities in seven arabas to Russia, which Viquesnel recounts in 1868. Presumably the Russians bought antiquities collected by the inhabitants, such as statues from gardens: “Il parait que les Russes ont empli sept arabas avec les antiquités les plus précieuses et les ont emmenés en Russie. A notre passage, Férat bey possédait dans son jardin des statues, des bases, fûts et chapiteaux de colonnes. Quelques habitants de la petite ville avaient, les uns, des têtes; les autres, des bustes ou parties de statues trouvées à Viza.”[27] Ancient Columns and Gunpowder Projectiles Antique Columns into Projectiles One direct re-use of antiquities to service modern military technology is the carving of stone projectiles out of marble or granite column-shafts. The use of similar projectiles is ancient: Pergamon has a store of them,14 and their use antedates the introduction of gunpowder weapons by at least a millennium. Mechanically thrown, such projectiles (some of them weighing well over 500 kilogrammes) were used in trebuchets as “smashers” to attack fortress walls or, in smaller calibres, by defendants. When fired from gunpowder cannon such missiles destroyed sufficient of the millenarian walls of Constantinople to allow Mehmet the Conqueror to enter in 1453. These very large calibre guns consumed enormous quantities of marble and granite ammunition;15 at Rhodes, for example, where some of the guns fired iron balls, Le Brun in 1725 counted 640 cannon, including several very large ones.[28] Western armies and navies also used stone ammunition (not always cut from antiquities). Venice was using stone balls well into the seventeenth century and perhaps much later, probably cutting them from antiquities easily gathered by her galleys in the Greek islands. Marble and granite were better than mere stone, and we have a record of Sultan Alaeddin in 1221 specifying marble for his projectiles for the siege of Alanya.16 We should also emphasise that in the East carving projectiles from marble or granite was preferred to using iron balls.[29] These it would have been 14 Kretzschmer 1978, fig. 156 Pergamon munitions store, with 894 stone balls of up to 73kg, 3rdC BC. 15 Greenhalgh 2009. 16 Redford 1993, 149.



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impossible to discharge from immense cannon given the far greater amount of gunpowder that the weight of an iron ball required to expel it at speed. As an aside, we might note that saltpetre (nitre) was needed for the manufacture of powder, and was generally scraped off old walls. It was therefore often harvested at antique sites, such as the vaultings of the amphitheatre at Nicaea,[30] within old fortress walls, as at Kara Bounar,[31] perhaps from Tyana’s ruins,[32] or at the village of Bor, which sat on top of the mound of an antique settlement.[33] The Dardanelles Guns Westerners approaching Constantinople were obliged to pass in front of the guns of the various forts on the European and Asian shores, and could count them and observe their operation through telescopes. There were great lines of fortresses in both the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, their numbers varying but always large. Keppel in 1831 listed 689 guns;[34] over the whole transit, one traveller reckoned in 1875 that any ship faced at least 822 guns.[35] Such large projectiles were certainly in use at the Dardanelles by the 1620s,[36] and probably earlier – perhaps soon after the Conquest. Sensibly, these guns were much feared.[37] They sank ships,[38] the consequences of not heaving-to could be disastrous,[39] and the gunners conducted target-practice against sailing targets.[40] The best-known sites for giant cannon and marble balls are Canakkale and the Dardanelles, for all travellers heading for Constantinople by sea had to pass through this choke-point strait, 1.2 kilometres wide at its narrowest point. Here alone Stochove counted a large number of cannon in 1643,[41] and Gédoyn was told in the 1620s that they had only three artillerymen to service two hundred guns.[42] Placed on a slant so as not to destroy the opposing fortress,[43] many of these guns consumed enormous quantities of powder (at least 175 pounds) and very large shot.[44] At various times, travellers crawled inside them, and they offered a cosy shelter in which the gunners could eat lunch.[45] The Turks saluted foreign ships, and the foreign ships returned the salute, with the difference that the Turks shotted their guns (probably originally imitating a French practice). The balls could be seen bouncing across the Straits in a manoeuvre supposedly (but not in fact) invented by Lord Nelson. So all ships sailing up or down the Dardanelles could see and hear this implied threat in action. Nor could ships sneak through unseen at night, since the straits were lit; and the guns, permanently trained for one trajectory, fired when a ship’s shadow clipped the light.[46] These

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gleaming projectiles (so dangerous and damaging to each shore that the proprietors were tax-exempt)[47] formed a pretty sight, as Galland remarked in 1672/3, bouncing across the water, but only if they were not aimed at your vessel.[48] The Turks certainly loved some of the guns, especially one brass screw-together antique,[49] versions of which can be inspected in the Military Museum in Istanbul, and in the Royal Armouries at Portsmouth, England. Six or seven would be used in a practice session after mosque on Fridays, a scene Fellows describes in 1839: “seven or eight balls were dancing in the sea at the same time before any report was heard, producing an extremely singular effect.”[50] For MacGill in 1808, “the innumerable and beautiful columns which once covered its surface, have by degrees been almost entirely destroyed for that purpose.”[51] The grander the travellers, the more potentially dangerous was the transit. Ambassadors probably got the most salutes; and if Choiseul-Gouffier’s salute, with 30 shots,[52] was typical, commercial vessels received many fewer.[53] Trying to dodge the guns was a dangerous game: Stratford Canning tried to run through without heaving to, received a ball, and went ashore in full admiral’s dress to compliment the Pasha on the quality of his gunners[54] – sang froid in silk stockings, to amend Napoleon’s rather more colourful characterisation of Talleyrand. Sources for Projectiles Simple mathematics adduces a heavy depletion of antiquities to make the projectiles, Perrot even wondering if this is what happened to the massive column drums at Cyzicus.[55] The fact that such stone-projectile guns (some large ones) were also still used on nineteenth-century Turkish ships (one of which Keppel inspected in 1831)[56] meant that they could re-supply stocks from ancient sites around the seabord of the eastern Mediterranean. Masons could shape them on board, whereas iron balls had to be prepared at a foundry, and were in any case subject to rust,17 the chipping and chiselling of which was one of the least-appreciated tasks in the Royal Navy. Granite and marble projectiles for the Dardanelles were conveniently obtained from nearby Alexandria Troas.[57] Here, small bullets were also cut from sarcophagi, just as larger projectiles were cut from column-shafts.[58] And here, in the early nineteenth century, along with architectural members for modern building projects,[59] the projectiles were seen sitting in piles,[60] provoking one traveller in 1856 to flights of 17 Greenhalgh 2009.



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fancy, “only waiting the gaping gun to go on its errand of ruin.”[61] Given that cutting the balls was evidently a local industry,[62] for Lechevalier had seen it in progress in the 1780s,[63] it is perhaps natural that they were to be found scattered all over the Plain of Troy.[64] Anything else re-usable was shipped to Constantinople.[65] Camels were apparently the main means of transport along this coast,[66] but the giant projectiles for the Dardanelles guns must have gone by ship. Other Large Guns A similar setup was to be seen at other points in the Ottoman Empire. Arriving in the Gulf of Smyrna, Le Brun noted that the Turks warned their Captain to set his vessel out of the way to avoid accidents, and “en avoient auparavant fait avertir nôtre Commandant, afin qu’il fît retirer son Vaisseau à l’un des côtez, pour prévenir les inconvénients qui en pourroient arriver.”[67] Gunners then proceeded with a demonstration of firepower. This would have been extensive since at least one of the guns at the entrance to the Gulf was enormous.[68] At Constantinople itself, there were guns and piles of projectiles in several locations, perhaps descendants of those Gyllius had seen there centuries before.[69] In 1814, Ali Bey saw giant cannon at Seraglio Point, and some of the guns were supposedly brought as trophies from Damascus,[70] obviously to protect the palace.[71] Maurand had seen a large collection of big guns there in 1544,[72] presumably part of the Sultan’s siege train. Marble balls were still being stocked near the Constantinople Arsenal in 1829,[73] supposedly brought under semi-forced labour from Alexandria Troas.[74] Similar cannon were to be found all over Asia Minor and North Africa, such as in the siege-guns to attack Ayas.[75] Forts using them were still being refurbished in the middle of the nineteenth century, as in the Bay of Smyrna, at Sanjak Bomou[76] and at Vourla.[77] Modern Nineteenth-Century Warships Encounter Marble Technology Modern warships were the technological wonders of the age, the largest and most complicated killing machines ever seen, and the very picture of western arrogance and gigantism. How did they fare against the “backward” Turks, their crews no doubt confident of their ships’ power? Not well. When fired in earnest (and in spite of confident European assertions that they were useless),[78] Turkish giant cannon could kill a lot of people, and wreak havoc to the vessels which carried them. Their use provides

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perhaps the only instance where home-grown Turkish technology, helped by plentiful antiquities, could face down the most modern European warships. Thus during the ill-fated Duckworth expedition of 1807 to intimidate the Turks at Constantinople, the daredevil Sir Sydney Smith attacked and burned an inshore squadron, with a detachment of marines spiking the guns of the adjacent battery. But the action was damaging, with one ball killing seven crew,[79] as his 1807 report to Admiral Duckworth makes clear.[80] Duckworth should have known better: one shot in 1807 killed “nearly sixty” men on a British 74, the Standard.[81] This was an equivalent carnage equivalent to the raking broadside of a ship of the line at Trafalgar. One Greenwich Pensioner, who had both legs blown off as a result of such a cannon-shot, knew their effectiveness very well.[82] Indeed, the confident Sydney Smith might have remembered that what goes up (the Straits) has to come down again. Thus even more damaging was the attack on the ships as they passed back down the Dardanelles,[83] the balls travelling so slowly that their gyrations could easily be tracked.[84] Certainly, and just as had done the Venetians several centuries earlier, the foreign navies of the early nineteenth century collected spent balls as souvenirs. A generation later, the guns that attacked Duckworth in 1807 were still being pointed out,[85] possibly because one of the projectiles that had landed on his squadron went back to Portsmouth as a trophy.18 Another went to adorn the gateposts of an English country house.[86] Even in demonstration mode they killed, as when the Turks were trying to convince the British in 1804 that their shot could indeed reach across the strait, and killed a family of three on the opposite shore.[87] The Europeans should have been convinced by the number of guns covering the narrow straits, and the weight of shot they threw. As late as 1852, the Turks just after sunset fired on a ship flying an ambassador’s flag, and evidently thinking the low light would enable them to sneak past; but the shot caused the ship to veer and embed itself in a sandbank.[88] Advantage, Turkey Once again, simple mathematics convinces us of the effectiveness of these archaic (in the correct sense?) projectiles. That is, as already stated, a single giant marble cannon ball was worth almost a ship’s broadside in 18 Zorlu 2008, 189–90 note 317 on Duckworth’s Dardanelles expedition of 1807: “One of the cannonballs was brought back to Portsmouth as a trophy because of its epic quality.”



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the period of the Napoleonic Wars. A French 118–gun ship of about 1800, for example, shipping 16 36lb cannon, 17 twenty-four-pound cannon, and 17 twelve-pound cannon, could fire a broadside of 582 kilograms, hence perhaps 5.5 tons of metal in an hour. An 80–gun or a 74–gun ship would manage 452 kilogrammes and 378 kilogrammes respectively.[89] But this was in fine weather for, with the lowest gun-ports closed and hence with the heaviest guns out of action, the broadside was much less powerful. In response, and firing from such a stable (even if immoveable) platform, the Turks could fire a marble projectile of nearly 300 kilograms judged to hit a vessel between wind and water. And although the snag was the long time taken to reload (which even an ordinary ship’s guncrew could manage in under five minutes, and a well-trained one in ninety seconds), this was not in fact important given that Canakkale mounted over a dozen of these large guns. According to Baratta, writing in 1831, these monsters had by that date nearly all been replaced by smaller, more modern pieces;[90] but the fact that he describes them as “pressoche inutili” suggests he has little experience of them. On the contrary, the British Admiralty seemed to think the batteries were still active in 1882, and warned against them: “The only guns now mounted are in a stone and earthen battery under the keep, where eight enormous bronze guns of ancient date are placed.”[91] Nor did the thirst for marble projectiles diminish until toward the end of the nineteenth century. In 1790–91 alone, 610 large marble projectiles were ordered from Marmara for naval guns,19 though whether quarrycut or from antiquities is unclear. On a crude measure of six projectiles per column-shaft, this would account for over one hundred columns; if, on the other hand, blocks were the material cut by the masons, then we must expect many pedestals, altars and the like to have been cut in their manufacture – and perhaps a few heads from statues (conveniently preshaped, as it were) to have been refashioned as well. What is likely is that the armourers knew that whereas projectiles cut from good marble or granite would smash a wall, and not break up, balls cut from decayed columns would behave like canister-shot, as Clarke observed in 1817.[92] This was either a good or a bad thing, depending on what was being attacked:

19 Zorlu 2008, 189 note 316: “In 1790–91 stonemasons in the Marmara region were ordered to cut, prepare and send 610 large marble cannonballs for naval guns. Five hundred and fifty kurus were paid just for workers cutting marbles . . . Marble shells with diameters of 65, 44 and 22 were also demanded from the Marmara islands in 1792–3 for the new galleons, whose construction nearly came to be completed at the Tersane-i-Amire. Two hundred marble shells from each of the above-mentioned diameters were needed.”

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useless against walls, fragmenting shot was ideal against wooden ships, when it did indeed behave like canister shot, invented as an anti-personnel weapon, and frequently used at sea in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Columns as Guns, Ammunition or Decoration Quite the strangest and most dangerous re-use of antique column-shafts was to bore them out and use them as gunpowder cannon. (If this seems a tedious task to perform, even more so was it to hollow out a shaft for use as a horse-trough,[93] or indeed to aggregate shafts together to form a larger trough).[94] The Turks had a whole battery of marble-shaft cannon at Pergamon, where they were seen by Morritt in 1794.[95] Arundell saw them in 1828,[96] but the whole battery was being dismantled by 1838[97] and, by the time Durbin visited in 1845, only one marble cannon remained.[98] Clearly, some locals saw nothing strange about marble cannon: for at Kutayha in 1896, the shafts protruding from the fortress walls, “qui s’avancent pareils aux pièces d’une batterie,” just like a battery of cannon, so that a local Greek wanted to know whether these were indeed the cannon of the ancients.[99] Denon in 1803 made a similar but whimsical point about the walls of Alexandria.[100] Just as column-shafts could be used to decorate walls, so also could marble shot, notably in the Gallipoli Peninsula fortress of Kilitbahir, opposite Canakkale. And as one might expect, marking their greatest feat against the Byzantine Empire, large projectiles were to be found at Constantinople where, at Top Kapi, as Porter remarks, “In this course they will meet with several mosques, some Greek churches and ancient cisterns. Over the gate-way, they will observe some large marble cannon balls, covered with Arabic or Turkish inscriptions.”[101] Buildings for the Modern State New technologies were required for the efficient working of the modern Ottoman State. But the large amount of construction required often involved recycling antiquities, because so few stone-quarries were available, let alone transport from quarry to building-sites. Factories arrived in Asia Minor in the nineteenth century, as they did in Egypt and, as in Egypt, they were generally built with whatever came to



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hand, including antiquities. At Akhissar, prosperous and growing by the 1830s, antiquities were everywhere: “Fragments of ancient pillars abound in every direction, here supporting the tottering roof of a stable or private house, there forming the doorposts of a Turkish bath or mosque. On one of these columns, which sustains the verandah of a cotton manufactory, is a very legible inscription in Greek and Latin.”[102] A cotton factory at Aydin had eight inscriptions in its walls.[103] At Ilghin, Anderson managed to copy some inscriptions before antique materials were used in a new government building.[104] Barracks were needed for Turkey’s growing army, and then for her participation in the First World War, when the existing one sited at Bandirma, conveniently close to Cyzicus, was to be expanded. Naturally, the builders cast covetous eyes on the ruins, but were partly outflanked by the Directorate of the Imperial Museums, who left an inspector on site. He only allowed pieces “without value” to be carried off: “elle chargea l’architecte du district de Karassi, dont dépend Panderma, de rester en permanence à Cyzique, pour inspecter les travaux, en n’autorisant que l’enlèvement des marbres sans valeur.”[105] Just what constitutes a “marbre sans valeur” is a philosophical question which no doubt got lost in the brutality of necessity, just as it did in Algeria, where blocks had only to be certified as valueless to disappear into new constructions – an expeditious dodge. Utility (or rather lack of it) was the convenient concept which researchers could feed back to the Porte when they wanted a firman; this happened when in 1842 the Prussians sought to carry off a wall near Kassaba[106] – just conceivably the one noticed by Hamilton.[107] Inspectors could therefore sometimes be seen as facilitators of destruction, rather than always preventing it. Further away from the capital, at Antioch, Ibrahim Pasha built barracks and a palace, from antique materials. These were unfinished, and their materials (“these ill-fated buildings were raised from materials, taken by the Pasha, from the ancient walls and fortifications of the city”) were then incorporated into barracks needed for the Crimean War.[108] The use of “ancient walls,” as distinct from the city walls, presumably meant dismantling some still-part-standing ancient buildings. Certainly, the modern town is almost devoid of antiquities. Hospitals were also a sign of modernity, and Abydos was given one by the early 1850s. In the late 1850s Senior found the whole ground “covered with fragments of Greek pottery,” and relates that the military earthworks on the promontory uncovered a marble throne – naturally, the one Xerxes sat upon! – “they found a marble chair and an inscription, by which

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Xerxes grants some privileges to the town of Abydos. The Turks broke up the chair, and have lost the inscription.”[109] There was also a “throne” at Lampsacus, presumably from a church, but now used by the imam: “des tables de marbre blanc, disposées comme pour servir de sièges; et, à l’extrémité, sur une base élevée, on voit une espèce de chaire à prêcher, également en marbre blanc.”[110] New ports: Except for Smyrna, the west coast of Asia Minor was deficient in useful ports, as a 1911 military assessment noted.[111] Although we have already addressed the part-survival or degradation of some ancient ports, new ports were necessary to deal with nineteenth-century goods because modern ships had a greater capacity than ancient ones, and a deeper draught. Presumably because foreign traders found ancient ports clogged or otherwise unusable, some new ports had already been made during the later Middle Ages, such as Port Genevois, near Cnidus.[112] Suitable quays were also needed, to deal with any loading/unloading machinery. The logical extension of roads and railways, new ports were generally built near ancient ones but, for various reasons, not on top of them. Ports once prosperous in ancient times were now to decay further because they could not be re-worked in order to build modern facilities; thus Mersin was to replace Pompeiopolis, and Kusadasi Ephesus. For Pompeiopolis, the change came in the later nineteenth century. In 1811, it had mosques and houses,[113] and a population which later decamped to Mersin, presumably because the harbour at Pompeiopolis was no longer operational. Payas may have been working in a small way in the 1840s, exporting wood to Egypt,[114] although its Roman mole was ruined.[115] Iskenderun seemed to have prospects: in 1840 “forty vessels, on an average, come every year to this port from Great Britain, and from fifteen to twenty from other countries.”[116] Railways: The New Dawn[117] As legal opportunities to export antiquities decreased, opportunities for foreigners to control the development of Ottoman modernity increased, and this was done by importing, building and managing western technologies. In Asia Minor, as Ouvré remarked, the engineer was king.[118] Indeed with the engineers came the railways, well before an extensive network of modern roads, and the railways were an import. With the 1856 line Smyrna-Aydin, for the first time a network began for which the locals



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were not responsible: “pour la première fois de son histoire, l’Islam se vit imposer un réseau dont il n’était pas lui-même à l’origine.”20 The new railways consumed in their construction unknown quantities (the matter is usually conveniently ignored) of the building-blocks of the ancient world – while, of course, tracks were also laid amongst antiquities on promising sites to help the archaeologists clear away topsoil, so they could dig down to the important classical remains.21 Probably just as important for the destruction of antiquities is the fact that railways passing through or close to ancient sites facilitiated their further plunder which, pre-railway, had been restricted to the locals and what they could haul or carry over uncertain roads or tracks for reuse in their town or village. Now, antiquities could reach the coast with ease, for export by ship to the West, legally or illegally. And how much pilfering went on among the three hundred foreigners building the Ismid-Ankara line in the 1890s?[119] Steam serviced sea-going vessels as well as railways. Ramsay in 1890 attributes the continuing degradation of roads in Asia Minor (which he suggests “was practically the same as the Byzantine system”) to the advance of steam navigation.[120] Again, the survival of ancient quarries in the vicinity of growing towns (such as Ravli near Ankara)[121] with blocked out pieces for the taking, and quarry-marks easily readable on some of them,[122] underlines just how much easier it was to take close-by antiquities than to cart fresher material from where it was cut. Yet even in modernization, Asia Minor lagged behind. It was much more intensive, and earlier, across the Aegean in Athens. Here by the 1840s speculators were eyeing the land beneath the Acropolis, dividing it up into notional city blocks, and planning out the necessary railways.[123] Thus was the fate of the new Athens sealed, as the American Stephens mused in 1842: I traced the line of the ancient walls, ran a railroad to the Piraeus, and calculated the increase on “up-town lots” from building the king’s palace near the Garden of Plato . . . but, unfortunately, the Greeks were very far behind the spirit of the age, knew nothing of the beauties of the credit system, and could not be brought to dispose of their consecrated soil, “on the usual terms,” ten per cent down, balance on bond and mortgage.[124]

20 Lantz 2005, 15. 21 Pillinger 1999, Abb. 14 and 15 for their use at Ephesus in 1904.

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As a result, very little of the ancient city of Athens survived, or yielded objects for her museums. A New Dawn for Commerce22 Commercial and industrial life can only prosper after the provision of appropriate infrastructure and technologies. Westerners had seen what the magic wand of railway construction could achieve back home – so why not the same in Asia Minor? “Every one knows,” wrote Ramsay in 1897, “that a railway brings money, and openings for work and earning, and increases the value of land. Many people also, not Christians alone, welcome a railway as the herald of a new form of government a la Franga, in which Europeans shall renovate the country.”[125] Le Camus made the same point in 1896 about the station at Sart/Sardis, blaming the farniente of the Turks for helping neither proprietors nor labourers, the only hope being that the railway would bring a prosperous population rivalling that of Antiquity: “c’est le passé ressuscité dans le nom, espérons qu’il le sera bientôt dans une grande et belle ville, qui groupera, à Sardes, une population riche et nombreuse, comme autrefois.”[126] Of course, given the slight reach of the railways across this vast land, any possibilities of prosperity would inevitably be patchy. For Brisse, in 1903, each railway served a small economic area, but none thus far covered the whole of Asia Minor.[127] The French even invested in a large agricultural scheme, predicated on good communications; but this was killed by vested interests, and by the entry of the Turks into the First World War on the side of Germany.23 Commerce, of course, was not necessarily to the benefit of the locals; and Collignon, in the 1880s, noted how imported English cotton goods were undercutting local production.[128] One of the reasons for railway development by Germany (high-risk, but potentially high-profit) was to extend their railway lines from Eskisehir to Konya, in order to replace English goods in this region with German ones.24 Not that all railway

22 Vannutelli 1905, thorough discussion, with tables and figures, of commerce in Anatolia, centre by centre. 287–331 for European commercial interests in Anatolia, with details of railways and shipping; Vannutelli 1911 for southern Anatolia and Mespotamia. 23 Thobie 1993, 227–242 “La Société des Fermes Impériales de Tchoucourova: une tentative française de grande exploitation agricole moderne 1911–1914.” The author reckons this is the only foreign attempt at such an enterprise, on a large stretch of land between Adana and Sis. 24 Barth 1998, 119.



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entrerprises, especially those across the central plateau, were immediately profitable.[129] The Turks welcomed the railways as a potentially efficient way of getting goods to market or port (the cameleers were an exception, because they lost a lucrative monopoly).25 Although more lines were proposed in the 1860s than were ever completed,[130] in 1876 Choisy saw a railway with engine and wagons depicted in the village mosque at Hierapolis, as well as a steamship, interspersed with Koranic quotations.[131] Such a welcome did not mean railways were always good for the country, for management of forests is required to replace wood used for railway sleepers. However, the Turks were not provident in this respect, as Barkley discovered in Bulgaria. Here he found barrows “as numerous as blackberries,”[132] but little wood: in a country once-rich in forests, railway sleepers had to be imported.[133] Clouds on the Horizon However, there was more to building railways than simply commissioning foreigners to import their technologies. Indeed, for Asia Minor there were several consequences from railway construction which impacted adversely on the ancient landscape. The greatest was of course the destruction that laying tracks and stations occasioned, and this will be dealt with at length below. Others were yet more insidious, in that construction was slow, costly and sometimes non-commercial, so that the railways did not offer a good return to investors, and were a drain on the Ottoman treasury, which had to pick up the bill. In 1924, Earle listed several ways in which the Ottomans were being taken for a ride by the railway companies, in a chapter appropriately titled “The Sultan mortgages his empire”[134] – and that to foreigners. These looked beyond Asia Minor for strategic reasons, some to Baghdad, some to India, so that even her antiquities would become a sideshow when more glittering prizes appeared further east – now transportable back to Europe by railway even though, of course, the Western interest in railways was part commercial, part strategic.[135]

25 Bulliet 1975, 176–215 The Camel as a Draft Animal. 216–236 A Society without Wheels; 231 Anatolia is “a society with both camels and wheels peacefully coexisting.” The author suggests this is because the Turks of C. Asia used both. 232 emergence of the Turkoman camel, a hybrid, as the characteristic camel of Anatolia: the Arab camels could not stand the climate.

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Railway development in Asia Minor was not only slow, but miserly in relation to Europe. In 1879 there were estimated to be 295,000 kilometres of track in the world: 154,000 in Europe, 17,400 for Austria-Hungary, 10,600 for British India – and 401 kilometres for Asia Minor.[136] Expansion was the name of the game, in search of commerce and hence prosperity, but it was believed that this could not be attained without viable roads to feed them: otherwise “les lignes ferrées risquent d’être des artères fort insuffisamment nourries.”[137] This, it will be remembered, is not what seemed to be happening in Asia Minor, where the development of railways (at least at first) led to the degradation of roads, rather than to their improvement and expansion. Tweny-five years later things looked rather brighter, with 2,525 kilometres of track built[138] – albeit with a standard complaint about the commercial and financial incompetence of the Ottoman Government.[139] Unfortunately, however, very few of the railways in Asia Minor were a paying concern even by 1904, indicating that the network was a necessary but not yet a sufficient requirement for prosperity. Picot, in 1904, gives an excellent summary of the state of affairs, and of the infighting between the railway companies.[140] Dangers of Foreign Technologies The Ottoman willingness to employ foreign technologies was certainly an acknowledgment of the inevitable, and this was commented on by many travellers. Davis, indeed, introduces this theme as another explanation for the Turks’ apparent neglect of the resources of the Empire, namely that only Europeans have the means and knowledge to employ or to develop them; but rather than allow the “Giaours” to do this, they prefer to leave them undeveloped and unused. / Does any one suppose, for instance, that if the Turks as a nation could prevent it they would suffer railroads to pass through their country? Far from it. Every similar improvement brings them more and more into contact and relation with Christian Europe, and in the same degree tends to shorten the time of their exclusive rule in the empire”[141]

– and he attributes advances such as railways to “some of the more enlightened Osmanlis.” Written in 1874, this is prescient, in view of the collapse of the Empire as a consequence of the First World War. Asia Minor had her railways built first by the British and the French, but soon Germany



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was on top. This virtual takeover,26 at least in the minds of the Germans, was illustrated by Pratt in 1915, when there was good reason to fear such encroachment: “An ordinary book of travels is entitled, “In Asia Minor, by German Railways.” In his “Pan-Germanic Atlas” Paul Langhams gives a map of “German Railways in Asia Minor.” So it is, indeed, a matter of the organised conquest of Turkey. Everywhere and in everything, Turkey is being encircled by the tentacles of the German octopus.”[142] Asia Minor as a Sideshow The impulsion toward the development of railways (and not just the finance) came from Westerners, who also provided the first comprehensive timetable for Asia Minor in 1909.[143] But many Western eyes were focussed further east, for railways and steam ships allowed travellers to reach newly-discovered antique landscapes ever more quickly. “There is something impressively grand,” writes McBean in 1876, “in the conception that we shall be able to go from London to Ancient Babylon in four or five days’ time comfortably. Its accomplishment can yet be brought about at a very moderate outlay considering the distance to be traversed.”[144] By comparison with Babylon and Nineveh, Anatolia was something of a sideshow. But here also, roads and railways aided the speedy and convenient exploration of areas once negotiable only on horseback. As Cochran notes enthusiastically in 1887 of western Turkey, the railway has opened it up to travellers.[145] By 1928, Speelers writes about Elam, Persepolis, Babylon, Nineveh, Assur, Khorsabad and the rest, omitting Graeco-Roman material (i.e. Asia Minor) “afin de ne pas empiéter sur une matière qui ne représente plus la civilisation asiatique.”27 Transport Over Drainage Technologies Westerners saw opportunities in Asia Minor, and needed railways for a variety of reasons including (for the British and, later, the Germans)[146] eastward imperial expansion, the exploitation and export of raw mate26 McMeekin 2010. 27 Speelers 1928, 1842–1882 Assyria, plus Assur from 1903; 1877–1914 rest of Mesopotamia and Elam, then Karkemisch, Ur, etc; 1880–1927 Syria, 1888–1927 Asia Minor and Western Mesopotamia, plus NE Syria. 268–271 for table giving a chronology of digs, from 1837 by Rawlinson at Persepolis; 271–275 for geographical listing of the same.

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rials, the development of agriculture and export of its produce, and the import and distribution of European manufactured goods28 – a familiar story, which continues today.29 But the new railways did not necessarily help the general prosperity of the countryside. Not only did they appear to downgrade the need for roads, as we have seen; but they also carried their tracks well-embanked above waterlogged ground, because transport took precedence over drainage, and the land often remained untended. This happened at Ephesus, doing nothing for the areas near sea-level, which was still malarial in 1864, and, writes Moustier, foreigners should not spend the night there: “l’étranger fera bien de ne point y passer la nuit.”[147] In other words, railways could sail above the landscape without necessarily contributing anything to its development. Imports Before Local Production Modernity, in the shape of nineteenth-century international trade, could sometimes be a positive disincentive to industrialisation in Turkey and elsewhere in the Mediterranean, since goods imported from the West were more attractive and often cheaper than those produced locally. This is also the paradoxical case with antiquities and quarrying. Scherzer remarks in 1873 that quarries remain unexploited because it was cheaper to import marble from Carrara and Serravezza (600 tons annually through Smyrna) while for smaller projects it is antiquities taken from the ruins that are used. Smyrna was therefore importing marble from Livorno on specially fitted ships by the 1870s,[148] and the “division of labour,” as it were, was between large projects, which were fed by imports, and smaller ones, fed with antiquities from ruined towns: “les débris pris parmi les ruines des anciennes villes s’utilsent à la consommation intérieure.”[149] Antiquities and Railways Modernization did nothing to save the continuing destruction of antiquities – quite the reverse. Ever since the first railway in Asia Minor, a 130-kilometre stretch begun in 1856 from Izmir to Ajdin, our travellers 28 Bektas 2000, but 142 “the country lacked technical and entrepreneurial infrastructure as well as the finances to build any such infrastructure.” 29 Thobie 1985 for an entertaining history of Western involvment in the Middle East, included here to indicate continuing western fingers in the pie.



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comment extensively on the improvements the railways were making, and where they needed to be built. Yet if the railway conquered time, it also destroyed antiquities – witness the marble-rich triumphal gate at Constantinople, a smaller version of the Golden Gate, which fell victim first to a sultan for a marble kiosk in 1816, and then to the railway in 1871.[150] Was all this to change when construction became regulated? No. Conventions were promulgated to protect the State and also the investment of the railway constructors, and the concessions made were increasingly to the advantage of the railway companies. In 1859, Stevenson printed a specimen contract with specific provisions for the protection of antiquities. Invoking the close attention of a caring government, this cautions that antiquities should be respected, but that works of art found should be divided 50/50 between government and company: Item 27: la Compagnie sera tenue, pour l’étude et l’exécution de ses projets, de se soumettre à l’accomplissement de toutes les formalités et de toutes les conditions qui pourront être exigées par le Gouvemement. II en sera de même lorsque le tracé rencontrera des monuments et édifices religieux. / Item 31. Les monuments déja découverts ou qui pourront l’être à la suite des travaux du chemin de fer, ne devront en aucune manière être endommagés par la Compagnie, celle-ci devra donner avis de leur découverte au Gouvernement qui prendra soin de les faire enlever ou d’en disposer le plus tôt possible pour ne pas entraver l’exécution des travaux. / Les statues, médailles, objets d’art, fragments archéologiques, etc. qui seraient trouvés pendant l’execution des travaux ou durant l’exploitation sur les terrains achetée par la Compagnie, appartiendront par moitié à l’État et par moitié à la Compagnie, sauf toutefois, au Gouvernement le droit de préemption.”[151]

The 1882 convention[152] is similar, but omits mention that the Government might impose conditions if religious structures are encountered. It retains, however, the onus on the Government to deal quickly with any discoveries so as not to hold up work (“pour ne pas entraver l’exécution des travaux”): after all, the railway must get through! Thereafter this document type, from the point of view of antiquities, got worse rather than better. The 1891 convention, Article 22, read as follows: “Les objets d’art et antiquités découverts pendant les travaux seront soumis aux règlements régissant la matière,” which is splendidly vague, but sounds virtuous. However, it looks as if in this case railway company lawyers objected to a regulation they could not control, so the 1896 concession adds to the above statement the following, which completely changes its implied meaning, and allows the company to proceed with its work (i.e. gathering building materials) without unnecessary paperwork: “toutefois, le concessionnaire sera dispensé de la formalité de présenter une demande et d’obtenir une

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autorisation pour les recherches.”[153] In other words, the railway company apparently received carte blanche to search for antiquities, without prior autorisation – much better than a 50% split. So no authorisation was now required – and not a word about notification, for the 1882 requirement to inform the government of finds (“donner avis de leurs découvertes au gouvernement”) has disappeared. Later conventions contain so many simplistic and weasel words[154] that it is impossible without deep investigation to say how effective such regulations actually were. Such conventions provide a comforting alibi, but lack teeth or provable efficacy. An interesting topic, therefore, is the connection between archaeology and railways, and not just the frequency with which railway-building uncovered artefacts, and what then happened to them. This evidently happened frequently on, for example, the route of the Baghdad Railway.30 Also relevant here is the profession of engineer. John Turtle Wood was a railway engineer before he extended his interest in excavation to the Artemision at Ephesus. One might also wonder whether the involvement of Carl Humann, a road engineer, with the antiquities of Pergamon, was indicative of many other engineers who took an interest in the past. Certainly, without the road he built, the story of which has already been related, the Pergamon Altar would not easily have got to Berlin. Although they did not plough through many known sites (note the qualification), the destruction caused by railways was a general problem in Asia Minor because they needed ballast for tracks and embankments, and sometimes had to make cuttings. Where were the necessary materials to come from? By definition, there was no railway to bring them, and the roads were bad (or why build railways?), so scavenging along the path of the tracks was the easiest solution. For sound commercial reasons the tracks were laid to join prosperous or soon-to-be-prosperous towns and agricultural regions. Many of these had flourished in ancient time, hence their sometimes splendid remains. Now, for obvious topographical reasons, towns, villages and roads congregate where water and good soil are available, and agricultural possibilities sometimes determine their route.31 Certainly, railways do not always follow the trajectory of Roman roads

30 Civelli 2007, 25–27 Archäologie und Bagdadbahn – fast eine Symbiose; NB Wilhelm’s great interest in archaeology; author in note 49 cites rich glass collection in the RömischeGermanische Museum in Mainz, die beim Bau der Bagdadbahn gefunden waren. 31 Lantz 2005, 177, writing of Syria: Il était donc nécessaire de déterminer a priori les régions les plus fertiles et conduire les rails là où l’économie augurait la rentabilité de leur exploitation.



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because they need gentler gradients; but their line of least resistance is frequently through an erstwhile prosperous ancient landscape. Given the huge quantities of antiquities described by travellers in Asia Minor, and the lie of the land, it is obvious that, for tracks to be laid at all, many antique sites on flat land were going to suffer. Since construction was in the hands of foreign companies and engineers; since control by the Ottoman government was both weak and distant; since agreements with the companies included a division of spoils; and since regulations against the export of antiquities postdated the first railways, it is not surprising that much has been lost. Of course, we can never known just how much, because all we are left with are the tracks ploughing across ancient sites; for we cannot expect railway companies to have kept a record of what they destroyed. Frequently, therefore, we must read between the lines of whatever travellers’ accounts have survived, and reconstruct what probably happened by a cynical but probably accurate reading between the lines of the contracts the railway companies signed. With the aid of several accounts of railway-building, it is clear that cuttings made to achieve a good gradient destroyed many antique settlements, whilst embankments required hardcore – most easily obtainable from antiquities broken up when the permanent way was driven through. Constantinople The best-documented example of what happened when the railway came to town, and how little the authorities did to prevent unnecessary destruction, is Constantinople itself. If such devastation could happen in the very seat of Empire, we may imagine just what happened far from the complacent eye of government, so several examples are then given of destruction in Asia Minor itself. The railway was a subversive imperative and, in an age not yet particularly alert to the beauties of Byzantine architecture, skirted Yedikule and went along past the Sea Walls beside the Great Palace of the Byzantine Emperors.32 So it is that the richest sections of wall, namely those between Yedikule and the Palace, built largely of marble to dazzle arrivals by sea, and with marbles reused from the Palace, were those dismantled to let the rail tracks through.[155] 32 Kostenec 2004, underlines the importance of archaeology, and 27 “a mixture of detailed historical analysis and architectural analogy can still tell us something new about the layout and character of the Great Palace.”

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In Constantinople the Sea Walls were a particularly picturesque ornament to the City. Many antiquities appear to have been visible in the fifteenth century, some of them in the walls, some in the Palace.[156] But because of the action of the sea, they were reworked several times with “whatever material was nearest at hand.”[157] Large sections fell before the picks of the railway builders, since the only flat ground for the tracks was down by the sea, and “some workmen on the summit of the walls are picking down one of the strongest sections of it, and showers of dust and stones destroy all poetic associations.”[158] A glimpse of what might have been lost is seen from the ancient remains uncovered during the excavations from 2004 for the Marmaray rail tunnel underneath the Bosphorus. As was often the case, destruction promoted some discoveries, characteristically at Constantinople without any archaeological investigation; and, wrote Walker in 1886, “it is only when excavating for the foundations of some structure of great importance, or in the cutting of a railway, that the workmen come upon the masonry and sculpture of Greek and Roman times.”[159] A few photographs survive of elements of the Sea Walls before the railway, but descriptions (such as Porter’s referenced above) give a better impression of their richness. Lithographs were produced, depicting what had been lost here and elsewhere in Constantinople,33 thanks in some part to the advance of the railway. Did the large breakwater-blocks (surely from the Great Palace) Lechevalier saw from the sea in 1800[160] go into hardcore for that same railway? One of the many ironies of such railway-building is that it helped scotch the notion of the Turk as barbarian destroyer. For, as Mrs Walker explains in 1886, down by the seashore in Constantinople under the Seraglio: “It is right to observe that the plan and execution of a line that has done so much to destroy many of the most curious vestiges of the ancient city, are due exclusively to European engineers, and that the Turks, in this instance at least, are guiltless of this irremediable barbarism.”[161] Hence the downside of railway construction was the wanton destruction of almost anything “before the pitiless strokes of the railway navvy.”[162]

33 Barsanti and Paribeni 2007: Two lithographed albums (in all 80 sheets made between 1857 and 1891) which the authors think were building-blocks for a never-finished archaeological guide to the city, by the Rev. Charles Curtis, and Mary Walker. The sheets would record materials some of which were fast being lost in modernisation projects, not least the railway skirting the sea walls (for which cf. their note 3).



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Examples of Destruction by Railway Formal railway-building agreements often refer to the discovery of antiquities, but it was ominously normal to agree to a 50–50 split of antiquities discovered between the Company and the State. It is clear that a blind eye was directed toward any such discovered antiquities, just as was Nelson’s to his admiral’s signal to disengage at Copenhagen. The railway companies were well aware of what a monopoly they held, and intended to hold. They denied the archaeologists at Sardis in 1922 permission to build more than 100 metres of track at a time to carry heavy equipment to the site,[163] where the archaeologists already had a small railway established to carry away topsoil.[164] Bribery must have been rife, for Fellows remarked in 1839 that the antiquities “are continually taken off for the museums of Europe,”[165] so we may assume that trading also formed part of the arsenal of the railway engineers, several of whom collected antiquities. By its very nature, because railways bury their hardcore, there is little reportage on the destruction wrought by railway-building, unless the traveller happened to see it in action. But people in the know were highly suspicious, even if nothing could be proved. The French, for example, strongly suspected the Germans of profiting from their railway work to export discovered antiquities, and avoid the 1884 antiquities law.[166] Balatzik: At this station near Magnesia in 1889, antique blocks from the theatre were stockpiled in order to be sawn up for the building of bridges, the site being used as a quarry, and the station area for storage, which were then sawn as necessary. Under protest, this practice was stopped, but we do not know for how long: “Magnésie était alors exploitée (avril 1889), comme carrière de marbre, par les entrepreneurs du chemin de fer d’Aïdin à Tchinar. On commençait à démolir les murs du théâtre: la gare de Balatzik était encombrée de ces marbres, que l’on sciait pour construire les ponts de la nouvelle ligne. Sur nos plaintes, le moutessarif d’Aïdin fit cesser les fouilles.”[167] Bey Keui: Just what havoc was wreaked on Phrygian monuments is difficult to determine, but the railway tracks were close to some of their sites, thereby aiding popularisation. Hawley noted in 1918 that “twenty miles to the north of Afium Karahissar the railway approaches some of the ruins of this old Phrygian kingdom . . . the pediment above the entrance of a tomb at the village of Bey Keui contains two large rudely carved animals, with the size and attitude of lions, which doubtless represent the workmanship of a very early period.”[168]

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Bulgaria: Barkley spent five years up to 1857 working on railways in Bulgaria, where his workmen built themselves stone huts: “All were built of stone, most of which was procured by pulling down old fortifications and grubbing up the foundations of the numerous Roman buildings those enterprising people had left behind them hundreds of years before.”[169] These included a Roman bath with marble-veneered walls.[170] Ephesus/Ayasoluk: Wood had been working in Turkey for the Ottoman Railway Company since 1858, and his proposal to the British Museum to excavate the site came later. As Donkow points out, at “present day Selçuk, where one of the railway stations was constructed, Ephesus was easily accessible.”[171] The suspicious mind might wonder whether Wood deliberately had the station built at Ayasoluk (a very poor and small settlement) in preparation for his scheme. Wood was provided with accommodation by the goods manager of the railway in the village, and employed railway workmen. The initial five workmen had just been discharged by the railway company, and I had at that time no house at Ephesus, but lived alone at the hotel at Boudjah, a village a few miles from Smyrna. I had to walk a mile and a half to meet the train, which started from Smyrna at six o clock in the morning, and took me up at Paradise station . . . A few months after I had begun the excavations, the use of a room at Ayasalouk was offered to me by Mr. Frederick Whittall, the goods manager of the Smyrna and Aidin railway, who was about to occupy better quarters at Aidin.[172]

What antiquities did this railway transport, unknown to the authorities? Eskishehir: by 1893 much of the ancient site had been obliterated, thanks both to local spoliators and to the railway, who trenched the city hill and extracted blocks from walls, monuments, and cemeteries: Depuis le passage de von Diest [travelling in 1896], le mamelon de ChéhirEuïuk, éventré de toutes parties, avait servi de carrière aux entrepreneurs du chemin de fer d’Angora, qui s’y étaient abondamment fournis de matériaux de construction. Des murs, des monuments, des stèles, qui, en octobre 1886, demeuraient ensevelis au plus profond du sol, avaient revu le jour. Les maçons turcs, en ouvrant leurs tranchées, avaient fait émerger les substructions d’une ancienne ville et la conclusion que von Diest tirait de l’absence d’indices de cette nature se trouvait par là même écartée.[173]

Von Diest was a German railway engineer, and made the first excavations at Nyssa in 1907–1909. In 1896 Ouvré was shown by a railway worker an inscription he had copied. It had been found far away, and others were also unearthed when making cuttings a long distance down the newly-



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laid track: “un ouvrier du chemin de fer me raconte dans un allemand pénible qu’il a vu et relevé une inscription . . . je finis par comprendre que l’original est à cent lieues d’ici . . . [the plains of Phrygia near Eskisehir] où l’on trouve des stèles dans les tranchées, et où l’on évoque les dieux d’autrefois, au sifflement des locomotives.”[174] These were presumably classical antiquities, but not local, because the local ancient site had already been cleared out. Gonkali: Le Camus in 1896 relates what happened amongst the ruins of Laodicea, when he suffered the indignity of sleeping under the roof of the chief spoliator, who had taken blocks for the railway station, although the government had sacked him for this offence: La course aujourd’hui ne sera pas longue. Les ruines de Laodicée que nous devons visiter touchent au village de Congéli, et les pierres de l’antique cité ont servi à bâtir la gare. En sorte que M. Vigouroux a eu l’honneur de dormir, deux nuits, sous les pierres et les marbres qui avaient abrité ces Laodicéens auxquels fut adressée une des sept lettres de l’Apocalypse . . . En tout cas, notre ami était mieux installé que nous, qui dormions vulgairement entre quatre murs de terre glaisé, chez le criminel Hélias. Oui, le criminel, car c’est lui qui, jadis entrepreneur, a dévasté les monuments de l’antique Laodicée, pour édifier la station de la voie ferrée. Le gouvernement turc l’en a châtié en le mettant à la misère; c’est ce qui nous permet de l’avoir pour drogman.[175]

Evidently, Le Camus thought a spoliator made an especially good dragoman, as expeditious as a fox in a chicken-coop. Expertise was too valuable to waste. Kaklik: railway building near Denizli here unearthed at least one vase burial, as well as lead tablets, as Legrand and Chamonard relate in 1893: “M. Walker, ingénieur de l’Ottoman Railway, nous a communiqué le monument suivant; ce sont deux tablettes en plomb, de 0m13 sur 0m07 trouvées auprès de Kaklik, dans un vase qui contenait en même temps quelques débris d’os.”[176] Kirik Kaleh: Van der Osten met engineers of the Ankara-Kayseri railway at Kirik Kaleh: “Further excavation had brought nothing interesting to light since our last visit except a few small glazes of late Roman and Byzantine times”[177] – so he was expecting engineers to find antiquities as a matter of course. Kutayha/Afyon: Kuhlmann, the Director-General of Anatolian Railways had photography as a hobby. He gave a set of photographs to the

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Académie des Inscriptions in 1897; the albums contained panoramas of these two towns, which “intéressent à la fois l’archéologie classique, l’art et l’épigraphie du monde musulman.”[178] But we are not told whether he discovered antiquities while digging the railway. Photographs by Gustav Berggren, originally belonging to the German engineer Ernst Schwager, and showing the construction of the Anatolian railway c.1900, have recently been donated to the DAI,34 but none seem to show antiquities retrieved in the course of his railway work. Laodicea: At Laodicea, 6 kilometres from Denizli, excavation was needed, for by the 1870s very little remained above ground at this site.[179] The railway provided it, skirting the site,35 so even less of it remains today.36 Ramsay notes without comment[180] a stele at Laodicea which came to him “from the engineers of the Ottoman Railway.” This was conceivably one of the finds mentioned by Le Camus a year earlier, turned up when the engineers destroyed the complete hill: “En rentrant dans le village de Congeli, Hélias me raconte les trouvailles dont il fut témoin, sans en bénéficier, quand ses ouvriers bouleversèrent la colline pour la construction du chemin de fer. J’en note deux particulièrement intéressantes, une stèle et un vase . . . De ces deux objets, le premier fut envoyé a Smyrne et l’autre à Constantinople.”[181] Perhaps similar finds were common, especially at sites where the railway passed very close. Certainly, Ramsay makes plentiful references to such engineers’ maps, which were the best available, because they were up-to-date, and because of the detail and exactitude they required. Magnesia ad Maeandrum: the northern walls were already destroyed by 1877, but the railway punctured the western side of the site, and took the easiest route (straight through the walls)[182] and then the easiest blocks for its construction, leaving only the lower parts of walls here, and enpty trenches there:

34 http://arachne.uni-koeln.de. 35 Gagniers 1969, fig. 2 for as plan. 36 Bejor 2004 for Laodicea, with a catalogue of necropolis finds – slim pickings indeed, ditto Baths of Hadrian – and these are limestone, not marble. Fig. 1 for plan of the site, and surroundings. How much went to Goncali village on the edge of the site? The SmyrnaDinar railway is 1 kilometre from the centre of the site, to E, while the Denizli line skirts the site to the W. 15: Una punta particolarmente devastante in occasione della costruzione della ferrovia per Denizli, abbia interessato in modo particolare proprio le necropolis, in quanto aree particolarmente ben raggiungibili, e con monumenti più facilmente esportabili rispetto alle grandi opera pubbliche del pianoro.



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Tant qu’elle reste sur les hauteurs, on ne la perd plus un instant de vue, quoiqu’elle ait été fort dévastée par les entrepreneurs du chemin de fer. Tantôt la tranchée creusée pour l’extraction des matériaux en indique seule le tracé; tantôt ce sont de simples arasements; tantôt il reste deux, trois ou quatre assises de grosses pierres rectangulaires taillées légèrement en bossage et très exactement appareillées.[183]

Little wonder, therefore, that decorative stelai were sometimes collected by railway officials to decorate their villas, as Keil records in 1913: “Die schöne Grabstele, welche ich hier mit gütiger Erlaubnis der Eigentümerin Frau Purser veröffentliche, wurde nach mir gemachten Angaben bei dem Bau der Bahnstrecke Baladschik-Sokia in dem Gebiete von Magnesia a. M. gefunden. Von dort ließ sie der verstorbene Direktor der Aidin-Bahn E. Purser nach Azizie bringen und im Hofe seiner Villa an einer Wand derart aufstellen, daß ihre Rückseite heute nicht gesehen werden kann.”[184] Mantinea (Greece): As with the efforts of archaeologists, digging roads and railways would often uncover antiquities, especially tombs, which the locals would then comprehensively loot, as Reinach reported in 1891 of a tomb graced with large sheets of marble veneer and inscriptions: “La construction d‘une autre route près de Mantinée a conduit à la découverte d’un tombeau formé de grandes plaques de marbre qui fut mis au pillage par l’entrepreneur et ses ouvriers. Le gouvernement fit instituer des recherches dans leurs maisons et ne recouvra qu‘une anse de bronze sans valeur. Le tombeau porte des inscriptions sur ses quatre faces.”[185] Even a search of the miscreants’ houses yielded no more than one bronze handle. Meros: (near Bodrum) inscriptions were lost in 1897, for the site had been scalped first by locals and then for railway purposes: The ruins, which run out from the base of an oval-shaped hill, the acropolis no doubt of the old city, are mostly characterless; but we were told that formerly there were many marbles there, most of which have been carried off by natives of the district to Kutaya (Kotiaion) – twenty-five, they said, were taken away by mosque-builders from that city six or seven years ago – while the German Railway (which passes through the narrow plain) had destroyed great numbers ‘written and unwritten’: we ourselves saw the proof of their vandal depredations in the heaps of marble chips lying beside the foundations of a large building.[186]

Metropolis: Railway engineers were often blasé about what they found. Thus an English engineer making a cutting near Tourbali (Metropolis) “found a large building, several feet underground, with a fine gateway, over which was a long Greek inscription in perfect preservation, but he could not say if the latter had been saved.”[187] By the 1880s, sites such

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as Metropolis were being referenced from the nearby railway station at Tourbali: “On leaving the station, the cold grey walls of the acropolis are distinctly visible about three miles off.”[188] Nyssa: in 1810–17 Cockerell described the site: “Seated in the theatre one had a glorious view of the senate house and prison, with the amphitheatre beyond, and the bridge which spans a gully in one magnificent arch. All these buildings are in a grandiose style, very impressive, and made all the more so by their absolute solitude. In Nyssa was but one man, a shepherd, who had taken up his abode in one of the arches of the theatre.”[189] But this splendid scene was eventually near-obliterated, as the American Journal of Archaeology noted in 1912: The site of Nysa on the Maeander has been mapped, and to some extent excavated, by three German military officers and an archaeologist. Although its nearness to the railway and highroad have caused the sculptures and movable marbles to disappear, yet one or two interesting inscriptions survive, and the position and architectural character of the principal public buildings are still discernible.[190]

Philadelphia: in 1896 Le Camus spoke to the engineer plotting out the new railway line, who was enthusiastic about the antique sites the driving of the line uncovered: “il nous assure que les belles ruines émergent de terre un peu partout sur la ligne ferrée qu’il va construire. Il voudrait nous garder auprès de lui, et nous intéresser aux fouilles qui se préparent.”[191] This was very likely, since in 1845 Durbin reported that the ground there was rich in antiquities.[192] Sardis: because the railway encroached in order to give a fillip to the agriculture of the valley, the ancient site suffered, and especially its theatre, as Butler wrote in 1922: “the stage buildings were used as a quarry when the railroad was being built, and trenches are still visible where the stone foundations were removed.”[193] Serai-Keui: The fact that Ramsay notes inscriptions seen at railway stations without much comment, might indicate a steady supply provided by engineering work: “The following inscription, which I saw at the railway station at Serai-Keui immediately after it was found was said to come from Dere-Keui;” and again, of another stone, “It seems therefore probable that the inscription has been brought from Herakleia to the railway.”[194] Smyrna-Afyon: in 1926 Gagé published two bas-reliefs collected by the administrator of the Smyrna-Afyon Railway, which had evidently been discovered as the line was dug: “Les deux bas-reliefs que nous publions sont la propriété de M. Franz Cumont, qui les acquit jadis à la mort de



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M. Gaudin. M. Gaudin, administrateur de la ligne de chemin de fer de Smyrne à Afioum Kara-Hissar, avait recueilli les antiquités de la région, notamment celles trouvées le long de sa ligne. Telle est sans doute l’origine de nos deux bas-reliefs.”[195] Here, then, is an archaeologist buying up antiquities from a deceased railway manager; but there is no real provenance, except that they might have been found “le long de sa ligne.” Smyrna-Turgutlu Railway: Some railway engineers, as we have seen, developed a taste for antiquities: Paul Gaudin helped construct a railway between Smyrna and Turgutlu, and it was perhaps his railway cuttings which revealed antiquities and helped give him or enhanced his thirst for more.[196] He donated 44 pilgrim flasks to the Louvre, but just where he obtained them is not known.[197] Similarly, Buresch copied an inscription in the garden of Herr Bahningenieur Möllhausen in 1898.[198] Teos: frieze-blocks from the temple were still there to be carried away to the British Museum in 1861. A vote of thanks was “returned to Mr. Crampton, the constructor of the Smyrna railway, and to Vice-Consul Bruce for assistance given during these excavations.”[199] So at the very least he was either an engineer interested in antiquities, or a man with useful digging equipment. Wandering stones: stelae uncovered via railway work were not necessarily an unalloyed delight for epigraphers. They had been accustomed to identify towns by the inscriptions found therein, and were also accustomed to finding them in modern villages several kilometres away from the site. But the railway changed that, and Ramsay notes two stones which he knows travelled six and eleven hours respectively to a stone cutter’s shop.[200] Sometimes, stelai were found when looking for building material – and occasionally the finds ended up in a museum.[201] Archaeological Dilemmas: Excavation on the Cheap, Protocols versus Access As well as transport on the cheap,37 the upside of the development of railways was that large quantities of earth had to be turned over and moved, leading to the rediscovery of ancient artefacts lying under the débris of centuries, and more recent constructions, as happened with the digging of the railway to Sirceki Station in Constantinople. For this rea37 Lantz 2005: 179: between Beirut and Damascus, cheaper by one quarter to transport goods by rail.

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son scholars generally welcomed railway work, because it dug up material that they themselves did not have the resources to contemplate, and they were in any case generally forbidden to do any digging by the end of the nineteenth century. Sir William Ramsay, for example, refers to “My friend Mr. Walker” of the railway company, unearthing “the ancient Christian village, whose remains were observed . . . in making the cuttings for the railway beside Evjiler, a few miles beyond Appa.”[202] Just what could be revealed is described by (unrelated) Mrs. Walker, who admired the cutting at Chalcedon, with “remains of ancient work and masonry, cut through diagonally by the rails.”[203] However, the erstwhile great city had already been scavenged by the later seventeenth century, having lost marble to Suleiman the Magnificent,[204] and was now a village of ruins with nothing ancient except its name: “n’a rien conservé de son Antiquité que son nom, & ce n’est à present qu’un misérable Village d’environ mille ou douze cents feux, plein de Ruines et de Masures.”[205] By the 1730s, Pococke says the site was given over to gardens and vinyards.[206] By 1833, a great Byzantine reservoir there was dry, and used to house pigs.[207] But bulldozers could uncover as much as railway cuttings, as was proved by the 1976 discovery of stelai and nineteen massive sarcophagi just outside the city limits38 – and by their use to cut open great tumuli in post-war Lydia.39 The opportunities offered by the railway construction teams, therefore, must have struck the archaeologists as a whole string of Christmases. Excavation cost money; few were rich enough to fund themselves, or able to obtain substantial funds from museum trustees or the like. But who needed to hire workmen when the companies employed hundreds and, what is more, had the usually vaguely worded permission to dig just about anywhere they wished? And since archaeology into the twentieth century still sometimes shaded into looting (not yet the complete examination of all the elements of a site, rather than simply its treasures), one technique was to make friends with the railway engineers, and to deal with what they discovered during their track work. This is little different from the centuries-old practice of epigraphers hovering over the locals ransacking ancient sites, or befriending masons involved in re-cutting antiquities, so that they might copy inscriptions before they were whisked off to the kilns or for reuse elsewhere.

38 Asgari and Firatli 1978 for this Roman necropolis: cf. Textabb. 1–3 and Taf. I–XXXIII. 39 Roosevelt and Luke 2006.



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Again, for archaeologists, often with heavy equipment to cart, the railways were of inestimable help: for how else could they get their photographic equipment, tents and digging tools into central Anatolia? Sterrett took a photographer with him on his 1884 expedition;[208] and, as Chantre writes in 1898, their equipment slowed them down, for “Notre matériel de campement, de photographie, d’estampage et de fouilles était trop considérable pour voyager rapidement.”[209] A little earlier, in 1887, Smith measures the length of his expedition with Ramsay not from the coast, let alone from England – but from the starting and finishing railway stations.[210] And by 1909, it is the communications which start to dictate the sites (as they do in most modern guidebooks), and not vice-versa: Nettancourt enumerates the best sites to see, and then lists where one can go via the various railway lines.[211] If construction teams offered access to ever more archaeological sites, the railways themselves offered better, faster travel into Asia Minor and beyond. This was in itself a mixed blessing, for several reasons. More tourists could access more sites with greater ease, and railways and steam ships could also take tourists to sites further east. Publicity was to become a useful instrument for archaeologists to drum up excavation funds, necessary because there was an increasing number of sites to excavate. And access in itself allowed unprecedented attacks on the monuments. This danger was recognised, as we see in the responses Sterrett received to his 1911 A plea for research in Asia Minor and Syria, authorized by men whose high achievements and representative character make the project a call of humanity at large for light in regard to the life of man in the cradle of Western civilization. A response among many to his call, this one from the University of Vienna, offered sentiments many times repeated by colleagues elsewhere: Much has been lost already, and by far more is almost sure to be lost in the course of the next few years. The construction of railways and the increase of wealth generally are at the same time the greatest blessing to the present and future inhabitants and the most serious peril to the legacy of the past. Myriads of stones covered with inscriptions and with artistic chisel work are wandering and are going to wander to the lime-kiln. Treasures which today and tomorrow may yet be harbored and secured, will be irretrievably lost in the course of the next few years.[212]

See and Export Antiquities More Quickly – by Railway The development of railways (a tool of imperialism, it is maintained),[213] and generally projected to help commerce, ensured improved access to

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antiquities once considered hard-to-reach, for example in Anatolia[214] and elsewhere (such as Tunisia).[215] The irony, several instances of which have already been given, is that building them helped obliterate ancient sites – and their trajectory then dictated which surviving sites could easily be visited. Thus it was the railway which allowed tourists to do SmyrnaEphesus-Magnesia, overnighting at Aydin: “The proper way to see these two places is to go down one morning by rail to Aidin; sleep there, do Magnesia, and return to Smyrna the next night,” writes Burton in 1870.[216] Certainly Rott was very pleased to be travelling by rail in 1906, even if the wagons were second-hand.[217] And in 1907 Gallois can plan an itinerary “même dans l’intérieur du pays, chose facile aujourd’hui, grâce aux chemins de fer.”[218] At the same time the railway allowed the archaeologists to export their finds, assuming they shared what they found with the authorities. Humann carted 150 crates from Magnesia to the railway station at Balachik, containing statues, bas-reliefs, friezes and capitals, half for Berlin, half for Constantinople: “Elles renferment des statues, des basreliefs, des chapiteaux, des frises, qui vont être exportés moitié à Berlin, moitié à Constantinople. Le Sultan s’est ravisé depuis quelque temps, et il ne permet de remuer les ruines de son empire qu’à la condition d’avoir la moitié des trouvailles pour son Musée impérial.”[219] This new technology therefore helped the development of archaeology (as in the division of spoils just noted), and also mass-tourism, that great destroyer. Humann happened upon a relief at Pergamon (which led to the discovery of the Great Altar sections now in Berlin), so once again we might imagine that technology sometimes acted as a midwife to archaeology. In this case it was on Humann’s third visit to the city in 1869 (his first visit was in 1863), to build a road to Dikili, that he found another relief, a discovery which, in its turn, sparked further efforts.[220] However, we might ask why the large number of French engineers building railways in Turkey[221] produced less in the way of published antiquities than did the Comte de Caylus from the exertions of the Ponts et Chaussées in eighteenth-century France. Surely this is because most antiquities were converted into the hardcore on which to lay the tracks, as Gsell hints was the case for Dellys, in Algeria, where baths disappeared as railways arrived: “Les ruines de thermes qui existaient en ce lieu ont disparu récemment, lors de l’établissement du chemin de fer.”[222] Would that Elliott had been heeded in 1838, underlining increased ease of access to Asia Minor; however, “we are sure that the destroying hand of time will continue its ravages, leaving less and less to the curious eye.”[223] Or did



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the French (and Germans and British) simply conceal antiquities uncovered by railway work and then export them quietly? Railways for Prosperity – and Lime-Kilns As well as the destruction wrought upon antiquities during railway construction, it seems likely that the prosperity brought by the railway increased some town populations and hence the need for lime. This can be illustrated by the fate of Sardis, situated in a fertile and sparsely populated valley. The rapid development of the nearby town of Salihli is perhaps responsible for the continuing dilapidation at Sardis, although some lime kilns there dated from the Byzantine period, and a local landowner already held a concession for lime-making in 1824,[224] so that the marble theatre seats as well as the scenae frons had all gone by 1844.[225] In March 1875 the railway, on the Izmir-Ankara route, reached Salihli, 7 kilometres distant from the site and, like Sardis itself, on a camelcaravan route.[226] So thorough was the cleanout of Sardis, presumably on camelback (and camel trains could include several hundred camels) that nothing remains today of the pre-Roman temple, not even knowledge of its materials, which Butler surmises were limestone and marble. So that “it is not astonishing that no fragments remain, owing to the rapacity of the ancients for material which is readily converted into lime, and to the peculiar lack at Sardis of good building materials near at hand, which made all second-hand material valuable.”[227] Something similar probably happened when the railway reached Denizli, 19 kilometres from Hierapolis and therefore in easy reach. Davis in 1874 saw the marble seats of the theatre being removed, “and one of our party, who had visited this place ten years previously, said that he had then seen a Greek mason hewing in pieces the really fine bas-reliefs under the scena of the north theatre, to form Muslim tombstones!”[228] Travellers of today should always be on their guard concerning the “improvements” visited on monuments over the past century or so, the more so in regions where railways plus additional population have conspired to ruin antiquities. This happened in Ankara, turned into a smart, modernistic capital, and also to Konya, described as late as 1924 as “a decaying collection of mud hovels interspersed with a few crumbling gems of Seljuk decorative art.”[229] But railways could also have the opposite effect of leaving once-prosperous towns as small villages, since the railway took away both caravans and livelihoods. For the same reason the

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road between Constantinople and Smyrna declined,[230] and near Sardis condemned at least one businessman to be left high and dry by 1896 on the wrong road. The railway killed the caravans, leaving his café dead: “Le pauvre homme rêve sur les inconvénients de la civilisation moderne et maudit la voie ferrée qui, en supprimant les caravanes, tue son débit de café.”[231] 1  Omont_1902_58–60 2  Caylus_1767_VII_xii–xiii [ ]  3  Omont_1902_746 [ ]  4  Omont_1902_746–747 [ ]  5  Walckenaer_&_ Raoul-Rochette_1850_ 237–238 [ ]  6  Texier_1846–1847_725 [ ]  7  Picard_&_ Reinach_1912_292–294 [ ]  8  Worsdsworth_1837_18 [ ]  9  Reinach_&_Pottier_ 1882_388–389; Reinach_ &_Pottier_1882_390 [ ]  10  AJA_I_1885_225 [ ]  11  AJA_X_1895_96 [ ]  12  Mordtmann_1925_ 60–61 [ ]  13  Scott-Stevenson_1881_ 322–323 [ ]  14  Hogarth_1910_121–2 [ ]  15  Robert_1953_406–407 [ ]  16  Ludolph_of_Suchem_ 1851_7–8 [ ]  17  Pallas_1801_II_3–54 [ ]  18  Clarke_1816_II_144–5 [ ]  19  Webster_1830_I_76 [ ]  20  De_la_Primaudie_ 1848_302 [ ]  21  Clarke_1816_II_81 [ ]  22  Lechevalier_1800_ II_380 [ ]  23  Hamilton_1837_48b [ ]  24  Hamilton_1842_I_ 308–9 [ ]  25  Robinson_1906_130–1 [ ]  26  Oliphant_1856_16 [ ]  27  Viquesnel_1868_II_ 301–302 [ ]  28  Le_Brun_1725_I_549 [ ]  29  Lechevalier_1802_II_ 148–150 [ ]  30  Kinneir_1818_27 [ ]  31  Hamilton_1842_II_215

32]  Alishan_1899_185 33]  Hamilton_1842_II_302 [ ]  34  Keppel_1831_51–2 [ ]  35  Fritz von Farenheid 1875, 81–82 [ ]  36  Deshayes_de_ Courmenin_1624_301–2 [ ]  37  Walsh_1836_I_214–15 [ ]  38  Moltke_1877_48–49 [ ]  39  Tournefort_II_1718_ 121 [ ]  40  Moltke_1877_61 [ ]  41  Stochove_1643_210–211 [ ]  42  Gédoyn_1909_141 [ ]  43  Stochove_1643_210 [ ]  44  Turner_1820_I_43 [ ]  45  Wittman_1804_63b [ ]  46  Covell_1893_154 [ ]  47  Pococke_1772_V_249 [ ]  48  Galland_1881_II_155 [ ]  49  De_Tott_1786_II_66 [ ]  50  Fellows_1839_79b [ ]  51  MacGill_1808_II_ 142–143 [ ]  52  Martin_1821_55 [ ]  53  Grelot_1680_25 [ ]  54  Ubicini_1855_7–8 [ ]  55  Perrot_1872_I_78–80 [ ]  56  Keppel_1831_112 [ ]  57  Walpole_1817_92 [ ]  58  Lechevalier_1791_7 [ ]  59  Lechevallier_1802_ II_148 [ ]  60  Walpole_1817_135 [ ]  61  Colton_1856_203 [ ]  62  Turner_1820_III_245b [ ]  63  Lechevalier_1802_I_ 241b [ ]  64  Michaud_&_ Poujoulat_1835_II_33 [ ]  65  Porter_1835_I_19 [ ]  66  Broughton_1858_II_81 [ ]  67  Le_Brun_I_1725_67 [ ]  68  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_67

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69]  Dallegio_d’Alessio_ 1946_229 [ ]  70  Porter_1835_II_39–40 [ ]  71  Ali_Bey_1814_III_361 [ ]  72  Maurand_1901_203 [ ]  73  Bussière_1829_69–70 [ ]  74  Turner_1820_III_245 [ ]  75  Langlois_1861_430 [ ]  76  Broughton_1858_II_ 20–1 [ ]  77  Colton_1835_280 [ ]  78  Oliver_1801_24 [ ]  79  Wittman_1804_102 [ ]  80  Smith_1839_II_15 [ ]  81  Fowler_1854_100 [ ]  82  Holbrook_1857_382 [ ]  83  Smith_1839_II_47 [ ]  84  Walsh_1836_I_213 [ ]  85  Earl_of_Carlisle_ 1855_53 [ ]  86  Phillimore_1876_I_415 [ ]  87  Wittman_1804_63 [ ]  88  Canning_1888_II_ 218–219 [ ]  89  Burlet 2008. [ ]  90  Baratta_1831_7 [ ]  91  Admiralty_1882_18 [ ]  92  Clarke_1817_V_346–7 [ ]  93  Leake_1830_II_47–8 [ ]  94  Guérin_1869_II_ 130–131 [ ]  95  Morritt_1914_135b [ ]  96  Arundell_1828_283–4 [ ]  97  Elliott_1838_II_129 [ ]  98  Durbin_1845_II_162 [ ]  99  Ouvré_1896_233–4 [ 100]  Denon_1803_I_1101 [ ]  101  Porter 1835, 84. [ 102]  Elliott_1838_II_111–112 [ 103]  Sterrett_1885c [ 104]  Anderson_1898_121 [ 105]  Picard_&_MacridyBey_1921_436–437 [ 106]  Débarre_2009_2–3 [



filching the building-blocks of the ancient world

107]  Hamilton_1842_II_326 108]  Smythe_1874_II_309 [ 109]  Senior_1859_155 [ ]  110  Castellan_1820_240 [ ]  111  Macdonnell_1911_8 [ ]  112  Deshayes_de_ Courmenin_1624_ 318–319 [ ]  113  PTF_Consul_1811_ 34–35 [ ]  114  Ainsworth_1840_510 [ ]  115  Bell_1906–1907_I_3 [ ]  116  Ainsworth_1840_511 [ ]  117  Naval_staff_1919_ 264–268 [ ]  118  Ouvré_1896_244–245 [ ]  119  Radet_1895_431 [ 120]  Ramsay_1890_26 [ ]  121  Hamilton_1842_I_416 [ 122]  Choisy_1876_193 [ 123]  Stephens_1842_75–76 [ 124]  Stephens_1842_117–118 [ 125]  Ramsay_1897b_116 [ 126]  Le_Camus_1896_229 [ 127]  Brisse_1903_178 [ 128]  Collignon_1880–1897_ 28–29 [ 129]  Ramsay_1903_368 [ 130]  Collas_1865_325–326 [ ]  131  Choisy_1876_253 [ 132]  Barkley_1876_147–148 [ 133]  Barkley_1876_185 [ 134]  Earle_1924 [ 135]  Macdonnell_1911_ 132–133 [ 136]  BSG_1879_383 [ 137]  BSG_1879_13–14 [ 138]  Brisse_1903 [ 139]  Brisse_1903_177 [ 140]  Picot_1904_8–11 [ ]  141  Davis_1874_309 [ 142]  Pratt_1915_338 [ 143]  Cervati_1909_3 [ 144]  McBean 1876, 102. [ 145]  Cochran_1887_386 [ 146]  Pratt_1915_331 [ 147]  Moustier_1864_258

148]  De_Scherzer_1878_222 149]  De Scherzer 1878, 14 [ 150]  Millingen_1899_250 [ ]  151  Stevenson_1859_68–9 [ 152]  Convention_1882_12 [ 153]  Ministère_1896_22 [ 154]  Chéradame_1903_93 [ 155]  Mrs_Walker_1886_ 166–7 [ 156]  Khitrowo_1889_I_1_235 [ 157]  Porter_1835_73–74 [ 158]  Walker_1886_I_ 166–167 [ 159]  Walker_1886_I_98 [ 160]  Lechevalier_1800_I_96 [ ]  161  Mrs Walker 1886, 135 [ 162] Walker_1886_I_134–135 [ 163]  Butler_1922_67–68 [ 164]  Butler_1922_66 [ 165]  Fellows_1839_36 [ 166]  Tassignon_2004_ note_10 [ 167]  Bérand_1891_538 [ 168]  Hawley_1918_269–270 [ 169]  Barkley_1876_145 [ 170]  Barkley_1876_149 [ ]  171  Donkow_2004_109 [ 172]  Wood_1877_24–25 [ 173]  Radet_1895_493 [ 174]  Ouvré_1896_62–63 [ 175]  Le_Camus_1896_196 [ 176]  Legrand_&_ Chamonard_1893_250 [ 177]  Van_der_Osten_ 1929_43 [ 178]  Barbier_de_ Meynard_1897_170–171 [ 179]  Choisy_1876_243 [ 180]  Ramsay_1897a_542 [ ]  181  Le_Camus_1896_202 [ 182]  Hawley_1918_170a [ 183]  Rayet_1877_124–125 [ 184]  Keil_1913_178 [ 185]  Reinach_1891_247–8 [ 186]  Anderson_1897_423 [ 187]  Davis_1874_27 [ 188]  Cochran_1887_231

[

[

[

[

321

189]  Cockerell_1903_ 153–154 [ 190]  AJA_XVI_1912_119 [ ]  191  Le_Camus_1896_215 [ 192]  Durbin_1845_140–141 [ 193]  Butler_1922_31 [ 194]  Ramsay_1895_181 [ 195]  Gagé_1926_103 [ 196]  Anderson_2004_79 [ 197]  Anderson_2004_79b [ 198]  Buresch 1898, #7 [ 199]  Cust_1914_199–200 [ 200]  Ramsay_1895_191 [ 201]  Mendel_1909_283 [ 202]  Ramsay_1895_227 [ 203]  Walker_1886_I_292 [ 204]  Chesneau_1887_60 [ 205]  Le_Brun_I_1725_ 206–207 [ 206]  Pococke_1772_V_ 322–323 [ 207]  De_Kay_1833_452 [ 208]  AJA_I_1885_76–77 [ 209]  Chantre_1898_x [ 210]  Smith_1887_216 [ ]  211  Nettancourt_1906_59 [ 212]  Sterrett_1911_68 [ 213]  Davis & Wilburn 1991 [ 214]  Cochran_1887 [ 215]  De_Bisson_1881 [ 216]  Burton_1870_87 [ 217]  Rott_1908_95 [ 218]  Gallois_1907_7–8 [ 219]  Le_Camus_1896_147 [ 220]  Cogordan_1882_ 569–570 [ 221]  Radet_1895_431 [ 222]  Gsell_1901_230 [ 223]  Elliott_1838_II_163 [ 224]  Butler_1925_10 [ 225]  Ainsworth_1844_9 [ 226]  Emerson_1829_111 [ 227]  Butler_1925_82 [ 228]  Davis_1874_95–96 [ 229]  Cornwall_1924_216 [ 230]  Hasluck_1910_135–136 [ 231]  Le_Camus_1896_225 [



appendix

[ ] 1  Omont_1902_58–60 Wansleben’s instructions from Colbert in 1671: Le principal dessein du Roi pour les voyages qu’il ordonne au Sr. Vanslebe, de faire dans le Levant, estant d’y rechercher et envoyer icy la plus grande quantité qu’il pourra de bons manuscrits et de médailles anciennes pour sa Bibliothèque. – these were to be put in the hands of the local consuls, who would refund the costs, and send them back to France. Nointel’s and Galland’s instructions (1670–1689) focussed on the same, and gems were also included. Similarly Paul Lucas, in the early 1700s, was sent after MSS and coins, medals and gems. Omont provides full accounts, with details and costs. The instructions continue: Il observera et fera des descriptions autant justes qu’il pourra des palais et bastiments principaux, tant antiques que modernes, scituez ez lieux où il passera, et taschera de tirer et restablir les plans et les profils de ceux qui sont ruinez; et, s’il ne le peut faire de tous les bastiments entiers, il le fera du moins des principales parties qui seront restées, comme des colomnes, des chapiteaux, des corniches, etc.; et, en ce qui concerne les modernes, en en faisant la description, il marquera les usages principaux de chacune de leurs parties. / S’il rencontre aussy parmi ces ruines anciennes des statues ou bas-reliefs, qui soyent de bons maistres, il tachera de les avoir et de les remettre entre les mains de ces correspondants, pour estre envoyez icy, ce que quelques-uns, qui ont voyagé depuis peu en ces pays là, ont rapporté pouvoir estre fait facilement, témoignant de trafiquer et négotier en ces sorte de curiositéz, et faisant quelque petit présant à ceux qui ont les principales charges des lieux où elles se rencontreront. / Les mesmes relations assurent qu’à Balbek, qui est au pied oriental du mont Liban, il y a des temples entiers et quantité de belles statues ensevelies sous des ruines, qu’on pourroit en tirer, ayant la permission du bâcha de Damas d’y faire fouiller. – and goes on to mention the Yedikule, Gate of Persecutions and Nicaea reliefs. [ ] 2  Caylus_1767_VII_xii–xiii, supplement, xii-xiii, in his éloge at the Académie des Inscriptions: Dans le dernier siecle des Godetz, sous les auspices de M. Colbert, donna les antiquités de Rome. Cet ouvrage fit l’admiration de l’Europe entière y & les nations les plus jalouses de notre gloire n’ont pu mieui en relever le mérite, qu’en s’efforçant de l’imiter. C’est ce qui a fait naître cette infatigable émulation, qui de nos jours a transporté d’habiles Voyageurs à Spalatro, à Balbec, & jusque sur les sables brulans de Palmyre, pour visiter les ruines fameuses de tant de superbes édifices &c les étaler à nos yeux. C’est ce qui nous a rendus spectateurs des monumens d’Athènes . . . Le même M. Colbert avoit formé le projet de faire graver les antiquités Romaines qui subsistent dans nos provinces méridionales. Mignard l’architecte en avoit par ses ordres exécuté les desseiens, que M. le Comte de Caylus eut le bonheur de recouvrer. Il résolut d’achever l’ouvrage projetté par M. Colbert, & de le dédier à la mémoire de ce grand Ministre. [ ] 3  Omont_1902_746 The Ambassador at Constantinople, the comte de Castellane, to Caylus on Peyssonnel, January 1746: Un voyage de six jours, que je lui ai permis de faire, dans le mois de mai dernier, du côté de Nicomédie et de Nicée, lui a donné lieu de faire des découvertes sérieuses sur l’ancienne géographie, dont il a donné une relation, ornée des dessins, tant des vues des lieux où il a passé, que des monumens qu’il y a observés. [ ] 4  Omont_1902_746–747 and the note: Peyssonnel avait été nommé, en 1768, consul à Smyme, après la mort de Péleran. En 1749, il expédiait à Paris une cargaison de marbres antiques destinés à la Bibliothèque du roi, qui étaient arrivés à Marseille, le 29 juin de la même année. [ ] 5  Walckenaer_&_Raoul-Rochette_1850_237–238: Nous n’avons pas besoin d’ajouter que M. Anger est invité à recueillir avec soin tous les monuments de petite dimension, tels que médailles, camées, intailles, statuettes, qui s’offriraient à lui dans les fouilles qu’il ferait exécuter ou que les hasards du voyage feraient tomber entre ses mains; qu’il est également invité à recueillir, par le procédé très-expéditif de l’estampage, toutes les inscriptions grecques ou latines qu il rencontrera dans les lieux objets de ses investigations. [ ] 6  Texier_1846–1847_725 Problems of survival in Algeria: Bien des inscriptions anciennes gisent encore sur le bord des chemins, exposées à chaque instant à être brisées ou employées comme matériaux de construction. Tel a été l’emploi des restes de beaucoup de monuments à Philippeville, à Cherchell, à Ghelma. Il faut sans doute faire la part de la



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nécessité qui commandait de construire au plus vite les édifices nécessaires aux principaux centres de population. Ces considérations-là passent avant toutes les autres, «Mais, dit M. Texier, si l’on peut regretter ainsi quelques monuments détruits, il en est encore une multitude qui, convenablement dégagés de leurs décombres et restaurés seulement pour en arrêter la ruine, seront encore un des ornements de l’Algérie et un but d’excursion pour les voyageurs de l’Europe. Il est urgent pour cela que l’administration les prenne sous sa garde et qu’un crédit soit demandé pour les soutenir.» / Les instructions du ministre de la guerre s’opposent, en général, à la destruction des monuments antiques. Mais, pour prescrire des mesures précises, «il serait nécessaire, dit M. Texier, que l’administration fût informée des découvertes produites par les fouilles et par les travaux des routes, et pût envoyer surle-champ un dessinateur pour copier les monuments découverts, de manière à pouvoir statuer sur leur conservation. Les archives recevraient tous les documents recueillis, tant par les officiers du génie que par les agents des bâtiments civils et des ponts et chaussées, et chaque année ces documents seraient imprimés à la suite du tableau statistique. Alors si, par la force des choses, les monuments se trouvaient détruits, leur description serait au moins consignée dans un registre officiel, et ainsi conservée pour la science.» [ ] 7  Picard_&_Reinach_1912_292–294: La nécropole de Kilia, exploitée surtout, dit-on, depuis 1900, a enrichi les antiquaires des Dardanelles et de Smyrne. Le feu consul des ÉtatsUnis aux Dardanelles, Frank Calvert, avait acquis beaucoup d’objets provenant de fouilles clandestines. Ces pièces, restées en partie inédites, appartiennent encore aujourd’hui pour la plupart à la famille, qui a bien voulu nous autoriser à en prendre connaissance . . . Les vases et terres-cuites venus de Kilia ne sont pas rares dans la partie de la collection Frank Calvert qui est demeurée aux Dardanelles. Ces pièces, achetées en 1900, proviendraient de la nécropole située au Nord-Ouest de la baie de Kilia, depuis le tchiflik, Lebera jusque sur les pentes des collines qui cernent l’emplacement de la ville antique et rejoignent le massif du Mal Tépé. [ ] 8  Worsdsworth_1837_18: “From the citadel of Tanagra we descend into the plain on the north, in the hope of finding some further vestiges of the ancient city. There are two churches in this plain, one to the west, the other to the east of the stream Lari: the one is dedicated to S. Nicolas, the other to S. George. They are at about a mile’s distance from the city. From the blocks of hewn stone, and sculptured marble, inserted in their plasterwalls, and lying near them, they may be supposed to have succeeded to the site of old Temples of Tanagra.” [ ] 9  Reinach_&_Pottier_1882_388–389 Myrina: On sait que jusqu’à présent les travaux de ce genre ont trop souvent manqué de direction scientifique. Presque partout les fouilles ont été faites clandestinement par des paysans ou par des marchands, sans autre but que le négoce. En Grèce même, où la vaste nécropole de Tanagre fournissait un sujet d’observations multiples, les fouilles n’ont guère été que la source d’un commerce d’antiquités qui épuise peu à peu la nécropole, sans laisser matière aux observations scientifiques. Il est vrai de dire que, dans les dernières années, la Société Archéologique d’Athènes a envoyé à plusieurs reprises un de ses représentants pour assister à l’ouverture de tombeaux chez des propriétaires qui avaient obtenu régulièrement le droit de fouilles, ou pour faire des explorations à ses propres frais; mais les rapports envoyés à ce sujet sont encore manuscrits. Il en résulte un fait singulier: c’est que les objets trouvés dans les tombeaux grecs sont connus de tout le monde, que les musées et les amateurs se disputent les fines et gracieuses figurines sorties du sol de Tanagre, et que pourtant on ne sait pas encore avec exactitude comment est fait en tombeau grec, ce qu’il contient, comment les objets y sont placés, etc. Sur tous ces points on est réduit la plupart du temps à s’en rapporter au témoignage des paysans. Reinach_&_Pottier_1882_390: Ce qui suit est le résultat d’observations faites sur 965 tombeaux qui ont été ouverts pendant la période de Juillet à Octobre 1880 en différents points de la nécropole de Myrina. [ ] 10  AJA_I_1885_225: “REGULATIONS OF THE TURKISH GOVERNMENT CONCERNING ANTIQUITIES. It may not be superfluous to call the attention of our readers to the new conditions which will henceforth govern all archaeological excavations in the Empire of



appendix

Turkey. The Regulations concerning Antiquities, published by the Turkish government in February, 1884, are simply a reproduction of the restrictive laws which have been in force for so long in Greece. They forbid, under severe penalties, the exportation of all works of art, and declare that objects found belong by right to the State. Whoever wishes to excavate must pay the expenses of a government inspector, and is only allowed to take drawings or casts of the objects he finds. If these regulations are strictly adhered to, the result will be a complete cessation of the enterprising activity which has led to such magnificent discoveries at Pergamon, Halikarnassos, Assos, etc. The French text of the Edict has been published in full, by M. Reinach, in the Revue Archeologique, 1884, I. pp. 336–43.” [ ] 11  AJA_X_1895_96: “Exploration. Turkey will soon be a closed country to the archaeological amateur. At Kutahiyeh, in Asia Minor, the authorities have seized, on the premises of a foreigner, a carved marble slab he had purchased from a native. This has been sent to the Museum at Constantinople. At Voorla, on the Gulf of Smyrna, some sarcophagi have been found and dispatched to the Museum, after being examined by Mr. Humann, the archaeologist. The Turkish Press is taking an interest in such matters. Athenaeum, May 12.” [ ] 12  Mordtmann_1925_60–61 (travelling 1850–1859): Es ist keine Stadt im Orient so reich an antiken Basreliefs wie Kütahia, auf den Begräbnisplätzen der Griechen und Armenier sieht man fast gar keine anderen Grabsteine; eine Menge dieser Basreliefs ist ausserdem in ihren Kirchen eingemauert und wer weiss, wie viele noch in Privathäusen stecken. Ein Zeichner würde hiere einem Monat lang Arbeit finden. [ ] 13  Scott-Stevenson_1881_322–323 Palace of Konya: “The castle of Allaoodeen KeyKhosrou, whom the Turks look upon as the founder of the Seljukian dynasty in Koniah (1192), is only a few yards distant from the gateway. It may be perhaps best described as consisting of a large amount of debris. It seems to have been built on a mound encircled by a brick wall, and near this are ruined chambers and arcades that may have served as dwellings for the retainers belonging to the palace. But the site has long been used as a quarry; and it is difficult to conjecture either the size or plan of the ancient castle of the Princes of Koniah. / But though a ruin, it proved a very interesting and, in a sense, productive one to us. On one side rises a square tower which must have been covered with Persian tiles inside as well as out. Even now the colouring, when the sun shines on them, is most beautiful. They have withstood the rain and snow of several centuries without the blues or purples fading, or the gilding losing any of its richness. Andrew climbed up to the top of the ruin to break off some of the tiles for me, and the zaptiehs from below at once commenced to throw up stones, not caring how many they broke off for us. One of them went up with my husband and offered his bayonet to unfasten them. They are embedded very firmly in a strong cement, and it is most difficult to get them out, without breaking the stars and globes. Each tile is made in a different shape, and yet all fit one into another. They are of many colours – deepest purple, royal blue, white, gold, rich brown, crimson, dark green; and sometimes patterns are drawn on them, or a design formed in black and filled in with gold and colours. A few have a delicate tracing painted over a white ground. / No attempt has been made to save these beautiful relics. We were allowed to knock down a large mass of stone, so as to try and get a few of the tiles out intact The ground below is covered with hundreds of broken pieces, and in a few years not a vestige of the building will be left.” [ ] 14  Hogarth_1910_121–2 round Antalya: “though they knew well enough that men of English speech had weighted the scale against their creed in Crete, they showed no rancour towards us, but were glad to trade in ancient coins and scarcely younger eggs. They bethought them, too, of other antiques in marble and terra-cotta, which they had found while collecting stones from Side, or turning its soil with their spades; and in the event, we spent some exhilarating hours in unashamed quest of forbidden things.” [ ] 15  Robert_1953_406–407 at Amyzon, five hours from Alinda, arriving at the site in 1948: se dissimulaient d’admirables murs de marbre. En parcourant sans hâte le lieu, allant et revenant, je constatai que nous n’avions pas devant les yeux le site d’une acropole avec son enceinte défensive, mais les soutènements de deux terrasses grecques, dont l’une fut



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transformée en forteresse à l’époque byzantine par l’élévation de murailles sur le pourtour et l’implantation de tours aux angles . . . L’idée s’imposa aussitôt qu’il fallait préparer une fouille pour un avenir rapproché. Car la ruine, si longtemps préservée dans la solitude, était gravement menacée. Quand je descendis de cheval près d’un angle d’une terrasse et que je m’enfonçai dans les buissons, je me trouvai nez à nez avec un homme qui, armé d’une masse, travaillait à démolir un mur byzantin pour récupérer les marbres englobés dans le mortier et en faire des stèles funéraires ou de la chaux; il ramassa sa musette et disparut dans le fourré sans attendre la discussion. Tout le mur ouest, où l’on avait copié des inscriptions soixante ans auparavant, avait succombé, jusqu’au sol actuel, sous les coups des marbriers. Surtout, une dizaine de fours à chaux nouvellement construits encerclaient les terrasses; ces gros mangeurs eussent assez promptement dévoré la ruine de marbre. Quelques jours après, arrivant au chef-lieu du vilayet, à Aydin, nous signalâmes ces faits à l’actif gouverneur de la province. Immédiatement, le commandant de gendarmerie fut convoqué, le téléphone fonctionna avec la résidence du sous-gouverneur, du kaymakam; il fut ordonné au poste de gendarmerie situé à deux heures de la ruine d’empêcher tout fonctionnement des fours à chaux, toute activité des marbriers et de faire des tournées fréquentes sur les lieux. De fait, un an après, quand nous revînmes, aucun dégât n’avait été commis, chaque pierre était à la place où nous l’avions vue. / La protection prolongée et constante de ruines écartées est très difficile. Le premier devoir des archéologues est de ne pas laisser aux chaufourniers le soin d’exhumer les ruines. [ ] 16  Ludolph_of_Suchem_1851_7–8 (travelling 1336–1341, written 1350) Ed est sciendum, quod in mari pontico nulla plus invenitur nec scitur terra, nisi quaedam insula, quae Cersona vocatur, ad quam s. Clemens papa in exilium fuit relegatus et in eodem mari submersas, et ut legitur quod in eodem mari sit templum marmoreum, ad quod in eius feste transitus adhibeatur; sed nunc non est; olim autem fuit ita. Nam corpus sancti Clementis in Roma quiescit; ipsa insula est deserta, tamen optima et pulcherrima et ex ea deportantur marmora. [ ] 17  Pallas_1801_II_3–54 (travelling 1793–4) inside the old wall which once enclosed the Chersonnesus: C’est à commencer de cette ligne que toute la Chersonèse est couverte de vieilles traces de murailles, parôissant avoir ete construites pour enceindre des champs, ou servir de fondements à d’antiques bâtiments, dont les restes sont sans doute la preuve de la plus ancienne manière de bâtir en Grèce. [ ] 18  Clarke_1816_II_144–5 at Caffa “Fifty families are at present the whole population of the once magnificent town of Caffa: in some instances, a single house contains more than one family. The melancholy devastation committed by the Russians, drawing tears down the cheeks of the Tahtars, and extorting many a sigh from Anatolian Turks who resort to Caffa for commercial purposes, cannot fail to excite the indignation of every enlightened people. During the time we remained, soldiers were allowed to overthrow the beautiful mosques, or to convert them into magazines, to pull down the minarets, tear up the public fountains, and to destroy all the public aqueducts, for the sake of a small quantity of lead they were thereby enabled to obtain. Such is the true nature of Russian protection; such the sort of alliance which Russians endeavour to form with every nation weak enough to submit to their power, or to become their dupe. While these works of destruction were going on, the officers amused themselves in beholding the mischief. Tall and stately minarets, whose lofty spires added grace and dignity to the town, were daily levelled with the ground: these, besides their connection with the religious establishments for whose maintenance the honour of the Russian empire had been pledged, were of no other value to their destroyers than to supply a few soldiers with bullets, or their officers with a dram.” [ ] 19  Webster_1830_I_76 Chersonesus: “The work of excavation was proceeding very slowly, and the monuments and remains discoverable but ill repaid the trouble and expense of the search. All remains of the ancient Chersonesus have been utterly destroyed, – those now discovered being mostly of the middle ages. Workmen were digging out the ruins which had covered an old chapel, but their labours discovered nothing but a few inferior Ionic columns, with crosses carved upon their shafts and capitals. In the middle is a long and high green mound, from which the whole scene of grey heaps may be viewed.



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The walls are traceable from sea to sea, some parts being from twenty to twenty-five feet in height. There are marks of the round towers at the turning. One close by the quarantine harbour is almost entire. These traces denote the extent of the ruin. The barbarian had exhausted his ferocity, and perhaps wished to mark well of how vast a city he had been the destroyer. / In the excavations, the rude pillars with crosses, and other remains of the kind, are of a comparatively recent date.” [ ] 20  De_la_Primaudie_1848_302 Kaffa (i.e. Theodosia) in 1840, cited from A. De Demidoff, Voyage dans la Russie méridionale, ch. X: “L’ancienne citadelle génoise est aujourd’hui démantelée; ses murailles abandonnées menacent ruine de toutes parts. Les fortifications qui entouraient la tille et les tours qui longeaient le rempart sont également ruinées: celle dite du pape Clément présente encore trois pans de ses murailles. Je n’ose dire ce que je ressentis en voyant ces beaux ouvrages des Génois si ruinés et bien à tort. Les Russes ont fait enlever le revêtement des remparts et des fossés pour en construire de mauvaises casernes. Les suites inévitables de cette imprudence se sont fait bientôt sentir; ces magnifiques fossés servaient à l’écoulement des eaux de pluie et des torrents qui descendaient momentanément des montagnes rapides et nues qui entourent la ville; en les démolissant, on les a comblés sur plusieurs points, et pas plus loin qu’en 1834, l’on a vu les eaux de pluie des montagnes, pénétrant par-dessus les fossés dans la ville, en ravager les maisons, les jardins, et y causer, dans l’espace de quelques heures, un dommage de plus de 800,000 francs.” [ ] 21  Clarke_1816_II_81 for the new fortress at Taman (on the southern shore of the Black Sea, with the Greek colony of Phanagoria): “Workmen were then employed upon the building. It is an absurd and useless undertaking, calculated to become the sepulchre of the few remaining inscribed marbles and Grecian basreliefs, daily buried in its foundation. As a military work, the most able engineers view it with ridicule. An army may approach close to its walls, protected from its artillery by a natural fosse, and even unperceived by the garrison.” [ ] 22  Lechevalier_1800_II_380 Sinope: Le peu de vestiges qui reste des anciens édifices annonce encore, malgré les efforts destructeurs du tems, l’antiquité de Sinope. Les matériaux les plus riches, comme le verd antique, les débris les plus ornés, tels que des futs de colonne, des entablemens, etc. etc. ont été employés au hasard et confondus avec la pierre brute dans la construction et la réparation des murs de cette ville. [ ] 23  Hamilton_1837_48b at Sinope: “At Sinope nothing now is to be seen of its famous temples, gymnasia, porticos, &c.: they are all levelled, and the town is full of fragments in every corner. But the great mine of ancient fragments are the walls, which surround the modern town and citadel. This last is built on the narrow isthmus, and is probably a Byzantine work. The buildings consist altogether of fragments of ancient architecture, columns, friezes, architraves, mouldings, capitals of columns, cornices, &c., all worked in together, to form the fortifications, by the hands of some rude barbarians, for such in reality were some of the Byzantine emperors. Here I found an inscription in good preservation, which has never, I believe, been copied.” [ ] 24  Hamilton_1842_I_308–9 Sinope: “The same profusion of ancient fragments existed in the court-yard of a mosque near the centre of the town, where they were arranged on each side of the different paths and avenues leading to a large fountain. In many of the principal streets fragments of architraves and columns are seen in the foundations of the houses; and the outer wall to the west is also formed of similar remains; there were pieces of cornice, with fragments of two different inscriptions; No. 54 was on the entablature of a cornice, enriched with garlands and the caput bovia; Nos. 53 and 55 were on a plain cornice. All appeared to have belonged to edifices erected by or in honour of the Emperor Germanicus. A large marble lion is also worked into the same wall towards the south.” Marek 2003 frontispiece shows the towers of the Citadel of Sinope, by Jules Laurens (1825–1901), in the ENS Beaux-Arts, including large quantities of antiquities, including column-shafts, classical reliefs, and at least one large and projecting capital. [ ] 25  Robinson_1906_130–1: “Unhappily there are few certain data for reconstructing the ancient city. Looking down from the height above I tried in vain to make a mental plan which would include the stoas, gymnasium, and market-place, the Palace of Mithradates,



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and the Temple of Serapis. There are no ruins or even any mounded outlines for points of departure.” And again, 264: “The finest of Mithradates’ palaces was at Sinope but all its adornments, together with the stoas, gymnasium, and market-place of later times, have disappeared and left no trace.” [ ] 26  Oliphant_1856_16 at Sudjak Kaleh “Upon the hill to the left of the town stands a handsome Greek church, paved with marble, where the Russians had taken the trouble to smash every slab.” [ ] 27  Viquesnel_1868_II_301–302 (in his Indications sommaires de quelques ruines antiques reconnues dans la Turquie d’Europe en 1847): 15. Belles ruines au N.N. 0. de Sarai, versant méridionalde la chaîne côtière de la mer Noire. Ces ruines méritent d’être l’objet d’études sérieuses. Nous les avons vues à une faible distance de la route; il nous a semblé qu’une partie des édifices et des maisons étaient encore debout . . . Il parait que les Russes ont empli sept arabas avec les antiquités les plus précieuses et les ont emmenés en Russie. A notre passage, Férat bey possédait dans son jardin des statues, des bases, fûts et chapiteaux de colonnes. Quelques habitants de la petite ville avaient, les uns, des têtes; les autres, des bustes ou parties de statues trouvées à Viza. [ ] 28  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_549 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) Rhodes: Sur les remparts on compte en tout quatre cents soixante pièces de Canon, entre lesquelles il y en a pluseurs fort grosses qui sont de fonte, & sur les deux Châteaux cent soixante. [ ] 29  Lechevalier_1802_II_148–150 (travelling in 1785–1786): Une partie considérable des monumens de ce pays classique [the Troad] avait été déjà enlevée par les ordres du fameux capitan-pacha, Hassan-Pacha, il Gazi, qui fit faire des boulets avec les plus beaux marbres des environs des Dardanelles, et en préféra l’usage a celui du fer pour les grosses pièces d’artillerie. [ ] 30  Kinnear_1818_27 amphitheatre at Nicaea: “These caverns are filled with nitre, with which the Turks make gunpowder.” [ ] 31  Hamilton_1842_II_215: “Kara Bounar, we entered its now deserted walls. Near the entrance I observed several low conical sand-hills, with a crater-like depression on the summit, which I thought indicated recent volcanic phaenomena, but they proved to be nitre or saltpetre works. The town had evidently been once a place of considerable importance, and contained a handsome mosque with two minarets, to prove its royal origin, and a lead-roofed medresseh or college, now deserted and in ruins. The mosque was built, according to local tradition, by a Sultan Selim, on his way to Baghdad. The place, which contains about four hundred houses, was entirely deserted except by the Menzilji and his grooms, and a few men employed at the nitre-works, the rest of the inhabitants having left the unhealthy plain, and retired to their yaila at the S.W. foot of Karajah Dagh. / In the afternoon I visited the nitre-works and the volcanic hills to the S. The nitre is found chiefly on the spot where worked; the whole soil round the village being strongly impregnated with it, where it appears as an efflorescence on the surface after rain. The best, however, is said to come from a place a mile to the S., near the volcanic rocks. The nitre is obtained by washing the soil in hot water, and by subsequent evaporation in wooden troughs. It is a government monopoly, and the whole produce is sent by the Agha to the Baruth Khana (or powder magazine) at Constantinople.” Ibid. 224 for Akseray: “The principal articles of commerce at Ak Serai are saltpetre and madder; the former is here also a monopoly, and is collected from the walls of houses near the town, after rain, when the ground swells wherever the saltpetre has formed. The inhabitants are not permitted to collect it for themselves, or to sell it even from their own walls; but they are allowed a certain sum by the contractor for the trouble of collecting it for him.” [ ] 32  Alishan_1899_185 Tyana, on the road from Sardis to Tarsus, and its thermal springs in a lake: son eau est toujours bouillonnante, mais jamais elle ne déborde; il est entouré de pierres de taille massives, dont une grande partie ont été enlevées afin de former un canal pour les moulins; les Romains aussi avaient construit ici un grand aqueduc en marbre, pour conduire l’eau dans la ville, il n’ a pas moins de sept milles de longueur; cinquante voûtes restent encore debout les plus grandes et les plus hautes sont près de la ville, les



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plus petites, près de la colline, d’où coule continuellement une source qui se déverse dans un bassin de 40 à 50 pieds de longueur; ce lac est appelé maintenant Kezlar-gueul (Lac aux filles). [ ] 33  Hamilton_1842_II_302: “I passed through the burial-ground, full of columns, many of which were fluted, some of white marble, others of a beautiful breccia, besides marble blocks, cornices &c.; but I only saw two unimportant inscriptions. The mound on which the village is built consists of loose sand; in the walls and foundations of the houses, and in the pits dug near them, were many marble blocks and old foundations, particularly one of the basement of a temple, on which a well-proportioned Doric column was still standing in situ, about thirty feet high, consisting of four blocks of unequal length, while many fragments of similar columns were built into the walls of the neighbouring dwellings.” [ ] 34  Keppel_1831_51–2 for a list of the guns and mortars from Cape Greco to Sestos and Abydos – 689 guns and 8 mortars: “In passing some of these batteries, we saw several of those immense guns from which they discharge stone shot. The quantity of powder with which these large guns are charged is enormous; the largest requires 330 pounds.” [ ] 35  Fritz von Farenheid 1875, 81–82. [ ] 36  Deshayes_de_Courmenin_1624_301–2 for the forts of the Dardanelles, firing their guns even at this date: Les canons ne sont pas braquez tous droits, de peur que ceux d’un Chasteau n’offençaient l’autre . . . il est impossible que mesmes une barque puisse éviter d’estre coulée à fonds, si elle veut passer contra la volonté de ceux qui sont dedans. Il y a deux Basiliques en chacun de ces Chasteaux, qui portent unze cens livres de balles de Pierre, et faut cent septante-cinq liures de poudre pour les charger. [ ] 37  Walsh_1836_I_214–15 at Canakkale: “I found these immense pieces of ordnance lying on the ground without carriages, and apparently in very awkward and unmanageable situations, so that they can only be discharged from one position at objects just before them. A short time later, I was coming up the Dardanelles on board an English merchant-man. She was armed against the pirates of the Archipelago, and had a few real and more false guns, so that she had much the appearance of a ship of war. She had been waiting for a wind at the mouth of the Straits, and when a strong and favourable breeze sprang up, she hastened to take every advantage of it. We were sweeping along at the rate of ten knots by the Castles, when we were hailed by the sentinel to bring-to; but the captain was a stout, sturdy man, and he swore he would not stop and lose the wind, for the Sultan himself – so we took no notice. Presently the alarm was given, the guard turned out, and just as we were opposite a great gun, an artilleryman applied a match. My mind was filled with the accounts I had heard, and what I had seen myself of these engines, and when I was now at no great distance actually looking into the enormous mouth, and saw a lighted match applied at the other end, I thought in one moment it was all over with us. Providentially it burnt priming, and before the tardy Turks could replace the powder, we had passed beyond the range of the shot. When they saw this, they were exceedingly angry – they shouted with menacing attitudes, but all the artilleryman could now do was to shake his lighted linstock at us.” [ ] 38  Moltke_1877_48–49 (travelling 1836–1839) at the Dardanelles: J’ai remarqué de grands kémerliks qui lancent des boulets de granit et de marbre . . . Lorsqu’un boulet atteint un navire en marche, l’on ne voit pas comment une voie d’eau de deux pieds et demi de diamètre peut être bouchée. [ ] 39  Tournefort_II_1718_121 Mehmet II’s fortress of Basçesen, up the Bosphorus: “for Erizzo, a Venetian Captain neglecting to strike sail, had the misfortune to see his Ship sunk by a Stone Bullet of a prodigious size: and all he could do in this Disorder, was, to make the best of his way to Shore with about thirty of his Men: but he was impal’d by the Governour’s Direction, and the rest beheaded, and their Bodies left unburied upon the Shore.” [ ] 40  Moltke_1877_61 (travelling 1836–1839) target practice at the Dardanelles, 1836: Lorsque la charge de plus d’un quintal se fut allumée, le boulet énorme, noirci par la poudre, donna à peu près contre le milieu du détroit, et une haute gerbe d’eau jaillit de



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la mer à chaque ricochet. L’énorme bloc de marbre se dirigea vers la petite barque, la fit voler en mille éclats et remonta lentement et en chancelant le rivage. [ ] 41  Stochove_1643_210–211 at the Dardanelles, 60 bronze pieces on the Asian shore, and 50 on the European one: il y a deux doubles Basilisques dans chacun de ces chasteaux qui sont d’une demesurée grandeur: l’on nous asseura qu’elles portoient neuf cens liures de balle de pierre, & qu’il falloit cent cinquante liures de poudre pour les charger. [ ] 42  Gédoyn_1909_141 (French consul at Aleppo 1623–1625) Dardanelles: Pour le regard des Châteaux Dardanelles (qui sont environ dix lieues plus bas que Gallipoli), j’en ai fait quelque légère mention au petit voyage de Lampsaque, mais je dois ajouter ce que j’eus loisir d’observer cette fois par l’entremise des Turcs qui m’accompagnaient, avec lesquels j’entrai dans celui de l’Asie (qui fut anciennement Abyde), où je vis le canon en désordre sans roues et sans attirail, et, me dit-on, franchement qu’ils n’avaient que trois canonniers pour servir à deux cens bouches à feu, lesquelles font monstre et parade au dehors; au reste ses murailles de pierre de taille sont hautes et fort épaisses, mais sans aucun retranchement, fossé ni garnison suffisante pour défendre la place au besoin, de manière que l’entreprise en sera toujours facile, mais la garde impossible sans une armée prête pour entrer dans le pays. [ ] 43  Stochove_1643_210 the Dardanelles guns ne sont point braquez tout droict de poeur que ceux d’un chasteau n’offencassent l’autre. [ ] 44  Turner_1820_I_43 at the Dardanelles: “The Asiatic fort is commanded in person by the Bey of the town, whose authority extends also over the European, which never fires, till the example is set by the other. The gun which fired stone shots at our fleet in 1806, lies immoveable on the ground, close to the Asiatic battery, on the southerly side: the diameter of its bore is two feet, and I crept up it with the greatest ease. The weight of powder required to load it is sixty-three okes, and its stone ball weighs one hundred and forty-two okes.” – an oke is 2.75 pounds. [ ] 45  Wittman_1804_63b Wittman_1804_63: “The Dardanelles are principally defended by four castles, on which are mounted a considerable number of guns many of thern of an uncommonly large calibre, having, in some instances, a diameter of not less than thirty inches. In one of these guns a Turk was seen by our party, seated, and in the act of eating his meal.” [ ] 46  Covell_1893_154 (travelling 1670–79) at the Dardanelles: “Several guns on the ground play up and down the Hellespont; on that side are 14 port holes, where lye great guns chamber’d to shoot stone shot, very big, near 2 foot diameter, all fixt and immovable, and therefore to be charged only without. They will fling a shot crosse the Hellespont with ease. In the night they have lights on either side, and watch if any ship steals down; just as they eclips those lights, they can see them and so fire upon them. Bellonius makes it but 1/4 mile over; it is near a mile at least. I was not on the other side Castle, but I counted just 23 gun holes and thre sally ports between them; it seem’d a farre bigger castle than Abidos above said.” [ ] 47  Pococke_1772_V_249 (in the Orient 1737–1742) the Dardanelles guns at Canakkale: Il est défendu par quatorze gros canons de fonte qui n’ont ni affust ni reculée. Ils sont toujours chargés avec des boulets de pierre, près à foudroyer les vaisseaux qui oseroient passer sans être visités. Ils les tirent aussi à boulets pour répondre au salut des vaisseaux & comme ils causent du dommage là où ils tombent, le Grand Seigneur est assez généreux pour exempter de la taille ceux qui ont des terres vis-à-vis. [ ] 48  Galland_1881_II_155 (travelling 1672–3) at the Dardanelles: M. l’Ambassadeur fit saluer les chasteaux de six coups de perriers, et l’un et l’autre y fit response aussi de six coups à boulets de leur grosse artillerie, et, outre cela, donnèrent chascun un coup de grâce, le chasteau d’Asie d’un canon chargé d’un boulet de marbre de quatre cents livres qui, après avoir bondi par huict ou dix fois sur la surface de la mer en faisant rejaillir l’eau prodigieusement haut, passa bien avant sur la montagne dont il laboura la terre un fort longtemps en faisant une poussière fort grosse, et celuy d’Europe d’un autre canon chargé d’un boulet de six cents qui fit le mesme effet et traversa tout outre le destroit jusqu’en



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terre. Le plaisir estoit aussi très agréable de voir les autres boulets bondir au dessus de l’eau quoiqu’ils ne passassent pas de terre à terre, parce que les canons n’y estoient point braqués. [ ] 49  De_Tott_1786_II_66 at the “Castle of Asia” on the Dardanelles: “It was, also, with this view that the Turks had placed there an enormous Piece of Ordnance, which would carry a Marble Ball of eleven hundred pounds weight. This Piece, cast in brass, in the reign of Amurath, was composed of two parts, joined together by a screw, where the charge it contained, after the manner of an English Pistol. Its Breech rested against a massy stonework; and it was placed upon timbers, cut and disposed for that purpose, under a small Arch, which served as an Embrasure. I could not make use of this enormous Cannon in the outworks; and, as they were disposed in such a manner as to prevent its being fired, the Turks murmured at my paying so little regard to a piece of Artillery, which, no doubt, had not its equal in the Universe.” [ ] 50  Fellows_1839_79b, at the Dardanelles: “The mosques were no sooner emptied, than the forts on either side began their thundering, and I had an opportunity of witnessing the extent of their power. They all fired immense balls of stone, generally formed of rounded sections or pieces of broken columns, two feet in diameter. I went to the top of the house to witness the firing, which was very interesting. The guns were a little diverted from the direct line across, lest each should injure the opposite fort; and the shot marked very curiously the course they took, dipping into the sea six or seven times, playing duck-and-drake, and driving up the water as if spouted from a whale; all this was seen before the report was heard, showing remarkably the time occupied in conducting sound: seven or eight balls were dancing in the sea at the same time before any report was heard, producing an extremely singular effect.” [ ] 51  MacGill_1808_II_142–143: “For the large guns which the Turks are fond of having in their fortresses they use balls of granite; of these the plain of Troy has afforded immense numbers, and the innumerable and beautiful columns which once covered its surface, have by degrees been almost entirely destroyed for that purpose. I saw many piles of balls, some of which, I am confident, were at least three feet in diameter.” [ ] 52  Martin_1821_55 (Choiseul-Gouffier was ambassador to Constantinople 1784 to 1791) they got saluted with marble ball at the Dardanelles – 30 shots. No wonder there’s little marble left. [ ] 53  Grelot_1680_25 at the Dardanelles the forts respond to merchant vessels and to warships with one, three or five shots. [ ] 54  Ubicini_1855_7–8 at the Dardanelles: Il y a quelques années, sir Stratford Canning, aujourd’hui lord Redcliffe, revenant d’une excursion dans l’Archipel, se trouvait en vue des châteaux, lorsque, par une de ces boutades auxquelles Son Excellence est sujette, il fit hisser le grand pavillon d’Angleterre, et annonça l’intention de passer outre. Un coup de canon tiré à poudre du château d’Asie rappela la corvette à l’observation des règlements. La corvette força de vapeur. Un second coup de canon logea un boulet dans un des tambours. Cette fois, Son Excellence trouva que la plaisanterie avait duré assez longtemps; au commandement de Stop! la corvette s’arrêta; et, tandis qu’un officier du bord remplissait à terre les formalités d’usage, l’ambassadeur, en grand uniforme, allait faire une visite de courtoisie au pacha des Dardanelles, qu’il complimenta sur la justesse du tir de ses artilleurs. [ ] 55  Perrot_1872_I_78–80 Cyzicus: Guillaume worked out the the shafts of the temple were 21.35m, which would be bigger than Baalbek, or anything in Rome (tallest, Mars Ultor, at 17.50m). And he cites Dion that these were monoliths! But he doesn’t believe this, saying it is curious that none were to be found in Constantinople, so close by sea, although Codinus does enumerate the columns for HS, and then says the rest came from Cyzicus, so author wonders whether (80) what went to Constantinople came from the interior orders of the temple; and whether the enormous peristyle columns went to feed the Dardanelles guns.



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[ ] 56  Keppel_1831_112 on a visit to a Turkish flag-ship, “We went over the ship after our visit. It was clean and in good order. The guns, to the number of one hundred and thirty, were ready for immediate service: upon the lower deck were four guns, two on each side, for carrying stone shot of an immense size. There were no hammocks for the men, who lie about the decks as they please.” [ ] 57  Walpole_1817_92 from the Journals of Dr. Hunt at Canakkale: “The only garrison we saw here consisted of three or four Topgees, or Turkish gunners, whose employment consists in returning the salutes of ships of war. The cannon, of which, there are a great number, are on very clumsy carriages; on the battlements are light field pieces. In the great battery are guns of various calibre, and those on a level with the water are enormous; the bore of them is nearly three feet. We saw a pyramidal pile of granite shot for these huge cannon, which our Consul told us were cut out of columns found at Eski Stambol (ancient Constantinople), a name given by the Turks to Alexandria Troas. Instead of carriages, strong levers and pullies are used to work this massive artillery.” [ ] 58  Lechevalier_1791_7 at Alexandria Troas: “to the beach, Turks are to be found, at every step, employed in breaking Sarcophagi of white marble, adorned with bas-reliefs and inscriptions, to make bullets of them, or decorations for their own burying-places. For a long while the castles of the Dardanelles have been furnished with bullets from the ruins of Alexandria, and that magazine is not yet nearly exhausted.” [ ] 59  Lechevallier_1802_II_148 (travelled in 1785–6): Une partie considérable des monumens de ce pays classique avait été déjà enlevée par les ordres du fameux capitan-pacha, Hassan-Pacha il Gazi, qui fit faire des boulets avec les plus beaux marbres des environs des Dardanelles, et en préfera l’usage à celui du fer pour les grosses pièces d’artillerie. [ ] 60  Walpole_1817_135 Dr. Hunt at Alexandria Troas: “Proceeding towards the sea we noticed the site of the stadium; some fragments of ornamental architecture are near it, of rich design, apparently of the Corinthian order. Near the ancient port we saw piles of cannon balls, formed out of granite columns by order of a late Capudan Pasha for the supply of the forts of the Dardanelles.” [ ] 61  Colton_1856_203 at Alexandria Troas: “I stopped complacently beside a cannon ball, of astounding dimensions, shaped from a portion of the marble column that lay near, and now only waiting the gaping gun to go on its errand of ruin. Go, I exclaimed, as if impatient of its delay; go, split the globe asunder, make of it one half thy grave, and I will heave up the other for thy monument!” [ ] 62  Turner_1820_III_245b at Alexandria Troas “Near the entrance to the ruins lay many cannon-balls cut from the granite columns, and much ship-timber, which latter the peasants of the villages round are forced to bring to the shore here, where it is embarked for the arsenal at Constantinople.” [ ] 63  Lechevalier_1802_I_241b (travelling in 1785–1786) Alexandria Troas, En la parcourant en-dehors des murailles [viz. of the thermal springs called Kaploudja-Hamam] jusqu’au bord de la mer, on trouve à chaque pas des Turcs occupés a briser des sarcophages de marbre blanc, ornés de bas-reliefs et descriptions, pour en faire des boulets de canon ou des décorations à leurs propres sépultures. [ ] 64  Michaud_&_Poujoulat_1835_II_33 1830 on the Plain of Troy: La plaine de Troie, qui a tout au plus l’étendue de la plaine de Saint-Denis, présente partout une surface plane et unie, sans aucun arbre; des sentiers ou des chemins à peine tracés traversent la campagne eu plusieurs sens; des boulets de granit, jetés çà et la, sont les seules pierres et les seules ruines qu’on y rencontre. [ ] 65  Porter_1835_I_19 on a visit to Troad/Alexandria Troas: “To look for the materials of these ancient cities, you must visit the mosques, and other public buildings of Constantinople, and the batteries of the Dardanelles; in which latter you will find large piles of marble and granite balls, of from 500 to 800 pounds, made from the columns of Eske Stamboul, to suit the enormous cannon mounted in them.” [ ] 66  Broughton_1858_II_81: at Alexandria Troas: “We saw the road from the Dardanelles, running along the coast close to the shore, and a string of loaded camels, on their way to



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the south, were resting themselves on the sands. Several large cannon-balls, of granite, were lying scattered about on the sides of the path. The ruins of Alexandria have supplied the fortresses of the Dardanelles with balls ever since the time of the famous Gazi Hassan Pasha, who, having a chiflik, or countryhouse, at Erkissi-Keui, a village in the Troad, was well acquainted with a vast fund of materials to be found in his neighbourhood, and completed the destruction of many columns, some fragments of which, as yet not consumed, are now seen in different parts of this coast. If I mistake not, stone was used for this purpose previously to iron, or at least promiscuously with that metal, on the first invention of cannons, not only by the Turks, but the nations of Christendom. / If our countrymen were not, by experience, unfortunately too well acquainted with the dimensions of these balls, I might hesitate to state that the weight of those which are made for the largest guns is between seven and eight hundred pounds.” [ ] 67  Le_Brun_I_1725_67 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) the Fort qui est a l’entrée du Golphe de Smyrne, with one cannon outside the fortress walls: on tira plusieurs coups de cette pièce avec des boulets de pierre d’une grosseur extraordinaire; ils en avoient auparavant fait avertir nôtre Commandant, afin qu’il fît retirer son Vaisseau à l’un des côtez, pour prévenir les inconvénients qui en pourroient arriver. [ ] 68  Le_Bruyn_1725_I_67 fort at entrance to Gulf of Smyrna: Hors des murailles du Fort, on voit une pièce de canon extraordinairement grosse, où un homme pourroit entrer en se baissant . . . on tira plusieurs coups de cette pièce avec des bouets de pierre d’une grosseur extraordinaire. [ ] 69  Dallegio_d’Alessio_1946_229: Pour Gylles le Métopon est le promontoire du Bosphore qui naît près de la porte de Galata, c’est-à-dire de la porte de Tophane ou Sicena, comme il l’appelle, où, dit-il, gît une grande masse de boulets de marbre, pêle-mêle, avec une grande quantité de machines de guerre. [ ] 70  Porter_1835_II_39–40 near Seraglio Point: “Let us now step into our kaick, and proceed towards Seraglio Point, and, thence along the walls. We pass several ancient looking cannon of a strange construction and size, some of which have a bore for large balls, and the outer shells containing smaller calibres, for balls of from six to nine pounds weight. Many are calculated for balls of an enormous size, and are said to have been brought from Damascus, where they were used in the siege. From this place, the signal for the Bairam is fired, and salutes for other great public festivals.” [ ] 71  Ali_Bey_1814_III_361 at Constantinople, near Seraglio Point: Dans la dernière batterie du sérail, à la partie sud, j’ai vu quelques anciens canons turcs d’une grosseur colossale, dont les uns ont sept ou huit petites bouches autour de la grande bouche centrale, et les autres, un calibre de plus d’un pied de diamètre; ceux-ci servent à tirer des boulets de pierre, preparés et entassés auprès de chaque pièce. Ces énormes canons sont couchés à terre, sans affûts, pour tirer à fleur d’eau, de manière que tout bâtiment touché par un de ces projectiles doit couler bas sans remède. [ ] 72  Maurand_1901_203 (traveling 1544) at Pera, of the gates la troisième s’appelle la Porte des Bombardes, où est la fonderie; la quatrième conduit aux jardins, aux vignes et aux sépultures, et on l’appelle la Porte de la Tour. Là se voit un grand nombre de bombardes de toute sorte, canons renforcés, couleuvrines, pièces de campagne, basilics, mortiers, sacres, émerillons, vers. Nous y vîmes onze basilics, longs de 24 palmes; nous vîmes aussi sept mortiers qui furent portés contre Rhodes, et l’un d’eux porte sur le bord de la gueule la trace d’un coup de canon qui lui fut tiré de Rhodes. Ces mortiers sont gros de tour de huit palmes et quelques-uns même de neuf et renforcés jusqu’où on les remplit de poudre; un homme peut entrer à genoux dans la cavité de la gueule. Nous y vîmes une couleuvrine, longue de 22 palmes, faite en forme de colonne corinthienne, et un mortier, long de 15 palmes, avec de très belles figures en relief, qu’Ibrahim Bassa fit porter de Hongrie à Constantinople. [ ] 73  Bussière_1829_69–70 at Constantinople near the Arsenal: Un peu au-delà, mais sur le même rivage, se trouve une grande fonderie d’ancres, établie d’après les procédés européens; puis vient la caserne des Combaradgi (bombardiers), où je vis les énormes



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mortiers et canons de Constantinople, à coté desquels s’élèvent des piles de boulets en marbre blanc d’une dimension colossale, débris des monumens de Byzance. [ ] 74  Turner_1820_III_245 Alexandria Troas: “Near the entrance to the ruins lay many cannon-balls cut from the granite colunns, and much ship-timber, which latter the peasants of the villages round are forced to bring to the shore here, where it is embarked for the arsenal at Constantinople.” [ ] 75  Langlois_1861_430 (travelling 1852–3) Ayas: Au pied de ce château et du coté de la mer, on voit quantité d’énormes boulets de pierre, provenant du dernier siège que la ville eut à soutenir contre les musulmans. [ ] 76  Broughton_1858_II_20–1: “The morning was spent in tacking backwards and forwards, and it was half-past twelve o’clock before we came to a low fort on a tongue of land to the south, called Sangiak Bomou by the Turks, and Agia Souli by the Greeks, which forms the defence of the Bay of Smyrna. We were obliged to steer near the castle, in order to avoid the shallows to the north; and we passed close to the mouths of enormous cannons, whose balls of granite were scattered about on the outside of the embrasures, so as to afford another ostentatious specimen of the calibre of these immense pieces of ordnance. The fort was built in 1656, and has been very lately repaired – I believe during our war with Turkey.” [ ] 77  Colton_1835_280 (- viz. A US naval officer) in the Gulf of Smyrna, at Vourla: “passing the neglected fortress which was posted here to command the pass, with its guns of ostentatious calibre, and huge marble balls piled around the low embrasure, but which with all its threatening malignity, like our unfortunate Ticonderoga, may be over awed and silenced from a neighboring height.” [ ] 78  Oliver_1801_24 at the Dardanelles forts: “neither the one nor the other would not long hold out against ships of the line that might attack them. Their monstrous guns, without carriages, loaded with bullets of marble or granite, of about two feet in diameter, would soon be abandoned by gunners, who could neither manage them, nor point them, nor even load them with facility.” [ ] 79  Wittman_1804_102 at Canakkale “Near the fortress are seen many marble balls, of an astonishing size and weight; they are still used by the Turks. At the passage of Sir Sydney Smith, one of these balls struck the main-mast of his ship and killed seven of the crew: it broke on the deck, and its pieces were found to weigh . . . about four hundred and twentyfive pounds English.” [ ] 80  Smith_1839_II_15 for the action; and 18 for Smith’s report: Feb 20th, 1807, which reads in part: “profiting by the consternation of the Turks from the explosions on all sides of them, the effects of which occasioned no small risk to him. Lieutenants Fynmore, Boileau, and the party, he entered the redoubt, (the Turks retreating as he approached), set fire to the gabions, and spiked the guns, thirty-one in number, eight of which are brass, carrying immensely large marble balls: as, however, the expected explosion of the line-ofbattle ship made it impossible for the boats to stay long enough to destroy them effectually with their carriages.” [ ] 81  Fowler_1854_100 the British before Constantinople, in March 1807: “instead of attacking the city, he weighed anchor on the 2nd of March, and set sail for the Dardanelles, amidst the shouts and uproars of the people, who were giving thanks to God and their Prophet for this happy deliverance from a threatened invasion of the British. They met with a warm reception from the batteries of the castles which fired upon them immense balls of marble or granite; one of them weighing 800 lbs. cut the mainmast of the Windsor Castle in two, and it was with much trouble and pains that the ship was saved; another struck the Standard, a seventy-four gun ship, penetrated her poop, and carried away everything before it; the shock was so great against the main-mast as to shiver it in pieces; it fired some powder barrels, causing an explosion which destroyed a part of the upper deck – n early sixty men were killed by this single shot; the corvettes were lost. This ill-fated expedition came off with the loss of 197 men killed, and 412 wounded. It was generally condemned as weak, injudicious, and childish, and produced an effect quite the reverse of



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what was intended, by placing the Turkish Government for a time wholly under the influence of France, and under that influence to make peace with Russia.” [ ] 82  Holbrook_1857_382, meeting with a Greenwich Pensioner: “We just stepped a few paces ahead, and had a short chat with the old fellow. He was quarter gunner on board the Leviathan, and lost both legs by a splinter knocked from a gun carriage by a marble shot, weighing over two hundred pounds.” [ ] 83  Smith_1839_II_47 Duckworth getting shot at on leaving the Dardanelles, Feb 21st 1807: “the English, after encountering a force which the resources of an empire had been employed for weeks in preparing, they would not have been able to maintain a successful conflict with the enemy, and then have repassed the Dardanelles. Indeed, had the delay been much longer protracted, the repassing of the Dardanelles would have been impossible. The fire from the two inner castles on our ships in the outward passage had been most severe; but, on their return, they found their defences to have become doubly formidable. Huge blocks of marble, of immense weight and size, were fired at our ships from stationary mortars. One of these, weighing eight hundred pounds, cut in two the mainmast of the Windsor Castle, and it was not without great exertions that the ship was saved. The course of these masses of stone being easily discovered, contact with them was avoided by the men slipping aside, and thus opening for them a clear passage. / The total loss sustained in this fruitless expedition was forty-two killed, two hundred and thirty-five wounded, and four missing; the Pompee’s (Sir Sidney Smith’s ship) share of which was only five seamen wounded.” [ ] 84  Walsh_1836_I_213: “When Admiral Duckworth repassed the Dardanelles, after his fruitless attempt on the capital, his fleet were greatly shattered by these tremendous engines. The Royal George was nearly sunk by one ball, which destroyed her cutwater. The mainmast of the Windsor Castle was almost cut in two, and the Repulse had her wheel shot away, and seventeen men killed or wounded by a single shot. The largest ball that struck our ships was one of granite, of eight hundred pounds weight, and two feet two inches in diameter. It stove in the whole larboard bow of the Active, and having crushed this immense mass of solid timber like so much paper, the shot rolled ponderously aft along the orlop deck, and stopped near the main hatchway, an object of wonder to the crew, who made a lane for it to pass. But the most extraordinary effect was told me by an officer in one of the ships of the fleet, I think he said the Standard. The ball passed in on her larboard quarter, between decks, and meeting with the stem of the mizen, which was encased with iron, it made a sort of gyration round it, during which the friction elicited from the iron a stream of scintillating sparks, which communicated to some powder lying about it. An immediate explosion took place, which nearly rent the decks asunder, and forty persons were more or less injured by the effects of this one ball. He gave me a fragment of granite, which, he said, was part of this ball; it abounded with grains of quartz, which acted on the iron of the mast like flint on steel and so caused the ignition of the powder.” [ ] 85  Earl_of_Carlisle_1855_53 at Canakkale: “We turned round at Gallipoli, and on our return stopped at the castle in the small town of the Dardanelles, on the Asiatic side, where we were very courteously received by the military governor, who gave us the usual pipes, coffee and sherbet. He had a good appearance and countenance, but we were not very favorably impressed with his court or army. We looked at the great guns, one of which knocked about Admiral Duckworth’s ship. One of them bears two or three marks of the English cannon at the same period. There are seven altogether, with their piles of large marble or granite balls; the bore of the largest is thirty-two inches. They are not considered nearly so efficient as those of the usual size, from the difficulty of pointing and reloading them.” [ ] 86  Phillimore_1876_I_415: Parker bought Shenstone Lodge, near Lichfield, and decorated the gateposts with two cannon balls fired at Duckworth during his passage through the Dardanelles. [ ] 87  Wittman_1804_63 Dardanelles: “At the time when Lieutenant-colonel Holloway and Major Hope were engaged in the survey of the castles and coast, a practice was made by



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the Turks from the great guns at Chennecally for the purpose of convincing the English officers that their large marble and granite balls, discharged a ricochet, would reach quite across the Dardanelles. They indeed furnished a melancholy proof of this; a family of three individuals, sitting in a field on the opposite side, having been killed by one of the shots.” [ ] 88  Lane-Poole_1888_II_218–219 a mishap at the Dardanelles in 1852: “The next evening found us steaming back to the Dardanelles. Unfortunately a head wind delayed our speed and we arrived half an hour after sunset. As we had been clearly visible for some time with the ambassador’s flag flying at the main, we thought of course that orders would have been given to let us pass; but a sudden boom and a shot just in front of our bows forced us to alter our course, with the instant result of being imbedded in a sand bank. It took us two or three days to get over this mishap, for it was only by unshipping the guns and unloading the coal that the ship was at length set free. The delay, though provoking enough at the time, was utilized in a delightful expedition to the plains of Troy, which otherwise we should have missed. One more halt to enable us to visit the ruins of Cyzicus; a lovely ride through luxuriant vineyards, where immense bunches of grapes were offered to us at each step.” [ ] 89  Burlet 2008. [ ] 90  Baratta_1831_7 at the Dardanelles Le enormi, e pressoche inutili artiglierie fisse, che gettavano palle di marmo, sono ora, per la massima parte, state scambiate con pezzi di giusto calibro, piu maneggevoli e guisti ne’loro tiri. [ ] 91  Admiralty_1882_18 Kilitbahir: “Kilid Bahr is a picturesque stone fortress, of a heart or trefoil shape in plan, with a tall keep rising in its centre, of a similar shape, and stands on sloping ground on the edge of the strait. The only guns now mounted are in a stone and earthen battery under the keep, where eight enormous bronze guns of ancient date are placed. Two of these throw stone shot of 29 inches diameter, the calibres of the others vary from 29 to 30 inches.” [ ] 92  Clarke_1817_V_346–7 The Turks had obviously been using decayed columns at Alexandria Troas, for “Some of the granite columns used by the Turks in the fabrication of their cannon-balls have been found in such a state of decomposition, that, although sufficiently compact to admit of their receiving a spheroïdal form, yet, when fired at our ships, the substance shivered, and flew about in small pieces, like canister shot, proving a very destructive species of ammunition.” [ ] 93  Leake_1830_II_47–8: “I find a white marble column hollowed out, and serving for a horse-trough at a well, one mile from the gate of Tripolitza on the Anapli road. Its dimensions being precisely the same as those of the two columns in the mosques of the city, it is evident that they all belonged to the same colonnade at Tegea; I was told at Piali that fifteen similar columns had been carried away from the same excavation at that place.” [ ] 94  Guérin_1869_II_130–131 in Judaea, El Medjdel: Près de là est le puits principal du bourg. Les auges où l’eau se répand pour les animaux sont formées avec des fûts de colonnes antiques, étendus horizontalement et maçonnés; les uns sont de marbre blanc, les autres de granit gris. La roue, que meut un chameau, repose elle-même sur un chapiteau corinthien de marbre gris. / Dans trois oudy, où je pénètre ensuite, je trouve d’autres fûts de colonnes de marbre, soit intacts, soit brisés. Le seuil d’un certain nombre de maisons particulières et l’arcade d’un café offrent pareillement à ma vue divers fragments antiques, tels que tronçons de colonnes, plaques de marbre et chapiteaux mutilés. [ ] 95  Morritt_1914_135b (travelling 1795) Pergamon in 1794: “Behind the town is a very high, conical hill, on which has been the citadel and a great part of the ancient city. This, having been since used by the Genoese and Turks, is now one hodge-podge of fine remains jumbled pell-mell into walls and fortifications. Of the ancient walls and citadels, a few of the lower courses of stone and the foundations remain, very distinguishable from the buildings raised upon them. Amongst the numbers of foundations, we distinguished some of baths, and saw quantities of broken Doric friezes and columns lying over the whole hill. A causeway of ancient work remains in part up to the castle, and is in many places formed



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of rows of ancient marble columns laid across and covered with earth. Many of these the whimsical engineers that placed them have bored into cannon, and raised the causeway into a battery. I should think, however, if fired, they would do much more harm to their neighbours than to the enemy.” [ ] 96  Arundell_1828_283–4 Pergamon: “The half way space of the hill is defended by an outwork of embattled wall of considerable extent, with frequent towers. A little above is a platform, intended as a battery, built entirely of marble fragments, columns, cornices, and other ornaments, cemented in beds of mortar. A curious expedient has been attempted: that of perforating some of the shafts of the columns, many of which are fixed in a row, and using them for cannon.” [ ] 97  Elliott_1838_II_129 the acropolis of Pergamon: “About half-way up, our attention was arrested by the remains of some formidable fortifications; above these is a platform constructed of ancient pillars embedded in mortar, with fragments of marble of various shapes and sizes. On this a battery was once raised, in which were four columns perforated and furnished with touch-holes: but they have long since been destroyed, and the whole platform is undergoing spoliation. From the middle to the top the pavement is nearly perfect: it is formed of flag-stones of red granite, and follows the course of a circuitous road, with an ascent so easy that a horse might walk up it. A single truncated column still stands by its side, and large fragments of marble lie about in every direction.” [ ] 98  Durbin_1845_II_162 acropolis at Pergamon: “A little lower down recently stood a battery, formed of the ruins of some magnificent edifice, whose marble columns were bored for guns, one of which is still there.” [ ] 99  Ouvré_1896_233–4 Koutayha: On atteint les ruines par un chemin raide que revêt une herbe glissante. Çà et là des fragments d’architecture, qui sont tombés du plateau supérieur. Un chapiteau corinthien s’est arrêté à mi-côte, et reste suspendu, dans un équilibre inquiétant. Nous arrivons aux courtines de l’enceinte. Les tours, rondes et ventrues, sont faites de moellons et rayées horizontalement par des chaînes de brique rouge. Les maçons ont engagé dans l’assise du bas des tambours de colonne qui s’avancent pareils aux pièces d’une batterie; et un Grec, qui m’accompagne, me demande si c’étaient bien là vraiment les canons de l’antiquité. [ 100] Denon_1803_I_1101 Denon_1803_I_1101 walls of Alexandria: In other places a great number of columns have been applied to the construction of the walls, to support and level them; and these columns, having resisted the ravages of time, now resemble batteries.” [ ] 101  Porter 1835, 84. [ 102] Elliott_1838_II_111–112 Akhissar: “Akhissar is of considerable extent, containing thirteen hundred Turkish, four hundred Greek, and forty Armenian houses. Situate in the direct road between Constantinople and Smyrna, it wears an appearance of comfort superior to that of Anatolian towns in general. The bazaars are large and amply supplied; and the khan is handsome, clean, and well ordered; indeed, so comfortable is it, that the doctor of the place lives there entirely, having furnished his principal apartment with a glass window. Fragments of ancient pillars abound in every direction, here supporting the tottering roof of a stable or private house, there forming the doorposts of a Turkish bath or mosque. On one of these columns, which sustains the verandah of a cotton manufactory, is a very legible inscription in Greek and Latin, denoting that the pillar it decorates constituted part of a structure in honor of the emperor Vespasian.” [ 103] Sterrett_1885c Inscriptions II, VII, XI, XII, XIII, XV, XVII, XVIII: “In wall of cotton factory of Anastasios Kokkalas in Aidin.” [ 104] Anderson_1898_121: “Some inscriptions of Tyriaïon and the district between it and Laodiceia Katakekaumene have been published by Mr. Hogarth . . . There has recently been a great destruction of marbles to obtain good stones for the new government buildings at Ilghin, but I succeeded in adding a number of inscriptions to the small list already known.” [ 105] Picard_&_Macridy-Bey_1921_436–437: Dès l’intervention de la Turquie dans la guerre européenne, Panderma [Bandirma] devint un lieu de concentration pour les



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troupes ottomanes destinées aux divers fronts. Les locaux militaires durent être alors agrandis; en particulier, la construction d’une vaste caserne avait été, d’emblée, décidée par les autorités locales. Les ruines de Cyzique, visibles à proximité, et qui pouvaient fournir la pierre nécessaire, attirèrent encore l’attention des constructeurs. Mais la Direction, des Musées Impériaux, avisée à temps, réussit à prendre, cette fois-ci, les mesures dictées par les circonstances. Elle chargea l’architecte du district de Karassi, dont dépend Panderma, de rester, en permanence à Cyzique, pour inspecter les travaux, en n’autorisant que l’enlèvement des marbres sans valeur. Ce fonctionnaire devait; en outre, informer la Direction des Musées de toute découverte intéressante – cf. the “marbres sans valeur” dodge deployed by the colons in Algeria. [ 106] Débarre_2009_2–3: M. le Professeur Schönborn chargé par le gouvernement du Roi de faire des recherches scientifiques dans l’Asie Mineure vient de m’informer qu’il a trouvé près des villages de Gjöl Bachi et de Tschakal Bejat dans les environs de Ka[ss]aba[ . . . ] un vieux mur tombant en ruines sur lequel se trouvent des pierres carrées avec quelques sculptures qui seront bientôt entièrement détruites et ensevelies sous la terre. Ces vieilles pierres ne peuvent être absolument d’aucune utilité pour personne dans leur état actuel mais comme elles offrent quelque intérêt sous le rapport des sciences et de l’histoire ancienne, Mr. le Professeur Schönborn désirerait en emporter une Partie. [ 107] Hamilton_1842_II_326: “At Cassaba we quitted the road to Koniyeh on our right, skirting round the base of Allah Dagh, which consists apparently of thin-bedded semicrystalline limestone, dipping S.E. The low hills sloping to the N.N.E., over which our road led, were of the same formation, and had been quarried for building-stones. Four miles from Cassaba we reached an extensive burial-ground containing a few double columns of marble, besides some large blocks; a little way further to the S.W. were the ruins of a town or village, which, although apparently Turkish, I turned off from the road to visit, in the hope of lighting upon something of greater antiquity. I found many marble blocks and other fragments, the evidence of ancient plunder; together with a mutilated inscription; the commencement of the lines being buried deep in a wall, could not be deciphered. The name of the village was said to be Bossola by some Turks.” [ 108] Smythe_1874_II_309 Antioch: “the town and near the river, where gigantic sakiyak wheels are employed to raise water into the gardens, groaning loudly and distressfully at every turn. Not far off were two huge structures built by Ibrahim Pasha as a palace for himself and barracks for his troops; only the shells have ever been completed, and from these the roofing was taken by the English Consul, with the permission of the Government, for the barracks built for the Land Transport Corps at the time of the Crimean War; it is said that the walls are going to be pulled down now, – a fate similar to that of some of our old ships, that rotted and mouldered on their slips before they were launched, and were finally taken to pieces and burned after ornamenting the dock-yards for some ten or twenty years. These ill-fated buildings were raised from materials, taken by the Pasha, from the ancient walls and fortifications of the city.” [ 109] Senior_1859_155 Abydos: “In the afternoon, I walked with Mr. F. Calvert, another brother of the consul’s, to Abydos, now the site of a Turkish hospital; only one relic of its ancient importance remains, the fragment of a wall. The whole ground is covered with fragments of Greek pottery, the most indestructible of human works. At the beginning of the war, the Turks raised some earthworks on this promontory. In excavating for them, they found a marble chair and an inscription, by which Xerxes grants some privileges to the town of Abydos. The Turks broke up the chair, and have lost the inscription. Mr. Frank Calvert believes that the chair was that on which Xerxes sat on this promontory to view his army pass the Hellespont.” [ ] 110  Castellan_1820_240 the “throne” at Lampsaki: Sur la plage, à droite de l’entrée de la ville, j’ai aussi remarqué une enceinte formée de murailles assez basses. Au pourtour sont des tables de marbre blanc, disposées comme pour servir de sièges; et, à l’extrémité, sur une base élevée, on voit une espèce de chaire à prêcher, également en marbre blanc. Ce local n’est point embarrassé de décombres, et paroît fréquenté. D’après le rapport des



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habitans, il sert à quelque cérémonie religieuse, et l’iman se place dans la chaire pour lire tout haut des passages du Coran, C’est le seul monument de ce genre que j’ai vu en Turquie. Les Turcs ne se livrent à leurs pratiques religieuses que dans les mosquées, et rarement en plein air, si ce n’est lorsqu’ils se trouvent à la campagne loin des mosquées, en voyage, ou lors de leur fête du Ramazan. / Ces marbres n’ont pas été taillés par les Turcs; ils ont probablement été arrachés à quelque construction du même genre, tel qu’un théâtre, qui pourroit avoir donné l’idée de ce monument singulier. [ ] 111  Macdonnell_1911_8: “The Turkish coast of the Aegean Sea on the north is about 800 miles long, but there are only two places favourable to the landing of troops at Salonika and at Dede-Agach at the mouth of the River Maritza; the latter is navigable up to Philipolis. / A possible landing might be effected in the Gulf of Kavala, but the country is marshy and malarious. The Constantinople-Salonika railway lies about 20 miles inland from this point, but the roads to it are very bad. / The Adriatic coast of Turkey has practically no harbours or ports of any consequence.” [ ] 112  Deshayes_de_Courmenin_1624_318–319 after sailing past Cnidus, the weather worsened, and the sailors n’oserent passer le port Genevois, qui n’en est qu’à cinq milles, où nous demeurasmes toute la nuit: ce port est fort bon pour les galleres, & pour les vaisseaux, encor qu’il ayt esté fait par artifice en iognant une Isle à la terre ferme: nous y vismes le long du rivage beaucoup de ruynes que l’un de nos pilotes nous dit estre d’une grande ville qui y estoit autrefois. [ ] 113  PTF_Consul_1811_34–35: Les ruines de Pompeïopolis couvrent un espace immense; les murs des maisons, les cimetières, les mosquées de la peuplade nouvelle sont couverts de fragmens d’architecture et de sculpture. On voit partout des inscriptions mutilées, des morceaux d’architrave, des fûts de colonne, et des chapiteaux dégradés. Tous les fragmens sont riches. J’ai vu des colonnes de granit et de vert antique, soit entières, soit brisées. Partout on foule aux pieds le marbre ou des morceaux d’une brèche superbe dont les carrières existent dans les montagnes voisines; la sculpture de ces débris est en général médiocre. La grossièreté paphlagonienne dépasse la magnificence orientale. [ ] 114  Ainsworth_1840_510 Payas: “The Pasha is actively engaged in transporting wood from Amanus to Egypt. To accomplish this, he gives a pair of oxen to any family, more particularly preferring Christians from their steadiness, and out of the small allowance made to them for work, they have at the end of a year, if possible, to pay for the oxen.” [ ] 115  Bell_1906–1907_I_3 Payas: “There is a small Armenian fort to the north of the town, on a bay which mnst hâve been the harbour, for a ruined mole rans ont into the sea to the south of it.” [ ] 116  Ainsworth_1840_511 Iskenderun: “We found this little place much improved. Mr. Hayes [vice-consul] had built himself a commodious English-looking house; the Austrian tent occupied the old consular establishment, and Ibrahim Pasha had also built granaries for rice and corn, &c. coming from Egypt. There is no doubt but that if this place is continued in the line of the Austrian steam-packets that it will very rapidly rise in importance. As it is, forty vessels, on an average, come every year to this port from Great Britain, and from fifteen to twenty from other countries.” [ ] 117  Naval_staff_1919_264–268, Naval Staff Intelligence Department, A handbook of Asia Minor, I: General, London 1919. 264–268 History of completed railways, with table; 268–275 A system of proposed railways; 275–279 History of railway proposals. [ ] 118  Ouvré_1896_244–245 in his chapter on Kutahya, noting that l’ingénieur est roi de l’Asie Mineure. Ne sourions pas, cet avènement d’une force inconnue jusqu’ici sera plus tard consigné dans les histoires; et, de même que nous venons aujourd’hui rêver devant le tombeau de Midas, et contempler les grottes de Tchoukourdja-Keuï, un antiquaire de l’avenir ramassera dans l’herbe folle les débris des écrous et des traverses, recherchera par de patientes fouilles le profil des tranchées, et méditera sur la révolution qui, vers le début du vingtième siècle, recula jusqu’au Taurus les frontières du monde européen. Que d’études, de curiosités, d’admiration même susciterait le spectacle qui nous entoure, si nous savions le contempler d’un peu loin! Nos pays d’Occident, surchargés de richesses



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et pleins d’énergies inemployées, ont trouvé sur ces plateaux d’Asie un prétexte à vastes tentatives, et la civilisation, rompant ses digues, s’est répandue comme un flot brutal et fécondant. Il y a bien des disparates dans l’œuvre accomplie, elle sent la hâte et presque la violence, car elle n’est point sortie d’une évolution lente et d’un effort patient. Les rails sont posés dans la poussière des steppes, des taudis entourent les gares, et près de ce bureau, où l’on calcule des cotes et où l’on dresse des épures, les gendarmes du lazaret secondent les progrès du choléra.” [ ] 119  Radet_1895_431: A la population fixe, il convient d’ajouter une population flottante d’a peu près trois cents individus, de nationalité francaise, italienne ou suisse. Tout le personnel qui a construit la ligne d’Ismidt à Angora est resté à Eski-Chéhir pour le prolongement du chemin de fer, sur Koutahia d’abord, sur Afoun-Kara-Hissar ensuite. Mais à mesure que la voie s’enfonce dans le sud, ingénieurs, entrepreneurs et conducteurs se déplacent, installant leurs bureaux et leurs chantiers à proximité des sections qui s’ouvrent. Nos compatriotes participent à cette œuvre considérable. Depuis le creusement du canal de Sues, aucun des grands travaux publics de l’Orient ne s’est accompli sans notre concours. La construction des quais de Smyrne, du port de Beyrouth, du port de Constantinople, le percement de l’isthme de Corinthe, le dessèchement du lac Copais sont des entreprises françaises. Bien qu’allemande, la compagnie des chemins de fer d’Analolie a confié l’exécution de son réseau à des Français, parce que ceux-ci ont le meilleur outillage, qu’ils vont vite et qu’ils font bien. C’est pour ce motif que nous trouvons à Eski-Chéhir une colonie française. [ 120] Ramsay_1890_26: “The road-system of Anatolia is at present in a transition state. Since steam navigation was introduced the great land-routes, starting from Constantinople and leading to the various provinces of the empire, have fallen into disuse and disrepair. Previously the necessities of government required the maintenance in tolerable repair of roads and a postal service. This Turkish road-system was practically the same as the Byzantine system, which was gradually introduced after the foundation of Constantinople as the capital of the eastern world. That event soon produced a total revolution in the road-system, which previously had been arranged for commercial and military purposes with a view to easy communication with Rome. We must therefore go back to an older road-system, of which Rome was the centre. According to that system all roads led to Rome: all the products of the provinces of Asia Minor, from the huge monolithic columns of Phrygian marble to the red Cappadocian earth for making pencils, were carried to the harbour of Ephesos, and thence shipped to the West; from Rome came all the governors and officials, and to Rome they returned; along the same roads all alike travelled, merchants, officials, tourists, every one who was attracted towards the great centre of life. The same road-system, on the whole, existed under the Greek kings, except that it was unorganised and only inchoate.” [ ] 121  Hamilton_1842_I_416 Ravli, near Ankara: “In the burial-ground, and other parte of the village of Havli, distant six hours from AkjahTash, I found many large blocks of hewn stone, evidently intended for some considerable building; as well as architraves, cornices, columns, and sepulchral cippi. All retain distinct marks of the chisel, and appear never to have been finished. The limestone hills we had just left probably contained the quarries which supplied Angora with marble; and these blocks may have been on their way thither, when the wave of destruction rolled over the Roman empire, checking the further progress, and for a time destroying the very existence, of civilization. The rough appearance of many of them justifies this supposition; for otherwise, why should we find so many pedestals and cippi in such an unfinished state, without ornament or inscription?” [ 122] Choisy_1876_193 Vers Eski-kara-hissar, les rochers reparaissent. Au village même, ils sont de lave noire, mais le village est rempli de blocs de ce magnifique marbre blanc qui s’est extrait tout près d’ici sous les empereurs romains; et les signes de comptabilité gravés sur ces blocs montrent incidemment que la tendance aux écritures remonte fort au-delà de l’invention du papier. La date consulaire de l’extraction du bloc y est inscrite,



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sa grandeur, son prix, que sais-je? Il eût été plus vite fait de tailler, une seconde pierre, que de marquer sur la pierre extraite les indications qu’on y lit. [ 123] Stephens_1842_75–76 in Athens: “The sentimental traveller must already mourn that Athens has been selected as the capital of Greece. Already have speculators and the whole tribe of ‘improvers’ invaded the glorious city; and while I was lingering on the steps of the Parthenon, a German, who was quietly smoking among the ruins, a sort of superintendant, whom I had met before, came up, and offering me a cigar, and leaning against the lofty columns of the temple, opened upon me with ‘his plans of city improvements;’ and new streets, and projected railroads, and the rise of lots. At first I almost thought it personal, and that he was making a fling at me, in allusion to one of the greatest hobbies of my native city; but I soon found that he was as deeply bitten as if he had been in Chicago or Dunkirk; and the way in which he talked of monied facilities, the wants of the community, and a great French bank then contemplated at the Piraeus, would have been no discredit to some of my friends at home. The removal of the court has created a new era in Athens; but, in my mind, it is deeply to be regretted that it has been snatched from the ruin to which it was tending. Even I, deeply imbued with the utilitarian spirit of my country, and myself a quondam speculator in ‘up town lots,’ would fain save Athens from the ruthless hand of renovation; from the building mania of modern speculators. I would have her go on till there was not a habitation among her ruins; till she stood; like Pompeii, alone in the wilderness, a sacred desert, where the traveller might sit down and meditate alone and undisturbed among the relics of the past. But really Athens has become an heterogeneous anomaly; the Greeks in their wild costumes are jostled in the streets by Englishmen. Frenchmen, Italians. Dutchmen, Spaniards, and Bavarians, Russians, Danes, and sometimes Americans.” [ 124] Stephens_1842_117–118 in Athens: “Towards evening I paid my last visit to the Acropolis. Solitude, silence, and sunset, are the nursery of sentiment. I sat down on a broken capital of the Parthenon: the owl was already flitting among the ruins. I looked up at the majestic temple, and sat down at the ruined and newly regenerated city, and said to myself, “Lots must rise in Athens!” I traced the line of the ancient walls, ran a railroad to the Piraeus, and calculated the increase on “up-town lots” from building the king’s palace near the Garden of Plato. Shall I or shall I not “make an operation” in Athens? The court has removed here, the country is beautiful, climate fine, government fixed, steam boats are running, all the world is coming, and lots must rise. I bought (in imagination) a tract of good tillable land, laid it out in streets, had my Plato, and Homer, and Washington Places, and Jackson Avenue, built a row of houses to improve the neighbourhood where nobody lived, got maps lithographed, and sold off at auctions. I was in the right condition to “go in,” for I had nothing to lose; but, unfortunately, the Greeks were very far behind the spirit of the age, knew nothing of the beauties of the credit system, and could not be brought to dispose of their consecrated soil, “on the usual terms,” ten per cent, down, balance on bond and mortgage; so, giving up the idea, At dark I bade farewell to the ruins of the Acropolis, and went to my hotel to dinner.” [ 125] Ramsay_1897b_116: “The Kurds of the Euphrates country impressed me much more favourably than those of the Haimane; but I have seen far less of them. In 1890, Hogarth and I, crossing their country, had the reputation of being engineers prospecting for a railway; and the idea of a railway is almost always highly popular. Every one knows that a railway brings money, and openings for work and earning, and increases the value of land. Many people also, not Christians alone, welcome a railway as the herald of a new form of government a la Franga, in which Europeans shall renovate the country.” [ 126] Le_Camus_1896_229 Sardis: A qui la faute sinon à cette triste civilisation musulmane qui n’aide pas le laboureur, ne protège pas le propriétaire, et maintient l’idéal du bonheur de l’homme dans le farniente du grand ou du petit harem? Et dire que nos nations d’Europe s’obstinent à maintenir, tout, les représentants de cet odieux régime, au lieu de les chasser, au nom même du progrès, et de les reléguer définitivement dans les



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sables du désert! Le chemin de fer a bien fait de mettre ici, en face des ruines et si isolée soit-elle, une station que l’on nomme Sart. C’est le passé ressuscité dans le nom, espérons qu’il le sera bientôt dans une grande et belle ville, qui groupera, à Sardes, une population riche et nombreuse, comme autrefois. [ 127] Brisse_1903_178: Les chemins de fer construits ici sur la périphérie de Asie Mineure constituent plutôt des voies de pénétration locale desservant des bassins économiques nettement distincts; aucun d’eux ne peut être considéré comme artère de grande communication sauf celui Eskichéir Konia dont orientation est significative mais qui arrête encore devant la barrière du Taurus. [ 128] Collignon_1880–1897_28–29 near Boldour: Les villages du haut pays sont pauvres. Quelques familles grecques, mêlées à la population turque essentiellement agricole, y vivent de l’industrie des toiles peintes. A l’aide de planches grossièrement gravées, les femmes impriment sur des étoffes de cotonnade de grands dessins à ramages, aux couleurs éclatantes. Mais le commerce anglais fait une rude concurrence à cette industrie, qui ne se retrouve plus guère que dans les campagnes et dans l’intérieur de la péninsule. Sur le littoral, les marchés regorgent de marchandises anglaises, d’une exécution supérieure aux produits indigènes, et d’un prix modique. Le commerce anglais finira par tuer les petites industries locales. [ 129] Ramsay_1903_368 on extending the railway to the Cilician Pass: “Of course, no such railway could be made to pay. It cannot be a commercial enterprise under present conditions. But, even on the dead level of the Central Plateau, no railway can be made at present to pay. I doubt very much if the existing lines on the plateau, taken by themselves, and apart from the portions which lie in the coast-lands, do much more than pay the bare working expenses; and I was assured two years ago by a good authority who has a life’s experience on the railways of the country, that – within the limits stated – one of those existing plateau railways did not pay even working expenses. There is, however, a steady improvement in the traffic, especially on the German Anatolian Railway.” [ 130] Collas_1865_325–326 railways: Le speranze date alla Porta dagli speculatori stranieri intorno alla creazione delle ferrovie non sono si ancora realizzate, sebbene la Porta, nel concedere le linee proposte e i vantaggi reclamati dai richiedenti, abbia dato prova della piti lodevole premura. Quasi tutti i firmani largiti sono rimasti ineseguiti. Citiamo alcuni esempj: Linea da Samsun a Sivas; d’Ismid (antica Nicomedia, mar di Marmara) a Usciack; d’Ack-Sheer a Sivas, per continuare da Sivas su Erzerum, e da Erzerum alla frontiera di Persia; Linea d’Alessandretta all’Eufrate; da Costantinopoli a Belgrado; da Costantinopoli a Salonicco; da Costantinopoli ad Andrinopoli, traversando la Bulgaria fino al Danubio – and following pages for details of work in progress. [ ] 131  Choisy_1876_253 the mosque at Hierapolis: La mosquée du village contient une peinture fort curieuse: une simple frise, toute moderne, couronnant un mur blanc. Les Turcs y ont représenté, avec une naïveté sauvage mais charmante, un train de chemin de fer; les wagons font le tour de la mosquée; au milieu d’une des faces, le convoi s’interrompt, et un bateau à vapeur tient lieu de quatre voitures supprimées; vers les coins des façades, les figures des wagons sont remplacées par des textes sacrés. Un chemin de fer au milieu des versets du Koran! Ces inventions des Occidentaux frappent au dernier point l’imagination des Turcs; ils s’en étonnent: en sentent-ils le besoin, ou cherchent-ils à les comprendre? [ 132] Barkley_1876_147–148 Bulgaria, and barrows: “Near the west end of the [Roman fortification] wall, but on the outer side of it, was a perfect cluster of barrows, one of which we opened and in it found a grave, with a flat stone or big tile placed at either end. If these are the graves of great chiefs, as I believe they are supposed to be, they must have been as numerous as blackberries, for not only here, but dotted all over the Dobrudja, these barrows are to be found in endless numbers.” [ 133] Barkley_1876_185 “Wanton destruction of forests”: “Lying scattered about in all directions are the remains of splendid oaks in every stage of decay, that have been cut or burnt down for the sake of some peculiarily twisted limb that a villager has coveted, thinking it the proper shape for a yoke, or for some other fanciful purpose. And thus, not only here, but all over Bulgaria, these primeval forests, that under fair treatment might



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have been a source of considerable revenue to the Turk in his hour of need, will hardly furnish sufficient logs to make sleepers for forty miles of railroad. As with the oak, so is it with all the other trees; and now all the timber used for building in Turkey is imported, chiefly from the pine forests of the Carpathians, whence it is floated down the small rivers to Gralatz, there it is made up into huge rafts and towed by tugs down the Black Sea to Constantinople.” [ 134] Earle_1924 In a chapter entited “The Sultan mortgages his empire,” “Lands owned by the Government and needed for right-of-way were transferred to the concessionaires free of any charge. Additional land required for construction purposes might be occupied without rental as well as worked by the Company for sand and gravel. Wood and timber necessary for the construction and operation of the railway might be cut from State-owned forests without compensation. The concessionaires were permitted to operate mines within a zone twenty kilometres each side of the line, subject to such regulations as might be laid down by the Ministry of Public Works. As a public utility, the railway was granted the right of expropriation of such privately owned land as might be essential for the right-of-way, as well as quarries, gravel-pits, or other properties necessary for purposes of construction. The Company was authorized, also, to conduct researches for objects of art and antiquity along the route of the railway!” – and then refers to the articles in the Convention. [ 135] Macdonnell_1911_132–133: “That part of Asia Minor lying between the Black Sea and the Levant is furnished with natural harbours, of which the principal one is Smyrna. Generally speaking, Asia Minor is a plateau between 2,000 and 3,000 feet high, edged by mountain ranges and falling by successive terraces to the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. The principal mountain range is the Taurus, running like a great barrier across the peninsula from the corner of the Mediterranean near Cyprus in a north-easterly direction. It is this barrier which in history has always been an obstacle in the passage of armies from West and East and vice versa, but seldom a successful one, and at the present day it is delaying the advance of the Baghdad or Anatolian railway. / The object of this railway, which is undoubtedly the project of German diplomacy, is to connect by rail the eastern end of the Mediterranean with the Persian Gulf. / It is unnecessary here to consider its commercial success or failure, but as things at present stand it seems probable that it will eventually, at some distant date, become a fait accompli. How will it then affect our Eastern possession from a military point of view?” [ 136] BSG_1879_383: Bulletin de la Société de Géographie 1879, 383: Les chemins de fer du globe. – Au 1 er janvier 1879, le développement sur une seule ligne de tous les chemins de fer dépassait 295000 kilomètres. Cette ligne s’enroulerait sept fois autour de l’Equateur. Voici dans quelles proportions elle est répartie entre les grandes divisions du globe. En Europe, on compte près de 154000 kilomètres dont 28000 pour l’Allemagne, 27000 pour l’Angleterre, 21600 pour la France; 19500 pour la Russie, 17400 pour l’Autriche-Hongrie, les autres pays n’atteignent pas le chiffre de 10000 kilomètres. En Asie, 12302 kilomètres, dont près de 10600 pour les Indes britanniques, 1 000 pour le Caucase, 401 pour la Turquie d’Asie) 261 pour Java, 61 pour le Japon. [ 137] BSG_1879_13–14: Il est aussi plus que probable que nous allons voir la construction des routes et des chemins de fer apporter à la géographie tout un ensemble de données nouvelles, et propager vers l’Orient l’influence de l’activité européenne. On parle déjà de railways en Asie Mineure, dans le grand isthme mésopotamique et en Perse. Au temps où nous vivons, l’exécution des projets est rapide mais, dans un milieu géographique, il ne faut pas perdre de vue que sans un réseau de routes praticables, les lignes ferrées risquent d’être des artères fort insuffisamment nourries. [ 138] Brisse_1903: Chemin de fer Smyrne-Aidin. 515km Chemin de fer Smyrne-Cassaba et prolongements. 521km Chemin de fer Mersine-Tarsus-Adana. 67km Chemin de fer Moadania-Brousse. 41km Chemin de fer ottoman d’Anatolie. 1033km. [ 139] Brisse_1903_177: Il résulte de ce qui précède que le gouvernement ottoman a été aussi incapable en Asie Mineure qu’en Turquie d’Europe d’exploiter régulièrement le moindre tronçon de voie ferrée, soit en recourant aux ressources de l’État, soit en faisant



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appel aux capitaux turcs. Il a dû subir le concours des ingénieurs et des capitaux étrangers et l’obligation de seconder malgré lui les entreprises françaises, allemandes et anglaises, par des garanties rémunératrices directement perçues et payées par le Conseil d’administration de la Dette. [ 140] Picot_1904_8–11 the railways of Asia Minor: “I now come to the network of railways of Asia Minor, and will take them in order of construction. The Smyrna-Aidin Railway dates from 1856, when a concession was granted to British capitalists without the advantage of a kilometric guarantee. The line was constructed by English engineers, and opened in 1866. It continues to be worked under English management. Major Law, who reported on this line in 1896, and to whose report I am indebted for many of these details, stated that ‘It is the only railway in Asiatic Turkey which, on its own merits and without Government assistance, has proved a profitable concern,’ whilst Government revenue and the prosperity of the population have been greatly increased by the remarkable development of the fertile districts opened up. The mileage has gradually been extended eastward to Diner and Chivril, tapping further rich districts. The latest reports for 1903 are extremely satisfactory, and within its present restricted area it continues to prosper; but the dream of the promoters of a future extension to the Euphrates Valley has definitely vanished, owing to the advance of the Anatolian Railway to Konia. This dream was a very natural one, for the route taken by the Smyrna-Aidin line followed the ancient caravan route by which the famous cities of Asia Minor conducted their commerce with the interior. / The Smyrna-Kasaba Kailway also owes its inception to an English company, to whom a concession was granted in 1863. The progress of the line was slow, and in 1893 only 105.5 miles were ready for traffic. Financial difficulties supervened, owing to the failure of the Turkish Government to fulfil its obligations, and in 1894 the company accepted an offer for its purchase. It is now under French control, and enjoys a Government guarantee. Owing to engineering difficulties, the construction caused a heavy outlay, and confidence in the line has not yet been justified. It was hoped that the working would leave but a small margin to be met by the guarantee, but at present it draws heavily upon Turkish funds. The overpowering interests of the Anatolian Railway have also reacted to the detriment of this line. The extension to the Anatolian railway at Afium-Karahissar was broken at the instance of the Anatolian railway, to prevent goods seeking an outlet at Smyrna instead of at Ismid. Perhaps the best that the line can expect is final absorption in the greater scheme. / The Mersina-Adana railway, like the foregoing, was built with English capital. The concession was granted in 1883, the line opened in 1886. In 1896 it was transferred to a French company. The promoters had other aims than the exploitation of the rich belt between the sea and the Taurus. They had in view a prolongation to Birejik, where it was hoped it might affect a junction with the Svrian svstem. Extensions to Eregli and Konia were also under consideration, but all these plans were held in abeyance owing to the opposition of the Anatolian Railway. Quite a large trade has developed at Mersina, despite its want of a port, but the future of the line must depend on its community of interest with its Anatolian rival, with which it will effect a junction when the Konia-Eregli section is protracted southward. I believe it has already been merged into the greater scheme. The Mudania-Brussa Kailway of 26.5 miles, though dating from 1876, was only completed in 1892, It is held in French interests, and doubtless, like all other Asia Minor railways, will become a dependent of the Baghdad Railway. Until such time its extension to Levke and Ine-Oenu is not likely to take place. There is no port, though the roadstead is sufficiently sheltered, and no Government guarantee. / The first section of the Anatolian Railway, from Scutari to Ismid, 08 miles in length, was built by the Turkish Government in 1871, and afterwards leased for a term of twenty years to an English company. This lease was held till 1888, when a German syndicate, operated by the Deutsche Bank of Berlin, acquired rights over the Haidar-Pasha-Ismid Railway, together with the ninety-nine years’ concession for an extension to Angora, the Government guaranteeing mileage revenue over each section. In 1893 the Anatolian Railway came into being. It was under this company that the line to Angora was completed, and further concessions obtained for prolongations to Eski



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Shehr, and Konia, and from Angora to Kaisariyeh. These concessions were, as before, supported by kilometric guarantees. The concessionnaires were bound to build a railway from Angora to Sivas, from Sivas to Diarbekr and Baghdad, as soon as the receipts on all the lines reached a figure freeing the Government from the kilometric guarantee. The line to Angora was completed in 1892, to Konia in 1896, both sections having been pushed on with energy, despite physical and climatic obstacles. The extension to Sivas and beyond was abandoned out of deference to Russian susceptibilities. / The financial results of the line to Angora have been poor. The main line to Konia tells a different tale. It would appear from recent results that the company will shortly find itself independent of the Government guarantee. The utilization of that guarantee for the extension from Konia to Eregli on the Baghdad line has even been contemplated, but it is doubtful that the Anatolian Railway will forego its rights, when the prosperity of the line might be seriously affected, by bad years and failing harvests.” [ ] 141  Davis_1874_309: “The resources of the empire are vast, and only Europeans have the means and knowledge to employ or to develop them; but rather than allow the “Giaours” to do this, they prefer to leave them undeveloped and unused. / Does any one suppose, for instance, that if the Turks as a nation could prevent it they would suffer railroads to pass through their country? Far from it. Every similar improvement brings them more and more into contact and relation with Christian Europe, and in the same degree tends to shorten the time of their exclusive rule in the empire. / Some of the more enlightened Osmanlis may wish for them – may see their absolute necessity – but I think the general wish of the Osmanlis is simply to be left to themselves.” [ 142] Pratt_1915_338: “Writing on the position as he found it in 1903, M. André Chéradame said in “La Question d’Orient:” More and more the Germans seem to regard the land of the Turks as their personal property. All the recent German literature relating to Turkey affords proof of the tendency. An ordinary book of travels is entitled, “In Asia Minor, by German Railways.” In his “Pan-Germanic Atlas” Paul Langhams gives a map of “German Railways in Asia Minor.” So it is, indeed, a matter of the organised conquest of Turkey. Everywhere and in everything, Turkey is being encircled by the tentacles of the German octopus.” [ 143] Cervati_1909_3: nous croyons être les seuls, jusqu’à présent, qui avons pensé à réunir, dans un petit livre comme le nôtre, les descriptions, illustrées de clichés, des villes importantesdel’Orient qui méritent d’être visitées et les Itinéraires des chemins de fer, de la navigation à vapeur (Départs et Arrivées journaliers dus bateaux), du cabotage sur le Bosphore, sur la Corne d’Or, avec les prix des places, etc. / Notre Ouvrage continuera à paraître le 1er de chaque mois. [ 144] McBean 1876, 102. [ 145] Cochran_1887_386: “Although the railway is not the original cause of the present prosperity of Alascheir, there is little doubt that this thriving city, and the other seventeen towns and villages between it and Smyrna, owe much to the well-managed line which connects them with the sea-board. The entire distance, as already mentioned, is 105 miles. By this railway the tourist can reach Sardis much more easily and expeditiously than by riding; the distance from Smyrna is 76 3/4 miles. / From Philadelphia to Laodicea is a long and fatiguing ride of about sixty-five, miles, which few tourists in these days of railway facilities will care to undertake. The better plan is to return by train from Philadelphia to Smyrna, and travel thence by a different line to the last of the sites of the seven Asiatic churches.” [ 146] Pratt_1915_331 in a chapter entitled “Designs on Asiatic Turkey”: “For more than half a century Asiatic Turkey has been looked upon as Germany’s Land of Promise. Anatolia was thought a most desirable territory for her surplus population. The development, under German influence, of that territory as a whole – especially with a revival of the Babylonian system of irrigation – was considered to offer vast possibilities of commercial prosperity. Wheat, cotton and tobacco, especially, might be raised in prodigious quantities, and there was the prospect, also, of a petroleum industry rivalling that of Baku itself. Turkey was a



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decadent nation, and as soon as ‘the Sick Man’ succumbed to his apparently inevitable fate – or even before, should circumstances permit – Germany was ready to step into his shoes.” [ 147] Moustier_1864_258 La voie ferrée passe au-dessus du Caistre, un peu avant la station d’Aya-Slouk. Les atterrissements qui ont obstrué le cours de la rivière et comblé l’ancien port d’Éphèse, ont transformé la plage en un marais d’où s’exhalent des émanations pernicieuses. La malaria règne sur cette contrée; l’étranger fera bien de ne point y passer la nuit. [ 148] De_Scherzer_1878_222: on imports to Smyrna, Marble: extrait des carrières célèbres de Carare et de Serravezza, employe pour le dallage des vestibules et les marches des escaliers. L’on en importe annuellement environ 600 tonnes valant ensemble 10 à 12.000 fl. argent, qui arrivent via Livorne par des batiments spécialement affrétés pour ce commerce. [ 149] De Scherzer 1878, 14. [ 150] Millingen_1899_250 the walls along the Sea of Marmara, and Top Kapoussi: “According to the inscriptions found upon the gate, it was included in the repairs of the seaward walls in the reign of Theophilus. As became its important position, it was a handsome portal, flanked, like the Golden Gate, by two large towers of white marble, and beside it, if not in it, Nicephonis Phocas placed the beautiful gates which he carried away from Tarsus as trophies of his Cilician campaigns, On two occasions it served as a triumphal entrance into the city, John Comnenus using it for that purpose in 1126, to celebrate the capture of Castamon; and Manuel Comnenus in 1168, on his return from the Hungarian War. In 1816 the towers of the gate furnished material for the Marble Kiosk which Sultan Mahmoud IV. erected in the neighbourhood; and in 1871 the gate disappeared during the construction of the Roumelian railway.” [ ] 151  Stevenson_1859_68–9: part of a blank specimen contract (Titre I. – Tracé et Construction du Chemin de Fer . . . La Compagnie concessionnaire du chemin de fer de . . . ), Item 27: la Compagnie sera tenue, pour l’étude et l’exécution de ses projets, de se soumettre à l’accomplissement de toutes les formalités et de toutes les conditions qui pourront être exigées par le Gouvemement. II en sera de même lorsque le tracé rencontrera des monuments et édifices religieux. / Item 31. Les monuments déja découverts ou qui pourront l’être a la suite des travaux du chemin de fer, ne devront en aucune maniere être endommagés par la Compagnie, celle-ci devra donner avis de leur découverte au Gouvernement qui prendra soin de les faire enlever ou d’en disposer le plus tot possible pour ne pas entraver l’exécution des travaux. / Les statues, medailles, objets d’art, fragments archéologiques, etc. qui seraient trouvés pendant l’execution des travaux ou durant l’exploitation sur les terrains achetée par la Compagnie, appartiendront par moitié à l’État et par moitié à la Compagnie, sauf toutefois, au Gouvernement le droit de préemption. [ 152] Convention_1882_12 Art 20: Les monuments déjà découverts ou qui pourront l’être à la suite des travaux du chemin de fer, ne devront en aucune manière être endommagés par les locataires. Ceux-ci devront donner avis de leurs découvertes au gouvernement qui prendra soin de les faire enlever le plus tôt possible pour ne pas entraver l’exécution des travaux. / Les statues, médailles, objets d’art, fragments archéologiques etc. etc. qui seront trouvés pendant l’exécution des travaux ou durant l’exploitation sur les terrains du chemin de fer, appartiendront par moitié à l’Etat, par moitié aux locataires; toutefois le gouvernement aura le droit d’acheter aux locataires la moitié de ces fragments qui leur revient. [ 153] Ministère_1896_22 Ministère du Commerce et des Travaux Publics, Actes de concession du chemin de fer, Constantinople 1896 – i.e. printed brochure amended in pen and ink. Art. 22: Les objets d’art et antiquités découverts pendant les travaux seront soumis aux règlements régissant la matière: toutefois, le concessionnaire sera dispensé de la formalité de présenter une demande et d’obtenir une autorisation pour les recherches. But cf. Ministère du Commerce et des Travaux Publics, Actes de concession du chemin de fer, Constantinople 1891 – i.e. printed brochure amended in pen and ink. Art 22 – same as for 1896, but sentence ends before “toutefois.” So did the companies object?



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[ 154] Chéradame_1903_93 e.g. La Convention Turco-Allemande: Article 27. – Les objets d’art et antiquités découverts pendant les travaux seront soumis aux règlements régissant la matière; toutefois, le concessionnaire sera dispensé de la formalité de présenter une demande et d’obtenir une autorisation pour les rechercher. [ 155] Mrs_Walker_1886_166–7 by Yedikule to sea: “The ruined ivy-mantled towers, the battlements, the broad moat with its fantastic water-wheels, continue to border the narrow way. They end in a beautiful octagonal tower rising from the shore; but even here the railway company has laid its pitiless hand of destruction, and cast into the sea the hitherto uninjured battlements that so nobly crowned it, to make a rude landing-place for their working material. / This tower has an inscription on a band of white marble near the summit. In the whole length of the walls numerous inscriptions appear for the bewilderment or the triumph of the learned: some are on tablets, others on bands of stone or marble, and some again in ancient tilework.” [ 156] Khitrowo_1889_I_1_235 Anonymous description of Constantinople (1424–53): De là nous nous dirigeâmes vers le palais impérial de Constantin; il est situé au midi, au-dessus de la Grande Mer. Beaucoup de sculptures ornent le palais impérial; il y a une grande colonne en pierre, au-dessus de laquelle s’élèvent quatre colonnes plus petites, également en pierre; sur ces colonnes est placé un bloc en ardoise bleue dans lequel sont sculptés des lions ailés, des aigles & des taureaux en pierre; les cornes de ces derniers font cassées ainsi qu’une des colonnes; cela a été fait par les Francs, quand ils avaient Constantinople en leur pouvoir, & ils ont abimé bien d’autres sculptures. Sous la muraille, au pied de la mer, se trouvent des ours & des aurochs en pierre & beaucoup d’autres sculptures existent jusqu’à ce jour. [ 157] Porter_1835_73–74 walls of Constantinople: “Another object of curiosity is the wall itself, which from its antiquity, and the various rich materials, the pillage of other places, of which it is in many parts composed, cannot but excite our lively interest. Here are immense numbers of pure white marble columns inserted with their ends projecting, to break the violence of the waves and to give solidity at the base. Here enormous square blocks of the same material are employed for the same purpose, capitals of columns of the richest order, bas-reliefs, friezes, and in one place, even the whole front of a temple, with its griffins on each side, and in many places porticos with inscriptions, are inserted in the wall, with no other apparent object than to eke out the materials. In the construction, the workmen appear to have made use of whatever material was nearest at hand. In many places, it is made up of common stone and mortar; in others, thin bricks, with curiously wrought and inverted arches; some perhaps, filled up with stone. Elsewhere, you will find that the mass of the material consists of marble. Indeed, there are scarcely any two parts of the wall alike, and the different parts appear to have been built in as many different ages. / The foundation of the most ancient wall is to be seen some distance in the sea. Others, less ancient, are visible within its limits, and so on with respect to others. In some places, where the sea has raged with most violence, may be counted four or five different foundations of walls, that have yielded successively to its encroachments. / In other places, where the wall has gradually given way to time and the destructive effects of the elements, the brick and mortar and other more perishable parts have disappeared, and naught remains but the piles of white marble colmnns of the outer wall, as they gradually settled down on one another.” [ 158] Walker_1886_I_166–167 Constantinople, angle of Yedikule and the Sea Walls: “a rough stony embankment. It has pierced the venerable walls by a railway arch of singularly bad form; a train flies shrieking through the opening; some workmen on the summit of the walls are picking down one of the strongest sections of it, and showers of dust and stones destroy all poetic associations. The ruined ivy-mantled towers, the battlements, the broad moat with its fantastic water-wheels, continue to border the narrow way. They end in a beautiful octagonal tower rising from the shore; but even here the railway company has laid its pitiless hand of destruction, and cast into the sea the hitherto uninjured battlements that so nobly crowned it, to make a rude landing-place for their working material.”



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[ 159] Walker_1886_I_98 Constantinople: “The new houses are run up upon the ashes of the former buildings, and it is for this reason that, comparatively speaking, so few remains of great antiquity are brought to light. They lie buried fifteen or twenty feet below the present level of the ground, and it is only when excavating for the foundations of some structure of great importance, or in the cutting of a railway, that the workmen come upon the masonry and sculpture of Greek and Roman times.” [ 160] Lechevalier_1800_I_96 walls of Constantinople: Depuis la pointe du sérail jusqu’au château des sept tours, le pied des murs est fortifié par d’énormes blocs de pierre, qui jetés sans ordre les uns sur les autres, forment une digue destinée à rompre l’impétuosité des vagues. [ ] 161  Mrs Walker 1886, 135. [ 162] Walker_1886_I_134–135 the Great Palace at Constantinople: “The accounts of the pomp and splendour of the imperial receptions held on this spot seem like a fantastic dream; what now remains? Some monstrous blocks of fallen masonry; some arches cut by a rail; some traces of a workmanship unequalled in massive grandeur in this, our nineteenth century. Two sculptured lions, supporting the stone balcony of a ruin overhanging the sea, were lately taken down, and found a refuge outside the Church of St. Irene, but the beautiful columns of porphyry and green marble that ornamented one part of that ruin foil before the pitiless strokes of the railway navvy. The clear water bathing this desolate shore shows – among black rocks and granite boulders – fragments of columns of pure white or soft rosy marble, finely chiselled capitals, a block of delicately sculptured frieze. It is right to observe that the plan and execution of a line that has done so much to destroy many of the most curious vestiges of the ancient city, are due exclusively to European engineers, and that the Turks, in this instance at least, are guiltless of this irremediable barbarism.” [ 163] Butler_1922_67–68 Sardis, for desire to build a railway from Sart to site to bring heavy equipment up; but the Turkish Railways would only allow them to build 100m at a time – so there would be no whole line from Sart to the village near the excavations. [ 164] Butler_1922_66 Sardis, at the Temple of Artemis, during their excavations “the upper lines of railway had to carry off, as the season advanced, from three to seven metres of accumulated soil, most of which consisted of earth and sand washed down from the Akropolis and held nothing of archaeological value.” [ 165] Fellows_1839_36 Pergamon: “The marbles found here are numerous, and are continually taken off for the museums of Europe. The French sent a vessel last year for a bath and statue, which had been for years unnoticed. I could not have imagined to what variety of uses columns may be applied; they are to be had for nothing, and are therefore used for every purpose. The modern town is as busy and thriving as heavy taxation will allow, and has seven or eight khans.” [ 166] Tassignon_2004_note_10, from André Joubin to the Ministre de l’Instruction publique, not dated by the author of this paper: Enfin, depuis plusieurs jours, l’Institut allemand est représenté ici par un jeune Levantin, M. Körk qui a été attaché aux Chemins de Fer d’Anatolie dont il suit les travaux de construction dans tout l’intérieur de l’Asie Mineure; il est destiné en réalité à se servir des ouvriers de la compagnie pour fouiller sans contrôle où bon lui semblera et a profiter du chemin de fer pour évacuer vers Berlin le produit des fouilles. [ 167] Bérand_1891_538: Magnésie était alors exploitée (avril 1889), comme carrière de marbre, par les entrepreneurs du chemin de fer d’Aïdin à Tchinar. On commençait à démolir les murs du théâtre: la gare de Balatzik était encombrée de ces marbres, que l’on sciait pour construire les ponts de la nouvelle ligne. Sur nos plaintes, le moutessarif d’Aïdin fit cesser les fouilles. – referenced: Mitth. d. arch. Inst., XII, 1887, p. 257, une inscription de Magnésie à la gare de Balatzik. [ 168] Hawley_1918_269–270: “Twenty miles to the north of Afium Karahissar the railway approaches some of the ruins of this old Phrygian kingdom. They consist principally of sepulchres and tombs, which are frequently ornamented with lions suggesting a possible relationship to those on the gateway of Mycenae. For instance, the pediment above the entrance of a tomb at the village of Bey Keui contains two large rudely carved animals,



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with the size and attitude of lions, which doubtless represent the workmanship of a very early period.” [ 169] Barkley_1876_145 railway engineer, housing their workmen in Bulgaria: “All were built of stone, most of which was procured by pulling down old fortifications and grubbing up the foundations of the numerous Roman buildings those enterprising people had left behind them hundreds of years before.” [ 170] Barkley_1876_149, building a railway in Bulgaria: “Close down by the sea we came upon a Roman bath. It consisted of two rooms, one through the other; the walls and ceiling of both were lined with very thin slabs of white marble, but these were so firmly cemented to the brick, or rather tile, walls, that they broke to pieces when we attempted to separate them.” [ ] 171  Donkow_2004_109: “John Turtle Wood (1821–1890), an architect and surveyor, who had been working since 1858 in Turkey for the Ottoman Railway Company, had, on his return to England, approached the Trustees of the British Museum expressing his willingness to undertake excavations at Ephesus . . . Well familiar with the topography of the region, Wood had on numerous occasions visited the ancient city. Situated near the impoverished town of Ayasalouk, present day Selçuk, where one of the railway stations was constructed, Ephesus was easily accessible.” [ 172] Wood_1877_24–25 at Ephesus: his initial five workmen had just been discharged by the railway company, and “I had at that time no house at Ephesus, but lived alone at the hotel at Boudjah, a village a few miles from Smyrna. I had to walk a mile and a half to meet the train, which started from Smyrna at six o clock in the morning, and took me up at Paradise station . . . A few months after I had begun the excavations, the use of a room at Ayasalouk was offered to me by Mr. Frederick Whittall, the goods manager of the Smyrna and Aidin railway, who was about to occupy better quarters at Aidin.” [ 173] Radet_1895_493 Dorylaeum/Eskishehir: Le dernier travail que nous ayons sur Dorylëe est dû à Preger, qui resta deux jours à Eski-Giéhir, en juin 1893, un mois avant notre arrivée. Depuis le passage de von Diest, le mamelon de Chéhir-Euïuk, éventré de toutes parts, avait servi de carrière aux entrepreneurs du chemin de fer d’Angora, qui s’y étaient abondamment fournis de matériaux de construction. Des murs, des monuments, des stèles, qui, en octobre 1886, demeuraient ensevelis au plus profond du sol, avaient revu le jour. Les maçons turcs, en ouvrant leurs tranchées, avaient fait émerger les substructions d’une ancienne ville et la conclusion que von Diest tirait de l’absence d’indices de cette nature se trouvait par là même écartée. [ 174] Ouvré_1896_62–63 at Eskisehir: Ailleurs, un ouvrier du chemin de fer me raconte dans un allemand pénible qu’il a vu et relevé une inscription. La copie a l’air d’un dessin nègre, et je finis par comprendre que l’original est à cent lieues d’ici. Ibid. 1–2 the plains of Phrygia near Eskisehir, ou l’on trouve des stèles dans les tranchées, et où l’on évoque les dieux d’autrefois, au sifflement des locomotives. – he must mean in railway cuttings. [ 175] Le_Camus_1896_196 Laodicea: La course aujourd’hui ne sera pas longue. Les ruines de Laodicée que nous devons visiter touchent au village de Congéli, et les pierres de l’antique cité ont servi à bâtir la gare. En sorte que M. Vigouroux a eu l’honneur de dormir, deux nuits, sous les pierres et les marbres qui avaient abrité ces Laodicéens auxquels fut adressée une des sept lettres de l’Apocalypse . . . En tout cas, notre ami était mieux installé que nous, qui dormions vulgairement entre quatre murs de terre glaise, chez le criminel Hélias. Oui, le criminel, car c’est lui qui, jadis entreprénéur, a dévasté les monuments de l’antique Laodicée, pour édifier la station de la voie ferrée. Le gouvernement turc l’en a châtié en le mettant à la misère; c’est ce qui nous permet de l’avoir pour drogman. [ 176] Legrand_&_Chamonard_1893_250: M. Walker, ingénieur de l’Ottoman Railway, nous a communiqué le monument suivant; ce sont deux tablettes en plomb, de 0m13 sur 0m07 trouvées auprès de Kaklik, dans un vase qui contenait en même temps quelques débris d’os. [ 177] Van_der_Osten_1929_43 Met engineers of the Ankara-Kayseri railway at Kirik Kaleh: “Further excavation had brought nothing interesting to light since our last visit except a few small glazes of late Roman and Byzantine times” – so they were expecting



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engineers to find stuff as a matter of course! NB set this against the background of firmans/ exporting now forbidden: the railway excavations were the only way to get things found, so no wonder the archaeologists cosied up to the railway engineers. [ 178] Barbier_de_Meynard_1897_170–171: J’ai déjà eu l’honneur, l’année dernière, de déposer sur le bureau de l’Académie une suite de photographies qui lui étaient adressées par M. de Kûhlmann, directeur général des chemins de fer d’Anatolie. Ces épreuves, d’une exécution tout à fait artistique, renfermaient les vues panoramiques de deux villes d’Asie Mineure Kutayah (Cotyœum) et Afioun-Karahissar, dont les environs sont riches en souvenirs du passé, et plusieurs monuments antiques, entre autres le temple de Jupiter à Aïzani, dont on n’avait jusqu’ici que des reproductions médiocres. / M. de Kûhlmann vient de compléter cette intéressante série par l’envoi de trois nouveaux albums qui ne le cèdent en rien aux premiers. Ils intéressent à la fois l’archéologie classique, l’art et l’épigraphie du monde musulman. Le premier de ces albums re-produit plusieurs monuments phrygiens situés entre Eski-Chehir (Dorylée) et Afioun-Karahissar . . . Les deux autres suites reproduisent les monuments les plus remarquables exécutés au moyen âge par la dynastie des Seldjoukides du pays de Roum. Je signale en particulier de très belles vues d’ensemble. [ 179] Choisy_1876_243: Laodicée n’a plus un édifice debout: ce n’est aujourd’hui qu’une plaine ondulée sillonnée de fondements et couverte de débris; partout le pied heurte des fragments de marbres rares. Trois théâtres, dont deux sont immenses; un stade dont le grand côté est bordé de ruines gigantesques qui proviennent apparemment d’un gymnase; partout des voûtes, des galeries, des sarcophages. [ 180] Ramsay_1897a_542 the Lycos Valley: “408. Laodiceia: from the engineers of the Ottoman Railway. On a stele of similar form to no. 373, 380.” [ ] 181  Le_Camus_1896_202 Laodicea: En rentrant dans le villagede Congeli, Hélias me raconte les trouvailles dont il fut témoin, sans en bénéficier, quand ses ouvriers bouleversèrent la colline pour la construction du chemin de fer. J’en note deux particulièrement intéressantes, une stèle et un vase. La petite stêle calcaire ornait le tombeau d’un certain Dionysos, de sa femme, de ses enfants et petits-enfants. Le mort avait dû être orfèvre ou forgeron. Il était représenté sur un fauteuil confortablement pourvu d’un coussin . . . Quand au vase de marbre, il portait en relief, avec une croic de bronze, la représentation de trois personnages fort disparates: Eve, Charon et Artémis d’Ephese. De ces deux objets, le premier fut envoyé a Smyrne et l’autre à Constantinople. [ 182] Hawley_1918_170a Magnesia: “A few miles to the south of Balachik the railway for Sokia passes through the walls of Magnesia ad Maeandrum, as it was called by the Romans to distinguish it from Magnesia ad Sipylum, in the valley of the Hermus.” [ 183] Rayet_1877_124–125 Magnesia-on-the-Maeander: L’enceinte de la ville est complètement détruite du côté du nord; mais, en cherchant au milieu des joncs, on aperçoit de nombreux blocs qui en proviennent, et qui donnent à penser qu’elle suivait la rive droite du Léthseos. A l’ouest, à partir du point où elle quitte le ruisseau pour se diriger vers le sud et gravir la pente des collines, elle se trouve en terrain découvert et devient visible. Tant qu’elle reste sur les hauteurs, on ne la perd plus un instant de vue, quoiqu’elle ait été fort dévastée par les entrepreneurs du chemin de fer. Tantôt la tranchée creusée pour l’extraction des matériaux en indique seule le tracé; tantôt ce sont de simples arasements; tantôt il reste deux, trois ou quatre assises de grosses pierres rectangulaires taillées légèrement en bossage et très exactement appareillées. [ 184] Keil_1913_178: Die schöne Grabstele, welche ich hier mit gütiger Erlaubnis der Eigentümerin Frau Purser veröffentliche, wurde nach mir gemachten Angaben bei dem Bau der Bahnstrecke Baladschik-Sokia in dem Gebiete von Magnesia a. M. gefunden. Von dort ließ sie der verstorbene Direktor der Aidin-Bahn E. Purser nach Azizie bringen und im Hofe seiner Villa an einer Wand derart aufstellen, daß ihre Rückseite heute nicht gesehen werden kann. [ 185] Reinach_1891_247–8 for 1886 at Mantinea: La construction d’une autre route près de Mantinée a conduit à la découverte d’un tombeau formé de grandes plaques de marbre qui fut mis au pillage par l’entrepreneur et ses ouvriers. Le gouvernement fit instituer



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des recherches dans leurs maisons et ne recouvra qu’une anse de bronze sans valeur. Le tombeau porte des inscriptions sur ses quatre faces. [ 186] Anderson_1897_423 at Meros: “The inscription was evidently carried, along with a few other stones (including a richly ornamented sarcophagus now used as a fountain trough), and after copying it, I asked the circle of onlookers whence it came. The answer was: ‘It has been here a long time but we have heard from our fathers that it was brought from Malatia, while this other stone [an inscribed Byzantine column] came from Kara Agatch Oren.’ At the moment I did not recognise Meros as the town named in our inscription and as I had already heard that there were ruins at this place Malatia, I was eager to know what surprise was in store there. When we reached the spot, it was soon seen to be an ancient site. It lies between Doghan Arslan and Gerriz, half an hour from the latter, and in recent years a colony from Gerriz has built a village beside the old town. The ruins, which run out from the base of an oval-shaped hill, the acropolis no doubt of the old city, are mostly characterless; but we were told that formerly there were many marbles there, most of which have been carried off by natives of the district to Kutaya (Kotiaion) – twentyfive, they said, were taken away by mosque-builders from that city six or seven years ago – while the German Railway (which passes through the narrow plain) had destroyed great numbers ‘written and unwritten’: we ourselves saw the proof of their vandal depredations in the heaps of marble chips lying beside the foundations of a large building.” [ 187] Davis_1874_27 meeting an English railway engineer in a railway carriage near Tourbali [i.e. Metropolis]: “On our inquiring if any antiquities had been discovered here, he said that while engaged in making a cutting near Tourbali he had found a large building, several feet underground, with a fine gateway, over which was a long Greek inscription in perfect preservation, but he could not say if the latter had been saved. This may have been an inn or a guard-house on the road between Smyrna and Ephesus.” [ 188] Cochran_1887_231: “The first ancient remains which strike the eye on this route occur in the Turbali district, which is also the name of a station thirty miles from Smyrna. These are the ruins of Metropolis, nestling silently some little distance over a beautiful, although uncultivated, plain at the base of the Gallessium range of mountains. On leaving the station, the cold grey walls of the acropolis are distinctly visible about three miles off.” [ 189] Cockerell_1903_153–154 (travelling 1810–1817): “I followed the valley of the Meander to Sultan Hissar. On the way I went up a steep ascent to see the ruins of Nysa. They stand on an elevated plain over the river, and command a grand view and good air above the malarious bed of the Meander and its bordering marshes. There is first of all a large agora, with traces of temples in or around it. Further on, in the side of the mountain, is a very considerable theatre, with the remains of the proscenium and apartments for actors &c. on all sides. Seated in the theatre one had a glorious view of the senate house and prison, with the amphitheatre beyond, and the bridge which spans a gully in one magnificent arch. All these buildings are in a grandiose style, very impressive, and made all the more so by their absolute solitude. In Nysa was but one man, a shepherd, who had taken up his abode in one of the arches of the theatre.” [ 190] AJA_XVI_1912_119: “NYSA Recent Explorations. The site of Nysa on the Maeander has been mapped, and to some extent excavated, by three German military officers and an archaeologist. Although its nearness to the railway and highroad have caused the sculptures and movable marbles to disappear, yet one or two interesting inscriptions survive, and the position and architectural character of the principal public buildings are still discernible (Arch. Anz. 1911, cols. 42–45.) [ ] 191  Le_Camus_1896_215 at Philadelphia: Excellent père de famille, il est venu ici, à travers un exil momentané, essayer de gagner quelque argent en exécutant un trace de chemin de fer . . . M. Lebart a déjà exploré les environs, et il nous assure que les belles ruines émergent de terre un peu partout sur la ligne ferrée qu’il va construire. Il voudrait nous garder auprèsde lui, et nous intéresser aux fouilles qui se préparent. Tout ce qu’il a, il le met à notre disposition. Pour le moment le plus utile serait un lit convenable.



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[ 192] Durbin_1845_140–141 Philadelphia: “No ancient remains here attract the attention of the traveller. As the city has always had an active population, and has suffered the calamities of earthquakes and wars in common with others in this vicinity, the fine buildings of ancient times have disappeared, their foundations being buried deep in the earth, and their materials broken up and worked into the modern houses. Every well that is dug, every stream or rain-torrent from the mountain that displaces the soil of Asia Minor, uncovers ancient walls, pavements, or marbles, and sometimes disturbs the long-lost and totally forgotten abodes of the dead.” [ 193] Butler_1922_31 Sardis: “The Bacon letter [of 1882 to Charles Eliot Norton] states that the stage buildings were used as a quarry when the railroad was being built, and trenches are still visible where the stone foundations were removed. The south side of the Stadium was built against the hill-side directly in front of the Theatre; but the curved end toward the east and the whole of the north side were erected upon a great series of concrete vaults which are in place, though for the most part filled up with earth and debris.” [ 194] Ramsay_1895_181: “The following inscription, which I saw at the railway station at Serai-Keui immediately after it was founds was said to come from Dere-Keui;” and again 191, of another stone, “It seems therefore probable that the inscription has been brought from Herakleia to the railway.” [ 195] Gagé_1926_103: Les deux bas-reliefs que nous publions sont la propriété de M. Franz Cumont, qui les acquit jadis à la mort de M. Gaudin. M. Gaudin, administrateur de la ligne de chemin de fer de Smyrne à Afioum Kara-Hissar, avait recueilli les antiquités de la région, notamment celles trouvées le long de sa ligne. Telle est sans doute l’origine de nos deux bas-reliefs. [ 196] Anderson_2004_79: During the late 19th century, a French engineer called Paul Gaudin was directing the construction of a railway between Izmir and Turgutlu in the west of Turkey. He developed an interest in the region’s archaeological remains, excavating a prehistoric necropolis at Yortan and, in the early 20th century, running a campaign at the ancient city of Aphrodisias, where important Classical statuary was unearthed, some of which was illegally exported to museums in Belgium and Germany (Collignon 1904; 1906; Erim 1986: 37–45). Like many Europeans operating from Turkey at this time, Gaudin was a sedulous collector of antiquities. Artefacts could be purchased at Izmir, a city with a large foreign diplomatic presence, a flourishing antiquities market and an indifferent, or ineffectual Ottoman government (Schiffer 1999: 101–10; Ozdogan 1998). [ 197] Anderson_2004_79b Gaudin donated 44 flasks to the Louvre between 1896 and 1920: “These were described as coming from Smyrna and its vicinity, although there is no specific information about how they were obtained: whether they were discovered during construction of the railway, excavated at Aphrodisias or bought on the open market is uncertain.” [ 198] Buresch 1898, #7. [ 199] Cust_1914_199–200 for the Temple of Bacchus at Teos: “Mr. Pullan also brought home two fragments of the sculptured frieze and an inscribed stele, which were afterwards presented by the Society to the British Museum. Thanks were returned to Mr. Crampton, the constructor of the Smyrna railway, and to Vice-Consul Bruce for assistance given during these excavations.” [ 200] Ramsay_1895_191. [ 201] Mendel_1909_283 Bursa Museum: Les stèles suivantes (45 à 52) ont été découvertes, en 1899, dans un village du district d’Altyn-tach, situé un peu au Nord de cette localité; le vrai nom en est Aïkîrikdji; certains voyageurs l’appellent Aï-kuruk, simple variante de la forme Aïkirikdji; d’autres Tcherkess-keui, erreur qui s’explique par le fait que le village est habité par des Tcherkess ou Circassiens. Ces monuments se trouvaient pêle-mêle dans un fossé de deux à trois mètres de profondeur, que les paysans avaient creusé en cherchant de la pierre à bâtir. S. E. Hallil bey, directeur adjoint des Musées impériaux, qui les vit à cette époque, les fit transporter à Coutaya et, de là, à Brousse.



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[ 202] Ramsay_1895_227: “These references point to the ancient Christian village, whose remains were observed by my friend Mr. Walker in making the cuttings for the railway beside Evjiler, a few miles beyond Appa (and only a little way off the direct road to Apameia).” [ 203] Walker_1886_I_292 at Chalcedon: “We begin slowly to cross the green meadows of Haidar-Pasha; then, taking a strong curve to the right, see presently, in a deep cutting, remains of ancient work and masonry, cut through diagonally by the rails; it bears the stamp of having been hastily done; a narrow passage, about six or eight feet high, formed of rough stones and vaulted with tiles, apparently thrust into the earth from beneath: it takes the direction of the ancient city of Chalcedon. / This place, which sustained many sieges, was taken in the seventh century by the Persians, by means of a subterranean passage leading from their camp, on the neighbouring slope, to the market-place of the besieged town; and it is probable that the railway works, cutting deep into the earth for the first time since that remote date, have brought to light this passage, forgotten since the days of Heraclius.” [ 204] Chesneau_1887_60 (1541) editor’s note on Kadikoy/Chalcedoine: Au VIIème siècle, elle fut pillée par les musulmans. Le quatrième concile général se réunit à Chalcédoine en 451. Sultan Suleyman, en 1552, fit transporter à Constantinople, pour orner la mosquée qu’il faisait bâtir, les colonnes et les marbres de la chapelle du monastère construit par Rufin, ministre d’Arcadius. [ 205] Le_Brun_I_1725_206–207 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) Chalcedoine, after describing the city in Antiquity: Tous ces Temples de l’Antiquité Payenne, non plus que les Eglises des premiers Chrétiens ne se voyent plus à Chalcedoine; on y voit seulement une petite partie de celle de S. Éuphemie qui est encore debout . . . / Pour ce qui est des autres Antiquitez, on n’y en trouve presque plus aucune, sinon quelques Tombeaux rompus & quelques Inscriptions, avec un assez beau reste d’un Aqueduc qui est sous terre . . . / n’a rien conservé de son Antiquité que son nom, & ce n’est à present qu’un misérable Village d’environ mille ou douze cents feux, plein de Ruines et de Masures. [ 206] Pococke_1772_V_322–323 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Chalcedoine: Il ne reste plus rien de cette fameuse ville, tout a été détruit, & la place qu’elle occupoit est aujourd’hui remplie de jardins et de vignobles. [ 207] De_Kay_1833_452 Chalcedon: “We made an excursion to the low point below the village called Fanar Batchee, anciently known as Heraeum, from a temple which formerly stood here dedicated to Juno. Here the Greek emperors, and particularly Justinian, squandered the resources of the empire in the construction of palaces, pleasure-grounds, and baths, of which now scarcely a fragment remains. On our way to the point, the road and fields were strewed with building stones, bricks, &c.; and this is considered by some as the real site of ancient Chalcedon. We stopped for a few moments to examine a large excavation, 250 feet long, 100 broad, and 20 feet deep. The sides are built up with thick walls, composed of alternate courses of stone and brick. We inquired of a Greek peasant for what purposes he supposed that it had been constructed. He replied, to keep hogs in; and, upon cross-examination, gave what might be considered satisfactory evidence in a court of justice – namely, that the memory of the oldest inhabitant ran not to the contrary. This remarkable work was, however, executed under the Emperor Heraclius, for a cistern or reservoir, 1220 years ago.” [ 208] AJA_I_1885_76–77 on Sterrett’s 1884 expedition: “At Ikonion many inscriptions were found, but most of them late and unimportant. The Greek city-walls here are fine, as well as the ruins of the buildings of the Seldjuk sultans. Other splendid Seldjuk remains were seen at Sultan Khan, and are ascribed by an Arabic inscription to the date of 1277 A.D. At each place Mr. Haynes photographed the chief objects of interest . . . Altogether, in the course of this fruitful journey, Dr. Sterrett copied three hundred and fifty inscriptions, and Mr. Haynes took three hundred and twenty photographs.” – do these photos survive? [ 209] Chantre_1898_x: Nos pérégrinations débutèrent par Angora, où la ligne de chemin de fer arrivait depuis peu. C’est là que nous organisions notre caravane. Notre matériel



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de campement, de photographie, d’estampage et de fouilles était trop considérable pour voyager rapidement. [ 210] Smith_1887_216: “The whole journey occupied about five weeks, as we left the railway at Kuyujak on May 28, and rejoined it near Denisli on July 5.” [ ] 211  Nettancourt_1906_59 among the ancient cities he notes: Parmi les noms de villes antiques de premier ordre, on peut citer au hasard Nicée, Pergame, Éphèse, Hiérapolis . . . Troie . . . Milet, Héraclée, Didyme, Magnésie, Sardes . . . Laodicée. – and then lists where one can go via the various railway lines. [ 212] Sterrett_1911_68 for a response from the University of Vienna: “Much has been lost already, and by far more is almost sure to be lost in the course of the next few years. The construction of railways and the increase of wealth generally are at the same time the greatest blessing to the present and future inhabitants and the most serious peril to the legacy of the past. Myriads of stones covered with inscriptions and with artistic chisel work are wandering and are going to wander to the lime-kiln. Treasures which today and tomorrow may yet be harbored and secured, will be irretrievably lost in the course of the next few years.” [ 213] Davis & Wilburn 1991. [ 214] Cochran_1887: large parts of his itinerary predicated on the availability of the railway: cf. 230–241 for chapter on the Smyrna and Aidin Railway. For example 330: “Getting into a carriage at the Point station on the Smyrna and Aidin Railway at 6.40, he will likely reach the terminus, Seraikeuy, 143 1/2 miles distant at 4.40 in the afternoon. At this place the obliging station-master will put the tourist in the way of procuring horses, a guide, and Turkish guard of soldiers – picturesque-looking fellows . . . with plenty of weapons all over them – at a moderate outlay, who can be ready the following morning, when all that remains of the ancient and interesting cities of Hierapolis and Laodicea may be visited in the course of the day. Leaving next morning by the 7.10 train, the traveller will have an opportunity of inspecting the vast remains of the city and temples at Ephesus, by halting at the wayside station of Ayasouluk about 1.40, hiring a donkey and guide, and after spending several hours on and around the spot once occupied by the great Temple of Diana, may rejoin the afternoon down-train between four and five o’clock. Thus, within a week, the passing tourist has the opportunity of visiting the sites of five of the “Seven Churches in Asia,” and adding materially to his art delineations, for the future enjoyment of his friends at home.” [ 215] De_Bisson_1881: with much of the travel around Tunis recommending use of the railway, which author reckons will soon go as far as Sousse. [ 216] Burton_1870_87 Aydin/Magnesia: “On a hill, from which a good view of the ruins and plain of Lethoeus may be had, stands the Hippodrome. The ancient walls of the town, with square towers at certain distances, some parts being well preserved, and a few other minor ruins, are what Magnesia of the present day offers to attract the tourist. The proper way to see these two places is to go down one morning by rail to Aidin; sleep there, do Magnesia, and return to Smyrna the next night.” [ 217] Rott_1908_95 Konya and Tyana (Anatolia): Unter der sachkundigen Leitung unseres liebenswürdigen Konsuls Loytved besuchten wir die Hauptdenkmäler Konias, darunter auch die Hallendjami Ala Eddins, deren Wölbungen von einem Wald byzantinischer Säulen mit interessanten Kapitalen getragen werden, die aus Tyana stammen sollen. Auch Hadji Chalfa berichtet in seinem Weltspiegel im XVI Jahrhundert: „Il y a dans ce château (von Tyana) des voütes bäties de grosses pierres et soutenues par des colonnes de marbre. Lorsque le sultan Ala-eddin fit bätir le château de Koniah, il en fit tirer les pierres et autres matériaux de cet endroit.“ [ 218] Gallois_1907_7–8: Après, nous adopterons l’itinéraire suivant pour la revue de cette Asie-Mineure. Ce sera d’abord les rives de la mer de Marmara qui nous retiendront un instant, puis nous descendrons au long de la façade ouest de cette côte qu’on peut qualifier de merveilleuse, nous pénétrerons dans ses admirables baies, nous pousserons même dans l’intérieur du pays, chose facile aujourd’hui, grâce aux chemins de fer; après quoi nous



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passerons au Sud pour remonter par la ligne de Bagdad et les chemins de fer d’Anatolie jusqu’aux rives du Bosphore. [ 219] Le_Camus_1896_147 Humann at Magnesia: Son succès n’est pas moindre ici qu’à Pergame. Cent cinquante caisses énormes, encombrant les abords de la gare de Balachik, nous le disent éloquemment. Elles renferment des statues, des bas-reliefs, des chapiteaux, des frises, qui vont être exportés moitié à Berlin, moitié à Constantinople. Le Sultan s’est ravisé depuis quelque temps, et il ne permet de remuer les rnines de son empire qu’à la condition d’avoir la moitié des trouvailles pour son Musée impérial. [ 220] Cogordan_1882_569–570 Pergamon: En 1864, un ingénieur allemand, attiré en AsieMineure par le climat et chargé par le gouvernement turc, et notamment par l’illustre Fuad-Pacha, de la construction de diverses routes, M. Humann, vint visiter Pergame. L’acropole était alors une vaste et riche carrière de marbre. L’on n’avait qu’à gratter le sol à peine recouvert de gazon et de maigres arbustes pour en tirer des blocs de toute dimension. Les plus grands étaient réservés pour la construction des maisons de la ville; les petits étaient jetés dans des fours à chaux, qui ne chômaient jamais. Grâce à cette active exploitation, notre ingénieur ne put même pas retrouver l’emplacement de certains monumens qu’avaient mesurés les voyageurs du siècle dernier et du commencement du nôtre. Mais il soupçonna que le sol devait receler des restes précieux de la citadelle des Attalides, et ne partit qu’après s’être promis de revenir. Il revint, en effet, deux ans après, et apprit qu’un médecin grec de Pergame, M. Rhalli, avait découvert sur l’acropole un grand bas-relief représentant un homme terrassé par un lion. Ce morceau, envoyé à Constantinople, fut jugé si remarquable que la Sublime-Porte elle-même s’en émut et donna l’ordre d’empêcher qu’à l’avenir les marbres fussent enlevés ou brûlés. Les choses en restèrent là jusqu’en 1869, époque à laquelle M. Humann fit un troisième voyagea Pergame, motivé par le projet de construction d’une route entre cette ville et le port de Diceli. Il eut la chance, cette fois, de découvrir lui-même un bas-relief représentant un jeune dieu. C’était une énorme dalle de marbre, qui parut à un naturel éminemment propre à faire une marche d’escalier, moyennant un petit travail de nivellement opéré à coups de marteau sur les parties les plus saillantes. Il la fit voler pendant la nuit. Ce fut un cruel déboire pour M. Humann; mais un point lui sembla désormais acquis, c’est qu’il suffirait de cher pour trouver. Cette confiance s’affermit tous les jours et devint en lui un article de foi. Toutefois il ne lui fut pas facile de convaincre ses compatriotes, de leur faire partager son ardeur de croyant. [ 221] Radet_1895_431: Eskshehir: A la population fixe, il convient d’ajouter une population flottante d’à peu près trois cents individus, de nationalité francaise, italienne ou suisse. Tout le personnel qui a construit la ligne d’Ismidt à Angora est resté à Eski-Chéhir pour le prolongement du chemin de fer, sur Koutahia d’abord, sur Koutahia d’abord, sur Afioun-Kara-Hissar ensuite. Mais à mesure que la voie s’enfonce dans le sud, ingénieurs, entrepreneurs et conducteurs se déplacent, installant leurs bureaux et leurs chantiers à proximité des sections qui s’ouvrent. [ 222] Gsell_1901_230 in Algeria at Dellys (Cissi?). – Les ruines de thermes qui existaient en ce lieu ont disparu récemment, lors de l’établissement du chemin de fer. [ 223] Elliott_1838_II_163: “There perhaps never was, and never will be, an age affording such opportunities as the present for exploring the remains of antiquity: while, on the one hand, the existing facilities of access and conveyance far exceed all that were ever enjoyed before; on the other, we are sure that the destroying hand of time will continue its ravages, leaving less and less to the curious eye.” [ 224] Butler_1925_10: “in 1824, the temple was visited by Anton von Prokesch. His description of the ruins is full and interesting; but at this late date in the history of their dilapidation only two of his observations are important. First, his statement that two columns only were standing, and second, that his host held a concession for making lime from the marble of the temple. The first tells us that the ruin was in the condition in which it has been ever since, that is for almost a century; the second suggests the probable reason for the gradual destruction of the temple during the sixteen hundred years or more since it ceased to be a shrine of Artemis. Time and earthquake have had their share in this work,



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but the cupidity of man has certainly played a much larger part. The search for bronze and lead in the clamps which held the marble blocks together, and the demand for the lime so easily made by heating the broken marble, has since early Byzantine days made this ruin, like many others, a prey to the commercial instincts of the inhabitants. The eagerness of the natives of the present day to seize upon lead found in the excavations shows the continuance of a very old practice, and the finding by us of lime-kilns upon level after level is sad evidence as to the manner in which the temple slowly disappeared.” [ 225] Ainsworth_1844_9 Sardis: “There are also remains of a theatre of Roman construction, built of loose rubble, except the wings of the cavea, which are faced with stone; the marble seats, the proscenium and scena, are all gone.” [ 226] Emerson_1829_111 Sardis: “A great portion of the ground once occupied by the imperial city is now a smooth grassy plain, browsed over by the sheep of the peasantry, or trodden by the camels of the caravan. An ordinary mosque rears its domes amidst the low dingy dwellings of the modern Sardians; and all that remains to point out the site of its glory are a few disjointed pillars and the crumbling rock of the Acropolis.” [ 227] Butler_1925_82: “We cannot believe that the earlier temple of Artemis at Sardis was built entirely of the inferior material which constitutes its foundations that are in evidence. If it had been made of sandstone covered with stucco, we should almost certainly have found some remnant of its architectural details. But if its superstructure was of limestone or of marble, as it may well have been, it is not astonishing that no fragments remain, owing to the rapacity of the ancients for material which is readily converted into lime, and to the peculiar lack at Sardis of good building materials near at hand, which made all second-hand material valuable.” [ 228] Davis_1874_95–96 Laodicea: “The proximity of Denizli has caused much ruin to the antiquities of Laodicea. A Turk was then at work removing some of the marble seats of the Theatre; and one of our party, who had visited this place ten years previously, said that he had then seen a Greek mason hewing in pieces the really fine bas-reliefs under the scena of the north theatre, to form Muslim tombstones! On the same occasion he had found the foot of a colossal male statue, but it was too heavy to remove.” [ 229] Cornwall_1924_216: “Konia resembles nothing so much as a tombstone of Turkish sovereignty, a decaying collection of mud hovels interspersed with a few crumbling gems of Seljuk decorative art.” [ 230] Hasluck_1910_135–136 near Cyzicus, the Macestus Valley road: “This route has naturally lost all its importance since the introduction of steam. Traffic from Balukiser southwards goes to Soma, the nearest point on the rail, while on the northern side Panderma is the port of shipment, not Mihallitch. Mendoura has sunk from a large village of 2600 inhabitants, to a squalid hamlet, and Mihallitch is only concerned with the meagre traffic between Panderma and Brusa. / In the days of sailing ships the overland route was, if slow, of more or less certain duration, and in point of safety the sea was no better than the land. There was a regular weekly caravan service between Constantinople and Smyrna in the seventeenth century, and a score of Frankish pens have described the route between then and now. The road was well provided with khans, though none are constructed on the elaborate scale of the Seljuk caravanserais of the south. As these buildings are hastening to decay some particulars of them are here put on record.” – and details six. [ 231] Le_Camus_1896_225 Sardis: En retournant vers la station, nous passons devant un petit café établi sur la route de Cassaba à Alasheir. Il n’y a pas d’autre client que le patron, rongé par la fièvre et fort navré de se trouver seul dans son établissement. Son petit fourneau est froid, ses cafetières de cuivre sont vides, ses chiboutts suspendus au mur sont couverts d’araignées. Les tabourets en désordre gisent entassés dans un coin. Le pauvre homme rêve sur les inconvénients de la civilisation moderne et maudit la voie ferrée qui, en supprimant les caravanes, tue son débit de café.

Chapter Eight

Classical Inscriptions: Discovery, Reuse and Treasure-Hunting Epigraphy the Basis for Archaeological Study “Inscriptions are to be found in almost every Graeco-Roman city of Asia Minor, and during the past hundred years have received more scholarly attention than any other aspect of the ancient evidence,”1 not necessarily an ideal distribution of resources, as what follows will suggest. Epigraphers frequently drew classical inscriptions by the hundred, and reported on occasion on reuse as well as on destruction. Thus Ouvré reports stelai piled up like tiles in a rampart at Schar Euïuk;[1] and at Alexandria Troas Lechevallier, travelling in 1784–6, managed to copy just one line of an inscription on a figured sarcophagus, the rest having been transported to adorn a fountain-basin in the Captain-Pasha’s kiosk.[2] The antiquities supremo Hamdi Bey diverted a load of 140 Greek inscriptions from Iasos, destined as building material, as late as 1887,[3] but their exact source is not known. It was lucky that Lechevallier (and others) did copy inscriptions, for many they saw have now disappeared,2 even from villages richer (writes Chandler in 1775) in antiquities than Alexandria Troas. These included Kemali,[4] where Newton describes some of the survivals,[5] as does Chenevard in 1846.[6] Worse than this, inscriptions were disappearing between their discovery, and little more than a decade later,[7] so great was the need for reusable stone. But as already indicated, the interest of epigraphers in the details of reuse was usually small. They sometimes note where the blocks were to be found (in a church or mosque wall; by a fountain basin; in a cemetery) thereby helping build a picture of their spread; such as “many of the stones, now topped with a turban in memory of a deceased Moslim, are covered with Greek inscriptions, and are evidently taken from ancient temples.”[8] But it is very unusual before the 1870s for epigraphers to offer 1  Mitchell 1995, 23. 2 Riel 1999 for Alexandria Troas: many entries labeled “seen on the site of Alexandria Troas; today lost” followed by early source from travelers. Cats 34, 37, 174 incorporated in the floor of the disused but now refurnished mosque at Tuzla; Cat 40 in mosque at Kemali; cat 98 at mosque in Geyikli.

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information about the classical piece in its new location. Matters then improved, and epigraphers such as Collignon[9] and Sterrett[10] begin to give useful descriptions of the find-spots of their stones, which tell us much about reuse. In earlier years helpful exceptions to the tight-lipped rule are when travellers were shocked or enticed by what they saw. Thus at Symferapol in 1830 Webster found inscriptions reused, along with reliefs, to repair roads;[11] while Skene in 1853 found “the sculptured representation of a fast-looking young lady, lightly clad in a pair of wings and a flowing scarf ” in the village of Halil Elli.[12] This indicates how little they were interested in the fallout from the classical world, and how they confined their exertions to rebuilding the notional jigsaw-pieces into a coherent picture of the classical, not the mediaeval, past. Thus find-spots are often described in a brief and unhelpful manner. Once they had transcribed the inscription, that was that; and even the basics (such as giving directions to the reader who wishes to find the inscription themselves – footnote-wise) go out of the window.[13] Another example: Sayce saw an inscription dug out in the Troad and immediately embedded in a building house, but he does not say to what purpose.[14] In any case, once the inscription was recorded for posterity, why bother about the stone on which it was written? However, at least one epigrapher, Le Bas, might have had something of a conscience, or perhaps he was simply echoing the concerns of his sponsors, for he vows his attachment to other branches of archaeology as well: “je n’ai pas pour cela négligé les autres branches de l’archéologie qu’il m’était possible d’enrichir.” He then proceeds to list his discoveries and exertions in the fields of comparative geography, plans of sites, and figured sculpture, adding up to more than 450 drawings.[15] Again, in 1897 near Karahissar, the locals had searched for stones for a new mosque, and had discovered an old cemetery, but Anderson was interested only in the inscriptions they turned up.[16] Today, the boot seems to be on the other foot, with one epigrapher noting that “it has been of enormous value to work with an archaeologist who will always pay attention to the issues raised by epigraphy” – which implies that most archaeologists don’t!3 The Importance of Inscriptions The importance of Greek and Latin inscriptions for our theme resides in the utility of flat and square-ended slabs of marble for later building 3 Roueché 2009.



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projects, and for the amount of information inscriptions can yield about original buildings.4 Inscriptions were perhaps particularly sought for reuse because they were incised on a flat ground, often on a handy-sized block, and often not deeply; so erasing the inscription required far less work than reworking (for example) an architrave or a capital. Ramsay realised this when he found Seljuk structures with reused marble;[17] and his travelling companion Sterrett saw such reworking in progress soon after the blocks had been uncovered.[18] Langlois, surely, misinterprets such reworking when he says the Moslems did it “pour faire disparaître ce qui leur rappelait la domination étrangère.”[19] But perhaps part of his agenda was to obtain more funding for another trip, before everything disappeared, so that hurry-hurry might make the funds flow more easily for rescue digs, in the current terminology. So conversely, no danger, no need to dig, and no funds. Sometimes large inscriptions could not be copied without excavating part of them (perhaps from the foundations of a house or mosque); so sometimes we then learn about the technical problems encountered. Collecting Inscriptions Much of what we know about the Romans derives from their “epigraphic habit”: Apparently the rise and fall of the epigraphic habit was controlled by what we can only call the sense of audience. In the exercise of the habit, people (I can only suppose) counted on their world still continuing in existence for a long time to come, so as to make nearly permanent memorials worthwhile; and they still felt themselves members of a special civilization, proud (or obliged) to behave as such.5

Such profusion provided many treasures so that, from the Renaissance onwards, apart from reading the classics, collecting inscriptions was the most popular way of coming to terms with the classical world, and learning about ancient life, habits and aspirations. Inscriptions could sometimes be useful in recording construction work, such as Seager’s observation that those in the main Hall of the Synagogue at Sardis indicate that the marble revetment “took two or three generations to complete.”6 Unfortunately,

4 Hammerstaedt 2009, for a sketchmap of the types of information inscriptions can provide, backed up by an excellent bibliography. 5 Macmullen 1982, 246; Meyer 1990. 6 Seager 1983, 174.

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inscriptions do not often help with exact information, for they are frequently inflated and vague.7 Collecting inscriptions, still today a prime activity of scholarship,8 was both attractive and convenient, and could be pursued at home as well as abroad.9 It was attractive because such classical, pagan inscriptions could help expand a picture of the ancient world known from the ancient authors themselves: these were, after all, the ancients speaking! Some antiquarians, such as Wansleben in the 1670s, went to Asia Minor with official instructions, which underline the value of epigraphy to the study of the ancients.[20] And as the voice, they supplemented where ancient authors were silent: “Tous ces monuments, grands et petits, découverts sur le sol de l’Empire, prennent une voix et nous instruisent de ce que le silence des auteurs nous laisserait ignorer sans eux” wrote Waltzing in 1892.[21] The more inscriptions the better, felt any red-blooded epigrapher. Yet already in the time of Louis XV Abbé Bignon, the King’s Librarian, thought there were too many inscriptions to bother with, for to transcribe what was to be found in Asia Minor would need many fat volumes, which would not provide any very useful information: “toute l’Asie est pleine de pareils monumens, et, si on vouloit copier tout ce qui s’y en trouve, il y aurait de quoy en composer plusieurs gros volumes, dont l’utilité ne seroit pas fort considérable.”10 He was certainly correct about the “plusieurs gros volumes.” The focus of most epigraphers was decidedly classical. Christian inscriptions, both then and well into the twentieth century, filled only a minor slot. Seljuk inscriptions and monuments did not receive much attention, Earl Percy noting in 1901 how little serious work had been done on them.[22] Because they were so plentiful, inscriptions could be found at nearly every antique site, and helped identify many of them as, for example, Spon and Wheler did at Tourbali/Metropolis,[23] though Tournefort forty years later found nothing to identify the site.[24] If inscriptions were reused en masse, they could sometimes be used to pinpoint their original structure, as at 7 Zuiderhoek 2005, 170: “In theory, it required the effort of only a small number of local élite families to equip an average provincial town with its entire set of public buildings.” 173 restoration or complete building? “the suggestive rhetorical vagueness characteristic of many honorific inscriptions may have been a conscious strategy to cover the fact that the actual benefaction had not been that impressive.” Appendix 1 for sums donated, and App. 2 for cost comparisons in Lycia. 8 E.g. in Austria: Dobesch 1993 for overview. 9 Hepple 2003, 160–161. 10 Cited in Ma 2000, 95.



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Tralles.[25] Epigraphers were well aware of the treasures that lay hidden in village houses: treasure that would probably allow the identification of ancient sites. Arundell, at Kobek near Suleiman, notes that “if a traveller could remain a day here, and be permitted to see the inscriptions which unquestionably must exist in the mosques and private houses, the name of the city at Suleiman would speedily be brought to light.”[26] A little later Hamilton did just that, and described at length what he found.[27] Very occasionally, the locals would not even allow travellers to copy inscriptions visible in the streets;[28] or travellers themselves would chip off inscriptions they could not read; this was done by Frenchmen, in one account, to spite the British.[29] More usual were the locals who sought money for the privilege of allowing a foreigner into their house to copy an inscription, as Teule found at Pergamon in 1842.[30] For scholars such as Montfaucon, there is much more scholarly utility (a term he does not define) in inscriptions than in other monuments, as he states in a mémoire of 1720, belittling statues and the like as mere ornaments for the great and the good: Ces monumens sont les médailles, les bustes, statues et bas-reliefs, les inscriptions et les manuscrits. Je ne m’arrêterai point ici sur les médailles, parce que la facilité du transport fait qu’on apporte tout ici, le bon, le médiocre et le mauvais, et qu’il est aisé de choisir sur le tout ce qui mérite d’avoir place dans nos cabinets. Les bustes, statues et bas-reliefs ne sont pas pour tout le monde. Ce sont ordinairement les princes et les grands seigneurs qui les font venir pour en orner leurs cabinets et leurs jardins. Quoique plusieurs de ces sortes de monumens puissent servir à illustrer l’Antiquité, rien n’approche de l’utilité qu’on peut tirer des inscriptions, dont la Grèce et les villes de l’Asie sont toutes remplies; c’est de quoi nous allons parler ici plus en détail.[31]

Note that “monuments” include almost all antiquities, but that he doesn’t even mention architecture. Reinach would have agreed, for exactly half of his 116 pages of advice to tourists in 1886 is dedicated to inscriptions.[32] He made it clear that copying inscriptions was not for anyone except the knowledgeable; a photograph was much better, but a squeeze was best of all.[33] Sensibly, he warned tourists against exporting antiquities, even terracottas, pointing out that Turkish law forbad the practice.[34] Sterrett offers a summary of the various ways in which inscriptions were reused in Asia Minor, overplaying demonic destruction by Turks and fanatical Christians.[35] He surely knew better but, again, perhaps felt he needed to overstate his case if his project were to get off the ground (which it did not). Indeed,

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the existence of monument-destroying fanaticism was a truism of many travellers, such as Bailie in 1843;[36] so perhaps Sterrett was simply writing what he believed to accord with his audience’s preconceptions. Large numbers could be collected, depending of course on the area: in Phrygia in 1883, Ramsay and Sterrett collected over 450, a rate of one hundred per month.[37] The best survey method they developed was for a group of collectors to visit neighbouring villages in turn, as Anderson describes in 1903[38] – field archaeology in embryo. But only for some: Radet and his colleagues set men to work, and returned in the cool of the afternoon to copy the inscriptions,[39] suggesting that their interest in anything other than The Word was indeed minor. Their sense of competition, however, was often major, calculating how many inscriptions rivals had collected, and noting their own hitherto unknown treasures.[40] Reviewing the comments made by our travellers, there is no disguising the fact that the majority of them were interested in inscriptions almost to the exclusion of anything else,[41] the more so because, from the later nineteenth century, the export of antiquities was forbidden. This development helped keep such scholarly travellers occupied, for it “suscita le développement de tournées épigraphiques très rentables sur le plan scientifique, et corollairement, contraignit à des révisions drastiques en matière de politique archéologique.”11 As classicists, they would not necessarily have been trained in the appreciation of ancient architecture, although they would surely have imbibed its main characteristics in visits to Provence, Rome, or the rest of Italy. If this judgment seems strange, consider Sterrett writing in 1907: “The aim of the leader of the expedition, who would devote his entire life to the work, would be to visit every village in a given country, whether Lydia, Phrygia, Isauria, Pisidia, or what not, to make as careful a triangulation as possible, to collect every Greek, Latin, or Hittite inscription that is above ground, to get every scrap of information that may be gathered from the lips of the natives.”[42] But again, there is no mention of the architecture! For such as Sterrett, buildings are therefore little more than coat-hangers for inscriptions, but he is passionate about continuing destruction. Overwrought in his desire for great haste, he explains that antiquities are being hacked to pieces, blown up, and mangled by fanaticism, conjuring up a culprit who hates sculpture, and who therefore gets “chisel and hammer and hacks away the inscription, or at least defaces it to the best of 11 Tassignon 2004, 167.



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his ability, especially if the stone bear a cross.” There is little evidence for such targeting of Christian symbols, although plenty for erasing inscriptions so that a smooth face could then be re-cut, this happening also for ancient stelai reused by the Turks.[43] Sterrett was clearly impressed by visiting Konya as the walls were being pulled down: “the ancient stones of the city walls were utilized in building the new city. When I travelled, the mud interior of the old city walls was still full of the traces of the impressions which the mud had made of inscriptions and works of sculpture. All has perished beyond recovery.”[44] Kayseri’s walls were probably similar in construction, but Kinneir mentions neither inscriptions nor sculptures set in them.[45] Some of Antioch’s inscriptions, however, were set in modern walls, causing some copying difficulties.[46] But ruined fortresses in Cilicia Tracheia held little interest for Bent in 1891 – no inscriptions, therefore no interest![47] For the traveller, inscriptions could be copied and taken home both as souvenirs and sometimes as contributions to scholarship. This was attractive in an age before photography, when only the rich could afford competent draughtsmen. Although many travellers did indeed make their own sketches, these tend to be of standard sights and sites – postcards-to-be, as it were. Informative and accurate views of column- and marble-strewn landscapes (rather than merely “picturesque” inventions or distortions) are scarce; and “architectural drawings” of classical materials in reuse almost non-existent, except for Algeria. Such a harvest of course reflects the interests of the travellers, who were concerned with the classical past, rather than with what had become of it. But not finding interesting stones was always a hazard, sometimes delicately mixed with travel in the rain and mud across fields. (There were sometimes consolations in the wet season, and Corancez reminds us of the medals and gems that downpours turned up at Antioch.)[48] Thus in Turkey in 1883 Ramsay learned to swallow a local variant of “Veni, Vidi, Vici,”[49] namely “We have come, we have seen: there is nothing.” He was perhaps something of a philosopher, blithly accepting the destruction at Erythrae to build a quay at Smyrna because “this has been a great gain to archaeology, as many inscriptions, some of the highest interest, have been thereby recovered.”[50] And yet, in 1830, substantial ruins were to be seen there,[51] with column-bases remaining even if the shafts had already gone[52] – but this was almost at the end of the site’s plundering. We might gloss Ramsay’s remark to characterize the value of plundering to epigraphers: destruction of the ancient world was fine, just so long as epigraphic gems were uncovered in the process. There was however, light at the end of the

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tunnel, to coin a phrase. After all, many more inscriptions could now easily be reached thanks to the Ottoman Railway. Ramsay writes: “The Ottoman Railway has now gone up beyond Serai-Keui some seventy miles, to Ishekli (Eumeneia) and to Dineir (Apameia-Celaenae); and the same process is going on all along the line. In 1891 we were hospitably entertained at a commodious and comfortable country house, four hours from Dineir, standing on an estate which was the property of a European Levantine family: in 1883 the spot was a waste, uncultivated and forlorn, where we hunted for inscriptions in a deserted, solitary cemetery.”[53] Locals and Epigraphers The locals varied in their reactions to scrounging epigraphers, especially in villages or off the beaten track, but they were generally benevolent. Frequently, they were happy for epigraphers to disinter a stone (even in a cemetery) if it were put back in place, and nonsense such as proclaiming that an inscription serving as a mounting block was actually covering a Moslem tomb was soon dealt with.[54] As Perrot relates of research in a Moslem cemetery, there was no problem about examining tombs and their inscriptions if he did not displace them: “Dès que mon acolyte leur assure que je ne songe nullement à changer la pierre de place, mais que je veux seulement lire ce qu’il y a d’écrit sur une des faces, l’inquiétude fait place à une bienveillante curiosité.”[55] Ramsay’s advice is to pay “with prudently ostentatious liberality” before copying the first stone in a village; and “after that the men of the village are ready to dig up every tombstone in the cemeteries.”[56] This might have worked out in the sticks, but around Smyrna by the end of the nineteenth century locals were picking up antiquities for sale in the city: Keil rails against the greed this produced, and the confusion for epigraphers,[57] because the stones strayed from their original location. As we shall see below, it was little wonder that Anatolian villagers could suspect that epigraphers and scholars were secretly after hidden treasure, for they simply did not understand the Western passion for recomposing these jigsaw elements of the past: “Ils cherchent vainement à savoir comment notre science, notre esprit critique, tirent parti des moindres indices pour retrouver les traits épars du passé humain, pour en recomposer, pour en ranimer l’image effacée.”[58] At Aphrodisias the villagers were delighted to see Fellows taking papiermâché impressions, and then to help.[59] Kinneir in 1818 found the locals at Eskisehir observant and helpful while he copied.[60] At Ak-hissar they



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were amazed to be told, from an inscription, that the ancient name of their town was Thyatira, and they led Spon and Wheler to other inscribed stones.[61] (In many places, of course, the Turkish name was but a variant of the ancient one.)[62] At Smyrna in 1885 Ramsay, then green in the ways of the Orient, was stopped from clearing out the letters of an inscription with his knife, the owner saying “that he had only bargained to show me the stone, not to let me handle it” – and that he might damage the treasure inside.[63] At Vizir Keupri in 1842 Hamilton was followed “by several hundred persons of all classes and ages, but without the slightest insult or inconvenience; on the contrary, several were anxious to point out inscriptions in the interior of houses and shops, besides those which are in the walls of the Bezestan.”[64] Watching a traveller sketching was also a spectator sport, one being asked at Bursa whether he could see the interiors of the houses he sketched.[65] This was yet another western technology in posse, perhaps. In 1803 a French consul was recalled because the local agha complained that his wandering around the Turkish quarter was no more than a pretext, for he “allait nuit et jour dans le quartier turc, sous prétexte de lire les inscriptions anciennes qui se trouvent sur des pierres.”[66] This was a pretext, presumably for discovering the location of treasure. Westerners could barge in with their written authority, yet local sensibilities needed stroking. For example, Pococke took a decided chance by flaunting his firman at Stratonicea in the later 1730s.[67] He was lucky, for on occasions firmans were dodgy, being reinterpreted downward, so to speak, by the local authority, as Arundell discovered at Ephesus.[68] At Hadriani in 1837, Hamilton was allowed to copy inscriptions, but believed the villagers “had never seen a Frank before.”[69] Copying inscriptions was often far from easy, as Sterrett’s blow-by-blow account of 1889 makes clear, and surely rehearses the difficulties encountered in earlier centuries.[70] For example, there could be difficulties in getting workmen to exert themselves.[71] Equally, since many inscriptions were upside down (perhaps to hide most of the devilish letters), “it is no wonder that the natives believe all Ingleez to be mad, as they see you trying to stand on your head and write in a book at the same time, especially as you have tried to make them believe that you do this for no advantage to yourself, but purely for pleasure.”[72] To copy inscriptions in cemeteries they also sometimes had to stand on their head: for since most inscriptions would be on the upper registers of a stone, it was logical for their re-users to turn them upside down,[73] and then inscribe the blank part for the new tomb occupant. Milestones reversed into tomb

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markers would therefore have to be disinterred if their inscription were to be read.[74] Lying on the belly to decipher stones in use as thresholds was common,[75] as probably was crawling between the stone and a wall.[76] Uncovering Inscriptions Transporting antiquities usually involved heroic transport efforts in Antiquity, inscriptions at Didyma revealing how the marble got to the site.[77] Yet even disinterring inscriptions simply so they could be copied could also require local help, and much diplomacy. Labour was almost always needed, but disturbing stones which might have been part-buried for centuries required the agreement and active participation of the locals. The best example of this process involved one of the largest and arguably the most important inscriptions in Asia Minor, namely the Temple of Augustus and Rome at Ankara, with the text of the Res Gestae Divi Augusti on the interior walls, and a Greek translation on the exterior. This was the most complete of several known copies, although damaged by the locals excavating for the monument’s metal cramps.[78] Converted into a church, the floor was lowered, and crosses added.[79] Because the building was later too small for Moslem worshippers, a mosque was added adjacent to it. The walls were hidden by brick houses, and part became a cemetery (another reason for the temple’s survival) effectively hiding much of the inscription.[80] Pococke saw the structure in the late 1730s,[81] but does not mention the inscription, so presumably it was then hidden by later buildings (such as houses and byres for cows). Much of the temple was occupied by the house of a trader in the bazaar, divided into various rooms including straw storage. Perrot wheedled his way inside in 1863, taking a doctor to look at the merchant’s sick child, while he himself worked out how to copy the columns of the inscription.[82] Hamilton had acted similarly two decades earlier, to get at the Greek version.[83] Perrot later pondered just what might have happened to the temple’s columns and marble veneer, with the choice of export to the capital, or burning for lime in an area without limestone.[84] Inscriptions in Re-Use The great majority of inscriptions survive today, or survived until the great building boom from the late nineteenth century – precisely because they were re-used. Most were conveniently flat slabs, doing service as tiles or



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facings in walls (such as those of Konya), just as ordinary Roman tiles were sought as spolia for building, as Hamilton observed near Adranos,[85] and Lightfoot at Amorium. Hence they were much sought-after for building houses: In 1831 Keppel was at Kula: “I went into forty or fifty houses, and found inscriptions in them all: they are principally sepulchral.”[86] But some were considerably larger, and were taken for religious re-use: at Iasos, in 1775, Chandler was pushed off a slab he was recording by the Greek priest, who said it was the altar table.[87] Many inscriptions were also reused in mosques and other Islamic buildings; and their variety suggests that the re-users did not know what they were re-using, or knew and liked it, or did not care. Hamilton lists many, such as a column near Smyrna,[88] or the copies of inscriptions in his konak which he gave to the Agha in Aidinjik, to repay his kindness in having a pedestal turned over;[89] and he keeps noting them at a variety of sites.[90] Wandering Stones and Site Identification “Wandering stones” were sometimes a big problem for epigraphers, who generally had little to go on but inscriptions (and sometimes the ancient authors) in naming ancient sites. Transport of antiquities over “several kilometres” was probably common by the beginning of the twentieth century,[91] so naturally they still are a problem, as investigations at Oinoanda demonstrate.12 If stones wandered, being carted far and wide for re-use, then what they had to say about their current location obviously needed to be treated with caution. For scholars such as Ramsay, reused antiquities were therefore to be studied, but their re-use far from their origin could mislead, as he explains about stones he found in the territory of Konya.[92] He necessarily adopts several rules of thumb: milestones were too bulky to be carried far; large stones would be broken for ease of transport; and “stones of an ancient site are found in the villages round about, and rarely on the actual site.”[93] This leads Hogarth

12 Ferguson Smith 1993, 341: found two fragments of the Diogenes inscription in a fountain at Zorban, 7 kilometres NE of Oinoanda, and one in nearby building. Says it is “certain” that these came from Kemerarasi, just N of Oinoanda, in the early 1970s, when villagers were observed taking stones from this low, roadside site. Author concludes that the fragments “were brought down from Oinoanda in late antiquity.” The whole inscription, perhaps Hadrianic, “is likely to have been demolished in the second half of the third century A.D. when a wall was built to defend the central area of the city against possible attack,” plus some of its blocks were reused in other structures.

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to suggest that cemeteries were sometimes clustered around milestones, with no villages in the vicinity, simply to reuse the milestones, “the peasants being attracted by the mysterious sanctity of old “written stones” or simply by the convenience of having headstones ready to their hand.”[94] Sometimes they guarded them jealously, as when Collignon’s guide was forbidden by villagers to show them to him.[95] Nor is it impossible that cemeteries were sometimes deliberately set among the antique sites the remains of which were used as tombstones, as we might deduce from Fellows’ description of Sheblac, on the Plain of Troy.[96] All scholars interested in inscriptions, and especially in using them to name specific locations, realised that many had been moved from their original location, sometimes more than an hour distant from their existing position. “Dans ce pays,” write Collignon and Duchesne, “les cippes et stèles de petite dimension sont quelquefois transportés à d’assez grandes distances; aussi peut-on croire que deux monuments de ce genre, que nous avons relevés au village de Kémer, à une heure plus loin sur le même versant et dans la direction de Bouldour, y ont été apportés d’Olbasa.”[97] Anderson ponders the same point at Bria, denuded of surface stones, and concludes that “they must have been carried to greater distances (perhaps to Sivasli and neighbouring villages).”[98] Indeed, he sees the carrying happening at Hadji Keui.[99] Stones Too Large to Wander Far? Ramsay worked out what he thought had happened with stones around Konya. For very large stones, “they were put into the walls, in spite of their inconvenient shape, because they happened to be lying near at hand, and it entailed less trouble to utilise them as they were than to break and trim them, or to transport other more suitable stones from elsewhere” – in other words, such stones were local. So also was a large mausoleum local, for this huge block of fine limestone must have belonged to a large mausoleum, and the inscription extended over two blocks at least, and is engraved in large finely-cut letters of the second or third century. Considerable expense was required in constructing such a tomb, as the limestone must have been carried a good many miles: such transport was commonly practised in Roman times, though Turkish engineering was rarely capable of it.[100]

Similarly at Tchorum in 1903, Anderson convinced himself that the myriad antiquities in the Ottoman fortress there had been brought from some distance;[101] several had already been copied by Hamilton in 1842.[102]



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In other words, in the absence of epigraphic evidence (which some epigraphers confidently thought held all the answers to historical geography),[103] scholars tended to think that heavy stones were nearly always reused on site, rather than carried, as Grégoire suggests of large blocks near Purkh: “Je ne sais (les habitants ne purent nous renseigner là-dessus) si toutes ces pierres avaient été apportées de Purkh; mais il me paraît plus vraisemblable qu’elles ont été trouvées sur place, étant donné leurs dimensions, leur nombre, et l’éloignement relatif de Purkh.”[104] Hamilton ponders the same problem at Mohimoul, for “I am not aware that, except along the sea coast, they have ever transported these heavy materials to any great distance.”[105] But he then finds antiquities at Ushak which, he is assured, were brought from a village six hours distant[106] – that is, at least 20 kilometres if on horseback. Again at Kodj Hissar, he was assured by the Agha that the manifold antiquities there “came from a place six hours off, near the Kizil Irmak, but he could not tell me its name.”[107] Arundell, on the other hand, believed that same town was so rich in antiquities that it was itself an ancient site.[108] Such a reuse-on-site theory might well work when antiquities were required only for private building, and villagers collected their own material locally. But with increasing modernisation, and “official” building of various kinds, the theory fell apart, especially since better communications encouraged the increased development of trade, in marbles as well as vegetables. Perhaps vegetables went in the cart to market (likely on or near or past an ancient site, and antique blocks made the journey home in the same cart. Ramsay, writing at the end of the nineteenth century, believed that trade queered the calculations concerning travelling stones, suggesting from his own observations that stones were regularly carried to large centres, and distributed from there: “hence, in cities like AfionKara-Hissar or Ushak, the traveller should always visit the stone-cutters’ yards.”[109] Ramsay proved his point by describing a two-ton altar seen in a stonecutter’s yard at Kutayha, “and on enquiry I found that it had been brought from Karagatch-Euren (east from Altyntash), a journey of eleven hours over a hilly road.”[110] Epigraphers presumably soon got a “feel” for whether interesting material might survive at ancient sites, or at least thought they did. Thus Hall at Huglu in Pisida in 1968 contented himself with the inscriptions built into the mosque, and did not visit their source – some 5 kilometres distant.[111] Turning tables, therefore, it was the stones that travelled rather than the epigrapher. In most instances, however, such detective work was not needed. Instead, the travellers hunted around for an inscription, as did Spratt

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and Forbes at the small village of Haggi-vella, with its yuruk tents amidst Roman and mediaeval ruins. “We spent three hours seeking for inscriptions among the ruins, and afterwards in the Turkish burying-ground, but without finding any of service . . . in an old wall [their servant] discovered a squared block, with its inscribed face turned towards the stones, on which, in beautifully preserved letters, was the name of the city – Corydalla.”[112] Some Inscribed Bases Survive, But Not Their Statues Bases were often too heavy to move, and indeed many more survive than do the statues which originally stood upon them – so the statues were easily melted down or broken up for the kilns, and their bases left behind, as too difficult for most scavengers to bother attacking. Such activity is proof that building is taking place, because mortar is needed; but also of the lack of understanding by locals of the value (financial and cultural) of antiquities. Just how long statues stood on their pedestals is difficult to determine, but “pagan and mythological statuary still functioned in the Late Roman city.”13 Much of what we know about ancient statuary comes from the inscriptions on their bases. This allowed Cyriacus of Ancona, for example, to copy inscriptions from bases at Ephesus and Miletus[113] – but he doesn’t mention their statues. Even in the nineteenth century bases could only be moved with difficulty yet, in spite of their dimensions, they were sometimes destroyed: at Sagalassos, Fellows notes that “the people had spent much time and trouble in cutting pedestals in pieces, imagining from their having inscriptions that they contained treasure.”[114] They were also sometimes converted to another use, such as building. Near Erythrae, it appears that both a statue and its base were incorporated in a later house[115] – unsurprisingly, given the quantity of antiquities Hamilton saw there in 1842.[116] And at Lydae, pedestals were found in their original places, and others added between them, to form the foundations of a later building.[117] At Loryma, ancient bases formed both doorposts and threshold of a church, probably from a temple to Apollo on the site.[118] At Sinope, a circular statue pedestal was hollowed out for use as a mortar for processing wheat;[119] and this or a similar piece was still in use in 1906.[120] At Cyzicus a large block was laboriously chipped out for the same purpose

13 Jacobs 2010, 267.



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in 1902,[121] and another at Gonjeli in 1918[122] – and, indeed, capitals were still being used at Assos for this task in the 1990s. Mac Farlane in 1850 saw capitals and column fragments converted into mortars “at many places on our road,” as well as upended capitals reused as bases.[123] And not just bases, but other suitably large antiquities: Hamilton admired “a large tazza of beautiful brecciated marble” at Dere Kieui, now used for bruising wheat.”[124] As well as feeding the kilns, statues and bas-reliefs did not fare well, sometimes being mutilated not through sheer vandalism but because, so the explanation goes, both Moslems and Christians believed statues to be abodes of the devil from which people could be harmed – but that the devil left residence if the statue were mutilated.[125] At Alabanda, the faces of figured reliefs reused in a Byzantine church were mutilated, and the blocks placed face-to-face so the reliefs were invisible.[126] At Miletus, a naked satyr from the Nymphaeum was incised with not one but two crosses;14 perhaps the statue was made safe by these symbols, and perhaps this was done while the fountain was still in operation. It is likely that Jews also thought antiquities could be made harmless by re-working, and they certainly cut them up for their tombstones, as Michaud and Poujoulat saw at Aydin/Tralles in 1834. Since the cemetery was only ten minutes from the ruins, this new cemetery was no less than a museum: “le champ funèbre est une sélection de ruines choisies, un vrai musée que l’antiquaire ne parcourrait point sans plaisir.”[127] But Jewish stelai-making had devastated the ruins of what might have been the agora.[128] Much earlier, at Sardis, the Jews were given permission to use antiquities in the building of their synagogue, and incorporated eagles in high relief, perhaps from the Temple of Zeus, with their heads mutilated, as well as antiquities from other periods, including lions, conceivably from the Temple of Cybele.15

14 Maischberger 2009, figs. 9–10 for torso of a satyr from the sculptural decoration. 15 Seager 1983; and Mitten 1964, 34–36: “A monumental marble table, its top shattered by falling masonry, stood in the center of the main hall . . . decorated on its east side by a deeply cut egg-and-dart molding 0.17 m. high, thought by A. H. Detweiler to be no later than the Augustan period . . . The outer faces are adorned with gigantic eagles in high relief, their wings outspread, and their talons gripping a bundle of rods, perhaps originally the fulmen or thunderbolt of Zeus.” 38: “The greatest surprise of the season was the discovery of fragments of archaic architectural members and sculpture of the finest quality built into the walls and piers of the synagogue. The corner volute of an Ionic capital of the early fifth century B.C. . . . Fragments of stone figures of lions turned up throughout the season, from which two pairs of almost life-sized statues were partially reconstructed.”

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“All Asia Minor appears like one vast necropolis of the unknown and forgotten dead.”[129] Travellers were amazed by the sheer quantity of cemeteries, Elliott exclaiming in 1838 that “each village has one, and each town two or three; but the towns seem equally divided between the living and the dead; the outskirts are entirely occupied by cemeteries; the roadsides are bordered with them.” This leads him to suggest “the decrease of population in Turkey, notwithstanding the encouragement offered by its rich soil and the vast extent of its uncultivated land.”[130] Indeed, the size of many of the cemeteries, as at Sivri Hissar, suggested to the travellers that the population of parts of the region had shrunk in recent centuries.[131] But even cemeteries could be confusing, since continual reuse was probably constant, Prime remarking at Nicaea in 1832 that “here even the burying-grounds are themselves buried; the sepulchres are literally sepulchred.”[132] Great destruction was also caused by the making of grave markers, often inscriptions – another sign of an expanding population. For this task, piles of ruins were sometimes bought in bulk, as again at Smyrna, where large sections of mosaic floor were also piled up as a country wall.[133] In some cases, figured bas-reliefs as well as architectural fragments were to be found in profusion in Turkish cemeteries.[134] In the case of a village near Abydos, Choiseuil-Gouffier in the 1780s (he was French Ambassador to the Porte 1784–1793) came across a Turkish cemetery, where he believed antiquities from the surrounding district had been gathered and stockpiled for making tombs. These were of a disparate variety that should have prevented earlier travellers from thinking they had come across the site of a famous temple![135] Before the nineteenth century, with its thirst for offices, barracks and new ports, by far the greatest reuse for antiquities was in cemeteries, where the inscriptions were sometimes left intact (to the delight of epigraphers), but often re-cut for a new inscription. For the most dyspeptic of Westerners, such re-use was a deliberate and intended insult to the classical Ancients;[136] for the less so, a contrast is made between Turkish disregard for the monuments during life and the desire to be buried under their glory.[137] At Boli and other sites in Asia Minor, the cemetery was rich in classical columns,[138] as were the tracks and villages all around.[139] In 1842 Hamilton accompanied masons as they dismantled an ancient “castle” at Iskele/Eumenia, copying inscriptions they turned up[140] – while at Ladik he found several cemeteries, one of which “was so extensive, that it was impossible to examine every stone.”[141] Another good example is



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Smyrna, where the remains of the ancient city are to be found in the cemeteries, rather than in the modern housing down by the port.[142] The Jewish cemetery was fed from antiquities a little further up the hill, “on the site of most extensive temples, now only to be recognised by high hills of white chippings, and long deep trenches, from which even the foundations have been greedily dug up; a lime-kiln close by had received many relics of marble too small for the purpose of tombstones.”[143] In the Armenian cemetery, however, some of the ancient inscriptions had been effaced, and Armenian ones substituted.[144] At Tralles, the Jewish cemetery was very rich in reused antiquities, perhaps because it was in the middle of the ruins (or vice versa?).[145] A common remark, therefore, which we have already encountered, is that the cemeteries of Asia Minor are the museums of that country,[146] and that towns like Aezani and Bergama are veritable museums because of the antiquities they contain.[147] Similar sentiments are expressed by travellers about churches.[148] They might have got the idea from Rome which, as early as late antiquity, could be considered a “museum city.”16 Inscriptions and Hidden Treasure Who built the ancient monuments, and what did their inscriptions say? This section explores the considerable folk-lore surrounding classical inscriptions, and the beliefs some locals developed about them. The signs of treasure-hunting were to be seen all over Asia Minor, as the locals wove stories around ancient monuments. Even foreigners’ guides sometimes suspected they were casting spells to find treasure; so that at Erythrae in 1829 Mac Farlane mystified one of the locals: “When we descended the Acropolis, he told my guide that for some time he had not been able to find me; that I was hidden among the stones, and, he was quite certain, performing some incantation to discover the concealed treasures!”[149] Nor did treasure-hunting affect only standing monuments or the ruins of large structures such as tombs. Statues were also believed to conceal treasure. In Smyrna, Michaud and Poujoulat found a colossal hand in 1834, near the theatre, but it was heavy; thinking it might belong to a representation of Smyrna, they turned back, intending to return later for their prize. But evidently they had been watched, for the hand had 16 Behrwald 2009, 99–127, for Historische Monumente in der spätantiken Gesetzgebung, followed (285–329) by a comprehensive bibliography.

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disappeared, presumably taken by some local expecting to find treasure in it.[150] The taking of the hand was done furtively, perhaps because local officials generally asserted rights over antiquities discovered on the land they controlled. This provides another explanation for the diffidence or even fear when foreigners sought to take away stones. A local agha told Choiseul-Gouffier, who wanted to take away the famous Sigaean Inscription, that this could not be allowed because the Sultan would think it gave the location of gold, and his head would fall because it it: “tu enlèveras des pierres dont tu sauras tirer de l’or, le sultan croira que tu m’as fait partager tes richesses, et ma tête tombera.”[151] In a sense, then, such fear was an antiquities law all on its own; as when at Ephesus, for example, Le Brun in 1725 found tumbled marble statues with their legs sticking out of the ground – but none of the locals, even if paid, would help dig them up for fear of official consequences.[152] Tchihatchef, a naturalist, also had trouble with the locals who considered his every action a mysterious act «recelant des intentions hostiles, sacrilèges ou dangereuses.”[153] Belief in hidden treasure was universal in Asia Minor and further afield, on the part both of settled inhabitants and nomads. Spratt and Forbes in 1847 were mistrusted by some nomads, who “were very cautious for some time in giving us any information on the ruins and number of villages existing in the upper part. Questions were, as usual, put as to the quantity of money we had found at the ruins we had already visited. Evident glances of incredulity passed between them on being told that we had found none, and that money was not an object of our search.”[154] Treasure often implied magic, so sometimes any finds quickly vanished. Thus near Afyon-Karahisar in 1876 locals brought Choisy a head they had broken open; they had found nothing. The excuse was that magic had made the contents disappear – “un enchantement l’a fait évanouir au moment d’y porter la main.”[155] Such stories are buttressed by others from various parts of the Orient suggesting that some antiquities had minds of their own, moving mysteriously, or affecting worshippers;[156] or, in the case of a church turned into a mosque, the minaret collapsing,[157] which was conveniently put down to magic, rather than to the incompetence of the builders. Perrot tells of how a wandering dervish conned a village into feeding and lodging him for nearly two months while he had them digging holes and opening trenches, only to vanish. No treasure was found, but the inscribed grave stelai and Roman tiles and bricks came in useful for new building work: “mais seulement des stèles portant des inscriptions, des tuiles et des briques romaines que l’on a en partie employées dans



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des constructions nouvelles.”[158] At Ephesus, in 1863, Newton could not vanish, and landowners made him fill in the 75 deep holes he had dug for his excavations.[159] Locals Built the Monuments In Cilicia, Bent notes that the yuruk “will always tell you that they are descendants of those who inhabited the ruins among which they now dwell, and that these kind ancestors of theirs put up letters on the rock and walls to guide them to treasures which they had concealed.”[160] But such a whimsical belief did not always square with the way the nomads now lived: at Ephesus, for example, they lived in reed-and-straw huts, not stone buildings.[161] Whether or not the locals believed their ancestors had written the inscriptions to be seen all around, many were convinced that it was the writing itself that held the key to hidden treasure. At Kutayha, Kinneir was prevented from copying inscriptions,[162] perhaps because the locals thought the transcribed words would give him access to hidden treasure. Or perhaps it was the magical act of writing or drawing which caused the problem: Sterrett was not allowed to draw two Byzantine steelyards at Egedir, because “the suspicious Turk feared that the value of his property would thereby be diminished.”[163] Foreigners Built the Monuments In a strange letter form, set in an area where literacy rates were often very low, even for their own languages, these ancient inscriptions could only be read by foreigners (“Franks”). It was therefore obvious to many that their ancestors had built them, and the descendents were now returning to retrieve the loot, the directions being in their books.[164] The art for the locals was therefore to watch the foreigners carefully, and then direct their own efforts to where treasure was buried. Again, consulting a book in Nicaea, Fellows heard the men say “Yes, the Franks know by their books where all the writing and gold are concealed.”[165] So they were convinced that book-learning led foreigners to inscriptions, and the inscriptions to gold. Needless to say, as a result of such a belief, many antiquities were hacked apart (or blown up) by the locals in search of elusive treasure, and this was even an eighteenth-century explanation for the Sultan carting away so much material from Alexandria Troas.[166] The Agha at Myndus near Bodrum apparently had no illusions about his own ancestors and the

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ruins, but he related the tradition whereby two (Greek) inscriptions indicated where the king who had built the adjacent fortress had concealed his treasure.[167] At Cibyra in 1874 Davis can only urge the local mudir, confused as to why Europeans should hunt for such things, to “take care of the inscribed stones.”[168] Hence the Turks, knowing that foreigners had built the monuments at Pergamon, thought they did it only for fun, whereas they, the Turks, were too serious to do such things, for they “croient que c’était pour s’amuser, et ils se regardent comme trop graves pour en faire autant.”[169] In other words, the archaeologists were the lineal descendants of the monumentbuilders, in Asia Minor to “find the family inscriptions that tell exactly were the treasure is hidden, and then return to the home of his adoption laden with wealth.” Nor were such beliefs harmless, for “the natives have dug on their own account in innumerable places, and many ancient buildings have been brought to ruin by having their foundations undermined by these searchers after hidden treasure.”[170] Treasure in Columns at Sardis and Aezani Prominent in the landscape were standing columns, often topped by storks’ nests, and therefore near-sacred. Sometimes not visibly part of any known building (in any case underground), and therefore mysterious, they simply stuck out of the ground. Again the questions: who had built such columns? And what purpose did they serve? Some of these were assembled from drums, each drum secured to the next with metal. Even monoliths needed securing to the base below and the capital above. Hence searching for treasure (or just for metals) could also affect the standing monuments, since these might simply be prominent markers for hidden treasure. A silly idea – but then what about the temple-like Roman tombs scattered around the landscape, many of which had themselves no doubt yielded grave goods? Hence standing columns, if only they could be brought low, could be targets for treasure-hunters. At Sardis in the early nineteenth century, the hunt for treasure (or perhaps for the lead, as Arundell suggests)[171] accounted for two of the thenremaining five columns of the great temple.[172] Only two were standing when Bold got there in 1828: “The fragments of similar pillars lay scattered on the ground. Chandler, who was here about sixty years ago, says five pillars were then standing. All our guide could tell of the place was, that



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it was the palace of the king’s daughter,”[173] so just the kind of place to contain treasure. These had apparently been thrown down, wrote Cockerell, for the gold expected to be found in their joints.[174] Even Aezani, still among the best-preserved of all temples,[175] lost several of its columns in the earlier nineteenth century for the sake of their lead and iron, and for building purposes, as Mac Farlane related in 1850: A good deal of the work of destruction at the Temple had been perpetrated of late years, and a vast deal of it within the memory of man. Some of the old villagers told us that they remembered when there were nearly twice as many columns erect. Those missing had been knocked down to supply materials for building hovels and stables; some of the fragments were to be seen in the village, others had been carried away: some had been destroyed merely for the sake of the little iron and lead that united the several parts of a column or fixed it to the frieze.[176]

This destruction of columns was deprecated by Monk the following year: “for the sake of the little iron or lead by which they were clamped together. I have never seen the marks of so determined an attack upon any monument of antiquity . . . Twelve out of fifteen columns on the eastern side, and five out of eight on the northern, are still standing, though their bases have been fearfully circumscribed.”[177] The term is meant literally, that is, by attempts around the base to chisel out the metal, since the spoliators were unable or unwilling to bring down the columns. Had Mac Farlane and Monk realised that the temple stood within colonnaded courts (the shafts presumably all in the local housing or other structures?) they would have been even more shocked. Nor was Aezani, perhaps, the only temple in the vicinity.[178] Just as some Turks were convinced that Europeans travelled to Asia Minor to find treasure, so others believed the great columns at Aezani were built by giants, who had hidden treasure in the ruins. After all, how could mere men have erected such structures? Choisy relates this tale in 1876, and the locals’ belief that foreigners came to Aezani to discover treasures hidden previously by giants but, so far, had had no success: Tout cela fut bâti par des géants qui avaient soixante-dix piques de hauteur et vivaient un temps proportionné à leur taille. Ces géants ont enfoui dans les ruines des trésors, et l’idée fixe de nos hôtes est que nous venons pour les découvrir. Aux yeux de tous les Turcs, les ruines sont des mines de trésors, et les Européens voyagent à leur recherche. «Sans doute, disent-ils, vos devanciers furent rebutés par l’insuccès, car il y a trois ans au moins que nous n’avons vu de Franks à Tchavdir».[179]

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Such destruction of columns happened everywhere in the Roman world, Et-Tidjani logging one instance from mediaeval North Africa in 1305/1309, near Talil, concerning two column-shafts, mutilated by a sheik in the hope of finding treasure: “Je demandai aux habitants pourquoi l’une d’elles était tronquée à sa partie supérieure et ils me répondirent qu’un chef arabe, croyant y trouver un trésor caché, avait ordonné cette mutilation, et que, après avoir abattu cette partie de la colonne, les morceaux en avaient été brisés et qu’on n’y trouva absolument rien de caché.”[180] Why the hunt among ruins for precious metals? This may have been partly due to the locals’ realisation that these had a value, in the form of coins. In 1839 at Aezani, Layard writes that the locals had been spoilt by travellers collecting coins which carried inscriptions, and were easily taken home17 – and that it was the monuments which suffered: In the evening we were pestered by people offering us for sale coins and antiques found on the site of the ancient city, and in the neighbourhood large prices were asked for these, as the peasants had been spoilt by the visits of travellers, and by the sums that had been paid by some of them for such things. Here I could see for the first time the injury which had been caused to nearly all the ancient Greek and Roman edifices in the East by the seekers after treasure. There was not the base of a column of the temple, or a place of junction between two blocks of marble in any part of the building which had not been cut into in search of coins or of copper bolts. In this way innumerable columns and majestic buildings which have defied even the earthquakes and the sacrilegious hand of the barbarian invader have been overthrown.[181]

From such accounts it is not hard to deduce that inhabitants frequently dug through ancient sites, and did indeed find treasure: hence the fixation about world-wise Westerners who could translate inscriptions; and moreover that nomads were cagy about revealing the location of ancient sites because they wished to keep such valuable information to themselves. The only way to copy the necessary inscriptions was not to show much interest (in which case the stone might well survive), rather than to copy an inscription deliberately and in full view of the villagers (in which case it might be destroyed). Low cunning was the order of the day, as Ramsay relates, and displaying too much interest was counter-productive: 17 Ziegler 1985 for a demonstration of the use of coinage to write about ancient happenings which, as author states in his Forward, are the most important sources after inscriptions for studying cities in Asia Minor during the Empire.



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We found that the large stone over which Sterrett and I spent so much time in 1883 had been broken immediately after our departure in order to find the gold that we had obviously been seeking for; but the stone at the mill, which we had regarded with contempt, was uninjured. The miller had his mill going; I think he suspected our object, and set the water on as soon as we rode into the Yaila, with the object of raising the price. It did not, however, take much time to conclude a bargain, for it was cheaper to pay a pound or two extra, than to waste time or risk failure. Before sunset, we had the end of the embankment demolished, and the great stone laid flat on the grass beside it, to do as we pleased with. The miller rebuilt the embankment with other stones: but did not use the mill, having apparently no need for working after the bargain was concluded.[182]

Funerary Antiquities and Treasure Monumental tombs and sarcophagi were naturally targets of treasurehunters. Although some robbers were indeed able to get the lids off massive sarcophagi (as can be seen all over Asia Minor), a good number simply had not read Archimedes, and did not have the equipment necessary to do so. They therefore hammered at a side-wall until they made a hole. By 1817, for example, all the visible sarcophagi at Assos had been opened, “by making holes in their side; this was not so difficult a task as to raise their ponderous coverings.”[183] Michaud and Poujoulat in 1834 explained that all had been broken in search of treasure, for the lids were too heavy to lift: “tous ces tombeaux ont été violés par les Musulmans de la contrée qui espéraient y trouver de l’or; trop faibles pour enlever les couvercles de chaque tombe, ces avides profanateurs ont pratiqué sur le côté des sarcophages une large ouverture, et maintenant les chevreaux et les agneaux de Behram peuvent pénétrer dans ces vieux sépulcres vides pour s’y mettre à l’abri de l’orage ou du soleil.”[184] The locals even believed the marbles of Xanthus had been broken to obtain their contents, for “it was often difficult to make the natives understand that we travelled for pleasure only, without having some motive of gain; and, as ruins and inscriptions were the chief objects of our inquiry, it was generally supposed, that the latter pointed out places of hidden treasure, which we secretly carried off.”[185] Even guides, chosen for their alertness and knowledge of the country, yet believed that Spratt and Forbes were after treasure: at Sorahajik “My guide left the ruins satisfied I had extracted no money from the stones, but sadly puzzled as to the purpose of bringing away copies of the inscriptions.”[186]

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Another type of inscription collected by travellers, and which deserve a book to themselves, was of course manuscripts. The French were particularly interested in works in Oriental languages, and abstracted MSS from Ankara as early as 1729,[187] although one batch sank at sea.[188] Hunt drew a blank in the libraries of Constantinople in 1817, scouring various libraries, yet “in none of those vast collections of books was there a single classical fragment of a Greek or Latin author, either original or translated. The volumes were in Arabic, Persian, or Turkish: and of all of them Mr. Carlyle took exact catalogues.”[189] And the ordinary documents of the Ottoman Empire seemed to evoke little interest. Scott-Stevenson, in Kayseri in 1881, found a veritable genizah inside a marble tomb: “The room was filled to the depth of several feet by papers with Turkish characters inscribed on them; for all the bits of MS., odd volumes and leaves of books, are deposited here, because of the Moslem dislike to destroying or trampling on any written paper lest the name of “Allah” should be on it.”[190] Presumably nothing survives of this. Should our epigraphers perhaps have been hunting manuscripts (in whatever language) as well as stone inscriptions among the various ethnic communities of Asia Minor? [1] Ouvré_1896_­66

[2] Lechevallier_­1802_­

II_­298–9 [3] PEF_­1887_­212 [4] Chandler_­1825_­I_­43 [5] Newton_­1865_­I_­127–128 [6] Chenevard_­1846_­72 [7] Cronin_­1902_­349–350 [8] Elliott_­1838_­II_­84 [9] Colligon_­1879_­#1 [10] Sterrett_­1888_­120ff [11] Webster_­1830_­I_­94 [12] Skene_­1853_­314 [13] Diehl_­&_­Cousin_­1888 [14] Sayce_­1880_­83 [15] Le_­Bas_­1888_­XVIII–XIX [16] Anderson_­ 1897–1898_­­51–52 [17] Ramsay_­1897a_­510–511 [18] Ramsay_­1897a_­586 [19] Langlois_­1854a_­1–2 [20] Omont_­1902_­54–66 [21] Waltzing_­1892_­10–12 [22] Earl_­Percy_­1901_­53–54 [23] Spon_­&_­Wheler_­1679_­ I_­241

[24] Tournefort_­II_­

1718_­397 [25] Edhem_­Bey_­1904_­77–78 [26] Arundell_­1834_­I_­96 [27] Hamilton_­1842_­ I_­129–130 [28] Kinneir_­1818_­238 [29] Galt_­1812_­163–164 [30] Teule_­1842_­73–74 [31] Omont_­1902_­414–420 [32] Reinach_­1886_­13–70 (of pp.116 of text) dedicated to inscriptions. [33] Reinach_­1886_­36_­&_­76 [ 34 ]  Reinach_­1 886_­8 5–86_­ &_­89 [35] Sterrett_­1889_­5–7 [36] Bailie_­1843_­141–142 [37] Ramsay_­1883_­370 [38] Anderson_­1903_­69 [39] Radet_­1895_­436 [40] Bent_­1893_­278–279 [41] Buresch_­1898 [42] Sterrett_­1907_­3 [43] Galt_­1812_­218 [44] Sterrett_­1907_­4

[45] Kinneir_­1818_­102

[46] Foerster_­1897_­133 [47] Bent_­1891_­217

[48] Corancez_­1816_­127

[49] Ramsay_­1897_­40–1 [50] Ramsay_­1881_­290

[ 51 ]  Un_­j eune_­v oyageur_­

1830_­68

[52] Mac_­Farlane_­1829_­213 [53] Ramsay_­1897b_­132 [54] Perrot_­1863_­115 [55] Perrot_­1863_­115

[56] Ramsay_­1897b_­11

[57] Keil_­1910_­Cols_­7–8

[58] Perrot_­1863_­110–111

[59] Fellows_­1841_­42–43 [60] Kinneir_­1818_­39

[61] Spon_­&_­Wheler_­

1679_­225

[62] Burgess_­1835_­120–121 [63] Ramsay_­1885_­138

[64] Hamilton_­1842_­I_­328 [65] Renoüard_­de_­

Bussierre_­1829_­I_­152

[66] Dehéran_­1924_­317

[67] Pococke_­1811_­670–671



re-using classical inscriptions [68] Fellows_­1843_­12b

[69] Hamilton_­1837_­36

[70] Sterrett_­1889_­9–10 [71] Ouvré_­1896_­64–5

[72] Ramsay_­1897b_­12b

[73] Ramsay_­1897b_­295 [74] Cronin_­1902_­102

[75] Perrot_­1872_­I_­164–5 [76] Pingaud_­1887_­149

[77] Roland_­1987_­396–397 [78] Tournefort_­1741_­285 [79] Guillaume_­1870–

1872_­350–351

[80] Guillaume_­

1870–1872_­352

[81] Pococke_­V_­1772_­188 [82] Perrot_­1863_­301

[83] Hamilton_­1842_­

I_­421–422

[84] Perrot_­1872_­I_­296–297 [85] Hamilton_­1842_­I_­90 [86] Keppel_­1831_­II_­344

[87] Chandler_­1825_­I_­228 [88] Hamilton_­1842_­I_­51

[89] Hamilton_­1842_­II_­97 [90] Hamilton_­1842_­I_­92 [91] Legrand_­1893_­552

[92] Ramsay_­1908_­354–355 [93] Ramsay_­1897a_­595 [94] Hogarth_­1893_­685 [95] Collignon_­1880–

1897_­29

[96] Fellows_­1852_­55–56 [97] Collignon_­&_­

Duchesne_­1877_­370

[98] Anderson_­1897_­415–416 [99] Anderson_­1903_­12

[100] Ramsay_­1908_­346–347 [101] Anderson_­1903_­7

[102] Hamilton_­1842_­I_­378 [103] Waltzing_­1892_­15

[104] Grégoire_­1909_­36 [105] Hamilton_­1842_­

I_­98–99

[106] Hamilton_­1842_­I_­112

[107] Hamilton_­1842_­II_­236 [108] Arundell_­1834_­I_­105 [109] Ramsay_­1897a_­738

[110] Ramsay_­1897a_­365–366 [111] Hall_­1968_­73

[112] Spratt_­&_­Forbes_­1847_­

I_­163–164 [113] Riemann_­1877 [114] Fellows_­1839_­168 [115] Pottier_­1880_­153 [116] Hamilton_­1842_­II_­7 [117] Hicks_­1889_­53 [118] Shears_­1914_­285–286 [119] Hamilton_­1842_­I_­309 [120] Robinson_­1906_­263 [121] Rustafjaell_­1902_­181 [122] Hawley_­1918_­190 [123] Mac_­Farlane_­1850_­ I_­296 [124] Hamilton_­1842_­II_­85 [125] Laurent_­I_­1735_­45–46 [126] Edhem-Bey_­1906_­409 [127] Michaud_­&_­ Poujoulat_­III_­1834_­388 [128] Le_­Camus_­1896_­163a [129] Durbin_­1845_­120–121 [130] Elliott_­1838_­II_­67–68 [131] Dauzats_­1861_­155 [132] Prime_­1876_­141b [133] Fellows_­1839_­10–11b [134] Hunt_­1817_­104 [ 135 ]  Choiseul-Gouffier_­ 1842_­III_­336–7 [136] Ferrières-Sauveboeuf_­ 1790_­I_­19 [137] Michaud_­&_­ Poujoulat_­1834_­III_­395 [ 138 ]  Baillie_­F raser_­1 840_­ II_­375 [139] Tchihatchef_­1854_­57 [140] Hamilton_­1842_­II_­166b [141] Hamilton_­1842_­II_­193 [142] Durbin_­1845_­117 [143] Fellows_­1839_­13–14b [ 1 4 4 ]   S p o n _ ­& _ ­W h e l e r _­ 1679_­234–235 [145] Krumbacher_­1886_­250 [146] Laborde_­1838_­49 [147] Mordtmann_­1925_­43 [148] Worsdsworth_­1837_­8 [149] Mac_­Farlane_­1829_­215 [150] Michaud_­&_­ Poujoulat_­III_­ 1834_­345–346 [151] Pingaud_­1887_­161

347

[152] Le_­Brun_­I_­1725_­105

[153] Tchihatchef_­1868_­3–4 [154] Spratt_­&_­Forbes_­

1847_­I_­173–174

[155] Choisy_­1876_­195–196 [156] Hasluck_­1929_­22

[157] Marcellus_­1839_­I_­151 [158] Perrot_­1863_­109–110 [159] Wood_­1877_­35

[160] Bent_­1890_­457 [161] Oberhummer

1899, 403 for photo of Yuruk huts at Ephesus, built from wood, reeds and straw. [162] Kinneir_­1818_­238 [163] Sterrett_­1885b_­8 [164] Texier_­1844–1845_­323 [165] Fellows_­1852_­86 [166] Pococke_­1772_­V_­268 [167] Beaufort_­1818_­101–102 [168] Davis_­1874_­268 [169] Teule_­1842_­70 [170] Sterrett_­1889_­7–8 [171] Arundell_­1828_­179 [172] Cockerell_­1903_­144–5 [173] Bold_­1828_­133 [174] Arundell_­1828_­321 [175] Arundell 1834, II 347– 51 for the ruins of Aezani. [176] Mac_­Farlane_­1850_­ I_­176 [177] Monk_­1851_­I_­68–9 [178] Keppel_­1831_­II_­243–4 [179] Choisy_­1876_­138 [180] Et-Tidjani_­1853_­124 [181] Layard_­1903_­I_­167 [182] Ramsay_­1897b_­19–20 [183] Hunt_­1817_­180 [184] Michaud_­&_­ Poujoulat_­III_­1834_­290 [185] Spratt_­&_­Forbes_­ 1847_­I_­96–97 [186] Spratt_­&_­Forbes_­ 1847_­I_­175–176 [187] Omont_­1902_­465 [188] Omont_­1902_­495 [189] Hunt_­1817_­85–86 [190] Scott-Stevenson_­ 1881_­202



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[1] Ouvré_1896_66 but the antiquities turned up at Schar Euïuk have been reused: Nos stèles sont rangées encore dans un ordre bizarre qui surprend et qui effraye. Couchées à plat, et superposées les unes aux autres, elles forment un grossier rempart. Quelle invasion rendit ce sacrifice nécessaire? Quand Dorylée dut-elle se dépouiller pour se défendre? A côté, dans la nécropole, nous lisons à grand’peine une épitaphe gravée sur un pesant cube de pierre. Des mains inconnues ont martelé les lettres et retourné le bloc, qui maintenant affleure le sol. Quelle rage de destruction s’est acharnée sur cette tombe? Questions sans réponse. [2] Lechevallier_1802_II_298–9 (travelling in 1785 & 1786): Un mille à l’ouest d’Udjek-Tepe, on trouve le village d’Erkessighy. Lorsque j’y passai, le fameux Hassan, alors capitan-pacha ou grand-amiral, y faisait réparer le kiosque ou il avait coutume de se reposer, pendant que sa flotte, au retour de quelque expédition dans l’archipel, était forcée d’attendre les vents de sud à l’embouchure de l’Hellespont. / Quelques jours avant mon arrivée, ses architectes avaient fait transporter d’Alexandria-Troas, un très-beau sarcophage de marbre blanc, orné de bas-reliefs, pour en faire le bassin d’une fontaine. L’inscription qui couvrait en entier une des faces, était en caractères grecs. Elle avait été mutilée à coups de marteau; et j’en avais trouvé la première ligne à Alexandrie parmi les morceaux que les Turcs avaient détachés du sarcophage, pour le réduire à la dimension qui leur convenait, et le façonner à l’usage vil auquel ils l’avaient destiné. [3] PEF_1887_212 in an account (From the Bachir, a journal in French and Arabic, published at Beirut) including the shipping of the Sidon sarcophagi to Constantinople: “It is only a short time ago since a Turkish war vessel loaded at Jassus (the old port, hard by Mylassa) the blocks of stone taken from an old wall and carried them off to Constantinople for some building or other. His Excellency Hamdi Bey heard that these blocks bore inscriptions, and caused the shipment to be seized. They found on them 140 inscriptions containing decrees in the Greek tongue, and of a very interesting nature. He (his Excellency) took advantage of the ship’s stopping there to reconnoitre the ruins whence they had been taken.” [4] Chandler_1825_I_43 Kemali: “The mosque, which we had taken this long walk to examine, instead of proving, as we had hoped, some ancient building or temple, contained nothing to reward our labour. The portico, under which we stopped, is supported by broken columns, and in the walls are marble fragments. The door is carved with Greek characters so exceedingly complicated, that I could neither copy nor decipher them. We supposed it had formerly been a church. In the court was a plain chair of marble, almost entire; and under the post of a shed, a pedestal, with a moulding cut along one side, and an inscription in Latin, which shews it once belonged to a statue of Nero, nephew of the emperor Tiberius. Many scraps of Greek and Latin occur in the old burying grounds, which are very extensive. We saw more marble about this inconsiderable village than at Troas.” [5] Newton_1865_I_127–128 Kemali: “The mosque in this village is built of large squared blocks, evidently from some ancient building. At this mosque was a Latin inscription containing a dedication to the Emperor Claudius, as a ‘Sodalis Augustalis.’ On the lintel of a window was the fragment of another Latin inscription, containing part of the name and titles of Nero. In front of the mosque was the capital of a large Doric column and a plain marble chair.” [6] Chenevard_1846_72 at Kemali, welcomed by the imam, nous conduisit à la mosquée, fondée sur des débris de colonnes. Dans la cour qui la précède, nous trouvâmes un capiteau dorique et deux fragments d’inscriptions latines. [7] Cronin_1902_349–350: “On pp. 188–222 (Nos. 191–251) of his Epigraphical Journey, under the head Konia, Professor Sterrett gives a collection of sixty inscriptions either found and copied by himself or published from the copy of Dr. Diamantides. It will illustrate the vicissitudes of inscriptions to say that of this considerable number we failed, in spite of many efforts and the offer of large rewards, to find thirty-five . . . I may add that of the inscriptions given in the Corpus we found hardly any. To compensate, however, this loss, we found a large number of inscriptions which are given neither by Dr. Diamantides nor by Professor Sterrett.”



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[8] Elliott_1838_II_84 approaching Philadelphia: “the same astonishing multitude of Turkish cemeteries tell their tale of vast populations whose place is no longer to be found. Many of the stones, now topped with a turban in memory of a deceased Moslim, are covered with Greek inscriptions, and are evidently taken from ancient temples; and sometimes the shaft of an antique column has been deprived of a richly sculptured capital to prepare it for assuming a Mohammedan head-dress.” [9] Colligon_1879_#1 & #2: Bouldour. Cippe encastré dans le mur de l’église de Haghios Gheorghios; #8 & #9: Cippe en forme de colonne, dans le cimetière musulman, à Bouldour; #13: Cippe en forme de colonne, dans le cimetière musulman, à Bouldour; #18: Isbarta. Stèle encastrée dans le mur d’une fontaine près du bazar. Deux bustes en relief, trèsfrustes, représentent un homme et une femme drapés; #19: Isbarta. Fragment de dalle, dans le pavage de la salle principale du hammam; #20: Isbarta, à l’entrée de l’école des muftis. Bandeau orné d’oves, de denticules et de palmettes. Le fragment est à coup sûr antique, et l’inscription chrétienne montre qu’il a servi à la décoration d’une église #21: Isbarta. Colonne cannelée, encastrée dans le minaret d’une mosquée. [10] Sterrett_1888_120ff Yalowadj, with numerous inscriptions, e.g. out of many more (last numbered 154) ##92–93: “in the cemetery near the mill;” 94: “In the wall of a house opposite a Djami”; 95: “In the Djami of Kizildje Mahallu;” 96: “Quadrangular cippus in the corner of a house opposite the barracks;” 98: “In the wall of a house opposite the Djami nearest the barracks;” 101 & 102: “In the wall of the Djami inside the town nearest the barracks;” 103: “In the corner of a house opposite a fountain;” 106: “Quadrangular Stele in the court of the house of Isa Oghlu;” 108: “In the pavement by a canal;” 109, 111, 113 & 114, 117: “In wall of the Djami by the market;” 110: “In the wall of a school-house;” 112: “In the foundation of a wall on the side of the Acropolis facing the village of Hissar. It was re-excavated for me by a man who had seen it four years previously, while digging stones for his house;” 115: “The stone is used as a step in the stairway leading to the second story of a house in the Mahallü, called Abudjilar. It is much worn and almost illegible;” 120: “Column serving as one of the four supports to the roof of the Medressi near the military prayer enclosure;” 122: “Quadrangular cippus in the cemetery of Abtidjilar;” 140: “On a sarcophagus in the court of the Djami nearest the barracks;” 141: “Fragment in the wall of the Djami of Abudjilar. Letters faint and blurred.” Ibid., 188ff Konya, including #193: “Stele recently found in a part of the city walls which have been demolished for building purposes;” 194, 226: “Slab from the recently demolished walls;” 195: “Stele with reliefs built into the wall of the Djami Sultan Aladdin;” 206: “Small sarcophagus in the court of a house.” [11] Webster_1830_I_94 at Symferapol: “We dined with the Sultan, who shewed us a relief of a Scythian warrior on horseback, rudely executed. Near it was an inscription, in which mention is made of King Scelerius. This was found, by the Sultan, at a mile from Symferapol. He supposes a neighbouring hill to have been the position of the third fortress of Scelerius. There axe many ruins of great antiquity and interest, but for which the Russians evince but slight regard, employing reliefs and stones with inscriptions for repairing the roads. The Sultan, to convince us of this, took up a portion of the road, and, pointing to the stones, said ‘There they lie.’ Can anything more barbarous be conceived? [12] Skene_1853_314: “Thus we descended to the valley of the Thymbrius, now called Tumbrek, and, following its stream, reached the small village of Halil Elli, or Halil’s Hand. / Near this wretched Turkish hamlet we found the unmistakeable remains of the Thymbrian Apollo’s Doric temple. Broken fluted columns, bas-reliefs, and inscriptions, covered a Moslem cemetery, where they were used as tombstones. On one fragment we remarked the sculptured representation of a fast-looking young lady, lightly clad in a pair of wings and a flowing scarf, and driving a funny sort of buggy; her name was Nike, or Victoria.” [13] E.g. Diehl_&_Cousin_1888 #1 Dans la maison du Gulbasch-Méhémet; #2 Chez IzzetEfïend; #4 Dans la maison de Abta-Abdoullah; #6 Chez Hadji Khalil-oglou Ali; #7 Dans une cour; #9 Dans une étable, près de la mosquée de Koursoun-Djami; #10 Dans un mur; #14 Près d’un pont; #16 Dans un cartouche; #20 Dans un champ.



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[14] Sayce_1880_83: “The only other ‘Note’ from my journeys in the Troad which I need record concerns a short and mutilated inscription which had been dug up just before I saw it and embedded in the wall of a house that was being built at Kalessi Ovasi, a village not far from the quarries from which the granite columns of Alexandria Troas were brought.” [15] Le_Bas_1888_XVIII–XIX Le Bas (in his Preface, written 1856) notes his successes: Mais si l’épigraphie a été avant tout le but de mes recherches, je n’ai pas pour cela négligé les autres branches de l’archéologie qu’il m’était possible d’enrichir. J’ai dans le cours de mes voyages découvert à Messène, sur la pente méridionale du mont Ithome, un temple que tout m’autorise à regarder comme le temple de Diane Laphria; deux autres dans la partie la plus sauvage du Kakovouni, à environ six heures du cap Ténare; le célèbre sanctuaire de Jupiter Labrandenos et le tombeau des dynastes de Garie avant Mausole, dans le voisinage de Mylasa; le théâtre d’Alinda, son palais, ses tombeaux, etc.: en outre, le temple de la Victoire Aptère à Athènes, le théâtre, le stade et le temple de Jupiter à Aezani ont été, de la part de M. Landron, l’objet de nouvelles études qui lui ont permis d’en donner une idée plus exacte et plus complète; et l’histoire de l’architecture ancienne s’est ainsi enrichie de données nouvelles ou de renseignements plus précis. / Je n’aurai pas moins contribué aux progrès de la géographie comparée, en déterminant, souvent d’une manière certaine, l’emplacement de plusieurs villes de l’Asie Mineure, et en pénétrant le premier dans la partie de cette contrée comprise entre le lac d’Apollonia au nord, le cours de l’Hermus au sud, le Macestus à l’ouest et le Rhyndacus à l’est, partie désignée encore sur la carte de la Phrygie que M. Kiepert a publiée en 1840 par les mots de terra incognita; enfin, par les plans topographiques que M. Landron a dressés, et par les vues pittoresques qu’il a prises des lieux antiques que nous avons visités les premiers, ou dont les voyageurs qui nous ont précédés n’avaient pas fait connaître l’aspect. / D’un autre côté, l’antiquité figurée devra à notre voyage, et au dessinateur aussi habile que consciencieux qui m’accompagnait, la reproduction fidèle de tous les monuments de sculpture que nous avons remarqués tant à Athènes qu’en Grèce et en Asie Mineure, au nombre de cent cinquante-trois. / L’ensemble des dessins de ces trois sections s’élève au delà de quatre cent cinquante. [16] Anderson_1897–1898_51–52: “On our arrival at Kara Hissar, we were told that many stones were being dug up by the Circassians of Ai-kuruk (Tcherkes keui) a village about an hour north-west of Altyn Tash, on the post-road to Kutaya (Kotiaion), which I had visited in 1897; and we therefore made a circuit by the village on our way to Murad Dagh. We found that the peasants, in searching for stones to build a new mosque, had lighted on an ancient cemetery and were turning up a quantity of inscriptions. We copied all that were uncovered and left the villagers still busily engaged in their excavations.” [17] Ramsay_1897a_510–511: “on the line of the great Highway through Paroreios Phrygia inscriptions have perished in a larger proportion than elsewhere,” noted as “the marbles used in the fine Seljuk buildings (though probably ancient) have all been reworked, so as to obliterate inscriptions.” [18] Ramsay_1897a_586 Hadjilmar: “In Nov. 1881 I spent a night at Hadjimlar, and saw at once that it has been an ancient site, but found no inscriptions. In 1883 my travelling companion Sterrett visited it on his way from Ushak to Sebaste. He saw digging going on, from which building-stones were being taken. Several of these, bearing inscriptions, had already been defaced, and he was only in time to copy the fragmentary decree of a city. He also pronounced that Hadjimlar was an important ancient site. Further it is the busiest village of this district that I have seen; and must be regarded as the market town.” [19] Langlois_1854a_1–2 Si plusieurs de ces inscriptions sont incomplètes, ce n’est pas seulement à l’action des siècles qu’il faut en attribuer la cause, mais encore aux musulmans, qui, lors de la conquête, et pour faire disparaître ce qui leur rappelait la domination étrangère, en martelèrent un assez grand nombre. [20] Omont_1902_54–66 introduction to travels of Père Wansleben in Egypt, Asia Minor and to Constantinople, 1671–1675, and then the correspondance 66–174. Wansleben passes 1672 & 1673 in Egypt, arriving at Constantinople in March 1674, and remaining there until



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January 1676. Ibid., 61 the instructions for Père Wansleben concerning inscriptions: Il dressera un recueil des inscriptions anciennes qu’il trouvera et taschera de les coppier figurativement, et en la mesme langue qu’elles sont escrites, se les faisant lire et expliquer par quelque interprète, s’il n’en connoit pas les caractères. Il trouvera quantité de ces inscriptions dans les cimetières et sur les tombeaux, desquels il fera pareillement une description, et de la manière différente des sépultures des divers peuples. Ces inscriptions luy serviront souvent à connoistre les noms anciens des endroits où il les rencontrera, ces noms anciens des particuliers, des villes et même des provinces estant tellement effacez de la connoissance de ceux qui les habitent aujourd’huy qu’on ne les connoit presque plus que par ces inscriptions. Et cette recherche est d’autant plus utile que par son moyen on apprend au vray, non seulement en quel estat sont à présent les misérables restes de la magnificence ancienne, mais ça sert encore pour s’instruire de ce que plusieurs autheurs marquent y avoir esté fait de considérable, et l’on sçait par là la véritable scituation des lieux, pour la connoissance plus exacte de laquelle il taschera de prendre, le plus souvent et le plus soigneusement qu’il pourra, la hauteur du pôle, remarquant aussy les distances sur la terre qu’il rapportera toutes à une mesure certaine, et semblablement les variations de l’aymant aux divers lieux où il se trouvera. [21] Waltzing_1892_10–12: En effet, il y a toute une catégorie de faits, il y a toute une face de la vie romaine que les historiens et les jurisconsultes ont négligée, parce qu’ils n’y prenaient pas le même intérêt que nous, ou parce qu’ils jugeaient superflu d’expliquer à leurs contemporains ce que tout le monde avait sous les yeux. Où trouvons-nous, par exemple, sur la vie des classes populaires, les détails dont nous sommes si avides aujourd’hui? L’artisan, l’ouvrier était méprisé presque à l’égal de l’esclave: sa misérable existence, les efforts qu’il faisait pour y échapper, les corporations qu’il fondait pour rendre sa vie plus facile et plus agréable, le rôle même qu’il parvenait à jouer grâce à l’association, tout cela serait un mystère pour nous sans les inscriptions. Il en est de même des mœurs, de mille détails de la vie privée, en particulier de ce qui a rapport aux funérailles. Les mesures que prenaient les riches et les humbles pour assurer à leurs Mânes une demeure décente, les colombaires si nombreux, bâtis par d’opulentes familles pour leur domesticité ou par des sociétés de pauvres gens, ne sont guère connus que par les monuments épigraphiques. / Et où donc les auteurs décrivent-ils la hiérarchie, les rouages si compliqués de l’administration impériale aux trois premiers siècles, l’administration financière, militaire, religieuse, et la constitution des municipes et des colonies? C’étaient choses trop familières à leurs lecteurs. Et pourtant nous tenons à connaître dans tous ses détails l’organisation de ce vaste empire, pour comprendre ce que nous lui devons. Or, tandis qu’aujourd’hui les lois et les actes publics sont répandus par l’imprimerie, les Romains les gravaient sur la pierre, sur le marbre, sur l’airain; tandis que nos journaux publient l’éloge funèbre des personnages considérables, les Romains inscrivaient sur les tombes qui bordaient les grand’routes, sur les innombrables statues qui ornaient les villes, comme sur les portraits des ancêtres conservés dans l’atrium, les fonctions publiques et religieuses que le défunt avait remplies, ses hauts faits, les services qu’il avait rendus, ses libéralités envers sesconcitoyens. Tous ces monuments, grands et petits, découverts sur le sol de l’Empire, prennent une voix et nous instruisent de ce que le silence des auteurs nous laisserait ignorer sans eux. [22] Earl_Percy_1901_53–54 Nigde: “Many other inscriptions of Seljuk date cover the marble headstones in the cemetery, and it is much to be regretted that no competent scholar has yet visited the districts comprised in this the old empire of the Sultans of Rum, in order to compile a thorough and careful record of their architectural and archaeological treasures. At Konia, Kaisariyeh, Divrigi, Nigdeh, Karaman, Sivas, and even as far east as Erzerum, there are innumerable mosques, caravanserais, and tombs, which would repay the closest study, and might yield the most valuable historical information . . . The ordinary traveller cannot afford the time and labour of copying them, and even if he could, he would be wasting a great deal of energy to no purpose in transcribing many which have no significance whatever. Photography is of little use, for the inscription is often placed in an inaccessible position round the dome or door of a mosque; but the task of any competent



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scholar would be easier now than it has been for many years past, owing to the perceptible decrease of ignorant fanaticism among the population, and their growing familiarity with the strange tastes and oddities of Europeans.” [23] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_I_241 Tourbali/Metropolis: nous mîmes pied-a-terre & étalâmes nos provisions sous un grand Terebinthe près d’un Cimetière, ou nous fûmes après le repas chercher parmi les pierres, si nous y trouverions quelque chose digne de nôtre curiosité. Nous y vîmes quantité de pièces de colonnes & de marbres antiques, & un entr’autres, où il y avoit encore quelque reste d’Inscription. Bien qu’elle ne nous apprît que le nom de celuy pour qui elle avoit été faite, elle nous confirma au moins dans la pensée que c’etoit la véritable situation de Metropolis, par le grand nombre de masures & de débris que l’on voit autour; et nous trouvâmes ensuite dans le champ proche de l’arbre sous lequel nous avions mangés, deux ou trois voûtes sous terre, & quelques autres ruines. [24] Tournefort_II_1718_397 Tourbali: “we lay that Day at Tourbale, which is six Hours from Smyrna. Tourbale is a poor Village, in which we see several old Marbles, which please Strangers, for otherwise the Turks who inhabit it are not very civil. One sees also in the Caravansera Pillars of Granat or white Marble. Three Miles from Tourbale, at the foot of the Mountain, near a Burying-place, are the Fragments of an antient City, but we met with nothing whence we might learn its Name.” [25] Edhem_Bey_1904_77–78 Tralles: Les inscriptions suivantes, à l’exception de la première, découverte dès la première campagne dans la région H du plan, ont toutes été trouvées maçonnées dans une substruction byzantine F, que nous avons dégagée pendant la troisième campagne Le fait qu’elles sont toutes agonistiques, et contemporaines les unes des autres, nous interdit d’attribuer au hasard leur réunion en un même endroit. Elles étaient déjà groupées avant d’être employées comme matériaux, et c’est faire une hypothèse assez vraisemblable que d’admettre qu’elles proviennent de l’édifice voisin où nous voudrions reconnaître un gymnase. [26] Arundell_1834_I_96 Kobek near Suleiman: “If a traveller could remain a day here, and be permitted to see the inscriptions which unquestionably must exist in the mosques and private houses, the name of the city at Suleiman would speedily be brought to light. We had no time, and left the place again at ten minutes before three.” [27] Hamilton_1842_I_129–130 Suleimanli/Blaundus: “A short distance within the walls on the left, amongst a heap of ruined buildings, are the foundations of a massive edifice of an oblong shape, immediately below which are the remains of what may have been a stadium. Somewhat further in, a little to the right of the axis of the gate, arc the prostrate ruins of a beautiful temple, where fragments of architraves, friezes, and pediments, with broken shafts of columns, heaped together in rude confusion, prove a sudden rather than a gradual overthrow. Amongst them we found the headless statue of a Roman senator or emperor, and several fragments of inscriptions, some of which have been imperfectly given by Arundel. We copied No. 41 from portions of the architraves, and there can be little doubt that they belonged to the temple, the ornaments of which resembled those of the Erechtheum at Athens, and the temple of Jupiter at Azani. / South of the temple are the remains of a rude Doric portico with square pilasters, four of which with the architrave were still standing, while others were lying on the ground near the spots where they once stood. Farther on is another portico or colonnade of curious oblong columns, formed by the addition of two half-columns to the opposite aides of a square pilaster. Six of these were standing, and the fragments of others were lying on the ground. The direction of the portico is nearly E. and W., and may mark the site of a Byzantine church. / Near the southern extremity of the Acropolis are the remains of an apparently very ancient building, but the side-posts of the doors, and window-cases of the two sides, are alone standing. The spaces between these large blocks were probably filled up with smaller stones, which have fallen away, leaving nothing but a gigantic skeleton. The form of the building is oblong, and it may have been the cella of a temple. The whole area of the city is covered with fragments, many of which have been used as the foundations of more modern buildings; and a street may be traced lined with the foundations of houses on each side, built of the



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ruins of older edifices. / On the narrow isthmus, outside the gate, are the remains of three more temples, marked by heaps of ruins, the architecture of which seems to have been highly finished, and of which the foundations can be distinctly traced. The columns of all were fluted, but at the one nearest the gate the fluting has only been brought half-way down. The ruined arches beyond, alluded to by Mr. Arundel, are clearly the remains of an aqueduct for the supply of the Acropolis; they occur just where there is a slight depression in the ground, and traces of them may be perceived along the top of the ridge for some distance.” [28] Kinneir_1818_238 Kutayah: “In my walk through the city, I saw several Greek inscriptions; but the jealousy of the Turks was such, that they would not permit me to copy them.” [29] Galt_1812_163–164: “After dinner, which was served about mid-day, we went to see the ruins of Sparta. The imagination, without much effort, in surveying the environs, may form an idea of an extensive town; though the remains are covered with grass. The city of the stern and warlike Spartans, had become a walk for harmless sheep. The ruins which we examined, have been, originally, buildings constructed with the fragments of more ancient and splendid edifices. We saw, sticking in one of the walls, several broken pieces of elegant fluted columns, and part of a frize, ornamented with grapes and wheat ears, that, probably, once belonged to a temple of Ceres. Near these relicks there is a defaced inscription, which, had it been suffered to remain, might have told us what they were. It was defaced, as we were informed, by two Frenchmen, who, because they could not read it themselves, chipped it off out of spite to the British travellers.” [30] Teule_1842_73–74 a Greek at Pergamon offers him a stone: Un de ces Grecs vint au-devant de moi avec civilité, et, après quelques mots échangés, m’offrit d’entrer dans sa maison, pour voir un marbre antique qu’il avait découvert dans un ancien mur . . . / C’est une opinion généralement reçue chez le peuple ignorant de l’Asie occidentale, que tous les Frenguis sont riches, et qu’ils doivent leur fortune à la transmutation des métaux ou à la connaissance des caractères écrits sur les marbres, qui indiquent la place de quelque grand trésor enterré. / Le marbre qui m’était offert avec tant d’empressement et avec des manières tout à fait engageantes était un gros bloc qui ne pesait pas moins de quelques milliers. / Sa forme était celle d’un cube, ou à peu près. La face, tournée en haut, était embarrassée, et ne me laissa voir que quelques lettres de l’inscription grecque qui s’y trouve, et qu’on me dit avoir déjà été recueillie. J’ai peut-être eu tort, cependant, de ne pas en prendre une copie nouvelle; mais cela me paraissait alors une peine inutile, et reste à savoir si la froideur de mon admiration n’aurait pas fait mal accueillir ma demande. [31] Omont_1902_414–420 for Montfaucon’s Mémoire of c.1720, which begins: Mémoire pour servir d’instruction à ceux qui cherchent d’anciens monumens dans la Grèce et dans le Levant: De ceux qui ont voyagé dans le Levant pour y chercher des monumens antiques, il y en a peu qui aient eu les connoissances nécessaires pour bien réussir dans ces recherches, et pas un n’avoit fait les préparatifs requis pour y faire une ample moisson. Ces monumens sont les médailles, les bustes, statues et bas-reliefs, les inscriptions et les manuscrits. Je ne m’arrêterai point ici sur les médailles, parce que la facilité du transport fait qu’on apporte tout ici, le bon, le médiocre et le mauvais, et qu’il est aisé de choisir sur le tout ce qui mérite d’avoir place dans nos cabinets. Les bustes, statues et bas-reliefs ne sont pas pour tout le monde. Ce sont ordinairement les princes et les grands seigneurs qui les font venir pour en orner leurs cabinets et leurs jardins. Quoique plusieurs de ces sortes de monumens puissent servir à illustrer l’Antiquité, rien n’approche de l’utilité qu’on peut tirer des inscriptions, dont la Grèce et les villes de l’Asie sont toutes remplies; c’est de quoi nous allons parler ici plus en détail. 415 Greece is the target for inscriptions: Il y a toute l’apparence possible, que c’est le pays qui abonde le plus en ces sortes de monumens et c’est aussi celui où l’on a le moins cherché jusqu’à présent. Les isles de Crète et de Chypre et toutes celles de l’Archipel en fourniroient aussi un grand nombre, et sui’tout l’isle de Samos, si célèbre par le temple de Junon. Il y en a encore une quantité surprenante dans toutes les villes de la côte de l’Asie Mineure, à Smyrne, à Ephèse et dans les campagnes.



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On en trouve aussi bien avant dans la Natolie, jusqu’à Ancyre, ou Angora, d’où l’on en a tiré quelques unes très considérables; mais il y en reste encore pour faire un juste volume. [32] Reinach_1886_13–70 (of pp. 116 of text) dedicated to inscriptions. [33] Reinach_1886_36_&_76 Inscriptions: Quand il ne s’agit que d’une inscription ordinaire, sans sculpture ni ornements intéressants, un bon estampage est préférable à dix copies dessinées ou même à la meilleure photographie. L’estampage, déjà connu au xviie siècle, n’est guère employé par les épigraphistes que depuis 1840; c’est Philippe Le Bas qui s’en est servi le premier d’une manière systématique dans son voyage en Asie Mineure et en Grèce. Ibid. 76 taking photographs: La grande majorité des archéologues, qui ne pouvaient se surcharger de bagages, ont voyagé sans appareil photographique; ils ont copié ou estampé beaucoup d’inscriptions et se sont contentés, quand ils le pouvaient, de dessiner les œuvres d’art et les monuments. Mais un dessin, même s’il est l’œuvre d’un Landron, ne vaut pas une bonne photographie; il ne rend, en général, que l’intérêt iconographique d’une oeuvre, c’est-à-dire le sujet et l’agencement des figures, en sacrifiant tout ce qui a rapport au style et au travail véritablement artistique. – drawing monuments of architecture with a camera obscura also recommended. [34] Reinach_1886_85–86_&_89: L’exportation des œuvres d’art antiques étant interdite par les lois grecques et turques, nous ne conseillons pas au voyageur d’acheter les antiquités qu’on lui offrirait. S’il a la chance de trouver une Vénus de Milo, le courage et l’habileté de la transporter en lieu sûr, nous lui adresserons tous nos compliments: mais les présents Conseils n’ont pas la prétention d’enseigner ou d’encourager la contrebande. Ajoutons que les amateurs qui croient acquérir des chefs-d’œuvre sont très souvent victimes de leur imagination: ils payent un marbre au triple de sa valeur et s’exposent à de graves désillusions au retour, à moins qu’un douanier insensible au bakchich n’interrompe prématurément leur rêve en confisquant le trésor sans indemnité. Ibid. 89: Les terres cuites (figurines et reliefs) sont fort recherchées depuis quelques années en Grèce, et l’on en a fabriqué un très grand nombre de fausses. On fera sagement de n’en point acquérir, mais il serait très utile d’en photographier le plus possible aux musées d’Athènes, de Constantinople et de Smyrne. [35] Sterrett_1889_5–7: “WHERE INSCRIPTIONS ARE FOUND. When the hordes of Turcoman shepherds left their original home in Turkistan in quest of better homes in the west, they attacked and conquered the effete Byzantine Empire. Being zealous Mohammedans they hated with an intense hatred the Greeks, who were the chief representatives of Christianity in the East. They were not content with simply conquering the Greek or Byzantine empire, but they aimed to destroy all traces of the Greek civilization as well. The demon of destruction held high carnival, and in this way there disappeared buildings that belonged not only to the Christian period, but also many of the remains of the classical pagan civilization, which had been spared by time and the fanaticism of the early Christians. Much ruin was wrought, and many documents in stone of priceless value to the historian perished at the hands of the invaders; but still the undertaking was too vast for even the destructive powers of the Turk, and many precious monuments and inscriptions are still spared to tell their tale even at this late day, each adding its mite to our knowledge of the history of the past. It is the part of the traveling Archaeologist to hunt up these remaing, whether they be monumental or epigraphical. / After the first fury of the storm of devastation had passed, the Turks, who were then pure nomads and are still semi-nomads, bethought themselves that their idea of empire might be more easily realized were they to abandon their nomadic habits and become residents in fixed abodes for at least a part of the year. For this purpose houses were absolutely necessary. But they had ruthlessly destroyed everything, and they did not possess architectural skill sufficient to erect buildings in any way comparable to those they had destroyed. However, a roof over their heads during the winter was all they aimed at; it mattered not that the houses were ill built and shabby in the extreme. After fixing upon sites for their villages, their first thought was to build mosques, and in building them they utihzed the ancient stones,



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which were always well hewn and easy to handle. The interstices were filled in with small unhewn stones and mud mortar. To this use of old stones is due the fact that many stones bearing inscriptions are found in the walls of mosques. In inserting such stones into the wall of the mosque, they paid no attention whatever to the inscription. Chance alone decided whether if should fall on the outside or be buried in the wall. Even when the inscription did fall on the outside of the wall, it is rarely right side up, but in most cases it either lies sidewise or is upside down. The Turks are very particular about their drinking water, and they compare notes about the water of two given villages or localities in precisely the same way that German connoisseurs discuss their beer. The cool freshness and purity of water is highly prized, not only for drinking purposes and household use, but also for the ablutions so necessary before prayer. Owing to these facts the public fountains, with which every village and every mosque of any importance are abundantly supplied, take rank immediately after the mosques. Some attempt at architectural beauty is always visible in the fountains, and how could this coveted beauty be attained better than by making use of the fine old stones of the hated infidels? There are then two places within the limits of every village which the Archaeological traveler must examine, – the mosque and the fountains; and if the village be anywhere in the neighborhood of an ancient town, he is almost sure to discover inscriptions in the walls of one or of both these structures. Outside of the village the Archaeologist must also examine carefully the old Turkish cemeteries, which in many cases are situated far from a village. As is well known the Turks have great respect for the graves of their fathers. A grave is inviolate, and must have a stone at its head and foot to signify its sacred character forever. It does not make a particle of difference what may be the character of the stones used, provided only they be large and heavy, for then they will stand erect and mark the spot as a grave for ages after the mound over the grave has been completely leveled. The early Turks then used the ancient stones of the Graeco-Roman period not only for building their mosques and fountains, but also for tombstones, and their cemeteries exhibit the queerest and most ridiculous jumble of all sorts of ancient marbles. Altars of the pagan gods, round, cubical, and horned altars, huge columns and epistyle blocks from temples, Roman milestones with Latin inscriptions, double-columned window supports from Christian churches, are all made to stand as sentinels over the graves of the faithful Moslems. Not only this, but ancient Greek tombstones in all their endless variety, from the simple slab to the sculptured stele with temple pediment, are made to do duty a second time – one of the queerest commentaries on the instability of human affairs. The inscriptions as a rule have not been erased from these stones, so that one finds on the graves of the Turks important decrees of cities, municipal laws, letters of kings to cities, legislative regulations and edicts of imperial Rome, the autobiography of wealthy or powerful citizens, the cursus honorum of Roman proconsuls and legates, and innumerable epitaphs of men dead long ages before the Turkish conquest. The inscribed tombstones of the Christian dead were also utilized as tombstones by the Turks, but they could not brook the cross. Christian tombstones almost always bore a cross in relief; sometimes this cross was as high as the stone, with the epitaph inscribed on either side of the vertical bar of the cross. It was necessary for Moslem pride to erase this cross before such a stone could stand over the grave of one of the faithful. They had to content themselves with hacking away the relief, but they were of course unable to deface the stone so utterly that no traces of the cross remained, nay, in many cases it is thus brought into greater prominence. But at any rate it has been insulted, and that is soothing to rehgious pride and hate. According to what we have just seen there are three places where the Archaeologist traveler can search for inscriptions without asking leave of any one, that is, in the mosques, the fountains, and the cemeteries. But of course inscriptions are found in other places, and if they be in private houses, then in order to get at them, much diplomacy, both on the part of the Archaeologist and his servants, is often needed in order to persuade the ever suspicious householder to give one permission to enter the sacred precincts of his house and harem.” [36] Bailie_1843_141–142 looking for antiquities: “I could discover none whatever in Ak-Hissar, with the exception of capitals of columns, friezes with architectural sculp-



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ture, and pediments, the former of which have been employed for the most part in the construction of wells, which the traveller meets in every part of Asia Minor. Altar-pieces and capitals – the latter when of sufficiently massive proportions to admit of their being used for such purposes, are the materials one chiefly finds appropriated to these works of public utility; in one respect a fortunate application of those treasures of ancient art, and infinitely preferable to using them as street pavement, or for the substructions of dwelling-houses. The most valuable inscriptions have thus been often preserved: but woe to the luckless monument which has had the misfortune of being decorated with reliefs of the features of the illustrious dead, or of embodying an artist’s ideas of a superhuman beauty. On such as these the Musulman Iconoclast has invariably been sure to wreak his fanatical wrath, and often the very circumstance of their attracting the admiration of the dogs, the polite appellation generally bestowed on Ghiours, or Infidels, by all true disciples of Islam, has proved a powerful auxiliary of this principle. An anecdote which has been related by the accomplished Cockerell, places this in a strong light. / It is thus that the work of demolition is, I fear, in rapid progress amongst the beautiful ruins of the temple of Aphrodite, in the vicinity of which the mud huts of the villagers of Gheyerah have been clustered, with large contributions from the sculptured relics of the ancient Aphrodisias.” [37] Ramsay_1883_370 the 1883 expedition: “Our chief aim was to construct the map of ancient Phrygia, and our method was to examine each district thoroughly enough to be able to say, not only where there were, but also where there were not, ancient sites. The discovery of monuments and inscriptions was a secondary object, and we did not aim at completeness in this regard; but even here our results are important. We copied more than four hundred and fifty inscriptions, which is at the rate of one hundred per month, and I incorporate in this paper those which have most direct bearing on the antiquities of each district.” [38] Anderson_1903_69 the sweep of a valley near Tokat: “My companions took the hillside villages in order (Birep, Gurdju, Khat, Nedjib, Zamar, Tcharokses, Ishkozan, Ortakeui, Assardjik) and rejoined me at Gurumsheheri in the plain. They found ancient stones at the first four, especially at Gurdju, where a large building has been plundered to supply an old cemetery, but no inscriptions. I examined the villages in the plain with no better result. At Akhir (south of Nedjib) there are a few remains, – column shafts, bases, squared blocks, and a sarcophagus. Kaledjik (twenty minutes due east of Akhir) seems to be an old site; the village contains numerous old stones, – squared and other building blocks, four or five sarcophagi, a cornice piece in the style of those we saw near Comana, and a few round hollowed stones which perhaps belong to oil-presses; and in the cemetery on either side of the chaussée there are many pillars, some of which may possibly have been milestones, two of them having bases like the milestones at Khavsa.” [39] Radet_1895_436: Chaque après-midi, quand la chaleur tombe, nous partons à cheval pour le tertre de Chéhir-Euïuk, où nous avons mis des ouvriers. Nous examinons les marbres exhumés et nous copions les inscriptions découvertes. [40] Bent_1893_278–279 Covell (travelling 1670–1679): “I will see Nice [Nicaea], Nicomedia, Cyzicus, Mount Athos, Lemnos, Lesbos, Chios, and what else lyes in my way before I leave the countrey, though I shall make Inscriptions and such knackes but onely my passe time. Here are every year abundance of Whislers [triflers] in those scraps of learning. Last year were here one Mr. Wheeler, a pretty ingenious youth, our countryman, and one Mr. Le Spon, a Frenchman, who certainely have made the best collection in the world, and intends to print them when he comes home. He hath gathered up and down at least 10,000 that never yet saw light in Greek or any other author. I have a very great intimacy with him, and maintein a strickt correspondency with him, and I shall certainely give him all I have which he wants; and I am sure I have one or two very rare, and not met with all by him. Here is now one Mr. Vernon (lately Secretary to Mr. Montague in France), who is mightily eager after all such things, and is going for Persia. So the main businesse will be caryed on by others, to the satisfaction of themselves, if not of others. For my own part, my heat and leachery after such things was soon over after I arrived in these places. But, when all is done, they goe but on the skirts of Asia all of them; whereas from hence to Aleppo,



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and all about Ancyra, and on the other side in Caria, etc., are the statelyest things in the world, and in very great numbers. He that thinks them worth his labour and expence and hazard, let him go fetch them; yet I confesse I have an itching after them.” [41] Buresch_1898 – very largely epigraphical. #7 Sahily: architectural block in the villa garden of Herr. Bahningenieur Möllhausen, von Sardes stammend. #8 Tepe Kiöi (Jürükendörfchen bei den Bahnstation Monamak SO von Salihy): Marmorplatte, also Stufe an einer Haustreppe dienend und daher sehr stark verreiben. [42] Sterrett_1907_3. [43] Galt_1812_218 Larissa: “No antiquities, of any traceable form, except a few trunks of pillars, and a female statue, which serves as a post at the comer of a street, struck our attention. In one of the pathways, in the great cemetery, I saw two pieces of a column resembling verd antique, and, in the pavement, fragments that seemed to be of the same rare and esteemed material. I also noticed, in another burying ground, an ancient Greek tombstone, of which the epitaph had been obliterated, to make room for a Turkish inscription.” [44] Sterrett_1907_4: “There is need for great haste in equipping such an expedition as has been outlined above, for the reason that ancient monuments of every kind, whether structural, sculptural, or epigraphical, are perishing every day with pitiful remorselessness. The Turks, and even the Christians, are using the ancient stones of every kind for building materials, especially in the construction of mosques, fountains, barracks, and Mussafir Odas. Utilization in this way is not necessarily annihilation, for the stones thus used may turn up again two or three centuries later on. But the actual annihilation of buildings, of sculptured and inscribed stones, is brought about in two ways: firstly, by being burned to make lime, and, secondly, by being ruthlessly destroyed because of the prevailing belief that such stones contain gold in their interior. They are therefore hacked to pieces by drill and maul, or else they are blown up by gunpowder, a fate which befell the Lion of Chaeronea. The religious fanatic, too, is destroying ancient stones whether sculptured or inscribed, for sculpture is an offense in his nostrils; and so are the inscriptions carved in stone by the hated infidels, all the more because they cannot know their contents, which might tell the initiated of hidden gold. He therefore gets chisel and hammer and hacks away the inscription, or at least defaces it to the best of his ability, especially if the stone bear a cross – hated symbol. When Leake travelled, the city walls of Iconium were full of inscribed stones. After the destruction of Iconium by Ibrahim Pasha a new city was built adjoining the old city. The ancient stones of the city walls were utilized in building the new city. When I travelled, the mud interior of the old city walls was still full of the traces of the impressions which the mud had made of inscriptions and works of sculpture. All has perished beyond recovery.” [45] Kinnear_1818_102 Caesarea walls: “A considerable part of the city wall is still standing, but this, in all probability, owes its origin to the Mahomedans, since we are informed that Caesarea was fortified by a prince af the house of Seljuck in the thirteenth century. Several of the towers indeed are evidently more ancient and far superior in construction to the other parts of the works, the whole of which are built, or, in all likelihood, only incrusted, with hewn stone.” [46] Foerster_1897_133: Heute sind nur noch dürftige Reste von Bab-el-Djenêne erhalten, während Porta Canis abgetragen ist, wie die Mauern selbst. Nur die Sohle dieser und der Thürme sieht man noch. Eine Gesammtansicht der Reste der Mauern und Thürme, welche bis zur Besitzergreifung durch Ibrahim Pascha vorhanden waren, geben die oben (Fig. 4 und 7) wiederholten Stiche von Cassas und Bartlett. – and we know where some of the stone went via an inscription, note 137: Der Stein ist seitdem zersägt und zum Bau der Caserne Ibrahim Paschas verwendet worden. Ein Stück, den Anfang der 4 Zeilen enthaltend, 0,53 m lang, 0,37 hoch, befindet sich jetzt in der untersten Lage der Rampe einer Freitreppe im Hofe, wo er von Renan kopiert worden. [47] Bent_1891_217 Cilicia Tracheia: “To give a detailed description of all the ruined fortresses we visited on the Lamas gorge would be unnecessary, as we came across very few inscriptions during this portion of our expedition. These fortress towns occur at intervals of every three or four miles, some on the right and some on the left of the stream, domi-



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nating some lofty cliff. Each has the ruin of a polygonal fortress in its midst, massive walls, and the debris of houses and public buildings around numerous, rock-cut cisterns, rockcut steps, bas-reliefs, &c.” [48] Corancez_1816_127 Antioch: Antioche est très-riche en médailles et en pierre gravées. Après les grandes pluies, assez communes en hiver, les eaux qui descendent sur les croupes des deux montagnes renfermées dans son enceinte, entraînent les terres avec elles. On y trouve alors fréquemment des vases remplis de médailles. Les pierres gravées, qui ne sont pas moins abondantes, sont, en général, des cornalines, des agathés ou des jaspes. Celles-ci, qui appartiennent à la dernière époque de l’art, ont très-pèu de valeur, parce qu’elle ne présentent qu’un travail grossier et à peine ébauché. Mais cette règle n’est pas sans exception, puisqu’il se trouve parfois des jaspes sanguins, dont la gravure est très-belle. [49] Ramsay_1897_40–1: “In June, 1883, I was told of a village with ‘marbles in it’ an hour to the west away off the road. A sudden thunderstorm came on: our way lay across fields, which after ten minutes’ downpour became seas of liquid mud, intersected by several watercourses, deep ditches with steep sides five to ten feet high, down which the horses slid, and up which they contrived to scramble in some mysterious way after several vain attempts and with many slips. We got through without mishap, strange to say, taking an hour and a half to do an easy hour’s distance. The village was a miserable set of four or five small houses; in the wall of one was a scrap of marble. As we circled round the last house, my man said, ‘We have come, we have seen, there is not’ (geldik, geurduk, yok); and we silently turned to the north.” [50] Ramsay_1881_290 tentative identification of Temnos: “The slopes of the hills around seem well calculated to make it famous for wine, and justify its making the bunch of grapes the chief symbol on its coins. A few years ago there was some prospect that some of the stones would be used for the railway works; but a more suitable quarry was found. Had the site been thus opened up a little, it is probable that much more would now be known about it, and that inscriptions would have been found. Were a school of archaeology established at Smyrna, it might do much at very small expense in clearing up the history of such sites. More famous cities often disappoint their excavators; sometimes they are so deeply covered that excavation is a hopelessly expensive task; at other times their situation has made them a quarry for the buildings of centuries. Thus Clazomenae has disappeared; and Erythrae has been in some degree carried away to build the quay of Smyrna. In the latter case this has been a great gain to archaeology, as many inscriptions, some of the highest interest, have been thereby recovered, and by the care of the Smyrna Museum preserved.” [51] Un_jeune_voyageur_1830_68 at Chesme/Erythrae, the amphitheatre: l’édifice disparaît successivement, de manière que du côté opposé le terrain est de niveau avec le sol de la plaine. Le segment de cercle que l’on voit aujourd’hui est d’ailleurs considérable: à en juger approximativement, il devait former le tiers du cercle plein, et son étendue prouve que les dimensions générales de l’édifice peuvent être calculées par exemple sur celles de l’amphithéâtre de Nîmes. Les rangs de gradins sont encore en place sur ce segment, et il y a tel rang où il ne manque pas même un seul siège. [52] Mac_Farlane_1829_213 Erythrae: “I saw on the Acropolis the vestiges of a theatre, of a stoa, and of three temples. The bases of most of the columns of one of these temples at the summit of the mount, still remain in their proper places. The top of the Acropolis is encumbered with fragments – a complete field of marble; but I saw nothing more considerable than some truncated shafts of columns, and some defaced capitals.” [53] Ramsay_1897b_132: “The Ottoman Railway has now gone up beyond Serai-Keui some seventy miles, to Ishekli (Eumeneia) and to Dineir (Apameia-Celaenae); and the same process is going on all along the line. In 189I we were hospitably entertained at a commodious and comfortable country house, four hours from Dineir, standing on an estate which was the property of a European Levantine family: in 1883 the spot was a waste, uncultivated and forlorn, where we hunted for inscriptions in a deserted, solitary cemetery.” [54] Perrot_1863_115 in Boli: Je vais avec Méhémed faire déterrer, pour lire la fin d’une inscription, le bas d’une de ces pierres qui, devant les mosquées, servent à l’iman et autres personnages de distinction pour monter à cheval et pour en descendre. Cela soulève



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d’abord de la part des passans quelques timides objections qui disparaissent dès que j’ai promis de laisser la pierre en place, de ne pas l’emporter. Il en avait été de même l’autre jour au cimetière, où j’avais eu besoin de dégager le pied d’une stèle. Par précaution, j’avais pris avec moi un zaptié. Au premier coup de pioche arrivent quelques Turcs qui font remarquer que cette pierre recouvrait la tombe d’un musulman. Dès que mon acolyte leur assure que je ne songe nullement à changer la pierre de place, mais que je veux seulement lire ce qu’il y a d’écrit sur une des faces, l’inquiétude fait place à une bienveillante curiosité. [55] Perrot_1863_115 Boli/Claudiopolis: Je vais avec Méhémed faire déterrer, pour lire la fin d’une inscription, le bas d’une de ces pierres qui, devant les mosquées, servent à l’iman et autres personnages de distinction pour monter à cheval et pour en descendre. Cela soulève d’abord de la part des passans quelques timides objections qui disparaissent dès que j’ai promis de laisser la pierre en place, de ne pas l’emporter. Il en avait été de même l’autre jour au cimetière, où j’avais eu besoin de dégager le pied d’une stèle. Par précaution, j’avais pris avec moi un zaptié. Au premier coup de pioche arrivent quelques Turcs qui font remarquer que cette pierre recouvrait la tombe d’un musulman. Dès que mon acolyte leur assure que je ne songe nullement à changer la pierre de place, mais que je veux seulement lire ce qu’il y a d’écrit sur une des faces, l’inquiétude fait place à une bienveillante curiosité. [56] Ramsay_1897b_11 in villages, after the necessary politesses and coffee-drinking and smoking, “You pay with prudently ostentatious liberality for the first, before you copy it; and the general eagerness to find inscriptions is increased tenfold. After that the men of the village are ready to dig up every tombstone in the cemeteries.” [57] Keil_1910_Cols_7–8: Um von der antiken und mittelalterlichen Besiedlung der Miraashalbinsel ein möglichst vollständiges Bild zu geben, habe ich auf der Kartenskizze Fig. I) die Plätze, an welchen ich bedeutendere Spuren solcher Besiedlung beobachten konnte, mit fortlaufenden Zahlen bezeichnet und gebe im folgenden dazu einige erläuternde Bemerkungen. Im allgemeinen sei vorausgeschickt, daß aufrechtstehende Ruinen nur an ganz wenigen Orten vorhanden sind; alte Ortslagen verraten sich meist nur durch die über die Felder verstreuten Ziegelbrocken und Tonscherben sowie durch Fundamentmauern und Grabstätten, welche bei den Feldarbeiten angegraben werden. Antike Säulen, Architekturstücke, Quadern u. dgl. sind für Moscheen, Kirchen und Privathäuser stets ein willkommenes Baumaterial. Was an Kleinfunden und transportablen Inschriftsteinen zutage kommt, wird jetzt meist nach Smyrna zum Verkaufe gebracht. Die hohen Preise, welche für einige wichtigere Inschriften in letzter Zeit daselbst bezahlt worden sind, haben die verhängnisvolle Folge gehabt, daß einerseits eine Menge ganz gewöhnlicher, ohne örtlichen Zusammenhang für die Wissenschaft völlig wertloser Grabsteine und sonstiger Inschriftfragmente nach Smyrna kommt, anderseits vor dem die Landschaft bereisenden Epigraphiker oder Topographen jeder Inschriftstein von den geldgierigen Besitzern aufs sorgfältigste verheimlicht oder ihm nur gegen hohe Bezahlung gezeigt wird. Selbst bei Revisionen bereits publizierter Inschriften sind mir die Steine zu wiederholten Malen mitten während der Arbeit weggenommen worden. So bleibt manche an ihrer Fundstelle wertvolle Urkunde entweder unbekannt oder wird, weggeschleppt und ihres Wertes entkleidet, einmal ein Ballast für das Corpus. [58] Perrot_1863_110–111 natural for peasants to think about treasure: Rien au fond de plus naturel que cette croyance. Comment ces gens simples et ignorans comprendraient-ils que des étrangers qui ont largement chez eux tout ce qu’il leur faut pour vivre se dérangent pour venir examiner de vieux murs et lire les épitaphes de gens morts depuis longtemps? On a beau leur dire qu’ils auraient tort d’y chercher malice, il leur est impossible de se faire une idée de la curiosité scientifique et de la puissance que ce mobile exerce sur les actions des Européens; on ne se figure pas plus un sentiment auquel on est étranger qu’un aveugle-né ne peut imaginer les couleurs. Ils cherchent vainement à savoir comment notre science, notre esprit critique, tirent parti des moindres indices pour retrouver les traits épars du passé humain, pour en recomposer, pour en ranimer l’image effacée. Le but de



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tous leurs efforts dans leur existence étroite et bornée, c’est de fuir l’étreinte de la misère, c’est de gagner un peu d’argent. Ils supposent donc, non sans vraisemblance, que c’est pour en gagner beaucoup à la fois que l’on vient de si loin, et au prix de tant de fatigues, parcourir leur pays. Ces instrumens mystérieux qu’ils voient entre nos mains, et dont ils ne connaissent pas l’usage, ce sont les auxiliaires que nous employons dans cette recherche, les chiens de chasse qui découvrent le gibier. Avec cette conviction bien arrêtée dans leur esprit, ne faut-il pas qu’ils soient vraiment bien bonnes gens pour ne pas mettre d’obstacle à nos recherches et à nos travaux? [59] Fellows_1841_42–43 Aphrodisias: “We had provisions with us, and our only want of firewood was supplied by these civil but simple people. It was amusing to see their curiosity when we were copying inscriptions, by beating wet pulpy paper into the hollowed letters in the marble, and allowing it to dry in the sun; they showed great delight, and soon learned to assist us. I regretted my not understanding the words in which they indicated their surprise, but I read it in their unaffected and expressive countenances. The instruments, and their use in making observations of our latitude and longitude, as well as the taking our altitude by boiling the thermometer, were of course all objects of wonder to them, and I dare say will be long talked of by these simple people.” [60] Kinneir_1818_39 at Eskisehir: “Whilst copying the inscription an immense crowd of men and boys assembled around me, but they were all extremeiy civil, and one of them perceiving that I wanted a piece of paper, sent for some and gave it to me. This man also informed ne that he knew a place where there was a stone containing a talisman, and accordingly took me to a house where I found a woman washing linen on a handsome block of ash coloured marble, with an eagle in alto relievo admirably executed at the top and under it the inscription No 4.” [61] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_225 Thyatira: Une vintaine de Turcs s’étant attroupez autour de nous pour voir ce que nous faisions, nous leur dismes que c’étoit une pierre du temps des ancien Payens, où étoit le nom que leur Ville portoit autrefois. Ils s’étonnèrent de ce nom de Thyatire que je prononçay, & deux ou trois d’entr’eux nous en mènerent voir d’autres que nous copiâmes exactement. Il y en eut un nommé Vezi Chelebi qui en avoit une chez luy creusée en reservoir de fontaine, & je puis dire que nous n’avons point trouvé de Turcs plus civils qu’en ce lieu-là. Nôtre Janissaire nous mena à la cour d’un des principaux habitans appelle Mustapha Chelebi, où nous lûmes encore trois inscriptions. Les deux premières sont les jambages du portail de la maison, & parlent d’Antonin. Caracalla Empereur Romain, comme d’un Bien-faiteur & Restaurateur de la Ville. Le titre de Maître de la terre & de la mer, qui y est donné à ce Prince ambitieux, est aussi rare que celuy de Divinité présente aux mortels, qui luy est attribué dans une base de marbre à Frascati proche de Rome. [62] Burgess_1835_120–121 Oulabat/Lupathion: “The village, if such it might he called, was inhabited by about ten Greek families, whose miserable huts were placed within the still erect bulwarks of the fortress. There is, also, a monastery called St Honorius; and a solitary papas is the guardian and representative of a once large monkish community. The place is called by the Greeks, Lupathion, or Lupath, which comes very near to its ancient name, Lapadium. / The Turks attempt a name which sounds something like it, – Oulabat. In the cloister of the monastery I found some fragments of antiquity, and a small sarcophagus, with an inscription . . . This monastery, as well as another at or near Apollonia, called of St. Constantine, depends upon a head at the distance of six hours from Lupathion, where, it is said, are two or three hundred Caloyers. After reclining under the arcade of the cloister for a short time, I made half the circuit of the walls; the following morning I completed it: the whole is the work of the Genoese. The towers are alternately round and pointed, and the curtains such as were usually built before the use of gunpowder: in the walls, but specially in the towers, are immense spoils of the ancient town, – pieces of columns inserted in the foundations, fragments of cornices projecting from the heterogeneous mass.” [63] Ramsay_1885_138 an inscription at Smyrna: “The following inscription is engraved on one of the lower blocks in a finely built Greek wall, made of large well-cut blocks fitted



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together without mortar, on the lower slope of Mount Pagus, a little way up the street that ascends from the Basmakhaneh Station, and close to the line of the Byzantine wall. After I had spent some money to induce the Turkish owner of the house, whose courtyard is bounded by part of this wall, to dig up an inscribed stone which he declared to exist at the bottom of the wall, he disclosed the inscription now published. When I began to clear out the letters with my knife, he interfered in dread lest I might injure the treasure concealed in the stone; and, saying that he had only bargained to show me the stone, not to let me handle it, he refused to let me see it except from a distance. This was in the winter of 1880–1, when I was fresh and inexperienced in the ways of Orientals, and was somewhat awestruck at having penetrated into the interior of a Turkish household. I therefore was foolish enough to comply with the conditions he imposed, the result of which is that the inscription is of doubtful reading on one important point. The block is in its original position in the wall, the inscription is calculated for it, and is almost certainly coeval with the building of the wall.” [64] Hamilton_1842_I_328 Vizir Keupri: “On entering the town I was struck with the width and regularity of the streets, but the houses were as usual poor, and in a ruinous condition. In my search for antiquities I was followed by a numerous train of idlers, whose curiosity was excited by the unusual sight of a Frank accompanied by a tatar, wandering about in search of old stones, for what purpose they could not guess. I was followed by several hundred persons of all classes and ages, but without the slightest insult or inconvenience; on the contrary, several were anxious to point out inscriptions in the interior of houses and shops, besides those which are in the walls of the Bezestan. There are two over each of the gateways, which are sepulchral. No. 64 is in a very imperfect and mutilated state; but appears, from the words and the emblems, viz. a looking-glass and a comb, to be that of a girl of fourteen years of age. No. 65, also over the gate of the Bezeetan, is well preserved. No. 67 is nearly perfect, but would be more interesting if it had retained the names of the persons of whom it so feelingly describes the domestic affection and grief. I found it with another built into the wall of a small shop, but the latter was so much defaced that I could only make out the last line.” [65] Renoüard_de_Bussierre_1829_I_152 at Cechirge, where he stops to sketch, and gets a lot of spectators: Lorsque mon ouvrage fut achevé, ils témoignèrent une extrême admiration, et l’un d’eux me fit demander si je pouvais voir ce qui se passait dans l’intérieur des maisons que je traçais sur mon papier. [66] Dehéran_1924_317 Louis Allier arriva à Héraclée du Pont le 26 fructidor an XI (13 septembre 1803): Quand, après le retour d’Allier à Constantinople, la Porte, sur les instances du général ambassadeur Brune, demanda à l’aga d’Héraclée des explications sur son attitude, le cadi répondit: « Le susdit consul, ne voulant pas se borner à ses fonctions, allait nuit et jour dans le quartier turc, sous prétexte de lire les inscriptions anciennes qui se trouvent sur des pierres. » / Ainsi Allier était aux yeux de l’aga et du cadi d’Héraclée suspect de menées . . . archéologiques. – and this ended his consular activities, because he would not agree to the restrictions subsequently placed on his movements. [67] Pococke_1811_670–671 (travelling 1737ff) at Stratonicea: “When I was going to see the theatre, the deputy governor came to me, and told me, that the theatre was on his ground, and asked me what I would present to him to see the antiquities; I gave myself no trouble about his demand, but examined it thoroughly. When I returned to the town, the aga’s man came, and told me that the aga was arrived, and desired to see me; when I came to him, he asked me what was my business, which I told him; and that I had a firman or passport; he said, it was the padshaw’s or grand signior’s firman, and not the pasha’s, and therefore he would not regard it; but if I would make certain presents to him and his cadi, I might view what I pleased. I gave him to understand, that by virtue of my firman I could see the antiquities, and that he must answer it, if any harm happened to me there. I left him, and pursued my observations as before. Some people came from the aga, but I shewed no fear, which I knew by experience was the best way. There was an inscription on an old ruined house, which I had a desire to copy, and the possessor of it demanded a



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sequin for his permission; however, I went in the afternoon, and began to copy it, though the janizary refused to go with me, so that I was accompanied only by my slave; the man that owned the house soon came to me, and, to pacify him, I told him I would pay him when I had done; but not being satisfied, I gave him what he demanded, with which he seemed well pleased; and put his hand to his mouth and forehead, as a mark of gratitude and fidelity. The deputy came soon after, made signs to me to go away, but not regarding him, he began to disturb me; on which I pulled out my firman, and ordered the slave to hold it; he went to take it out of his hand, but when I laid hold of it, and held it fast, he seemed to be very cautious not to tear it, forbore using any violence, and soon after went away.” [68] Fellows_1843_12b a note on the power of firmans: “Some English travellers being anxious to examine the sculpture represented to be built within the walls of the castle of Boodroom, and knowing the difficulty in gaining admittance, took the precaution to obtain an order from Constantinople to go ‘round the fortification at Boodroom.’ The governor of the castle received the order with every mark of respect, and offered the usual hospitality of the East; after which he told the travellers, that the mandate could not admit them within the castle, as his orders were most strict on that point, but they might go ‘round the fortification.’ / This was a joke against the English travellers: some French gentlemen profited by the warning, and were more particular in having their authority worded, desiring that thev might ‘go within and examine anything they required.’ The same respect was shown to them by the governor; but as they entered, he called their attention to one point in the order, observing that he had no power to let them out of the castle again. I need not add the effect of this intimation. / The Rev. V. Arundell also obtained leave to ‘take down’ some sculpture from a gateway at Ephesus, which he accomplished with difficulty: here the Aga interposed, stating that the authority did not extend to taking the stones away. They were consequently left, and afterwards, in the course of time, destroyed.” [69] Hamilton_1837_36 at “Hadriani”: “Adranos, not Edrenos or Edreneh, as the maps give it. Here we heard of two ruins, one of which proved to be a Byzantine fortress, close to the Rhyndacus, the other as clearly the remains of an ancient town, situated at the foot of a limestone hill on the left branch of the river, about two miles from the bank. We found the remains of a large square building, 88 paces by 65, of huge massive hewn stones, put together without cement, the wall in part standing, about thirty or forty feet high, with the remains of smaller walls inside; perhaps a gymnasium. Outside were heaps of stones, with very beautiful sculpture, Ionic and Doric, marking the sites of two temples; numerous columns built into the walls of the adjoining fields, and scattered about amongst the ruins, with traces of walls in other directions. There can, I think, be no doubt that these are the ruins of Hadriani, which I believe have never been visited. In the adjoining village of Baj, two miles off, we found several Greek inscriptions, which we copied (as well as the troublesome curiosity of the villagers, who had never seen a Frank before, would allow us): none of them, however, contained the name of the town.” [70] Sterrett_1889_9–10 on difficulties in copying inscriptions: “But I must return to Asia Minor. From what has been said you can readily understand that many monuments that would have given us priceless information in regard to the history of a given district have perished forever because of greed of gold inspired by a miserable superstition. / Notwithstanding the sacredness of the cemetery I found that the Turks were ever ready to lend me a helping hand in digging about stones that marked the graves of their ancestors. Sometimes the stone had fallen and lay half buried and would have to be raised or turned over, because I either suspected that it contained an inscription, or else a part of the inscription would be visible, the rest being under ground. The stones used by the ancients for inscriptions and milestones are massive and heavy. It was always necessary for me to call upon the villagers for assistance. In return for a few cents they would come with mattocks and levers and soon the inscription would be exposed to view. Sometimes after I had finished with a stone in a cemetery, they would reverently put it back in its old place, but by no means always. Frequently inscriptions would be buried in the walls of



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private houses. As soon as I had ascertained for certain that a given stone in the wall of a house bore an inscription, my chief servant would enter upon negotiations with the house owner, who in lieu of half a dollar or a dollar would be found willing to demolish a part of the wall of his house and make a hole large enough to enable me to get at the inscription. As I have already mentioned, inscriptions are found in all sorts of positions. If they are deeply buried bottom side up in the foundations of a mosque or house, then a deep hole would have to be dug, and I had to lie with my head down in the hole in order to read it. Such a position becomes very painful in a short time, and if the inscription be difficult to decipher and the sun be pouring down upon one with all the concentrated power it has in the East, you can readily understand that it requires much firmness to persevere to the bitter end and until every doubt m regard to the decipherment of the inscription disappear. Once I found a number of inscriptions in a wall about fifty feet above the ground. I was determined to get a copy of them at any cost, and consequently a very long ladder had to be constructed. The lumber for this ladder had to be transported about two miles on the shoulders of men, and be carried up a steep hill at that. I hired seventeen laboring men and two carpenters. When the rough, heavy ladder was done, it was as much as all of us – some twenty-five men in all – could do to put it in place, and to move it along the face of the wall from one stone to another. The ladder was not quite long enough to reach two of the inscriptions, and I had to stand on the last round without any support except such as I could get by pressing my body closely to the wall. My left hand held my notebook; my right hand the lead pencil. If you stand for two hours with your body pressed close to a wall and look straight up, long before the time shall have elapsed you will realize the extreme painfulness of the position. In my case the painfulness was enhanced by the knowledge that I was fifty feet above the ground. In addition a fierce wind was blowing, and several times I felt that my epigraphical career was to be cut short then and there. At any rate I have always felt that those incriptions were purchased at a price. Another time I discovered a great inscription cut in huge letters on the face of an almost perpendicular rock, the top of the inscription being about forty feet from the ground. The letters were so overgrown with moss that the inscription could not be read from below even with the help of a glass. So there was nothing left but to scramble up as best I might, and clean out the letters. With the assistance of my men I managed to get up to a projecting shelf on the rock about twenty feet from the ground. Once on the projecting shelf I had to remove my shoes and crawl up the rest of the way with fingers and toes. The top of the inscription was reached and all the letters were cleaned out in a vertical line as far as my arms could reach. But I could not move horizontally along the face of the rock, and it became necessary to crawl down and then up again at a different place. Finally the whole inscription was cleaned out, And then all the climbing had to be gone over again twice; first, in order to copy the inscription, and secondly, in order to verify my copy. When this was done I was completely exhausted and trembled in every fibre.” [71] Ouvré_1896_64–5 Les antiquités qu’on nous offre viennent de Schar-Euïuk, un tertre à trois kilomètres de la ville. C’est là que fut la cité hellénistique et romaine. Dans le flanc de la colline, les Turcs ont pratiqué une tranchée. Ils cherchaient du moellon, et ont trouvé plusieurs stèles. “Elles sont écrites,” nous dit-on avec une nuance de respect. Nous profitons du renseignement, et nous visitons le champ de fouilles. Quelques ouvriers nous suivent, car il faudra remuer des blocs. Quand ils aperçoivent ces masses énormes, nos drôles tournent autour, les tâtent doucement de la main, puis déclarent qu’elles sont trop lourdes, s’asseyent dessus et roulent des cigarettes. Nos protestations se brisent contre cette nonchalance olympienne, une demi-heure s’écoule, puis, à force d’injures, on tombe d’accord. Des trous sont creusés, et nous déchiffrons quelques dédicaces. [72] Ramsay_1897b_12b: “Many are the exclamations of wonder, Mash-allah! “What God wills!” as the archaeological note-book is produced, and the letters copied into it. If the inscription is upside down, as it is in the majority of cases, your contortions as you struggle to get into a position to see it, cause much interest; and, really, it is no wonder that the natives believe all Ingleez to be mad, as they see you trying to stand on your head and



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write in a book at the same time, especially as you have tried to make them believe that you do this for no advantage to yourself, but purely for pleasure.” [73] Ramsay_1897b_295: “Inscribed stones are commonly turned upside down. The reason probably is that the letters frequently cover only half or less of the stone; and it seems more suitable to the illiterate eye to put these irregular markings close to the ground, and to have the smooth part in the more conspicuous place. This is a fruitful cause of trouble, and error, to the archaeologist. It is far harder to read correctly, when you have to put your head where your feet should be. / In the first years of my work in Asia Minor, I always tried to make the best of the stone as it was; but in 1883 my companion, Professor Sterrett, showed me the error of my ways. With true American power of subduing nature, he pointed out that the wise man instead of adapting his position to the stone, would adapt the stone to himself. Some stones are fixed immovably; others seem to be fixed; but it is marvellous how many can be turned straight at the mention of the potent word bakshish.” [74] Cronin_1902_102: “Of the inscriptions found at Yonuslar, the next in importance is that found on a Roman milestone, now used as the headstone of a grave in the cemetery a few minutes east of the village. It is upside down and some of the writing is below the level of the ground.” [75] Perrot_1872_I_164–5 nous quittâmes le chemin pour gagner le village d’Eldjik, où se trouaient des marbres, nous avait-on assuré à Sivri-hissar. Il y a en effet, dans le cimetière, plusieurs fragments d’architecture et des tombeaux mutilés . . . On me conduit ensuite dans une maison où une ancienne pierre tombale sert de foyer. J’ai beau me mettre à plat-ventre, je ne puis déchiffrer qu’une très-petite partie de l’inscription . . . c’est d’Eldjik qu’aurait été apporté, paraît-il, une pierre qui se trouve aujourd’hui encastrée dans le soubassement du minaret de Dunrek, village d’une soixantaine de maisons, situé à une heure et demie vers le nord . . . C’est le rest d’un épitaphe chrétienne. [76] Pingaud_1887_149 location not stated, account dated 1785: il exhuma et déchiffra, jusque sur les colonnes des mosquées, bon nombre d’inscriptions utiles à l’interprétation du dialecte dorique, à l’histoire locale et à la paléographie. « Il y en avait une longue, écritil, sur une énorme pierre qui était couchée trop près du mur, du côté où se trouvaient les lettres. » J’ai voulu la faire déranger de quelques pas: personne n’osa y toucher; c’eût été un sacrilège. C’était une pierre qui sert de reposoir aux corps des Turcs qu’on porte à la sépulture. Je demandai au cadi la permission de remuer cette pierre; il me la refusa parce que c’était contre la loi. Je me suis glissé le mieux que j’ai pu entre la pierre et la muraille, et j’ai copié l’inscription en entier.” [77] Roland_1987_396–397 Didyma: Les inscriptions de Didymes permettent de suivre avec précision le déroulement des opérations, assez compliquées, qui assuraient la livraison des marbre au temple d’Apollon. / Les carriers se trouvaient dans le Latmos; les blocs étaient transportés par terre jusqu’au port de Ionia Polis où ils étaient embarqués sur des chalands pour traverser le golfe et venir à Panormos, le port de Didymes, d’où ils étaient ensuite livrés par terre au chantier du temple. Les carriers sont responsables du trajet de la carrière à Ionia Polis, le port d’embarquement; ils touchent des indemnités pour l’entretien de la route, assurent les manœuvres de chargement à Ionia Polis, et celles de déchargement à Panormos. Ici les blocs sont pris en charge par un autre entrepreneur qui assure la livraison au chantier. Les blocs sont livrés déjà préparés, portant encore une gaine de protection, mais taillés d’après les prescriptions du devis et l’architecte est chargé de vérifier le respect de ces prescriptions à l’arrivée des blocs sur le chantier. Les pièces dégrossies sur les carrières antiques (parpaings, fûts et tambours de colonnes, bases de colonnes, etc.) illustrent et confirment les textes. [78] Tournefort_1741_285 (travelling 1700–1702) the Augustan inscription at Ankara: “The Inscription is in three Columns on the Right and Left: But besides the defaced Letters, ‘tis full of great Hollows, like those wherein they call Bullets for Cannon. These Hollows, which have been made by the Peasants, to get out the Pieces of Copper with which the Stones were cramped together, have destroy’d half the Letters . . . / One sees within the



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Circumference of this Building the Ruins of a poor Christian Church, near two or three sorry Houses, and some Cow-houses.” Hamilton denies this: Hamilton_1842_I_420–421 Hamilton_1842_I_420–421 Ankara, Temple of Augustus and Rome: “The Latin inscription which is on the inside of the Antae has not been touched, but it has suffered from the decay or breaking away of the stone, which does not appear to be the result of any wilful injury. Tournefort and Chishull supposed that the holes which have injured the inscriptions were caused by the natives, in order to obtain the metal pins. This is not the case: in the first place no such pins have been used; and, secondly, the holes are not so deep as would have been necessary for the object. On the contrary, the decay appears to have been caused by the circumstance of no cement having been used in the construction of the building, a common practice in many of the most beautiful of the ancient edifice. In order to make the joints between the two courses perfectly close and smooth, which could not be done if the surfaces were in the least convex, or even perfectly level, if left rough, the ancients appear to have made them slightly concave: the consequence of this was, that the outer edges, and particularly the angles, became the only points of contact; thus the whole weight of the superincumbent mass was thrown upon a few points or lines only of the stone, instead of bearing equally upon the whole surface. The necessary effect of this practice, whether the weight was thrown on the edge, or upon a single point in any part of the surface, as must almost always be the case when the stones are not bedded in cement, must equally be to split or break the blocks. This has happened even in the Parthenon, notwithstanding the extraordinary, and at first sight unnecessary, degree to which the inner surfaces of the marble blocks are smoothed and polished. The bad effects of such a mode of building arc bnt too evident in the Temple of Augnstus, where the angles of almost every stone have been crushed, and the cracks radiating in all directione have caused the outer surface of the marble to exfoliate; this appears to have been the sole, or at least the main, cause of the injury which the inscription has received.” [79] Guillaume_1870–1872_350–351 Temple of Augustus at Ankara: On déterminerait difficilement aujourd’hui la part des chrétiens dans la dégradation du monument, et il serait impossible de dire s’ils ont laissé subsister les portiques ou s’ils les ont démolis. Tout porte à croire qu’ils en ont renversé une partie pour établir, sur l’emplacement du pronaos postérieur, le chœur à voûte basse et la crypte dont les restes importants subsistent encore, lis ont été moins respectueux, semble-t-il, que leurs coreligionnaires d’Athènes dans la transformation du Parthénon. Ce qui est certain c’est que, leur église devant contenir plus de monde que le temple, qui, d’après le culte païen, ne recevait pas les adorateurs du dieu, ils ont agrandi la cella en détruisant le mur du fond, les colonnes qui devaient exister entre les antes postérieures, et aussi les colonnes correspondantes sur la façade, car le chœur semble s’étendre plus loin que le portique primitif. Le pronaos antérieur fut respecté et forma le narthex, qui se trouve toujours à l’entrée des églises byzantines. Les chrétiens ont enlevé aussi le dallage et abaissé le sol de la cella au niveau du pronaos; ils ont pour cela supprimé les marches qui précédaient la porte, dont ils ont scié l’énorme seuil. Cette modification du sol est démontrée par les croix byzantines gravées à la pointe ou sculptées à une même hauteur sur les soubassements de la cella et du pronaos postérieur, et par la place qu’occupe l’inscription chrétienne qui se trouve sur le soubassement du mur N. 0. de la cella. Les libages des fondations ont dû par suite, dès cette époque, se trouver mis à nu. Enfin les chrétiens ont fait subir au temple une autre atteinte, qui semble toutefois prouver qu’ils en avaient respecté la toiture. Pour éclairer l’intérieur, où la lumière n’arrivait que par la porte, ils ont percé dans le mur S. E. de la cella trois fenêtres à plein-cintre, en évidant adroitement dans la masse les claustra, dans les montants desquels on voit se continuer les joints des assises. [80] Guillaume_1870–1872_352: Les portiques ayant disparu, des maisons construites en brique crue, comme toutes celles d’Angora, avaient été adossées au mur S. E. de la cella. Pour n’avoir pas à pratiquer dans le marbre des trous difficiles à creuser, on avait appliqué sur la muraille plusieurs contre-murs qui portaient l’extrémité des solives. Ainsi fut cachée presque entièrement à tous les yeux, pendant des siècles, la longue traduction grecque



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gravée sur la paroi du portique S. E. / Vers le même temps, tout l’espace situé entre les restes du temple et la mosquée fut transformé en cimetière; une partie de la cella, le pronaos même, furent, dans ce but, encombrés de terres rapportées. Ces terres, dit M. Texier, cachaient, en 1834, une partie de l’inscription latine. [81] Pococke_V_1772_188 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Ankara: Le monument le plus curieux est près d’une mosquée appellée Hadji-Biram, qui appartient à un College de Sophtis Mahométans. Cest un édifice de figure quarrée oblongue de marbre blanc, d’environ quatre-vingt-dix pieds de long, sur cinquante de large. Il est situé au nord & sud; ses murailles ont trois pieds trois pouces d’épaisseur, et les pierres sont ornées de moulures dans les endroits où elles se joignent. Il est bâti fur un soubassement, & il regne au haut, tant en dedans qu’en dehors, une corniche chargée d’ornemens. A vingt pieds de l’extrêmitié méridionale, qui est percée comme un portique, est une grande porte, dont les montans sont ornés de sculptures. Il paroît y avoir eu un autre mur de séparation à la même distance de l’extrémité Septentrionale avec une porte, & quatre colonnes magnifiques à chaque portique. – i.e. the Temple of Augustus & Rome. [82] Perrot_1863_301 Ankara, one of the houses blocking the Temple of Augustus & Rome: La maison appartenait à Achmet-Aga, un marchand turc du bazar. Nous avions pénétré chez lui grâce à la maladie de son enfant, qu’il avait été bien aise de montrer à notre médecin. Tandis que le docteur examinait le pauvre petit malade, j’avais pu m’assurer que le commencement de l’inscription existait dans la pièce voisine, et, moitié par intimidation, moitié par l’offre d’une indemnité convenable, j’avais obtenu du propriétaire l’autorisation d’abattre tout ce qui me gênait et de le reconstruire à mes frais; mais la maîtresse de maison, moins sensible à l’argent que son seigneur et maître, n’avait pas pris la peine de cacher sa colère en voyant s’installer chez elle un étranger, un ghiaour, dont la présence l’obligeait à rester constamment voilée; aussi me jouait-elle d’abord de mauvais tours. Elle sortait par exemple de chez elle un moment avant mon arrivée, et je trouvais ainsi porte close. Je finis par gagner son cœur en l’aidant à soigner son enfant, que nous ne parvînmes pourtant pas à sauver. / Dans la maison où nous eûmes à chercher la suite de l’inscription dont les huit premières colonnes se trouvaient chez Achmet-Aga, c’était autre chose; inhabitée depuis longtemps, elle servait de magasin à un marchand de fourrage, et elle était remplie de cette paille hachée menu que laisse comme résidu le mode de battage usité en Orient. Grâce à l’intervention du pacha, la clé, qui nous avait d’abord été refusée par le propriétaire, nous fut remise . . . En cherchant à éclairer de tout près avec la bougie les caractères souvent presque effacés, il fallait toujours craindre de mettre le feu aux brins qui remplissaient çà et là les trous du mur; deux ou trois fois j’en fis flamber sans le vouloir, et si je ne me fusse hâté d’éteindre la paille enflammée avec les deux mains, tout le quartier eût été bientôt brûlé et le temple dégagé. [83] Hamilton_1842_I_439 Bala Hissar/Pessinus, ten miles from Sevri Hissar: “After a ride of two hours and a half we reached the Acropolis, situated at the Southern extremity of the narrow plateau, from whence the ground fell rapidly on all sides, except towards the north. Many portions of a well-built marble wall by which it has been surrounded are still standing, hut some parts have been repaired with the ruins of other buildings and fragments of sepulchral monuments. Descending from hence E.S.E. towards the village, the road led through an extensive burial-ground, a storehouse of broken shafts of columns of various characters and dimensions, some of which are plain, and others deeply fluted. Every step we advanced gave evidence of the importance and magnificence of the public buildings with which the city which once occupied this site must have been adorned, and convinced me that it was one of no mean repute in the former history of Asia Minor. Advancing towards the village, the sloping sides of the hill are covered with heaps of marble blocks and broken columns, sculptured architraves and friezes, each of which marks the site of a prostrate temple, a triumphal arch, or other public edifice. Near the village are also the remains of an extensive portico, or stoa, of which many columns are still in situ and the front of a temple standing on a rustic basement with six or seven fluted columns facing the S.W.”



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[84] Perrot_1872_I_296–297 Temple of Augustus at Ankara: what became of the marble? Car nous n’avons trouvé dans les églises, mosquées et autres édifices d’Angora aucune colonne qui ait pu appartenir à l’Augusteum. Author suggests shafts were taken to Constantinople, or, if they were drums and not monolithic, used for lime – car la contrée volcanique où était située Ancyre ne contient ni marbre ni pierre calcaire. Temple not converted into a mosque, perhaps too small – and a larger building was constructed alongside. It was said that the temple portico marble went into this mosque, mais un examen attentif m’a prouvé qu’il ne se trouve dans les murs de la mosquée aucun débris du temple. [85] Hamilton_1842_I_90 near Adranos: “Returning to the konak, we saw several remains of buildings on the hill-side, the tombs perhaps of Hadriani. Some Greek peasants were digging out large flat Roman tiles close to the road; and three or four fragments of columns lying about in the court-yard of the konak were said to have been brought from the ruins in the neighbourhood.” [86] Keppel_1831_II_344 Kula (in Manisa Province): “I devoted the whole of the morning to the search for Greek inscriptions. I did not call upon the aga, but he heard of my arrival, and sent the principal Greek of the town to accompany me in my expedition. I went into forty or fifty houses, and found inscriptions in them all: they are principally sepulchral. There are several fragments of inscriptions also in the corn-market. The other indications of antiquity are occasional capitals, and broken shafts of columns; abundance of coins are also to be found here.” [87] Chandler_1825_I_228 Chandler_1825_I_229 Iasos: “A vessel from the island of Stanchio was at anchor in the bay, with some small-craft, which fish, or lade with tobacco, figs, and cotton, the produce of the country. These often carry stones away for ballast. We had paid a piaster at Scio for leave to transcribe three marbles, which lay on the shore, and were transported from this place. They contained honorary decrees made by the Iasians. One is of the age of Alexander the Great, and remarkable for the extreme beauty of the characters, which were as finely designed and cut as any I ever saw. These stones were part of a square pilaster before the senate-house.” [88] Hamilton_1842_I_51 at Smyrna: “In the mosque of Bournouhat are several marble columns, evidently derived from older buildings, perhaps those beautiful porticoes and temples which, according to Strabo, once adorned the illustrious city of Smyrna. On one of these is a remarkable Greek inscription, which has been already published by a distinguished English traveller [Morier], celebrating the wonderful healing powers of the river Meles.” – Bournouhat is about two miles as the crow flies from Smyrna. [89] Hamilton_1842_II_97 Aidinjik: “I copied a long inscription from a marble pedestal before the door of the Agha’s konak: this stone was lying on its face, but suspecting its nature I begged him to have it turned over for me; in return for which, I gave him, at his own request, a copy of the five sepulchral inscriptions he had in his own room.” [90] Hamilton_1842_I_92: “village of Beyjik we found several on tho wall of the mosque, which were all Greek, though some appeared to be of a late period.” 94 Haidar: “On a broken column near the mosque was an imperfect Greek inscription.” 113: “In the village of Chorek Kieui, seven miles firom Ushak, we had the good fortune to discover in the wall of the mosque two inscriptions.” 116 Sousous Kieui: “Before starting this morning, we copied several inscriptions from the wall of the mosque.” 121 Segicler: “Before starting we copied two inscriptions in the wall of the mosque . . . ” 124 Göbek: “Although many marble fragments are built into the wall of the mosque, we saw no inscriptions, but afterwards in the burial-ground found one, which we were assured had been brought from Suleimanli.” 311 Nesi Kieui: “The Latin inscription. No. 63, from the court-yard of the mosque, is on a column, and is probably perfect, but I was not allowed to dig it up; and it was only after scraping away the soil with the hammer that the few words which are given could be deciphered.” 333 Cauvsa: “In the wall of the mosque were three Greek inscriptions, hut written in such a barbarous character, on so bad a stone, and so ill placed, that I found it impossible to decipher them; they were all sepulchral.” 389 Nefez Kieui: “Returning to the village, I sought for inscriptions in the walls of the mosque and private bouses, and at



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length found No. 91 on the pavement. No. 92 was in very large characters, seven or eight inches high, on a slab of marble which formed one of the side-posts of the door of the mosque, and appeared to have been a fragment of the dedication of a temple. But the most curious discovery was No. 93, which was said to exist near the fireplace in an uninhabited cotttage. In vain I searched the floor and the walls, until a peasant pointed it out, in or rather up the chimney.” [91] Legrand_1893_552: Près de Balouk-Tchesmé, à quelques pas du village tcherkesse de Tschmar-Déré, entre Kemer et Gurendjeh. Grand piédestal quadrangulaire en marbre blanc, fraîchement déterré. / Beaucoup d’autres fragments de marbre ont été trouvés au même endroit et transportés à quelques kilomètres pour la construction d’un tchiflik; aucun ne porte d’inscription; ce sont des débris de pilastres, de balustrades, de vasques, provenant sans doute d’une ville. [92] Ramsay_1908_354–355 on stones now in Iconian territory: “All doubt, however, is set at rest by a milestone, found at Salarama close under the south slope of the Boz-Dagh in Iconian territory. It was erected at the order of the governor of the Province Galatia, C, Atticius Strabo, in 198 A.D. / It is unquestionable that this milestone originally stood on Galatian territory; and we may confidently say also that it stood from the beginning close to its present position in the plain below the Iconian end of the pass. There was here a village or settlement under Iconian jurisdiction, and the ruinous old Turkish khan,” in which the milestone is built, has been constructed out of the stones of this village, in the same way as Zazadin Khan was built. The name of the village was . . . probably Salarama. / It is true, indeed, that stones are often carried from a considerable distance to be used in modern buildings; but the stones which are thus brought are chosen because their shape and size make them suitable for the purpose; and moreover transport is now more necessary because the supply close at band has been exhausted. But any observant traveller – few archaeolgical travellers, however, are observant in such matters – can in almost every case determine whether the stones in a large building, situated in a now lonely and isolated situation like this khan, have been transported from a distance or found on the spot Such evidence should always be noticed and recorded; but how rarely is it that any explorer condescends to observe details of this kind. Yet out of such details history is built.” [93] Ramsay_1897a_595 Trajanopolis: “Trajanopolis. Its position is assured by no. 515, which is built into the mosque at Tcharik-Keui. The stones at Tcharik-Keui seem all to have been brought from the ancient site at Giaour-Euren, about three miles to N. M. Badet, on the contrary, holds that Tcharik-Keui itself must be the site of Trajanopolis. It is, however, my regular experience that the stones of an ancient site are found in the villages round about, and rarely on the actual site. The villagers carry away all good blocks of stone that lie near the surface of the ancient site to build their mosques and fountains. Hence there remains nothing of the slightest interest visible at Giaour-Euren, but the villagers assured me that the fine stones in Tcharik-Keui were all brought from the Euren.” [94] Hogarth_1893_685: “Three groups of milestones, however, will be found at 40 min., 1 hr. 5 min., and 1 hr. 40 min. respectively from Gyuksun. It is impossible to be sure that any of these stones are in situ, for, unlike the groups between Kemer and Yalak, they stand in modern roadside graveyards. It is very probable, however, that the graveyards (near which no traces of villages exist) have grown up round the groups, the peasants being attracted by the mysterious sanctity of old ‘written stones’ or simply by the convenience of having headstones ready to their hand. The great weight of the stones would dispose them to carry the dead to the stone rather than the stone to the dead. Once a graveyard has been formed, then other stones are brought from a distance. The transportation, however, of these stones over long distances is so common that it is not safe to assert positively that the graveyards between Gyuksun and Kanli Kavak were formed round milestone groups, without more accurate measurements of distance than the pace of a horse or native reckoning by hours afford. At a rough estimate these cemeteries are not far from the 124th, 123rd, and 121st stations respectively; but it is impossible to be more precise. / The 1eighteenth station was almost certainly where the cemetery of Kanli Eavak is situated now.



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It formed the nucleus round which the peasants of the village, a mile to the north, began to bury and collect other stones from all sides, till over twenty-five milestones stand at this day, proclaiming the names and titles of Roman emperors over nameless Turkman dead.” [95] Collignon_1880–1897_29: Près de Beylerly, nous visitons dans la montagne les ruines de l’ancienne colonie romaine d’Olbasa sous la conduite d’un Grec du village. Cet homme a bien hésité à nous accompagner. Les paysans turcs, assemblés sur la place, lui défendaient de mener les étrangers voir « les vieilles pierres écrites » auxquelles l’imagination populaire manque rarement d’associer l’idée de trésors cachés. Enfin, menacé d’un côté, pressé de l’autre, il se décide à nous guider à travers les roides escarpements qui mènent à l’acropole antique. Au retour, nous demandons du lait à une vieille femme turque occupée à traire ses vaches, et comme on veut la payer, elle refuse en disant: «Est-ce que nous n’avons pas nos morts? » Il est difficile de ne pas reconnaître là une croyance commune à tout l’Orient grec, et dont les voyageurs ont maintes fois retrouvé la trace. La nourriture offerte à des étrangers profitera aux parents morts de celui qui fait ce don; elle entretiendra la vie à demi matérielle que les morts conservent dans le tombeau. [96] Fellows_1852_55–56 on the plain of Troy: “Proceeding north we came to a village, or assemblage of a few huts, called Shéblac, the neighbourhood of which claims to be the site of New Troy, – Ilium Novum; and here among some oaks I saw an immense number of columns, triglyphs, and the parts of many temples varying in style. They are now in a Turkish burial-ground, but I scarcely think they can have been brought there by the Turks, being too heavy for them to transport. There were besides many blocks of common stone, some squared, which would be useless in these grounds, and are evidently the remains of buildings which had stood near this spot; I could not find however any foundations, and no form is visible in the present disposition of the columns. The general style of workmanship is not of the early or finest age; the remains of inscriptions are in the Greek character, but probably of as late a date as the Roman conquest. / At a village three hours’ journey beyond, called Hallil Elly, I also saw a great assemblage of similar relics, scattered over half a mile of country, some with rich carvings and inscriptions. The connection of these with the place was more evident, for I here traced the fouindations of several small temples.” [97] Collignon_&_Duchesne_1877_370 Olbasena: Colonia Julia Olbasena. – Un peu audelà d’Ormélé, sur le côté pisidien de la vallée, et au-dessus du village actuel de Beylerly, nous avons rencontré les traces d’une localité antique, dans laquelle plusieurs inscriptions encore en place nous ont permis de reconnaître la ville appelée Olbasa par Ptolémée et Hiéroclès, devenue, probablement au temps d’Auguste, la Colonia Julia Olbasena. Bien que sur son emplacement ne s’élève actuellement aucune habitation, les édifices d’Olbasa ont été détruits et leurs matériaux transportés au loin. Cinq inscriptions seulement, dont trois en latin et une bilingue ont pu être copiées en cet endroit; outre ces textes, gravés sur des cippes circulaires, un temple en ruines d’une architecture très-simple, un autel orné d’emblèmes bachiques, une partie du mur hellénique de l’acropole, une chaussée antique flanquée encore de quelques sarcophages, sont tout ce qui reste de l’ancienne colonie Olbasienne. Dans ce pays, les cippes et stèles de petite dimension sont quelquefois transportés à d’assez grandes distances; aussi peut-on croire que deux monuments de ce genre, que nous avons relevés au village de Kémer, à une heure plus loin sur le même versant et dans la direction de Bouldour, y ont été apportés d’Olbasa. [98] Anderson_1897_415–416 Bria: “There is very little to be seen now on the site. The most conspicuous part of the ruins is what we may best describe by saying that it looks like an extensive square-shaped entrenchment, banked right round, the general surface being raised above the ground level to the height of several feet. About two yards or so from the outer edge a low narrow ridge runs round, evidently concealing the foundations of a wall, the blocks of which appear here and there in situ. This then was the fortified part of the city: and the natives have appropriately given it the name hendek, i.e. ‘dyke’ or ‘trench.’ The buildings, however, extended over a large extent of ground especially towards the south-west. Here several big rectangular blocks may still be seen on the surface and the villagers of Tatar keui have recently laid bare some foundations formed of fine



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blocks with some cemented work: at this spot were found the stones bearing the inscriptions given below. At the inner base of the narrow ridge (where the fortifications seem to have been) they dug up a large Byzantine column with a late inscription on it together with some other inscriptions which they broke into fragments to put into the foundations of their new mosque. / The question arises, what has become of all the surface stones? Burgas seems to possess none, though some are almost certainly concealed in the walls of the mosques, and Tatar keui is built of mud. They must have been carried to greater distances (perhaps to Sivasli and neighbouring villages).” [99] Anderson_1903_12 Hadji Keui: “A few minutes to the east there is a mound of no great size, which probably represents an old site, and the village itself is not devoid of remains. Large blocks may be seen in the old mosque and the fountains (beside one of which is an uninscribed stone ornamented with four ox-heads joined by garlands), while stones unlimited have been used up in building a fine new mosque [noted: Several old blocks, not re-worked, are visible in the base of the minaret]. Columns abound, and the pillars of a kiosk beside the mosque are supported on capitals, some of the Corinthian order, some florally ornamented in the Byzantine style, and others of rude late work. But it was stated on all hands that most of these remains had been carried from Avghat, and others were being brought at the time of our visit. An examination of the latter village convinced me of the truth of the assertion; the cemetery is littered with squared and moulded blocks and pillars, and the mosque and fountains are built of old stones, while in the centre of the village are the ruins of a small rectangular building, said (perhaps rightly) to have been a Hammam (Bath).” Ibid. 13: Hamilton found the possible site of the stones reused at Hadji Keui: “He had started from Hadji Keui to visit Avghat. ‘After descending into the plain’, he says, ‘an hour’s ride brought us to low hills on the north, where fragments of columns and blocks of variegated marble were lying among the shrubs and brambles, and near them the remains of substantial walls and vaulted substructions, said to be the ruins of an ancient church . . . ; in the walls of the mosque of Aur-hat and at a neighbouring fountain were several other blocks of similar stone’. Here, then, is the site of the town which corresponded to the modern Hadji Keui. No epigraphic evidence has been found to fix its name, but at least one important fact emerged from my exploration of the district.” [100] Ramsay_1908_346–347 on transporting stones in the territory of Iconium: “A milestone, obviously, is the kind of stone which no one would carry far, especially over a mountainous pass, to build a wall: an irregular column, very rough in surface, thicker at one end, large and weighty, it is as unsuitable for building purposes as any stone can well be. Not far from it is a large flat slab, on which once stood the altar or table in the village church; it shows the four square holes at the four comers and a larger central hole, circular, surrounding an inner smaller square hole, in which the five supports of the sacred Trapeza were fitted, with a dedicatory inscription on the front edge, ‘the vow of Cyriacus.’ Had this stone been transported from a distance it would have been broken, either for convenience of transport, or from accident by the way. If it were broken into small fragments, too, it would be far more useful for building; but, as it stands, it is nearly as unsuitable as the milestone. The mere weight of these stones is prohibitive. They were put into the walls, in spite of their inconvenient shape, because they happened to be lying near at hand, and it entailed less trouble to utilise them as they were than to break and trim them, or to transport other more suitable stones from elsewhere. / Still more important and conclusive evidence is got from another huge block, in the wall of the khan, which must weigh many tons and could not be carried far by Turkish builders. It bears the Greek epitaph of C. Aponius Firmus, who had served as a cavalry soldier in the Roman army and attained the rank of a petty officer. Aponius belonged to a family which lived in this village of Iconian territory, and he was buried in the family burying-place here. It was a family of some wealth and importance, as can be gathered from the facts: this huge block of fine limestone must have belonged to a large mausoleum, and the inscription extended over two blocks at least, and is engraved in large finely-cut letters of the second or third century. Considerable expense was required in constructing such a tomb, as the limestone must



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have been carried a good many miles: such transport was commonly practised in Roman times, though Turkish engineering was rarely capable of it. Moreover the ‘large letters’ of the inscription imply some pretension and a desire for conspicuousness. Another fine limestone block (not so big or weighty as this) from the same village cemetery, perhaps part of the same mausoleum, certainly from the grave of a member of the same family, has been carried seven or eight miles south across the plain to another old Turkish Khan, called Sindjerli. It was the gravestone of C. Aponius Crispus who had been duumvir (i.e. supreme magistrate) of the colonia Iconium somewhere about 155–170 A.D. It also is written in Greek.” [101] Anderson_1903_7 Tchorum: “On slightly rising ground towards the south-east, in a singularly weak position, stands a large, square castle, defended by round towers at the angles and two square ones in the middle of each side, which is said to have been built by the sultan Sulaiman. The walls are almost entirely constructed of ancient materials, – building blocks, columns, tombstones (several of which are inscribed), – while on the inner side, as Hamilton notes, a flight of steps ‘which leads up to the battlements, is built entirely of columns laid transversely’. He adds that the columns and stones used in building the fortress are said to have been brought from Kara (or Kale) Hissar, near Eyuk. This tradition is doubtless well founded. Judging from the abundance of old stones in the town and the cemeteries, as well as from the nature and geographical importance of the position, I was at first inclined to regard Tchorum as the principal ancient site of the district; but the evidence leaves little room for doubting that most, if not all, of the ancient remains now in the town have been carried thither.” [102] Hamilton_1842_I_378 Tchorum: “This place had never yet been visited by any European traveller . . . / At a fountain in the Agha’s court-yard I copied the inscription No. 60, which had been brought from a ruined village near Tekiyeh, and then visited the castle, said to have been built by Sultan Suleiman several centuries ago. It is a rude quadrangular building, defended by many round and square towers, and standing on a rising ground to the S.E. of the town. I was surprised at the number of inscribed stones built into the walls, many of which had been purposely defaced and rendered illegible; a great variety of columns had been also used for the same purpose; on the inside a flight of steps, which leads up to tho battlements, is built entirely of these columns laid transversely. The inscriptions are all sepulchral, some of them being surmounted with a cross, and all apparently subsequent to the introduction of Cbristianity.” [103] Waltzing_1892_15: Voulez-vous étudier la géographie historique? L’épigraphie vous fera connaître avec précision les limites des provinces et leurs subdivisions, l’emplacement des villes disparues, le tracé des routes romaines, les cantonnements des légions, les circonscriptions douanières et une foule d’autres détails de la géographie physique, politique, militaire et économique. [104] Grégoire_1909_36 near Purkh: Le mezarlyk ou cimetière contenait une quantité de fragments antiques bien plus considérable; que partout ailleurs dans l’Ashkar-ova. Je ne sais (les habitants ne purent nous renseigner là-dessus) si toutes ces pierres avaient été apportées de Purkh; mais il me paraît plus vraisemblable qu’elles ont été trouvées sur place, étant donné leurs dimensions, leur nombre, et l’éloignement relatif de Purkh. [105] Hamilton_1842_I_98–99: “About a mile before reaching Tauschanli we passed the small town of Mohimoul on our left, situated on a rising hill of white marl capped with a horizontal bed of silicious ferruginous jasper. Two lofty minarets gave the town a picturesque appearance, below which was a large fountain, near the road-side, with many marble fragments of ancient architecture, and amongst them several inscriptions; but none of any peculiar interest . . . The existence of some ancient town, not far from hence, is proved by the numerous sepulchral mouuments which we saw at the fountains and comers of the streets in Tauschanli. They are all of a form peculiar to Phrygia and the neighbouring districts, consisting of two pannels or compartments, sank in the centre, which ig intended to represent a doorway, surmounted by a circular arch, or a pediment resting upon an architrave, on the face of which the inscription is generally written. It is possible that they



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may have been brought from Azani, although the distance (nearly twenty-four miles, over a very hilly country) would make it a work of great difficulty; and with all the eagerness which the Turks have ever shown to spoil ancient ruins, in order to adorn their modern towns and fountains, or in consequence of finding blocks ready cut for their purpose, I am not aware that, except along the sea coast, they have ever transported these heavy materials to any great distance. I am therefore inclined to think that these monuments point out the existence of some town of Mysia Abbaitis, Abrettene, or Phrygia Epictetus, in this neighbourhood.” [106] Hamilton_1842_I_112 Ushak: “The inscriptions which, with other marble blocks, have been built into the wall of a mosque near the khan, have been copied by Arundel. At a fountain we saw a large and handsome sarcophagus used as a reservoir for water, on which were represented three Cupids supporting a wreath. Having been informed that all these marble fragments had been brought from Ahat Kieui, a small village six hours off on the road to Sandukli, and that there were many remains still there, we determined to start in that direction.” [107] Hamilton_1842_II_236: “A few minutes before four we reached Kodj Hissar, containing 150 or 200 houses, situated at the mouth of a ravine in the rugged hills on the right, and at an elevation of about two hundred feet above the plain and lake. Entering the town, I saw many fragments of columns, of white and variegated marble, and other architectural sculpture, but all apparently Byzantine. I afterwards visited the mosque, where were some columns of greater antiquity, as well as many marble blocks on the outer walls. In front of a small house near the mosque, I copied two inscriptions, both in a very ruined state . . . / The Agha paid me a visit in the morning, and from him I learned that all the marble blocks and columns which I had seen here came from a place six hours off, near the Kizil Irmak, but he could not tell me its name.” [108] Arundell_1834_I_105 Ushak: “It is impossible to walk about the streets of Hushak without feeling convinced that it occupies the site of an ancient, and that no inconsiderable city. Ancient marbles and inscriptions are to be seen in all directions; but the latter were all sepulchral, and none that I saw had any allusion to the ancient name. A massy building stands near the khan, the front of which is ornamented with numerous sculptures and inscriptions, (for the most part illegible,) which had adorned Greek tombs. They have for the most part, within a circular arch, four square compartments, in each of which are emblems, distinguishing the various mechanical employments of the deceased.” [109] Ramsay_1897a_738: “It is impossible to be certain as to the origin of the inscr. now at Afion-Kara-Hissar, unless they contain evidence in their contents. Stones are brought to a large trading centre like this from all sides, often from a great distance. A peasant, coming from a village to buy in the city, brings with him in an ox-wagon some thing that he can turn into money, usually produce of his ground; but the stone-cutters are ready to buy a good stone, and he can always make a small sum by bringing a marble: hence, in cities like Afion-Kara-Hissar or Ushak, the traveller should always visit the stone-cutters’ yards. But this remark applies only to the great cities; and it would be mere perversity to argue that a stone found in a village is carried from a great distance. Stones go to the great centres, not away from them, and the smaller the village the more nearly certain is it that the stones in it come from the neighbouring ancient site (for the villages, as a rule, do not stand actually on the old site, but near it). Exceptions may occur, and the conditions which may cause exceptions are stated on p. 366; but except where several ancient sites are very close together (as in the Pentapolis), I have found no exception in my own experience. Only in the great centres (Attaleia, Kutaya, &c.) have I found travelled stones. In AfionKara-Hissar, stones from Dokimion are certain, and from other places (like Kidyessos) probable; but, where evidence is wanting, I assign them to Prymnessos, two miles distant (no. 678 to Akroenos, the Byzantine fortress renamed Kara-Hissar by the Turks). No. 673 has names common both with 672 (Prymnessos) and 684 (Dokimion).” [110] Ramsay_1897a_365–366 on the confusion caused by the moving of stones: “The inscription certainly belongs to Sebaste, though Pococke saw it at Ishekli. It may be a



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memorial of some old connexion between the cities: perhaps at a conventus in Eumeneia the Sebastenoi placed the inscription there. But, more probably, the stone has been transported in modern times. Ishekli was formerly a much more important town than it is now; and in a town of any size there is a steady demand for good blocks of stone in the masons’ and gravestone-cutters’ yards. Persons who have little experience of the facts of Turkish life will ask why a heavy stone should be carried so far to a place like Ishekli, where so many stones can be got by digging. The explanation is that an ox-wagon on a return journey is often loaded with a stone in order not to travel empty: a good block has always some value, and the Turks do not love digging. I have seen an altar of great size, weighing near two tons, in a stonecutter’s yard at Kutaya, the site of a larger and richer city than Eumeneia. The inscription indicated that the stone did not belong to Kotiaion; and on enquiry I found that it had been brought from Karagatch-Euren (east from Altyntash), a journey of eleven hours over a hilly road.” – and footnoted as follows: “Stones from Antiocheia (no. 73 and Errata) and perhaps from Eumeneia (no. 203) have been carried to Tralleis. A large and heavy block, copied by me at Afion-Eara-Hissar, had been brought across the hills from Synnada; and since then it has been carried to Smyrna in hope of gain. Hence the opinion expressed by Petersen, Städte Pamphyliens I p. 1 58, that a stone now at Adalia, which I regard as carried from Perga (four hours distant by an easy road), would not be transported so far, rests on insufficient knowledge of the manners and facts of Turkish life. The stone is not so heavy as those from Synnada and Karagatch-Euren.” [111] Hall_1968_73 in Pisidia, ancient site of Sirçalik Tepe: “the large, wealthy village of Huglu. A number of ancient building stones are included in the wall of the cemetery and many others are to be seen in the village itself. They are all said to come from a site some 5 km. south-east of Huglu, below a hill called Sirgalik Tepe, on its northern side, in the Sarnuç mevki. This site was not visited. In the walls of the mosque in Huglu, which is largely composed of ancient material, there are several fine pieces from this site. Two blocks carry typical designs embodying eagle and grape-vine motifs; two others, of red and white mottled marble, are panelled. One of the gate uprights almost certainly carries an inscription on a concealed face. Two other designs are particularly noteworthy. One shows a shield in relief, with the hilt of a sword protruding behind it; the other shows a round shield-like object, with two lines at right angles dividing its area into four quarters. These plaques are similar to designs built into the walls of Palaia Isaura, recalling victories by the city-state concerned.” [112] Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_163–164 Corydalla: “Haggi-vella is a small village made up of Urook tents, and a blacksmith’s shop, with a row of sheds erected for a bazaar held here weekly. The village lies at the foot of two conical hills, rising from two to three hundred feet above the plain. They were first noticed by Captain Beaufort during his survey of the coast, who remarked the resemblance they bore to tumuli when seen from the beach. On and about these hills are ruins, chiefly of Roman and middle-age buildings, with a few fragments apparently of earlier date. There is a small theatre, one of the smallest in the country, having many of its seats remaining: an arched aqueduct is also conspicuous. We spent three hours seeking for inscriptions among the ruins, and afterwards in the Turkish burying-ground, but without finding any of service. Fortunately, however, our surigee, Nicolo, whose melancholy, in consequence of the drowning of his horse at Phineka, was beginning to pass away, took almost equal interest with ourselves in seeking ‘grammata.’ In an old wall, he discovered a squared block, with its inscribed face turned towards the stones, on which, in beautifully preserved letters, was the name of the city – Corydalla.” [113] Riemann_1877 at Ephesus: #72 ad antiquam et marmoream basim, inscriptions; #75: Ad pulchram et vetustissimam basim; #77 Ad aliam magnam et marmoream basim; #78 Ad aliam marmoream basim de Hadriano Caesare; #79 Ad aliam marmoream basim in M. Aurelium Caesarem #80 Ad aliam marmoream basim; #81 Ad aliam marmoream basim; #82 Ad aliam basim de marm[ore]; #86 Ad aliam magnam de marmore basim; – and at Miletus: #64 In Ionia in Milesia prope theatrum ad marmoream basim. NB Cyriacus gets a lot of his inscriptions from bases, as on Paros: cf. Riemann ibid., 134–136. Ditto Chios and Sardis: cf ibid., 81–88.



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[114] Fellows_1839_168 Sagalassos: “My guide kept earnestly begging that I would point out the stones in which he should find gold, thinking that I knew from my books where it was to be met with. The people had spent much time and trouble in cutting pedestals in pieces, imagining from their having inscriptions that they contained treasure. They have in several instances been fortunate, and I saw a split stone, which from its form had probably been a kind of altar; into this they had cut, and, concealed in a hollow in the centre, they had found, they said, much gold money. There are in the village below some traces of foundations, and many squared stones and handsome cornices, and several fluted columns lie about the fields.” [115] Pottier_1880_153 near Erythrae: 1. A Ritri, dans une rue qui conduit à la mer, base quadrangulaire ornée de moulures, trouvée dans les fondations de la maison dont elle occupe actuellement l’angle S.0 . . . Sur cette base était placée une statue qui a été transportée à Smyrne. Footnoted as follows: A quelques mètres de l’endroit où a été trouvée cette inscription on a mis au jour un soubassement long de 3m et large de 0,40, qui devait faire partie d’un monument antique. Cette assise est dirigée à peu près de l’est à l’ouest et se termine de chaque côté par une base de forme arrondie qui peut être une base de colonne. – so the modern house went on top of base AND statue! [116] Hamilton_1842_II_7 walls of Erythrae: “they consist either of blue marble or red trachyte, the former being diversified in one place, where it is upwards of twenty feet high, by two courses of trachyte, producing a singular effect. The remains of several gateways, some of which are of unusual construction, are still visible, and outside those to the north and east we discovered many remains of ancient tombs of various styles and forms. / The springs which mainly, and in dry weather solely, feed the Aleus, rise near the eastern gate within the walls. They appear to have been looked upon with peculiar veneration, for near them were many remains of aqueducts, walls, terraces, and foundations of buildings with temples. Amongst them we found the fragments of an inscription, broken marble columns and architraves, and three large Ionic capitals of red trachyte lying in the watercourse, and which had evidently belonged to some ancient building. But one of the most remarkable of these remains was a wall supporting a terrace, thirty-eight feet in length, the lower part of which consisted of a beautiful specimen of Cyclopian architecture, the angles of the different blocks being cut very sharp, while upon it was raised a supcrstructure in the isodomous style, built with great regularity. It is represented in the accompanying woodcut: the site may have been that of the temple of Hercules mentioned by Pausanias, and the Ionic capitals in the bed of the stream may have belonged to it.” [117] Hicks_1889_53 Lydae, relaying Bent: “A large mass of building next attracted our attention, the chief of which appeared to have been a large Byzantine structure. Close to this, after digging for two days, we came across a number of pedestals, all of which had once carried statues; many of these pedestals stood apparently in their original places, whilst others had been built in between them, so as to form the foundation wall of some later edifice. These pedestals contained inscriptions in honour of men of Lydae, and others who had distinguished themselves in the service of the state. This spot we may assume to have been the Agora of ancient Lydae.” [118] Shears_1914_285–286 at Loryma: “Close to the sea on the beach to the west. of the hill of tombs appear the foundations of a Byzantine church, of which the door-posts and threshold are ancient statue bases, which still stand in the position in which they were built into the church. The ancient blocks employed in the pavement of the church have also been little disturbed since the ruin of that structure. A small chapel, which now occupies part of the area of the Byzantine building, was constructed by the present owner of this property, an aged peasant named Michael Kypriotis. In seeking building materials for the new chapel some inscribed stones and statue bases, rejected for constructional purposes, were left lying about in the adjacent fields, and among these inscriptions the recurrence of dedications to Apollo is sufficient evidence that the Christian church succeeded to the site and to the stones of a temple of Apollo. / Among the stones selected to construct the wall of the modern precinct was the sculptured basis which forms the subject of the present paper.” – .98m by .66m by .5m.



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[119] Hamilton_1842_I_309 Sinope, citadel: “I then proceeded to visit the citadel, or Utch Kaleh, as it is called by the Turks, which extends across the isthmus to the west of the town. These walls are composed of ancient fragments, proving the complete destruction of former buildings. Outside the gate, on the circular pedestal of a statue which had been hollowed out, and converted into a mortar for grinding or bruising wheat, is an inscription in honour of Antonine, the son of Antoninus Pius.” [120] Robinson_1906_263 Sinope: “In later years statues of the emperors would multiply and doubtless the cylindrical stone, now there, whose top is hollowed out into a mortar for grinding corn, and which bears an inscription to Marcus Aurelius was the pedestal of a statue set up in his honor. No doubt many pieces of sculpture have been carried off to other lands. There is, for example, in the Museum at Constantinople an excellent sarcophagus from Sinope with sculptures of boys bearing grapes. Many of plainer type are still to be seen in Sinope.” [121] Rustafjaell_1902_181: Cyzicus, by a section of the city walls: “Within the walls in this angle I found a cubic block of marble measuring 3 feet across all sides. It had apparently rolled down from the wall, and bears an inscription given in the succeeding article. The peasants had already commenced to chip off its sides, and from the circle drawn on one of the surfaces it seems to be intended in the future for a mortar.” [122] Hawley_1918_190 Gonjeli: “A stone about two feet high and equally long and broad stands in the centre of the street near the heart of the village. The carving at its upper edge awakens the suspicion that it has come from the ruins of Laodicea; but it is now valued more for its utilitarian than its artistic qualities. The upper surface is hollowed like a bowl sixteen inches in diameter and twelve inches deep, which at the time of one of my visits contained wheat that two men were alternately pounding with mallets made with double heads six inches in diameter and thirty inches apart.” [123] Mac_Farlane_1850_I_296 Aezani: “Great was the contrast between the remains of the beautiful ancient Temple and the miserable modern mosque of the village, which stand looking at one another from the opposite sides of the stream. The mosque was a low narrow wooden barn. In its front were four square wooden pillars – small and mere sticks – resting upon four ancient capitals turned upside-down. The Turks, who invert the order of all things (except the two ends of the pipe), are very fond of thus employing ancient capitals as bases. Specimens of these adaptations are to be seen at Brusa, and at every town or village where there are such fragments to be appropriated. In some we saw ancient square bases used as capitals, while the ancient capitals were doing duty as bases. At many places on our road we saw parts of the shafts of fine columns hollowed out and converted into mortars, wherein (in the absence of corn-mills) the villagers pound their grain with an enormous pestle. They also serve for a variety of other purposes; and in those of a smaller shape coffee is often pounded instead of being ground.” [124] Hamilton_1842_II_85 at Dere Kieui, three hours from Moudaniah: “We halted nearly half an hour under some magnificent plane-trees in this village, where I found the remains of a broken altar, and a large tazza of beautiful brecciated marble, now used for bruising wheat. At a fountain near the trees was a curious inscription in Gothic or Byzantine characters.” [125] Laurent_I_1735_45–46 Smyrna, and Turkish beliefs about statues, dated 1654: lls prétendent que les statues des hommes & des femmes sont en droit de contraindre les ouvriers qui les ont faites de leur donner une âme, & que cela ne se pouvant pas faire, parce qu’il n’appartient qu’à Dieu de faire de semblables merveilles, les diables se nichent & se servent de ces corps pour molester les hommes, mais que pour les empêcher, il n’y a qu a les mutiler et les défigurer, & que les diables les voyant en cet état, les méprisent, les ont en horreur & vont chercher à se loger autre part. C’est moins pour éviter l’idolâtrie, que pour eloigner les diables de chez-eux, qu’ils en usent ainsi avec toutes sortes de statues: car il ne leur est jamais tombé dans l’esprit d’adorer des statues inanimées; ils ne peuvent se persuader qu’il y ait jamais eu d’hommes assez insensez pour en venir à cet excès de folie. Il est vrai qu’ils croyent qu’il y a eu des statues qui parloient, & qui rendoient des oracles, & c’est ce qui les persuade que c’étoient les diables qui s’en étoient emparez, qui parloi-



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ent par leurs bouches, & que pour les en empêcher il n’y a qu a les mutiler. / Les Grecs sont dans les mèmes usages que les Turcs, & peut-être par les mêmes raisons: car ils sont ignorans & supersticieux au-delà de ce qu on peut s’imaginer. Ils ont horreur de toutes les figures de relief, & ne s’accommodent que des peintures plattes fur bois ou sur toile. [126] Edhem-Bey_1906_409: Dans la partie nord du terrain limité par ce mur, nos déblaiements nous mirent en présence, à 2m 50 au-dessous du sol actuel, d’une importante construction byzantine, sans doute une église. L’intérieur était divisé en trois nefs et dallé de marbre. Sous le dallage, qu’on souleva par endroits, on trouva plusieurs tombeaux, formés de grandes plaques de granit, et fermés par un couvercle de même matière. A l’Ouest, les dalles de marbre font place à une mosaïque, ornée de dessins géométriques blancs et bleus, qui doit correspondre au narthex ou à l’atrium de la basilique. Tout ce monument avait été construit avec des matériaux de remploi; le sol lui-même était encore jonché de marbres: blocs soigneusement dressés et fragments architectoniques qui provenaient évidemment d’un édifice de grandes dimensions et de bonne époque. Ces données se trouvèrent confirmées par la découverte, vers la limite ouest de nos fouilles, de trois blocs de frise de mêmes dimensions, de même style et de même sujet que celle que nous avions exhumée l’an dernier. Les figures avaient été mutilées intentionnellement et les blocs placés dans un mur, les faces sculptées tournées l’une contre l’autre. [127] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_III_1834_388 Guzel-Hisar/Aydin/Tralles: Des fouilles ont renversé profondément toute cette enceinte: les fouilleurs sont des juifs qui chaque jour bouleversent le terrein pour y chercher des marbres dont ils font ensuite des sépulcres. Le cimetière des Israélites se trouve a dix minutes des trois arcades; presque tontes les pierres tumulaires ont appartenu à l’ancienne Tralles: le champ funèbre est une sélection de ruines choisies, un vrai musée que l’antiquaire ne parcourrait point sans plaisir. [128] Le_Camus_1896_163a Tralles: Au delà d’une vigne fort malentretenue, près de voûtes enfouies sous terre, nous croyons reconnaître les traces de l’agora. Les Juifs, en établissant là leur cimetière, ont transformé en stèles funéraires tous les débris de marbres qui jonchaient le sol. [129] Durbin_1845_120–121 Valleys and cemeteries: “Their wonderful fertility, when well cultivated, may be inferred from the fact that, in ancient times, the smallest of them sustained a city with its dependent towns, and each of the largest was adorned with several cities, some of which were remarkable for population and wealth. The names of most of these are preserved in history, but the sites of many are utterly unknown. Indeed, Asia Minor may be considered one vast solitude, rendered exceedingly impressive by the extensive cemeteries which the traveller sees every few hours. No villages or towns are in sight of them. No groves of cypress or terebinth shade them. The former glory and power of the counties millions that sleep in them are indicated by the fragments of marbles, columns, pedestals, richly-carved capitals, friezes, and sarcophagi, which lie half covered by the tangled thickets of shrubs, vines, and wild flowers, on which the flocks of the wandering Turcomans occasionally browse. Indeed, all Asia Minor appears like one vast necropolis of the unknown and forgotten dead. The cemeteries of towns at present inhabited are usually adorned with groves of evergreens: the cypress is appropriated to the Moslems, the terebinth or common fir to the Armenians and Greeks, but the graves of the Jews, either from choice or by coercion, are unadorned even by an erect stone. Their graveyards throughout the East are naked, stony fields, a striking picture of desolation and distress.” [130] Elliott_1838_II_67–68 near Kassaba: “It is not, as in other parts of the world, that each village has one, and each town two or three; but the towns seem equally divided between the living and the dead; the outskirts are entirely occupied by cemeteries; the roadsides are bordered with them; and in tracts of country which may be traversed for hours together without sight of a village or hut, the eye is, nevertheless, perpetually arrested by extensive burial-grounds, following each other in rapid succession, while no conjecture can be formed of the localities whence they were peopled. This is a striking proof of a fact universally admitted, the decrease of population in Turkey, notwithstanding the encouragement offered by its rich soil and the vast extent of its uncultivated land.”



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[131] Dauzats_1861_155 (travelling 1855) Sivri-Hissar: A notre droite et notre gauche, d’anciens cimetières, quatre fois plus étendus que la ville moderne nous donnent une idée de ce qu’elle fut autrefois. / Dans l’intérieur de la cité la civilisation grecque a laissé de nombreuses traces de son passage; on y rencontre à chaque instant des chapiteaux de marbre admirablement sculptés, qui aujourd’hui trouvés au coin des rues ou de marches devant les maisons. Au milieu d’une place se trouve un vieux tombeau grec que les Turcs ont transformé en fontaine, et sur lequel se lit encore une inscription très-bien conservée. [132] Prime_1876_141b Nicaea in 1832: “Here we saw the stork build her nest, and the gray squirrel revel without fear amidst marble figures defaced and fractured, but still disclosing the charms of symmetry and proportion, and the design of the ancient Greek chisel. Here we saw mosques and baths that were built from the ruins of pagan and Christian temples, themselves crumbled to ruins; and shafts and capitals of marble columns strewed upon the ground, and literally turning to dust by natural decay. Indeed, the tooth of time has left here more signal marks of his ravages than I have ever seen in any place before. It is very common in this country to find an extensive burying-ground connected with a comparatively small village, showing the population to have once been much greater than at present, or the congregation of the dead to be far greater than that of the living. But here even the burying-grounds are themselves buried; the sepulchres are literally sepulchred.” [133] Fellows_1839_10–11b at Smyrna “The walls of all the buildings in the upper part of the town are formed out of the ruins of ancient Smyrna; and columns, busts, cornices, and entablatures are seen built in everywhere, and mixed indiscriminately with the volcanic stone of the country. The features of the busts are generally destroyed, to satisfy the scruples of their present owners, the Turks. Hundreds of tombstones are constructed of the ornamental parts of ancient temples, all of white marble. The Jews have bought one hill, formed of a pile of ruins of marble, for tombs for their burial-ground. Near the town I observed a wall loosely built of stone, and thinking that it looked of a lighter colour than the common stone of the neighbourhood, I went to examine it. It was composed of what appeared to be flat stones, about three inches thick, and all of conglomerate or grout; but to my astonishment I found that the surface of every piece (some were two feet long) was formed entirely of mosaic work, with beautiful patterns in black, white, and red. There must have been hundreds of feet of this, which had no doubt formed the floor of some temple or bath in the immediate neighbourhood, probably of the Temple of Ceres, which is said to have stood here. These blocks of mosaic now form the walls of a corn-field, out of which they must have been dug, for I observed that the small pebbles in the soil were all square pieces of marble of the same size as the stones of the mosaic. Here I saw the top of an arch, with the capitals of its columns only visible above ground, and twenty or thirty feet of loose soil around it, containing the ruins of ancient art. Yet no one had been found even to remove the soil to show the proportions of the building, and this on the side of so steep a hill, that probably the rain will soon do what man has not had taste and energy to attempt: the people now prop up the soil of the hill with the capitals of columns or cornices as they are laid bare.” [134] Hunt_1817_104 at Chali-Leui, in the Troad: “The sepulchral stones erected over the Mussulman graves were fragments of columns, capitals, and frizes of temples. The ground they occupied was about 260 paces in diameter; but we could not trace the plan or foundations of any Greek or Roman buildings. The columns were of white marble fluted, about two feet six inches in diameter; some capitals were of the Ionic, and some of the Corinthian order; the triglyphs shewed that there had been buildings in the Doric style; one mutilated and defaced bas-relief represents a female figure in a conch-shaped chariot drawn by tritons; on another fragment is a winged victory in a car; on part of an entablature is a female figure with wings supporting festoons or flowers. There were other remains of sculpture, but so much defaced as to make it very difficult to discover the subject represented. They have all undoubtedly belonged to the towns of New Ilium, as may be collected from the following inscriptions . . .” [135] Choiseul-Gouffier_1842_III_336–7 (ambassador to Constantinople 1784 to 1791) at Abydos/Ilium area: Halil-Eli, village d’une vingtaine de maisons, situé sur la rive septentri-



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onale. Près de ce lieu, entouré de peupliers qui le font apercevoir de loin, est un cimetière turc où sont accumulés des marbres de toute espèce, destinés à faire des turbés ou pierres sépulchrales pour les tombeaux des Musulmans. C’est à cette réunion de ruines antiques qu’il faudrait attribuer l’erreur bien pardonnable de plusieurs voyageurs qui, frappés d’ailleurs du nom de la vallée, ont cru y trouver les restes du temple d’Apollon-Thymbréen. Ils se sont trompés; ces débris, qui ne tiennent nullement au sol, appartiennent à plus de vingt monuments différents; ce sont des fragments de colonnes de marbre et de granit, des chapiteaux, des triglyphes, des inscriptions et des bas-reliefs d’âges fort éloignés l’un de l’autre, apportés de tous les côtés de la plaine, et particulièrement d’Ilium. And 354 of another stone: La plus intéressante était d’abord dans le cimetière de Halil-Elt; elle est actuellement dans celui de Kalafatli, ce qui prouve que ces marbres sont transportés dans tous les lieux de la plaine. [136] Ferrières-Sauveboeuf_1790_I_19 in Constantinople, in cemeteries around Scutari: L’etranger qui n’y va pas pour sécher les larmes des veuves, voit avec regret s’élever parmi d’énormes cyprès un nombre infini de colonnes tronquées, couvertes d’inscriptions dorées sur un fond d’azur; elles rappelleront à tous les âges l’ignorance des Ottomans, qui, après avoir asservi & dévasté la Grèce, jaloux de voir des chefs-d’œuvre déposer contre leur mauvais goût & leur tyrannie, ont renversé sur leurs tombeaux les plus précieux marbres de l’antiquité, bien moins pour couvrir leurs cadavres de monumens respectables, que pour insulter à la mémoire des peuples qui avoient su immortaliser leur existence par des témoins immuables de leur grandeur. [137] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_1834_III_395 on the road from Aydin to Sultan Hissar: A trois heures d’Aïdin, nous avons vu au bord du chemin deux cimetières remplis de belles colonnes et de fragmens d’architecture antique; beaucoup de ces marbres précieux ont été taillés en pierres tumulaires. En voyant les débris des anciens monumens ainsi dispersés dans les champs funèbres, je fesais une remarque qui a dû plusieurs fois se présenter à votre esprit, c’est qu’en Turquie les morts seuls profitent des dépouilles de l’antique Orient; pendant sa vie, un Turc eût passé sans y prendre garde devant un temple ionique ou corinthien; après sa mort, on lui prépare une demeure avec les chefs-d’œuvre du génie grec ou romain, et la tombe d’un Osmanli semble étaler avec orgueil des marbres jadis consacrés à Cybèle, à Diane ou à Jupiter. [138] Baillie_Fraser_1840_II_375 (travelling 1835–1836) Boli in Asia Minor: “All this ground, I suspect, would be interesting to the antiquary; for not only did I observe Greek columns and tablets at the two fountains already mentioned, but every burying-ground, of which there were multitudes, was full of cylindrical stones, which appeared to be fragments of pillars belonging to ancient edifices.” [139] Tchihatchef_1854_57 Boli: Or, dans ce bourg même, on ne voit que quelques tronçons de colonnes et de dalles que l’on découvre surtout dans les murs des maisons; en revanche, sur le chemin qui conduit de Boli à Mudurlu, et surtout à un quart de lieue au sud-ouest de Boli, entre les villages Pachakoi et Sedikoi, toute la plaine est jonchée de tronçons de colonnes, de dalles, et de fragments de chapiteaux, parmi lesquels il y en a d’ordre corinthien d’un beau travail. Plusieurs fûts de colonnes sont encore debout: c’est donc dans ces parages et non à Boli même qu’il faudrait chercher l’antique Bithynium. Les débris qui se montrent en si grande quantité entre les deux villages sus-mentionnés continuent sur une distance considérable au sud-ouest de Boli. Ainsi, à six lieues au sudouest de cette ville, sur le flanc méridional du Bolidagh, on voit, en montant vers le village de Guneï, des tronçons de colonnes chargés d’inscriptions grecques. L’Européen qui gravit ces hautes régions, parfaitement solitaires, pour atteindre le village de Guneï, dont les habitants fuient à son aspect, est frappé d’étonnement lorsqu’il y aperçoit des monuments d’une antique civilisation. [140] Hamilton_1842_II_166b Ishekli: “– I remained here all day, chiefly occupied in copying inscriptions. My first object was to visit a low hill about a mile E.S.E. from the town, round which the remains of an ancient wall have been discovered, and where many inscriptions and other antiquities have been dug: it has consequently been dignified by the Turks with the name of Castle. I was accompanied by my tatar and two stonemasons.



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It was extraordinary to see the tatar’s zeal in search of antiquities, in hopes of a bakshish or present of a dollar, with which from time to time I used to stimulate his exertions whenever he discovered anything of particular interest. The stonemasons avail themselves of these ruined walls as a quarry, to extract materials for the manufacture of Turkish gravestones. The consequence is, that the hill is now surrounded by a deep ditch where the wall once stood, which is in many places entirely removed. In the part where they were now working, they had lately discovered a large pedestal with an inscription. It is sepulchral, but valuable, from stating the profession of him who erected the tomb, one which does not appear to have been of frequent occurrence amongst the ancients: he was a short-hand writer, and belonged to the tribe of Athenais. Many similar pedestals in the wall may also contain inscriptions; but though its appearance is very Hellenic, it has evidently been built with the ruins of former edifices, perhaps after the destruction of Lumenia, which there is little doubt stood on or near this spot; but the whole extent of the hill, which I perambulated while my treasure-seekers were digging out the inscriptions, is not above half a mile in circumference, and therefore could not have been itself the site of the ancient town.” [141] Hamilton_1842_II_193 Ladik: “Under the guidance of the head man I spent several hours amidst the ruined houses, burial-grounds, and environs of Ladik. On the slope to the S. or S.S.W. of the village, and at a distance of a quarter of a mile, is the site of a ruined town or village, but of small extent. Straight lines of foundations of houses with doorways run for some distance, formed chiefly of large blocks of stone and marble, mostly plain; some, however, are carved and sculptured, such as fragments of architraves, pedestals, and columns, as if derived from former structures. A little to the N.W. of this spot is an old Turkish burial-ground, in the midst of vineyards, full of fragments of columns, architraves, and sepulchral monuments, from one of which I copied an inscription. Another burialground, further north, is full of similar remains, where I copied more inscriptions. From thence I returned to the village: here also many sepulchral stones were scattered about in the walls of mosques and cottages, but by far the greater number are in the burial-ground east of the town. This, indeed, was so extensive, that it was impossible to examine every stone, and many may therefore have escaped my notice. I copied several; they are chiefly sepulchral.” [142] Durbin_1845_117 Smyrna: “As the town grew in commercial importance, it gradually slid down from the hill to the port, leaving its substructions and the fragments of its more solid edifices scattered over the declivity. Amid these the Moslems deposited their dead, and ornamented their graves with the fractured marbles, broken columns, and sculptured friezes of the ancient city. If the traveller wishes to see what remains of that Smyrna which, in the days of the Romans, was called, the lovely, the crown of Ionia, the ornament of Asia, let him ramble through the vast cemeteries which cover the face of the hill above the town. If he look for the beautiful Smyrna of his fervid imagination in the crooked, narrow, dirty, ill-built streets of the modern town, he will assuredly be disappointed.” [143] Fellows_1839_13–14b Smyrna: “Walking to the south of the town I passed the Jews’ burial-ground, which I before noticed, and was much struck by its appearance. It is a hill of almost bare rock, of about a mile in extent, and every level spot has a marble slab upon it. The first idea that the place gave me was its strong resemblance to the pictures of the Resurrection; thousands of tombstones cover the ground, and in as many forms; from the hardness of the rock, the grave is generally constructed above the surface, perhaps a foot high, and covered with a marble slab; but grave and slab have been continually torn up by the Turks; few remain above a year undisturbed, and they seem the stone quarry for the walls and paving in the neighbourhood. I saw several in the street near, with dates less than two years old, now torn up and used for building purposes. / Scarcely one of these tombstones is without some trace of its earlier history; many have upon them Greek or Roman letters, parts of inscriptions; and cornices, flutings, capitals, or shafts of columns may be recognised in almost all of them. I walked up the hill, and there found the quarry which the Jews had used, on the site of most extensive temples, now only to be recognised by high hills of white chippings, and long deep trenches, from which even the foundations



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have been greedily dug up; a lime-kiln close by had received many relics of marble too small for the purpose of tombstones.” [144] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_234–235 Smyrna: Pour ce qui est des Inscriptions antiques, j’en trouvay quelques-unes assez remarquables dans le Cimetière des Arméniens, parce qu’ils se sont servis de ces marbres pour leurs tombeaux; mais ils en ont quelquefois effacé le Grec pour y graver leurs Epitaphes en Arménien. Il y a aux jardins d’Achmet Aga un cercueil de pierre avec une Inscription, dans lequel on a trouvé depuis peu les os d’un Romain avec son casque, & scs armcs de cuivre, dont l’usage étoit plus ancien pour la guerre que celuy du fer. [145] Krumbacher_1886_250 Tralles: An wenigen Orten liegen reichere Überreste hellenischer und altchristlicher Zeit zu Tage als auf diesem weit ausgedehnten, von herrlichen Ölbäumen belebten Tafellande. Architekturfragmente aller Art sind in wüstem Chaos durcheinandergestreut; darunter sind einzelne Fundamente alter Gebäude sichtbar, unter anderem die Überreste einer byzantinischen Kirche mit Spuren christlicher Wandmalerei. Eine Masse von alten Säulentrommeln, Gesimssteinen und sonstigen Baustücken sind in dem grossen jüdischen Friedhofe, welcher mitten in dem Trümmerfeld liegt, zu Grabsteinen verarbeitet; wohlerhaltene Kannelüren, Eierstäbe und Blattreihen verraten deutlich den antiken Ursprung. Da und dort treffen wir 2 Meter dicke umgestürzte Mauerstücke; offenbar haben elementare Kräfte hier Werke vernichtet, die für immer geschaffen schienen. [146] Laborde_1838_49 Kutayah: Notre première visite est réservée aux cimetières des différentes religions. C’est d’ordinaire le musée des antiquités des villes de l’Orient, musée pittoresque et philosophique, musée mal tenu au point de vue de l’archéologie: car, par une singulière habitude, les monuments antiques, sujets sculptés ou inscriptions, sont toujours placés en sens invers, la tête en bas. [147] Mordtmann_1925_43, (travelling 1850–1859), Aezani: In Tschavardir ist jedes Bauernhaus, jeder Viehstall eine Art Museum, denn mann trifft nicht leicht eine Wohnung für Menschen oder Tiere, wo nicht irgend ein Bas-relief, ein Fries, ein alte Inaschrift, ein Stück kanellierte Säule oder dergleichen eingemauert ist; 217 in Bergama selbst ist fast jedes Haus ein Antiken-museum, da man selten eins findet, zu dessen Erbauung nicht irgend einige Säulentrommeln, Triglyphen usw. Verwendet sind. [148] Worsdsworth_1837_8 Dramise in Greece: “There is a small church here dedicated to St George. If any vestiges of antiquity exist at all in a Greek village, some in the shape of decorated or inscribed marbles will generally be found in its church, for the construction of which they have usually been employed. Thus the churches of Greek to towns and hamlets have served the purpose of simple museums for the preservation of their local antiquities. At Dramise, neither in its church nor in any of its buildings, can I find any evidence that it occupies, as has been supposed, the site of an ancient city. It has been identified with Delium.” [149] Mac_Farlane_1829_215 Erythrae: “one of my Turks . . . When we descended the Acropolis, he told my guide that for some time he had not been able to find me; that I was hidden among the stones, and, he was quite certain, performing some incantation to discover the concealed treasures!” [150] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_III_1834_345–346 Smyrna, but the hand was heavy. Thinking it might belong to a representation of Smyrna, cette réflexion nous a fait revenir sur nos pas, car notre découverte prenait une espèce d’importance, mais la main de la nymphe avait disparu; nous avons jugé que les Grecs qui avaient passé auprès de nous, s’étaient emparés de cette main mutilée, persuadés qu’elle était pleine d’or, et qu’elle devait les enrichir. De notre côté, nous nous reprochions d’avoir laissé derrière nous une véritable merveille. [151] Pingaud_1887_161: On le voit interrompre les fouilles auxquelles les Turcs l’avaient autorisé dans le stade d’Olympie, sachant qu’elles compromettraient la tranquillité et peut-être la vie d’un aga voisin. Cet aga avait répondu au porteur du firman impérial: « Tu enlèveras des pierres dont tu sauras tirer de l’or, le sultan croira que tu m’as fait partager tes richesses, et ma tête tombera. » Ici Choiseul-Gouffier avait égard aux appréhensions



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très légitimes d’un fonctionnaire ottoman; ailleurs il respectait les croyances superstitieuses de la population grecque. Dans un village bâti sur l’emplacement de l’ancienne Sigée, à la porte de l’église, il avait remarqué une pierre portant une inscription qui était à la fois, pour les habitants, un siège commode et un tahsman contre la fièvre. Il essaya de l’acheter; mais les indigènes ne voulant à aucun prix se séparer de leur trésor, il refusa, comme on le lui conseillait et comme il eût pu le faire impunément, de recourir à la force. [152] Le_Brun_I_1725_105 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708) Ephesus: Nous y découvrîmes encore plusieurs Statues de marbre ensevelies en terre; mais avec tant de négligence que les pieds de quelques-unes sortoient dehors. J’eusse bien voulu en déterrer quelqu’une pendant la nuit, et la porter à Smyrne en cachette, mais je ne pus trouver personne qui m’aidât même pour de l’argent, parce qu’ils craignoient qu’on ne nous épiât. [153] Tchihatchef_1868_3–4: L’Européen n’a pas plutôt mis le pied dans cette contrée, qu’il se sent placé complètement en dehors du monde intellectuel qu’il connaît, et qu’il comprend que sur ce terrain nouveau pour lui, il ne peut compter ni sur l’indulgence ni sur la tolérance des habitants qu’à l’aide de son action personnelle et à la condition absolue de ne paraître suspect sous aucun rapport, condition incompatible avec la tâche du naturaliste dont les plus simples opérations impressionnent les indigènes comme des actes mystérieux recelant des intentions hostiles, sacrilèges ou dangereuses. [154] Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_173–174 Kosetchah/chek: “I was soon joined by the heads of the two other Urook families, whose curiosity was greatly excited to know the motive of my visit. They listened attentively to all that Nicolo told them respecting what we had seen in the lower part of the valley, but were very cautious for some time in giving us any information on the ruins and number of villages existing in the upper part. Questions were, as usual, put as to the quantity of money we had found at the ruins we had already visited. Evident glances of incredulity passed between them on being told that we had found none, and that money was not an object of our search.” [155] Choisy_1876_195–196 near Afyon/Karahisar: On parle antiquités. Les paysans ici encore ont une idée fixe: les ruines recèlent toutes des trésors et nous voyageons pour les découvrir. Eux aussi cherchent ces trésors: partout où se montre un débris antique, ils tentent une fouille; et chaque pierre qu’ils découvrent, ils la brisent, pour en extraire le trésor. Ils m’apportent ce soir même les fragments d’une tête de marbre qu’ils ont fendue pensant trouver de l’or en son milieu; elle en contenait, chose sûre, mais un enchantement l’a fait évanouir au moment d’y porter la main. [156] Hasluck_1929_22 “Arrested Urban Transferences: 7. S. SOPHIA, PERGAMON. Here a cross insisted on replacing the newly built minaret and became such an obsession that the Turks built a dome over it . . . 9. S. AMPHILOCHIUS, KONIA, though transformed into a mosque, as may be seen from the still existing mihrab, was found to be unlucky for Moslems, who died after entering it, and it was disused in consequence . . . 10. JUMANUN JAMISI, ADALIA. A chapel of the ‘Friday’ mosque at Adalia (a transformed church) was shut up because it was found that all Moslems who entered it died. The whole building is now abandoned and appears still to have a bad reputation: a few years ago a wall was built round it on account of an outbreak of plague in the immediate vicinity.” [157] Marcellus_1839_I_151 Nicaea: Nous repassâmes les remparts, et le prêtre grec nous conduisit à l’ancienne église de Sainte-Sophie. Les Turcs, nous dit-il, ont à plusieurs reprises, essayé d’en faire une mosquée; mais chaque fois, le minaret élevé à peine aux deux tiers de sa hauteur a été miraculeusement renversé. [158] Perrot_1863_109–110 in the mountain village of Efteneh: Au fond, rien de ce qui ne les touche pas directement n’intéresse ces braves gens. Il est difficile de se faire une juste idée de cette tranquille indifférence pour tout ce que nous appelons la politique. En revanche, ils s’informent avec intérêt si nous n’avons pas trouvé de trésors, s’il n’y en a pas dans les vieilles forteresses et sous les pierres qiii portent des inscriptions. Qu’on leur réponde en plaisantant ou sérieusement, on ne leur ôtera pas cette idée de la tête. L’an dernier, ils en ont été victimes: un derviche d’Erzeroum est venu s’établir chez eux; il leur a déclaré qu’il connaissait dans la montagne un endroit où il y avait de grands trésors cachés; s’ils voulaient travailler sous sa direction, il les leur ferait trouver, et on partager-



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ait. Par son air de confiance, par l’assurance de sa parole, il s’empara de leurs esprits au point que, de plusieurs villages de la plaine, des hommes se mirent à sa disposition et que pendant près de deux mois une vingtaine de travailleurs remuèrent la terre à l’endroit désigné, y firent des trous profonds, y ouvrirent des tranchées. Cependant on hébergeait, on nourrissait le derviche qui allait donner aux villageois toute une fortune; pouvait-on faire moins? Au moment où les ouvriers, n’ayant pas encore rencontré un seul para, commençaient à se lasser, un beau jour, sans crier gare, le derviche disparut. Alors enfin ces naïfs paysans comprirent qu’on s’était moqué d’eux. A Uskub, dans la même espérance, on a bouleversé le grand tertre qui est au sud de la ville, et où s’élevaient, à ce qu’il semble, des bains. Inutile d’ajouter qu’on n’a pas trouvé de trésors, mais seulement des stèles portant des inscriptions, des tuiles et des briques romaines que l’on a en partie employées dans des constructions nouvelles. [159] Wood_1877_35, at Ephesus: “By the close of 1863, I had dug seventy-five deep holes, which the land-owners or occupiers called upon me to fill up.” – these were usually 8 × 12 feet, and 12 to 25 feet in depth. [160] Bent_1890_457: “It is extremely difficult to obtain from the Yuruks any definite idea, from tradition or otherwise, concerning their origin; they will always tell you that they are descendants of those who inhabited the ruins among which they now dwell, and that these kind ancestors of theirs put up letters on the rock and walls to guide them to treasures which they had concealed. I have seen a Yuruk hard at work with a chisel making his way into the centre of a marble column, in which he is sure gold is concealed. I have seen them dig deep holes just below Greek inscriptions, with the same object in view. Constant disappointments do not appear to damp their ardour, for now and again a tomb is opened with some treasure in it, and the thirst for treasure hunting begins again with redoubled vigour.” [161] Oberhummer 1899, 403 for photo of Yuruk huts at Ephesus, built from wood, reeds and straw. [162] Kinneir_1818_238 Kutayah: “In my walk through the city, I saw several Greek inscriptions; but the jealousy of the Turks was such, that they would not permit me to copy them.” [163] Sterrett_1885b_8 saw two Byzantine steelyards at Egedir: “The owner demanded thirty pounds for the two, which put them out of my reach. I was anxious to get at least an accurate drawing or copy of the weight-slots or notches; but the suspicious Turk feared that the value of his property would thereby be diminished, and refused to allow me to make any notes or take any drawings whatever.” [164] Texier_1844–1845_323 Nymphi/Nymphaeum: La tradition répandue parmi les Turcs de l’Asie mineure, qui attribue à des peuples francs tous les châteaux et forteresses que l’on aperçoit sur les côtes, et même fort avant dans les terres, n’est pas toujours complètement dénuée de fondement. Les Génois, les Vénitiens, les chevaliers de Rhodes ont possédé et fortifié un grand nombre de ports; les cours des rivières ont été interceptés par des tours et des échauguettes qui arrêtaient les caravanes. Les ports de Boudroum, de Jassus, de Castello-Rizo, offrent encore des traces nombreuses de ces constructions qui sont généralement illustrées par des écussons et des inscriptions, dans lesquels un amateur des antiquités du moyen âge ferait un ample butin. / La ville de Nymphi, quoique assez avancée dans l’intérieur des terres, devint l’apanage d’un prince latin à l’époque où les Latins, maîtres de Constantinople, de Nicomédie, de Chalcédoine, dominaient, pour ainsi dire, sur toute la partie occidentale de l’Asie mineure. On voit encore à l’entrée du village un immense château de forme carrée, sans tours, ressemblant plutôt à un palais qu’à une forteresse. Les Turcs l’appellent le Château des Génois; ces ruines imposantes sont situées sur la route de Smyrne; la façade, sans ornements, est percée de grandes fenêtres qui étaient peut-être couronnées par un linteau en bois, car elles sont toutes ruinées dans la partie supérieure L’appareil de la construction est formé de trois assises de briques et d’une assise de moellon, de sorte que de loin on croit voir un édifice romain. Mais la nature des briques, la composition du mortier et les dispositions du plan suffisent pour faire reconnaître à quelle période cet édifice appartient.



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[165] Fellows_1852_86 Nicaea, of the N & SE gates: “Each has also had metallic inscriptions, the holes in the marble for attaching them now only remaining to indicate the shape of the letters. At the two principal arched entrances were immense gateways of a square form, built of very large stones. I was much interested in one of these from seeing a stone near the spot, which I was sure from its form must be the fellow stone to one containing part of an inscription that I had seen oyer the gateway; and if so, its under side would probably have another portion of the same inscription. I soon collected a number of men, and for a few pence had the stone turned over, and discovered the characters as firesh as if just cut. The men seeing me refer to a book said, “Yes, the Franks know by their books where all the writing and gold are concealed;” always fancying that we search for inscriptions to find treasure. We certainly did find a small coin, but only four hundred years old, probably of the time when the stone fell, for the coin was exposed beneath it. Searching about I found by the road-side three other stones, lying on the rides of a ditch, and all inscribed in the same style of character as that over the gateway.” [166] Pococke_1772_V_268 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Alexandria Troas: Le Grand Seigneur régnant a fait démolir les murailles & les édifices & sur-tout le grand temple dont j’ai parlé & a fait transporter les pierres & les marbres à Constantinople pour les employer à des édifices publics. On prétend q’il n’en a agi ainsi que par les conseils d’un renégat, qui lui a fait accroire qu’il y trouveroit des trésors. [167] Beaufort_1818_101–102 (travelling 1811–1812) Myndus, near Bodrum, visiting the high fortress accompanied by the Agha of the neighbourhood: “Our friend, the Agha, then led us to a large irregular stone, about a quarter of a mile from the above rock, on which were two Greek inscriptions. They were much worn, and required a long time to copy. He waited patiently till the operation was ended, but then inquired their meaning with great eagerness; as a tradition exists, that the castle just visited was built by a former monarch, for the security of his riches, and, that these inscriptions would indicate the place where they still lay concealed.” [168] Davis_1874_268 at Cibyra: It would have been very difficult to obtain admittance to the houses, and perhaps impossible to enter the mosque; but we urged the Mudir to take care of the inscribed stones, as they were interesting and valuable. / They inquired if it was really the case that sometimes money was found inside the antique statues. I assured them that, in all probability, nothing of much value would ever be found in these old cities, but the idea that money would be found in the old statues was quite absurd. / They said that a statue had been found by some of the villagers, who thought it would be filled with coin, but when they had broken it to pieces, they found nothing. I said that “the statue itself, if left whole, might have been very valuable, but broken up, it was only a bit of worthless stone!” / After all, nothing will convince these ignorant barbarians of the truth of all this; they cannot conceive any other motive for the researches of Europeans except the hope of discovering hidden treasure.” [169] Teule_1842_70 Pergamon: Les Turcs, il faut leur rendre cette justice, ne détruisent guère les monuments, mais ils ne relèvent aucune ruine, si ce n’est parfois celles des forteresses; ils savent que des djaours ont sculpté des marbres et bâti des édifices sur ce lieu, mais ils croient que c’était pour s’amuser, et ils se regardent comme trop graves pour en faire autant. [170] Sterrett_1889_7–8 “TURKISH SUPERSTITIONS IN REGARD TO INSCRIPTIONS AND HIDDEN TREASURE: There is a belief that pervades all classes of Turks, both high and low, that the stones which bear inscriptions have money or other treasure either inside the stones themselves, or else that the inscriptions on the stones tell where money or treasure was hid by the people who fled from their homes when the all-conquering hordes of Turks were invading the country more than four hundred years ago. Their theory in regard to the business of the Archaeologist is that he is a lineal descendant of the former inhabitants of the country, that his family has preserved throughout all these ages traditions in regard to vast treasure stowed away by them when they were compelled to abandon their former homes, and lastly, that the Archaeologist has come to search the country, find the family



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inscriptions that tell exactly were the treasure is hidden, and then return to the home of his adoption laden with wealth. Accordingly ignorant peasants are loth to tell of inscriptions in their houses, because such stones are their own individual property, and they can not bring themselves to give away a secret which may one day be converted into millions. Nothing whatever can shake their faith in this superstition. Often and often as I was busy copying or making impressions of inscriptions, a curious, suspicious mob would collect around me. As a rule I had no time to waste upon them; but presently some one would pluck up courage enough to ask me where the money was? When I intended to get it? How much it was, and whether I would not be generous enough to share my wealth with them? I always denied the existence of treasure, and explained that my business was to gather up the scattered facts of history, so that by weaving together a multitude of facts the historian might be able to give something like an accurate account of the country before it was conquered by their ancestors. This was all wasted breath; and possibly my servants pursued the wiser plan, for their aim was to get as much fun as possible out of the simple villagers, and they made it a point to tell them that there was buried treasure and that by digging they would find it. The natives have dug on their own account in innumerable places, and many ancient buildings have been brought to ruin by having their foundations undermined by these searchers after hidden treasure.” [171] Arundell_1828_179 Sardis: “Of the temple of Cybele, only two pillars remain at present; the Turks have recently destroyed the rest, for the sake of the lead connecting the blocks.” [172] Cockerell_1903_144–5 Sardis: “Besides the fine situation there is only one other thing to notice, viz. the Ionic temple. I spent my first day in examining it and making a drawing of it. Only three of the five columns still standing in Chandler’s time remain erect; the other two were blown up three years ago by a Greek who thought he might find gold in them. The whole temple is buried many feet deep. As I wished very much to see the base of the column, I got a Cretan whom I found here professedly buying tobacco, but I suspect a fugitive from his home for some murder to dig for me. I had to give it up after we had got down ten feet without reaching it.” [173] Bold_1828_133 Sardis: “Went out to view more particularly the ruins of the place. Saw the decayed walls of two churches, and of the market, and the ruins of an ancient palace. Two marble columns are standing, about thirty feet high, and six in diameter, of the Ionic order. The fragments of similar pillars lay scattered on the ground. Chandler, who was here about sixty years ago, says five pillars were then standing. All our guide could tell of the place was, that it was the palace of the king’s daughter. Ascended a high hill to see the ruins of the old castle. Some of the remaining walls are very strong. Copied two inscriptions.” [174] Arundell_1828_321 Sardis, relaying Cockerell: “I was told that, four years ago, three other columns of the temple were still standing and that they were thrown down by the Turks, for the sake of the gold which they expected to find in the joints.” [175] Arundell 1834, II 347–51 for the ruins of Aezani. [176] Mac_Farlane_1850_I_176 Aezani: “A good deal of the work of destruction at the Temple had been perpetrated of late years, and a vast deal of it within the memory of man. Some of the old villagers told us that they remembered when there were nearly twice as many columns erect. Those missing had been knocked down to supply materials for building hovels and stables; some of the fragments were to be seen in the village, others had been carried away: some had been destroyed merely for the sake of the little iron and lead that united the several parts of a column or fixed it to the frieze.” [177] Monk_1851_I_68–9 at Aezani: “Great part of a magnificent Greek temple remains, though man has done his worst to destroy it by breaking the fine columns and blocks of marble for the sake of the little iron or lead by which they were clamped together. I have never seen the marks of so determined an attack upon any monument of antiquity, and, sad to relate, the iconoclasts have not left their work half-finished. So vain is the labour and forethought of man! The very means which he has adopted to secure the works of



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his hands are the cause of their destruction! Twelve out of fifteen columns on the eastern side, and five out of eight on the northern, are still standing, though their bases have been fearfully circumscribed.” [178] Keppel_1831_II_243–4 at Ghiediz (ancient Cadi) near Aezanae: “The principal Turkish mosque is built of large Hellenic blocks, about which it is impossible to be deceived, as no such blocks have ever been employed by the Turks: hence it may be fairly inferred, that it was formerly an ancient temple. / On the balustrade of a bridge of Turkish structure, is an inscribed stone, which has been placed there not with reference to the characters on it, but as its size accidentally suited the purpose of the builder.” [179] Choisy_1876_138 and Aezani again: ils m’ont appris à leur tour, sur le compte des édifices d’Aezani, une nouvelle légende, mais moins originale que la première. Tout cela fut bâti par des géants qui avaient soixante-dix piques de hauteur et vivaient un temps proportionné à leur taille. Ces géants ont enfoui dans les ruines des trésors, et l’idée fixe de nos hôtes est que nous venons pour les découvrir. Aux yeux de tous les Turcs, les ruines sont des mines de trésors, et les Européens voyagent à leur recherche. « Sans doute, disentils, vos devanciers furent rebutés par l’insuccès, car il y a trois ans au moins que nous n’avons vu de Franks à Tchavdir. » [180] Et-Tidjani_1853_124 (travelling 1305–1309) near Talil: On voit à Zouar’a de nombreuses ruines anciennes et, entre autres, beaucoup de colonnes de marbre encore debout. Je remarquai surtout deux de ces colonnes, assez rapprochées l’une de l’autre; formées de quatre morceaux, et d’un diamètre, d’une élévation et d’une perfection de travail prodigieux. Je demandai aux habitants pourquoi l’une d’elles était tronquée à sa partie supérieure et ils me répondirent qu’un chef arabe, croyant y trouver un trésor caché, avait ordonné cette mutilation, et que, après avoir abattu cette partie de la colonne, les morceaux en avaient été brisés et qu’on n’y trouva absolument rien de caché. [181] Layard_1903_I_167 Aezani in 1839: “In the evening we were pestered by people offering us for sale coins and antiques found on the site of the ancient city, and in the neighbourhood large prices were asked for these, as the peasants had been spoilt by the visits of travellers, and by the sums that had been paid by some of them for such things. Here I could see for the first time the injury which had been caused to nearly all the ancient Greek and Roman edifices in the East by the seekers after treasure. There was not the base of a column of the temple, or a place of junction between two blocks of marble in any part of the building which had not been cut into in search of coins or of copper bolts. In this way innumerable columns and majestic buildings which have defied even the earthquakes and the sacrilegious hand of the barbarian invader have been overthrown. / After leaving Azani we passed through a district more thickly inhabited than any we had ever seen since leaving Constantinople. Its inhabitants were busily engaged in the fields, and corn and other cereals were everywhere cultivated. On all sides were fragments of sculptured marble – the remains of Greek and Roman edifices. They were built into the walls of cottages, or served as headstones for Mussulman graves. In the villages Greek sarcophagi were used for troughs for the cattle and for the mouths of wells.” [182] Ramsay_1897b_19–20 1883 at Orkistos in Galatia, an important inscription needed re-copying. They found the stone they wanted at a mill, but diverted attention by examining another: “We spent the rest of the day in copying the other inscriptions, especially one large and difficult stone, and enjoying the delightful air and the hospitable kindness of the Turkmens . . . [returning in 1886] We found that the large stone over which Sterrett and I spent so much time in 1883 had been broken immediately after our departure in order to find the gold that we had obviously been seeking for; but the stone at the mill, which we had regarded with contempt, was uninjured. The miller had his mill going; I think he suspected our object, and set the water on as soon as we rode into the Yaila, with the object of raising the price. It did not, however, take much time to conclude a bargain, for it was cheaper to pay a pound or two extra, than to waste time or risk failure. Before sunset, we had the end of the embankment demolished, and the great stone laid flat on the grass beside it, to do as we pleased with. The miller rebuilt the embankment



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with other stones: but did not use the mill, having apparently no need for working after the bargain was concluded. It took four days’ work, with the tools that I had brought from Berlin, to clean the stone, and copy the inscription. The Berlin authorities recognised the service by a letter of thanks from the Minister of Education, and a liberal contribution to the expenses of the expedition.” [183] Hunt_1817_180 Assos: “There are ruins of columns and architraves along the whole line of the wall which fronts the sea, indicating an extensive portico; in a plain beneath is the ancient cemetery of Assos, where we observed many sarcophagi Some of them are seven and eight feet high, and of a proportionate breadth and length; they have been hewn out of one massive block of grey granite, and their covers out of another. The sides are in general ornamented with festoons in relievo, and many have the remains of inscriptions, now so much defaced as to be quite illegible. / The Turks appear to have broken into them all, by making holes in their side; this was not so difficult a task as to raise their ponderous coverings. The entrances now admit kids and lambs, glad of the shelter and shade which they find within these ancient tombs.” – spent less than a whole day there. [184] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_III_1834_290 Assos: Les sarcophages et les nombreux débris de tombeaux qu’on retrouve à l’occident de la montagne, annoncent au voyageur la Nécropolis d’Assos. Ces sarcophages dont quelques-uns ont cinq pieds de profondeur et neuf ou dix pieds de longueur, sont en granit, ornés de festons, de têtes de béliers, et revêtus d’inscriptions funéraires. Tous ces tombeaux ont été violés par les Musulmans de la contrée qui espéraient y trouver de l’or; trop faibles pour enlever les couvercles de chaque tombe, ces avides profanateurs ont pratiqué sur le côté des sarcophages une large ouverture, et maintenant les chevreaux et les agneaux de Behram peuvent pénétrer dans ces vieux sépulcres vides pour s’y mettre à l’abri de l’orage ou du soleil. [185] Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_96–97 Cassaba: “On our return to Kassabar in the evening, we received a visit from the kadi, bearing a complimentary message from the Agha; but his real object was to learn the true motive of our travelling through the country, and the inducement for our stay in this neighbourhood. It was often difficult to make the natives understand that we travelled for pleasure only, without having some motive of gain; and, as ruins and inscriptions were the chief objects of our inquiry, it was generally supposed, that the latter pointed out places of hidden treasure, which we secretly carried off. Such a circumstance as the employment of a number of foreigners at one of the ancient cities, during the winter, had, of course, spread far and wide through the country; and the number there employed rumour increased tenfold. On one occasion, Pagniotti had to dispute the veracity of a story, which an old Turk was relating to a group seated around his fire, who stoutly asserted that we broke up the marbles at Xanthus, merely to obtain the money we knew they contained; and that the men worked underneath their tents during the night, so as not to be observed by the natives – an opinion which was very generally believed, and which no assertions to the contrary could remove.” [186] Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_175–176: “The ruins at Sorahajik are scattered over the summit and on the flanks of a high flat rock, a mass of limestone resting on trap. On the slope of the acropolis is a large oblong building, presenting massive walls of polygonal masonry, in front of which, on one side, are a few plain columns, as if the remains of a portico. Above this is a palatial edifice, apparently of Roman date, and commanding a fine view of the valley and mountains opposite; within it are the remains of a Christian church of after date, built obliquely to the walls of the more ancient building, in order to bear east and west. Higher up is the entrance to the acropolis, a gateway hewn in the solid rock, in the sides of which are excavated niches, as if for votive tablets. The summit of the hill is quite flat and covered with ruins of various dates and styles, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine. One Christian church is about one hundred feet long; the roof was supported by eight plain columns, now prostrate: on the cross block of its gateway, the sides of which, two massive blocks, ornamented with carved fillets, are still standing, is a well-preserved inscription. There is no theatre. The necropolis is below, and apart from the main mass of ruins. Among the tombs is a remarkable heroum, twenty feet square, one side of which is



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very perfect, and strangely ornamented with carved representations of the severed limbs and trunk and various parts of the body of some dismembered warrior . . . From the number of churches and other buildings, this city must have been a place of some importance, even at a late period. Now it is desolate; not a person was met near it. The elevation of the site is about four thousand feet above the level of the sea. My guide left the ruins satisfied I had extracted no money from the stones, but sadly puzzled as to the purpose of bringing away copies of the inscriptions.” [187] Omont_1902_465 Sevin, from Constantinople, reporting to Maurepas on 2 April 1729: J’attends ces jours cy deux manuscrits grecs qu’on m’addresse d’Angora. Dans le monastère dont on les a tirés il y en a encore quelques autres, et on m’envoye ceux cy en guise d’échantillon. Ce sont Mr. Ramuzat qui ont engagé cette correspondance; je les ay prié de marquer à leur ami de faire l’acquisition du total à raison de cinq à six piastres le volume, auquel cas le marché seroit fort bon. Ici le moindre manuscrit trouveroit des acheteurs à un prix bien plus haut, et un de ceux dont il est question pourroit lui seul payer tout le reste. – so somebody was checking MSS in Asia Minor; but were they also looking for other antiquities apart from inscriptions? Sevin was sent along with Fourment to Constantinople and Greece to search out MSS for the Royal Library. Ibid., 489 Sevin reports the MSS arrival, 27 July 1729: les deux premiers envoys d’Angora, consistans en six manuscrits, et les ports, tant de ces deux envoys, que d’un troisième qui leur a succédé, ne montent qu’à 99 piastres, y compris un petit présent, que j’ay crû devoir envoyer a l’évêque d’Angora, qui nous sert de son mieux. En ce pays cy on ne fait rien gratis et ce bon ecclésiastique peut nous être fort utile par ses correspondances et à Césarée, et dans quelques autres endroits de la Cappadoce. [188] Omont_1902_495 and again on 15 August 1729: J’en attens quatre d’Angora, c’est tout le fruit d’un voyage fait à Césarée; peut-être que celuy de Tocat sera moins stérile. Quant à Ecmiasin, je crois qu’il n’y faut plus songer. Il y a d’Angora à cette ville soixante journées de caravane; un pareil voyage, par conséquent, emporterait près de six mois et les frais en seroient considérables. Ibid., 504 and then on 2 December 1729: Dieu n’a pas béni l’ouvrage; les livres ont été embarqués, et avec eux le neveu du métropolite, chargé de 600 piastres, que son oncle avoit rassemblées de la vente des sacrements et des bénéfices. Le bâtiment étoit à peine en mer, qu’il s’est élevé un orage furieux, et les flots ont englouti le neveu, l’argent et les livres. Je les regrette au delà de ce que je puis vous exprimer. [189] Hunt_1817_85–86 Constantinople: “We had some difficulties to overcome before admission could be obtained into the rooms attached to the mosque of Saint Sophia, the libraries in the Seraglio, and those belonging to the schools, mosques, and colleges of Dervises at Constantinople. The influence of Lord Elgin at length prevailed; but in none of those vast collections of books was there a single classical fragment of a Greek or Latin author, either original or translated. The volumes were in Arabic, Persian, or Turkish: and of all of them Mr. Carlyle took exact catalogues.” [190] Scott-Stevenson_1881_202 The Honant/Honen tomb in Kayseri – and a genizah: “We ascended to the interior of the latter by a narrow staircase in a ruinous state. Passing through a doorway, we entered a circular chamber having three tombs in the centre. That of Honant is in marble and carved all over with an Arabic inscription. The others on each side of it have been placed there at a later date, and are formed by two pieces of an old marble column laid horizontally on the ground. The room was filled to the depth of several feet by papers with Turkish characters inscribed on them; for all the bits of MS., odd volumes and leaves of books, are deposited here, because of the Moslem dislike to destroying or trampling on any written paper lest the name of ‘Allah’ should be on it. / The outside of this tomb is the most beautiful part of it. The foundation is made of marble, taken from the ancient city which stood half a mile nearer to the mountain than the present one.”

Chapter Nine

We only hear about Lord Elgin: Collecting antiquities and transporting them home In Asia Minor, Westerners came face-to-face with ancient art and architecture, and desired solid souvenirs to bulk out what they had read, to “endow with substance the fleeting shadows, so to speak, of the ancient world.”[1] This was a rich field for discoveries, and there were several travellers who, sticking to the Greek islands and the coast, took collections home, such as Sir Richard Worseley in 1785–1786.[2] But they also confronted Roman building technology and, in their desire to extract antiquities, the sheer size and weight of some of the souvenirs they sought thoroughly tested their dismantling and transport skills. Most of the heavy lifting occurred in the nineteenth century, when Westerners were especially alert to the traction provided by steam in both ships and railways. “Distance and weight no problem” might have been a motto not only for the Romans but also for the Great Exhibition of 1851, which presented large displays from distant foreign lands. But both distance and weight were indeed big problems even in nineteenth century Asia Minor, where excavations perforce had to deal with large blocks of stone for which the application of mechanical ingenuity was necessary just to haul them to ground level, let alone to haul them home. The difficulties involved underline once again one reason why such large antiquities did not usually interest the locals: they were unable to move them; and generally there was little point in employing gunpowder because so many nearby antiquities were easier to plunder. But if treasure were in question, gunpowder would be used, wreaking great destruction. Thus one of Wood’s workmen at Ephesus “had sufficient influence with the Pasha of Smyrna to stop my works, while he sought for the hidden treasure by blowing up some of the ancient masonry of the Great Gymnasium with gunpowder.”[3] Access, Excavate, Export The poor state of the roads meant that sites accessible by boat were the easiest to plunder. At Erythrae, for example, a tomb monument was

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shipped back to Europe, surely because it was so close to the sea.[4] However, it was also the norm to take what was visible, for most excavation was by villagers looking for building stone, and interesting finds therefore fortuitous. Thus Elgin dismantled blocks from the Parthenon, and either did not know or did not care about those blocks brought down and already buried in rubbish by a gunpowder explosion “many years ago.” Instead, he took what he could see. As Lane-Poole wrote in 1888, “when I learnt that one whole side of the reliefs was, and still is, buried under the ruins, occasioned by an explosion of gunpowder many years ago, I could not help thinking that the Scottish Earl might have better employed his time and money in fishing these up, than in pulling down those reliefs which were still in their places.”[5] The attention of looters focussed increasingly on Asia Minor after 1842 when the Kingdom of Greece forbade the export of antiquities. Enter Charles Newton, sometime Vice-Consul on Mytilene, who was to find fame at Halicarnassus.[6] The great majority of Westerners took it for granted that exporting antiquities to Europe was to save them into a museum as coherent entities, from the destruction they frequently witnessed on site. In Europe, after all, they would survive as an inspiration for guiding the arts along the best classical principles – Greek where they could get them, Roman as the alternative. As we should expect, today’s politically correct stance on Elgin was in the nineteenth century far from the norm.[7] However, already in 1813 North Douglas inveighed against the export of marbles from Athens, because “these marbles may have been a great inducement to visit the city that contains them, with many persons who would scarcely know of their existence if they remained detached and in England.”[8] But his was almost a lone voice, for others were working to lists of lootable items, such as Gell, under instructions from the Society of Dilettanti in 1811.[9] Langlois, in Cilicia 1851–1853, was given a list of duties, and part of his mission was to increase the collections in the Louvre.[10] He “examined” the Dunk Tash at Tarsus by (unsuccessfully) using gunpowder;[11] but it was not an attractive monument. The Princesse de Belgiojoso in 1858 found it boring, and preferred to remain ignorant of any archaeological niceties: “On m’offrit plusieurs brochures écrites sur le monument de Tarsus, dans le but de résoudre ce problème archéologique [viz, what is it?]; mais je me gardai bien d’accepter la proposition et je conservai soigneusement ma précieuse ignorance.”[12] But Langlois did manage to send back some terracottas to Paris, having bought the mound in which they were found, and planted a French flag on it.[13] In 1842, Texier was much vexed at Aphrodisias that artworks were disappearing,



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and that the French Government (!) was not taking measures to snap up so many treasures lying about there and at Magnesia, for they “laisse dépérir et disperser, sans en prendre sa part, tant de trésors répandus sur le sol de l’Asie Mineure: il y a ici et à Magnésie du Méandre de quoi faire le plus beau musée du monde.”[14] In other words, he considered his government had not only a right but also a duty to remove antiquities from Asia Minor. A powerful alibi for such a “duty” was the undeniable fact that some (probably only a few) antiquities were being blown up or otherwise destroyed. Early Western Indifference to Antiquities It needs underlining at this point that antiquities are only worth collecting when they meet with enthusiasm (and, perhaps, credibility via international competition) back home. This was certainly the case in eighteenth century Europe and occasionally earlier. We might wonder why Venice and Pisa did not collect antiquities avidly and in large quantities during their heyday when they had the pick of the bunch, plenty of transport, and military and naval backup. Yet were eastern regions really inaccessible, as Cust[15] suggests? Rather, the answer is surely that most people back home were simply not interested in antiquities, although Seroux d’Agincourt seems to think the Pisans did indeed bring back quantities of them.[16] This relative lack of interest can be illustrated by the later fate of some pieces of the much-vaunted Arundel collection in England.1 This information is relayed by Reinach in 1903 as yet another French contribution to the undermining of the Entente Cordiale, with a litany of examples of how the British misused and sometimes ignored antiquities: Comme la succession d’Arundel échut à des incapables ou à des indignes, Arundel house fut démolie et le terrain morcelé; ce qui n’avait pas été vendu à cette occasion fut transporté par le duc de Norfolk dans un terrain qui lui appartenait près de la Tamise. Lorsque Christophe Wren fit creuser les fondations de Saint-Paul, on jeta sur ce terrain une partie des déblais, sous lesquels les statues antiques furent enterrées. Il eût mieux valu pour elles qu’on ne les découvrît pas alors, car elles périrent bientôt après dans l’incendie d’une des résidences du duc. Une colonne antique de même 1 Angelicoussis 2004, 149 for his agent Petty in the East: “It was reported that the agent “raked together 200 pieces,” but these were said to “all broken and few entire,” and how many were of major importance remains moot;” 150–152 for the “squandering of the Arundel legacy.”

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chapter nine provenance fut employée comme rouleau pour le gazon dans une autre propriété des Norfolk. Une statue de la collection Arundel séjourna longtemps dans la Tamise, munie d’un anneau de fer auquel on attachait les barques; elle finit par trouver asile dans la grande collection d’Ince Blundell près de Liverpool.[17]

This was a squandering of who knows what quality or quantity of antiquities. Thomas Roe and William Petty, both agents of the Earl of Arundel, certainly visited several sites in Asia Minor (such as Ephesus, Smyrna and Pergamon, as well as some islands), and sent many antiquities back to England.[18] A frieze block which appears in Van Dyck’s Continence of Scipio (1620/21), painted for the Duke of Buckingham, presumably went to Arundel, but was then neglected.2 It probably came from Asia Minor, and shipping its great weight back to England was something of an achievement.[19] Fragments from the Pergamon Altar have also recently surfaced from an afterlife of degradation, but others have been lost.3 Indeed, such was the continuing nonchalance of some English collecting that Michaelis, in 1861, could not even locate some pieces of the Parthenon brought back before Lord Elgin, and Reinach again rubs in what has been lost.[20] This was only part of the story, for it is perfectly balanced by indifference to native antiquities as well. Already in 1888 Anderson had reminded his compatriots that “while we have been acquiring and preserving the monumental remains of many foreign countries, those of our own land [e.g. prehistoric antiquities] have been left uncared for.”[21] So much for prizing the relics of the past! Taking Antiquities Home Why take antiquities home? This was done to educate the younger generation in the best taste (the Greek, of course) and, by the nineteenth century, to steal a march on rival countries also collecting for national museums rather than for private houses. With enterprise, and funds provided by 2 Harris 1973: the block was rediscovered in 1972 when the site of Arundel House was being excavated for a new hotel. John Webb drew the frieze, as in the Arundel Collection in 1639, and it was probably acquired after Buckingham’s death in 1628. 3 Vickers 1985 518 and note 15 for elements already seen by Cyriacus of Ancona, so evidently not everything went into the Byzantine walls: “The Grimani collection, too, was in part built up with sculpture from the Levant, and there were even Italian settlements along the coast of Asia Minor; it has recently been established, for instance, that the medieval towns of Kusadasi and Yeni Foça were laid out by Italian architects. Pergamon will thus have been well picked over by the time Arundel’s own agent William Petty visited the site.”



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the state, as Rayet remarked in 1894, the French could indeed beat the British trophy-wise.[22] If the British could take back the Nereid Monument from Xanthus, then the Austrians could export something similar, namely reliefs from another Lycian heroon (a shrine dedicated to a hero). This would be a difficult enterprise, but a worthwhile one, so that Vienna would have something to equal London: Les expéditions ont été entreprises, la première aux frais du gouvernement, et la seconde aux frais d’un comité composé de riches protecteurs de l’art . . . Ce monument rappelle bien celui dit des Néréides, que possède le Musée de Londres . . . Dans leur second voyage, les mêmes explorateurs, accompagnés de tout un personnel d’excellents ouvriers de métier, réussirent, non sans de très grandes difficultés, à enlever et à embarquer, pour le Musée de Vienne, les sculptures qui décoraient ce petit edifice.[23]

There were plenty of antiquities available, could travellers only avert the watchful eyes of authority, and then find a way of shifting them. Many a traveller must, like Choisy in 1876, have eyed antiquities, in his case a lion and a Hercules-Farnese-like head, knowing how cheaply they could be bought (“mais qu’en faire?”) for they had no way of getting them back to Europe, even assuming they could evade being caught by the antiquities laws.[24] Much smaller antiquities, such as medals and statuettes, were often sold back home to defray the costs of the travels.[25] The downside was that the locals came to realise that antiquities could fetch money, although this might have prevented some destruction in Smyrna in 1654.[26] At Tarsus, for example, following discoveries by foreigners, the locals dug everywhere, and sold what they found to dealers in Smyrna.[27] Here merchants had been selling antiquities since at least 1680, as Galland records,[28] and were still gathering inscriptions from around various sites in the 1880s.[29] At Bursa as well, the dealers were sometimes rapacious.[30] Occasionally, such finds were confiscated, and placed in a museum.[31] Dismantling, extraction and transport problems affected the locals as much as they did the archaeologists, though sometimes for different reasons. The export of antiquities was forbidden, by laws, by the mid-1880s,4 but this did not prevent their destruction. This prohibition in itself clipped the wings of certain locals in authority, for how could they profit from antiquities if they could no longer sell or export them? One answer comes from Mosul in 1909 (the Ottoman Empire stretched much further than just 4 Shaw 2003, 108–130 “The dialectic of law and infringement” for antiquities laws of 1874, 1884 and 1906, each a revision to plug the previous one’s deficiencies.

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Asia Minor) when there is a record of an Assyrian bull being turned into lime, for a reason which must have seemed perfectly good to the perpetrator. Fraser, during his travels along the Baghdad Railway, recounts that One of the famous Assyrian bulls, of which there are specimens in the British Museum, we looked for in vain, though a few months before it had lain in the sand seemingly protected by its formidable appearance and ponderous bulk. But we afterwards heard that what any museum in Europe would have given thousands of pounds for, had been ignominiously sold by the Vali for a few pieces of silver, to be broken, burnt, and powdered into lime by the masons of the city. Turkish law now forbids the export of archaeological valuables, and there was no other way by which this greedy and ruthless official could profit by so precious a relic of the past.[32]

Here the Germans had captured most of the field, signing a secret protocol with Sultan Abdul Hamid II in 1899.5 No doubt many antiquities in Asia Minor went the same way, but diggers were also restricted by the same laws, Wood being part-stymied at Ephesus after he started digging in 1863 by the laws promulgated in 1869 and later years.[33] Westerners were frustrated by the prohibition on the export of antiquities, and often pointed out, perfectly correctly, that high-quality antiquities were turned into building materials rather than exported. At the Royal Archaeological Institute in London, in 1886 a letter from Joseph Hirst in Smyrna was read: “he states that the Turkish Government has withdrawn all permission given to Englishmen and other foreigners to excavate ancient sites within the Sultan’s dominions, and also that large quantities of finely sculptured pillars, walls, and stones are being sold and utilized for modern building purposes; and a motion was carried that the Institute should take action, along with other learned societies, in protesting against this act of vandalism.”[34] Heavy Loads at Archaeological Sites Ephesus Given the problems of lifting and transportation, it is not surprising that even the nineteenth century, the engineering century, gave themselves an advantage when they could by sawing as much of the block away as would 5 Marzahn and Salje 2003, 102.



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leave the target interesting and moveable. To mitigate the transport problems at Ephesus, Arundell frequently used saws “for lightening the larger marble blocks when practicable.”[35] In removing the church from within the Temple of Artemis, he also used “gunpowder in small quantities.” Hence it is unsurprising that “we found a great number of fragments of an archaic frieze which had probably belonged originally to the altar of the last temple but two, also many fragments of architectural enrichment,”[36] fragments exploded by the gunpowder? Important inscriptions were routinely sawn off their blocks, and bas-reliefs were a favourite for shifting because they were not usually very heavy. Lightening the load seems to have been common at this site: “February brought cold weather, and many a day the men were unable to work. In March the cold increased, the saws which we used to saw off inscriptions were found in the morning frozen in the stones, if not removed at night, and warm water was used in working them.”[37] But sawing could not help with everything, so heavy were some items which needed to be retrieved whole. Thus Wood, with his firman, was allowed to export antiquities, but first he had to get them out of the ground: one tall drum from the Artemision took two months to get up to ground level … took fifteen men fifteen days to haul up the big sculptured drum. Forty paces from hole and out of water to commencement of road to top. Sixty paces up road to top. Ninety paces on level towards Ayasalouk. This will give some idea of the expense of moving these large masses of marble from the place where they are found to our Museum in London. The case alone in which it was placed cost upwards of 30 pounds.[38]

Then a sled and rollers were required to get the blocks to the railway, and a steam crane at Smyrna to get them onto the ship.[39] Halicarnassus There are two episodes in British engagement with Halicarnassus/Bodrum. The discovery of the Mausoleum itself will be discussed in detail below, but two decades earlier reliefs from that structure incorporated in the Castle of S. Peter were shipped to London. The antiquities in the castle’s walls were still intact when Newton applied to extract reliefs in 1841. The French speculated in 1834 about the possibility of gathering them into a museum, although they realised they would have to demolish parts of the fortress to discover more.[40] Newton, now wishing to extract blocks, needed a firman, and the Turkish

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authorities were careful to establish beforehand what would be needed to replace in the later structures the stones Newton wished to cart away: “it has been judged expedient first of all to take some information respecting the stones in question. / You will begin, therefore, by informing us, without delay, what it would be necessary to do in order to take away these stones, and replace them by others.”[41] Their documents show that the Turks were concerned not about the reliefs, but about the stability of their fortress, which was still in use by the military; for the Grand Vizir’s letter of 1841 stipulates that Newton may remove “the antiquities . . . lying down here and there, and are of no use.”[42] Newton eventually managed to extract reliefs re-used in the fortress and, luckily, his eyes were sharper than those of Alison, who had originally located the reliefs. For he noticed two lions also stuck in the fortress walls and, having secured a firman, extracted them.[43] This led eventually to his discovery of the Mausoleum, from which the fortress had been partially built – an event immediately reported in the archaeological journals.[44] The Mausoleum friezes reached London as the personal gift of the Sultan to Ambassador Stratford Canning in 1846: “any ordinary present would have been respectfully declined, but these monuments of Greek art were too precious to be lost for a scruple.”[45] They were small, probably because different sculptors worked on each individual block separately. So when they were transported to England in sixteen cases, the total weight was “about twenty tons.”[46] This was not in itself a problem, since the fortress stands at one end of the harbour. For a comparison of transport elsewhere in the Empire, this was the weight that one cart could carry from Upper Egypt, but the task was far from easy, involved continually relaying 240 metres of railway lines, and just the preparation took two months.[47] Xanthus Because of transport/weight problems, small wonder, then, that tombs in Asia Minor required special treatment. At Xanthus,6 cutting off the sculptures from their blocks took several weeks.[48] And Fellows called his book Xanthian marbles: their acquisition, and transmission to England, indicating that transport was an important part of the story. Even with 6 Foss 1994, for an account of the post-antique history of the site and the nearby Letoon; 40 for Byzantine Limyra “consisted of two separate walled enclosures . . . In both cases, the walls overrode or incorporated ancient buildings and took no account of the original layout of the city.”



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permission to dig, and even given signal antiquities to export, the British team at Xanthus experienced difficulties in getting their prizes onto Royal Navy ships: in 1843, for instance, damage resulted from the sailors’ exertions.[49] This was even though they had the help of competent sailors, and were dealing with a site near to both river and sea. Fellows, indeed, at Xanthus, got a great deal of muscle and technical help from the Royal Navy, eventually in 1843 sending home 82 cases, weighing in all 80 tons, “the three largest stones weighing 2 tons 1 cwt. each.”[50] Although he did not discover the luxurious villa on its acropolis,7 Fellows’ description of Xanthus in 1844 gives an impression of the “club sandwich” nature of sites such as this, with churches, fortifications and the theatre promiscuously jumbled together[51] – part of an area rich in sites and in reused material.8 But Fellows’ interest was in antique structures, rather than in evidence of reuse. He had trouble getting the firman for his work here, for the Turks objected to a fishing expedition, which was clearly Fellows’ idea. He wrote: “I felt certain that the removal of one stone would bring to light others, probably better preserved and more valuable, and that the visible formed but a fraction of what might be obtained, but could not be enumerated in written orders, which might probably be only literally obeyed.”[52] Further from the action, Spratt and Forbes relate simply that one vessel, the Beacon, was “unequal to the task [of taking the crates on board], the expedition not having been provided with sufficient means, and the ship not being large enough.” So when the Marbles were found, these were “carefully cased to be carried away by ships provided with sufficient means; a duty which was afterwards performed most efficiently by the Monarch and Medea.”[53] So for sailors of the Royal Navy, the answer was simply to have a large enough ship, and “sufficient means” to transport and load the antiquities, as will be illustrated below. Cnidus: The Lion Monument At Bodrum, as we have seen, Newton in 1841 was surprised while walking around its walls to find a colossal Greek lion in the castle of St. Peter.

7 Maière-Lévêque 2007. House “lavishly decorated with fountains and marble and mosaic floors;” dated to mid-4thC, then violently destroyed in 7thC, perhaps by an earthquake; 482: the courtyard included a nymphaeum covered in white marble. 8 Hellenkemper and Hild 2004, 297–924 for a catalogue of sites in Lycia and Pamphylia, with 452 plates, including much reused material.

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This “belonged to the finest period of ancient art,”[54] and helped trigger his search for the Mausoleum two decades later. But this was not the only colossal lion he captured and, heroically, took home (although not all colossal lions were as monolithically heavy as they looked, that at Chaeronea being in several blocks).[55] Another one, ten feet by six, and in one single block of pentelic, decorated the Lion Monument at Cnidus. It lay on the rock below the tomb, and Carne had eyed it with interest in 1826.[56] But getting it down to the ship required sheers, a packing case stuffed with hammocks, and a newly-made road down the hill. The case was placed on a sledge, and a sheer-leg used to lower the eleven-ton lion over the cliff; an accident caused a Turk to break two ribs. Getting the lion on board also required ingenuity, because the ship’s hoist could deal with only seven tons, so “additional strength was, however, provided by some of those ingenious makeshifts which sailors know so well how to invent.”[57] These he describes in detail; but even with the sailors and their naval ingenuity and ease in dealing with ropes, pulleys and weights, getting the prize onto the ship took one month.[58] The Turks had pulleys, of course, which they used for manoeuvring the guns at the Dardanelles;[59] so they perhaps applied them to moving antiquities as well. Of course it was the hilly territory that caused difficulties. Near Didyma, Newton had an easier time of it, yet it still took twelve days and sixty labourers to convey twelve statues on trucks the three miles to the nearby harbour along an “easy incline.”[60] The sledge from Bodrum seems to have been an innovation when it was transferred to Assos for the removal of stones down the acropolis by Expedition archaeologists, for apparently the Turks had only used ropes, “like the laborers represented upon Egyptian and Assyrian reliefs.”[61] Heavy Sarcophagi Sarcophagi were tombs which could not easily be sawn up, so few were transported abroad. For example, Spratt had two sarcophagi taken home from Ierapetra, on Cyprus, courtesy of the Royal Navy; the heavier weighed seven tons, but the problem was where the ship had to anchor: The purchase having been effected, their removal was effected also by the officers and crew of H.M.S. Medina, during the latter part of December 1860 and the beginning of January 1861, but with considerable labour and difficulty, in consequence of the exposed position of the anchorage of Ierapetra at that season, and the great weight and the situation of the tombs. / As the largest of these tombs weighed nearly seven tons, a very substantial pier had to be made upon this open sandy coast before it could be embarked; and as



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it had to be removed some distance, over heavy ground or sand, to the most sheltered part of the bay, the operation was both slow and tedious.[62]

Gravity Wins In certain cases, sites on hills suffered particularly badly from locals. A hillside location could be lucky for the excavators, in that modern settlements tended to avoid hills, and here silting was never a problem. But it could be decidedly unlucky for the monuments. At Priene, for example, on its steep hill, with no landslides,[63] and now landlocked thanks to river silting, little effort was needed by the archaeologists to complete their work. But quickly the masons from the nearby village moved in, perhaps unversed in the lifting tackle the excavators had brought with them, and many antiquities, still bright and polished because they had been so long underground, were lost by being re-cut into steps and tomb slabs, as Rayet and Thomas recount in 1877: Lors du départ de l’habile explorateur, les parties basses du temple étaient entièrement à nu et dans un état presque parfait de conservation. Mais à peine se fut-il éloigné que les maçons du village grec de Kélébech, situé à une demi-heure à l’est de Priène, s’installèrent au milieu des ruines et commencèrent à fendre en pierres tombales et en marches d’escalier ces beaux marbres dont l’enfouissement avait conservé la blancheur et le poli.[64]

Most were rolled down the hill, no doubt, as happened from the Acropolis at Athens, or from Sillyon near Antalya.[65] But there was further trouble for Priene: an English merchant found a silver coin there, and then more, with the aid of a mason. This became a signal for indiscriminate digging by the local villagers.[66] Naval Technologies in the Service of Antiquities Any large antiquities to be taken home had first to be got to water, and then shipped. It may be that the ordinary commercial vessels of earlier centuries were too small (and under-manned) to deal with especially large antiquities such as large columns, and this is where national navies come in, from the seventeenth century onwards. Galley sailors would not perhaps have been equipped to deal with very large and heavy weights, so the sailors from Buondelmonti’s ship tried, without success, to raise the Apollo colossus on Delos.[67] Could this be why in 1687 Morosini, a vandal with some defenders,[68] gave up attempts to plunder statues from

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the Parthenon, even with the resources of the artillerymen and sailors from his fleet? He also had problems (inexperience?) with scaffolding.[69] Nointel, Ambassador at Athens in 1674, had drawings made of the pediments, and wished to take the originals for France, where they would be fitting ornaments to the King’s collection, and put them out of the way of damage by the Turks, who considered them as idols: Tout ce que l’on peut dire de plus eslevé de ces originaux, c’est qu’ils méritteroient d’estre placés dans les cabinets ou galleries de Sa Majesté, où ils jouiroient de la protection que ce grand monarque donne aux arts et aux sciences qui les ont produits. Ils y seroient mis à l’abry de l’injure du temps et des affronts qui leurs sont faits par les Turcs, qui, pour éviter une idolâtrie imaginaire, croyent faire une œuvre méritoire, en leur arrachant le nés ou quelque autre partie.[70]

But he offered no indications of how removal might be arranged and (if the above surmise about Morosini is correct) French sailors at that date would have been as incompetent for the task as were Venetian ones. It was perhaps folk-knowledge of this conspicuous technological failure that rendered the French so indignant at Elgin’s success over a century later, when the Royal Navy ruled the Mediterranean, having annihilated most of the French fleet at the Battle of the Nile. But by the end of the eighteenth century, the British and French national navies, sailing large ships which were the mechanical wonders of their age, were often used to transport antiquities too large or prestigious for private collections – antiquities for the national estate, no less. And antiquarian admirals in the right place at the right time could always be a great help by dispatching ships in the right direction.[71] Such ships had large crews adept at using ropes, and plenty of firepower by the eighteenth century, so did not fear pirates. For not only were their vessels larger, with bigger hatches and more storage, but their crew had plentiful experience in dealing with weighty objects such as large cannon. Their masts were immense: they carried spare spars for them, and these they had to stow. Hence just over a century after Morosini, the rope-and-weight experience afforded by a Napoleonic Wars man-of-war was much greater and more extensive than that of a galley crew, and handling heavy weights was routine. HMS Victory’s mainmast, for example, at 62.4 metres, was much taller than Trajan’s Column; and her main yard was 31 metres. One of her long 32-pounder guns with carriage weighed over three tons, which was more than most of the antique blocks instanced in previous paragraphs. Not that such behemoths were much use for coast- or island-hopping: for Gell’s Ionian Mission of 1811, for example, a Turkish prize was fitted out as a



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24-gun sloop of war by the British Government.[72] Would a Turkish vessel perhaps arouse less comment or suspicion in home waters? Nor were sailors useful only at shipside. For many tasks, such as helping Elgin’s workmen on the Acropolis, they were invaluable for, as already noted, they were used to dealing with ropes and heavy weights in the operation of their ships, whether for loading cargo or for manoevring masts, which often had to be replaced. What is more, sailors were usually available, especially to travellers visiting islands or sea-coasts, since they would provide travellers’ transport. Sailors also had a head for heights, and a popular party-trick was to get a rope up Pompey’s Pillar in Alexandria, by the simple expedient of flying a kite directly over it. The crowd were amazed, but the Pillar lost a volute, conveyed back to England by 1780 as a souvenir.[73] Smaller volutes were also prized, an American being prevented from chipping one off a capital in Nazareth.[74] The transport problems archaeologists encountered in Asia Minor were echoed elsewhere in the nineteenth century. At Leptis Magna, some of the largest shafts still could not be embarked even in 1817.[75] And even the Royal Navy was unable to load “Cleopatra’s Needle” at Alexandria,[76] during their expedition to Egypt. This antiquity, surely to be seen as a trophy, eventually got to London; but the transport was far from easy. The French incubated several projects for carrying Pompey’s Pillar off to Paris, a description of the putative equipment for one of which underlines the problems inherent in moving such immense masses.[77] Dangers of Sea Transport Sea transport was of course essential, but had its dangers, and many loads were lost at sea, leaving Stratford Canning (who thought his Halicarnassus reliefs would outdo the Corn Laws in fame) distinctly nervous.[78] He had a right to be: in 1797, Choiseul-Gouffier lost twenty-five cases of antiquities in a fire at Smyrna; and twenty-six cases embarked for France in 1802 were captured by Nelson, who promised to return them but died before this could happen. Pingaud recounted the tale in 1887, including Nelson’s comment that he was never at war with protectors of the arts: Cette précieuse cargaison fut capturée par Nelson entre la Sardaigne et la Sicile, déposée à Malte, et depuis, les caisses qui la contenaient furent confondues avec celles d’un autre amateur trop célèbre, lord Elgin. Choiseul-Gouffier ayant réclamé ces richesses à Nelson par l’intermédiaire du gouvernement russe, l’amiral anglais, aussi généreux en paroles que l’avait été George III vingt ans auparavant envers Foucherot et Fauvel, répondit qu’il n’était jamais

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Nelson’s intentions were probably of the best: but Choiseul-Gouffier might have recalled what happened to the antiquities collected by the French in Egypt, and especially to the Rosetta Stone, still a treasure of the British Museum, rather than of its original destination, which was the Louvre. Halicarnassus: A Fortress from the Mausoleum The Site Today Bodrum is a holiday resort, and has been considerably tidied up. If the hinterland was little known in the mid-nineteenth century, in spite of the large quantities of antiquities it contained,[80] the town itself was frequently visited. In 1853 Waddington noted that a “Temple of Mars” seen by Choiseuil-Gouffier had disappeared.[81] In 1844, however, when D’Estournel visited, antiquities were to be seen in profusion by the port, including friezes and column-shafts in an Ottoman building, which had a long inscription set up as a bench.[82] This was probably as elegant as the one Lechevalier saw in Bounar Bachi, made from a capital and a triglyphs.[83] Indeed even earlier, in 1829, de Breuvery liberated a statue at Bodrum; it is now in the Louvre.[84] The Knights built a splendid fortress from some of the Mausoleum materials, erected from 1402 (and strengthened in 1494 to resist gunpowder weapons), as well as from other remains of the ancient town, which were incorporated in the walls and assuredly in its foundations. Still other remains, including a temple, survived into the nineteenth century.[85] The Mausoleum reliefs were probably added during the 1494 refurbishment. It seems likely that by the early sixteenth century, for reasons explained below, Italian antiquities-scavengers knew perfectly well that Bodrum was the site of the Mausoleum, for prizes were sent home from here; and a British pilgrim remarked on the “tumbe that was found at Seynt Peer whyles we were in these partyes.”[86] The Monument The Mausoleum and its site have been one of the most studied of classical complexes. There are several reasons for this. It figured on lists of the Seven Wonders of the World, and was famous in literary and poetic accounts for



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this reason. Hasluck suggests[87] that throughout the fifteenth century the Mausoleum was believed to be on the other side of the bay. This surely did not matter to the Knights, who presumably were not classically well-read or, at least, did not care just what it was they were dismantling. They were, after all, under attack – hence the need to build their castle. Those parts of the Mausoleum’s antiquities built by the Knights of S. John into the Fortress of S. Peter were, thereby, somewhat preserved since the fortress was an Ottoman military installation, guarded, and occasionally difficult to enter. This supposed prohibition was sometimes eyewash, as Fuller discovered in 1829, when the place was completely unguarded;[88] likewise nine years earlier Turner had walked straight in.[89] The town itself, Bodrum/Halicarnassus, was small, and the surviving remains of the monument (that is, those elements not already built into the fortress) were discovered by Newton, as we shall see. This large and foursquare monument with substantial podium was toppled sometime in the Middle Ages, surely by a devastating earthquake. The structure of the tomb was probably underground or at least flat to the ground by the fifteenth century, since a near-contemporary account tells of the Knights looking for material to burn for lime. Finding only a few marble steps at ground level, they dug into the earth, and evidently came across the tomb chamber. They caused a lot of damage, Newton suggesting that they “removed the basement, slab by slab, working down till they got into the royal sepulchral chamber itself.” Guichard’s original account of 1581 is detailed,[90] and Newton offers comments on it.[91] But, characteristically, within twentyfour hours tomb-robbers (other non-Knightly tomb robbers, indeed) had opened a sarcophagus and presumably taken most of its artefacts.[92] This account rings true, for the reason the excavators did not immediately open the chamber they had found was that “the retreat having already sounded,” and they had to return to barracks before nightfall. In other words, not only was the place dangerous (hence the need to build a fortress); but the locals here (as we have seen at Priene) kept a weather eye open for anyone doing the heavy work of digging so that they could swoop in later, a tactic we have met with several times in the course of this book. The Firman After the Knights, the main excavators were the British: Newton9 in his 1865 book relates how he asked for a firman, £2,000, a ship for six 9 Challis 2008, 55–76.

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months, an engineer officer and four sappers, one of whom should be a photographer, one a smith, and one a mason.[93] All these requests were granted, and Newton could also call on the ship’s crew (a steam corvette) of 150 men. For work on the Mausoleum itself, Newton landed fifty sailors, thereby mitigating the demands on the local labour force, and eventually employing Turks who knew how to handle ropes, most of them being “more or less mariners,” as one might expect in such an area. This contrasts with the unskilled efforts during Fauvel’s attempts at the end of the eighteenth century to lower pieces from the Parthenon: these ended badly, when the ropes broke.[94] Newton’s books, which have excellent illustrations, give useful details of his negotiations with the locals, of the manpower required, and descriptions of how the various tasks, few of them simple, were completed. These are parallel to Fellows’ descriptions for Xanthus, for they are also written for an audience interested not just in the antiquities, but also in the technologies so triumphantly applied by their compatriots. Such detail is rare, and allows us to assess the best technologies available to this best-equipped of expeditions. The horse of the quadriga, for example, went on a sledge down to the shore, dragged by eighty men; and “the ladies of Troy gazing at the wooden horse as he entered at the breach, could not have been more astonished.”[95] Technology and the Turks The supposed technological backwardness of the locals was brought home to Newton in Bodrum in 1865, when he was working on the Mausoleum. The Turks were apparently astonished “at the sight of our miners’ picks, iron spades, crowbars, and sledge hammers. Still more did they admire the wheelbarrows with wrought-iron wheels, the trucks which trundle over even Turkish roads . . . and the huge tackles and triangles, suggesting to their minds unknown and mysterious mechanical powers.”[96] This was perhaps because a standard Turkish cart had wooden wheels and a squeaky axle.[97] Fellows had found the same admiration at Xanthus, and gave all the tools to the Agha for distribution at the end of the dig.[98] One might wonder whether the opposition Turk-Englishman was a trope intended to pander to his readers back home. For indeed, the Turks were perfectly able to work hard for Newton: he preferred them to Greeks, and “the poorer Turks of Budrum are most of them more or less mariners; hence many of my labourers have a certain familiarity with ropes and blocks, which makes them very apt and handy in learning the use of the



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triangle [viz. the deadlegs for lifting blocks].”[99] The Turks, therefore, had no trouble working with mechanical devices. Pergamon: Antiquities Recovered from a Byzantine Wall The large site of Pergamon, with its occupied lower town (Bergama) and abandoned acropolis,10 has been thoroughly studied, and the stages of exploration and excavation have been well documented.11 In late antiquity a small section of the acropolis was converted into a Byzantine fortress, and antiquities were piled into its walls. The Pergamon Frieze, the greatest and largest sculptural treasure ever to be found in Asia Minor, was extracted from some of these walls, which were extensively built from spolia, as Texier reported in 1862.[100] The Byzantines needed only a small enceinte, so plenty of antiquities were available outside its boundaries, including the precinct of the Great Altar, some of the frieze reliefs from which were burned for lime, and some conceivably destroyed for religious reasons,12 while others were incorporated in a thick wall.[101] Yet others were simply found stockpiled halfway up the hill.13 Such later wall-building was fortunate, because it protected many of the reliefs from locals searching for building materials for the town below. The whole site was very rich in ancient marbles, and one may wonder whether the breaches in its fortifications, through which Teule walked in 1842, were made in the hunt for building materials.[102] Cockerell (travelling 1810–1817) tells us how the “still considerable remains of the temple” (he does not say which one, but perhaps that of Trajan) on the acropolis were “rapidly disappearing, for the Turks cut them up into tombstones.”[103] The Byzantine walls, and many other antiquities on the acropolis remained relatively untouched, since the small fort had been built to form a refuge for the townspeople below, and “the whole monumental area on the hill was abandoned in the course of the fourth century.”14 Many antiquities still lay around when Clark visited the acropolis in 1914.[104] 10 Rheidt 1998, 397: “There is no evidence that any of the intact buildings on the hill from antiquity were in use beyond the fourth century.” 11  Nohlen 2008. Perkins 1881 for a succinct account of the chronology and quantity of the discoveries thus far. 12 Collins 1998 for the Altar as the Throne of Satan in the Book of Revelation. 13 Rheidt 1998, 399. 14 Liebeschuetz 2001, 48; quote from 39, in a chapter entitled “The Decline of Classical Monumentality.”

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Carl Humann, a road engineer, supposedly identified sculpture from the Great Altar while walking on the acropolis after a great storm in 1869, when he saw marbles emerging from the mud. The reliefs (plus various statues) went legally to Berlin because the Turks needed money to fight a war. Humann had certainly lost no time in securing a firman to dig and, eventually, the right to export the frieze to Berlin, the Minister in Berlin writing urging him to get on with the work. In Le Camus’ version, “Son Excellence écrivit donc à l’ingénieur: “Faites vos fouilles, voici de l’argent de Berlin et un firman de Constantinople. Nous verrons ce que vous en retirerez!”[105] The rest, as they say, is history.15 But it is worthwhile noting that permission to take the sculptures to Germany derived from the Ottoman’s current indebtedness helped, perhaps, by the vice-like grip that Germany already had on the infrastructure of the Empire. We might note that the German Archaeological Institute up to 1879 notionally restricted itself to Greece and Italy, and occasionally to the Orient and Egypt. This therefore changed quickly, as the delights to be found in Asia Minor were first imagined, then dug up, and finally transported back to Berlin,[106] all generally being described in detail in a series of exemplary publications which set the standard for later archaeologists.[107] Such achievements would have been impossible without the technological infrastructure: the German engineering of roads and railways. If by the end of the nineteenth century tourists were content to take home small terracottas, this was decidedly not the case with European museums, which imported quantities of very large antiquities to place before admiring visitors in Paris, London, Berlin and elsewhere, admiring not just of the works themselves, but of the technologies which brought them safely from such a great distance. For the Pergamon Museum alone, the dimensions of some of its exhibits (albeit sometimes built up from fragments) are great: from Miletus, the Market Gate (17 metres high by 29 metres wide); from Pergamon the remains of the Great Altar building, and its 113 metres of frieze; from Babylon, the Ishtar Gate (14 × 30 metres); from Jordan, the Mschatta façade (33 metres long by 5 metres high) a gift from the Sultan in 1903. Size is not everything but, as the Romans knew and taught, it helps. We might also add that it was Mesopotamia and, especially, Asia Minor, that established Berlin’s museal credibility. Not for nothing is the complex called The Pergamon Museum. 15 Bohne 2008.



collecting antiquities and transporting them home

[1] Anon_­Reviewer_­

1843_­446 [2] Cust_­1914_­116 [3] Wood_­1890_­27 [4] Un_­jeune_­voyageur_­ 1830_­69 [5] Canning_­1888_­I_­501–502 [6] Michaelis_­1882_­170 [ 7 ]   A n o n _ ­a n t i q u i t é s _­ grecques_­1820_­11–12 [ 8 ]   N o r t h _ ­D o u g l a s _­ 1813_­88–89 [9] Cust_­1914_­153 [10] Langlois_­1861_­vii [11] Langlois_­1861_­85–86 [12] Belgiojoso_­ 1858_­402–403 [13] Langlois_­1861_­87–90 [14] Jaubert_­1842_­133 [15] Cust_­1914_­69 [ 16 ]  Seroux_­d ’Agincourt_­ 1826_­II_­146 [17] Reinach_­1903_­274–275 [18] Cust_­1914_­70 [19] Harris_­1973_­529 [20] Reinach_­1903_­276 [21] Anderson_­1888_­186 [22] Rayet_­1874_­21 [23] Ludlow_­1882_­372–­373 [24] Choisy_­1876_­178 [25] Spon_­&_­Wheler_­ 1679_­238 [26] Laurent_­I_­1735_­49 [27] Collignon_­1880– 1897_­97–98 [28] Omont_­1902_­209–210 [ 29 ]  Ramsay_­1 883c_­Items 16–21 [30] Dauzats_­1861_­160 [31] Mendel_­1909_­270 [32] Fraser_­1909_­217 [33] Donkow_­2004_­111 [34] AJA_­II_­1886_­477 [35] Wood_­1877_­280 [36] Wood_­1877_­259–260

367

[37] Wood_­1890_­67

[70] Omont_­1902_­193–194

[39] Wood_­1877_­192–195

[72] Cust_­1914_­149–154

[38] Wood_­1877_­189–190 [40] Michaud_­&_­Poujoulat_­

1834_­III_­496–7 [41] Fellows_­1843_­7 [42] Fellows_­1843_­10–11 [43] Canning_­1888_­II_­152 [44] G_­H_­1860_­42–43 [45] Canning_­1888_­II_­140 [46] Canning_­1888_­ II_­150–151 [47] Maspero_­1904 [48] Fellows_­1843_­34 [49] Fellows_­1843_­34 [50] Fellows_­1843_­41–42 [51] Fellows_­1852_­492 [52] Fellows_­1843_­3–4 [53] Spratt_­&_­Forbes_­1847_­ I_­13 [54] Newton_­1865_­I_­334 [55] Mure_­1842_­I_­219 [56] Carne_­1826_­129–30 [57] Newton 1865, II 217–220. [58] Newton_­&_­Pullan_­ 1862–63_­483–485 [59] Hunt_­1817_­92 [60] Newton_­&_­Pullan_­ 1862–63_­537–538 [61] Clarke_­1882_­46 [62] Spratt_­1865_­I_­274–5 [63] Rayet_­&_­Thomas_­ 1877_­I_­1–2 [64] Rayet_­&_­Thomas_­ 1877_­II_­2–3 [65] Rott_­1908_­57 [66] Rayet_­&_­Thomas_­ 1877_­II_­­3–4 [67] Buondelmonti_­ 1897_­207–8 [68] Poujoulat_­1853_­ II_­260–261 [69] Archaeology_­of_­the_­ City_­of_­Athens

[71] Pashley_­1837_­I_­viii [73] Irwin_­1780_­371–2

[74] Rider_­Haggard_­1902_­211 [75] Smyth_­1854_­489

[76] Wilson_­1805_­218–19

[77] Omont_­1902_­I_­300–301 [78] Canning_­1888_­II_­148

[79] Pingaud_­1887_­279–281 [80] Tchihatchef_­1854_­68

[81] Waddington_­1853_­48

[82] D’Estournel_­I_­1844_­183 [83] Lechevalier_­1802_­

II_­208–209

[84] Michon_­1893_­411

[ 85 ]  Newton_­& _­Pullan_­

1862–63_­317

[86] Hasluck_­1911–1912_­214 [87] Hasluck_­1911–

1912_­212–213

[88] Fuller_­1829_­510–511 [89] Turner_­1820_­III_­58

[90] Gardner_­1896_­237–238 [91] Newton_­&_­Pullan_­

1862–63_­95–96

[92] Newton_­&_­Pullan_­

1862–63_­75–76

[93] Newton_­1865_­II_­67b [94] Pingaud_­1887_­162

[95] Newton_­1865_­II_­109–110 [96] Newton_­1865_­II

69

[97] Moustier_­1864_­256 [98] Fellows_­1843_­36

[99] Newton_­1865_­II_­69–70 [100] Texier_­1862_­214 [101] RA_­NS_­XXXIX_­

1880_­189–190

[102] Teule_­1842_­70–71

[103] Cockerell_­1903_­138 [104] Clark_­1914_­67

[105] Le_­Camus_­1896_­146 [106] Michaelis_­1879_­28 [107] Oberhummer_­&_­

Zimmerer_­1899_­1–24



appendix

[1] Anon_Reviewer_1843_446: “A cultivated mind can never fail to find its sympathies engaged when passing through scenes to which history has given renown. But a still more vivid interest must attach to any place where the past has left not only recollections but relics – where some actual remains are found that speak to us through our senses – and endow with substance the fleeting shadows, so to speak, of the ancient world.” [2] Cust_1914_116: “Sir Richard Worsley, who, like Sir James Gray, was for some time British Resident at Venice, made a tour through Greece and the islands and coast of Asia Minor in 1785–6. He formed a large and valuable collection of classical antiquities on the spot, and was fortunate enough to succeed in bringing his collection safe back to England. He spared no expense in following the examples of Stuart and Revett and of the Society of Dilettanti in causing the most important specimens of his collection (and with them some drawings done for the Dilettanti by Pars) to be engraved and published in two important and valuable volumes, known as the Museum Worsleyanum.” [3] Wood_1890_27 a suspension of work at Ephesus: “The suspension here alluded to was caused by the intrigue of a certain colonel, Réchad Bey, who was persuaded by a Greek, who had dreamt of treasure at Ephesus, to seek for it in one of my excavations. This man had sufficient influence with the Pasha of Smyrna to stop my works, while he sought for the hidden treasure by blowing up some of the ancient masonry of the Great Gymnasium with gunpowder.” [4] Un_jeune_voyageur_1830_69 at Chesme/Erythrae: en remuant la terre pour des travaux d’agriculture, on découvrit, il y a quelques années, un tumulus en pierre, garni d’un couvercle de même substance, et dont l’intérieur était taillé de biais à l’endroit où devait poser la partie supérieure du corps. Quatre lampions en fer étaient placés auprès de ce tumulus. J’ignore si l’on y voyait quelque inscription. Ce monument a été cédé à un voyageur européen qui depuis a visité ces ruines. [5] Canning_1888_I_501–502 Lane-Poole_1888_I_501–502 Memoirs of Stratford Canning, Elgin and the Parthenon: “I had taken his part a few years before, on the ground of his having intended to forestall the French, then masters of Egypt, and threatening Greece; but when I learnt that one whole side of the reliefs was, and still is, buried under the ruins, occasioned by an explosion of gunpowder many years ago, I could not help thinking that the Scottish Earl might have better employed his time and money in fishing these up, than in pulling down those reliefs which were still in their places.” [6] Michaelis_1882_170 Charles Newton and Asia Minor: “procuring for it an important addition in the department of classical sculpture from Asia Minor. Here was a field, rich in hidden beauties and more accessible to foreign treasure-seekers than the kingdom of Greece, which after the constitution of A.D. 1842 forbade the export of antiques. Charles T. Newton, who had previously held an appointment in the British Museum, had filled since A.D. 1852 the post of vice-consul in Mytilene, and had had abundant opportunity of exploring the coasts of Asia Minor and the neighbouring islands. In more than one place he had already secured valuable acquisitions for the museum. In the year 1855, while on one of his excursions, he observed, introduced into the walls of the fort of Budrum, a number of lions’ heads, which could only have come from the Mausoleum. The following year Mr Newton again stayed at this same spot and made up his mind to attempt excavations on the field of this wonder of the world.” [7] Anon_antiquités_grecques_1820_11–12: nous devons, au lieu de censurer la conduite et les motifs qui ont dirigé les recherches de lord Elgin dans ces cités antiques, dépositaires des monumens fameux de la Grèce, lui rendre grâces, au nom des arts et du génie, d’avoir mis à profit son voyage, sa situation, sa fortune et son pouvoir pendant son ambassade à Constantinople, non-seulement pour faire prendre et dessiner les mesures, les plans, les élévations de tous les grands vestiges de l’art, mais encore pour avoir colligé avec un goût éclairé, et fait transporter avec le plus grand soin tous les ouvrages ou fragmens du génie de Phydias que les Turcs lui ont permis d’emporter ou de faire modeler. [8] North_Douglas_1813_88–89: “A numerous class of travellers, nine in ten at least of those who visit Athens, are little qualified to judge of these statues according to the rules



full endnote texts chapter nine

of art. To them the chief source of pleasure in viewing the Acropolis arises from its still retaining the ornaments with which it was enriched in the days of its glory. There every piece of sculpture appears to add some body to our visions, reminds us of the chissel that formed it, and of the people in whose honour it was produced. This effect must entirely be lost in a foreign country; our minds must have been prepared by a sort of training to receive it, and these marbles may have been a great inducement to visit the city that contains them, with many persons who would scarcely know of their existence if they remained detached and in England. / Independently of the harm which has been done to the arts, themselves by this mistaken zeal for their advancement, it appears to me a very flagrant piece of injustice to deprive an helpless and friendly nation of any possession of value to them, even if that value should alone consist in attracting strangers and riches to their country: and when we learn that those strangers have already excited the smothered spark of genius in the Greeks, by placing before their eyes the books of sages and historians; when we learn that a spirit has been raised to emulate the subjects as well as the authors of these works; we may be still more able to calculate the damage which the removal of these monuments of what it was when free may have done to the cause of Greece. I wonder at the boldness of the hand that could venture to remove what Phidias had placed under the inspection of Pericles: but I regret that the Muse should have chosen to stigmatize the error of a liberal mind as the crime of barbarians.” [9] Cust_1914_153 in the Society’s instructions to Gell, of 1811: “we shall not confine you in that respect, but shall only enumerate, for your information, the principal objects of your research in the order in which they are most interesting to the Society: – Samos, Sardes, Aphrodisias, Hierapolis, Tralles, Laodicea, Telmessus, Patara, Cnidus.” – again, no instructions to return with anything more than measured drawings. [10] Langlois_1861_vii: lists his duties, and M. le Directeur des Musées Impériaux appela mon attention sur les monuments de nature à grossir les précieuses collections d’antiques exposées dans les galeries du Louvre. [11] Langlois_1861_85–86 Tarsus, dealt with the platform of the Dunk Tach by making a two-metre deep hole in it, and then blowing it deeper with 2 à trois kilogrammes de poudre, with a fuse – but this shifted not a single one of the blocks, so he gave up. [12] Belgiojoso_1858_402–403 Tarsus: nous parcourions à cheval les campagnes d’alentour, visitant tantôt un site pittoresque, tantôt un monument curieux. Celui qui m’intéressa davantage est un grand édifice élevé au centre d’une forêt, tellement ruiné que le mur d’enceinte est seul debout, et encore ne l’est-il pas dans toute sa hauteur. Son origine se perd dans la nuit des temps, et aucun archéologue n’a su le définir encore. Etait-ce un temple, un palais, une basilique, ou des thermes? C’est un carré long dont les murs, d’une épaisseur énorme, rappellent les constructions dites cyclopéennes. – On n’y aperçoit ni fenêtres, ni portes, mais elles peuvent, les portes surtout, avoir été comblées par l’exhaussement du sol. On y pénètre par une brèche et l’on ne trouve à l’intérieur qu’un terrain labouré par de larges sillons régulièrement tracés, et un tertre en forme de cône élevé à l’extrémité du bâtiment, auprès de la muraille qui le ferme du coté du nord. J’ai peu de goût pour les ruines, surtout pour celles qui sont devenues l’occasion de dissertations scientifiques et d’un enthousiasme d’admiration posthume. Mais le monument anonyme de Tarsus ne me rappelait aucun chapitre d’histoire et n’avait pas inspiré, que je susse, de dithyrambes. – On éprouve, en parcourant cette mystérieuse enceinte, une incertitude vague et mélancolique qui vous plonge dans les abimes du passé sans vous enchaîner ni à une époque, ni à une nation définie, incertitude qui n’est pas sans un charme singulier. On m’offrit plusieurs brochures écrites sur le monument de Tarsus, dans le but de résoudre ce problème archéologique; mais je me gardai bien d’accepter la proposition et je conservai soigneusement ma précieuse ignorance. [13] Langlois_1861_87–90 at Gueuzluk-Kalah (château du Belvédere), a monticule near Tarsus, having bought some terracottas from a child, approaches the owner, buys it, plants a French flag on top, and digs, surviving a struggle with the Governor of Tarsus. The finds get sent to Paris.



appendix

[14] Jaubert_1842_133 Aphrodisias: Nous étions vers midi au milieu des ruines de la ville antique d’Aphrodisias; ce sont les plus belles que nous ayons encore vues. Il y a des portions de murailles bien conservées, un beau stade complet, des colonnades entières du temple de Vénus avec leurs chapiteaux et leurs frises. M. Texier, qui rentre à l’instant d’une première promenade aux ruines, est désolé de ce qu’on lui a enlevé un bas-relief qu’il avait beaucoup admiré à son dernier voyage; il s’indigne que notre gouvernement, qui fait acheter à grands frais des objets d’art d’un mérite très-contestable, laisse dépérir et disperser, sans en prendre sa part, tant de trésors répandus sur le sol de l’Asie Mineure: il y a ici et à Magnésie du Méandre de quoi faire le plus beau musée du monde. [15] Cust_1914_69 as opposed to easy collecting in Italy, “But Greece itself, and the sites of Greek civilization in Thrace, Macedonia, Asia Minor, and the Archipelago, had under the Turkish dominion become practically inaccessible to students from the West. Beyond the small number of objects obtained from Greece by Poggio Bracciolini, and the remains observed and inscriptions copied in the islands by Ciriaco of Ancona, both of them in the fifteenth century, there had existed only a very meagre importation of antiquities from those countries into Venice; and these had consisted chiefly of the casual spoils of conquest. In promoting the regular search for such antiquities, and thus laying the foundations of what we now call the science of Greek archaeology, England may fairly claim to have taken a lead among the nations of Europe.” [16] Seroux_d’Agincourt_1826_II_146 Pisa: Note sono le conquiste fatte in Sardegna, in Corsica, sulle coste della Barbaria, e le loro vittorie contro i Saraceni in Egitto ed in Sicilia. II traffico che facevano grandissimo neir Asia minore e nell’Arcipelago, loro procurava infinite ricchezze, e quindi i mezzi di condurre a fine grandi intraprese. [17] Reinach_1903_274–275: Il y a deux siècles environ, sur la rive droite de la Tamise, presque vis-à-vis de Saint-Paul, on découvrit, en creusant les fondations d’une maison, une collection de statues grecques qui furent acquises par Lord Burlington et transférées dans sa villa de Chiswick (aujourd’hui au duc de Devonshire). Les travaux continuèrent et donnèrent bientôt six torses colossaux de statues féminines, des débris d’architecture, etc. L’explication du mystère fut facile à trouver. Le terrain appartenait au duc de Norfolk, héritier de ce lord Arundel qui, au début du xviie siècle, avait formé à Londres la première grande collection de marbres antiques rapportés d’Asie Mineure et de l’Archipel. Comme la succession d’Arundel échut à des incapables ou à des indignes, Arundel house fut démolie et le terrain morcelé; ce qui n’avait pas été vendu à cette occasion fut transporté par le duc de Norfolk dans un terrain qui lui appartenait près de la Tamise. Lorsque Christophe Wren fit creuser les fondations de Saint-Paul, on jeta sur ce terrain une partie des déblais, sous lesquels les statues antiques furent enterrées. Il eût mieux valu pour elles qu’on ne les découvrît pas alors, car elles périrent bientôt après dans l’incendie d’une des résidences du duc. Une colonne antique de même provenance fut employée comme rouleau pour le gazon dans une autre propriété des Norfolk. Une statue de la collection Arundel séjourna longtemps dans la Tamise, munie d’un anneau de fer auquel on attachait les barques; elle finit par trouver asile dans la grande collection d’Ince Blundell près de Liverpool. [18] Cust_1914_70: “This was the famous art-lover and collector, Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel. He had spent some years at Rome, and there signalized himself by his zeal and lavish expenditure in the collection or ancient marbles and other antiquities. When Sir Thomas Roe was appointed ambassador from James I to the Ottoman Porte, in 1621, Arundel profited by the occasion and endeavoured, through the new ambassador, to secure some of the monuments of Greek art known or reputed to be scattered among the more famous classical sites of Greece itself and of the Levant. Roe accordingly sent agents to the sites on the Bosphorus and in the Troad; but more definite work was commenced in 1625 by William Petty, whom Arundel sent out as a special agent in his interest. Arundel found an important rival in George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, who used his unparalleled influence at home and abroad to secure such objects for his own collection, and established a strong claim to a joint share with Arundel in the results of Roe’s efforts. / Petty in 1615 visited Pergamon, Samos, Ephesus, Chios, Smyrna, and Athens, and



full endnote texts chapter nine

obtained a number of marbles, including a valuable series of inscriptions. These were dispatched home, and arrived at Arundel House in 1627, and no less a person than John Selden devoted his attention to deciphering the inscriptions, which were published as the Marmora Arundelliana in 1628. A fresh collection of marbles was sent over in that year by Petty to Arundel, who after Buckingham’s assassination found a fresh rival in Philip Herbert, Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery.” [19] Harris_1973_529 & note: “As Mr Brian Cook has kindly observed, the Scipio frieze is probably from a Roman coastal city in Asia Minor, similar to friezes that decorated the Trajaneum at Pergamum (C. A.D. 115–125) and the smaller temple at Side (A.D.I50).” Noted as follows: “I am very grateful to Mr Brian F. Cook of the British Museum for his observations. He will be publishing the Arundel marble in a report on the site excavation, which produced a number of other marbles, including a Roman altar type pedestal matching others now used as seats around His Grace The Duke of Norfolk’s swimming pool at Arundel Park.” One possible reason for its being left was its size, 530: “Possibly its huge size and tremendous weight prohibited its easy removal, and like many other marbles it became buried under rubbish when the site was commercially developed after 1660 by Thomas Howard, fifth Duke of Norfolk. Indeed it is astonishing that it survived at all, and even more remarkable in a condition not much worse than when Webb drew it in 1639.” [20] Reinach_1903_276: Ce serait une belle tâche pour la Society of Hellenic Studies, avec le concours de la Society of Antiquaries et du British Muséum, d’explorer systématiquement les collections anglaises en vue de retrouver des marbres grecs égarés, comme les fragments de la frise du Parthénon rapportés par Chandler, ceux des métopes qui appartenaient à Dodwell, une tête du groupe de Cécrops (fronton occidental), que possédait également Dodwell, le puteal de Corinthe autrefois chez Lord Guilford. Ce dernier bas-relief avait été acquis à Londres par Guilford et placé par lui avec d’autres antiquités dans le jardin de sa maison de ville, 24, Saint-James Place. Après sa mort, la maison fut vendue avec tout son contenu et la collection fut tellement oubliée que M. Michaelis ne put rien apprendre à ce sujet en 1861. Peu d’années après, la maison de Saint-James Place fut vendue et démolie; un autre immeuble fut construit sur le même emplacement. Peutêtre le précieux bas-relief archaïque esl-il resté dans une cave; peut-être a-t-il émigré vers quelque villa. [21] Anderson_1888_186: “It requires no demonstration that the preservation of our National Monuments, historic and pre-historic, is an object of national interest and importance. We have long spent the public money freely in the acquisition of the ancient monumental relics of alien peoples – in Egypt, Chaldea, Assyria, Greece, Asia Minor, and other places. By thus rescuing them from the barbarous hands of the existing occupants of the soil, we have induced the Governments of such countries as Egypt, Turkey, and Greece to protect their monuments by legislation. But although we have thus enforced the lesson that the people that fails to preserve the antiquities of the soil which it possesses is deemed to be deficient in civilisation and culture, we have been among the last of European nations to have recourse to legislation for the protection of our own antiquities. While we have been acquiring and preserving the monumental remains of many foreign countries, those of our own land have been left uncared for. Our pre-historic monuments have been most inconsiderately and remorselessly dealt with. Those that stood in good land have been rooted out as encumbrances. Those situated on, or near to lands in process of improvement have been utilised as building materials for farms or fences, or used in the construction of drains or roads. As this has been going on since land began to be improved, the numbers that now exist bear but a small proportion to the numbers that are on record, as having been in good preservation within the last 150 years. And it is not only the minor monuments that have thus suffered. Many of the larger and more important constructions of pre-historic origin have been hopelessly mutilated or totally destroyed in quite recent times.” [22] Rayet_1874_21 as for British superiority in trophies: Au lieu de jeter un œil d’envie sur l’accroissement des collections de nos voisins, ne conviendrait-il pas de marcher enfin



appendix

sur leurs traces? Au lieu de pousser de vaines plaintes sur la faiblesse des études artistiques, ne vaudrait-il pas mieux mettre sous les yeux de nos étudiants quelques modèles de cet art admirable, que les dessins les plus soignés, voire même les phrases les mieux tournées, ne leur feront jamais connaître, encore moins goûter? Il est vrai qu’il faudrait pour cela deux choses: de l’argent et de l’esprit d’entreprise. Au pays donc de donner l’un; à qui de droit d’avoir l’autre. [23] Ludlow_1882_372–373 in Nouvelles Archéologiques: M. Otto Benndorf, le savant professeur de l’Université de Vienne, vient de publier un Rapport sommaire sur deux expéditions archéologiques autrichiennes en Asie Mineure (dans le second fascicule de la sixième année des Archaeologischc epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich, 1883). Les expéditions ont été entreprises, la première aux frais du gouvernement, et la seconde aux frais d’un comité composé de riches protecteurs de l’art. Dans leur premier voyage, M. Benndorf et l’architecte Niemann, qui l’avait déjà accompagné à Samothrace, parcoururent une partie de la Syrie et de la Carie et reconnurent l’intérêt que présentaient les sculptures d’un héroon jadis signalé par Schœnborn. Ce monument rappelle bien celui dit des Néréides, que possède le Musée de Londres et qui a été si bien décrit par Michaëlis. Dans leur second voyage, les mêmes explorateurs, accompagnés de tout un personnel d’excellents ouvriers de métier, réussirent, non sans de très grandes difficultés, à enlever et à embarquer, pour le Musée de Vienne, les sculptures qui décoraient ce petit édifice; ils complétèrent en même temps l’exploration de la Lycie, et les photographies, les dessins, les inscriptions qu’ils ont rapportés fourniront la matière d’une belle publication, qu’on nous annonce. En attendant, on lira avec un vif intérêt le rapport de M. Benndorf; il est accompagné de trois planches et il contient, outre une description rapide mais précise du monument, des pages aimables et vives de description et de récit. [24] Choisy_1876_178 Afyon-Karahisar, on the way down from the citadel: sous un ayanttoit de maison turque, un lion de marbre bien réellement grec, mais dont les faux airs de chien caniche trahissent un artiste de bas étage et une époque de décadence. Près du lion est une tête antique d’Hercule Farnèse: même grandeur, copie exacte. Pour peu d’argent, je pourrais acheter tout cela et de plus une tête de Jupiter en marbre; mais qu’en faire? Une porte entre-baillée me tire fort à propos de mes idées d’acquisitions en me laissant entrevoir, au fond d’une cour, certains débris byzantins qui rentrent en plein dans mes études. [25] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_238 Smyrna: Continuant de m’informer par tout de ces sortes de curiositez, j’en achétay de differentes personnes assez avantageusement pour payer une partie des frais de mon voyage; car à mon retour à Venise, j’y rencontray Monsieur Patin, qui ne me quitta point que je ne luy en eusse vendu assez considerablement, ne luy pouvant rien refuser, comme à celuy qui a été mon maître en matière d’antiquitez, lorsque j’étois à Strasbourg avec luy. J’en accommoday les Cabinets de quelques autres curieux de celles que j’avois doubles, & il m’en resta encore une centaine des plus belles que je voulois au moins porter en France. Je ne désavoüe point ce commerce, dont les honnêtes gens ne font point difficulté de se mêler, de même qu’un Gentilhomme ne fait pas de scrupule de troquer ou de vendre un cheval. C’est par le grand nombre de médailles qui passent par les mains qu’on se peut rendre habile dans cette Science, & il est presque impossible de le devenir autrement. [26] Laurent_I_1735_49 Turks in Smyrna who find antiquities, dated 1654: il les negligent ou les mutilent, à moins qu’il ne se trouve des Francs qui ne les en empêchent, en les retirant de leurs mains à prix d’argent. [27] Collignon_1880–1897_97–98 Tarsus: Aujourd’hui, les fouilles ne sont plus possibles au Gueuslu-Kalah. Les découvertes faites par les explorateurs français et anglais avaient éveillé l’attention des marchands d’antiquités. Les gens du pays fouillaient le monticule à la dérobée et vendaient à des Grecs de Smyrne le produit de leurs recherches. L’autorité turque s’en est émue, et, sur un ordre supérieur, des barraquements pour les soldats, ont été établis au Gueuslu-Kalah; un bataillon de nizams occupe l’emplaçement des fouilles. – i.e. not far from the Dunk-Tasch



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[28] Omont_1902_209–210 Galland in 1680 writes of buying antiquities from a merchant at Smyrna, supposedly near the stadium: Le lendemain de mon arrivée [à Smyrne], je vis chez un marchand hollandois deux grandes statues de marbre assés belles, l’une de Jupiter et l’autre d’une femme, à qui la teste manquoit; elle estoit vestue et la draperie estoit admirable. Mais je ne pus voir que le dessein d’une statue d’Apollon Phythien, qu’il avoit envoiée en France par un vaisseau, parti depuis pour Marseille sous l’escorte du vaisseau du Roi [which then went to Versailles] . . . / Ce mesme marchand avoit trouvé de plus trois ou quatre testes antiques avec un grand marbre gravé en lettres grecques, qui contenoient quatre inscriptions faites sous différens empereurs romains . . . mots et mesmes charactères. / Ces statues, ces testes et ces inscriptions, que j’ay copiées et envolées à M. Spon pour en augmenter son recueil, avoient esté trouvées dans une vigne, un peu au dessous du stadium, où je me transportai avec M. notre Consul. [29] Ramsay_1883c_Items 16–21 inscriptions in the possession of Mr. Purser at Smyrna, and brought by him from Sultan Hissar (16, 17), Nyssa (18), and Aidin (19, 20, 21). [30] Dauzats_1861_160 (travelling 1855) port of Guelmek, near Bursa: la ville qui nous offre une curieuse réunion d’antiquités. J’y remarque surtout des bas-reliefs de marbre sculptés avec un art infini. Les habitants spéculent sur ces objets qu’ils vendent à des prix fous aux voyageurs anglais. Ils les cachent dans leurs caves, et ne vous les montrent qu’avec une mystérieuse réserve bien propre à piquer la curiosité des amateurs. J’offre quatre-vingts francs d’une tète de faune, à peine de la grosseur du poing, et cédente un Anglais en avait offert trois cents francs sans pouvoir l’obtenir. Devant un argument aussi péremptoire, il ne me reste qu’à me résigner, en attendant que le ciel m’envoie une opulence égale à celle d’un lord ou d’un nabab. [31] Mendel_1909_270 Bursa Museum: Tête d’homme ou de dieu barbu. Confisquée selon la loi chez an marchand du bazar de Brousse, qui l’aurait trouvée dans une maison, à In-kaia, près Brousse; marbre blanc. [32] Fraser_1909_217 Mosul: “One of the famous Assyrian bulls, of which there are specimens in the British Museum, we looked for in vain, though a few months before it had lain in the sand seemingly protected by its formidable appearance and ponderous bulk. But we afterwards heard that what any museum in Europe would have given thousands of pounds for, had been ignominiously sold by the Vali for a few pieces of silver, to be broken, burnt, and powdered into lime by the masons of the city. Turkish law now forbids the export of archaeological valuables, and there was no other way by which this greedy and ruthless official could profit by so precious a relic of the past.” [33] Donkow_2004_111 Wood at Ephesus: He began digging in 1863, but antiquities laws in 1869, 1874 & 1884: “These not only articulated an indigenous interest and concern for the past beyond Islam but heavily restricted the traffic of antiquities to Europe.” [34] AJA_II_1886_477: “Prohibition of excavations. The report by the Rev. Joseph Hirst on the present condition and future prospects of archaeological work in Asia Minor, is very discouraging. At a recent meeting of the Royal Archaeological Institute in London was read a letter from him, dated Smyrna, October 25, in which he states that the Turkish Government has withdrawn all permission given to Englishmen and other foreigners to excavate ancient sites within the Sultan’s dominions, and also that large quantities of finely sculptured pillars, walls, and stones are being sold and utilized for modern building purposes; and a motion was carried that the Institute should take action, along with other learned societies, in protesting against this act of vandalism. N. York Evening Post, Nov. 18; The Antiquarian, Jan. 1887.” [35] Wood_1877_280, at Ephesus: in cold weather “The large saws used at the excavations for lightening the larger marble blocks when practicable, were frozen in the half-sawn blocks when they were not removed overnight, or in the morning during the breakfast half-hour.” [36] Wood_1877_259–260, at Ephesus 1874: Dismantling the church set in the Temple: “It was finally determined to take to pieces and examine the whole of the foundation-piers of the church which I have described in Chapter III (Part 2) as having been thrown in



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against the cella-walls before they were removed. In doing this, which we partly effected by the aid of gunpowder in small quantities, we found a great number of fragments of an archaic frieze which had probably belonged originally to the altar of the last temple but two, also many fragments of architectural enrichment – a Greek inscription, a small archaic head, in calcareous stone, of Egyptian character, and, above all, a magnificent lion’s head, which was doubtless one of the gurgoyle heads belonging to the main cornice of the last temple, and which, placed immediately over one of the columns, spirted out the rain-water from the roof on to the pavement below.” [37] Wood_1890_67 Ephesus in the year 1874: “We had most lovely weather for our work during January, which is one of the most pleasant months in the year in Asia Minor, being bright without glare. February brought cold weather, and many a day the men were unable to work. In March the cold increased, the saws which we used to saw off inscriptions were found in the morning frozen in the stones, if not removed at night, and warm water was used in working them. Ice an inch thick stood in the excavations for a whole week; for many days my men could not work. The intensity of the cold in the interior was so great that shepherds and others were found frozen to death; others were brought frost-bitten and helpless into the hospitals at Smyrna.” [38] Wood_1877_189–190 in 1871, at Ephesus discovered a base drum of the Temple, 6 feet high, 6 feet in diameter – which took two months to get up to ground level: “Memo, in Journal: ‘It took fifteen men fifteen days to haul up the big sculptured drum. Forty paces from hole and out of water to commencement of road to top. Sixty paces up road to top. Ninety paces on level towards Ayasalouk.’ This will give some idea of the expense of moving these large masses of marble from the place where they are found to our Museum in London. The case alone in which it was placed cost upwards of 30 pounds.” [39] Wood_1877_192–195, at Ephesus, for 1871 account of getting blocks onto HMS Caledonia. For part of this work a sledge was used, 193: “In using the sledge, it was found to be an excellent plan to employ about ten Turks with twenty sailors, and these together made up the number needed to draw the sledge when heavily laden. Large rollers, nine or ten inches in diameter, were employed for the purpose, and each of these required two men to move them forward as they fell loose behind the sledge.” Eventually, a steam crane was used on the quay at Smyrna. [40] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_1834_III_496–7 at Halicarnassus: On peut en juger par la seule inspection des murailles extérieures du château. En jetant les yeux sur ces murailles construites au quinzième siècle, nous avons reconnu des fragmens de marbre qui ont appartenu à des monumens anciens; on y a remarqué aussi quelques bas-reliefs mutilés, représentant des combats héroïques, tels que celui de Thésée et des Amazones. On composerait peut-être un muséum avec les débris précieux, employés et comme ensevelis ou perdus dans la construction de cette forteresse, et si jamais le château de Boudroun est démoli, la vieille Halicarnasse, nous disent les voyageurs, pourra y retrouver ses plus vénérables ruines confondues avec la brique et les matériaux les plus grossiers. Rien n’est plus curieux que de voir dans ce château bâti à la place du Regia domus, du palais des anciens rois de Carie, toutes sortes de ruines mêlees ensemble, et la représentation confuse de plusieurs âges différens. [41] Fellows_1843_7 Translation of a letter from His Excellency the Grand Vizir to the Muhassil, to the Judge, and to the Effendis and Agas composing the Municipal Council of the Sangiak of Menteché. “It is known to the British Government that there are some stones sculptured with art, built into some walls at a place near Eksekuid, a village in the dependency of Maori, in the Sangiak of Menteche, and into the walls of the fortress of Boudroum; and as these stones are antique remains and rare objects, His Excellency the English Ambassador has demanded and solicited by a memorial that they might be removed from thence, and be given as a present to the British Government. Although it is necessary, in consideration of the friendship that exists between the Sublime Porte and the Court of Great Britain, to accede to such demands, yet it has been judged expedient first of all to take some information respecting the stones in question. / You will begin,



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therefore, by informing us, without delay, what it would be necessary to do in order to take away these stones, and replace them by others; and it is for this reason that I have written and sent this letter to you.” [42] Fellows_1843_10–11 the request for Halicarnassus materials was dropped, after which the Grand Vizir wrote another letter: A letter from H.H. the Grand Vizir to Hadgi Alt Pasha, Governor of Rhodes, dated the fifteenth of Sheoval, 1257 (the 29th of November, 1841). After the usual titles, “The British Embassy has represented by a tairer [a note in Turkish], that there are some antiques consisting in sculptured stones, lying down, and of no use, at a place near the village of Koonik, in the District of Marmoris, which is one of the dependencies of Rhodes, and not far from the sea-shore; and has requested that the antiques aforesaid should be given to the British Government, for the purpose of putting them in the Museum. The British Embassy has in the meantime represented, that the distinguished Captain Graves has been ordered by the British Government to embark those stones and to carry them to England; and that as he is going himself to the spot a letter was asked in his behalf, that your Excellency may give him every assistance on this occasion. / The Sublime Porte is interested in granting such demands, in consequence of the sincere friendship existing between the two Governments. If, therefore, the antiquities above mentioned are lying down here and there, and are of no use, Your Excellency shall make no objection to the Captain’s taking them away and carrying them on board; and to that effect you will be pleased to appoint one or two of your attendants to accompany him. Should any great obstacle exist in giving them, you will write him on the subject, that we may do what is necessary.” [43] Canning_1888_II_152 Lane-Poole_1888_I_501–502 Memoirs of Stratford Canning, Elgin and the Parthenon: “I had taken his part a few years before, on the ground of his having intended to forestall the French, then masters of Egypt, and threatening Greece; but when I learnt that one whole side of the reliefs was, and still is, buried under the ruins, occasioned by an explosion of gunpowder many years ago, I could not help thinking that the Scottish Earl might have better employed his time and money in fishing these up, than in pulling down those reliefs which were still in their places.” [44] G_H_1860_42–43 the Mausoleum: Il luogo del Mausoleo, quando visitato per la prima volta dal sig. Newton, era coperto di case turche e di giardini, nelle mura de’quali molti frammenti marmorei d’architettura ionica della più bell’epoca si scorgevano frammisti a rottami di ogni genere. Il suolo poi, sul quale stavano le case, aveva un apparenza, quasi direi, accidentale, e l’irregolarità del suo livello era tale da mostrare all’occhio di chi era pratico di scavi, esser esso, a qualsiasi epoca, stato mosso per lunga estensione dalla mano degli uomini. Avendo adunque tolto a poco a poco le case, le mura de’giardini e gli alberi ingombranti il terreno, il qual lavoro peraltro occupava varj mesi, il sig. Newton giunse alla fine a discoprire l’intera area dell’edifizio. Rinvenne che tutto l’edifizio era stato rimosso, eccettuati solo due o tre strati più bassi in alcuni luoghi delle fondamenta; che siffatte fondamenta erano state collocate in un letto rettangolare tagliato nella viva roccia ad una profondità che variava da 3 a 15 piedi, e che le medesime erano composte di massi d’una pietra verde ordinaria, di 4 piedi quadrati e della grossezza d’un piede, collegati per mezzo di staffe di ferro. La più gran parte di siffatte fondamenta era stata senza fallo portata via da’cavalieri, essendo il loro castello nella penisola fabbricato in gran parte dalla medesima pietra verde del Mausoleo; ed il vacuo originato dal loro traslocamento e che chiameremo il quadrangolo del Mausoleo, si era riempito di terra e di frammenti di tutti i materiali dell l’edilìzio, fra’ quali molti avanzi d’architettura e di scultura, di maniera che, sebbene in grandissima parte fossero spariti i marmi architettonici del sepolcro, nondimeno ne rimaneva un numero sufficiente per porgere valevole evidenza sullo stile e sulla struttura del monumento che era del genere ionico. / Dell’architrave non furono ritrovati che tre pezzi, e lo stilobate sembra anch’esso essere sparito. Furono, a quanto pare, siffatti marmi, a motivo della loro foggia di travi, tagliati dai cavalieri per formarne stipiti ed architravi delle porte del castello, nelle quali ancora sono riconoscibili. I tamburi al contrario delle colonne, essendo di poca utilità, giacevano in gran numerò nel quadrangolo



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incavato, mentre molti frammenti delle basi e de’capitelli delle colonne, non meno che della cornice, si rinvennero sì nel fondo e sì nelle mura delle case turche e de’giardini. – and then lists sculptures found. [45] Canning_1888_II_140, in 1845 at Bodrum: “Alison’s report, albeit not that of a specialist, was convincing as to the importance of the sculptures, and the ambassador redoubled his exertions to induce the Porte to grant him permission to remove them. It was not however till 1846 that he triumphed over Turkish procrastination and had the satisfaction of learning, not only that he had leave to extract the marbles from the walls in which they were embedded, but that the Sultan, in sign of his high regard, was graciously pleased to make them a personal gift to the ambassador himself. Any ordinary present would have been respectfully declined, but these monuments of Greek art were too precious to be lost for a scruple, and they would enrich, not the Elchi [i.e. himself], but the British nation. The gift was accordingly accepted with gratitude, and Alison was again sent out to complete his task by superintending the removal of the antiquities. The work was successfully accomplished at a cost of three or four hundred pounds, and twelve out of the seventeen slabs of the frieze of the Order, representing combats of Greeks and Amazons, executed in the finest Parian marble, which now adorn the walls of the British Museum, are the fruits of these operations.” – and Canning presented the frieze to the nation. [46] Canning_1888_II_150–151 Lane-Poole_1888_II_150–151 Memoirs of Stratford Canning, Letter to Sir R.H. Inglis, 1846: “The above-mentioned gentleman [i.e. himself, writing to his old friend] has lately broken into a Turkish fortress, and carried off some dozen blocks of marble exhibiting reliefs of men and horses fighting, not like Trojans, but true Greeks; and these, the remains of the original Mausoleum or seventh wonder of the world, he proposes to present to the Museum, of which you are a venerable and honoured Trustee, that is to the British nation. Observe that the marbles were stuck into the walls of the fortress of Budrum, the ancient Halicarnassus three or four outside, the rest within and that the latter, though known to exist, have been invisible to all but Turkish jailors and artillerymen for ages. My right of possession was obtained from the Sultan, who has made them a personal gift to me; the de facto possession derives from the studied and determined exertions of a party of people, headed by Mr. Alison, an Oriental savant here, whom I sent down to secure and embark them. The valuables are now on their way to Malta in H.M. ship Siren. They occupy sixteen cases in all, weighing about twenty tons. I have only seen very imperfect sketches of them, but if you wish to know more of their merits, you may look into Clarke and Anarcharsis, Pliny and Vitruvius.” [47] Maspero_1904 on transportation problems with blocks in Epper Egypt: lifting the weights was no problem but the roads were liable to subside under heavy weights; so they could cart nothing over 20 tons, which excluded all the obelisks. And they had to lay some railway tracks, 240m long, taken up from rear and placed at the front as need be; and preparing the work took two months. The largest piece carted was a colossus of 3m70, and this was in two pieces; the next was 3m65, in three pieces, then 3m, in four pieces. [48] Fellows_1843_34 the Horse Tomb at Xanthus: “The several parts of this tomb are so heavy that it is necessary they should be cut: I have therefore marked with black paint the lines for the saw, in order that the sculpture should not be injured. This will reduce the weight of the various parts so that they may be packed in cases.” And again ibid., 43 letter of 1842: “The stone sawyers taken from Malta to divide the heavy stones of the Horse Tomb had several weeks’ work before them.” [49] Fellows_1843_34 the Horse Tomb: “I did not interfere, except to request them to clear away previously all stones from around, and afterwards to preserve any fragment which might fall. The means adopted appeared to me to be more sailor-like than scientific: the men placed slings and cords over the top, which probably weighed ten tons, and making blocks fast to the neighbouring rocks, hauled the top off. As I anticipated, the centre fell in pieces, but the sculptured parts did not receive more injury than they probably would have done from a more scientific operation. The whole may be easily restored, and will again form one of the most elegant and interesting monuments I have ever seen.”



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[50] Fellows_1843_41–42: “On the 14th of March [1842] we arrived at Malta, bearing the Captain’s report to the Admiral: had this been sent two months before, we might by this time have been there with all the stones on board, or, by remaining a month later, have in all probability found double the number of treasures. / I received every possible attention from the authorities at Malta. Admiral Sir Thomas Mason, commander-in-chief, Admiral Sir John Lewis, and Major Yule of the Engineers, almost daily called upon or corresponded with me in lazaretto, obtaining all the information I could give to forward a fresh expedition to bring away the cases. I was applied to, for the accurate measurement of each stone, in order that the officers of Engineers should calculate the weight: the result of which was, that the 82 cases together weighed 80 tons, the three largest stones weighing 2 tons 1 cwt. each.” [51] Fellows_1852_492 letter re. Xanthus to Trustees of the BM dated April 1844: “The materials of the city of this period have been the quarry for the inhabitants occupying the same site during the ages of the early Christians. Several large churches built of the old Lycian and Greek materials are now in ruins; a large monastery or religious establishment has stood upon the heights; and the whole of this extended city has been surrounded by walls, also formed of the columns and inscribed pedestals of the earlier Greeks. The theatre, which was built by the Greeks upon and over the Lycian tombs, was in its turn destroyed to build fortifications for the succeeding people: numerous crosses, tiles, and Byzantine ornaments are scattered about, and traces of slight walls, which appear of as late an age as that of the Knights of Rhodes, are seen in every direction. Within the last century several buildings have owed their origin to the Turk: amongst these are the remains of an extensive khan or establishment of a Derebbe now in ruins. One hut and two barns constituted the whole city at the time we erected the necessary accommodation for our party, which will probably become a nucleus of a village for the peasants who now live in tents around.” [52] Fellows_1843_3–4 the Turks objected to a fishing expedition, which was clearly Fellows’ idea: “I felt certain that the removal of one stone would bring to light others, probably better preserved and more valuable, and that the visible formed but a fraction of what might be obtained, but could not be enumerated in written orders, which might probably be only literally obeyed.” [53] Spratt_&_Forbes_1847_I_13 Xanthus: “Captain Graves remained at Xanthus during the four following days, occupied with his officers in ascertaining the weight, &c., of the antiquities proposed to be carried away, and the means of transport. The result was unfavourable as respected the Beacon, which proved unequal to the task, the expedition not having been provided with sufficient means, and the ship not being large enough. Nevertheless, as the work so far had given a promise of rich treasures, should the excavations be proceeded with, it was resolved to continue the operations until the 1st of March. And the result proved the wisdom of the determination; for the greater part of the Xanthian marbles, now in the British Museum, were brought to light during the interval, and carefully cased to be carried away by ships provided with sufficient means; a duty which was afterwards performed most efficiently by the Monarch and Medea.” [54] Newton_1865_I_334 Bodrum: “On walking round the ramparts on the side overlooking the harbour, I made a sudden halt. What I saw was so surprising that I could hardly believe the evidence of my own eyes. In the embattled wall, between the embrasures, was the head and forehand of a colossal lion, in white marble, built into the masonry and looking towards the interior of the castle. I saw at a glance that this lion was the work of a Greek chisel, and that it belonged to the finest period of ancient art.” [55] Mure_1842_I_219 at Chaeronea: “The mound of earth has since been excavated, and a colossal marble lion discovered, deeply embedded in its interior. This noble piece of sculpture, though now strewed in detached masses about the sides and interior of the excavation, may still be said to exist nearly in its original integrity. It is evident, from the appearance of the fragments, that it was composed from the first of more than one block, although not certainly of so many as its remains now exhibit. None of the fragments,



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however, seem to have been removed. The different pieces are so scooped out as to leave the interior of the figure hollow, with the twofold object, no doubt, of sparing material and saving expense of transport.” [56] Carne_1826_129–30 at Luxor: “On landing, we found on the sand a dozen grim Egyptian statues, large as life, cut in coarse granite, after the fashion of the great Memnon, and in a sitting posture, close to the edge of the water, that rippled at their feet. The weight of each statue was enormous, and would render the removal difficult; or else a traveller might well be tempted to ship one of them, as they seemed to be no man’s property.” [57] Newton 1865, II 217–220. [58] Newton_&_Pullan_1862–63_483–485 the Lion Tomb, E. of Cnidus: “My first care, after making this remarkable discovery, was to transport the lion on board Her Majesty’s ship ‘Supply.’ This was no easy task, on account of the great weight of the mass of marble, and the broken and difficult character of the ground over which it had to be transported. A road of about 400 yards in extent was constructed along the side of the mountain, and the lion having been placed in a strong case was hauled to the water’s edge. The weight of the case being about eleven tons, the operation of drawing the sledge this distance over a newly-made road occupied a hundred Turkish workmen for several days. / On arriving at the edge of the cliff, it was necessary to hoist the case by a pair of sheers from the rock on to a raft below. This proved to be the most difficult part of the whole embarkation; for, as the sheers could only be fixed on a narrow ledge of rock some feet above the sea, and as, from the depth of the water here, we had no means of constructing a pier, it was impossible to bring the case in the first instance perpendicularly under the sheerhead. We attempted, therefore, after hauling it to the extreme edge of the rock, to launch it into the air, easing its descent gradually by a number of check-tackles, attached to it behind. The strain of this immense weight, as it inclined forward over the cliff, broke off a large rock to which one of the check-tackles had been fastened; the case then lurched forward in a slanting direction, and, most fortunately, was caught against one of the sheerlegs, into which one corner imbedded itself. After trying several ineffectual experiments, we finally succeeded in setting it free by the following method: – The case was first secured from slipping further forward by bending a new hawser round it, which was then strained tight, and also by supporting the sides and end next the sea with shores, such as are placed round a ship in dock. An inclined plane was then formed under the case by planks laid on the rough surface of the rock, so as to fill up all inequalities. After these precautions had been taken, one of the purchases which held the case to the sheerhead was slackened, and, on this strain being removed, the leg of the sheer was cleared from the comer embedded in it. The sheers were then altered so as to give plenty of room for the passage of the case through them, and the shores being removed, it was launched forward into the air till it hung plumb with the sheer-head, when it was lowered on the raft. The work of embarkation, in consequence of these difficulties, occupied one month.” [59] Hunt_1817_92 Canakkale: “The cannon, of which, there are a great number, are on very clumsy carriages; on the battlements are light 6eld pieces. In the great battery are guns of various calibre, and those on a level with the water are enormous; the bore of them is nearly three feet. We saw a pyramidal pile of granite shot for these huge cannon, which our Consul told us were cut out of columns found at Eski Stambol (ancient Constantinople), a name given by the Turks to Alexandria Troas. Instead of carriages, strong levers and pullies are used to work this massive artillery.” [60] Newton_&_Pullan_1862–63_537–538 the statues from the Sacred Way to Didyma: “Her Majesty’s Government did not fail to recognize the importance of these monuments as a national acquisition; and a firman having been obtained from the Porte, through the intervention of His Excellency Sir Henry Bulwer, by which I was authorized to remove the statues, I proceeded to Geronta in the ‘Supply’ in the month of August, 1858. I took with me Corporal Jenkins, R.E., and sixty Turkish labourers from Cnidus, and a good supply of tools and appliances of all kinds. / On arriving at Geronta, I lost no time in transporting to the shore, and preparing for embarkation, the ten statues already described, with the lion



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and the sphinx. The distance from the Sacred Way to the place of embarkation, a small harbour called Kara Koi, was about three miles; but, as the road down to the coast was an easy incline, and we were provided with excellent four-wheeled trucks, the twelve statues were conveyed to Kara Köi in as many days.” [61] Clarke_1882_46 Assos: Among the articles soon after brought from Pergamon was a sledge, which had been built by Dr. Humann for the purpose of removing heavy stones from the mighty citadel of that royal town to the roads practicable for wagons. Upon this the reliefs found by the present Expedition were securely bound and dragged down the steep slopes of the Assos Acropolis to the sea, by the whole gang of workmen. / It has been mentioned that the track formed by the Turkish soldiers in their work of destruction was utilized in the preparation of the road for the sledge; yet there still remained, especially in the upper course, many gullies to be filled up, and enormous blocks of the thickly strewn ruins to be thrown aside. The road descended in a tolerably direct course from the summit of the Acropolis to the port; but so great was the exertion required, that the transport of the smallest sculptured blocks could not be effected in less than two hours and a half. Like the laborers represented upon Egyptian and Assyrian reliefs as moving gigantic statues, the men at Assos pulled upon either side of two long and heavy ropes, while the weight was started from behind by levers; and, as was customary five thousand years ago, shouting and the clapping of hands formed an obligatory accompaniment.” [62] Spratt_1865_I_274–5 transporting sarcophagi from Ierapetra, on Cyprus: “It having come to my knowledge that two sculptured sarcophagi had been recently found near the Theatre at Ierapetra, the trustees of the British Museum, on being informed of it by me, were induced to become the purchasers of them from the Greek family in whose property they were found. The purchase having been effected, their removal was effected also by the officers and crew of H.M.S. Medina, during the latter part of December 1860 and the beginning of January 1861, but with considerable labour and difficulty, in consequence of the exposed position of the anchorage of Ierapetra at that season, and the great weight and the situation of the tombs. / As the largest of these tombs weighed nearly seven tons, a very substantial pier had to be made upon this open sandy coast before it could be embarked; and as it had to be removed some distance, over heavy ground or sand, to the most sheltered part of the bay, the operation was both slow and tedious.” BM registration numbers 1861,0220.1 & 2. [63] Rayet_&_Thomas_1877_I_1–2 Temple of Athena Polias at Priene not covered by earth: Comme il n’y avait que peu de terre à enlever et qu’il était facile de se débarrasser des gros blocs en les précipitant du haut du rocher, moins de trois mois lui suffirent pour mener à bien son œuvre, et, avant la fin de l’hiver de 1868–1869, le temple d’Athénè Poliade était complètement déblayé. [64] Rayet_&_Thomas_1877_II_2–3 Temple of Athena Polias at Priene: Quelques beaux morceaux d’architecture, entre autres l’angle nord du fronton et un chapiteau moins entier que l’autre, mais mieux conservé dans certaines parties, furent laissés sur place. En 1874, je proposai à la direction du Louvre de les rapporter en France, mais l’offre ne parut pas mériter attention. Aujourd’hui plusieurs de ces marbres n’existent plus. / Les fouilles de M. Pullan ont, en effet, comme cela est inévitable dans les pays soumis à la domination ottomane, hâté la destruction de l’édifice qu’elles avaient rendu au jour. Lors du départ de l’habile explorateur, les parties basses du temple étaient entièrement à nu et dans un état presque parfait de conservation. Mais à peine se fut-il éloigné que les maçons du village grec de Kélébech, situé à une demi-heure à l’est de Priène, s’installèrent au milieu des ruines et commencèrent à fendre en pierres tombales et en marches d’escalier ces beaux marbres dont l’enfouissement avait conservé la blancheur et le poli. [65] Rott_1908_57 near Syllion (near Antalya, Turkey): In Jankoi fanden wir tagsdrauf auf dem Kirchhof viele antike Marmorstticke, die von Syllion verschleppt waren. – i.e. rolled down the hill. [66] Rayet_&_Thomas_1877_II_3–4 Temple of Athena Polias at Priene: La destruction n’eût toutefois marché qu’avec lenteur si un événement des plus inattendus et des plus singuliers ne fût venu la précipiter. Au mois d’avril 1870, M. A. Oakley Clarke, industriel



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anglais établi à Sokhia, fit une visite à Priène, en compagnie de sa femme et de sa nièce. En entrant dans le temple, il remarqua que le piédestal de la statue d’Athénè, trouvé en place par M. Pullan, et avec ses assises inférieures intactes, avait été tout bouleversé. Il s’approcha pour constater l’étendue du dégât, et, pendant qu’il considérait avec tristesse les blocs brisés et dispersés, il aperçut tout à coupa ses pieds une monnaie antique recouverte de terre. Il la prit, la nettoya, reconnut qu’elle était d’argent, et y lut le nom du roi Orophernès. Il venait en effet de mettre la main sur un tétradrachme fleur de coin, première pièce connue d’Orophernès ll, fils adoptif d’Ariarathe IV et proclamé roi de Cappadoce en 158. L’idée lui vint alors qu’il pourrait se trouver d’autres monnaies semblables sous les quatre derniers blocs du piédestal qui fussent encore en place. Avec l’aide de deux maçons grecs qui travaillaient auprès de là, il souleva ces blocs, et sous les deux premiers découvrit en effet deux nouveaux tétradrachmes du même type, sous le troisième un anneau d’or orné d’un grenat, sous le quatrième une feuille d’olivier en or: ces divers objets étaient placés dans de petits trous creusés pour les recevoir. M. Clarke continua encore quelque temps ses recherches, avec l’assistance des deux dames qui raccompagnaient et de quelques Grecs et Yuruks attirés par la présence de Francs dans le temple; mais il ne trouva plus rien. / Ceci se passait un samedi. La nouvelle de ces trouvailles s’étant répandue le soir à Kélébech, le dimanche tous les habitants du village, hommes, femmes, enfants, se précipitèrent à Priène. Deux juifs les accompagnaient, avec de l’argent pour acheter les objets dont la trouvaille était considérée comme certaine. En quelques heures, à grand renfort de leviers et de pals, on bouscula, on souleva, on retourna tous les blocs qui semblaient pouvoir couvrir quelque chose. Les tambours et les spires des colonnes furent déplacés malgré leur poids considérable. Rien absolument ne fut découvert dans ces recherches si sottement faites, mais le lendemain lundi, des maçons, examinant avec soin les menus débris du piédestal, recueillirent encore deux autres tétradrachmes d’Orophernès et une seconde feuille d’olivier. Une sixième pièce fut encore découverte un peu plus tard. [67] Buondelmonti_1897_207–8 on Delos: Nous vîmes à Délos, dans la plaine, un temple ancien orné d’un grand nombre de colonnes, ainsi qu’une statue colossale gisant à terre et de proportions si considérables, que tous ensemble, et nous étions plus de mille, nous ne pûmes la remettre sur pied avec les machines et les cordages de nos galères. Ayant donc perdu tout espoir de réussir, nous la laissâmes à la même place. / Nous vîmes, en outre, gisant également à terre, une foule d’autres statues exécutées avec un art merveilleux, et d’autres encore enfouies sous de petits tertre s. [68] Poujoulat_1853_II_260–261: Le plus beau temple de l’ancienne Grèce, la gloire d’Athènes, le Parthénon, enfin, avait subsisté en entier jusqu’en 1687. Les Turcs en avaient fait un magasin à poudre. Une bombe vénitienne tomba sur le temple de Minerve et le détruisit en partie. Des historiens et des poètes, des artistes et des voyageurs, ont crié, à cette occasion, au vandalisme, et ont accusé les Vénitiens d’avoir eu moins de respect que les Turcs pour ce monument célèbre. Ceux qui connaissent les Osmanlis savent si ce fut par respect pour, les beaux-arts qu’ils conservèrent dans sa noble splendeur le temple de l’Acropolis. Les Osmanlis n’ont point de notion de l’architecture antique, et ne professent pour elle aucune sorte d’admiration. En temps de guerre, ils effaçaient du sol les chefs d’œuvre du vieux monde; ils les laissaient et les laissent encore à l’abandon en temps de paix. Au XVIIe siècle, les Vénitiens étaient un des peuples les plus policés, les plus éclairés de l’Europe. Ceux qui ont visité de nos jours la reine de l’Adriatique, reine maintenant découronnée et captive, diront y après avoir contemplé les richesses monumentales de cette ville, si cette ancienne maîtresse des mers et du commerce n’était pas aussi la patrie des beaux-arts. Les Turcs, enfermés dans la citadelle d’Athènes, au sommet de laquelle s’élève le Parthénon, tiraient à boulets rouges et à mitraille sur les Vénitiens. Ceux-ci ne devaient-ils donc pas combattre et vaincre? La crainte d’endommager le temple de Minerve devait-elle faire abandonner la place? ou bien aurait-on dû ne bombarder qu’avec précaution? [69] Archaeology_of_the_City_of_Athens: From the digital edition of “The Archaeology of the City of Athens,” at http://www.eie.gr/archaeologia/En/chapter_more_8.aspx, an account by Kornilia Chatziaslani partly from Morosini’s dispatches, on the looting of the



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Acropolis: On December 4, [1687] the Senate sent the following decree to Morosini: “We received the diagram of the city of Athens and its Fortress which was drawn up by Count di San Felice and with pleasure observed the famous ancient monuments existing there. We authorize you the removal and sending to us here that which would be judged the most important and most artistically vigorous to enhance the prestige of the Sovereign, and to also be used as a new immortal monument of Our Distinguished Virtue. The vote was 162 for, 2 against, and one abstention. / Morosini chose the best preserved statues of the western pediment and tried to remove them. He writes in his report of March 19 [1688]: An effort was made to remove the large pediment, but collapsed from the colossal height and it is a miracle that something didn’t happen to some laborer. The reason is that the structure is built without mortar and the various stones are assembled together with remarkable skill. Furthermore, from the explosion in the gun powder magazine, the structure suffered a most serious shock. Our inability to erect scaffolds, by transferring from the galleys the high masts and other necessary mechanisms, has forced us to abandon any subsequent effort. As a result, every effort to remove other sculpted decorations has ceased. Furthermore, missing from the buildings at this point are the most wonderful pieces and those that remain are of lower value and manifest missing parts due to their age. By all means, he continued, “I decided to take a lioness of the most beautiful artfulness, even if its head is missing, that could be easily be replaced, however, with the marble that I will send you along with the lioness and is of a like. / In total, Morosini took whatever lions he found: one from the Acropolis, one from the district of the Theseion, and of course, the well-known Lion of Piraeus, which was the reason that the port of Piraeus had been named Porto Leone. The lions were transported to Venice and, from that time, have adorned the Naval Station of the Republic as a trophy of the victors. Morosini’s officers, Venetian and foreign, took with them whatever pieces were easily transportable. Items from the Parthenon or other monuments of Athens which today are found in private collections and European museums without anyone knowing how, were possibly transported in this period by the soldiers of Morosini’s army. / The most typical case is that of Morosini’s secretary San Gallo, who took with him the head of a female statue which fell from the western pediment during the Venetians’ failed effort and was separated. After many misadventures, the German archeologist Weber, who had studied the Parthenon carvings from Elgin’s casts, purchased it from a Venetian marble worker just as he was about to break it, recounts de Laborde, who later bought it from Weber and removed it secretly from Italy. Today the ‘Laborde head’ is found in the Louvre. Another Venetian officer took a section of the frieze showing two horsemen in the procession and the head of a horse. Today it is found in the Museum of Art History in Vienna. / A Danish officer named Hartmand took two heads from each of two southern metopes. Today they are found in the Copenhagen National Museum. In any case, the hurried departure, the illnesses and the inability to transport many objects, on the one hand, and the indefinite future of the campaign, on the other, were the reasons that the looting did not become systematic. The path of pillage, however, had already opened.” [70] Omont_1902_193–194 Nointel in Athens in 1674, on the drawings made: Et je me persuade qu’elles seront d’autant mieux receues, qu’outre leur justesse, elles sont encore recommandables par leur rareté, qui les rend uniques. Personne, à ce que l’on m’a asseuré, n’a eu la liberté de prendre ces desseins; les sieurs de Monceaux et Laisné se retirèrent sans entrer dans le chasteau, et ceux qui en ont eu l’entrée n’ont pas mesme eu le loisir de bien considérer les miracles qui s’y voyent. Tout ce que l’on peut dire de plus eslevé de ces originaux, c’est qu’ils méritteroient d’estre placés dans les cabinets ou galleries de Sa Majesté, où ils jouiroient de la protection que ce grand monarque donne aux arts et aux sciences qui les ont produits. Ils y seroient mis à l’abry de l’injure du temps et des affronts qui leurs sont faits par les Turcs, qui, pour éviter une idolâtrie imaginaire, croyent faire une œuvre méritoire, en leur arrachant le nés ou quelque autre partie. [71] Pashley_1837_I_viii: “It had been my good fortune, some months before, to become acquainted with Vice-Admiral Sir Pulteney Malcolm, whose long-continued presence in



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the neighbourhood of Greece and its Islands, as Commander-in-chief of the British Naval Forces in the Mediterranean, has communicated to him a degree of zeal for antiquarian pursuits, even something like that for which he is so highly distinguished within the sphere of his own profession.” [72] Cust_1914_149–154 for Gell’s “Ionian Mission,” and the account of 1812 in the Society’s minutes. 151: “Fortunately for the expedition a Turkish Ship of War commanded by a Man of Science far superior to most of his countrymen, had last year arrived in the Thames, and had been there completely refitted at the expense of the English Government, in the best style of a Sloop of War of 24 guns. Her commander Captain Ismael Gibraltar was particularly well known to Mr. Gell, and on hearing of his Intention, immediately offered a passage to Rhodes to himself & his party in the handsomest Manner . . . as Captain Gibraltar is a native of Rhodes & is extremely well acquainted with the contiguous parts of Asia Minor, he cannot only furnish information, but valuable Recommendations to the Travellers.” – presumably such a captain could sail the travellers directly to visible antiquities? [73] Irwin_1780_371–2 climbing Pompey’s Pillar: “The kite was brought, and flown so directly over the pillar, that when it fell on the other side, the string lodged upon the capital. The chief obstacle was now overcome. A two-inch rope was tied to one end of the string, and drawn over the pillar by the end to which the kite was affixed. By this rope one of the seamen ascended to the top, and in less than an hour, a kind of shroud was constructed, by which the whole company went up, and drank their punch amid the shouts of the astonished multitude. To the eye below, the capital of the pillar does not appear capable of holding more than one man upon it; but our seamen found it could contain no less than eight persons very conveniently. It is astonishing that no accident befel these madcaps, in a situation so elevated, that would have turned a landman giddy in his sober senses. The only detriment which the pillar received, was the loss of the volute beforementioned; which came down with a thundering sound, and was carried to England by one of the captains, as a prefent to a lady who commissioned him for a piece of the pillar. The discovery which they made, amply compensated for this mischief; as without their evidence, the world would not have known at this hour, that there was originally a statue on this pillar, one foot and ankle of which are still remaining.” [74] Rider_Haggard_1902_211 at Nazareth, a tour guide recounts, re. a group of Americans in a synagogue: “Here, when the cohen was not looking, one of them tore a corner off the manuscript. The theft was detected and complaint made. Thereupon my friend the conductor summoned the party and addressed them upon the iniquity of such an act in terms so moving that the conscience of the spoiler was worked upon with such effect that he restored the missing fragment. / ‘When, however,’ continued the conductor, ‘on the very next day I saw that same fellow sitting upon the capital of a fallen marble column and smashing the carvings off it with a hammer, well, sir, I assure you that I never felt more like knocking a man down in my life. And, sir, he was a minister!’” [75] Smyth_1854_489 reporting on Leptis in a letter to the Admiralty dated November 1817: “I was sorry to find that neither the raft-ports, nor hatchways, of the Weymouth, would admit the three large cipollino columns; and in embarking the others, I have been under the necessity of selecting those of various dimensions, in consequence of the destructive mutilation that has taken place since my first visit. I have, besides, sent pieces from which drums might be cut, to fit the damaged columns. With the same view I have put several fragments of marble slab and cornice on board, that fractures in the capitals, &, might be repaired with stone of the same quality. But the specimens of sculpture are only embarked in order to show the style of execution, and the manner in which they have been defaced.” [76] Wilson_1805_218–19 on the obelisks at Alexandria: “Tradition affirms that they ornamented the gate of Cleopatra’s palace. From the quantities of marble, &c. &c. found near the spot, probably the residence of the sovereigns of Egypt was placed there. Much is it to be lamented, that such a superb monument of the Egyptian expedition has not been already brought to England. The zeal of Lord Cavan urged an attempt, but the swell of the sea destroyed the quay he had constructed to embark it from, and the funds are so



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exhausted, as not to admit the formation of others; yet surely this is a project worthy the co-operation of government, and the country at large.” [77] Omont_1902_I_300–301 for the 1699 project of Cleron de Querdreu to bring Pompey’s Pillar to France: Voicy ce que cousteroit la ballenne dans un an, avec 125 hommes d’esquipage, 100 matelots effectifs et 26 officiers mariniers, un capitaine de frégate, un lieutenant, chirurgien et écrivain du Roy . . . / Pour ce qui est des machines, qu’il faudra pour le transport de cette colonne, la déplanter, la traîner à la mer, l’embarquer, tout cela se trouvera dans l’arsenal de Toulon, et le tout sans grande dépense, et voicy un estât de tout ce qui est nécessaire pour cette entreprise: / Premièrement, il faut six grands mâts bruts des plus longs et des plus forts, sans les gaster de rien du tout, ainsy il ne couste rien. / Il faut avec cela des pièces de quilles de vaisseau, les plus fortes que faire se pourra, pour faire un berceau comme pour mettre un vaisseau à la mer, pour coucher ladite colonne dessus et la transporter de là à bord delà fluste, ce qui ne coustera presque rien. / Il faut porter un gros et bon chaland en quartiers, afin de transporter la colonne du bord de la mer à la fluste; vous le raporterez à Toulon, et il servira comme les autres, ainsi cette despense n’est pas inutile. / Il faudra 2,000 pieds de vieux bordages, en choisissant le meilleur, pour faire une plate-forme au pied de la colonne, pour affermir les câbles qui doivent supporter la colonne pour la déplanter et la faire courir sur ladite colonne dessus jusqu’à la mer. En revendant ce bordage à Alexandrie, on gagnera plustôt que d’y perdre, ainsi ce n’est pas une dépense. / Il faudra huit cabestans à quilles, garnis de leurs barres, cela n’est pas une despense y en ayant dans l’arsenal suffisamment; on les rapportera. / Il faudra huit ancres de 1,200 cents, cela se trouve dans le port; on les rapportera. / Il faudra six frans funins de cordages exprès, comme ceux que l’on a fait pour tirer l’Hirondelle à terre; ceux du Rosier serviront, et ceux qu’il faudra de surplus ne seront pas inutiles en les rapportant dans le port. / Il faudra douze poulies pour ces six frans funins; cela se trouve dans le magasin du port. / Il faudra des brouettes, pics, pioches, pelles et mannes pour transporter la terre, en aplanissant le chemin qu’il faudra que la colonne fasse pour venir à la mer; ce qui ne coustera pas beaucoup, et on le raporteroit après en France. / Autre dépense, mais de très peu de chose: Il faudroit embarquer sur ce bâtiment trois maistres de vaisseau, des entretenus, un pour préparer toutes les manœuvres, qui sont nécessaires dans la fluste pour embarquer la colonne et tout ce qui s’en suit; les deux autres à terre, à faire travailler à mater et garnir les cabres nécessaires pour le transport de la colonne, placer les cabestans et leurs ancres. [78] Canning_1888_II_148 Difficulties about the marbles at Budrum: “The letters are prepared, a Turkish engineer appointed, and Alison sets off with them and him and one of Smith’s masons the day after to-morrow to secure the whole prize thirteen inestimable blocks of marble, sculptured by the four greatest artists of the best days of Greece, mentioned in Herodotus and immortalized by the sentiment to which they owed their creation no less than by the genius which shaped them into perfection. Oh! if they should stick in the wall! Oh! if they should break in coming out of it! Oh! if they should founder on the way to England! Think of my venturing all at my own expense! Think of the Sultan saying that he won’t hear of my paying a sou! Indeed, my own Artemisia, I shall be much disappointed if the new Ministry and the Corn Laws be not thrown into the shade by these celebrated marbles, which it has cost me nearly three years of patient perseverance to obtain. But this is not all. Layard is making very important discoveries in Mesopotamia.” [79] Pingaud_1887_279–281: L’auteur du Voyage pittoresque avait retrouvé entre les mains de ses anciens collaborateurs les objets rapportés de Grèce en 1776, dont la reproduction ornait son premier volume; mais les moulages du Parthénon délaissés à Marseille avaient été détruits, comme on l’a vu, par des gardiens soupçonneux et avides; quelques débris seulement firent retour entre ses mains. Il ne put obtenir la remise de ses papiers séquestrés; du moins, par le ministre de l’intérieur Chaptal, il recouvra les marbres déposés au Muséum ou confisqués pour les collections publiques de Marseille. Vingt-cinq caisses d’objets recueillis dans les îles de la Grèce avaient été détruites dans un incendie à Smyrne en 1797; vingt-six autres demeurées à Athènes furent embarquées pour la France



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au printemps de 1802. Cette précieuse cargaison fut capturée par Nelson entre la Sardaigne et la Sicile, déposée à Malte, et depuis, les caisses qui la contenaient furent confondues avec celles d’un autre amateur trop célèbre, lord Elgin. Choiseul-Gouffier ayant réclamé ces richesses à Nelson par l’intermédiaire du gouvernement russe, l’amiral anglais, aussi généreux en paroles que l’avait été George III vingt ans auparavant envers Foucherot et Fauvel, répondit qu’il n’était jamais en guerre avec les protecteurs des arts. Il fallut se contenter de cette belle parole, demeurée vaine par suite de la mort de Nelson, et ChoiseulGouffier devait aussi mourir avant d’être rentré en possession de ses conquêtes. [80] Tchihatchef_1854_68 Tchihatchef_1854_68 Caria: Si le littoral de la Carie, animé par les immortels souvenirs d’Halicarnasse et de Cnide, a été l’objet de fréquentes explorations, qui néanmoins laissent encore beaucoup à désirer, l’intérieur de cette intéressante contrée est fort peu connu. Ainsi, nous ne savons à peu près rien de la célèbre cité de Tabas, qui évidemment est représentée par le village turc Davas, composé de près de cinq cents maisons. Or lorsque, en 1853, mes explorations géologiques me conduisirent sur la montagne que ce village couronne si pittoresquement, je fus frappé, en le traversant, de la quantité de dalles et de tronçons de colonnes intercalés dans les murs des maisons. Comme mes travaux de géologue trouvèrent précisément dans cette localité des objets d’un très-grand intérêt, je ne pus m’attacher aux observations si éloignées de la nature de mes investigations; cependant, tout en recueillant des fossiles, dont cette montagne abonde, j’ai pu, quoique à la hâte, copier une inscription que j’ai aperçue sur une large et belle dalle incrustée dans le mur d’une des misérables masures du village. [81] Waddington_1853_48 Halicarnassus: Il ne reste aujourd’hui que de bien faibles débris de la riche Halicarnasse, la capitale des rois de Carie. Même le temple de Mars qui se voyait encore du temps de Choiseul-Gouffîer, a complètement disparu, et le monument le plus curieux pour le voyageur est la forteresse bâtie par les chevaliers de Rhodes avec les ruines du fameux tombeau de Maussole. [82] D’Estournel_I_1844_183 arrival at Bodrum: En entrant dans les chantiers du port, nous longeâmes un mur qu’on achevait de construire avec des matériaux antiques, qu’on extrayait à mesure de la terre. Deux Turcs bien drapés, et qui semblaient inspecter les travaux, étaient assis gravement sous un kiosque à jour; nous nous plaçâmes près d’eux sans façon, et bientôt la fint-jane qu’on me présenta de leur part me fît connaître que j’étais accueilli en hôte. Sous des arcs en ogive, qui servent de portique à une longue maison d’assez bonne apparence, nous trouvâmes des fragments de frises et de colonnes, avec une inscription sur une large pierre qui servait de banc. Pendant que nous les examinions, nous entendîmes une voix qui nous appelait impérativement à travers une fenêtre sans vitres. C’était le gouverneur en personne qui nous engageait à monter chez lui. [83] Lechevalier_1802_II_208–209 Je monte donc au village de Bounar-Bachi par une pente douce et facile; et je traverse d’abord un vaste cimetière dont chaque tombeau est orne d’une colonne de marbre ou de granit. Près de la mosquée, j’aperçois un large banc porté sur deux appuis, dont l’un est un triglyphe, et l’autre un chapiteau corinthien, d’un style très-pur. [84] Michon_1893_411 Given by M. de Breuvery fils to the Louvre, but collected by his father at Halicarnassus: Il y avait plusieurs mois que M. de Breuvery visitait les îles de l’Archipel, en compagnie de M. de Cadalvène. « Nous attendions, écrit-il, à Stancho (Cos) une occasion d’embarquement pour l’Egypte, lorsque, le 16 Novembre 1829, un bâtiment fut signalé sur la côte voisine de l’Anatolie, dans le port de Boudroum: le lendemain nous faisions voile pour Alexandrie ». Telle est, dans la relation de voyage publiée par MM. de Gadalvène et de Breuvery, et qui malheureusement n’embrasse que l’Egypte et la Nubie, la seule allusion à un séjour fait à Halicarnasse. Il ne fut que d’un jour, et pourtant la découverte de notre statue remonte bien à cette époque; une inscription gravée sur le revers de la draperie, à mi-hauteur des jambes, en fait foi. Je la rapporte ici telle qu’elle est disposée sur l’original: HALICARNASSE / MAUSOLÉE FOUILLÉ DE J. DE BREUVERY / MDCCCXXIX.



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[85] Newton_&_Pullan_1862–63_317 an upper platform is suggested as the site for the Temple of Mars: “The owner of part of the platform, a Turk, seventy years of age, informed me that he had heard his father speak of a large edifice with columns, as standing here within this century. It is said that this was destroyed, and the marble exported to Rhodes. Another Turk, owner of the eastern part of the platform, informed me that two statues had been found in his field during the lifetime of his father.” [86] Hasluck_1911–1912_214: “in the latter half of the fifteenth century pilgrims who chanced to stray to S. Peter’s were shewn the rock from which the Three Kings embarked and their ‘tombs, of marble great and high’ – admittedly however, cenotaphs. / In the early years of the sixteenth century, with the revival of learning in full swing, Italian dilettanti began to take a considerable interest in the site. A certain Fr. Andreas de Martinis was collecting for Venice, Sabba di Castiglione for Isabella Gonzaga, the governor of Milan had his agents there, and the Grand Master of the Order was himself interested. Sabba di Castiglione, from whose letters (1505–7) most of these details are gleaned, habitually refers to the ruins at S. Peter’s as those of Halikarnassos, adding in one passage ‘ove gli é la sepultura che fece Artemisia a Mausoleo suo marito. This may have been the sarcophagus referred to in a later letter as una nobile, celebre, et solenne sepultura found recently at S. Peter’s: its discovery evidently made a considerable stir as an English pilgrim of 1506–7, Sir Richard Guylforde, finds space in his very summary journal to mention the ‘tumbe that was found at Seynt Peer whyles we were in these partyes.’ / About the same time di Castiglione mentions the export of two little heads of Amazons to Italy; and of the two groups of slabs from the Amazon frieze formerly built into the castle of S. Peter one is dated 1510 by the inscription on the shield of a combatant, while the other centred round a marble block bearing the name of the then Castellan and the date 1506.” [87] Hasluck_1911–1912_212–213: “A late fifteenth-century reference to the place has a curious interest for the history of the Mausoleum of Halikarnassos. In the course of the expedition of Mocenigo (1472) a small successful raid was made by the Venetians on Budrum: this was followed by a reconnaissance on the other side of the Gulf of Kos. The fleet came, in the words of Coriolano Cippico, a participant in the expedition, ‘ad un certo luogo di Caria che al presente si chiama Tabia. Quivi venendosi da due lati a congiungere il mare reduce in penisola una gran parte di Caria. Il territorio fu gia degli Alicarnassei . . . nella quale Artemisia fece un monumento . . . le vestigie di questo vidi tra le rovine della città.’” / . . . Tabia is either a misprint or a popular etymology (Tk. Tabia = battery) for (s)Tadia. It is further clear that Cippico regarded not Budrum but Datcha as the site of the Mausoleum. His words are quoted by Newton along with the now wellknown account in Guichard’s Funérailles des Rommains of the discovery of a tomb in 1522 by the Rhodian knight de la Tourette at a place called Mesy. Newton naturally takes both Cippico’s and Guichard’s accounts as referring to Budrum and the Mausoleum he himself discovered, and like most subsequent writers on the Mausoleum uses details of Guichard’s circumstantial account as data for the restoration of this monument. But the evidence of the cartographers shews that Mesy was close to Stadia on the Isthmus of the Knidian peninsula. It follows that the tomb mentioned by Cippico and Guichard was not at Budrum, but on the other side of the bay near Datcha . . . This opens up a curious question: when was Budrum first identified with Halikarnassos? Newton’s examination of the knights’ Castle of S. Peter seems to shew conclusively that the original builder, Heinrich Schlegelholt, in 1400 or thereabouts, plundered the real Mausoleum extensively for material: this is stated in so many words by Fontana more than a hundred years later; but it is very doubtful whether Schlegelholt and his brother knights knew or cared what building it was at the time. / The chance remarks of pilgrims passing through Rhodes on their way to and from Palestine may be taken as reflecting the current opinions of the time. By these Budrum is not identified with Halikarnassos before the sixteenth century. The fifteenth century pilgrims, William Wey of Eton (1458–62) and Lengerand (1485), identify it with Tarsus and Tarshish. Some lost popular etymology probably underlies this tradition. Before the building of S. Peter’s there seems to have been a Turkish castle near by, but inland,



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which perhaps used the present port: one suspects that some form of the word Tersana (= a place for building and repairing ships, our arsenal) is the solution of the riddle.” [88] Fuller_1829_510–511 Bodrum, after being refused admission to the fortress by the local authority: “we went out in a boat rowed by our own crew to the outer angle of the fortress, where the fossé opens upon the sea. Here we landed and proceeded to survey the castle, which is very large and of the most solid construction. At first we were a little apprehensive, but not finding any sentinel or other person to interrupt us, we gradually ascended from one line of ramparts to another, till at last we reached the high tower in the centre of the building, and might, if we had chosen, have carried away the red flag that was waving there. After this specimen of the vigilance of a Turkish garrison we felt quite at our ease, and proceeded at leisure to examine the beautiful remains of ancient sculpture which are worked into the wall and counterscarp. They consist of various fragments of bas-relief, representing a conflict between Greeks and Amazons. It is an obvious supposition that they were ornaments of the mausoleum erected by Artemisia; but from their style they may be conjectured to be of a later date than the frieze of the Parthenon. They are certainly of a period when sculpture had attained the highest point of beanty and of force; the spirit of the action and symmetry of the figures is unrivalled, and persons much better qualified to judge than I am, have pronounced them to be the most exquisite specimens of Grecian art; – yet they are almost unknown, in consequence of being placed in a situation so little accessible. Several attempts have been made to remove them, but all have failed; and in proportion to the anxiety which the Franks evince to possess them, will be the reluctance of the Turks to give them up. Things which to them appear so worthless, but which they see so much coveted, they will naturally suppose to possess some hidden and mysterious value.” [89] Turner_1820_III_58 Bodrum: “On my return from the ruins, I walked to the castle, where I saw no one who objected to my entrance.” – he notes the coats of arms and even gives some of their inscribed dates, does not mention the ancient bas-reliefs, only (59) “In the walls (which are now tottering,) are stuck five marbles, engraved with basso-relievos wretchedly executed, and inscribed with Italian characters too much effaced to be read.” [90] Gardner_1896_237–238 for a translation of Guichard’s account in his Funerailles: “’When these knights had arrived at Mesy (Budrum), they at once set about fortifying the castle; and looking about for stones wherewith to make lime, found none more suitable or more easily got at than certain steps of white marble, raised in the form of a staircase (perron) in the middle of a level field near the port, which had formerly been the great square of Halicarnassus. They therefore pulled down and took away these marble steps for their use, and finding the stone good, proceeded, after having destroyed the little masonry remaining above ground, to dig lower down, in the hope of finding more. / In this attempt they had great success, for in a short time they perceived that the deeper they went the more the structure was enlarged at the base, supplying them not only with stone for making lime but also for building. / After four or five days, having laid bare a great space one afternoon, they saw an opening as into a cellar. Taking a candle, they descended through this opening, and found that it led into a fine large square apartment, ornamented all round with columns of marble, with their bases, capitals, architrave, frieze, and cornices, carved and sculptured in mezzo rilievo. The space between the columns was lined with slabs and bands of marbles of different colours, ornamented with mouldings and sculptures, in harmony with the rest of the work, and inserted in the white ground of the wall, where deeds and battle-scenes were represented sculptured in relief. / Having at first admired these works, and entertained their fancy with the singularity of the sculpture, they pulled it to pieces, and broke up the whole of it, applying it to the same purpose as the rest. / Besides this apartment, they found afterwards a very low door, which led into another apartment, like an ante-chamber, where was a tomb, with its urn and its cover (tymbre) of white marble, very beautiful and of marvellous lustre. This sepulchre, for want of time, they did not open, the retreat having already sounded. / The day after, when they returned, they found the tomb opened, and the earth all round strewn with fragments



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of cloth of gold, and ornaments of the same metal, which made them suppose that the pirates who hovered on their coast, having some inkling of what had been discovered, had visited the place during the night, and had removed the lid of the tomb.” – author is sceptical about account of lower parts of the Mausoleum. [91] Newton_&_Pullan_1862–63_95–96: “On visiting the castle of Budrum shortly after laying bare the site of the Mausoleum, I perceived that the green stone of the foundations had been most extensively employed in the construction of the castle, both in the walls and pavement, as might be inferred from the narratives of Guichard and Pontano already referred to. On comparing these accounts with the facts disclosed by excavation, it is evident that, at the time of the Knights, the ruins of the upper part of the edifice – which was probably entirely of marble – were lying about its base, and that, after having cleared away these upper ruins, the knights removed the basement, slab by slab, working down till they got into the royal sepulchral chamber itself, which was probably situated in the very heart of the masonry of the basement. After the occupation of Budrum by the Turks, the foundations must have continued to serve as a quarry, for the twelve houses which I found standing on the site were all built of rubble, in the proportion of three parts of green stone to one part of marble, both materials having been evidently broken up by the sledgehammer. The Mausoleum can only have ceased to supply building materials when the hollows caused by the removal of its foundations became inconveniently deep, and were filled up with soil by deposit from the hill to the north.” Ibid., 79, authors’ comment on this account: “It is to be presumed that the d’Alechamps cited by Guichard as his authority for this singular narrative, was the well-known editor of Pliny, So far as we can judge from internal evidence, the circumstances of the discovery seem to have been as accurately reported by de la Tourette as could be expected in an age when Archeology was yet in its infancy. The finding of spangles of gold which had been sewn on to garments, is an incidental proof of the truthfulness of the account generally; for such frail ornaments have been discovered in great abundance in other royal tombs of the best period of Greek art.” [92] Newton_&_Pullan_1862–63_75–76 prints relevant extract from Guichard, Funerailles des Rommains, Grecs &tc, Lyon 1581, III, 379–381: L’an 1522, lors que Saltan Solyman se preparoit pour venir assaillir les Rhodiens, le Grand Maistre sçachat l’importance de ceste place, et que le Turc ne faudrait point de l’empieter de premiere abordee, s’il pouuoit, y enuoya quelques cheualiers pour la remparer et mettre ordre à tout ce qui estoit necessaire soustenir l’ennemi, da nombre desquels fut le Commandeur de la Tourrette Lyonnois, lequel se treuua depuis à la prise de Rhodes, et vint en France, où il fit, de ce que ie vay dire maintena[n]t, le recit a Monsieur d’Alechamps, personnage assez recongnu par ses doctes escrits, et que ie nomme seulement, à fin qu’on sçache de qui ie tien vne histoire si remarcable. Ces cheualiers estans arriués a Mesy, se mirent incontinent en deuoir de faire fortifier le chasteau, et pour auoir de la chaux, ne treuuans pierre aux enuirons plus propre pour en cuire, ny qui leur vinst plus aisoe, que certaines marches de marbre blanc, qui s’esleuoyent en forme de perron emmy d’un champ pres du port, là où iadis estoit la grande place d’Halycarnasse, ils les fire[n]t abbattre et prendre pour cest effect. La pierre s’estant renco[n]tree bonne, fut cause, que ce peu de maçonnerie, qui parroissoit sur terre, ayant este demoli, ils firent fouiller plus bas en esperance d’en treuuer d’auantage. Ce qui leur succeda fort heureusement: car ils recognurent en peu d’heure, que de tant plus qu’on creusoit profond, d’autant plus s’eslargissoit par le bas la fabrique, qui leur fournit par apres de pierres, non seulement à faire de la chaux, mais aussi pour bastir. Au bout de quatre ou cinque iours, apres auoir faict vne grande descouuerte, par vne apres disnee ils virent une ouverture comme pour entrer dans vne cave: ils prirent de la chandelle, et deualerent dedans, où ils treuuerent une belle grande salle carree, embellie tout au tour de colonnes de marbre, auec leurs bases, chapiteaux, architraues, frises et cornices grauees et taillees en demy bosse: l’entredeux des colonnes estait reuestu de lastres, listeaux ou plattes bandes de marbre de diuerses couleurs ornees de moulures et sculptures conformes au reste de l’oeuure, et rapportés properme[n]t sur le fonds bla[n]c de la muraille, où ne se voyait qu’histoires taillees, et toutes battailles à demy relief. Ce qu’ayans admiré de prime



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face, et apres avoir estimé en leur fantasie la singularite de l’ouurage, en fin ils defirent, briserent et rompirent, pour s’en seruir comme ils auoyent faicte du demeurant. Outre ceste sale ils treunerent apres vne porte fort basse, qui conduisoit à une autre, comme antichambre, ou il y auoit vn sepulcre auec son vase et son tymbre de marbre blanc, fort beau et reluisant à merueilles, lequel, pour n’avoir pas eu assez de temps, ils ne descouurirent, la retraicte estant desia sonnee. Le lendemain apres qu’ils y furent retournés, ils treuuerent la tombe descouuerte, et la terre semee tout autour de force petits morceaux de drap d’or, et paillettes de mesme metal: qui leur fit penser, que les corsaires, qui escumoyent alors le long de toute ceste coste, ayans eu quelque vent de ce qui auoit esté descouuert en ce lieu là, vindrent de nuict, et osterent le couuercle du sepulcre, et tient on qu’ils y treuuerent des grandes richesses et thresors. Ainsi ce superbe sepulcre, compté pour l’un des sept miracles, et ouurages merueilleux du monde, apres auoir eschappé la fureur des Barbares, et demeuré l’espace de 2247 ans debout, du moins enseueli dedans les ruines de la ville d’Halycarnasse, fut descouuert et aboli pour remparer le chasteau de S. Pierre, par les cheualiers croises de Rhodes, lesquels en furent incontinent apres chasscs pas le Turc, et de toute l’Asie quant et quant. [93] Newton_1865_II_67b Bodrum: “I suggested that a firman authorizing the removal of the lions from the Castle at Budrum should be obtained from the Porte, and that the sum of £2,000, and the services of a ship of war for at least six months, would be necessary to insure the success of the expedition. I also recommended that an officer of the Royal Engineers and four Sappers should accompany the expedition, to direct any difficult engineering operations; and, in order to secure an accurate record of the excavations, I suggested that one of the Sappers should be a photographer. / These suggestions were at once carried into effect by her Majesty’s Government, and the small party of Royal Engineers was further provided with every kind of stores and appliances from the War Office, which might be needed in the varied operations of such an expedition. / The ship appointed by the Admiralty for this special service was her Majesty’s steam-corvette Gorgon, under the command of Captain Towsey, with a crew of 150 men. Lieutenant R. M. Smith was the officer sent in command of the party of Sappers, who consisted of Corporal William Jenkins, Corporal B. Spackman, as photographer, and two Lance-Corporals, one a smith, the other a mason. The Gorgon arrived at Budrum at the beginning of November, 1856.” [94] Pingaud_1887_162: Fauvel se hasarda cependant à détacher, sur la façade orientale du Parthénon, un fragment de la frise, et si, comme on l’affirma plus tard, il se borna à le ramasser, c’est qu’il l’avait aidé à tomber en le descendant à l’aide de cordes trop faibles, qui se rompirent sous le poids. Il aurait recueilli de la même manière une des métopes de la façade sud. Le premier de ces précieux fragments, confisqué durant la Terreur avec les collections de Choiseul-Gouffier, entra au Louvre, d’où il n’est plus sorti. Le second, saisi plus tard en mer par les Anglais, devait être vendu aux enchères à Elgin, et restitué par celui-ci à son premier possesseur. Aujourd’hui, il fait également partie du musée du Louvre. [95] Newton_1865_II_109–110 discoveries in Bodrum: “Digging on beyond this line, I was stopped by a modern wall of loose rubble, running in front of a Turkish house, and marking the boundary of a fresh property. As this wall was full of fragments of the Mausoleum, I asked the permission of the owner of the house to take it down and to dig a little further north in front of his house. This worthy man, an Imam, looked at me with a wistful expression, and said, ‘They tell me you are a man who, when once you get your foot into a field, contrive to got your whole body in after it.’ However, after a little hesitation, he gave me leave to dig a strip six feet wide inside his boundary wall, which we demolished forthwith. Built into its base was the tail of a colossal horse in white marble. Digging below the foundations of this rubble wall, I came to an ancient wall, built of large blocks of white marble beautifully jointed, rather more than six feet in height. On the top of this wall was a lion resting, apparently as he had fallen. His legs and tail were broken off, but the body was in the finest condition, and the head intact: the tongue, when first discovered, was painted bright red. / Behind this wall to the north was a mass of large marble slabs, lying



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piled one over the other in the earth. After removing the uppermost of these, we saw underneath them the folds of a draped torso. We got this out safely, though the operation was a perilous one, on account of the weight of the superincumbent slabs. Then appeared a male head broken in three pieces, another draped torso, and a singular mass of marble with a piece of bronze attached, which, after some study, I perceived to be the half of the head of a colossal horse. I at once assumed as certain that I had got upon the track of the famous quadriga, which, as Pliny tells us, surmounted the Mausoleum, crowning the Pyramid. The result proved that I was right. We dug on, getting out every instant fragments of statues and of lions, till at last we came to the hinder half of an enormous horse, cut off behind the shoulder by a joint, and measuring upwards of six feet from the root of his tail to this joint. Half of this great mass of marble lay in the strip of ground where I had leave to dig, and half in the undug portion of the field beyond, where I had no right to encroach. I expected that the Imam would have taken this opportunity to exact a heavy fine for further trespass on his domain, but fortunately I had to deal in this instance with a liberally minded man, who disdained to take petty advantages; so we had full permission to clear the ground all round the great horse, so as to plant our triangle over his body. After being duly hauled out, he was placed on a sledge and dragged to the shore by 80 Turkish workmen. On the walls and house-tops as we went along sat the veiled ladies of Budrum. They had never seen anything so big before, and the sight overcame the reserve imposed on them by Turkish etiquette. The ladies of Troy gazing at the wooden horse as he entered at the breach, could not have been more astonished.” [96] Newton_1865_II_69 back at Bodrum to extract the lions: “When we had disembarked our stores, the natives crowded round us to examine the wonderful tools and appliances which we had imported from England. Except at Constantinople and a few great towns in Turkey, metallurgy is a most neglected art, and iron a costly article, imported generally from Russia. Great, therefore, was the astonishment of the Turks at the sight of our miners’ picks, iron spades, crowbars, and sledge hammers. Still more did they admire the wheelbarrows with wrought-iron wheels, the trucks which trundle over even Turkish roads with resistless impetus, like the cars of the ancient Britons; and the huge tackles and triangles, suggesting to their minds unknown and mysterious mechanical powers. Everything was Marafet, Chok Marafet. This word is applied to all masterpieces of mechanical ingenuity, and is the epithet specially associated with the name of Franks.” [97] Moustier_1864_256 near Aezani: Nous traversons des collines calcaires sur le penchant desquelles des paysans s’occupent à exploiter les bois. Leurs chariots, composés par fois d’un simple tronc d’arbre creusé, sont portés sur deux roues massives, sortes de plateaux cylindriques détachés de quelque gros chêne qu’on a scié par tranches près de sa base. Ces roues, mal ajustées autour d’un essieu de bois, produisent, en tournant, un bruit étrange semblable aux gémissements de quelque créature en détresse, et que l’on entend de fort loin. [98] Fellows_1843_36 at Xanthus: “We kept on admirable terms with the peasantry, and I believe our departure was a subject of regret to all. Our English spades, pickaxes and tools were much admired and often borrowed by the people, but always punctually returned . . . At my request the tools, when the expedition was concluded, were given to the Aga to distribute among the peasantry.” [99] Newton_1865_II_69–70 workmen at Bodrum, to extract the lions: “The magnitude of our preparations of course led the native mind to the conclusion that we must have a superabundance of money, and my old workmen, all of them Greeks, had tke modesty to ask just double the wages paid for a day’s labour at Smyrna. / These pretensions were speedily reduced when a party of fifty sailors landed with picks and shovels, and in the course of about six hours did as much work as a Greek would do in a day and a half. / I then tried the experiment of emplopng Turks, and was very well satisfied. When properly treated, they are most intelligent and docile workmen; not so handy and expeditious as sailors, but their dogged perseverance makes up for the slowness of their movements.



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They have great strength for carrying heavy weights on their backs. They do not strike so heavily with the pick as Englishmen, which is rather an advantage in excavations where antiquities are found. The poorer Turks of Budrum are most of them more or less mariners; hence many of my labourers have a certain familiarity with ropes and blocks, which makes them very apt and handy in learning the use of the triangle. Wages vary from six to eight piasters a day, according to the quality of the workman.” [100] Texier_1862_214 Pergamum, walking up the acropolis: A partir de cet endroit, le chemin de l’acropole subsiste encore en entier; il est pavé en grandes dalles de lave, et de part et d’autre on aperçoit les soubassements des édifices qui le décoraient. On suit ce chemin, dans une longueur de 600 mètres jusqu’à la porte du château; construction du moyen âge, dont les murailles et les tours sont uniquement composées de colonnes de différents diamètres, prèsque toutes de marbre, Quelques-unes sont à cannelures demi-cylindriques, comme les pratiquaient les Romains; d’autres sont cannelées à la grecque; d’autres enfin ne sont que des cylindres à pans coupés, tant les cannelures sont peu évidents. A coté de l’entrée est un four à chaux, gouffre où ont été s’engloutir les derniers débris des temples et des palais qui ornaient l’acropolis; car le sol de Pergame est volcanique, et la pierre à chaux rare aux environs. [101] RA_NS_XXXIX_1880_189–190 in Nouvelles archéologiques, on Pergamon: A 50 mètres au-dessous du point le plus élevé, et vers le sud, M. Humann a trouvé l’autel de Jupiter, dont la décoration principale était une frise magnifique représentant la Gigantomachie, c’est-à-dire la glorification du maître des dieux lui-même, et par conséquent l’une des quatre œuvres originales citées plus haut. / Les Attalides, au comble de la puissance et de la richesse, avaient construit un vaste mur d’enceinte autour de la colline du chateau; au sud, il allait jusqu’au pied de la montagne. Les Byzantins, trop faibles pour maintenir une si grande forteresse, tracèrent une ligne de défense allant de l’est à l’ouest, à une hauteur de 240 mètres; ce mur, fort épais, passa précisément au sud de l’autel de Jupiter. Peu respectueux des chefs-d’œuvre de l’antiquité, ils ne craignirent pas de ruiner l’autel et d’employer, pour la construction du mur, tous les matériaux du monument grec: colonnes, sculptures, statues, tout était bon. Pour comble de malheur, la pierre à chaux leur manquant, ils employèrent beaucoup de marbres dans ce but. / C’est dans ce mur que M. Humann a trouvé, il y a huit ans, quelques hauts-reliefs dont l’un représente un Hercule; il en fit cadeau au Musée royal de Berlin. M. Rally, docteur à Pergame, en avait trouvé, il y a douze ans, un autre, portant un lion qui mord un géant; il en fit don au syllogos de Constantinople, où il se trouve encore. [102] Teule_1842_70–71 Pergamon, the acropolis: Les fortifications qui garnissaient ce haut sommet ont souffert de fortes brèches par où j’ai pu pénétrer. Là se voient des chapiteaux énormes et des colonnes de marbre blanc renversées, mutilées et plus ou moins enterrées. [103] Cockerell_1903_138 (travelling 1810–1817): “At Pergamo I lodged in the khan. The first thing I did was to walk up to the castle. It is in three stages, with remains of fortification of all ages, from the earliest to the Genoese, but the Roman are the most important. On the second stage are two towers and a great wall built of Roman-Greek fragments of white marble. Above are two larger towers with a gate and strong wall full of fragments. On the south-west side a gap or dell in the hill is filled up with arches fifty feet high by twenty wide, and above them a range of smaller ones, the whole forming a solid foundation for an immense temple of white marble in the best Roman-Greek style. The whole work is prodigious and very noble. There are still considerable remains of the temple, but they are rapidly disappearing, for the Turks cut them up into tombstones.” [104] Clark_1914_67 Pergamon: “More than thirty years ago the Germans began to excavate ancient Pergamos and made some wonderful finds, most of which are transported to the Pergamenian museum in Berlin, but still there is much left to remind the traveller of the glorious city on whose grave he is walking. There are many white stones lying about on every hand, not the white pebbles of which the revelator spoke, on which the new



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name was to be written, but great masses of marble, fine capitals beautifully carved, lofty columns, some standing erect and others prostrate, with their drums scattered about. A few headless torsos and fragments of arms and legs strew the ground.” [105] Le_Camus_1896_146 Humann: Oui, on faît fouilleur de ruines tout comme poète. De Metelin, où il était fixé, il explora les pays voisinants, et soupçonna bien vite les trésors artistiques qu’on peut exhumer dans ces terres d’Anatolie, tombeau de la belle civitisation antique. Ainsi à Pergame, en se promenant sur l’Acropole, le lendemain d’un violent orage, il remarqua, émergeant du sol raviné par les pluies, des marbres qu’il jugea être les fameux basreliefs du grand autel de Zeus. Sans perdre un instant, il adressa un mémoire au ministre des Beaux-Arts à Berlin, lui communiquant ses espérances et son désir d’être officiellement chargé d’une mission pour faire des fouilles au profit de l’Allemagne. Le ministre ne répondit pas. / . . . [But this minister went, and another took his place] Ayant dans ces casiers ou les hommes de bureau, à leurs heures d’énervement, jettent pèle-mèle aux gémonies, les élucubrations des fous et les révelations des hommes de génie, il en retira le mémoire de M. Humann. Son Excellence écrivit donc à l’ingénieur: “Faites vos fouilles, voici de l’argent de Berlin et un firman de Constantinople. Nous verrons ce que vous en retirerez!” [106] Michaelis_1879_28: Nei regolamenti e nelle altre dichiarazioni officiali dei fondatori si stabilisce come scopo principale dell’Instituto il raccogliere e far conoscere generalmente fatti e scoperte archeologiche che hanno rapporto ai monumenti dell’architettura, della scoltura, della pittura, dell’epigrafia e della topografia dell’antichità classica, monumenti messi in luce sia da scavi sia da ricerche scientifiche, impedendone così lo sperdimento e mettendoli alla disposizione della scienza per mezzo di un punto di concentramento. L’Instituto deve generalmente limitarsi alla Grecia ed all’Italia, e soltanto occasionalmente estendersi all’Oriente ed all’Egitto, ristringendosi ai risultati più rilevanti delle relative scoperte o ricerche. Il raccogliere notizie e disegni deve principalmente aver luogo per mezzo di corrispondenze e perciò l’instituto s’intitola « Instituto di corrispondenza archeologica »; però non sono esclusi viaggi occasionali d’informazione. Allo scopo di avere regolari comunicazioni devesi in tutti i luoghi d’Italia interessanti per l’antiquaria, e possibilmente anche in Grecia, procurare di aver relatori, i quali l’informino di tutte le nuove scoperte, scavi, avvenimenti, collezioni ignote ecc., e debbono essere invitati viaggiatori scientifici a prestare lo stesso servigio. [107] Oberhummer_&_Zimmerer_1899_1–24 Deutsche Forschung in Kleinasien from pilgrims and crusades, to the railway. Nearly all chapters are short, describing areas (e.g. Cilician Taurus, Cappadocia, Kayseri) and more interested in ethnography than archaeology – but the second section has chapters devoted to e.g. inscriptions, coins, population. 371–410 Oberhummer, Eugen, “Reise in Westkleinasien (1897)” 372: the railway has eased travel into the interior. 379–380 at Eskisehir, the mound of the ancient city ist seit einer Reihe von Jahren der Fundort von Eskiseher, das sich infolge des Eisenbahnbaues rasch vergrösserte, bei dem Suchen nach Bausteinen zu Tage gefördert haben. Preger und Radet haben eine Reihe von Inschriften und anderen antiken Denkmälern von dort veröffentlicht, aber fortwährend werden durch die immer erneueten Nachgrabungen neue Denkmäler entdeckt und meist dem Verdeben preis gegeben.

Chapter Ten

Tourism meets modernity in Asia Minor Modernity provided the western technologies of steam, optics, photography,1 and telegraphy; and Asia Minor eventually embraced that modernity by constructing some roads, and commissioning railways and other new building-types, including museums. Railway stations were also part of modernity, and in the 1870s the Beau Monde would gather in the square in front of the station at Smyrna for their promenade.[1] But modernity was a two-edged sword for the fate of antiquities in Asia Minor because the materials employed in the process of building modern structures often came from ancient sites. Western science had, of course, been in Asia Minor for centuries: telescopes, surveying instruments (although most travellers simply sketched),[2] and even some lifting equipment. Ironically, the technologies propelled not only serious and scholarly travellers, but also tourists, to sites in Asia Minor. But speed and a smooth ride were to be no compensation for the fact that some of the antiquities they came to see had already gone into the new rail/road infrastructure along which they journeyed. Equally strange, some of the best antiquities had already been removed from the sites they were to visit, and housed in European museums. In a crude differentiation, our earlier travellers were knowledgeable, discovered antiquities, and provided a menu in their published books. Tourists, an increasing and enthusiastic advertisement for the efficacy and popularity of modern transport technologies, visiting in ever-increasing numbers, consumed but did not originate. Whether the tourists brought substantial benefits to the country were to be doubted, if we may translate the recent figures for receipts in the Middle East back to around 1900.2 Again, arguably funds spent on restoration for tourists might better have been spent on more digging.3 1 E.g. Ruggieri for de Jerphanion’s photos, of 1903ff: Ankara, Citadel, #2–7, 10–21; Arabas 42, 44, 48, 68; Qazova, houses from wattle, 124–126; Constantinople Sea Walls 192–197. 2 Hazbun 2008, ix: “international tourism has become one of the most prevalent aspects of globalization transforming the Arab world.” ix–x: “tourism development and tourism flows have often been crafted to serve state interests.” 193 for international tourist arrivals and receipts 2000–2005 – showing that all countries together (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Dubai) never get more than 2.2% of tourist arrivals, or more than 1.5% of receipts. 3 Demas 1997, 142, on the Library of Celsus and the Houses as Ephesus: “the trend toward massive and costly interventions in direct response to the demand for interpretation

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chapter ten Doing the Sights at Speed

Modernity also has a bearing on how many antiquities the foreigners are able to visit. If Smyrna was the Europeanised haven from the eighteenth century, and the coast south of the Dardanelles another popular anchorage point for visiting ships because it was sheltered,[3] the coming of the railways provided opportunities and restrictions in equal measure. For if we find some travellers hiring a horse to visit sites from the railway station, there are many more who restrict their sightseeing to what can conveniently be achieved by steamer and railway alone. Much less useful with the new infrastructure is the only measurement of how far a horse can trek in an hour, a hazy calculation at best. It is replaced by something much more precise, namely the calculation of how many sites can be seen by railway in one day, and then back to Smyrna to a decent hotel. The view from the railway becomes important, the Vali of Ankara having houses which faced it whitewashed in 1897: “it gives a spotlessly clean appearance to a town which is as dirty as it is interesting.”[4] Le Camus in 1896 made great use of the railway to visit the Seven Churches – but from Soma station to Pergamon took five hours. Fortunately, ease of travel meant that sites could be revisited, and the continuing impact of modernity assessed. Sitting again in the theatre at Ephesus after five years, Le Camus writing in 1896 was struck by its deterioration since his previous visit, and deplored the lack of any local defence against such vandalism: Depuis notre dernière visite, il a considérablement dépéri. Presque tous les gradins ont fini par disparaître, détachés par les pluies et enfouis dans le fond de la cavea, sous le sable, quand les bâtisseurs ne les ont pas emportés . . . Pourquoi, tenant tête à ceux qui détruisent sans cesse, le temps et les hommes, n’y a-t-il personne ici qui répare? Par le vandalisme des uns et l’incurie des autres, on va voir disparaître sous peu un monument auquel se rattachent les plus importants souvenirs![5]

The railways transport tourists to the “sights,” and to cater for this growing market travel accounts from the 1880s are full of friendly advice on how to knock off a variety as quickly as possible, using railways and horses, in a spirit not far from that travel film close to the heart of all tourists, If of monuments to the visiting public. The costs of these projects often far outstrip the resources available for the traditional archaeological pursuits of excavation, study, and publication, as well as for the less visible work of maintenance.” Soraluce Blond 2008 for the horror-story of “restoration” from Antiquity to the Renaissance.



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It’s Tuesday, This Must Be Belgium. This hurry-hurry spirit may be characterized by a British poster of 1930 showing the Arch of Ctesiphon and the caption “London-Baghdad in 8 days by Simplon-Orient-Express and Taurus-express. Safety Rapidity Economy.”4 Unless on a private yacht, the south coast of Asia Minor, lacking good roads and harbours, was still off the menu; and, indeed, well before the railways reached Asia Minor and made travel so much easier, the recommended way to get from Constantinople to Smyrna, Troy and Assos was by steamer.[6] Some travellers starting from Constantinople went overland via Bursa, but the majority sailed into Smyrna, which was set up for travel, thanks to the railway into the interior. Some sites were on the railway, most some way off it; but the railway saved a lot of time. Thus as Cochran suggests in 1887, the tourist might “ride over to ancient Sardis, twenty-five miles distant, add to his artistic spoils, return before nightfall, and possibly next day be back on board his steamer at Smyrna.”[7] By this date, indeed, as Cochran trumpets, “within a week, the passing tourist has the opportunity of visiting the sites of five of the “Seven Churches in Asia,” and adding materially to his art delineations, for the future enjoyment of his friends at home.”[8] Ephesus Attracts Tourists In 1863, Hyde Clarke delivered a lecture to the Smyrna Literary and Scientific Institution celebrating the two-hour railway access to the site, “and having visited return within the day,” hoping, indeed, that this would make it once again a focus of pilgrimage.[9] Tourism, yes: pilgrimage, not much.5 By 1914, for example, Clark could point to Pergamon as “the only one of the Seven Cities which is not directly on a railway line.”[10] He noted that travellers from Smyrna could visit Ephesus and be back on their steamer in Smyrna harbour within five hours,[11] so journeys were certainly getting quicker. Yet many tourists made do with Ayasoluk and the Church of S. John, missing out Ephesus altogether, as did Ibn Battuta.[12] Because of their proximity to Smyrna, Ephesus (also one of the Seven Churches of the Apocalypse) and the adjacent village and fortress of Ayasoluk were the most visited of classical sites, the more so when the railway arrived.[13] The triangle Smyrna-Ayasoluk-Ephesus also came into play for 4 Civelli 2007, 26. 5 Demas 1997 133, 139: 276,000 visitors in 1960; Selçuk Museum opens 1964; 514,000 visitors in 1969; and nearly 1.7 million in 1988.

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the removal of antiquities to England. Wood needed sailors from HMS Terrible to haul blocks from Ephesus to the railway station at Ayasoluk (20 days’ work), and then to pick them up at the other end of the railway, and convey them from Smyrna to England.[14] A Chip Off the Old Block: Kiln-Fodder or Souvenirs? Cochran’s reference to “artistic spoils” suggests he was familiar with what went on at Ephesus, for tourists enthusiastically continued the old tradition of workmen whittling away antiquities. But now, instead of going into the kilns, they sailed home with their looters. Antiquities with protrusions (statues, capitals, high reliefs) were especially vulnerable to doctoring for one of three reasons. First, for monster blocks the only way to get anything to the kilns was to attack any protrusions. Second, on antiquities needed for elsewhere (such as columns or capitals) getting rid of protrusions would lighten the load and ease transportation. Finally, protrusions were vulnerable to travellers and tourists determined to carry something manageably light back home. This is why there are more antique heads than complete statues in European museums, and more detached architectural fragments (rather than complete blocks) as well. Ephesus offer examples of all three types of depradation. Several sites there were attractive to Christian pilgrims, as they were elsewhere. Indeed, churches were sometimes deliberately sited to attract them,6 and some were associated with antiquities. At Ephesus this was the case with an ancient piece of jasper reputed to be the font used by John the Evangelist for baptising Christians. (There was another “font” at Ayasoluk, a hollowedout capital; but this was a far humbler affair.)[15] This was long damaged, however, because pilgrims broke off souvenirs; Le Brun, for example, took two pieces, writing in 1725 that “à dessein d’en faire quelque usage lorsque je serois retourné en mon Païs.”[16] Newton in the 1870s was so shocked by tourists at Ephesus throwing marbles around that he told them to desist; and says he had heard of ship-captains advising passengers to take a hammer ashore with them, so as to knock off a souvenir.[17] And Wood, writing in 1877, relates how he had to stop British sailors chipping away at a sarcophagus.[18] One mournful case related by Wood concerns the plunder of Ephesus in the 1870s for columns for a mosque, and their lightening

6 Harl 2001, 308.



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for transport by cutting off all the flutings (which might have been standard practice: cf. Alexandria Troas).7 The same entrepreneur disfigured a mosque there, but was not allowed to use his prizes, which cluttered up both streets and railway station when Wood wrote his account.[19] Most antiquities were, of course, too large for tourists to purloin, but Wood at Ephesus in the 1870s was well aware that important tourists wanted souvenirs, as they had the previous century at Pompeii and Herculaneum. Foolishly (in any long-term view),“I had fortunately anticipated the wants of visitors in this respect, and had sorted out a great number of fragments, large and small, which were placed in a heap on the top. From this they chose their ‘nice little bits,’ and left in great glee with their trophies.”[20] Presumably such tourists had to be kept sweet, since their good reports back home to the newspapers could increase the archaeological feel-good factor, and perhaps do wonders for fresh funding. But even hinting that diggers approved of the abstraction of antiquities from sites might well have encouraged them to continue stealing antique souvenirs (in many cases literally knock-offs, obtained using a hammer) elsewhere. At Ephesus as at other sites, “nice little bits” (in Wood’s phrase) had also been chopped off architectural elements for quite another purpose for centuries previously. For he discovered volutes and egg-mouldings, for example, presumably so they could go immediately into the lime kilns, while their host, in this case a capital, was too large to break down. Indeed, Wood found many chippings nearby, ready to be thrown into a four-metre kiln.[21] One of the great figured column drums which form a glory of the Artemision he found with its visible figures hacked off for the kilns, but the underside figures were intact. The kiln-workers had been unable to rotate it to get at the rest of the figures. This was small wonder, when it took Wood and his men fifteen days to get it to the surface: “Until this immense block, six feet high, and more than six feet in diameter, was raised to the surface, I had an anxious time of it. For any mischievously disposed person might have chopped all the sculptures off in the course of a single night.”[22]

7 Görkey 1999, 16: “Large quantities of slivers and fragments of column-drum fillets and flutes were found.” And 17, also frieze fragments “including rosettes, eagles, and birds, ” so had they been cleaned up for reuse?

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chapter ten Destruction of the Seljuk Walls of Konya

If many antiquities were abstracted by tourists, many were used by locals improving their living and housing conditions. Getting rid of town walls was an index of modernity in the West as well, with France pulling down several sets (Bordeaux, Toulouse, Arles, Langres, Narbonne) to let in air and light, and to build modern sewers. In Asia Minor, Konya is a city of glorious architecture, Seljuk and later and, as already mentioned, until the early twentieth century was surrounded in parts by dilapidated Seljuk-built walls rich in antiquities, and of which we have several tantalising descriptions, but no illustrations beyond a few nineteenth-century sketches. These walls, like many other antiquities throughout the town, were destroyed as part of an effort to modernise the town. They were built by the only known Moslem dynasty that embraced and enjoyed figured antiquities on a grand scale. Building the Walls The walls, built by Alaeddin, were a matter of pride for him and his beys, each of whom placed an inscription on the tower he had built. We have a (later) account of this building-work by Ibn Bibi, unusual in that it refers to marble statues,[23] and it is also clear from this account that antiquities were deliberately collected together by emirs in competition with each other for display in their walls, as Huart explains.[24] Presumably many of the antiquities came from antique Iconium itself. Chesneau says the walls were built by the Romans (which might well have pleased their Seljuk builders),[25] while Mustawfi maintains that Alaeddin only restored them.[26] Already in 1820, Leake correctly attributed the walls to the Seljuks, “who seem to have taken considerable pains to exhibit the Greek inscriptions, and the remains of architecture and sculpture belonging to the antient Iconium, which they made use of in building their walls.”[27] Further evidence that the Seljuk Turks or perhaps some later inhabitants of Konya (date unknown) were proud of the antique decorations of the walls comes from Kinneir’s report of 1818 that statues and reliefs had missing arms and legs replaced. This he thought “industrious,” and declared the effect to range from “bad taste” and “rude” to “ludicrous.”[28] But we can conclude that the inhabitants wanted their walls whole to the best of their abilities, thinking that statues looked better complete rather than mutilated. Indeed Laborde, who admired the walls in 1838, wrote of the care with



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which the antiquities were displayed.[29] But, in Huart’s commentary, “ce que le temps avait respecté, l’incurie et la sottise des hommes devaient le détruire.” They may well have already been much more ruinous than he actually drew them, since Aucher-Eloy, writing in 1843, does not even mention them.[30] Marble from them had probably already been pilfered for the pasha’s palace, including veneer, of which only fragments survived into the twentieth century.[31] A seventeenth-century account says that materials for this palace came from Tyana.[32] Should we conclude that the Seljuks intended the walls to look antique, rather than being simply a display of antiquities they liked? There is at least the possibility that the Seljuks intended their walls to look Roman; and Chesneau, travelling in 1547, had no difficulty in believing that they were indeed Roman, given that they incorporated in them sculptures lions and eagles – “Ce que facillement je croy, d’autant qu’il y a personnages, lyons et aigles de pierre eslevez et taillez sur les portes de la ville.”[33] Ali Bey, seeing the lions and other figures, considered the walls to be Greek,[34] which might well have pleased their builders. He was misled, of course, for they also included images of saints, and Genoese crosses, as Moltke reports,[35] as well as classical inscriptions, according to Leake.[36] In 1547 Belon had seen they were modern, admiring the antiquities both Christian and pagan that they contained.[37] As described by Olivier, the walls were still in relatively good condition at the beginning of the nineteenth century, although the palace on a hillock inside was falling in ruins.[38] (So perhaps was the town, which apparently then had no more than 20,000 inhabitants.)[39] This was once an interesting structure, in the west façade of which both patterned marble and cippi were incorporated: “deux rosaces en marbre de différentes nuances sont encastrées dans le mur, sur le haut duquel est disposé une rangée de cippes accolés deux à deux et formant niches.”[40] In other words, antiquities were displayed in the palace as well as in the town walls. Documenting the Walls Olivier’s account of 1807 should be read together with an even more detailed 1818 account of the antiquities set into them, by Kinneir, both of which are referenced above. Lieut-Col. Leake confirmed their splendour in 1820, describing their antiquities,[41] a few of which survived the devastation, and are to be seen in the Konya museums today. Hamilton, in 1842, found them extremely interesting, in contrast to the “scene of destruction

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and decay within, and the houses “built of soft and crumbling mudbricks.”[42] What a pity that these walls, marked by the French in 1850 as needing study along with other Seljuk monuments,[43] were never in fact thoroughly studied before they were dismantled! Laborde’s views of 1838 are remarkably complete, especially in view of assertions two generations earlier that they were already (only in part?) fallen – so we have to wonder whether he somewhat improved what he saw. Unfortunately, the data trail is very weak, for most of the wall’s antiquities were destroyed when the walls themselves were pulled down,[44] leaving Mendel’s catalogue of the antiquities of the local museum (one might say) monumentally uninformative.[45] But perhaps by 1902, the date of Mendel’s catalogue, there was not much left. There are some nineteenth-century drawings of these walls, converted into prints. But there do not seem to be any photographs. Perhaps this is an index of how unimportant re-use continued to be in the eyes of most travellers, unless it included significant statues (and those in the walls of Konya had been repaired) or inscriptions, which were eagerly copied and the more important specimens photographed. Part of the problem was the early nineteenth-century dilapidation of the city itself. Even by the 1830s, Konya was part-ruined and part-uninhabited, its mosques as well. Apparently the walls with all their antiquities were flanked by a moat, which by 1839 had become a “pestilential swamp.”[46] Perhaps this was another reason for modernisation through demolition. This is not a phenomenon restricted to Turkey; for photographic documentation is also scarce at the same period in France: many of the late-antique walls mentioned above were demolished at about the same time in order to make boulevards, the now-innocent name for the fire-zones covered by the cannon on the erstwhile walls. Destroying the Walls Scott-Stevenson visited in 1881, and was particularly impressed by the lions which she described while they were still set in the walls. But by that date the locals were nibbling away at the walls for building materials: “the wall on the north-west side of the town is not so lofty, and the towers are smaller but more numerous. But it is only in isolated places that any remains can be seen, for they are rapidly crumbling down through decay and deportation for other purposes.”[47] A decade later, the governor



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was also dismantling the citadel in order to build a new prison with its remains.[48] Along with the various refurbishments and rebuildings at Medina and especially Mecca, the destruction of Konya’s walls is the greatest known loss for any study of Moslem attitudes to classical antiquities, and their display. This is because, without any doubt whatsoever, they were put together as a kind of art gallery (purpose unknown) of antiquities, presumably found locally, including sculptures of lions on all five gates.[49] An index of lack of interest is the difficulty of knowing exactly what was destroyed at what date. For even if the walls were wilfully destroyed during the nineteenth century, it seems possible that some gateways and sections of wall survived until about 1917, but in ruins.[50] Indeed, Hawley says some ruins were still in place in 1918.[51] While Sterrett was in Konya in the 1880s, parts of the wall were already being destroyed, quarried to rebuild the city. He copied some of the inscriptions found in them, and reckoned that after Ibrahim Pasha’s destruction of the city in 1833, the inhabitants started using the ruins of the walls as a quarry for the city. Accordingly, he saw fewer inscriptions in the walls in 1888 than Leake had done a generation earlier. Indeed, the destruction of the monuments of the city seems to have started earlier, Hamilton noting in 1842 that the Utch Kaleh had already lost its stone facings, “probably to build the Pacha’s konak.”[52] Sterrett in his hunt for inscriptions often had to make do with the impressions in the clay of the wall’s core, since the inscriptions had been re-used as facing blocks, the inscribed surface to the inside, and the wall core clay or mud.[53] But although Sterrett was in Konya during the destruction of the walls, neither he nor the supposedly art-loving Governor seem to have involved themselves with saving the antiquities found therein.[54] Whether their destruction was with any fanatical aniconic intent, as Sterrett implies, or rather just town modernisation, is simply not known. Sterrett reports that important antiquities were being collected for the museum in Constantinople, as they came to light. This at exactly the period when the antiquities-rich walls of that city were also being dismantled, and the pieces for ever lost, many no doubt within the new buildings of a growing city.[55] The disappearance of so many antiquities from the walls of Konya when they were dismantled might suggest an ongoing interest in marble as a material, whether for lime, for rebuilding, or for museums local or distant. This interest is confirmed, perhaps, by the contemporary disappearance of a fine church near Konya, which seems to have disappeared

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almost completely between 1890 and 1900,[56] and suggests reuse as building materials. Again, if there is any consolation to such destruction and reuse of the antique, at least in earlier centuries, it lies in the Islamic monuments of Konya, some of which, as Ainsworth rightly says, “would have delighted the heart of a Procopius.”[57] By the beginning of the twentieth century they were largely destroyed, and a museum projected,[58] but the monuments were still neglected, especially the palace.[59] Carrying off antiquities from the walls of Konya would of course have fallen foul of the various antiquities laws, but miniaturized looting still proceeded unchecked. In the early 1880s, as we have seen, British tourists were already gouging tiles out of the dilapidated monuments of Konya, regretting that they lacked transport to carry large quantities of tiles back home and set them in several fireplaces.[60] But Choisy left tempting material at Karahisar in 1876 because of transportation difficulties.[61] Where exactly the stones from Konya’s walls ended up is uncertain, although Huart says they went into the new provincial government building,[62] and into a salt factory.[63] Gallois spotted antiquities built into the government building’s foundations, but also describes antiquities gathered into a lapidary museum (“un musée lapidaire”) in the grounds of a new school.[64] Radet suggests in 1895 that the courtyard of the mosque at Atly-Hissar served the same purpose.[65] What survived from the demolitions of the later nineteenth century was material difficult to reuse in building, such as sarcophagi and lions. If one sarcophagus now preserved in the local museum came from the walls, others there were found elsewhere, and much later.8 Sad photographs survive of sections of the Konya palace, especially a kiosk, and of its tiles in Berlin, Stockholm and Paris, but not in any quantity in Konya.9 The Archaeological Museum contains several prides of lions, provenance rarely stated. But just what antiquities the saltpetre factory in Konya encapsulated, except for two lions, perhaps from the walls, apparently painted yellow and with red jaws,[66] is not known. The Seljuk city had accumulated many lions,

8 Özgan 2003, for Konya sarcophagi: cat 10 Achilles sarcophagus part from the walls, with fragments from the old bedesten, in the Bazaar, retrieved in 1899; several have been discovered during road and drainage works around Konya in the last few decades; but the spectacular columns sarcophagi (cats 1, 2, 30 were found in 1990, 1975, and 1968 respectively, and the Hercules vessel, cat 4, in 1958. So many we assume there were lots of others, which have been casually destroyed over time? 9 Sarre 1936, with photographs from 1897–1907.



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four being photographed outside an unidentified building (perhaps the above-mentioned factory) before 1900.10 Amasra, Ankara and Bursa Nor was it only Konya’s walls that were being destroyed in the nineteenth century, for Konya was far from the only city in Asia Minor with interesting, antiquities-rich walls, many pulled down in part or in whole in the rush to modernisation. Situated on the Black Sea, Amasra (not to be confused with Amasya) and Sinope both preserve several stretches, but the latter were far richer when Hamilton saw them in 1837: the great mine of ancient fragments are the walls . . . the buildings consist altogether of fragments of ancient architecture, columns, friezes, architraves, mouldings, capitals of columns, cornices, &c., all worked in together[67] . . . In many of the principal streets fragments of architraves and columns are seen in the foundations of the houses; and the outer wall to the west is also formed of similar remains.[68]

By the beginning of the twentieth century signs of dismantling were to be seen, and pieces had been carried off into museums.[69] Fortunately, the site has been recently studied, the early Byzantine walls being distinguished by “the extensive decorative use of marble spolia,” best seen in the façades of Tower G in the land walls.11 Ankara had a set of town walls, and a set of citadel walls. Just as the antiquities in the walls of Konya were already recognised as being in re-use by early travellers, so also were those at Ankara. The city walls, enhanced by so many magnificent ruins (“enrichis d’une si grande quantité de ces magnifiques ruines”)[70] were falling down by the 1730s,[71] and were described as mouldering away by 1805.[72] Partly of brick, they clearly contained very large quantities of antiquities,[73] and they were apparently still standing in parts in 1909.[74] In 1799 Browne observed inscriptions on some of the gates.[75] The citadel walls are the most extensive surviving demonstration of spolia walls anywhere, and attracted descriptions from many travellers:[76] Hamilton considered them to be “fragments of former splendour.”[77] Ankara also possessed more than one pride of

10 http://arachne.uni-koeln.de/item/marbilder/725077:D-DAI-IST-366_151703.jpg. 11  Crow and Hill 1995, 256 and 257, where four phases of activity are enumerated.

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lions,[78] in the lower town as well as the citadel,[79] and several are still to be seen today. Other mediaeval fortress sites, such as Mastaura Kalesi, also incorporated blocks and column drums from the ancient city, and “in the lowest levels . . . visible in the treasure hunters’ pit the builders used Roman columns as transverse bonding.”12 Presumably other sets of town or citadel walls, such as Kayseri[80] or Urfa/Edessa,[81] also once contained figured antiquities of which we have no detailed knowledge. The citadel of Bursa, for example, revealed only fragments by 1835,[82] as well as some bas-reliefs inscriptions,[83] albeit with the water no longer feeding the fountains within.[84] Without mentioning figured antiquities, Hammer had seen much more here in 1820,[85] as had Turner at the same date.[86] Plenty of antiquities were also spotted in fortresses, many of which have long since been dismantled.[87] Gédoyn, for instance, in the seventeenth century, already bemoans the piecemeal destruction of the Palace of the Grand Master on Rhodes.[88] This leads one to question the DNA of the current and miraculously complete structure, and wonder whether it is anything more than a pre-Disney Italian invention of the early twentieth century, a phenomenon to which commentators were often alert.13 It is likely that other sets of walls in Asia Minor have lost some or most of their antiquities upon their partial or complete destruction. This seems to have been the case at Antalya, where Colligon’s late-nineteenth-century description suggests that both towers and courtines once contained considerably more antiquities, now removed: “on a eu quelque souci de recueillir des membres d’architecture antique et de les enchâsser, un peu au hasard, dans les murs des tours et des courtines.”[89] Davis’ description suggests the same.[90] And the church of the Panagia, turned into a mosque, had lost its marble veneer, as Rott remarked in 1908.[91] But before antiquities could be assessed, they had to be correctly identified. The Arch of Hadrian is today displayed as a gateway through the walls, but so deeply was it built into the walls before its (natural) arch was opened that little was visible in the nineteenth century. Beaujour in 1829 refers only to four columns: “quatre colonnes d’ordre corinthien, enclavées dans les murs de son enceinte.”[92] In 1874 Davis read the walls similarly, and did not recognise a triumphal arch; indeed, the authorities had tried 12 Barnes and Whittow 1993, fig. 2 and pl. XIXb. 13 Munzi 2004, 89–112 L’archeologia italiana in Libia tra critica, nostalgia e orgoglio, with various critiques from the British, etc, some claiming that archaeology was subordinated to theatrical display, and tarting things up for the tourists.



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to open up the gateway, but “on the inside of the wall at the back of the gateway was a private house, the owner of which was unwilling to give his consent, and therefore the stones were replaced.”[93] Modernity for Tourists and Locals By the end of the nineteenth century, Asia Minor was attracting tourists to visit ancient sites, helped by the availability of detailed guidebooks. These were a spinoff from travellers’ accounts, and a genre first developed by Karl Baedeker in Germany (1835) and John Murray in England (1836). By the late nineteenth century, such guidebooks were offering practical information of the kind we find in such guides today, including distances over roads, and train times. Modernity for tourists encompassed such information, and relatively easy travel, predicated on new railways and roads, better ports, and Western-style hotels. Modernity for the locals also derived from the same technologies, for communications enabled factories and agriculture to develop, and made of towns magnets for additional inhabitants. Towns expanded at the expense of nearby ancient monuments, since no integrated transport system was available to ensure that fresh quarrying was a viable economic alternative. The state could not protect all the ancient monuments: they began to disappear with increasing speed, and are still disappearing, so that a modern atlas will list no more than some forty classical sites in the parts of Asia Minor discussed in this book as “interesting” or “very interesting.” Like Sardis, these are often made more so by reconstruction of important buildings,14 which represents a substantial financial and technological investment, partly with the aim of attracting tourists (and surely funds from sponsors). Again, it is unfortunate that the study of Ottoman archaeology (throughout the erstwhile Empire) has only recently got off the ground,15 since its study can sometimes present a response to continuing re-use which has been a part-focus of this book. One aspect of modernity which impacted on antiquities was the various movements of populations of various ethnicities not just after the First

14 Yegül 1976, 169–174 for argument pro and con such reconstructions. 15 Dated by Yenisehirlioğlu 2005, 251 to the 1990s: le champ scientifique de l’archéologie ottomane reste encore à constituer. This should not be confused with Ottoman participation in classical archaeology in Asia Minor, which has a much longer history: Özdogan 1998.

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World War but also in previous decades and centuries. Wrote Cornwall in 1924, “[Turkey] has driven out the real wealth of the country, the intelligent, industrious, and thrifty Christian inhabitants . . . Turkey has committed industrial suicide.”[94] Did such movements, which involved millions of people across the Empire and not just Asia Minor, give the antiquities, vulnerable to dismantlement for just such rampant industrialisation, sufficient time to benefit from incoming regulations protecting them? Or, conversely, did immigrants as well as long-time residents continue to build with antiquities for decades into the twentieth century? Probably they did, given the various complaints from modern archaeologists to match those of travellers in past centuries. Perhaps we should accept that several aspects of modernity, from industry and town-dwelling to the infrastructure necessary to support them, are inimical to the survival of any antique or indeed mediaeval landscape. The study of any Western country in its historical context will demonstrate the truth of this contention, and we must accept that modernity in Asia Minor pursued the same destructive route and, indeed, continues to do so. In our museum- and history-aware times, although we might imagine that relics of the past are protected, this is true the world over for only a small number of archaeological sites, a few luckily off the beaten track, but most on the tourist beat, and tarted up for that very reason. The dilemma is that we expect easy access to museums, and to spectacular antiquities. But modernity is a juggernaut that destroys much more than it preserves. [1] Seiff_­1875_­357–358

[19] Wood_­1877_­100–101

[3] Michaud_­&_­Poujoulat_­

[21] Wood_­1877_­195–196;

[2] Bent_­1893_­281b

I_­1833_­345 [4] Bigham_­1897_­16–17 [5] Le_­Camus_­1896_­129 [6] Claridge_­1837_­4 [7] Cochran_­1887_­328–330 [8] Cochran_­1887_­330 [9] Clarke_­1863_­1–2 [10] Clark_­1914_­xii–xiii [11] Clark_­1914_­xi–xii [ 1 2 ]   I b n _ ­B a t t u t a _ ­1 8 7 7 _­ II_­308–309 [13] Cochran_­1887_­358–394 [14] Wood_­1877_­81 [15] Spon_­&_­Wheler_­ 1679_­247 [16] Le_­Brun_­I_­1725_­ 100 [17] Wood_­1877_­62–3 [18] Wood_­1877_­83b

[20] Wood_­1877_­240–241

Wood_­1877_­238 [22] Wood_­1890_­49 [23] Crane_­1993_­9–10 [24] Huart_­1897_­22–23b [25] Chesneau_­(1541)_­ 1887_­148 [26] Mustawfi_­(writing_­ c.1340)_­1919_­97–8 [27] Leake_­1820_­224–225 [28] Kinneir_­1818_­219–220 [29] Laborde_­1838_­117 [30] Aucher-Eloy_­1843_­I_­153 [31] Grothe_­1903_­294–295 [32] Rott_­1908_­95B [33] Chesneau_­1887_­148 [34] Ali_­Bey_­1814_­301–302 [35] Moltke_­(travelling_­ 1836–1839)_­1877_­240

[36] Leake_­1824_­48–49 [37] Chesneau_­1887_

­147–148

[38] Olivier_­VI_­

1807_­389–390

[39] Malte_­Brun_­1824_­77 [40] Helbig_­1892_­92

[41] Walpole_­1820_­224–5 [42] Hamilton_­1842_­

II_­196–197

[43 ] Walckenaer_­& _­Raoul-

Rochette_­1850_­236

[44] Ainsworth_­

1840_­494–495

[45] Mendel_­1902_­209

[46] Layard_­1903_­I_­183 [47] Scott-Stevenson_­

1881_­321–322

[48] Helbig_­1892_­102–103 [49] Jouvin_­1676_­198 [50] Childs_­1917_­284



tourism meets modernity in asia minor

383

[51] Hawley_­1918_­221

[67] Hamilton_­1837_­48

[81] Gassot_­1550_­30r

[53] Sterrett_­1885_­15–16

I_­308–309 [69] Robinson_­1906_­ 130–131 [70] De_­la_­Motraye_­1727_­ I_­314 [71] Pococke_­1772_­V_­185 [72] Griffiths_­1805_­276 [73] Conder_­1830_­340 [74] Cervati_­1909_­312 [75] Browne_­1799_­414 [76] Walker_­1897_­71–2 [77] Hamilton_­1837_­56 [78] Walker_­1897_­69–70 [79] Van_­Lennep_­1870_­ II_­174–5 [80] Browne_­1799_­413

[83] Porter_­1835_­I_­262–3

[52] Hamilton_­1842_­II_­205 [54] Sterrett_­1885_­16

[55] Sterrett_­1888_­225b [56] Sterrett_­1907_­5b

[57] Ainsworth_­1842_­II_­66 [58] Percy_­1901_­26–7 [59] Percy_­1901_­27–8

[60] Scott-Stevenson_­

1881_­324 [61] Choisy_­1876_­178b [62] Huart_­1897_­14 [63] Huart_­1897_­23b [64] Gallois_­1907_­119–120_­ &_­124 [65] Radet_­1895_­472–473 [66] Helbig_­1892_­114–115

[ 6 8 ]   H a m i l t o n _ ­1 8 4 2 _­

[82] Burgess_­1835_­II_­133 [84] Pardoe_­1837_­II_­27

[85] Hammer_­1820_­276b [86] Turner_­1820_­III_­176 [87] Porter_­1835_­I_­71

[88] Gedoyn_­1909_­151–2 [89] Collignon_­1880–

1897_­55–56

[90] Davis_­1874_­211–212b [91] Rott_­1908_­36

[ 9 2 ]     B e a u j o u r _ ­1 8 2 9 _­

II_­178–179

[93]  Davis_­1874_­211–212

[94]  Cornwall_­1924_­221–222



appendix

[1] Seiff_1875_357–358 Smyrna: Zwei Eisenbahnen gehen zur Zeit von Smyrna aus nach dem Innern. Die eine zieht sich an dem nördlichen Ufer des Golfs entlang bis zu dem Thale des Gedis Tschai, dem folgend, sie Magnesia berührt und in Kassaba endet. Die andere durchschneidet das Land in südlicher Richtung bis zu dem Dorfe Ajasluk, überschreitet alsdann die Wasserscheide des Kütschük-Mender-Tschai und Böjük-MenderTschai und endet, dem Thale des letzteren folgend, bei Aidin. Der Hauptbahnhof; im Nordosten der Stadt gelegen, dient Sonntags der eleganten Welt als Platz zum Rendez-vous und hat man hier Gelegenheit, die mit Recht gerühmte Schönheit der Smyrnaer Damen zu bewundern. [2] Bent_1893_281b Covell (travelling 1670–1679) at Nicaea: “If I had had any instrument in the world to have taken a plain angle withall, I should have plotted down everything exactly. Now I have done it by guesse and loose calculation, and let that suffice.” [3] Michaud_&_Poujoulat_I_1833_345 Alexandria Troas: La nouvelle Troie est plus connue des voyageurs et même des habitans du pays que la ville de Priam, d’abord parce qu’on l’a confondue longtemps avec la vieille Ilion, ensuite parce que les navires mouillent le long de cette côte, et que le rivage où fut la ville d’Alexandre leur offre tantôt un asile dans la tempête, tantôt un point de reconnaissance pour leur navigation. [4] Bigham_1897_16–17: “At four o’clock we arrived at Angora, which is built on the side of a hill, and looks very white and pretty from a distance. The whiteness, I heard afterwards, was due to the forethought of the Vali, who had ordered the inhabitants to whitewash all the parts of their houses visible from the railway in order to impress the traveller. It was certainly a good idea, for it gives a spotlessly clean appearance to a town which is as dirty as it is interesting.” [5] Le_Camus_1896_129 Ephesus, the theatre: Depuis notre dernière visite, il a considérablement dépéri. Presque tous les gradins ont fini par disparaître, détachés par les pluies et enfouisdans le fond de la cavea, sous le sable, quand les bâtisseurs ne les ont pas emportés. La seule des portes latérales, donnant accès aux précinctions, qui était encoredebout, s’ébranle et tombera bientôt. Pourquoi, tenant tête à ceux qui détruisent sans cesse, le temps et les hommes, n’y a-t-it personne ici qui répare? Par le vandalisme des uns et l’incurie des autres, on va voir disparaître sous peu un monument auquel se rattachent les plus importants souvenirs! Le proscenium, où je m’installe, et qui était déjà, il y a cinq ans, un amalgame confus de colonnes, d’inscriptions, de frises, de sculptures, de statues brisées, me parait plus affreusement bouleversé que jamais. [6] Claridge_1837_4: “A steam-boat, (the Maria Dorothea) leaves Constantinople for Smyrna [at a cost of £2.12s] every Monday, at 5 o’clock, and makes the voyage in 36 hours. An English steamer, the Crescent, proceeds on the same voyage every Tuesday at 5 o’clock, generally making the voyage in 30 hours. The charge for a passage in either boat, is 13 dollars, including provisions. To visit the plains of Troy and the ruins of Assos, the traveller should take his place in the Maria Dorothea only to Mitylene, in the Dardanelles, where he will be landed on the morning of the day after leaving Constantinople; and having explored these classic spots, he may, on the following morning, take the Crescent steamer, which will have arrived in the Dardanelles.” [7] Cochran 1887, 328–330 getting to Sardis: “Suppose, on the other hand, that the tourist’s aspirations soar away beyond the streets, and would lead him rather to investigate and scrutinise some of the grand old relics of the past amidst the mountains, his desires can be much more easily gratified. Perhaps it is Philadelphia of the Apocalypse he would like to see. He can do so by taking the early morning train per Smyrna and Cassaba Railway, which reaches Alascheir . . . at 2.35. Devoting the afternoon to examining the ruins and making sketches, he may on the following morning, if a good horseman, and not afraid of considerahle fatigue, ride over to ancient Sardis, twenty-five miles distant, add to his artistic spoils, return before nightfall, and possibly next day be back on board his steamer at Smyrna.” [8] Cochran 1887 330, to Hierapolis etc. by railway: “It may be that a visit to weird Laodicea has taken possession of his imagination, and that to tramp over the wondrous ruins and slide down the marble terraces of Hierapolis from the summit of his ambition. In



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that case he will only require to patronise another line of railway, the station for which is easily reached by means of tramcars, which pass along the quays every few minutes from almost one extremity of Smyrna to the other. Getting into a carriage at the Point station on the Smyrna and Aidin Rail way at 6. 40, he will likely reach the terminus, Seraikeuy, 143 miles distant at 4.40 in the afternoon. At this place the obliging station-master will put the tourist in the way of procuring horses, a guide, and Turkish guard of soldiers – picturesque-looking fellows, like Figs. 46 and 75, with plenty of weapons all over them – at a moderate outlay, who can be ready the following morning, when all that remains of the ancient and interesting cities of Hierapolis and Laodicea may be visited in the course of the day. Leaving next morning by the 7.10 train, the traveller will have an opportunity of inspecting the vast remains of the city and temples at Ephesus, by halting at the wayside station of Ayasouluk (Fig. 44) about 1.40, hiring a donkey and guide, and after spending several hours on and around the spot once occupied by the great Temple of Diana, may rejoin the afternoon down-train between four and five o’clock.” [9] Clarke_1863_1–2. [10] Clark_1914_xii–xiii: “The meagre railway service of Turkey has been extended of late years so that the traveller can go by rail to six of the Seven Cities, and he can travel with as much safety to life and limb, if not with as much comfort, as he can in England or America. On one line of railway, which is controlled by a British company, he can, by starting from Smyrna, visit Ephesus and Laodicea and the no less interesting Hierapolis, which lie to the south and east of Smyrna. By another line he can reach, in a few hours, Sardis and Philadelphia, which are almost directly east of Smyrna. Going north from Sardis, on a branch line, he comes to Thyatira. Northeast of Thyatira is Soma, the present terminus of this French line of railway. A six-hour journey from Soma by araba or on horseback brings him to Pergamos, where “Satan’s Throne” was, the only one of the Seven Cities which is not directly on a railway line.” [11] Clark_1914_xi–xii: “Ephesus, being but a short distance from the great port of Smyrna, is visited by many tourists, or at least many get as far as Ayasolouk, the railroad station three miles from the ruins of ancient Ephesus, though many of these tourists are satisfied with a hasty glimpse of the ruins of the Church of Saint John, so called, the few scattering marbles that mark the site of the ancient Temple of Diana, and a good dinner at the Ephesus Hotel, after which they return on a fast train to Smyrna and the steamer which brought them there, having accomplished their hasty mission to one of the Seven Churches in the space of some five hours.” [12] Ibn_Battuta_1877_II_308–309 (travelling 1325–1354) Ayasoluk: Il y a ici une vaste église construite en pierres énormes; la longueur de chacune est de dix coudées et audessus, et elles sont taillées de la manière la plus admirable. La mosquée djàmi de cette ville est une des plus merveilleuses mosquées du monde, et n’a pas sa pareille en beauté. C’était jadis une église appartenant aux Grecs; elle était fort vénérée chez eux, et ils s’y rendaient de divers pays. Lorsque cette ville eut été conquise, les musulmans firent de cette église une mosquée cathédrale. Ses murs sont en marbre de différentes couleurs, et son pavé est de marbre blanc. Elle est couverte en plomb et a onze coupoles de diverses formes, au milieu de chacune desquelles se trouve un bassin d’eau. Un fleuve la traverse (le Caistre des anciens) . . . Elle a quinze portes. [13] Cochran_1887_358–394 for the sites of the Apocalyptic Churches, and notes on how to get to them, including some chunks of railway travel. [14] Wood_1877_81, at Ephesus: “As I had accumulated at Ayasalouk, in my magazines, a large number of inscribed blocks of marble, besides sculpture and other antiquities, I applied to the Trustees of the British Museum for the aid of a man-of-war to remove the Salutarian inscription from the wall, and to take it and other antiquities to England. January 25, 1868, H.M.S. ‘Terrible’ came to Smyrna, with orders from the Admiralty to take on board a number of cases of antiquities from Ephesus, to be transported to England, and to assist in conveying from the ruins of the city to the railway station at Ayasalouk all the



appendix

inscribed and sculptured marbles which I had selected for the British Museum.” – borrowing members of the ship’s crew, the work took 20 days. [15] Spon_&_Wheler_1679_247 Ayasoluk: Dans la place du Bazar, proche de la maison, où l’on boit le café, il y a un ancien tombeau de marbre blanc, avec une Inscription à demi effacée, & prés de là un chapiteau de même étofe, qui a été creusé par les Chrétiens pour servir de Fonds de Baptême. [16] Le_Brun_I_1725_ 100 (travelling 1674–1693 & 1701–1708): Environ à une petite heure à Ephese nous vimes les fonts, où l’on dit que S. Jean l’Evangeliste baptisoit les Chrétiens, C’est une pierre de Jaspe grise, de seize pieds de diamètre, mais un peu gâtée, parce que ceux qui voyagent en ce païs-là tâchent d’ordinaire d’en avoir quelque morceau, afin de le garder comme une relique. J’en rompis aussi deux morceaux, à dessein d’en faire quelque usage lorsque je serois retourné en mon Païs. Sans doute que ces Fonts auront été dans quelque Eglise, & peut-être sans aucun pié-d’estal, comme j’en ay vu plusieurs chez les Grecs qui étoient, ou tout à plat à terre, ou fort peu élevz. [17] Wood_1877_62–3: “When the Odeum was first opened, the stage, orchestra, seats, and steps were found in a perfect state of preservation, under an accumulation of soil and debris, varying in depth from 5 feet to 23 feet, the former depth on the upper part of the auditorium, the latter at the extreme ends of the passages. The beautiful front wall also remained, with its five doorways and steps, to the height of 7 feet 6 inches. Visitors have recklessly destroyed much that remained, by breaking off fragments of marble from the seats and cornices, and by strewing the whole of the interior with masses of rejected marble, and chippings from the specimens which they carried away. One day after the Odeum had been cleared out, a party of about thirty people came while I was there, and began throwing the marbles about. I could not look on and forbear speaking; and what I said was uttered in so fierce and threatening a manner that it stopped further destruction by that party. The desire to possess fragments of ancient sculpture, such as a nose, an ear, a finger, or a morsel of architectural moulding from an old building, may be natural, but is most deplorable when it causes, as it often does, the utter destruction of works of art, which, placed in some museum, would be objects of very great interest. I have even heard of captains of merchant ships who, bringing passengers to Smyrna, advised them on their visit to Ephesus, to take with them hammers and chisels to aid them in obtaining interesting specimens for their cabinets and curiosity shelves at home.” [18] Wood_1877_83b: The men [viz. from the British ship “Terrible,” who were helping to shift antiquities] enjoyed themselves amazingly. On the first day one of them began to chip the sarcophagus of Polycarpos, found near the Magnesian gate. I told him with some warmth that they were there to aid me in preserving whatever might be found that was interesting, and not to follow the bad example of some visitors. My remonstrance had its desired effect, and I had no further reason to complain during the twenty days of their sojourn at Ephesus.” [19] Wood_1877_100–101: On the northern slope of Mount Prion: “This Roman temple was of fine white marble, the fluted monolothic columns were thirty-nine feet long, and the entablature was richly sculptured. This beautiful ruin was an object of the greatest interest to visitors, and was allowed to remain undisturbed, until a Turk obtained permission from the authorities some years ago to take marble from the ruins of Ephesus, and he carried away a great portion of the remains of this building. Before attempting to remove some of the columns, he chopped off the flutings, and by similar means lightened many of the large blocks he wanted for the unsightly mosque which he was building in Smyrna. He thus disfigured this beautiful ruin and left it covered with marble chippings from the blocks he carried away, and the ruin is no longer interesting. This man carried on his work of destruction in the large mosque at Ayasolouk, removing the extremely beautiful Kibleh and some highly ornamental marble slabs from the pulpit and other parts of the building. After all his trouble and expense, he was not allowed to use the stones which he had taken from the mosque, and which remain to this day at the railway station and in some of the narrow streets of Smyrna near his mosque.”



full endnote texts chapter ten

[20] Wood_1877_240–241, at Ephesus: 1873, “November 12. – While I was at the works to-day, paying the men, who at this time numbered more than three hundred, the excavations were visited by Madame la Princesse de la Tour d’Auvergne, and Madame Lopez, an English lady. They begged leave to take away some ‘nice little bits’ from the Temple. I had fortunately anticipated the wants of visitors in this respect, and had sorted out a great number of fragments, large and small, which were placed in a heap on the top. From this they chose their ‘nice little bits,’ and left in great glee with their trophies.” [21] Wood_1877_195–196; Wood_1877_238, at Ephesus in 1872: “January 17. – Another large capital, found at the east end of the excavations, was more perfect than those found at the west end, having the bead and reel moulding, and the upper flutings of the shaft of the column to which it belonged worked upon the same block of marble; one volute was nearly perfect, and the large eggs (twelve inches deep) were quite perfect. The work of destruction had been commenced by ruthlessly chopping off the beautiful egg and spear enrichment which surrounded the abacus. The whole, however, with all its defects, forms a noble specimen of Greek art, and may now be seen on a pedestal in the most remote corner at the north end of the Elgin Gallery.” – presumably the trimming done in antiquity prior to removing the spoils? Wood_1877_238 October 1873, at Ephesus a lime kiln found on N side of the Temple platform: “Built upon the step and enclosing a portion of it was found a lime kiln, 15 feet in diameter, into which doubtless much of the sculpture had been thrown and burnt for lime. It was near this that I found an immense heap of small marble chippings standing ready to be thrown into the kiln. These chippings were carefully examined, but very few fragments of sculpture were found in the whole heap.” [22] Wood_1890_49 Wood_1890_49 Ephesus: “a large drum of one of the thirty-six sculptured columns described by Pliny as columnae caelatae. The position in which this was found proved that it was part of one of the sculptured columns of the west front, which was, like the other columns, six feet and half an inch in diameter. It had fallen upon its side, and the side which lay uppermost was to a great extent chopped away, but on raising it on end the remains of five life-size figures were seen. Until this immense block, six feet high, and more than six feet in diameter, was raised to the surface, I had an anxious time of it. For any mischievously disposed person might have chopped all the sculptures off in the course of a single night. It took fifteen men fifteen days to raise it up to the surface, and I put it at once into a temporary wooden case, to protect it from injury.” [23] Crane_1993_9–10: “The sultan ordered that skillful architects and expert draftsmen be summoned and he rode around the city with them, accompanied by the amfrs and dignitaries of his court. He ordered that the places of the towers, gates and moats be drawn and presented to him. The sultan, with his deep perception and understanding, studied the plans, making corrections and changes. When the number of towers, gates and moats became known, the sultan ordered his special deputies to finance four gates and several towers and moats from his own funds, and the rest were divided among the amirs of each province according to his wealth . . . He [also] sent an order to the amir of Sivas that he build a mountain-like fortress for that city with the help of the amirs and the dignitaries of that place in the same manner as had been done with his amirs [at Konya]. . . . The amirs and dignitaries of the state in Konya and Sivas began the foundation of the fortresses, and day and night in proportion to their ability, strength and means . . . they spared no effort in strengthening their columns, constructing their moats, building their towers, and decorating them with different images and marble statues . . . and in gilding and beautifying the marbles of the gates with Qur’anic verses, the most famous Traditions of the Prophet, wise sayings and proverbs and the poems of the Shah-name. By the grace of God and the good fortune of the king, their construc-tion came to an end in the “Days of Recitation.” Then, after the fulfillment of this service the sultan was informed of it. He mounted his horse and rode around the moat, and looking carefully at everything, he approved of them and praised the amirs. He ordered that each one of them should write his name in gold on the



appendix

stone so that after many life-times and the passage of many years their efforts would be preserved in the world. [24] Huart_1897_22–23 Konya: Ibn-Bibi nous a transmis à ce sujet des détails intéressants que nous traduisons d’après le texte publié par M. Houtsma: / “Alâ-eddin Kaï-Kobâd fit construire à ses frais les quatre portes de la ville et plusieurs tours importantes. Le reste des constructions fut attribué à chacun d’entre les beys (les chefs des tribus turcomanes), qui eurent à contribuer à cette dépense, chacun selon ses moyens. / On orna les murailles de sculptures et de statues de marbre blanc on y traça des versets du Coran; des traditions célèbres du Prophète, des apophtegmes et des vers du Chàh-nâmé (le fameux poème épique persan de Firdausi). Après l’achèvement des murs, le Sultan les examina, les approuva et ordonna que, de même que ses noms et surnoms avaient été inscrits en lettres d’or sur les portes et les tours, ceux des beys fussent également inscrits sur les tours qu’ils avaient construites, afin de conserver à travers les siècles la renommé de leur dévouement.” Ce que le temps avait respecté, l’incurie et la sottise des hommes devaient le détruire. Il ne reste plus de traces, aujourd’hui, du dévouement des beys de Kaï-Kobâd. Les sculptures et les statues de marbre blanc dont parle Ibn-Bibi, c’est cette foule de monuments de l’ancienne Iconium que les voyageurs ont pu contempler, il y a quelques années encore, et que signalent Texier, de Laborde, Hamilton. Tout cela a disparu. [25] Chesneau_(1541)_1887_148, Konya: dont estoit gouverneur sultan Bayasit, second filz du Grand Seigneur, et faisoit sa demeure audict Coigne qui est assés bonne ville, assise en une fort belle plaine, bien fermée de murailles, monstrant bien d’estre anticque. Et à ce que j’ay peu entendre, elle a esté ediffiée par les Romains. Ce que facillement je croy, d’autant qu’il y a personnages, lyons et aigles de pierre eslevez et taillez sur les portes de la ville. [26] Mustawfi_(writing_c.1340)_1919_97–8 relates that Qilij Arslan built the fortress at Konya: “Afterwards this castle having fallen into decay, and the walls of Quniyah being in ruin, Sultan Ala-ad-Din the Saljuq and his Amirs restored the city walls. These were built very high, of squared stones.” [27] Leake_1820_224–225 walls of Konya: “The circumference of the walls of Konia is between two and three miles, beyond which are suburbs not much less populous than the town itself. The walls strong and lofty, and flanked with square towers, which at the gates are built close together, are of the time of the Seljukian kings, who seem to have taken considerable pains to exhibit the Greek inscriptions, and the remains of architecture and sculpture belonging to the antient Iconium, which they made use of in building their walls. We perceived a great number of Greek altars, inscribed stones, columns, and other fragments inserted into the fabric, which is still in tolerable preservation throughout the whole extent. None of the Greek remains that I saw seemed to be of a very remote period, even of the Roman Empire. We observed in several places Greek crosses, and figures of lions, of a rude sculpture; and on all of the conspicuous parts of the walls and towers, Arabic inscriptions, apparently of very early date.” [28] Kinneir_1818_219–220 Kinnear_1818_219–21 Konya: “The city wall is said to have been erected by the Seljuckian sultans; it seems to have been built from the ruins of more ancient buildings, as broken columns, capitals; pedestals, has reliefs and other pieces of sculpture contribute towards its construction. It has eight gates of a square form, each known by a separate name, and, as well as most of the towers, embellished with Arabic inscriptions. Several of the latter are well executed, and the walls which, upon the whole, are better built than those of most Turkish towns, are in some places chequered with loopholes, formed of the pedestals of pillars placed erect at the distance of two or three inches from each other. I observed a few Greek characters upon them, but they were in so elevated a situation that I could not decipher them. A considerable part of the front of the gate of Ladik, on the north side of the town, is covered with a Turkish inscription; immediately below which, and fixed in the wall, is a beautiful alto relievo, together with a colossal statue of Hercules. The style and execution of the former equalled, and perhaps



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surpassed, any thing I had witnessed in my travels; it is about nine feet in length and contains ten figures, each about eighteen inches high. A Roman prince is represented sitting in a chair with his toga falling in easy drapery over his body, and in the act of receiving a ball, the symbol of the world, from another person, who is dressed in flow- ing robes and attended by three Roman soldiers. The remaining figures are standing, and some of them are much mutilated; but the Turks have supplied the deficiency by adding a few legs and arms, the bad taste and rude execution of which form a ludicrous contrast to the exquisite symmetry of the other parts of the piece. The statue of Hercules having lost its head and right arm, the Turks have also been industrious enough to replace part of the deficiency by a new arm, still more absurd than the legs on the relief. These sculptures are on the face of the tower which forms the gate, and are only observable on turning to the left, after you have issued from the town. There were many has reliefs wedged in different parts of this tower, amongst which I remarked the disproportioned figure of a hideous monster, and the re presentation of an armed warrior, with a streamer flowing from his helmet, in like manner as those on the figures at Persepolis and Take Boston . . . / Above the gate of Aish I saw a relief of a lion couchant; and, in an adjoining street, a marble statue of the same animal. The statue stood near an opening which led into an extensive suit of subterraneous apartments, arched with stone, and apparently belonging to some ancient edifice.” [29] Laborde_1838_117 the walls of Konya, Constantinople Gate: L’architecte décorateur, avec un soin particulier, a réservé les plus beaux fragments de sculpture pour la façade ou le côté de la tour qui regarde au dehors. Il a élevé sur une console saillante une statue d’Hercule d’un bon travail romain. Il s’est servi d’un bas-relief, long de huit pieds, fragment d’un sarcophage, pour former la base d’un encadrement qui se répète, sans de grandes différences, sur plusieurs tours de l’enceinte. Les espaces vides sont remplis par des inscriptions, des versets du Coran et un morceau de sculpture chrétienne. [30] Aucher-Eloy_1843_I_153 Konya: grande et vilaine ville dont la moitié, mosquées, khans, médressées, tombe en ruine. Les tombeaux autrefois très-beaux sont en partie abandonnés; tout s’en va. – no mention of the walls. [31] Grothe_1903_294–295 Konya, palace: Der alte Fürstenpalast stand auf dem hügel, der in der Mitte der Stadt aufragt. Heute ist von ihm nichts mehr vorhanden als eine Quadermauer, die einige von Rundbogen gekrönte Säulen trägt, und ein turmähnliches Gebaude, das sich aus der Schuttmasse erhebt. Einzelne noch fichtbare Marmorplatten lassen auf die einstige Kostbarkeit ber Verkleidung schliessen. Der Frontseite ist ein sitzender Löwe eingemauert. [32] Rott_1908_95B the palace at Konya: Unter der sachkundigen Leitung unseres liebenswürdigen Konsuls Loytved besuchten wir die Hauptdenkmäler Konias, darunter auch die Hallendjami Ala Eddins, deren Wölbungen von einem Wald byzantinischer Säulen mit interessanten Kapitalen getragen werden, die aus Tyana stammen sollen. Auch Hadji Chalfa berichtet in seinem Weltspiegel im XVII Jahrhundert: „Il ya dans ce chäteau (von Tyana) des voütes bäties de grosses pierres et soutenues par des colonnes de marbre. Lorsque le sultan Ala-eddin fit bätir le chäteau de Koniah, il en fit tirer les pierres et autres materiaux de cet endroit.“) Auf dem Schloßberg, wo man den entzückenden Blick über die Seldjukenstadt mit ihren schimmernden Kuppeln und zerfallenen Minarets genießt, steht noch die angebliche Kirche des Bischofs Amphilochius von Iconium, ein mittelbyzantinischer Bau, der mehrfach restauriert heute als Uhrturm dient. In Ziegel-technik ist das von abgestuften Blendbogen eingefaßte Doppelfenster der Nord- und Südseite und der runde Tambour mit der zweifachen Eeihe gegliederter Blendfenster ausgeführt, wogegen die übrigen Mauern aus Bruchsteinen und altern Werkstücken errichtet sind. [33] Chesneau_1887_148 (travelling 1547) Konya: Coigne qui est assés bonne ville, assise en une fort belle plaine, bien fermée de murailles, monstrant bien d’estre anticque. Et à ce que j’ay peu entendre, elle a esté ediffiée par les Romains. Ce que facillement je croy, d’autant qu’il y a personnages, lyons et aigles de pierre eslevez et taillez sur les portes de la ville. [34] Ali_Bey_1814_301–302 Konya: La partie inférieure de la ville est renfermée par de hautes murailles, flanquée de tours carrées, et revêtues de pierres de taille s on y remarque



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quelques inscriptions turques; mais l’ouvrage est de construction grecque, comme le prouvent les lions et les autres figures sculptées qu’on y trouve. [35] Moltke_(travelling_1836–1839)_1877_240 the walls of Konya: Un siècle a toujours construit ici ses monuments avec les débris des siècles précédents; dans la période grécoromaine, on abattit les temples pour bâtir les églises; les musulmans convertirent les églises en mosquées, et les mosquées ne sont plus aujourd’hui que des ruines. Un mur élevé, flanqué de centaines de tours, enserre une campagne déserte, couverte de décombres; dans la composition de ce mur sont entrés des autels païens, des tombeaux chrétiens, des inscriptions grecques et persanes, des images de saints, des croix génoises, des aigles romaines et des lions arabes, sans autres considération que la possibilité de les ajuster à un créneau ou à une meurtrière; une grande inscription turque, taillée dans chaque tour, a bien soin de dire quels ont été les barbares auteurs de cette œuvre de destruction. [36] Leake_1824_48–49 walls of Koya: “The circumference of the walls of Konia is between two and three miles, beyond which are suburbs not much less populous than the town itself. The walls strong and lofty, and flanked with square towers, which at the gates are built close together, are of the time of the Seljukian kings, who seem to have taken considerable pains to exhibit the Greek inscriptions, and the remains of architecture and sculpture belonging to the ancient Iconium, which they made use of in building their walls. We perceived a great number of Greek altars, inscribed stones, columns, and other fragments inserted into the fabric, which is still in tolerable preservation throughout the whole extent. None of the Greek remains that I saw seemed to be of a very remote period, even of the Roman Empire. We observed in several places Greek crosses, and figures of lions, of a rude sculpture; and on all the conspicuous parts of the walls and towers, Arabic inscriptions, apparently of a very early date.” [37] Chesneau_1887_147–148 (travelling 1547) footnote on Konya: Belon dit quelques mots de Qoniah: «Il est aisé à voir que les murailles de Cogne sont modernes, car l’on y voit les pierres de marbre des églises où l’on voit encore les epitaphes en lettres grecques qui monstrent qu’elle a autrefois esté possédée par les grecs chrestiens, car les croix et les vestiges qu’on y voit le demonstrent évidemment. Le circuit des murailles est en rondeur, mais les tours sont quarrées rares, et peu fréquentes. Il y a un Hercule taillé en marbre à cette porte de la ville qui est entre l’orient et midy au dehors de la muraille joignant une tour, mais il n’a point maintenant de teste, car les Turcs la luy abbatirent n’a pas longtemps. . . . Les plus beaux bastiments de Cogne sont mosquées, les bains et carbascharas.» (Les singularitez observées, etc. page 374.) [38] Olivier_VI_1807_389–390 walls of Konya: Les remparts de cette ville, qu’on juge de construction arabe à ses tours rapprochées, et aux inscriptions en cette langue, qui s’y trouvent en divers endroits, sont en assez bon état, et d’une pierre calcaire assez dure; mais le palais des sultans, qui est dans l’intérieur, sur une petite éminence, et qui servait en même tems de forteresse, tombe en ruines; une partie même a été démolie: on voit, par ce qui est conservé, qu’il a été fort étendu, et d’une assez belle architecture. / Il ne reste de la ville grecque aucun monument qui soit debout, aucun temple, aucun édifice dont on puisse observer les ruines. On voit seulement que les remparts furent construits avec les matériaux de l’ancienne ville: ils présentent partout des inscriptions grecques, ou tronquées, ou renversées: partout on voit des pierres sculptées qu’on a retaillées ou qu’on a employées telles qu’on les trouvait; quelques-unes ont des croix simples; d’autres ont des croix doubles, semblables à celles des chevaliers de Malte. Parmi les inscriptions, les unes sont en beaux caractères les autres sont pen lisibles, et ressemblent à celles qu’on yoit dans les monumens du Bas Empire. On y remarque aussi beaucoup de lions sculptés. / Sur la porte par laquelle nous sommes entrés vers le sud, il y a deux génies ailés, tenant à la main une bouteille, et deux sortes de dragons ailés; à côté de ceux-ci on voit deux lions fort grands, qui saillent beoucoup hors du mur – etc. etc. [39] Malte_Brun_1824_77 Konya: “This town, important when it was the residence of the sultans of Roiim, now reckons only from 15,000 to 20,000 inhabitants. Here a number



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of antique materials are formed into modern edifices. A small river loses itself among the gardens which surround the town.” [40] Helbig_1892_92 Konya n’est qu’un amas de décombres. 95: the ruins of the sultan’s palace, of which the W façade is best preserved: Deux rosaces en marbre de différentes nuances sont encastrées dans le mur, sur le haut duquel est disposé une rangée de cippes accolés deux à deux et formant niches. [41] Walpole_1820_224–5: “The circumference of the walls of Konia is between two and three miles, beyond which are suburbs not much less populous than the town itself. The walls strong and lofty, and flanked with square towers, which at the gates are built close together, are of the time of the Seljukian kings, who seem to have taken considerable pains to exhibit the Greek inscriptions, and the remains of architecture and sculpture belonging to the antient Iconium, which they made use of in building their walls. We perceived a great number of Greek altars, inscribed stones, columns, and other fragments inserted into the fabric, which is still in tolerable preservation throughout the whole extent. None of the Greek remains that I saw seemed to be of a very remote period, even of the Roman Empire. We observed in several places Greek crosses, and figures of lions, of a rude sculpture; and on all of the conspicuous parts of the walls and towers, Arabic inscriptions, apparently of very early date.” [42] Hamilton_1842_II_196–197 walls of Konya: “After waiting for a guide, we passed along a portion of the walls of the town; they are extremely interesting, and appear likewise to be Saracenic, being faced with large well-cut blocks of stone, and strengthened by square towers, some of them richly ornamented with cornices, arabesques, lions heads, and Arabic inscriptions. We entered the town by a handsome gateway in one of them, which might be called the tower of Hercules, from a large colossal statue, the head of which is gone, fixed against the outer wall. The hero is represented resting on his club, on which is laid the lion’s skin. Above this statue is an alto-relievo, representing several figures in procession, apparently Byzantine, with an emperor or general seated on a throne at one end; above this are several large Arabic inscriptions . . . I was not prepared for the deserted scene which met me within the walls: I had expected to find Koniyeh full of bustle and traffic, with guards and chavasses at the gates, instead of which it was one scene of destruction and decay, with heaps of ruins and dilapidated mosques, increasing as we advanced towards the castle. We passed by the remains of at least twenty mosques, with and without minarets, some of which were already out of the perpendicular; one of them, covered with variegated tiles and beautiful arabesque carvings, was of singular beauty, and its entrance very richly ornamented. The houses which formerly stood amongst them in this part of the town, built of soft and crumbling mud-bricks, have long since yielded to the influence of the elements. The castle itself has also nearly disappeared; and the ruined walls alone mark its former extent, part of which is now converted into a burial-ground, while the modem town and bazaars have been moved more to the east, towards the konak, or palace of the Pacha.” [43] Walckenaer_&_Raoul-Rochette_1850_236: A Caraman commencera une autre étude, celle de l’architecture arabe, particulière aux princes Seidjoucides et aux premiers empereurs Ottomans. Les Seldjoucides avaient introduit dans les pays conquis par leurs armes, au centre de l’Asie Mineure, un goût rare parmi les Turcs. Les murs de Konieh, bâtis par eux, et qui ont préservé de la destruction de précieux restes de l’antiquité, attestent leur amour pour les arts et leur respect pour les monuments d’un autre âge. [44] Ainsworth_1840_494–495 Niebuhr at Konya: “It appears that the first of these travellers made a sketch of the town, which will no doubt embrace its greatest peculiarity, the distribution of its walls.” Where is it? [45] Mendel_1902_209 Les inscriptions et les monuments suivants sont réunis au musée de Konia, où j’ai pu les étudier, grâce à la bienveillance de S. E. Férid-pacha de qui ce musée est l’œuvre. Je le prie de recevoir ici l’expression de mes plus vifs remerciments. Si les monuments réunis par lui et publiés plus bas ne sont pas de première importance,



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l’exemple qu’il a donné ne saurait cependant être trop loué et trop encouragé. Le sol et le sous-sol de l’Asie-Mineure sont encore très riches en œuvres antiques, dont la valeur est inégale, mais qui toutes peuvent avoir, à un moment, leur intérêt. La plus humble sculpture peut fournir un document à l’histoire des origines de l’art byzantin et chrétien . . . Mais, malgré quelques travaux isolés, on peut dire que cette étude reste à faire tout entière; les éléments n’en sont pas encore réunis, et la faute en est bien moins à l’«ignorance» et au «fanatisme» destructeur des habitants qu’à la négligence des archéologues qui ouvrent difficilement leur chambre noire à ces pauvretés d’un art dégénéré. Ibid. 225: the only exception to his silence on the walls is inv.4, sarcophagus fragments trouvé en morceaux dans le mur d’enceinte de la ville. [46] Layard_1903_I_183 Konya in 1839: “The greater part of it was then uninhabited. The ruins of extensive buildings and of splendid mosques prove its ancient prosperity and magnificence. The modern houses, generally about twelve feet in height, and consisting of a single ground floor, were mostly built of mud, and had a miserable appearance. They were all flat-roofed . . . / Built into the mosques I found many ancient remains, and the columns used in them appeared to be of Greek or Roman origin. The walls of the city, which are the work of the Sultans of Iconium, are constructed for the most part of the remains of Greek buildings. I found in them several Greek inscriptions, which I copied, and near the principal gateway a headless colossal statue of Hercules. They are fast falling into ruins, and the moat, which once served as a further defence to the city, has become a pestilential swamp. / We spent a day in Konia to copy the inscriptions, and to search for ancient remains.” [47] Scott-Stevenson_1881_321–322 walls of Konya: “I believe the circumference of the old walls when they were erected by Sultan Allaoodeen was about three miles. The remains are still strong and lofty, and are flanked with square massive towers, the work of the Seljukian sultans. The latter were distinguished from the Moslems in one way; they did not profess the same horror of statues and figures representing the human form; and they carefully preserved, and built into their walls, all the fragments of ancient art which they discovered. Of the three principal gates only one now remains. Two towers are built near to each other on either side. It is remarkable on account of the lions which are carved in front of it. One of them holds between his front paws a small statuette representing a man in a Roman toga; the other is resting with one foot on what looks like a boar’s head – the snout is nearly destroyed, but the eye is very visible; the third lion, we were told, had been taken away and broken up. / The wall on the north-west side of the town is not so lofty, and the towers are smaller but more numerous. But it is only in isolated places that any remains can be seen, for they are rapidly crumbling down through decay and deportation for other purposes . . . / The castle . . . is only a few yards distant from the gateway . . . But the site has long been used as a quarry; and it is difficult to conjecture either the size or plan of the ancient castle of the Princes of Koniah.” [48] Helbig_1892_102–103 Konya: La citadelle de la ville. Inch-Kaleh . . . autour de laquelle est creusé un fossé profond, est un monceau de ruines qui servent de carrière aux habitants de la ville [– entrance gate is in brick] . . . Le gouverneur actuel de la province de Konieh, au lieu de convertir tout bonnement la citadelle en prison, ce qui eût été facile après quelques réparations, fait construire une prison nouvelle derrière le Konak avec les matériaux enlevés à ce vénérable monument, don’t il achève ainsi de ruiner les restes encore imposants. [49] Jouvin_1676_198 Konya: within its walls cinq portes, à toutes lesquelles remarquâmes des lyons en relief sur pierre, & des Anges qui soutiennent un Soleil, au dessous de cela des inscriptions taillées en Langues Arabesque et Turquesque. [50] Childs_1917_284 at Konya: “Konia was a favourite capital of the Seljuks, and the city walls, now much ruined, but of great extent and adorned with fine characteristic gateways, were built during that time of prosperity; here, too, is a ruined palace of the Seljuk sultans.



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Mosques and tombs of the period are numerous, and some are in better preservation than might be expected.” [51] Hawley_1918_221 Konya: “Of the earliest city almost nothing now exists but a few stones, which the Seljuks placed in walls of defence in such a way that many of their Greek inscriptions may still be seen. Nor is much of these walls left, though they were two miles in circumference and were flanked with lofty square towers. The oldest objects of consequence are the medrissas and mosques, which contain some of the finest Suljukian ornamentation that now remains in Asia Minor.” [52] Hamilton_1842_II_205 Konya: “To return to Koniyeh: I have already stated the melancholy appearance of its ruined buildings on my first arrival. The Utch Kaléh, which stands in the centre of the town, is fast crumbling to pieces; the stone facings of the walls have been removed, probably to build the Pacha’s konak, and the walls themselves are rapidly decaying: on the summit of the castle hill is a mosque, built by Sultan Alettin, and named after its founder. Nothing could be more dreary than the view of the town from this hill, particularly looking to the west; the eastern portion is more thickly inhabited, and in a less ruinous condition.” [53] Sterrett_1885_15–16: “At Iconium I found quite a number of inscriptions, most of which are late and of little value. The people of this eastern country seem to have had little interest in the affairs of this world, and spent their surplus energy in preparing tombs and epitaphs for themselves. When Leake passed through Iconium, the walls of the town were full of inscriptions, which he had no time to copy. After the destruction of Iconium by Mehemet Ali of Egypt, these walls were used as quarries for the buildings of the modern city of Koniah. The inscriptions mentioned by Leake all perished in this way before an epigraphist was found to copy them. But many inscriptions are no doubt still in the walls with the inscribed side hidden from view. Part of the wall had been thrown down only a short time previous to our visit, and I copied several inscriptions brought to light in this way. The walls were built in the common Greek fashion (Thuc. I 93); that is, two walls were built at a fixed distance apart, and the space between them was filled with earth and stone debris. At Iconium the filling consisted mostly of simple clay or mud, which took faithful impressions of the stones composing the outer shell of the wall, so that one may now see therein neat reliefs of inscriptions, Phrygian doors, and architectural fragments. The ruins of the buildings erected by the early Seldjuk Sultans of Iconium, from Aladdin down, are, for the most part, of exquisite beauty. Mr. Haynes spent two days in photographing them; and as very few travellers go to Iconium, these photographs will no doubt be acceptable to many.” [54] Sterrett_1885_16: “The Governor of the Vilayet of Koniah, Sahib Pasha, who studied in England and speaks English fluently, showed us kind attentions in more ways than one. He is collecting the most important antiquities of the district, as they come to light, for the Museum in Constantinople, and his collection is not without interest. Among other things may be mentioned a frieze in very high relief. Unfortunately we were unable to get photographs of the collection.” [55] Sterrett_1888_225b walls of Konya: “When Leake passed through Konia, the walls of the city were full of inscriptions, which he had no time to copy. After the destruction of Konia by the Egyptians, under Ibrahim Pasha in 1833, these walls were used as quarries for the modern city of Konia. The inscriptions seen by Leake have all perished in this way before an epigraphist was found to copy them. But many inscriptions are no doubt still in the walls that remain, with the inscribed side hidden from view. Part of the wall had been thrown down only a short time previous to our visit, and I copied several inscriptions that had been brought to light in this way. These walls, though most probably of Seldjuk origin, were built in the common Greek fashion (Thuc. I. 93); that is, two walls were built at a fixed distance apart, and the space between them was filled with earth and stone debris. At Konia the filling consisted mostly of simple clay or mud, which took faithful impressions of the stones composing the outer shell of the wall, so that one may now see therein neat reliefs of inscriptions, Phrygian doors, and architectural fragments. The ruins



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of the buildings erected by the early Seldjuk Sultans of Konia speak in elegant terms of former splendor.” [56] Sterrett_1907_5b: “In his Historical Geography (p. 333), a book published not a great many years ago, Ramsay mentions, near Iconium, “the remains of a fine and large church,” but in 1900 Crowfoot found scarcely “one stone standing upon another.” Therefore, if we would save all these disjecta membra of antiquity, we must be up and doing.” [57] Ainsworth_1842_II_66: Konya: “With the exception of its walls, the distribution of which is singular enough, it is to the Mohammedan period that it owes the most remarkable of its existing remnants, the most striking of which are its jamis; of these, the Sherif Altun is the largest, that of Sultan Alau-ud-din next, and after it the jami of Sultan Selim, of the Osmanli dynasty, whose building exploits would have delighted the heart of a Procopius. The style and decorations of these jamis are often very beautiful, and constitute graceful and finished specimens of Saracenic architecture.” [58] Percy_1901_26–7 Konya: “Of the old walls of the Seljuk epoch, faced with large stone blocks and adorned at intervals with square towers, little remains to-day but the mud core. As usual in the East, the solid material has been used for other buildings, and the Greek inscriptions, chiefly of a funerary character, which are frequently disinterred from the foundations, were in all probability themselves transported originally from the site of the old Greek walls which ran at some distance from the modern town, near the suburbs of Meram. In the courtyard of a school which the present Vali is building for the Mussulmans, I found several blocks carved and inscribed, which have been discovered for the most part in the surrounding villages, and are eventually to be properly housed in a museum. None of them appeared to be of a very early date, except a small one without any inscription, which bore a grotesque but graphic representation of a man ploughing with two oxen, and which, like the mutilated lions scattered about the town, seems to have the same characteristics of Phrygian art as the similar specimens at Angora. The others were apparently all intended as records of the munificence of some public benefactor.” [59] Percy_1901_27–8 Konya: “Whatever archaeological interest or architectural beauty the town possesses is centred in the numerous monuments of that brief but brilliant period of little more than 130 years, during which the royal master-builders, the descendants of Alp Arslan, rivalled in the heart of Asia Minor the activity and public spirit of a Periclean age. But even these have suffered much from the ravages of time and the vandalism of succeeding generations. The old castle of Uch Kaleh is a mere wreck, and the palace of the Sultans is represented by a dilapidated brick edifice, which is fast crumbling to dust on the heap of accumulated rubbish upon which it stands. The wall is of great thickness, and the upper storey, which apparently rested on two projecting brackets, is perforated by a fine arch, round the top of which runs a sadly injured but beautiful band of glazed and lettered tile-work. The lower portion of the building is decorated only by the rude representation of an heraldic lion carved in stone.” [60] Scott-Stevenson_1881_324 Konya: “In this neighbourhood are many relics of ancient Iconiun. Odd pieces of Greek and Roman work have been built with the mud walls, and turned to uses that would have astonished the original sculptors, A modern schoolhouse stands near, with a dome above it, entered by a lofty doorway, with a marble arch, elaborately carved. The adjoining stone wall has some fine windows, with differently-carved designs round the marble frames. Exactly opposite, on the other side of the road, is another ruin with a chamber having a deep vaulted arch. The walls are lined with blue and purple tiles resembling mosaic. If we had had time or means of transport at hand, we might have brought back enough to have made several fireplaces.” [61] Choisy_1876_178b at Karahissar, underneath the citadel: sous un ayant-toit de maison turque, un lion de marbre bien réellement grec, mais dont les faux airs de chien caniche trahissent un artiste de bas étage et une époque de décadence. Près du lion est une tête antique d’Hercule Farnèse: même grandeur, copie exacte. Pour peu d’argent, je pourrais acheter tout cela et de plus une tête de Jupiter en marbre; mais qu’en faire?



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[62] Huart_1897_14: une laide construction en pierre de taille, toute neuve, c’est le konak, le siège du gouvernement de la province. Cette bâtisse sans caractère, en forme de caserne, avec des fenêtres à l’européenne et des arcades autour d’une cour centrale, ravive la douloureuse surprise qu’éprouve l’archéologue en arrivant à Konia car c’est là, indubitablement, que sont passées toutes les pierres des murailles de la ville, dont il ne reste plus que des traces informes, et, en même temps, toutes les sculptures antiques que les Seldjoukides y avaient encastrées, toutes les inscriptions grecques, latines et arabes qui avaient franchi sans peine tant de siècles pour finir; au dix-neuvième, sous le stupide marteau du tailleur de pierre! [63] Huart_1897_23: Dans cette même partie de la ville où s’élève la maison de Tahirpacha, et non loin de la porte de Larenda, il y a un établissement public, la salpètrière (Kâl-Khâné), appartenant au gouvernement et dirigé par des officiers de l’armée ottomane. C’est une construction insignifiante, que nous mentionnons seulement parce que, dans la cour et à peu de distance de la grille d’entrée, on a installé un lion de marbre provenant sans doute de la démolition des murailles. [64] Gallois_1907_119–120_&_124 Konya: Vers le centre de la ville sur une place assez vaste se dresse le Konak dans les soubassements duquel se voient encastrés des débris de monuments anciens disparus, car la fondation de Koniah remonte loin dans le passé et son histoire est assez mouvementée. Mais les vicissitudes qu’elle a subies sont cause qu’on ne retrouve rien de l’antique Iconium. Des traces de murailles plus ou moins sapées par la base rappellent qu’elle eut à se défendre contre lés envahisseurs; mais s’il ne reste pas de souvenirs très anciens, si les édifices modernes, mosquées et médressés, laissent plus ou moins à désirer, nous serons dédommagés par les monuments religieux ou funèbres qui témoignent encore de la splendeur de la grande époque seîdjoukide. / Ce sont d’abord, sûr un tertre bouleversé, dominant la cité, auprès d’une sorte de tour clocher d’une ancienne basilique byzantine, les ruines informes du palais dos sultans dont il reste debout un fragment de pavillon avec des fenêtres en ogive surmontées d’encadrements en faïence bleue et aux murs des traces de consoles, Un lion phrygien est encastré dans la muraille. Ibid. 124 Konya: Koniah possède aussi un musée lapidaire et nous avons pu voir recueillis avec soin dans un modeste bâtiment, dressé sur les jardins d’une Ecole neuve, une série de débris archéologiques consistant surtout en stèles, morceaux de frises, certains on marbre avec figures et ornements, bustes byzantins plus ou moins mutilés, fragments de chapiteaux, de statuettes, bijoux, vases, lampes, des monnaies et des médailles, même des morceaux de faïences, des inscriptions, toutes choses précieuses pour l’histoire du pays. Des lions phrygiens à l’aspect débonnaire ou rébarbatif montent la faction devant la porte. [65] Radet_1895_472–473 Revenant dans la direction de la route romaine, nous longeons la grande chaîne pelée qui ferme au sud le bassin de Synnada. Bientôt le massif s’abaisse, s’évase, s’ouvre au lit d’un ruisseau, et nous atteignons, à cinq kilomètres du BaljikHissar-Déré, le fertile vallon d’Atly-Hissar. Ce nom turc révèle à lui seul un emplacement antique. D’ailleurs, à l’entrée du village, le cimetière, que nous explorons, est rempli de colonnes, d’entablements, de stèles. Des fragments de sculpture et d’architecture, réunis dans la cour de la mosquée, des piédestaux à inscriptions, alignés sous le vestibule, forment une sorte de musée rustique. Près de la fontaine du djami, dans les ruines d’un tekké renversé depuis trente ans par un tremblement de terre, nous faisons dégager un milliaire énorme, où sont gravées, en latin et en grec, trois dédicaces à des empereurs. Cette borne prouve que nous sommes bien sur le parcours de la voie romaine d’Apamée à Dorylée. Je montre plus loin que Mélissa, l’une des étapes de cette route, n’est autre qu’Atly-Hissar. [66] Helbig_1892_114–115. [67] Hamilton_1837_48 Sinope: “At Sinope nothing now is to be seen of its famous temples, gymnasia, porticos, &c.: they are all levelled, and the town is full of fragments in every corner. But the great mine of ancient fragments are the walls, which surround the modern town and citadel. This last is built on the narrow isthmus, and is probably a Byzantine work. The buildings consist altogether of fragments of ancient architecture, columns, friezes, architraves, mouldings, capitals of columns, cornices, &c., all worked in



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together, to form the fortifications, by the hands of some rude barbarians, for such in reality were some of the Byzantine emperors. Here I found an inscription in good preservation, which has never, I believe, been copied.” [68] Hamilton_1842_I_308–309 Sinope: “Near the eastern gate the whole of the wall across the isthmus on this side has been built up with fragments of ancient architecture, such as columns, architraves, &c., and I promised myself a rich harvest of inscriptions. The same profusion of ancient fragments existed in the court-yard of a mosque near the centre of the town, where they were arranged on each side of the different paths and avenues leading to a large fountain. In many of the principal streets fragments of architraves and columns are seen in the foundations of the houses; and the outer wall to the west is also formed of similar remains; amongst them were pieces of cornice, with fragments of two different inscriptions; No. 54 was on the entablature of a cornice, enriched with garlands and the caput bovis; Nos. 53 and 55 were on a plain cornice. All appeared to have belonged to edifices erected by or in honour of the Empcror Germanicus. A large marble lion is also worked into the same wall towards the south. Passing through the gate of the inner western wall is a long inscription over the gateway; with some difficulty I procured a ladder to reach it, but it was modern Greek, and bore the date of 1781.” [69] Robinson_1906_130–131: “However, we have the two walls across the isthmus which have been built and razed and rebuilt in the same positions and out of the most heterogeneous materials arranged in the most disorderly manner. There are foundation stones from buildings; columns of Roman date whose unfluted sides indicate their previous position in stoas; pieces of sculpture scattered at random, including a lion built into the top of the wall, in one case, while a similar one lies upon the ground; and pieces of architraves and of cor-nices. Many other pieces of carving have been carried away by individuals or have found their way into museums, especially that at Constantinople. In the wall nearest the mainland, but on the inside, are arches indicating the remains of a Roman aqueduct. This part of this wall is better built than the rest and probably goes back to Roman date, whereas the greater portion of it, like the other walls, was built by the Genoese and later by Turks.” [70] De_la_Motraye_1727_I_314 walls of Ankara (not citadel) in 1703: war ravaged, quoi qu’ils ne soient pas enrichis d’une si grande quantité de ces magnifiques ruines, qui paroissent n’y avoir été ajoutées en certains endroits que pour les réparer, & qui avec les inscriptions qui sont sur les Portes, témoignent d’une manière authentique qu’ils sont beaucoup plus anciens que les murs mêmes. [71] Pococke_1772_V_185 (in the Orient 1737–1742) Ankara, the walls: Les murailles sont très-mal bâties & l’on y a employé indistinctement colonnes, architraves, chapiteaux, bases & autres morceaux antiques, entremêlés avec de la boue; aussi en est-il tombé une grande partie. On les bâtit il y a soixante ans, pour se mettre à couvert du rebelle Gadick qui ravageoit le pays à la tête de douze mille hommes, & qui fut depuis Pacha, Les maisons ont très-peu d’apparence & ne sont bâties que de briques crues, mais elles ne laissent pas d’avoir leur commodité. – Is he correct about the date of the walls? Or was this simply a refurbishment? [72] Griffiths_1805_276 Konya: “The wall is of such extent, that upwards of one hundred square towers encompassed and protected the city; they are now allowed to moulder away without any endeavour to stop the progress of their destruction.” [73] Conder_1830_340 Ankara: “The modern walls and gates of the city are constructed chiefly of ancient marbles. The Smyrna gate is built, to all appearance, from the shattered fragments of a portico or temple: pieces of sculpture and broken columns are wedged in the walls, and the arch rests upon two blocks of marble about eight feet in length, which appear to have composed part of an architrave. Not far from this gate is a small eminence, on which, Capt. Kinneir was informed by the consul, that a temple formerly stood. Its demolition has, therefore, probably been recent. The ground all around is strewed with shafts, capitals, and fragments of entablatures. The shapeless ruins of a large edifice, supposed to be the amphitheatre, are scattered over the brow of a rising ground. The form



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appears to have been elliptical. The fragment of the wall that remains, is about thirty feet in height, composed of stone and layers of brick. The external coating of the building continued to be daily removed by the natives, to build their houses. The area has been converted into a Turkish burying-ground.” [74] Cervati_1909_312 Ankara: Les ruines du château qui occupait l’emplacement de l’ancienne forteresse n’offrent rien de remarquable. Les murailles de la ville, flanquées de tours, bâties et reconstruits plusieurs fois, sont composées d’éléments divers dans lesquels entrent des fragments de colonnes, des chapitaux, des frises, des sarcophages dont les inscriptions et les différents styles nous disent l’histoire de cette antique forteresse. Par endroits, des restes de dallage indiquent la voie construite par les Romains. – so were the walls of Ankara still standing in 1909? Or is the information simply out-of-date, or wrong, and cobbled together from something earlier? [75] Browne_1799_414 Ankara: “The city has been surrounded by a substantial wall, in some places apparently double. Marks of a ditch also are visible. I passed three gates, and was told there were three or four more. Fragments of Greek inscriptions may be observed on two of the gates. On the North-west are said to be remains of an amphitheatre, which circumstances prevented me from visiting.” [76] Walker_1897_71–2 at Ankara, the walls below the upper Citadel: “The bewildering amount of fragments of ancient sculpture and architecture to be found in this part of the city is almost incredible: of funereal and votive slabs; of shafts and capitals of columns; of pedestals and altars; mostly on the inner side of the encircling wall. Every chiselled stone seems to bear some ancient inscription, as you approach the old gate, now called Parmak Kapou . . . / We pass on. Still more inscriptions and bits of sculpture inserted in the rough walls. On the right hand a large slab shows a cross in low relief; it forms a part of a great corner-tower, the base of which is composed of large marble slabs, the upper portion of brick and stone; the angle, enriched by a beautiful fragment of frieze-work, brings into view an extent of wall of which the destination and purpose is not apparent. Several mutilated statues in high relief are inserted lengthways near the base; one square block seems to represent angels or cupids, the whole mingled with Inscriptions and thickly plastered with whitewash.” [77] Hamilton_1837_56 Ankara: “The citadel, which is on the summit of the southern rock, is defended by a double wall on the west and south sides, composed almost entirely of fragments of marble, inscriptions, bas-reliefs statues, pedestals, columns, architraves, and such like fragments of former splendour and magnificence, which form a striking contrast with the mud-houses of the present inhabitants.” [78] Walker_1897_69–70 Ankara, just below the Citadel walls: “Amongst the ruined masses at the foot of the wall we are shown a large marble lion, bearing a very Persian aspect. Stone or marble lions seem to have been much favoured here in former times. I am told of no less than eight of these, sculptured in marble, still existing in Angora, and of one other – the most interesting of them all, mentioned and photographed by Perrot – that until lately decorated the road-side fountain of Kalaba, in the neighbourhood of the city. ‘This was doubtless,’ says Mr. C, one of the four Phrygian lions said to have been brought to this city.’ It was taken possession of by the local authorities in 1893, and sent to the museum of Tchinli Kiosque in Stamboul.” [79] Van_Lennep_1870_II_174–5 Ankara: “Entered the town at 8, by the south-east gate. It is made up of fragments of old buildings, chiefly marble; a broken marble lion stands on each side . . . Remains of ancient art and splendour are met with at every step, more so than in any town I have visited in this land. But they are only fragments, while no building has resisted the destructive effects of time.” [80] Browne_1799_413 Kayseri “surrounded by walls, now in bad repair.” [81] Gassot_1550_30r at Urfa, ou y a Chasteau, les murailles sont de grosses pierres de taille fort vieilles, et qui sont en partie tombées: elle a esté autrefois bien bastie, comme il appert par les vestiges de plusieurs grands maisons, murailles, Eglises, Chasteau, et autres



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bastiments, et comme il se voit encores des fondements des vieilles murailles, d’ou l’on tire de grosses pierres. Aussi il se voit de grandes Coulomnes de pierres dures, entières, qui demonstrent avoir soustenu quelque bastiment, ou galeries fort haultes, élevées sur vieux bastiments. [82] Burgess_1835_II_133: Bursa: “Of the ancient city I find but little remaining, except some vestiges within the circuit of the more modern citadel: these chiefly consist of broken columns; some injured bas-reliefs inserted in the walls; and the materials of the Roman fortifications, subsequently used by the Genoese for a similar purpose. I entered within the walls of the citadel by a doorway constructed of large marble cornices, and at every step saw frusta of columns strewn; a Greek cross stuck in the wall near a fountain, I regarded as a vestige of early Christianity.” [83] Porter_1835_I_262–3 the walls of Bursa, apparently up the mountainside: “On these ancient walls are to be found Greek inscriptions, and bas-reliefs, of triumphs and sacrifices.” [84] Pardoe_1837_II_27 Bursa: “We next visited the remains of the Palace of the ancient Greek Emperors, whose dilapidated gateway is flanked by the mouldering remains of two bassi relievi; and the fragments of two fountains of white marble, whose waters, unrestrained by the mutilated basins into which they poured themselves, have worn a narrow channel beside the road, where they rush along, sparkling in the sunshine. The capital of one of the columns which once graced them still remains nearly entire, and is of that elegant stalactite-like architecture peculiar to the Arabs, and quite unknown in Europe.” [85] Hammer_1820_276 Bursa, citadel: Mais dans l’enceinte du château même, rien n’offre tant d’intérêt que les ruines des palais impériaux, jadis le siège florissant des premiers sultans ottomans. Ils ne sont pas encore réduits à de simples monceaux de pierre, ils ne sont pas encore démolis au point qu’on ne puisse reconnoître leur emplacement, la distribution des différens appartemens, les bains, les jardins, les Kiosk et les fontaines. Il y en a de ces dernières conservées tout en entier dans un pan de muraille; mais l’eau, ayant rompu ces tuyaux, s’écoule de côté et arrose la terre; des graminées et des percepierres croissent dans les bouches de marbre qui versoient l’eau, et des décombres remplissent le bassin qui le recevoit autrefois. [86] Turner_1820_III_176, Bursa: “We walked from the tombs to the castle, which is strongly built with ancient materials but is much ruined; over its door were two large slabs of stone containing Greek inscriptions reversed, as under: from the castle we went to a garden near it, a square of about 200 feet, occupying and nearly filling the site of a palace of the ancient Greek princes: this, at least, is the name given to some small remains of ruined walls; there are still a few vestiges of an ancient church in this reputed abode of royalty, and of an oblong pond, made by the Greek princes. There were also some traces of a haram and a bath, built by the Turkish Sultans who continued to devote to pleasure the scene which their predecessors had found so well adapted to it.” [87] Porter_1835_I_71 near “Giant’s Mountain” on the Bosphorus, the remains of a Genoese castle: “At the corners, and in various parts of the walls of the castle, were to be seen the ends and sides of ancient marble columns, slabs with Greek inscriptions, and every thing bespoke the recent origin of this ancient and venerable structure, compared with that of the rich materials with which it is composed, and which perhaps assisted in the formation of a city or establishment that history has forgotten.” [88] Gedoyn_1909_151–2 at Rhodes Ce qui fait juger et discourir que tant de reliques attendent le retour de leurs maîtres; le seul château, qui fut la demeure du Grand Maître, cette forteresse inimitable que l’on ne peut voir sans l’admirer, dont l’assiette, secourue de l’art, pouvoit défier le temps, et laquelle, en un mot, n’a dû jamais être prise sans être affamée ou sans trahison, ce château, dis-je, est grandement détruit et s’empire tous les jours par le consentement du Gouverneur qui en permet la démolition et vend ses ruines à très vil prix, mais les fossés ne sont aucunement comblés, ni les remparts, boulevards et bastions endommagés, non plus que ses fortes et doubles murailles, de façon qu’il serait



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aisé de s’en aider en peu de temps; je le visitai partout et n’y trouvai qu’horreur, vastité, solitude et quelques pauvres habitans qui sont Arabes et Bédouins, lesquels occupent la basse-cour. [89] Collignon_1880–1897_55–56 the walls of Antalya: L’appareil de ces murs, qui se développe en longues courtines reliées entre elles par des tous carrées, rappelle de très près celui des murs de Constantinople. Les assises inférieures sont formées de pierres de taille antiques, tandis que la partie supérieure présente une construction irrégulière où l’on remarque ça et là quelques débris helléniques encastrés dans la maçonnerie. A l’angle nord-ouest de la partie qui paraît répondre à l’ancienne citadelle, une tour antique, une porte ornée de chapiteaux et d’un entablement du temps de Trajan, offrent de curieux débris; à l’époque byzantine, on a eu quelque souci de recueillir des membres d’architecture antique et de les enchâsser, un peu au hasard, dans les murs des tours et des courtines. [90] Davis_1874_211–212 walls of Antalya: “No obstacle is now placed in the way of those who wish to see the inner wall. Accordingly we walked round the greater part of it on the edge of the dry ditch. The lower part of the wall is of fine massy cut stones; above that inferior Roman work is built; the wretched masonry of the Turks is at the top. As we passed I noticed a number of water pipes in the wall filled with stony deposit as in the Thermae of Laodicea. A short distance beyond these were the remains of a white marble gateway of extremely beautiful work, of which a large part seems to be embedded in the wall – the wall perhaps having been built under and around it at a later age; one portion was quite inside the wall (perhaps a few stones have been removed and so this piece has come to light), and having been thus sheltered it appears as fresh and perfect as if sculptured only yesterday, the material being apparently without a stain and the figures sharply cut. But it was at too great a height for the subject to be distinguished. Two large pieces of a very ornate cornice are built into the wall edgewise. They have the echinus ornament carved below and above a rich acanthus. Higher up in the wall is a long course of marble bearing the “fret” ornament (Maeander); but this must have formed part of some other building, as it is too large to suit the frieze of the edifice already mentioned. Underneath is another gateway, having above the doorway a female head defaced, with acanthus wreaths on either side of it; this also is very fine work. Near these fragments were several inscriptions. One long inscription was upon a slab of whitish limestone; this had been broken into two pieces, which had been replaced, but in one the writing was reversed. We heard that the authorities of the town had wished to open out this gateway and had commenced removing the stones; but on the inside of the wall at the back of the gateway was a private house, the owner of which was unwilling to give his consent, and therefore the stones were replaced; this one had been broken and was replaced in the careless way mentioned. I do not, however, attribute much authority to this account.” [91] Rott_1908_36 Antalya, the Djumanün-Djamisi (Panagia): Der Pfeilerkörper unterlialb des Kapitals muß mit Marmorplatten belegt gewesen sein, da dies überall aus der Vertikalen ausrückt. Die gleiche proportionale Flächeneinteilung finden wir bei der Südtür, die fast völlig im Schutt begraben ist. Reicher gegliedert war im Schnitt die Haupttür, die aus dem Narthex in das Kircheninnere führt, deren mit Zahnschnitt außerdem verzierte Verdachung von seitlichen Konsolen getragen wurde. [92] Beaujour_1829_II_178–179 Antalya: Au fond du golfe s’élève la ville de Satalie ou d’Adalie, située en amphithéâtre sur les premiers gradins du mont Taurus et fermée d’une simple enceinte, flanquée de tours. On lui donne une population de 7 à 8 mille habitants, la plupart Turks, mêlés de Grecs. Cette ville renferme quelques restes de monumens anciens, et entr’autres quatre colonnes d’ordre corinthien, enclavées dans les murs de son enceinte: ce qui a fait croire à quelques voyageurs que Satalie était l’ancienne Attalée; mais d’autres présument que les ruines d’Attalée sont à cinq milles plus à l’est, sur le pourtour oriental du golfe et dans un lieu nommé Lâra, où l’on trouve des vestiges d’un large quai et des tronçons de colonnes, ainsi que d’autres fragments d’architecture. [93] Davis_1874_211–212 for the city walls of Antalya: “As we passed I noticed a number of water pipes in the wall filled with stony deposit as in the Thermae of Laodicea.”



appendix

[94] Cornwall_1924_221–222 Turkish immigrants: “They are in the main tillers of the soil, but they have come to an unprogressive country, where little incentive is given to increase the productivity of the land. The expelled Christians whom they have replaced were mostly town-dwellers, shopkeepers and artisans, weavers, cobblers, carpenters, and metal-workers, whose handicrafts they are unable to practise. This indeed is for Turkey the great tragedy of the exchange, a tragedy which she has brought on herself by her own shortsightedness. She has driven out the real wealth of the country, the intelligent, industrious, and thrifty Christian inhabitants, the bulk of whom represented the survivors of the original pre-Turkish population. It was they who packed the figs, wove the carpets, tanned the leather, and dug the minerals which formed the staple articles of Anatolia’s export trade. Turkey has committed industrial suicide.”

Conclusion What were the motors for the magnificent civilisation established by the Romans in Asia Minor? They were predicated on a strong cultural will to express the power of their civilisation by building a long-lasting and solidly engineered infrastructure to support monumental cityscapes and country networks of roads, sanctuaries and fountains. The relicts of this desire to impress are still to be seen in the often huge ruins of stone and marble throughout the Empire, and in profusion throughout the Eastern Mediterranean. There would be no such monuments, and no such survival, without command of the relevant technologies supported by international and local communications. Then efficient mechanics were needed for moving materials using roads (not often rivers, for there were few suitable ones in Asia Minor) to where they were needed. Indeed, part of this prestigious and centuries-long construction boom involved the movement of fine marbles around the Mediterranean almost like making the winning moves in a game of chess. Local quarries were used when appropriate, as we have seen; but prestige marbles were shipped and hauled around and as easily recognisable by connoisseurs as any designer label would be today. Why such massive engineering projects? Because their buildings were designed to last more than any human lifetime; other cultures around the Mediterranean preferred renewal to longevity, and some modern cultures (such as Japan) sometimes plan for perhaps a thirty-year building cycle. This disparity in attitudes meant that, as we have seen, many of the locals in Asia Minor left antique monumental ruins alone because they could not fit later building projects. For the Romans themselves, it was not necessary to expatiate on the triumph of difficulties overcome in shifting huge weights, for the structures themselves, and the quality of the (usually imported) materials, were a sufficient reminder for aforementioned connoisseurs. Equally, non-Roman locals would be impressed by such structures because they had no such technologies themselves. Occasionally, art does emphasise and glorify the efforts involved in such building, and not just by Romans, but by others with a similarly monumental mind-set. The great 8thC BC alabaster reliefs at Khorsabad, in present-day Iraq, have several panels depicting the transport of cedar logs from Lebanon; a fresco in the Vatican Library depicts

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the feat of shifting the Vatican Obelisk, even if only a couple of hundred metres; and the base of the Obelisk of Theodosius in the Hippodrome at Constantinople shows itself being moved into position. In such depictions, and in many inscriptions, the technology is hymned, and not taken for granted. So much is known about the Roman monuments of Asia Minor because of the many inscriptions detailing construction, costs, and often rebuilding. Earthquakes are frequent in this region, and only the Romans could field the technologies necessary for repairs and rebuilding, which is why so many ruins lay across the land for centuries. With the collapse of Rome, technological skill declined, arguably because a lower population concentrated into fewer centres did not wish to maintain either buildings or their arteries, the road system. Structures became smaller (witness the Byzantine churches that remained or were converted into mosques in Constantinople), large-scale internal commerce declined to what could be serviced by camel-trains, and the lack of international trade spelled at the least disrepair for port facilities. This book has presented a mournful tale of degradation from high civilisation and international horizons to village subsistence economies bereft of even medium distance trade and transport, and vulnerable to natural disasters and disease, eventually resurrected by modernity, to the detriment of its ancient remains. Of course, it would be unrealistic to expect the Roman tradition of splendid cities and efficient infrastructure to survive in Asia Minor, since it survived nowhere else. The reason, as we have seen, is to be found in the declining relevance not just of Roman architecture, but of the whole way of life, which its technology so triumphantly represented. Indeed, new waves of population, with no inherited knowledge of the glories of the classical past, arrived to occupy the land. Nobody was to build in the Roman fashion until the Italian Renaissance (or, stretching a point, at least until the mediaeval basilicas, called “Romanesque” for this reason). It is the long-lasting lack of interest in much of the ancient world, excepting some little reuse of materials for its village economy, perhaps to shore up wooden houses or to decorate usually rubble-walled mosques, that makes Asia Minor such a fascinating focus for study. Instead of the structures the Romans left when the Empire collapsed being endlessly reworked and rebuilt, they were left alone when inhabitants formed smaller villages on ancient sites, or created new villages nearby, where water was available without recourse to ancient aqueducts or cisterns. As already emphasised, ancient buildings, roads, drains and port installations mouldered away. Constantinople in this as in other respects, is



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an exception, for there was no lack of skill after 1453 to build structures unequalled in size since Hagha Sophia itself – enormous mosque complexes, embellished with marbles and supporting columns imported from all over the Empire, conspicuously the monsters in the Suleymaniye. But Sinan, his fellow architects and his commissioners (just like architects in the West in the same period) wanted new-looking architecture, and old blocks were reworked so as to appear quarry-fresh. Only column-sets survived unmutilated, and we may wonder just what proportion of “new” capitals were indeed re-cut from classical ones. Fortunately, supplying Constantinople did not exhaust the architectural riches of Asia Minor and, in consequence, large quantities of Roman monuments survive there today – many more than in any other part of their erstwhile Empire. This is because the degraded infrastructure of poor roads, few bridges, marshes caused by bad drainage, not to mention different architectural priorities, left antiquities as if in aspic for hundreds of years. The whole situation began to change in the eighteenth century, when the Ottoman Empire realised that modernisation required some Westernisation, and imported European officers to train their army and improve their fortification and artillery. Travellers arrived who, as we have seen throughout this book, found Asia Minor wanting vis-à-vis the technologies that were changing their home countries: these were agriculture, forestry, drainage, roads and ports, and solid building. We might say that travellers and ambassadors, with an eye to commerce or to the description and extraction of antiquities, were the vectors for the “disease” of modernity that then infected the land. From the mid-nineteenth century, technologies from building to water supply and road and railway construction were brought back into use, as Turkey sought at Western urging to bring herself up-to-date. To do so required the wonders of re-worked ancient technology. We should remember just how recent were the various technologies that Westerners saw at home. In 1800, all-weather roads were a new phenomenon in the West. There the Romans had indeed built railways for wooden tracks and carts, but recent inventors had improved such setups by adding metal rails and steam (from 1804), and driving them further than the Romans ever did. The modernisation of agriculture was not much more than a century old. And except in Holland, extensive drainage was also a recent activity. (1630s onwards in the UK, though with spluttering attempts in the previous century). If commerce and improved communications were to become the main rationale for modernising Turkey, they were preceded by the Western

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preoccupation with the development of museums and the need to fill them. International competition between France, Britain and, eventually Germany, required advanced technologies to excavate and transport the treasures discovered. Without the results of such exertions, and especially without the takeup of modernisation and urbanisation in Asia Minor, we could continue to visit and gaze upon an essentially late-antique landscape. We cannot do so, unfortunately; but at least the sacrifice of many hundreds of antique sites and monuments on the shrine of modernity during and since the nineteenth century has been recorded by complaisant, outraged, or resigned Westerners, whose detailed observations have formed the meat of this book. Western outrage did not extend to leaving museum-quality antiquities on their original site, the result being that, ever since, visitors must necessarily be schizoid. View the monuments re-erected at Ephesus, Pergamon, and other sites, but then go to European museums for the treasures which once ornamented them. While it is indeed the case, as our travellers’ reports make clear, that export to museums saved much material from near-certain destruction, we still live in a nineteenth-century mindset. For just as the country boundaries of much of the world were fixed in the nineteenth century, so also was the museum mentality, which sought antiquities as trophies for “safe keeping” back home, leaving the looted sites as more-or-less heaps of rubble, which it has been the work of the past few decades partly to re-assemble. Asia Minor is but an airflight away, but then so are its antiquities, in Vienna (Ephesus), Berlin (Pergamon), London (Ephesus, Halicarnassus and Xanthus), and Paris (Assos, Magnesia). There are even a few in museums in Istanbul, Antalya, Smyrna and other locations in Turkey. So what did technology do to enhance the Ottoman Empire? Did they gain a competitive advantage to match that planned by the Germans with the Baghdad Railway – Vorsprung durch Technik, indeed? No, because the Western Powers judged even in the nineteenth century that the Empire’s glory days could not be resurrected, and her dismemberment after the First World War was extensive and painful. Modern Turkey, from Ataturk onwards, has looked increasingly toward the West, and her increasingly town-based population has affected antiquities in precisely the way the same process did in the West in earlier centuries: it has continued to destroy them, especially in country areas far from the watchful authority of government. Modernisation, therefore, usually entails the despoiling and destruction of the past, because its technologies, such as roads, railways, sewers and



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large buildings, obliterate what has gone before, even when they reuse some of its materials. Modernisation destroyed large quantities of antiquities in Greece, Egypt and Algeria, to name but three areas of the erstwhile Ottoman Empire. Its effects can be seen today in a wide range of towns which, apart from the “old quarter,” have been extensively Westernised. These include Tunis, Cairo, Constantine, Algiers, Athens, Damascus, Constantinople and, most completely of all, Ataturk’s new capital at Ankara. Museums, begun in Europe to collect relatively light antiquities from countries or sites too difficult to visit, developed exponentially in the nineteenth century: just like the modern towns in which they were located, they were dependent on technologies old and new to stock them. Large sailing and steamships, roads, railways, and cranes (at last the equal and then the superior of Roman technologies) allowed them to become storehouses for large and weighty artefacts, so that the ancient world could be further plundered for the delectation of the West. In an echo of Roman building incriptions, such feats of modern technology could now be not only hymned but also illustrated in popular printed magazines. Museums thereby became the alibi for the destruction of original buildings, their contexts and landscapes, and the technologies which created them.

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INDEX Adana aqueduct 65 museum 188 Aezani 2, 13, 32, 43, 61, 65, 70, 82, 98–9, 136, 168, 194, 237–8, 242, 342–4, 347 Afyon 56, 116, 157, 245, 250, 340 agriculture 4, 6, 8, 10, 21, 39, 41, 44, 48, 68, 81, 105, 107–9, 111, 304, 314, 381, 387 Ainsworth, William Francis 119, 139, 203, 210, 212, 224, 258, 267, 273, 378 Aizanoi 32 Alabanda 107–9, 139, 250, 278, 337 Alexandria Troas, see Troad Amasia 208, 212, 273, 289 Amorium 3, 34, 205–6, 217, 333 Anatolia 2, 4, 7, 17, 35, 40–1, 51, 69–70, 72, 85, 96, 155, 157, 159–60, 179, 191, 215, 233–4, 263, 276, 303, 317–18 Ankara 25, 86, 139–41, 287, 379 antiquities 126, 136, 163, 192, 196, 246, 250 amphitheatre 139–40 Temple of Augustus and Rome 40, 239, 269, 275, 332 water supply 217 brigands 69 manuscripts 346 modernism 319, 389 mosques 247 Antioch 149, 164, 176, 179, 202, 267, 297, 329 antiquities bas-reliefs 57, 76, 92, 100, 114, 117, 125, 138, 154, 163, 176, 180, 201, 218, 228, 243, 266–7, 269, 275, 314–15, 318–19, 324, 350, 355–6, 365–6 Christian 120, 253 churches 2, 4, 24, 26, 37, 44, 75, 81–2, 89–91, 93–4, 100, 105, 107, 123–5, 135–6, 150, 163–4, 193–5, 237–9, 241, 244–6, 248–58, 272, 339–40, 370–2 monasteries 103, 238–9, 246, 249, 256 destruction 4, 9, 19–21, 24, 26–7, 37, 64, 70–2, 81, 83, 86–7, 94–6, 101, 118,

121, 174, 269–70, 285, 289, 306–9, 328–9, 349–50, 353, 377–8, 388–9 barbarians 61, 169, 308, 344 export 27, 41, 56, 74, 117, 160, 242, 263, 276–8, 284–6, 298–9, 303–4, 307, 317–19, 327–8, 332, 349–50, 353–5, 357, 366, 388 fragments 60–1, 98, 100, 107, 116, 129–30, 167, 172, 174–6, 184–5, 209–10, 212, 217, 224, 235, 238–9, 244–5, 253, 257, 264, 337, 342–3, 355, 373, 379–80 Hittite 212 import 117, 127 large converting 337 moving 279, 284, 289, 337, 349, 359, 366 statues, colossal 163, 187, 279 laws and protection 57, 276–8, 285, 305, 309, 340, 353, 378 lions 126, 140–1, 309, 337, 353, 356, 358, 375–8, 380 looting 36, 39, 52, 57, 65, 96, 121, 132, 140, 150, 196, 284, 287, 316 marble 5, 26, 90, 100, 121–2, 214, 254 Moslem attitudes 377 recut 125–7 reuse 2, 7, 26, 32, 40, 61, 63, 72, 74, 77, 90–1, 98, 106, 121, 126–7, 137–8, 141, 169–70, 172–3, 193–4, 212, 219, 250–1, 257–8, 333 seaside 131, 166, 182, 242, 364 statues 87, 374 pedestals 65, 87, 94, 106–7, 116, 140, 244, 254, 268–9, 295, 333, 336 survival 26, 41, 197 treasure gold 45, 62, 269, 340–1, 343, 345 hidden 66, 68, 95, 104–5, 268, 273, 327, 330–1, 336, 339–45, 349 antiquity, late 2–3, 7, 18, 47, 69, 82, 88, 101–2, 138, 192–3, 214, 216, 233, 239, 252, 263, 333, 339 Aphrodisias 59–60, 123, 132, 163, 194, 250, 258–9, 268, 330, 350 Geyre village 60, 243, 259

434

index

archaeologists 19, 26, 32–4, 38–9, 44, 51, 58, 67, 84, 90, 93–4, 105, 108, 113, 134, 160, 164, 175, 181, 268, 277, 279, 309, 313–18, 324 archaeology 9–10, 36–7, 54, 63, 75, 86, 88–9, 98, 264, 283, 285–7, 306–7, 314, 316, 318, 324, 329, 367, 380–1 See also excavations and excavators Arundell, Francis Vyvian 60, 70, 94, 102, 116, 129, 164, 195, 213–14, 241, 265, 296, 327, 331, 335, 342, 355 Asia Minor coast 20, 26, 36, 40–1, 60, 62, 129, 132, 150, 163, 180, 183, 190, 257, 293, 299, 317, 349, 352, 371 distances 46, 151, 174, 177, 180, 185, 189, 283, 302, 335 nineteenth century 349 plateau 23, 52 Asia Minor, Byzantine and Hittite antiquities 268 Assos 108, 112–14, 162, 195, 208, 241, 337, 345, 358, 371, 388 Athens academies 41–2, 265 antiquities 26, 36, 56, 90, 168, 300, 359 export 350, 360 inscriptions 34 and modernism 41, 162, 299, 389 Ayasoluk 90, 102, 108, 137, 162, 188, 226, 245, 253, 265, 269, 310, 371–2 church of S. John 102, 122–3, 136, 252, 371 road and rail 76, 196 See also Ephesus baths 3, 8, 11–12, 18, 33, 92, 133, 148, 165, 168, 201–2, 204–6, 212–14, 217, 221 Aezani 206 Alexandria Troas 165 Algeria 318 Amorium 205, 207 ancient, intact 100 with churches 82 Erythrae 205 Islamic 21, 247 late-functioning 214, 217 near Smyrna 213–14 Sardis 228 Beaufort, Francis 49–50, 95, 128, 163–4, 186, 218, 226–7, 347 beliefs and superstitions 256, 263, 271–2, 276, 339–41, 343 romanticism 264–5

Bent, James Theodore 31, 70–2, 88, 96, 147, 196, 329, 341 Berlin museums 59, 306, 318, 366, 378, 388 railways 36 brigands and brigandage 19, 67–71, 150 building construction 2, 8, 15, 18, 50, 83, 90, 102, 116, 312 Constantinople 6, 122, 163 domain of Greeks 276 longevity 133 maintenance 6, 14, 18, 103, 149, 179, 181, 184, 186, 189, 195–6, 214, 283, 370 building materials blocks 25, 66, 76, 89, 94, 102, 106, 109, 112, 114, 116–17, 127–8, 135, 149–50, 159–60, 162–3, 165–6, 170, 192–5, 210–11, 241–2, 248, 311–12, 333–4, 354–6 columns 4, 9, 16, 25, 63–6, 70–2, 74, 87–8, 106, 113, 117, 133–4, 136, 164–5, 167, 209–10, 213–14, 248–56, 266–7, 275–6, 296–7, 332–3, 342–4, 372, 379–80 broken 60, 87, 115–16, 118, 172 drums 113, 138, 194–5, 253, 380 marble 88, 99, 106, 123, 133, 141, 169, 172, 176, 188, 207–8, 213, 220, 242, 245, 247, 255–7, 290, 344 shafts 235, 241, 243, 292, 295–6 standing 59, 64, 342 temple 114, 332 wooden 243, 247 columns shafts, marble 18, 195, 204, 245, 247, 250, 254, 270 houses 32, 62, 76, 89, 92, 102, 187, 203, 229, 235–47, 266–9, 332, 369 ancient ruins 132, 136, 227, 357 with antiquities 77, 89, 119, 129, 167, 169, 185, 207, 220, 234, 266, 379 and Christians 264 of earth 120 and earthquakes 169 and hubris 236–7 and inscriptions 266, 275, 325, 327, 331 marble-faced 76 of mud-brick 376 non-repair 42 and statues 336 stone 234–5, 248 in temples 275 of wood 126, 233, 235 huts 107, 136, 189, 228–9, 236, 258, 264



index

with antiquities 139, 245 bricks and reeds 240 stone and timber 235, 237 iron 31, 65, 104, 169, 178, 343 mortar 7, 126, 140, 193–5, 235, 240, 253–4, 283, 336–7 mud 72, 237–8, 241, 246, 329, 377 mud-brick 43, 234, 240 mud-brick houses 240, 245 pillars 139–40, 170, 173, 211–13, 245, 248, 252, 342, 361 quarries 11, 24–5, 66, 89, 93–4, 166, 192–6, 203, 246, 253, 269, 283, 296, 304, 309, 314, 377 rebuilding, complete 84–5, 89, 103, 112, 137, 176, 187, 236, 239, 297, 324, 377, 386 reconstruction 66, 84, 100, 102, 153, 194, 203, 222, 226, 250, 253, 255, 381 repairs in stone 12–13, 24–5, 87–8, 106–7, 122, 153–4, 169, 171, 173–6, 182–3, 185–6, 191–3, 209, 233–7, 240–3, 247–9, 253, 258, 269–70, 272–5, 286–8, 323–4, 329–40, 344–5, 354–8 reworking of antiquities 7, 183, 193, 325 tents 72, 109, 158, 226–7, 229, 317 tiles and mosaics 16, 63, 76, 286, 323, 332, 378 wood 24, 72, 111, 121, 125–6, 154, 168, 171, 175, 177, 192, 222, 233–40, 243, 245–6, 257, 269, 301, 372–3 workmen 25, 123, 163, 217–18, 270–1, 308, 310, 316, 331 masons 4, 106–7, 116, 192, 236, 292, 295, 338, 354, 359, 364 See also marble Bursa 57, 86, 103–4, 114, 155, 168, 179, 196, 244, 274, 289, 331, 353, 379–80 antiquities 57, 114, 244, 274, 289, 353 bridge 168 railway 196 travel 38, 46, 155, 179, 371 Cadyanda 95, 106, 204 Chandler, Richard 10, 57, 64, 73, 76, 94, 116, 120, 130, 133, 135, 166, 172, 182, 187, 205, 207, 216, 221, 239, 257, 323, 333, 342 Cilicia 5, 59, 69, 96, 111, 151, 158, 189–90, 209, 235, 244, 252, 341, 350 citadels 117, 141, 217, 247, 369, 380 Afyon 250 Alabanda 109 Ankara 140–1, 217, 379

435

Bursa 103–4, 218, 380 Diyarbekir 251 Konya 377 Nicomedia 117 Smyrna 275 Cnidus 93, 98, 186, 202, 252, 298, 357–8 coins 59, 99, 129, 133, 204, 274, 288, 344 Colbert, Jean-Baptiste 34, 284–5 commerce and trade 6, 21, 49, 70, 74, 148, 183–4, 190–1, 217, 224, 286–7, 289, 300, 302, 317, 335, 387 brigands 69 markets 15 modernism 77 villagers 39, 283 Constantinople 67, 117–19, 121–8, 191–3, 236, 269–70, 307–8, 312, 366 antiquities 6, 14, 112, 117, 163, 195, 222, 305, 386 the Great Palace 124, 307–8 manuscripts 346 modernity 10, 31, 45, 51, 86, 179–80, 186, 283, 388 mosques 25, 55, 85, 107, 114, 123, 125, 127, 165, 386 museums 57, 93, 112, 178, 182, 286, 318, 377 rebuilding 85, 125, 183, 187–8, 236, 293, 386 walls 123, 138, 290 sea walls 125, 307–8 water supply 10, 202, 215 aqueducts 270 Constantinople and Asia Minor 125 Crimea 180, 288–9 Cyzicus 57, 108, 114–15, 134, 189, 193, 244, 246, 257, 265, 272, 274, 292, 297, 336 Denizli 116, 129, 166, 258–9, 311–12, 319 Deschamps, Gaston 94, 203–4, 207 Didyma 92–3, 162, 182, 195, 253, 278, 332, 358 Diocletian 116, 118 Diyarbekir 167, 251 earthquakes 9, 12, 25, 58, 64, 84, 86–7, 89–90, 93–4, 100, 103–4, 109, 112, 114, 117, 125, 127, 132–3, 136, 138, 171, 175, 195, 219–20, 234–6 and mosques 93–4, 125 education 45–6, 264–5, 277 Egypt 31, 35, 49, 54, 98, 148, 152, 182, 184, 187, 191, 222, 234, 277, 296, 298, 361–2, 366, 369, 389

436

index

Elaiussa Sebaste 88, 150, 184, 250 engineering 10, 135, 178, 298, 306–7, 311–12, 315 Turkish 334 Ephesus 8, 13, 18, 55, 57, 59–60, 70, 73, 101–2, 108, 134, 185, 188–9, 208, 219, 222–3, 278, 304, 331, 341, 354–5, 371–3, 388 antiquities laws 354 carting antiquities 162 looting 269, 340 malaria 226 mechanical sawing 117 theatre 129, 370 treasure 349 Ephesus, Artemision 306, 310 See also Ayasoluk epigraphy 196, 234, 266, 323–7, 329–31, 341, 354 ancient sites 107, 333, 335 annoying locals 275 fixing holes 43 Greek building marks 4 local masons 107 and plaster 104 railways 315 excavations and excavators 32, 34, 66, 92, 102, 106–7, 130, 133, 167, 278, 306, 308, 310–12, 315, 341, 350, 359, 363, 365, 370 See also archaeologists and archaeology Fellows, Charles 20, 36–7, 48, 52, 56–8, 60, 66, 91–2, 94, 106, 109, 112–13, 115–16, 121–2, 136, 149, 165–6, 208–9, 225–7, 241, 244, 269, 275–7, 356–7, 364 fortresses 68–9, 76, 81, 96, 137–8, 221–2, 239, 271, 355–6, 362–3, 371, 380 from ancient structures 68, 83, 91, 137, 242, 273 Ayasoluk 371 Bosphorus and Dardanelles 123, 291 built-in antiquities 91, 273, 363, 380 disappearing 187, 222 and firmans 57 late antique 69 protecting Smyrna 73, 76 France 20–1, 36, 42, 74, 114, 137, 141, 177, 203, 276, 284–5, 360–1, 374, 376, 388 See also Paris funerary antiquities cemeteries 37, 176, 185, 192, 196, 211, 213, 234, 237–8, 247, 249, 253–4, 264, 267, 269, 275, 310, 324, 330–2, 334, 337–9

and inscriptions 119 sarcophagi 87–8, 92, 97, 113, 117, 123, 125, 132, 139, 150, 171, 178, 208–9, 214, 243, 246, 250, 257, 267, 278, 292, 345, 358, 363, 378 as Moslem tombs 91 used as fountain basins 91 vessels 113, 123, 186, 208, 245, 276, 292–3, 295, 298, 360 and spolia 91, 120, 140, 170–2 tombs 9, 25, 57, 63, 83, 87, 91, 94, 96, 100, 103, 113, 120, 131, 141, 149–50, 153, 212, 215, 228, 254, 313, 330–1, 338–9, 358 tombstones 119, 194, 245, 334, 337, 339, 365 government and authority 25, 55, 57–8, 256, 277, 286, 307, 310, 331, 353, 356, 380, 388 ambassadors 10, 19, 37, 56, 292, 294, 360, 387 Constantinople 67 firmans 55–7, 76, 275, 366 laws and antiquities 239, 263, 276–7, 284–5, 306–7, 353–4 ministers 10, 20–1, 162, 366 Ottoman Porte 39, 55, 101, 278, 297, 338 sultans 57, 70, 124, 126, 305 granite 12–14, 107, 113–14, 134, 149, 166, 175, 184, 194, 209, 234, 242, 290, 292, 295 Greece 8, 19–21, 26, 35, 46, 57, 59, 75, 86, 88, 94, 96, 147–8, 180, 202, 205, 237, 265, 366, 389 Greek inscriptions 119, 212, 272, 297, 328, 332, 342 language 17, 263–4 Greeks, Byzantine 109 Greeks, modern antiquities 244 building 264, 276 Halicarnassus 43, 46, 56, 98, 153, 313, 341, 357–8, 362, 364 Knights of S. John 43, 355, 357, 362–3 Mausoleum 106, 213, 355–6, 358, 362–4 Hamilton, William John 5, 45, 54, 57–8, 60, 66, 71–2, 89, 99, 106–7, 116, 128, 131, 134, 136, 155, 175, 187, 192, 216, 241–2, 249–50, 331–4, 337–8, 379



index

Hasluck, Frederick William 256, 266, 273, 363 Heraclea, see Perinthus Hierapolis 57, 89, 99–100, 117, 166–7, 206, 215, 301, 319 Humann, Carl 154, 318, 366 immigrants 166–7, 289, 382 infrastructure degradation 8–9, 64, 99, 121, 147, 151–2, 298–9, 302, 352, 386 Roman life 1, 7–8, 12, 14–15, 41, 48, 82, 138, 167–8, 300, 304, 366, 370, 382 streets 12, 89, 99, 101, 103, 116, 131–2, 139, 165, 193, 207–9, 224, 227, 241, 327, 373 inscriptions 171, 331, 333, 336, 344 classical 3, 13–14, 20, 54, 60–1, 65, 67–8, 97–8, 104–5, 107, 119–20, 169–70, 172–3, 207–9, 212, 234–5, 258–9, 265–6, 275, 297–8, 310–15, 323–36, 338–41, 344–6, 374–7 copying 241, 327, 331, 338, 341 Greek 2, 98, 212, 272, 323 Jews 38, 263–4, 337 khans 91, 120, 169, 237, 247, 258, 275 Kinneir, John Macdonald 51, 54, 140–1, 156, 172, 329–30, 341, 374–5 Konya 152, 240–2, 249, 257–8, 266, 276, 286, 319, 329, 333–4, 374, 376–9 Korykos 3, 69, 111, 139, 147, 228 Laborde, Léon de 22, 48, 61–2, 175, 213, 221, 235, 374, 376 Langlois, Victor 5, 119–20, 150, 187, 244, 325, 350 languages 55, 341, 346 Laodicea 18, 115–16, 132, 170, 216, 224, 258–9, 311–12 early visits 87, 100, 129, 163 Leake, William Martin 35, 38, 51, 67, 96–7, 112, 137, 152, 176, 186–7, 214, 217, 374–5, 377 limestone 11, 210, 234, 250, 267, 312, 319, 332, 334 Limyra, fortress 239 Lucas, Paul 51, 164, 184, 222, 226 Lycia 23, 36, 50, 52, 57, 62–3, 69, 85, 95, 233, 240–1, 271, 326, 357 Magnesia 25, 71, 133, 189, 206, 243, 309, 318, 351

437

maps and routes 6, 18–19, 22, 25, 33–5, 38, 46–7, 49–53, 55, 59, 74, 82, 86–7, 99, 101, 121, 148, 150, 152–3, 158–9, 161, 164, 172, 176–7, 312 marble 11–14, 24–6, 62, 75–6, 90–3, 98, 100, 108–9, 115–18, 120, 122, 125–30, 134–5, 164–5, 181–2, 191–2, 194–5, 205–6, 216–17, 233, 235–7, 246–8, 267–8, 270–3, 289–90 blocks 26, 108, 170, 172, 207, 244, 246, 344 bridges 172 as flooring 244 heavy 114 pedestals 269 ports 182 recut 67, 170, 192, 355 capitals 65, 82, 85–6, 88, 91, 97, 115–16, 119, 122–3, 126–7, 129–30, 136, 139–41, 152, 172, 191, 209, 211, 213, 238, 247–8, 254–6, 337, 361–2, 372–3 coloured 26, 124–5 fragments 120, 245 slabs 211, 240 spolia 8, 110, 296, 379 white 116, 118, 128, 136, 213, 357 mechanics antiquities, large 279, 284, 289, 349, 359, 366 heavy weights 359–61 ropes and pulleys sailors 162, 357–61, 372 sarcophagi 358 See also building Mediterranean 16, 51, 111–12, 180, 304, 360, 385 Mersin 135, 167, 179, 298 metals 273–4, 295, 342–3 Miletus 59–60, 90–2, 137–9, 162, 173, 190, 336–7, 366 mill 6, 117, 174, 214–16, 221–2, 224, 345 modernity 24, 67, 73, 215, 252, 283, 288, 297, 304, 369–70, 374, 381–2, 386–8 death of picturesque 33, 158–9 monuments, ancient 8, 10, 13–14, 18–21, 23–6, 32–4, 37, 61–3, 81–6, 97–9, 101–2, 122–5, 164–5, 192, 196–7, 252, 270–1, 289, 326–7, 338–9, 341–2, 362–3, 377–8, 381, 388 Morritt, John 59, 138, 270, 274, 296 mosaics 76, 205–6, 244 Moslems 7, 44, 86, 204, 208, 249–50, 253–4, 256, 267, 269, 325, 337 mosques 233–4, 236–7, 242, 247–57, 296–8, 323–5, 332–3, 372–3

438

index

antiquities 4, 24, 61, 89–90, 92, 103, 106, 114, 203, 247, 273, 289 Christian 75 church conversion 88, 91, 102, 340, 380, 386 firmans 55, 125 fountains 220 inscriptions 327, 335 museums 378 museums 26, 37, 241, 276–8, 284–6, 339, 350, 353–5, 369, 377–9, 388–9 Mut 38, 132, 135, 246 Myrina 184, 286 Newton, Charles Thomas 43, 56, 92, 153, 194, 244, 323, 341, 355–8, 363–4, 372 Nicaea 34, 38, 59, 62, 92, 109, 138, 151, 175, 225, 291, 338, 341 amphitheatre 291 Nicomedia 116–18, 150, 159, 171, 222, 277 amphitheatre 112, 118 inscriptions 112, 119, 266 Nineveh 10, 20, 303 nomads 44, 67–8, 70–3, 86, 89, 111, 116, 226–8, 263, 340–1, 344 Nyssa 89, 192, 310, 314 amphitheatre 314 Olivier, Guillaume-Antoine 245, 375 Ottoman Empire 10, 16–17, 21–2, 24, 37, 40, 49, 51, 73, 83, 167, 181, 254, 264, 283, 293, 346, 353, 387–9 palaces 43, 62–3, 75, 83, 98, 117–18, 124–5, 240, 246, 265, 270–1, 276, 297, 307–8, 343, 375, 378, 380 ancient 118 Palestine 19 Paris 35, 41, 53, 204, 243, 350, 361, 366, 378, 388 See also France Patara 50, 52, 87, 132, 186–7 Pergamon 22, 32, 39, 130, 135–8, 365–6 built by non-Turks 342 and Carl Humann 306, 318 church conversion 252, 254 fortress 138 houses Byzantine 235 wooden 239 inscriptions 327 marble guns 296 projectiles 290 railways 371

reworking antiquities 209 ruins 275 travellers 59, 95, 154, 267, 275–6, 352 Perinthus/Heraclea, amphitheatre 65 Perrot, Georges 5, 40, 53, 66, 69, 103, 119, 126, 128, 151, 153, 169, 180, 204, 212, 217, 240, 274, 277, 292, 330, 332, 340 Phaselis 98, 271 population 23, 33, 38–9, 88, 103, 190 decline 37, 70, 72, 84, 94, 111, 138, 141, 149–50, 202, 338 disease 9, 37, 67–8, 73, 84, 188–9, 203–4, 274, 386–7 increase 64, 69, 86, 283, 319 transfer 167, 381, 386 projectiles and guns 158, 178, 290–6, 358, 360 cannon 138, 158, 178, 290–1, 293, 295–6, 376 gunpowder 253, 291, 349–50, 355 iron balls 290–2 marble 291–3, 295 projectiles 138, 178, 290–5 saluting 63, 76, 291–2 stone 290 prosperity continuing or curtailed 71, 89, 92, 96, 111, 190–1, 289, 300, 302, 304, 319 quarries and quarrying 25, 83, 193–4, 304 railways 21, 26, 38–9, 47–8, 76–7, 157–61, 177–80, 298–310, 312–20, 349, 370–2, 387–9 and antiquities 39, 52, 60, 93, 109, 174, 214, 277, 311, 355 companies 38–9, 52, 179, 301–2, 305–7, 309–10, 316 Baghdad Railway 19, 306, 354, 388 development 38, 302 Ottoman Railway 330 construction 39, 67, 161, 197, 277, 300–1, 306–9, 317, 319 cuttings 315–16 embankments 277, 306–7, 345 engineers 49, 306, 309, 313, 315–16 sleepers 301 stations 25, 53–4, 77, 154, 159, 162, 179, 277, 300–1, 309–11, 314, 318, 369–70, 372–3 and nomads 71 and regional revival 141 railways retard roads 152, 196 Ramsay, William Mitchell 23, 42, 44, 49, 52, 54, 58, 63, 68, 70, 85, 97, 148, 152, 158,



index

170, 179, 189, 191, 264–5, 299–300, 312, 314–15, 328–31, 333–5 Rayet, Olivier 56, 60, 137, 162, 353, 359 Reinach, Salomon 47, 113, 272, 286, 313, 327, 351–2 rivers, silting 84, 102, 105, 171, 182–3, 188–9, 225, 253, 267, 359 roads 12, 16, 19, 21, 26, 40–4, 47–50, 83–5, 96–7, 147–63, 168, 176–80, 191–3, 195–7, 202, 207–9, 213, 219, 298–9, 302–4, 306, 320, 355, 381, 385–9 bad 41, 47, 125, 179 modern 153, 161, 179, 298 long-distance 49–50 public 149, 180 repair 42, 151–2, 169, 324 Roman 39, 42, 45, 53, 101, 147–56, 158–61, 169, 173, 176, 180, 193, 202, 211, 219, 228, 247, 306, 338 Roman Empire 3, 9, 13, 17–19, 81, 83, 85, 158, 192–3 Rome, city 126–7, 225, 233, 238, 339 Routes see maps ruins 22–3, 58–60, 66, 90, 92, 115–18, 123, 129–30, 134–7, 164, 196, 263, 265, 267, 272, 386 ancient 16, 90, 118, 139, 203, 249, 385 and Byzantine housing 235 and churches 255, 258 for Constantinople 163 disappearing 66, 72, 75, 93, 97, 99, 105, 196, 205, 247, 329 housing nomadic 71, 109, 341 refugees 228 Cretan 228 villages 90, 107 Sagalassos 60–1, 84, 89, 101–2, 164, 268 churches 195, 250 earthquakes 236 treasure-hunting 336 Sardis 319, 325 antiquities 2, 64, 77, 337 churches 254 drainage problems 189 kilns 163, 319 mud-brick village 72, 109, 229, 238 nomads 72, 109 railway 77, 300, 309, 320 toppling columns 133 travellers 59, 133 treasure-hunting 342 water supply 228

439

scholarship 7, 20, 23, 32, 34–5, 37, 41, 333, 335 inscriptions 327, 330, 334 milestones 177 protesting destruction 61 railways 52 sedentary 75 selective 110, 137, 285 ships 56 water supply 202 Side 132, 163, 185, 226–8, 249 sites, ancient 81, 97, 104, 106–8, 132, 134, 152, 176, 193, 203, 212, 225, 229, 238–9, 258–9, 266, 268, 285–6, 288, 292, 299, 307, 310, 335, 344 Smyrna 21, 59–60, 73–7, 338–9, 369, 371–2 amphitheatre 75–6 antiquities 10, 59, 105, 130, 164, 173, 213, 237, 269, 285, 330–1, 353, 361 commerce 74, 191, 304 firmans 57, 349 modern building 4, 10, 168, 236, 329 photography 55 population 37 quarries 105 railway 196, 310, 315, 318, 370 roads 150, 180, 320 ruins 164, 304, 338 Soros, marble 209, 211 statues, antique 10, 18, 43, 54, 57, 61, 65, 71, 74, 76, 87, 92–4, 108, 114, 122, 137, 162–3, 228, 263, 268–70, 284, 290, 318, 336–7, 374 Sterrett, John 32, 49, 52, 57, 62, 97, 113, 269, 272, 317, 324, 328–9, 341, 345, 347, 377 stone robbing 132, 182, 329 stones, large blocks 131, 156, 158, 333–4, 345, 349 storks and antiquities 136, 226, 252, 342 Synnada 74, 173, 224 Syria 2, 6, 10, 16, 21, 74, 150, 191, 306, 317 Tarsus 59, 119–20, 150, 158, 178, 188–9, 350, 353 Tchihatchef, Pierre de 17, 19, 21, 31, 35, 38, 40, 51, 95, 97, 104, 111, 151, 157–8, 172–3, 177, 183, 187, 229, 237, 246–7, 258, 340 technologies 1, 26–7, 32, 45–7, 52, 73, 81–2, 110, 125, 152–3, 157–8, 182, 187, 201, 233, 277, 296, 300–1, 318, 364, 366, 369, 381, 385–9 ancient 1, 7–8, 85, 95, 215

440

index

imported Western 8, 16, 53–4, 287, 302, 331, 369 kilns 112, 133–5, 163, 184, 193–5, 226–8, 264, 316, 336–7, 372–3 lime 64, 76, 89, 101, 105, 134–5, 227, 267, 319, 332, 354, 363, 365, 377 photography 20, 54–5, 125, 243, 259, 308, 311–12, 329, 369, 376, 378 pulleys, and Turks 358, 364 ropes 169, 358, 360–1, 364 and Turks 364–5 technical abilities 44, 85–6, 193, 215, 325, 357 tools 27, 51, 236, 263, 317, 364 telescopes 53–4, 291, 369 temples 60, 66, 70, 97, 115, 138, 187, 195, 248–51, 265, 269–70, 275, 343–4 complete 76, 93, 135, 187, 243, 343 destruction 114–15, 123, 132–5, 164, 186, 235, 278, 315, 355, 362, 365 reuse 9, 82–3, 91, 102, 106, 123, 139, 163, 195, 228, 235, 239, 253, 256–7, 332 terracottas 120, 220, 278, 284, 286, 327, 350, 366 Texier, Charles 17, 50, 56, 66, 93, 184, 222, 226, 243, 255, 275, 285, 347, 350, 365 theatres 9, 11–12, 15–16, 59, 75–6, 82–4, 87, 89, 91, 93, 97, 99–100, 102, 112, 114, 116, 119, 127–31, 134, 137, 163, 166–7, 171, 254–5, 314 marble seats 89, 94, 100, 102, 127–31, 135, 163, 238, 255–6, 307, 319 timber 70, 235, 237 Tlos 95, 176 Tournefort, Joseph Pitton de 43, 68, 102–3, 139, 150, 169–70, 173, 213, 219, 268, 326 towns and cities 22, 73, 88–92, 135–40, 223–4, 227–8, 338–9, 374–6, 380 ancient 7, 23, 38, 43, 51, 81, 92, 100, 105, 109, 116, 123, 126, 136, 184, 193, 204, 207, 224, 226, 241, 267–8, 300, 308, 339 classical 90, 109, 129, 132, 150, 154, 187, 203–4, 227, 258 acropoleis 60, 76, 112–14, 119, 133, 138, 163, 209, 218, 224, 239, 252, 254, 299, 313–14, 339, 357–9, 361, 365–6 decline 3, 7, 44, 81–2, 85, 89–90, 92, 111, 121, 152, 233, 243, 259, 319, 376–7 earthquakes and fires 85, 89–90, 118, 220, 236 infrastructure 2–3, 9–13, 17–19, 69, 74–7, 114–17, 377, 379, 382, 386

modern and modernisation 41, 48, 66, 72–3, 94, 96, 103, 121, 130, 132, 178, 185, 201, 206, 224, 227, 258, 283, 297, 381, 389 nomads 71–2 population 38, 64, 69–70 revival 25, 141, 329 silting 185, 188–9 town walls 138, 140, 374–5, 379 Tralles 60 transport 303–4, 356–7, 386, 388 transport by land antiquities 94–5, 147, 154, 278–9, 333–4, 357, 361, 373, 378 by piety 273 camels 48, 71, 74, 147, 151, 157, 159, 161, 179–80, 191, 293, 301 camel roads 148, 157 caravans 33, 148, 158, 319–20 carts 4, 48, 71, 119, 149, 160, 162, 165, 180, 255, 290, 317, 335, 356, 387 cost 11, 21, 155, 192 down hills 113, 163 horses 52, 71, 76, 121, 129, 147, 151–2, 155–8, 160, 177, 179–80, 212, 364, 370 lakes 54, 138, 169–70, 174, 189, 204, 213, 224 mules 43, 147, 157, 180–1, 191 quarries 89, 296 railways 39, 161, 315 wheels 48, 157, 301 transport by road bridges 1, 42–3, 61, 151–2, 154–5, 157, 168–76, 178–80, 183, 209, 222–3, 309, 314, 318, 387 Roman 152, 168–70, 172, 176, 217 stone 168–9, 172, 175–6, 215 wooden 169–70, 175–6 causeways 120, 138, 154, 172–4, 209 milestones 9, 68, 147, 154, 168, 176–7, 331, 334 networks 85, 148, 152, 298, 302 tracks 43, 147, 149–50, 153, 155–7, 161, 168, 177, 180, 207, 221, 277, 299, 301–2, 304, 306–9, 311, 318, 338 transport by sea 15, 20, 31, 50–1, 63–5, 68–70, 73, 88, 98, 113–14, 128, 134, 147–8, 159–60, 163–5, 167, 181–7, 189–90, 192, 195, 228, 270, 291–2, 307–8, 361 around Greece 20 harbours, natural 10, 16, 31, 40, 48–50, 98, 102, 147, 164–6, 182–5, 187–9, 195, 227, 298, 356, 358, 371



index

port quays 114, 117, 128, 162, 166, 184–5, 289, 298, 329 ports 6, 8, 10, 12, 16, 18, 21, 23, 31, 41, 48–9, 56, 73, 84, 102, 114, 126, 147–9, 154, 159, 161, 165, 179–89, 298, 338–9 built 180, 182, 185, 191, 298 Royal Navy 20, 49–50, 292, 357–8, 360–1 ships 47, 50, 213, 349, 360–1, 363, 370 antiquities 10, 65, 94, 118, 122, 154, 162–3, 166, 181, 186, 188, 227, 241, 299, 349, 355, 357–8 steamships 33, 59–60, 152–3, 349, 370–1 travellers 5–9, 16–17, 21–3, 25–7, 45–8, 50–1, 53–4, 58–9, 61–5, 111–12, 114–15, 147–52, 164–6, 168–70, 181–4, 190–1, 202, 215–16, 237, 263–5, 302–4, 317–19, 327–9, 369–74, 379–82 discoveries 6, 19, 32–3, 36, 47, 50, 53, 74, 108, 123, 253, 277, 284, 305, 323–4, 337, 349, 353, 355–6 European 43, 47, 56, 58, 60, 95, 284, 379 knowledge of Anatolia 16, 33–4, 36–7, 39, 45–6, 51, 53, 55, 71, 74–5, 111, 302, 319, 380 language skills 55, 58, 264, 346 modernity 15, 24, 67, 247 souvenirs 59, 105, 214, 265, 286, 329, 344, 349, 353, 361, 372–3 technology 54, 158, 160, 302–4, 307, 317–19, 361 travelling, difficulties 15, 21, 23, 34–5, 43, 58, 67, 74, 114, 150, 153, 180, 186, 242, 267, 318, 323, 335, 365, 371, 375 mud 25, 151, 162, 180, 241, 329, 366 Troad 4–5, 46–7, 51, 56, 90, 107, 164–6, 170, 175, 209, 211, 214, 244, 324 Troad, Alexandria Troas 10, 22, 63–4, 75, 83, 94, 107–8, 122, 149, 164–6, 184, 187, 202, 207, 209, 246, 292–3, 323, 341, 373 Troad, Troy 123, 293, 334, 364, 371 Turkish language 45–6, 58, 161, 263–4, 346 foreign speakers 58 public works programs 177 Turks 20, 31, 38, 40–3, 46, 49, 58, 64, 67, 70, 91–2, 118, 136–7, 153, 157, 210–11, 222–3, 228–9, 256, 263–7, 271–3, 275–7, 285–6, 291–6, 300–1 agriculture 31, 41, 190 antiquities 20, 76, 91–2, 266–7, 269, 271–2, 275–6, 298, 329, 360, 365

441

lime kilns 64 storks’ nests 136 building repair 42, 153, 186, 236 as destroyers 275–6, 308 nonchalance 41–3, 67, 263–4, 300 railways 301–2 roads, destruction and repair 153 treasure 137, 343 water and fountains 97, 157, 207, 210–11 Urbanism, see towns and cities veneer 113, 115–16, 124, 165, 250, 267, 275, 310, 313, 332, 375, 380 villagers 24, 39, 93–4, 107, 120, 258, 334 attitudes to antiquities 3–4, 9, 45, 54–5, 58–9, 64–5, 68, 91–5, 105–6, 172, 188–90, 220–1, 263, 267–8, 270–5, 286–7, 298–300, 313, 327, 330, 339–41, 343–5, 353, 363–4, 381 building materials 93, 107, 120, 137, 350 development 39, 183 as manpower 196 road building 178 villages 5, 87–90, 92–3, 98, 109, 155, 169, 176, 187, 212, 215, 218, 224, 226, 238, 241–3, 246–8, 264, 310, 324, 330, 334–6, 338, 340, 386 antiquities 9, 45, 65, 82, 93–4, 106–7, 109, 168, 176, 194, 204, 208, 229, 235, 238, 248, 258–9, 333–4 aqueducts 221 repair 218, 220 brigands 68, 71 depopulation 72 government authority 25 inscriptions 323, 330 mosques 252, 301 nomads 72, 111 penury 5, 39 population decline 37, 84 reconstruction 255 of stone 235, 237 Walker, Mary Adelaide 104, 196, 308, 311, 316 walls ancient 88–9, 92, 95, 104, 107–8, 113–16, 118–20, 128–9, 131–3, 137, 139–41, 163–5, 206, 217, 234–5, 238–9, 244–6, 257–9, 265–7, 269–71, 295–7, 307–8, 312, 331–4, 374–81

442

index

Byzantine 94, 138, 287, 352, 365 city 2, 9, 118, 138, 140, 148, 179, 224, 259, 297, 329, 379 late antique 133 water 97, 108, 201–3, 206–11, 215–16, 218–21, 223–6, 228–9, 380, 386 flooding 154, 188–9 mills 117, 170, 174, 214–16, 222, 224, 345 moving antiquities 162, 166, 359 springs 7, 209, 219, 223–4, 226, 267 systems 10, 201–2 water storage cisterns 7, 43, 72, 94, 202–3, 209, 214, 216, 218, 223, 228–9, 257, 386 troughs 208–9 water supply 7, 12, 88, 97, 99, 138, 201, 204, 211, 218–19, 224, 227, 386–7 aqueducts 201–4, 214–26, 228–9, 264–5

ruined 220–1 Turkish 221 water channels 216, 218, 226, 274 deficient 111, 380 fountains 201–14, 218–21, 223–7 ancient 72, 210 antiquities 106, 194, 207, 267, 271, 337 and inscriptions 234, 333 monumental 15, 18, 202, 204, 220 rebuilding 89 and sarcophagi 43, 91, 250 Turkish 219 pipes 43, 216–20, 223, 264 sewers 203–4, 225, 388 Wood, John Turtle 90–1, 135, 162–3, 188, 278, 306, 310, 349, 354–5, 372–3 Xanthus 22, 127, 181, 190, 236, 345, 353, 356–7, 364

ILLUSTRATIONS

2 1

Aezani. Top left: 1. The columns of the surviving elements of the peristyle are damaged because of attempts to get at the securing metals without bringing the whole structure down – as several were indeed brought down during the 19th century. Top right: 2. the river with sections of the Roman quays in place. Bottom right: 5. antique fragments lie scattered around, along the roadsides.

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Left & below left: Views of Aezani from Laborde, Voyage en Asie Mineure, 1838: 3: the temple, with local bullock-transport in the foreground; 4: one of the three Roman bridges.

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Halicarnassus/Bodrum. 6. A view of the castle by Texier in 1849, and 7–9 three views of Newton’s excavations, published 1892, and underlining not just the countrified nature of the town, but the technology required to deal with one of the enormous lions. In doing so Newton was following a long tradition, exemplified in 10. the relief on the base of the Obelisk of Theodosius in Constantinople, showing the technology of its own transport.

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Pergamon. Left above & centre: 11. Wilberg’s sketch of the dismantling of a Byzantine wall and, 12, of bringing material down from the acropolis. Above right: 13 reconstruction of the stoa of the precinct of Athena Polias, the surviving marbles now in the Pergamon Museum, Berlin. Bottom: 14. The Temple of Trajan, near the top of the acropolis, in a view of 1895. This has now been partly rebuilt. The large quantities of marble surviving into the 20th century remind us just how small was Bergama – and how difficult transport to the sea was from here – as the Germans discovered.

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16 Ephesus/Seljuk. 15. “Gate of Persecution” to the citadel. 16. Ruined aqueduct, partly built from spolia, with the inevitable storks’ nests on top. Below, 17. marble-clad lower citadel walls re-using, like the Gate, blocks removed from the ancient city.

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Top, 18. Istanbul, Tomb of Suleiman the Magnificent (d.1566). Centre left, 19, Ephesus, Library of Celsus offers a monumental approach to the agora (on the right as viewed). Centre right, 20, Side, the State Agora: the very few marble remains here underline how much has gone, and also the unattractive structural blocks behind. Ephesus also had monumental fountains, such as the G. Laecanius Bassus and Trajan structures, the remains of which are in Seljuk Museum. Right, 21, columns and capitals in the Bode Museum in Berlin underline the popularity of such easily transportable elements as columns and capitals – and why so few of them survive on-site.

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Ankara. 22. The Temple of Augustus & Rome in Perrot’s 1872 photograph, together with 24 (bottom) his reconstruction of the temple flank, and a plan, 23 (left), detailing the encroachment of later buildings, including a mosque and a cemetery. Although the temple suffered from both, the incorporation of its walls in housing protected parts of the important inscriptions (in Greek and Latin) for centuries.

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Ankara, citadel and environs. Left and centre left, 25 & 26. Two views of the marbled walls, incorporating altars and bas-reliefs, which may well have been re-used because of their motifs. Just outside these walls is centre right, 27, the late-13thC Arslanhane Mosque, with the antique capitals in the prayer hall supported on wooden columns. Later builders evidently prized some antiquities, especially capitals, but they found no marble shafts tall enough to accommodate their designs. Bottom, 28: many antiquities are also built into the exterior of the same mosque complex.

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Aphrodisias, seen left & centre left 29 & 30 in two views drawn by Laborde’s Voyage de l’Asie Mineure (1838), and bottom, 31, in a late 19th-century photograph. The Ionic portico there (seen in 30 & 31) has disappeared – as has centre right 32, the Doric temple structure at Bodrum/Halicarnassus (immediately below), from Choiseul-Gouffier’s Voyage pitto­ resque, first published in 1782.

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Wood and antiquities in architecture. Top left, 33, Fellows’ drawings of huts in Lycia, comparing those of ancient “Greeks” with modern granaries. Top right, 34, for Naumann’s 1893 drawing of a modern cottage. Centre, 35 & 36: in Lycia and Caria Benndorf found a variety of construction techniques, similar in their mixing of materials. But these were permanent, whereas nomads generally preferred portable structures: 37, Benndorf ’s Reisen in Lykien und Karien (1884), and left antiquities alone.

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Plates from Texier’s L’Asie Mineure of 1849, showing (top) standing columns at 38 Didyma; 39 a gateway at Konya incorporating Seljuk sculpture (surely cut from antiquities), and with an antique lion, perhaps taken from the city walls. Left, 40, The ruins of the palace at Konya, with the Alaeddin Mosque enclosure behind. Below, 41, the Red Building at Pergamon, with marble blocks stockpiled (according to size?) presumably for reuse elsewhere.

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43 42 Alexandria Troas. Although little remains (except the cores) of its once-splendid monuments, spolia lie all around. Top left & right: 42 Columns degrade at one of the two harbours, and 43 marble projectiles decorate the modern sea-front, as they do centre left, 44, the entrance to a local fish-restaurant. Lower right & bottom: 45 & 46 One especially large shaft, now at Gulpinar, never reached Alexandria Troas because it fractured en route. It lies on the border of a field, its size indicated by the pen lying on top of the close-up view.

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Many suitable antiquities, especially columns, were cut up for projectiles to be used in weapons such as top, 47 the bronze cannon in the Military Museum, Istanbul, 48, where piles of marble and granite balls also survive. Centre: Such projectiles are to be seen in and near Canakkale, on the Dardanelles, where there was a battery of gigantic cannon – some of their projectiles 50 whitewashed in the Military Museum there, others used 49 to decorate fountains. Such projectiles were used in mechanical weapons (and have been found 51 at Pergamum – bottom left). But fired from gunpowder weapons they were much more destructive, and could shatter like shells.

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Top: 52 Kilitbahir, opposite Canakkale across the Dar­ danelles, had large guns, and, 53, whimsically incorporated projectiles in its walls. Many of these came from Alexandria Troas. Nearby was 54 Gulpinar’s Temple of Apollo Smintheos (centre right), of which only a few marble column-drums survive. Perhaps their fellows were cut up for projectiles. Bottom: Coloured marbles were attractive for re-use, reaching not only Uskudar (56 right: Semsi Pasha Library), but also 55 S. Marco, Venice (left).

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Plentiful antiquities used to survive all over Asia Minor, but only the more out-of-the-way places now retain them. At Aezani (57 & 58 top), marble rubble combined with wood makes a house, and the stump of a fat columnshaft supports a byre. Left, 59: In the country behind Elaiussa Sebaste, in Cilicia, where Roman roads are still to be found, sarcophagi line one side of a road, while on the other (below left) 60 a cottage has been built from large antique blocks. Where good roads did not exist, moving anything was a problem: bottom right, 61 a bullockcart stuck in mud in Eastern Anatolia in 1907.

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Top left, 62 Bursa Archaeological Museum displays a sarcophagus end hollowed out for use as a wellhead, while (top right) in the Troad, at Kemali, 63 an ancient throne, shaft and slab make a table and chair. Also at Kemali is 64 a fountain made from spolia (centre), and another 65 (bottom left) at nearby Gulpinar. Cisterns, such as the 66 Yerebatan Sarayi in Constantinople (below), also need spolia.

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Although she has lost her Seljuk walls, Konya is rich in antiquities, reused in Seljuk monuments there. Alaeddin Camii ( 67 & 68 below left and right), contains a plethora of diverse earlier columns and capitals, while 69 the Sahip Ata entrance gate (left) incorporates spolia in its lower courses. Where did all the antiquities from Konya’s walls go? Did some of the many lions which graced them end up 70 in Konya’s Archaeological Museum, top right?

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73 72 Column shafts were popular for Ottoman building in Turkey. Top 71 Ulu Camii in Manisa; centre left 72 Manisa, Muradiye Camii of 1585. Centre right: 73 Bursa, vestibule of Yesil Camii. Bottom: 74 Ankara, Alaeddin Camii complex (c.1178), just below the citadel, where altars are used as gate-posts. Shafts were often damaged at the base, hence at Manisa the make-height bronze rings at Muradiye Camii, and the cut-down baseless shafts at Ulu Camii.

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76 77 Top: 75, marbled western walls of Seljuk, with the rebuilding Church of S. John to the left. Centre: 76 & 77 Ankara, minaret of Arslanhan Camii (late 13thC) with its solid spolia base. Bottom: 78 the citadel walls at Ankara incorporate earlier antiquities – and, as was a common practice, later houses have been built on top. 78

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Constantinople, displaying the richness of imported marble and granite – and helping explain the end to which Asia Minor was part-denuded. 79 & 80 Top left and right, building 1550–1558, the Suleymaniye courtyard and interior; 81 bottom left the Revan Kiosk of 1637 in the fourth courtyard of Topkapi. Churches also re-used columns, such as 82, S. Nicholas at Myra, bottom right.

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Nicaea/Iznik, 83 & 84 the 15th-century Seyh Kurbeddin Camii, showing shafts in what is left of its prayer hall, and 85 steps into the minaret made from Byzantine panels. Below 86 is one of the gates to the town, Istanbul Kapisi, constructed from antique blocks, and with figured antiquities incorporated within it.

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Nicaea/Iznik. 87 The marble walls adjacent Istanbul Kapisi are clearly meant to impress, as are the figured antiquities built into 88 Lefke Kapisi (bottom). Centre: 89 an ancient column (?) turned into a water-spout, in the local museum. 90 capitals reworked as containers or mortars, in Smyrna Museum.

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Silifke had plenty of antiquities when Laborde drew it in 1838, including 91 (bottom) a stadium, and 92 (below) substantial sections of a theatre. While some of these had probably already gone into 93 (top) the Ottoman Resadiye Mosque, others went during the second half of the 19th century into this expanding town. When Gertrude Bell photographed the citadel in 1905, 94, only a few fragments were to be found. Bursa’s antiquities disappeared quickly; 95, the refurbished Ottoman baths at Cekirge use some Byzantine shafts and capitals.

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96 Konya: 96–97 views of the Seljuk walls, pulled down at the end of the 19th century, and 98 of antiquities in them drawn by Laborde in 1838. Note that the wall decorations are a mixture of antique and Seljuk monuments, including a colossal Hercules, and several bas-reliefs and lions.

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Top: 99 & 100 Beyshehir, Esrefoglu Camii, with a figured sarcophagus as ablution basin at its entrance, and other antiquities adjacent (as well as capitals inside supported by wooden columns). Below left & right: 101 Canakkale, antiquities built into the fortress, including a throne. 102 Ushak, a house with the walls largely built with ancient funerary monuments, and long destroyed – as have been similar structures at Volterra, Italy.

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Top left & right: 103 & 104 Assos, Huduvendigar Camii, with spolia; and tombs outside the Hellenistic walls. Left & above: 105 & 106 bridge near Kiakhta, in a photograph by Humann of 1890; and one over the Sangarius at Kemer-Kupru, near Sabandja, in a print of 1864. Both these were Roman, the former disused because the river had changed its course, the latter repaired in wood. At a near-disused city such as Miletus (below, 107, in Choiseul-Gouffier’s 1782 view), the Maeander was crossed by a rope-drawn ferry.

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Left: 108 plan of Cnidus, showing how easily materials could be exported, since the city was on the seashore. Below: 109 Newton erected deadlegs on the old Roman jetty to help with the loading. Bottom: 110 & 111 prints by Newton (1862) of statues of the Branchidae from the processional way to Didyma, and of reliefs from the Temple at Lagina, both of which he excavated (the former in their ancient location, the latter fallen in perhaps an earthquake) and then shipped to Constantinople.

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Top left: 112 Perrot’s 1872 map of Cyzicus, close to the sea on both sides, and with only the amphitheatre and a few walls marked – no sign of the Temple of Hadrian. Top right: 113 Newton’s map of Bodrum/Halicarnassus in 1862: there are only scattered houses, a konak, mosque and cemeteries – but mostly cultivated fields and vineyards, underneath which remains of the Mausoleum were found. Below: 114 Choiseul-Gouffier’s 1809 plan of Assos, with the small village half-inside the ancient walls (and in reach of water from the river), and three temples and the theatre clearly marked.

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Top left: 115 Patara, showing theatre and triumphal arch in the distance. Top right: 116 view of Hierapolis by Laborde in 1838. Patara has been protected by drifting sand and a clogged-up harbour, and is currently being excavated. Centre: So is 117 Hierapolis – but most marble antiquities (except for some parts of the theatre’s largely buried scenae frons: see left) have gone since the 1830s, and the development of nearby towns. At 118 Laodicea (seen below in a print after William Allom c.1846), substantial antiquities survived into the mid-19th century, but much was lost in the building of the railway tracks which skirted the site.

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In Constantinople, it was the Byzantine centuries which set the tone for the use of spolia, both above and below ground. The 119 Yerebatan Sarayi, the Basilica Cistern, left, built under Justinian, is almost like a forestof-columns mosque, so many antiquities does it reuse. 120 Haghia Sophia (NW gallery, bottom) is enriched with marble, much of it spolia, from all over the Empire, as Paul the Silentiary’s Hymn of Praise for the structure (after 562) relates. Small wonder, then, that the Ottomans acted likewise. Left: 121 The Sultan Ahmet Mosque, early 17thC, conveniently built above the Great Palace, uses many antiquities, such as the columns in its courtyard and veneer slabs on the podium by the ablution taps.

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Ancient sites have always been robbed of valuable materials, and much of this happened in the 19th century, as can be seen from Laborde’s 1848 view of the Parthenon (122 top left), and the sparsity of even local stone on the acropolis at Assos (123 left). But when did the 124 Temple of Diana at Ephesus (top right) disappear? There is so little left of this gigantic temple that much of it presumably disappeared in Byzantine times, to build 125 the church of S. John (bottom left), while the 126 Isa Bey Mosque (bottom right) used remains from elsewhere in Ephesus.

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128 Top and centre, 127–129: re-used spolia at Diocaesarea, for a barn, a house-fence, and a house on top of the theatre. Below left, 130: inscription brought back from the Troad by LeBas; 131, a torso from the theatre at Miletus, from the Rothschild-funded dig of Rayet and Thomas; 132 stele retrieved by Peysonnel from Nicomedia in the 1740s. All three now Louvre.

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133, 134: sections of the Parthian Monument, from Ephesus, in Seljuk Museum, and the Ephesus Museum in Vienna. Top right 135: Domenico Fontana moved the Vatican Obelisk in 1586 (evidently with cherubic help), and this print displays his machines. Bottom left: 136. Berlin, Pergamon Museum: Temple of Zeus Sosipolis. Bottom right: 137. Konya, tile from the Alaeddin Hill.

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