From the Mari Archives: An Anthology of Old Babylonian Letters 9781575063768

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From the Mari Archives

From the Mari Archives An Anthology of Old Babylonian Letters

Jack M. Sasson

Winona Lake, Indiana E isenbrauns 2015

© 2015 by Eisenbrauns All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. www.eisenbrauns.com

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sasson, Jack M. From the Mari archives : an anthology of Old Babylonian letters / Jack M. Sasson.    pages cm Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 978-1-57506-830-5 (hardback : alkaline paper) 1.  Mari (Extinct city)—History—Sources.  2.  Babylonia—History—Sources. ​ 3.  Amorites—History—Sources.  4.  Assyro-Babylonian letters—Syria—Mari (Extinct city) 5.  Assyro-Babylonian letters—Translations into English.  6.  Mari (Extinct city)— Antiquities.  7.  Inscriptions—Syria—Mari (Extinct city)  I.  Title. DS99.M3S27 2015 935′.501—dc23 2015013611 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48–1984.♾™

In homage to the ancestors, the first generation of Mari scholars and In affectionate recollection of the “9, rue de la Perle” Mari équipe

Contents Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xix Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0.1.  Amorite Mari . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0.2. Languages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 0.3. Archives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 0.4.a.  Narrative quality. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 0.4.b.  Critical reading of letters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 0.4.c. Names. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 0.4.c.i.  Cast of Characters  9 0.4.c.ii. Places  12 0.5. References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 0.5.a. Coverage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 0.5.b.  Citation of texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 0.5.c.  Presentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 0.6.  Biblical Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

Chapter 1.  Kingship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 1.1.  Becoming a King . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.a.  Divine gift. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.b.  Return to a father’s throne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.c. Usurpation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.d.  Support of suzerains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.d.i.  madārum (royal aspirant)  24 1.1.d.ii.  keltum (claimant to throne)  24 1.1.d.iii. Challenges  26 1.1.e. Acclamation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.e.i. Vision  27 1.1.e.ii. Installation  28 1.1.f.  Loyalty protocols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.f.i. Governor  29 1.1.f.ii.  Palace loyalty  29 1.1.f.iii.  Officers of a vassal  31 1.2.  The King’s Charisma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.a. Yaḫdun-Lim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.b. Zimri-Lim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.c. Theomorphism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.c.i.  Sensing the king  35 1.2.c.ii.  Kissing the king’s foot  36 1.2.c.iii.  Reciting the king’s deeds  36 1.2.c.iv.  “Like the Sun. . . .”  36 1.2.d. Year-names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vii

21 22 22 23 24

27 29

31 31 32 35

38

viii

Contents

1.3.  The Wealth of Kings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.a.  From Conquest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.a.i.  Wealth of preceding kings  39 1.3.a.ii.  A Share of spoils (zittum) 42 1.3.a.iii.  Distribution of war captives (šallatum) 44 1.3.a.iv.  Ransom from release of captives (ipṭirum) 46 1.3.a.v. Kickbacks  49 1.3.b.  From Diplomacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.b.i.  Exchange of gifts and favors  50 1.3.c.  From Suzerainty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.c.i.  biltum 52 1.3.c.ii.  nēbeḫum 53 1.3.c.iii.  tāmartum 55 1.3.d.  From Monarchy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.d.i.  sugāgūtum  56 1.3.d.ii.  igisûm 57 1.3.d.iii.  nēmettum 58 1.3.d.iv.  šibšum (pl. šibšātum) 58 1.3.d.v. Corvée  58 1.3.d.vi.  miksum 60 1.3.d.vii.  Appropriations of household  61 1.3.e.  From Commercial activities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.e.i.  Equipping caravans  63 1.3.e.ii.  Private purchase  64 1.3.e.iii.  Private agent abroad  65 1.3.e.iv.  Land acquisition  66 1.3.e.v.  The queen’s business  67 1.4.  Acts and Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.a. Acts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.a.i.  Restorer of rights  68 1.4.a.ii.  Restorer of land  68 1.4.a.iii.  andurārum 68 1.4.b.  Royal bearing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.b.i.  Outward appearance  70 1.4.b.ii.  Private advice  71 1.4.c. Journeys . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.c.i.  Journey to Ḫušla(n)  72 1.4.c.ii.  Journey to Ugarit  72 1.4.d. Arbitration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.d.i.  Ordeal to allocate a city  73 1.4.d.ii.  Ownership of land  74 1.4.e. Petitions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.e.i.  Zunana’s petition  75 1.4.f. Intercession. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5. Vassals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5.a.  Gaining support of vassals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5.a.i.  Musical chairs  76 1.5.a.ii. Sub-vassalage  76 1.5.a.iii.  šūbultum gifts  77

38 39

49 52

56

63

68 68

70 71 73 75 75 76 76

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1.5.b.  Whining and scheming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 1.5.b.i.  “Broken Reed”  77 1.5.b.ii.  Excrement in a cup  78 1.5.b.iii.  Terru of Urgiš  78 1.5.b.iv. Inconstancy  80 1.5.c.  Duty of a suzerain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 1.6.  Diplomacy and Treaty-making . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 1.6.a. Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 1.6.a.i.  šarrū dannūtum, “Great Kings”  82 1.6.a.ii.  Domino effect  82 1.6.a.iii. Standing  83 1.6.a.iv. Friction  85 1.6.b. Protocol . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 1.6.b.i. Ranking  87 1.6.b.ii. Tact  88 1.6.b.iii.  Table diplomacy  88 1.6.b.iv. Extradition  89 1.6.c.  Treaties and international obligations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 1.6.c.i.  Face to face agreement  93 1.6.c.ii.  Long-distance agreement  95 1.6.c.iii.  Protocols (“small tablet”) for preliminary acceptance of terms  98 1.6.c.iv.  Treaty and Oath (“large tablet”) for final acceptance of terms  100 1.6.c.v.  Exchange of human blood  102 1.6.c.vi.  Disdain of terms  102 1.7.  Dynastic Marriages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 1.7.a.  The marriage of Beltum of Qatna to Yasmaḫ-Addu of Mari . . . . . . . . 103 1.7.a.i. Negotiations  104 1.7.a.ii. Trust  104 1.7.a.iii.  One family  105 1.7.a.iv.  Beltum in Mari  105 1.7.b.  The marriage of Šiptu of Yamḫad to Zimri-Lim of Mari . . . . . . . . . . 107 1.7.b.i.  Easing negotiations  107 1.7.b.ii.  Conveying the bride-wealth (terḫatum) 107 1.7.b.iii. Arrangements  108 1.8.  The Marriage of Mari Princesses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 1.8.a–b.  The marriage of Šimatum and Kiru(m) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 1.8.a.  The marriage of Šimatum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 1.8.a.i.  A dowry for Šimatum  111 1.8.b.  The marriage of Kiru(m) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 1.8.b.i.  Kiru seeks recognition as queen  113 1.8.b.ii.  Šimatum seeks recognition as queen  113 1.8.b.iii.  Kiru’s dark suspicion  114 1.8.b.iv.  Birth giving  114 1.8.b.v.  Kiru’s dire situation  114 1.8.b.vi.  Kiru’s divorce  115 1.8.c.  From the correspondence of other princesses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 1.8.c.i. Inib-šarri  116 1.8.c.ii. Tiṣpatum  117 1.8.c.iii. Inbatum  117

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Chapter 2.  Administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.0.  Ruling Mari . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.  Provincial Officers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.a.  Governor (šāpiṭum) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.a.i.  Securing the appointment  121 2.1.a.ii.  Factotum 122 2.1.a.iii.  Upkeep of the province  122 2.1.a.iv.  Conscription/enrollment 125 2.1.a.v.  Traffic control  127 2.1.a.vi.  Tribe control  127 2.1.a.vii.  Policing and Secret Work  129 2.1.a.viii.  Snitching on colleagues  131 2.1.a.ix. Arbitration  132 2.1.a.x. Lèse-majesté  132 2.1.b.  Majordomo (abu bītim) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.b.i. Appointment  134 2.1.b.ii. Yasim-sumu  135 2.1.b.iii. Akšak-magir  136 2.1.c.  Nomad army chief (merḫûm) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.c.i.  Two Simʾal merḫûms 137 2.1.c.ii. Ibal-pi-El  139 2.1.c.iii. Ibal-El  144 2.1.d.  Resident-commissioner (ḫazannum) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.d.i.  Installation of a ḫazannum 146 2.1.d.ii.  The dossier of Lanasum  147 2.2.  Palace Officers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.a.  Consigliere (šukallum, sukkal) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.a.i.  Musical chairs  149 2.2.a.ii. Sammetar  150 2.2.b.  Controller (šandabakkum, šà.dub.ba). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.b.i. Logistics  151 2.2.b.ii.  Vassal visits  151 2.2.b.iii.  Household inventories of royalties  152 2.2.b.iv.  In the loop  152 2.2.b.v.  Favors from others  152 2.2.c.  Chief of stock (šatammum, šà.tam) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.c.i.  Retrieving documents  153 2.2.c.ii.  War supplies  154 2.2.c.iii. Wardrobe  154 2.2.c.iv.  Outfitting the palace  156 2.2.c.v. Commission  156 2.2.c.vi.  Favors for colleagues  156 2.2.d.  Wine Steward (šāqûm, zamardabbum) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.d.i.  Harvesting grapes  157 2.2.d.ii.  Purchasing wine  157 2.2.d.iii.  Quality of wine  157 2.2.d.iv.  Supervising wine transports  158 2.2.d.v.  Supervising movements of receptacles  158

119 119 119 120

133

137

146 149 149 150

153

157

Contents 2.2.e.  Messengers (mār šiprim) and couriers (w/bābil ṭuppim, lāsimum, rakbum) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.e.i.  Use and posting  159 2.2.e.ii.  Profusion of messages  161 2.2.e.iii. Reliability  162 2.2.e.iv.  Movements and location  162 2.2.e.v.  Occupational hazard  163 2.2.f.  Diverse functionaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.f.i. Scribes  164 2.2.f.ii.  Patrol chief  165 2.3.  Notables (wedûtum) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.a.  Private secretary to the king . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.a.i. Influence  166 2.3.a.ii.  Benevolence 166 2.3.a.iii.  Intercession 167 2.3.b.  Diviner (bārûm, máš.šu.gìd.gìd) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.b.i.  Asqudum 168 2.3.b.ii.  Other diviners  172 2.3.c.  Chief musician (nargallum, nar.gal) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.c.i. Rišiya  175 2.3.c.ii. Ilšu-ibbišu  176 2.3.c.iii. Warad-ilišu  176 2.3.c.iv.  Requests for a songstress  177 2.3.d. Valet. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.d.i.  Outfitting the king  178 2.3.d.ii.  Proximity to the king  179 2.3.d.iii. Influence  179

Chapter 3.  Warfare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.0.  Military Mari . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.  War Mentality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.a.  Zeal for war . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.a.i. Enthusiasm  181 3.1.a.ii. Serenity  181 3.1.b.  Cost of war . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.  Casus belli . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.a. Ultimatum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.a.i.  Ḫaqba-aḫum  183 3.2.a.ii. Elam  183 3.2.b.  Declaration of war . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.c.  Impetus for armed conflicts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.c.i.  Chained events  184 3.2.c.ii. Rebellion  185 3.2.c.iii.  Assisting an ally  185 3.2.c.iv. Raiding  186 3.2.c.v. Resources  186 3.2.c.vi. Spoil-taking  187 3.2.c.vii. Peeve  187 3.2.c.viii. Retribution  187

xi 159

164 165 166

168 174

178

181 181 181 181 182 182 183 184 184

xii

Contents 3.2.c.ix. Deceit  188 3.3. Armies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.a.  Levy of troops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.a.i. Enrollment/Conscription  189 3.3.a.ii. Mobilization  190 3.3.a.iii.  Grand Army  191 3.3.a.iv. Payment  192 3.3.b. Mercenaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.b.i. Ḫābirū  194 3.3.b.ii.  ḫabbātum 196 3.3.c. Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.c.i. King  197 3.3.c.ii. Officers  198 3.3.d. Weapons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.d.i.  Making weapons  199 3.3.d.ii.  Disbursing weapons  200 3.4. Combat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.a.  Moving into combat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.a.i. Logistics  201 3.4.a.ii.  Preparing for an assault  202 3.4.a.iii.  Battle formation  202 3.4.a.iv.  On alert  203 3.4.b. Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.b.i. Wisdom  204 3.4.b.ii. Ambush  204 3.4.b.iii. Prudence  205 3.4.b.iv. Deception  205 3.4.b.v. Counter-attacks  206 3.4.b.vi.  Abandoning towns  206 3.4.b.vii.  Fifth column  206 3.4.c.  Fire signal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.c.i.  False alarm?  207 3.4.c.ii.  Alarmist berated  208 3.4.d. Attrition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.d.i. AWOL  208 3.5.  Siege Tactics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.a. Fortifications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.a.i. Boasts  208 3.5.a.ii.  Solid fortifications  209 3.5.a.iii.  Earning prestige  209 3.5.b. Siege . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.b.i.  Settling at a siege  209 3.5.b.ii.  Siege at Razama  210 3.6. Aftermath . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6.a. Victory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6.a.i. Gloating  211 3.6.b.  Release of troops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6.b.i.  Begging for release  212 3.6.b.ii. Impressment  213

189 189

194 197 198 201 201

204

207 208 208 208

209 211 211 212

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xiii

3.6.c.  Population shifts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 3.6.c.i. Deportation  213 3.6.c.ii.  Resettling refugees  213 3.6.d.  Peaceable kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214

Chapter 4.  Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.  Organs of Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.a. Judges. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.a.i. King  215 4.1.a.ii.  Contempt of judgment  216 4.2. Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.a. Jurisdiction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.a.i.  Crossing boundaries  217 4.2.a.ii.  Settling cases  217 4.2.a.iii.  Higher authority  218 4.2.b. Accusation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.b.i.  “No favor”  218 4.2.b.ii. Theft  218 4.2.b.iii. Corruption  219 4.3. Crime . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.a. Homicide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.a.i.  Mutilated infant  219 4.3.a.ii.  A family tragedy  220 4.3.a.iii.  Attempted murder (or not)  220 4.3.a.iv.  Post-murder inquiry  220 4.3.b. Abduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.b.i.  Abduction of a male  221 4.3.b.ii.  Seduced and abandoned  221 4.3.c.  Theft of sacred property . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.d. Fraud . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.  Asylum Seekers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.a.  “As a fleeing bird”  223 4.4.b.  Keeper of secrets  223 4.5. Detention . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.a. Indenturing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.a.i. Balking  224 4.5.a.ii. Pledge  224 4.5.b.  Workplaces (nepārātum) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.b.i.  Retaining and releasing  224 4.5.b.ii.  Serfs for the palace  225 4.5.c.  Jail (nepārum) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.c.i.  Who is jailed?  225 4.5.c.ii.  “Give up all hope. . .”  225 4.5.c.iii.  “Must not die”  226 4.5.c.iv.  Sad stories  226 4.6. Punishment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.6.a.  Royal prerogative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.6.b. Penalty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.6.b.i.  Burning entire family  227

215 215 215 217 217

218

219 219

221 222 222 222 223 224 224 225

227 227 227

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4.6.b.ii.  Ordeal or punishment  228 4.6.c. High-handedness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.6.c.i. “Disappeared”  228 4.6.c.ii.  Heaven or hell  228 4.6.c.iii. Extortion  229 4.6.c.iv. Vengeance  230 4.7.  Legal Documents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7.a. Marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7.b. Adoption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7.c.  Purchase of slaves . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7.c.i.  Mostly in Sumerian  231 4.7.c.ii.  Mostly in Akkadian  231 4.7.d.  Land transfer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7.d.i.  Royal grant  232 4.7.d.ii.  Sale of land  232 4.7.e.  Loan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7.e.i.  Time-set loan  232 4.7.e.ii.  Remission (andurārum) 233 4.7.e.iii.  An indigent couple  233 4.7.e.iv.  “In lieu of interest”  233 4.7.e.v.  Receipt for investment  233 4.7.f. Guarantees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7.f.i. Debt  234 4.7.f.ii. Workers  234

Chapter 5.  Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1. “Pantheon” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.a.  List of deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2. Devotion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.a.  Seeking divine favor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.a.i. Justification  238 5.2.a.ii. Petition  238 5.2.a.iii. Constancy  239 5.2.a.iv. Donation  239 5.2.b.  The rewards for faith . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.c. Vows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.c.i.  Identifying a vow  239 5.2.c.ii.  Neglecting a vow  240 5.2.c.iii.  Fulfilling a vow  240 5.2.c.iv.  Tithing (almost)  241 5.3. Rituals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.a. Calendar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.a.i.  Identifying the month?  242 5.3.a.ii.  Seeking a reliable calendar  243 5.3.b.  Ritual for Ištar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.c.  Sacrifices and feasts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.c.i.  Resetting a sacrifice  245 5.3.c.ii.  Regular sacrifices  245 5.3.c.iii.  Acts of devotion  246

228

230 230 231 231 232 232

234

235 235 235 237 238

239 239

242 242 243 245

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xv

5.3.d.  Occasion sacrifice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 5.3.d.i.  For Addu of Aleppo  247 5.3.d.ii.  After a storm  247 5.3.d.iii.  For expiation  247 5.3.d.iv.  For divine protection  248 5.3.e.  pagrāʾum/pagrûm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248 5.3.e.i.  Setting a date  248 5.3.e.ii. Sharing  249 5.3.f.  Partaking of sacrifice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 5.3.f.i.  From the divine table  249 5.3.g.  Movable space? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 5.4.  Paraphernalia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250 5.4.a.  Making gods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250 5.4.a.i.  Too many gods  250 5.4.a.ii.  Statue of Ninḫursagga (Šala)  251 5.4.a.iii.  From year-names  251 5.4.a.iv.  Repairing a statue  252 5.4.b.  Decorating divine objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 5.4.b.i.  Plating divine vehicles  253 5.4.b.ii.  Inscription on divine vehicles  253 5.4.c.  Placement in sacred space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254 5.4.c.i.  On the lap of God  254 5.4.c.ii.  Names for protective lions  255 5.4.d.  Use of cult objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 5.4.d.i.  Statues of the god  255 5.4.d.ii.  Weapons of the god  257 5.4.d.iii.  Pillars (sikkānum, ḫumūsum, râmum) 258 5.4.d.iv. Snakes  259 5.4.d.v. Groves  260 5.5.  Caring for the Gods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260 5.5.a. Priests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260 5.5.a.i.  Obtaining the office  260 5.5.a.ii. The assinum 261 5.5.b. Priestesses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 5.5.b.i. The ugbabtum 261 5.5.b.ii.  Inib-šina, a daughter of Yaḫdullim  263 5.5.b.iii. The nadītum 264 5.5.b.iv.  qadištum/qaššatum (pl.)  265 5.5.c. Devotion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 5.5.c.i.  From spoils of wars  266 5.5.c.ii.  Donating to deity  267 5.5.c.iii.  Offering refreshment  267 5.5.d. Travel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267 5.5.d.i.  Shrine visiting  267 5.5.d.ii.  Goddess visiting  268 5.6.  Divine Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268 5.6.a.  Bestowing victory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268 5.6.a.i. Theodicy  268 5.6.a.ii.  Divine help  269

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5.6.b.  Avenging slight . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.6.c.  Making rain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.6.d. Maiming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.6.d.i.  “It is because of his sacrifice. . .”  270 5.6.d.ii.  Angry God  271 5.6.e. Healing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7.  Communicating the Will of God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7.a. Divination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7.a.i.  Keeper of secrets  272 5.7.a.ii.  Protocol for diviners  272 5.7.a.iii.  Liver models  273 5.7.a.iv. Inquiries  274 5.7.a.v.  Multiple avenues; repeated inquiries  275 5.7.a.vi.  Omen-taking for the occasion  276 5.7.a.vii.  “Prophets” as diviners  278 5.7.b. Prophecy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7.b.i.  Truth to power  278 5.7.b.ii.  Sympathetic magic  279 5.7.b.iii.  A bogus prophecy  280 5.7.c. Visions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7.c.i.  Apocalypticizing vision  282 5.7.c.ii.  Inducing visions  283 5.7.c.iii.  Politics and prophets  284 5.7.d. Dreams . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7.d.i. Viability  285 5.7.d.ii.  Validation by vision/prophecy  285 5.7.d.iii. Twice-seen  286 5.7.d.iv.  Zimri-​Lim’s dream  287 5.7.d.v.  Malik-Dagan’s dream  287 5.7.e. Signs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7.e.i.  Aborted fetus  288 5.7.e.ii.  Eclipse of the moon  288 5.7.e.iii.  Fire strikes a temple  289 5.8. Ordeals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.a.  Contested territory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.a.i. Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.a.ii.  For loyalty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.a.iii.  Buying influence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.b. Treason . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.c. Witchcraft . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.c.i.  Sorcery on husband  292 5.8.c.ii. Absolution  292 5.8.d.  Slander and adultery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.d.i.  Lost and found  292 5.8.d.ii. Reticence  293 5.8.d.iii.  Theft of spoils?  293

269 270 270 271 271 272

278

282

285

288

289 289 290 290 291 291 292 292

Chapter 6.  Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294 6.1. Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294

Contents 6.1.a. Residents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.a.i.  awīlum 294 6.1.a.ii.  muškēnum 294 6.1.a.iii. Slaves  296 6.1.a.iv.  ḫarimātum 299 6.1.b. Tribes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.b.i. Classes  299 6.1.b.ii.  ʿaṣabiyya 299 6.1.b.iii.  Fluidity in affiliation  300 6.1.b.iv.  Consanguinity (ḫipšum, salûtum) 300 6.1.c.  Other groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.c.i.  umšarḫum 301 6.1.c.ii.  nasīḫū 302 6.2.  The City Mari . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.a. Fortifications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.b. Gates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.b.i.  Sealing shut  304 6.2.c. Palace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2.c.i.  Fabricating gates  304 6.2.c.ii. Quarters  305 6.2.c.iii.  Provincial palace  306 6.2.c.iv. Mores  306 6.3.  Court Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.a. Banquets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.a.i. Seating  307 6.3.a.ii.  Food and water  307 6.3.a.iii.  Refreshment: ice  309 6.3.a.iv. Entertainment  309 6.3.a.v. Dancers/Acrobats  312 6.3.a.vi.  Musical instruments  312 6.3.b.  Insults and Slander . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.b.i. Humiliation  313 6.3.b.ii. Slights  314 6.3.b.iii. Defamation  314 6.3.b.iv. Disdain  316 6.3.b.v. Justification  316 6.4.  Life Cycle I: Childhood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.a.  Birth giving and childhood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.a.i.  Birth giving  317 6.4.a.ii.  niddah? 318 6.4.a.iii.  Wet-nurse (mušēniqtum) 318 6.4.a.iv.  Nannies (tārītum) 319 6.4.a.v. Naming  320 6.4.a.vi. Ceremonies  321 6.5.  Life Cycle II: Adulthood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.a. Marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.a.i. Arrangement  322 6.5.a.ii.  Wedding procession  323 6.5.a.iii.  The bride’s gods  324

xvii 294

299

301 303 303 304 304

306 306

313

317 317

321 321

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Contents

6.5.b.  Adult and married life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.b.i.  Flirting and teasing  324 6.5.b.ii. Expressions  326 6.5.b.iii. Fidelity  326 6.5.b.iv. Seduction  327 6.5.b.v. Divorce  327 6.5.b.vi. Desertion?  328 6.5.c. Pets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.c.i. Dogs  329 6.6.  Life Cycle III: Health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.6.a. Illness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.6.a.i. Physicians  330 6.6.a.ii. Disease  331 6.6.b. Epidemics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.6.b.i. Outbreak  333 6.6.b.ii. Termination  334 6.7.  Life Cycle IV: Death and burial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.7.a. Deaths . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.7.a.i.  Family tragedies  334 6.7.a.ii.  Death of individuals  335 6.7.b. Mourning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.7.b.i.  (Public) mourning (sipittum) 336 6.7.b.ii. Traditions  336 6.7.c. Burial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.7.c.i. Process  338 6.7.c.ii.  Funeral (qubūrum) 339 6.7.c.iii.  Tomb/grave (kimaḫḫum) 340 6.7.d. Commemoration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.7.d.i.  kispum 340 6.7.d.ii. Offerings ana mālikī 341 6.7.d.iii.  Commemorative celebration ([ḫ]idirtum) 341

Chapter 7.  Reflections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

324

329 330 330 333 334 334 336 338

340

343

Works Consulted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348 Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349

Concordances and Indexes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. Concordances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.  By Paragraph to Translations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.  By Publication Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2a.  Mari Documents in Series . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2b.  Mari Documents by Museum numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2c.  Other Archives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. Correspondents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. From–To . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. To–From . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . C.  Subject Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . D.  Biblical Citations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

367 367 367 390 396 398 401 404 404 423 442 453

Acknowledgments My interest in providing readers with a compilation of translated letters from the Mari archives has had peaks and vales, most recently in the mid-1990s when I was a fellow of the National Humanities Center (Durham, NC). Other projects (alas) always robbed me of focus. In 2012, K. Lawson Younger, co-editor (with William W. Hallo) of E. J. Brill’s Context of Scripture (3 vols., 1997–2003) invited me to contribute a selection of Mari documents for its forthcoming fourth volume. I readily accepted, aware that this might be a fine opportunity to revive my plans. We both imagined that a few dozen letters might do the trick. However, it quickly became apparent that I lacked the discipline to make a narrow selection when thousands of Mari documents have already been published, among them hundreds of letters with juicy contents. As it became obvious that my plans were no longer sustaining CoS’s expectations, Lawson (and Brill) kindly released me from my obligation. I then looked for another venue to publish the compilation, and Eisenbrauns readily gave it shelter. I am grateful to Jim Eisenbraun for doing so, but I must also register my gratitude to Lawson and to Brill for setting me off on this enterprise. Ilya Arkhipov (Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow) kindly read drafts of early versions of two chapters and offered me fine comments. Dominique Charpin and Nele Ziegler graciously permitted me to adapt one of the maps they had in their exceptional construction (2003) of political history in the Mari age. The map printed in this volume was based on the diligent work of Martin Sauvage, now at the CNRS, USR 3225, Nanterre. While more precise cartography is now available (see Ziegler 2014a, 2014b), this one might do. Two graduate assistants, Jonathan Redding and Serena Jarvis, read drafts of this work, picking up infelicitous phrasing, gross grammatical lapses, and embarrassing typographical errors. They also prepared the database that eventually resulted in the concordances of translations. Serena was particularly aggressive in clearing up redundancy or duplication, ferreting out formatting inconsistencies, and modifying constructively the database. I am certain that errors, both of omission and commission, remain; but let me give thanks where it is due. Chris Benda of the Divinity School Library kindly alerted me to typographical corrections in the proofs, for which I am thankful. Here, too, is a proper place to thank the Oriental Institute for making the CAD available online in searchable format. Jim Eisenbraun himself took charge of preparing the volume for publication. He patiently answered my queries and graciously incorporated the stream of corrections xix

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Acknowledgments

I kept posting him. He also adapted the map for English speakers. I owe him much, for these and for the many years of collaboration on diverse projects. Andy Kerr designed the cover for the volume, and I would be lucky indeed if its contents measured up to it. I have dedicated this volume to Mari researchers, archaeologists, and epigraphers, some of whom I have never met, others with whom I have corresponded, and many who have become cherished personal friends. Their work has given me great joy over the past half-century, and if I have enough chutzpah, I might ask for a few more years of close collaboration. April 2015

Introduction 0.1.  Amorite Mari Mari was already centuries old when the Amorites, a cluster of West Semitic tribes, came to settle and rule the city, early in the second millennium bce. Its location (at Tell Ḥariri) on the right bank of the Euphrates, 50 km north of the modern Iraq– Syria border, made it an ideal bridge among the great cultures: Sumerians and Akkadians to the South; Canaanites and Syrians to the West; Assyrians to the Northeast; Elamites to the East. A version of the The Sumerian King List (from the 20th century on) says that Mari was the seventh city to acquire kingship after the Flood, with two kings, Bazi (“the leatherworker”) and Zizi (“the fuller”), each as heroic as Gilgamesh. Archives from Ebla, Agade, and Ur reveal Mari’s role as power-broker during the third millennium. When the town begins more fully to tell its own story, however, it does so spectacularly, through thousands of texts recovered since the French mandate (1933 on). The wealth of archeological and epigraphic data has made Mari one of the best-studied Mesopotamian city-states. Excavations at Tell Ḥariri are still active, with recovery of an appreciable number of tablets, some reported to belong to a scribal school holding a large selection of academic literary texts. A few of the documents found at Mari date to the Sargonic period (from the 23rd century bce on), and a handful of tablets are from the Ur III period. Dozens of documents use a syllabary and administrative style that once made them seem to come late in the third millennium’s šakkanakkum period. They are now known to precede a late 19th-century bce shift in scribal syllabary and locutions that has resulted in the style and presentation of texts we now assign to the Amorite period. The Amorites were among other elements that settled around the Mari region, including East Semites, Hurrians, Elamites, and others of uncertain ethnic affiliation (Turukkû, Guti). Difficult to estimate is the population size, with speculation that it hovered around 40,000 during Zimri-Lim’s reign. In Mari, merchants plied their wares, artisans practiced their crafts, and professionals (among them scribes, musicians, physicians, and acrobats) made stops. The area was unstable; steady dynastic rule at any one center (e.g., Babylon) was the exception rather than the rule. Mari had violent changes on the throne. Yaggid-Lim controlled a weak Mari from Terqa (Tell Asharah) or nearby Ṣuprum. His son, Yaḫdun-Lim (Yaḫdullim) made it his capital (ca. 1810). 1 A client of Ešnunna, he aimed for regional dominance and 1.  When cited, ancient dates follow the Middle Chronology (Hammurabi 1792–1750), even if this dating is much maligned in good research. The term “Amorite” and what it represents is currently under debate; see Michalowski 2011: chap. 5.

1

2

Introduction — 0.2.  Languages

boasted of reaching the Mediterranean. Clashes with Samsi-Addu [Šamši-Adad] (1840s–1777) of Ekallatum ended Yaḫdun-Lim’s reign brutally, after about 14 years of rule. Sumu-Yamam (Sumumu), of as yet undetermined pedigree, ruled for two years before Samsi-Addu took control of Mari. Very soon afterward (early 1780s), he placed his own son Yasmaḫ-Addu on the throne. Aided by Simʾal tribal leaders (Bannum, Zakura-abum, Ašmad), Zimri-Lim, probably Yaḫdun-Lim’s son, gained power (1775/4) and ruled for about 14 years. He was a major player in the region, an ally of Aleppo and Babylon. Under murky circumstances, Hammurabi of Babylon occupied (1761) and then burned (1759) Mari, deporting its population. 2 Mari lost its prominence thenceforth, but is recalled occasionally in later archives. (See below, chapter 7, Reflections, pp. 343ff.)

0.2. Languages The scribes of Mari wrote on clay tablets, with little recovered evidence for the use of other media. The major written language was Akkadian, an East Semitic tongue, with many Sumerian words and stock formulas inserted in administrative and juridical documents. Amorite words and expressions are embedded in them, but so far just one brief, as yet unpublished, document, a mišpaṭum (judgment) between two towns (M.9777), may have been couched in Amorite. Hurrian was spoken as well as written; but the few Hurrian (about six) texts found in the archives (incantations and a prayer(?) citing Zimri-Lim) may have come from elsewhere. 3 What languages were actively spoken in the Mari palaces remains a complex issue. Most people in Mari and its environs had names based on Amorite; many were also based on Akkadian, fewer in Hurrian, and fewer still in Elamite, probably betraying native facility with these languages. (The few in Sumerian are likely adopted by literati.) However, there is record that King Yasmaḫ-Addu favored Akkadian, his father berating him for his ignorance of Amorite (see 2.3.c). An interesting notice tells us that Samsi-Addu had to scour his empire when seeking a scribe competent in both Sumerian and Amorite. We know that Mari officials had translators (targumannū) at their beck when they met merchants from afar. Women scribes certainly existed, and in some cases they accompanied princesses married to their fathers’ vassals, no doubt ready to craft their mistresses’ eavesdropping into postings. The extent of literacy at Mari is a matter of speculation. Certainly, a king’s private secretary, the heads of accountings, and some diviners were literate; but to what extent and how deeply is also argued. Doubtless there were those who read but did 2.  How Zimri-Lim met his end is debated. It is commonly thought that Hammurabi disposed of him after Babylon conquered Mari; see Charpin and Ziegler (2003: 242–45). Charpin and Ziegler cite M.7554+ (2003: 250–52), a contract that refers to the reign (palûm) of Zimri-Lim, as evidence of a document written between the death of Zimri-Lim and the destruction of the city. I have in the past (Sasson 1998: 460–62) offered reasons to believe that Zimri-Lim likely died a natural death. Invited to protect the city, Hammurabi chose to move its population before eliminating it as a fortified site that might become home for a potential enemy. 3.  See Salvini 1988.

Introduction — 0.3.  Archives

3

not write, some who read and wrote but only formulaically or crassly, and a few who crafted sophisticated prose, as many of the letters confirm. When diplomats (and military leaders) moved from one locus to another, scribes accompanied them; yet some diplomats may have been able to draft reports on their own. 4 Editors have proposed that some badly written and composed letters may have been written by their senders, especially in the case of princesses stuck in hostile surroundings. There is another form of literacy, however: the capacity to read omens stamped on an animal’s innards. Aside from diviners who made a career of developing meaning by observing the signs on entrails, some palace women (and likely other officials) seem to decipher them as well and report on them to the king.

0.3. Archives The archives include many tablets that came from dozens of localities with links to Mari; but scribes in Mari or diplomats on missions generated the bulk of letters. (Scribes carried their own supply of clay when assisting on a mission.) While traveling, kings and their secretaries saved important letters in coffers, depositing them in the archives on return home. 5 The term “archives” is used advisedly, as tablets in labeled baskets were stored in stock rooms that held many other goods and products, so that the retrieval process was a very laborious affair. 6 Some of the letters may well have relayed just fragments of reports, fleshed out by messengers or diplomats. There are occasions in which communications were thought too sensitive to set on tablets, lest they fall into enemy hands, and these messages were transmitted only orally. Few are the letters from rulers of major power centers (among them Babylon and Aleppo), suggesting that they had been retrieved by the Babylonians before the destruction of the city. The largest harvest of documents is from the reigns of Yasmaḫ-Addu and Zimri-Lim, about 10% and 80% of the archives, respectively. The tablets cover a range of categories, including: • letters, exchanged among kings, officials, kin, and diplomats; • compacts (drafts and versions of oaths and protocols) between cities as represented by their rulers; • a wealth of administrative texts, of great diversity, including many lists registering individuals for diverse purposes (harem functionaries, artisans, draftees, tēbibtumconscription, ransomed individuals). There are records of actions (protocols and oath-taking), registers of goods moving in (šūrubtum) and out of (šūbultum) Mari, audit inventories, disbursements (of animals, raw material, and completed objects) to temples and provinces, as well as a vast record of outlays for the king’s meals (naptan šarrim); • scribal memoranda on activities that must be done; • a limited number of juridical texts, registering contracts and loans; • ritual scenarios; 4.  An argument for broad literacy is cited in the notes to 5.4.b.ii, p. 253. 5.  According to a letter (M.7529) sent to Zimri-Lim; see Charpin 2013: 5. 6.  See Sasson 1972. A very fine study on the subject is Charpin 2010a.

4

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives • cultic documents, among which we may include a couple of eršaḫungû (bilingual penitential prayers), several incantations, one in Ḫurrian, and an “eponym chronicle” that focuses on the family of Samsi-Addu and its deeds. 7

A treaty with Ešnunna (see at 1.6.c.iv) and an epic about Zimri-Lim (see at 1.2.b.i) are the earliest of their genres. There is also a version of the “Revolt against NaramSin,” and a fawning bilingual letter addressed to Zimri-Lim of a type known earlier and later (see at 1.2.c.iv.1a). 8 A few letters in the published material echo realistic settings, eliciting a debate whether they are also literary efforts emulating an epistolary style. Recovered in recent excavations, but not yet fully inventoried or published, are literary documents of the types copied and studied by the scribal intelligentsia. 9

0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives Around 9,000 Mari tablets are already published (2014), with letters taking up a quarter of that amount. An estimate is that the total number of tablets recovered so far from Tell Ḥariri hover around 17,000, some of them fragments that may be joined to others. We reconstruct what happened in Mesopotamia during the age of Mari from diverse primary sources, among them a chronicle of events associated with Samsi-Addu and his family, commemorative inscriptions (from Yaḫdun-Lim and Samsi-Addu predominantly), eponym lists (Yasmaḫ-Addu), year-names (Yaḫdun-Lim and Zimri-Lim), and myriads of documents that chronicle events during peace and war. There are allusions in letters to votive inscriptions (narûm) that were attached to divine chariots and royal statues—but the originals have not yet surfaced. Now that we can sequence the years of rule of the last two kings, we are better able to develop a chronicle of events (Charpin and Ziegler 2003). Significantly, the countless characters appearing in the documents can now be set on a continuum, yielding significant segments of the lives they led during a fairly restricted period. The administrative documents are “primary” material and so give us immediate access to events and activities, including details about artisanal activities and the care and feeding of gods and kings. The hundreds of letters, however, are what give the Mari archives their special flavor. 10 Especially gratifying are the documents kings received from 7.  On the incantations and prayers, see Durand and Guichard 1997: 22–23. The most accessible version of the chronicle, with bibliography, is now in Glassner 2004: 161–65. Note how the birth of Samsi-Addu occurs just before the death of Aminum, possibly his brother or uncle. This last event is connected to an eclipse of the sun; see the note to 5.7.e.ii (p. 288). In tandem with information from a list recovered from Kanish, this datum has generated a lively debate on the date of Samsi-Addu’s birth and, consequently, the date of his reign; see Michel 2002. It might nonetheless be kept in mind that cosmic conjunctions with historic events belong to post-facto historiographic manipulations aiming to further ideology. 8.  For the “Rebellion against Naram-Sin,” see Charpin 1997a. 9.  Detailed overviews are in Durand 1992a and Charpin and Ziegler 2003. 10.  The latest accounting is that almost 500 letters come from the Yasmaḫ-Addu period, while just over 1,600 are from the reign of Zimri-Lim, so for the latter we have slightly more than 100 per year of his reign; see Charpin 2013: 1–3.

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives

5

administrators and from diplomats posted at dozens of capitals. Too, in these letters, women leap beyond the judgment we have of them as pliant daughters, wives, or mothers: they prove to be thoughtful, articulate, and forceful. Šiptu, wife of ZimriLim, is resourceful, corralling the opinion of the gods before relaying them to her husband (see at 5.7.c.ii.1). Gašera, queen of Yamḫad, is agile in exploiting her own land holdings (see at 1.3.e.iv). Princess Tiṣpatum and Inbatum know how to manipulate kings (see at 1.8.c.ii and iii) I have two introductory remarks about the letters: their narrative quality and their potential for feeding false clues for historical recreation. 11 0.4.a.  Narrative quality.  The letters diplomats send can be fairly long and incredibly garrulous, reporting dialogues, dispensing anecdotes, even spreading juicy gossip about the courts they are visiting. Naturally, some correspondents were better at generating tidbits than others. During Zimri-Lim’s reign, Bannum, Ibal-pi-El, Ibal-El, Yamṣum, and Yasim-El were particularly gifted in this regard; but many others also have their moments. It would not be prudent to credit their Amorite background for this gift of gab and for the crowding of observations and details. But truth be told, these letters are rarely matched in the Altbabylonische Briefe series (published by Brill) or, for that matter, in Akkadian literature where examples of narrative prose can be scarce. An example penned by Ibal-pi-El, a tribal military leader (merḫûm), might suffice (A.2995+M.14337 = LAPO 16 310; see Ghouti 1992). In this story, Ḫamman is a sheikh (sugāgum) at Der; 12 Baṣṣum is an official in the same region, possibly a diviner; Bunuma-Addu is king of Niḫriya and a Yaminite leader in the Baliḫ region. The sheikh (sugāgum) of Arduwan, a man from Zalmaqum, came here to Der and this is what he told Ḫamman, “Tribute-bearers of Baṣṣum go to Bunuma-Addu. Once, when he conveyed a garb and a jacket, Bunuma-Addu (said), ‘Truly, look how Baṣṣum is in full accord with me!” This is what this man told Ḫamman.

11.  That not all communications were written down can be assumed, especially those of a local nature. Sensitive material, however, was likely communicated orally. Samsi-Addu tells his son the following (ARM 1 76:20–29 = LAPO 16 58), “About the matters that Samsi-Dagan [a pretender to a throne] told you, you wrote to me, ‘these matters are not suited for writing on a tablet.’ Now why is that? Have them recorded on a tablet and send it to me. But if not, instruct a reliable person who can handle an oral communication and convey him to me so that he can set these matters before me.” The relevant idiom, awātim ina pîm ṣabātum, is, literally, “to grasp words in the mouth.” 12.  In the literature, the Amorite term sugāgum is translated “mayor,” especially when associated with a named town, but “sheikh” when not. Occasionally, it is understood as a “royal agent to tribal groups.” Almost always, however, we are not dealing with a personality associated with intensely urban settings. The post is not inherited and the succession does not seem automatically to devolve to a son. I (reluctantly) render “sheikh” throughout. Charpin has suggested that in areas controlled by Babylon the term used is rabiānum (Charpin 2011: 53); nonetheless, this last term is not always about administrating towns, and I commit to the neutral “tribal leader.”

6

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives

The next day, to reaffirm his declaration, Ḫamman stood three men behind wooden double-doors: Dada, Yašub-Lim, and Yaptuna-El. He summoned that man from Ardawan and began to question him as follows, “Go back over the words you spoke yesterday.” But this man proceeded to tell Ḫamman, “If you reveal this conversation to anyone, I can no longer live but will die!” Ḫamman right away took a sacred oath (“oath by the gods”) for his sake, thus, “I swear not to reveal your words to anyone.” Because he took a sacred oath for his sake, (the man from Ardawan) went over the words he spoke the previous day, saying, “For two years now, Baṣṣum has been continually beholden to Bunuma-Addu.” Dada, the resident-commissioner (ḫazannum), Yašub-Lim, and Yaptuna-El of Der, could each hear these words from behind wooden double-doors. As for me, having come to Der, Ḫamman set the following matters before me, “(From) there, he cannot retain the city nor keep it safe.” My lord should pay careful attention to these matters and answer me one way or another. Either I should send Baṣṣum to my lord like a criminal? or would it be better for me to grab him here? For me to carry out my lord’s order, my lord should answer me one way or another. The story Ibal-pi-El tells contains all the elements of a good yarn: an initial situation in which betrayal is hinted, a sequence that leads to confirmation of the situation, and a denouement that in fact hints at yet another betrayal, no doubt the subject of a future letter. The characters themselves are as if drawn from stock: an incredibly dense Arduwanian, a manipulative courtier (Baṣṣum), and a scheming enemy (Bunuma-Addu). Ibal-pi-El himself, throughout, is omniscient, capable of penetrating the state of mind of our dense Arduwanian. Yet, he is compassionate, for he protects him by keeping him nameless. And he is not without irony, for even as his tale is evidently dependent on Ḫamman’s version of events, Ibal-pi-El’s distaste for him is barely concealed. The miracle is that, like almost all other examples in the archives, Ibal-pi-El drafted his yarn at short notice. Because it was likely dictated by a man with martial rather than literary skills, it also suggests that the gift of story-telling is innate, drawing on popular culture. 13 Applied to biblical literature, these observations suggest that Hebrew narratives need not come from learned circles or achieve their artful forms long after the events that they report. When this sort of richness of detail combines with the thickness of material and the diversity in points of view, it becomes possible to indulge in crafting portraits for characters such as Samsi-Addu and his sons, Yasmaḫ-Addu and Išme-Dagan. About Zimri-Lim, for example, we can say that he was a pious, God-fearing man, demanding that his governors proceed with sacrifices and eagerly absorbing what prophets, diviners, and dreamers deliver from the gods. He was a warrior, constantly on the move with his troops, and could exult when delivering news of the defeat of a difficult opponent (ARM 10 122+ = LAPO 18 1140). Yet, his heart was troubled by the misery reported by daughters (and sisters) married off to vassals and he was quick to 13.  Also nicely told in this collection is Nur-Sin’s letter from Aleppo, cited below at 1.3.e.iv, Šunuḫra-ḫalu’s report from Aleppo (1.6.b.iii), and Yasim-El’s report on establishing peace between Andarig and Karana (1.6.c.i.1).

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives

7

alert the family back home about potential epidemics (ARM 10 129 = LAPO 18 1164). His staff dreaded telling him about the death of a baby girl, for they knew him not to absorb well such calamity (ARM 26 222). His wife of a few years, Šiptu, could write him the most tender note to accompany a garment she wove for his shoulders (ARM 10 7 = LAPO 18 1129). From witty or proverbial statements attributed to him, we can determine that Zimri-Lim’s sense of humor was more subtle than crude. We learn also that he was not without vanity, for he pestered his valets for specific cuts of garments and reacted with fury when feeling ignored (A.1285 = LAPO 16 136). He was not without curiosity, for we have records of extensive visits beyond his kingdom. He had a large appetite for details of government, constantly soliciting answers to unsatisfied questions. He also suffered well the internal bickering and scandal-mongering of bureaucrats vying for his attention. Yet, he was not beyond whining, especially when asked for objects he did not wish to give up. He also seems to have had self-doubts. 0.4.b.  Critical reading of letters.  My second introductory remark nuances the last observation. Even though they report on immediate events, the Mari letters need to be read through critical lenses. We take it for granted that we may have only partial knowledge of the background for events or opinions reported in any one letter; yet we ought also not dismiss the possibility that authors of letters may write with partial (if not also full) ignorance of real events. Samsi-Addu himself alerts his son to the traffic of false information (ARM 1 47 = LAPO 16 19), “I have listened to the tablet you sent me. The tablet that Yašub-El conveyed to Laʾum, who conveyed it to you and that you conveyed to me, I have heard it. Among these words, there is not one word of truth! They are all exaggerated. False information was fed to Yašub-El and he wrote it to Laʾum. These words are all empty. Not one word of truth. You must not worry at all.” 14 Too, diplomats and bureaucrats naturally inflect their reports to suit personal goals. There must be attention, therefore, to conventions, some of which give clues to the way writers thread caution into their prose, purposely undermining their own reliability. Luckily, there can also be multiple testimonies for a crucial incident, allowing discriminate reconstruction of events. An excellent illustration of the promise and pitfalls of historical analysis is A.350+ (= LAPO 16 333), a letter a tribal military leader (Ibal-El) sent to Zimri-Lim. The characters mentioned in it are clients of Mari, in the Upper Ḫabur region: Zuzu (Susu) of Apum (centering on Šeḫna at Tell Leilan), Qarni-lim of Andarig, and Bunu-Ištar of Kurda. 15 He writes: My lord knows that I am commanding nomads and that, much as a merchant who journeys through war and peace, nomads range on foot though war and peace, picking up local gossip as they roam.

14.  Perhaps ARM 5 78 (LAPO 17 631) is related to this context. 15.  For the historical background, see Eidem 2008: 269–75.

8

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives

Well, a tribesman said on reaching me, “Zuzu was filled with ‘God’s water’ and died.” These were his words. The tribesman having brought me the news of his death, I told Qarni-Lim, “Zuzu is dead.” But Qarni-Lim did not believe it and he sent his servant to confirm Zuzu’s death. This servant brought back this news, “Zuzu was not filled with ‘God’s water.’ He fell from the top of a city wall and a stone crushed his face. He was being moved at night (or: bleeding), but he died in transit.” This is what I heard from my sources. However, following Qarni-Lim’s servant, someone to whom were entrusted 100 of Zuzu’s donkeys with which to haul grain from Azamḫul to Sapḫum escaped. He brought the following news of Zuzu’s death to Qarni-Lim, “Zuzu was not filled with ‘God’s water’; he did not fall from the city wall—he died a natural death (lit, “his god’s death”). Examiners from Bunu-Ištar came here, sealed Zuzu’s house, and impounded the donkeys that were hauling grain from Azamḫul.” This is what I heard from my sources and have communicated to my lord. Now then, this man who is fomenting trouble against my lord, who has given comfort to my lord’s enemy, and who would plot against my lord’s encampment, the great God of my lord (has killed him) [. . .] I will write. Striking is how people living close to an event may not be able to settle on how it unfolded. In fact, reports of Zuzu’s death proved highly exaggerated, for Zimri-Lim later overtook him. 16 A study of the letter (Sasson 2001b) reveals that its author was less concerned with the precise way Zuzu died than with advancing a theodicy about the just demise of an inconstant vassal. When applied to historical reconstructions based on fragmentary, unique, or single-witness data—as is done, say, in biblical research—this lesson on how a proximate event can morph in the perceptions of contemporaries might invite caution. 0.4.c.  Names. 17  Mari documents have left us hundreds of names; many of the same names were held by diverse individuals. Comparatively seldom are father’s names attached, a practice that becomes common in later periods. We are also left guessing about identity when the names are so banal as to be common (Aḫum or Aḫatum). To discriminate among homonyms, we are helped somewhat by the clearly distinctive periods in which individuals appear, as well by the diversity of functions they hold. A good number of persons have names that appear in slightly different forms, without compromising their identity (Dadi-ḫadnu and Dadi-ḫadun; Yasmaḫ-Addu 16.  Writes Zimri-Lim to his wife Šiptu (ARM 10 122 = LAPO 18 1140): “I have won a victory over the enemy that blocked me, from the gate of Ašnakkum to Sabbanum. I did not allow (anyone) to escape. I have captured Zuzu, king of Apum, Šawališ, the army marshal, and all the servants of Eluḫtum who opposed me. Rejoice, and share the good news with your palace.” An unpublished note from Sammetar, A.4406 (cited in Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 204 n. 312) tells how Zuzu of Apum was dethroned by commoners. Ḫaya-abum, son of Turum-nadki, was his successor. Fincke (2013) suggests that the third reference to Zuzu’s death actually harks back to the first, reinforcing it: his own god decreed his death. 17.  A fuller list is in Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 269–71, with linkage to locations at 263–68.

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives

9

and Yasmiḫ-Addu; Šunuḫra-ḫalu and Šunuḫḫura-ḫalu). The same can be said about individuals with names in different dialects of Semitic (Yasmaḫ-Addu and Išma-Addu—but to my knowledge never *Yasmaḫ-Dagan for Išme-Dagan). In some cases, especially when their holders were foreigners, names were likely to come in different spellings (Ṣiwapalarḫuḫpak and Šeplarpak of Elam are the same; Simaḫ-ilane’s name comes in almost a dozen “spellings”). But even names that were familiar to the scribes could appear in diverse forms (e.g., ka-a-la-AN, ka-al-li-lu-ma, ka-a-la-lum, kala-lum) or can have shortened forms (e.g., Sumu-yamam, Samumu, Sumumu). Troubling are names of major personalities that we now treat independently because they differ in writing: were Ibal-pi-El and Ibal-El separate references to the same merḫûm (see below, at 2.1.c)? To my knowledge, the two names/personalities never occur in the same document, even when they served the same king (Zimri-Lim) during the same interval of his relatively brief rule. 0.4.c.i.  Cast of Characters.  It might be useful to give below an alphabetic list of characters that are cited regularly in this collection. Administrators can hold many posts in the course of their career; but mentioned below are those most met in these pages. ZL or YA (or SA) refers to the monarch under whom they (mostly) operated. [b. = brother; d. = daughter; f. = father; h. = husband; m. = mother; s. = son; str. = sister; v. = vassal; w. = wife] Addu-duri (ZL) Amut-pi-El (ZL) Amut-pa-El (ZL) Asqudum (YA, ZL) Ašmad (ZL) Asqur-Addu (ZL) Atamrum (ZL) Baḫdi-Lim (ZL) Bannum (ZL) Beltum (YA) Dadi-ḫadun (ZL) Dam-ḫuraṣi(m) (ZL) Dariš-libur (ZL) Gašera (ZL) Ḫabduma-Dagan

Aunt or mother of Zimri-Lim, a palace figure until her death King of Qatna, successor to Išḫi-Addu King of Šuduḫum Diviner and diplomat Tribal army officer (merḫûm), h. of Princess Battaḫra, cited in the Zimri-Lim Epic King of Karana (also Aškur-Addu, Yasqur-Addu) King of Andarig, h. of Princess Ibbatum Governor (šāpiṭum) of Mari province Tribal army officer (merḫûm), minister (sukkal, šukkallum) Queen in Mari, w. Yasmaḫ-Addu, d. of Išḫi-Addu Head of the Rabbu, a Yaminite tribe W. of Zimri-Lim, mother of one of his sons Personal valet to the king, also sent on missions Consort to Yarim-Lim of Yamḫad (Aleppo), possibly m. of Šiptu (YA) Governor (šāpiṭum), tribal leader (merḫûm) at Tuttul; (ZL) Governor in Saggaratum

10

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives

Ḫammi-ištamar (ZL) Hammurabi Hammurabi (ZL) Hammurabi (ZL) (Ḫ)aqba-ḫammu (post ZL) Ḫaya-Sumu (ZL) Ibal-Addu (ZL) Ibal-El (ZL) Ibal-pi-El (ZL) Ibni-Addu (ZL) Iddiyatum (ZL) Ikšud-appašu (YA) Ili-Ištar (ZL) Iltani (post ZL) Inib-šina (ZL) Inib-šarri (ZL) Išḫi-Addu (YA) Išme-Dagan (YA, ZL) Itur-asdu (ZL) Kaʾala-El (ZL) Kibri-Dagan (ZL) Kiru (ZL) Kuwari (YA/SA) Lanasum (ZL) Laʾum (YA) Manatan (ZL) Mašiya (YA) Mutiya (post ZL) Mukannišum (ZL) Rišiya (YA, ZL) Sammetar (YA, ZL)

Head of the Ubrabu, a Yaminite tribe King in Babylon, ally of Zimri-Lim King in Kurda, v. of Zimri-Lim King in Yamḫad, s. of Yarim-Lim, b. of Šiptu King in Qaṭṭara (Tell al-Rimah), h. of Ilani, v. of Hammurabi of Babylon King in Ilanṣura, v. of Zimri-Lim King in Ašlakka, v. of Zimri-Lim Tribal army officer (merḫûm) and diplomat Tribal army officer (merḫûm) and diplomat King of Hazor Mari’s representative at Karana Counselor; governor (šāpiṭum) of Šubat-Šamaš King of Šuna, h. of Princess Tiṣpatum Queen in Qaṭara, d. of King Samu-Addu, w. of Ḫaqba-ḫammu Priestess (ugbabtum) and str. of Zimri-Lim d. of Zimri-Lim, w. of Zakura-abum of Zalluḫan, then w. of Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka King in Qatna, f. of Beltum who marries Yasmaḫ-Addu King in Ekallatum, s. of Samsi-Addu, b. of Yasmaḫ-Addu Governor (šāpiṭum) in Mari, then in Naḫur, h. of Princess Partum (Kaʾali-iluma, Kaʾalalum), chief of Mari garrison Governor (šāpiṭum) of Terqa province, s. of Sammetar W. of Ḫaya-sumu of Ilanṣura, d. of Zimri-Lim, str. of Šimatum King of Šušarra (at Shemshara) Commissioner (ḫazannum) in Tuttul by the Baliḫ Counselor (šukkallum) of Yasmaḫ-Addu, f. of Sammetar Officer, mostly in charge of security in Mari Manager of region outside Mari (Mutu-abiḫ) King of Apum/Šeḫna, s. of Ḫalunpimu Chief of stock (šatammum) of the Mari palace Chief musician Governor in Terqa, then counselor (šukkallum) to Zimri-Lim, s. of Laʾum, b. of Yassi-Dagan, f. of Kibri-Dagan

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives Samsi-Addu (YA) Samsi-Eraḫ (ZL) Sibkuna-Addu (ZL) Simaḫ-ilane/lane (ZL) Sumḫu-rabi Ṣidqi-Epuḫ (ZL) Šarraya (ZL) Šimatum (ZL) Šiptu (ZL) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (ZL) Tarim-šakim (YL) Till-Abnu (post ZL) Uṣur-awassu (YA) Yaḫdun-Lim Yamṣi-ḫadnu (post ZL) Yamṣum (ZL) Yaqqim-Addu (ZL) Yarim-Addu (YA) Yarim-Lim (ZL) Yarim-Lim (ZL) Yasim-El (ZL Yasim-sumu (ZL) Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu (ZL) Yatar-Aya (ZL) Yassi-Dagan (ZL) Yawi-ila (ZL)

11

King in Šubat-Enlil, f. of Yasmaḫ-Addu, f. of Išme-Dagan Man of fortune in the upper Baliḫ, rise and fall aided by Ḫabirus King of Šuda, h. of Princess Ḫazala King in Kurda, v. of Zimri-Lim (YA) Governor (šāpiṭum) in Tuttul (ZL) Mari official; governor in Saggaratum Succeeds Yasim-sumu as chief controller (šandabakkum) King of Eluḫut, h. of Princess Naramtum W. of Ḫaya-sumu of Ilanṣura, d. of Zimri-Lim, str. of Kiru Queen, w. of Zimri-Lim, d. of Yarim-Lim Secretary to Zimri-Lim Counselor to Yasmaḫ-Addu King of Apum/ Šeḫna (Tell Leilan), after the fall of Mari Majordomo (abu bītim) in the Mari palace (Yaḫdullim) King in Mari (ca. 1805–1790), likely f. of Zimri-Lim King of Kaḫat, a couple of generations after the fall of Mari Mari’s representative in Ilanṣura Governor (šāpiṭum) of Saggaratum province merḫûm (tribal commander), likely in the Qattunan region King of Yamḫad, f. of Šiptu Head of the Yaḫruru, a Yaminite tribe Mari’s troubleshooter in the Sinjar (Andarig, Karana, Kurda) Chief controller (šandabakkum) of the Mari palace, h. of Princess Duḫšatum King of Mari (1788/7–1775/4), s. of Samsi-Addu, b. of Išme-Dagan Head of the Yariḫu, a Yaminite tribe W. of Zimri-Lim, administrative head of wine and oil stockage General and diplomat, s. of Laʾum, b. of Sammetar Briefly reigning king of Talḫayum

12

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives

Zakura-abum/abi (ZL) Zikri-Addu (ZL) Zimri-Addu (ZL) Zimri-Lim Zuzu (Susu) (ZL)

King of Zalluḫan, first h. of Inib-šarri Official at Qattunan Likely governor in Qattunan King in Mari (1775/4–1761/60), s. of Yaḫdun-Lim King of Apum

0.4.c.ii.  Places  (with modern site, when known; with select rulers, as cited below). 18 West Tell Atchana, Hatay (Turkey) Alaḫtum (Alalaḫ?) Carchemish (Karkamis/š) Jerablus, Syria    Aplaḫanda (YA, ZL)    Yatar-Ami (ZL)    Yaḫdun-Lim (ZL) Imar (Emar) Meskene, Syria Gubla Byblos (Jbel), Lebanon   Yantin-ḫammu Ḫalab (in Yamḫad) Aleppo, Syria    Sumu-Epuḫ (YA)    Yarim-Lim (YA, ZL)    Ḫammurabi (ZL) Hazor (Ḫaṣura) Tell el-Qidāḥ / Tell Waqqāṣ, Israel    Ibni-Addu (ZL) Qatna (Qaṭanum) Mishrife, Syria    Išḫi-Addu (YA, ZL)    Amud-pi-El (ZL) Ugarit Ras Shamra, Syria Mari kingdom (“Bank(s)s of the Euphrates”) Mari Tell Ḥariri, Syria   Yaḫdun-Lim   Sumu-Yamam   Yasmaḫ-Addu   Zimri-Lim Der Just south of Mari, Syria Dur-Yasmaḫ-Addu / Dur-Yaḫdullim By Saggaratum (Tell Moḥasan?), Syria Qattunan (Qaṭṭunan) Middle Ḫabur, Syria 18.  Fuller collection in Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 263–76. I follow one of their formats with much appreciation. Only a select number of rulers are cited for some of the cities.

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives Saggaratum Lower Ḫabur, Syria Sapiratum (Suḫum district) Middle Euphrates, south of Mari Terqa Tell ʿAshara, Syria, north of Mari Baliḫ River Region (Zalmaqum) Ḫarran Ḫanzat    Yarkab-Addu (ZL) Šuda    Sibkuna-Addu (ZL) Talḫayum (edge of Idamaraṣ)     Yawi-ila (ZL) Tuttul Tell Biʿa, Syria Upper Ḫabur river basin (mostly Idamaraṣ) Ašlakka    Šadum-adal (ZL)    Ibal-Addu (ZL) Ašnakkum Chagar Bazar, Syria    Ḫammurabi (YL)    Sammetar (ZL)    Išme-Addu (ZL)    Šadum-Labuʾa (ZL) Ilanṣura    Ḫaya-sumu (ZL) Kaḫat Tell Barri or Hamidiya, Syria    Kabiya (ZL)    Asdi-Lim (ZL)    Yamṣi-ḫadnu (post ZL) Naḫur Near Qamishli, Syria Šeḫna/Šubat-Enlil (Apum region) Tell Leilan (wadi Jarrah), Syria    Samsi-Addu (YL)    Turum-nadki (ZL)    Zuzu (ZL)   Ḫaya-abum    Atamrum (ZL)   Ḫimdiya    Mutiya/Mutu-Abiḫ (post ZL)    Till-Abnu (post ZL)    Yakun-ašar (post ZL)

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Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives

Šuduḫum    Yatar-malik/Itur-malik (ZL)    Amud-pa-El (ZL) Zalluḫan    Zakura-abum (ZL) Tur Abdin (Upper Country) Eluḫut/Elaḫut    Šarraya (ZL)   Šukru-Tešub Sinjar Mts region Andarig (in Yamutbal) Tell Khoshi/Huwaish, Syria    Qarni-Lim (ZL)    Atamrum (ZL)    Ḫimdiya (ZL) Karana Tell al-Rimaḥ or Tell Afar, Syria    Samu-Addu (YA)    Asqur-Addu (ZL) Kurda (Numḫa region) Balad Sinjar?, Iraq    Simaḫ-ilane (ZL)    Bunu-Ištar (ZL)    Ḫammurabi (ZL) Qaṭṭara Tell al-Rimaḥ?, Syria    Ḫadnu-rabi (ZL)    Ḫaqba-ḫammu (+ fIltani) (post ZL) Razama (of Yamutbal)    Šarrum-kima-kalima (ZL) Lower Mesopotamia Ḫit (Id) Hit, Iraq Babylon    Hammurabi (YA, ZL)    Samsi-iluna (post ZL) Sippar Euphrates, north of Babylon Larsa Tell es-Senkereh, Iraq    Rim-Sin (YA, ZL) Maškan-Šapir    Rim-Sin (YA, ZL) Tell abu Duweir, Iraq Tigris Region Assur Šarqat (Shergat) Burundum

Introduction — 0.4.  Evaluation of the Archives    Adal-šenni (YA, ZL) Ekallatum    Išme-Dagan (YA, ZL) Ešnunna    Daduša (YA)    Ibal-pi-El II (YA, ZL)    Ṣilli-Sin (ZL) Malgium (Malgum) Nineveh Qabra    Bunu-Ištar (YA) Šušarra    Kuwari (YA)

North of Assur Tell Asmar, Diyala region

Tepe Yaʿqub Shemshara

Elam Anšan    Šeplarpak/Ṣiwapalarḫuḫpak (ZL) Susa   Kudušuluš Tribes with major rulers (and settlements) Yaminites (Benjaminites) Amnanu (Tuttul)    Ṣura-ḫammu (ZL) Rabbu (Abattum)    Ayyalum (YL)    Dadi-ḫadun (ZL) Ubrabu (Samanum)    Ḫammi-ištamar (ZL) Yahruru (Mišlan, Dabiš)    Sumu-dabi (ZL)    Yarim-Lim (ZL) Yariḫu    Yasmaḫ-Addu (ZL) Simʾalites Ašarugayu Yabasa Sutu Turukku East of the Tigris    Zaziya (ZL)

15

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Introduction — 0.5.  References

0.5. References The latest accounting of the excavated tablets (not including those from the recently found scribal collections) is about 17,000 tablets, of which about 8,000 are now published, mostly in the Archives Royales de Mari series (ARM; 30 numbered volumes published so far [2014]), among which 27 include dossiers, with copies, transliterations, and translations. Beginning with ARM(T) 18, most volumes include developed commentaries. Research is carried out in three series where, frequently, documents are also published: MARI (just 8 vol.), Amurru (3 vol. so far) and Florilegium Marianum (FM, ongoing). The last series is a mix of multi-authored volumes as well as single-author works; see the Bibliography. Basic tools for understanding the archives and the cultures producing them include: 1. Jean-Marie Durand’s masterly and inspired LAPO 16–18 (1997a, 1998a, 2000). There, documents previously published as ARM(T) 1–14 and 18 are translated, often based on corrected readings of the cuneiform. 19 The acres of restorations he proposes are often compelling, even when suspect (or vice versa), and I have been seduced by them as often as not. In these volumes and under their museum numbers, Durand has also included a smattering of texts that may (or may not yet) have already appeared in diverse articles; 2.  Charpin and Ziegler’s detailed political history of the period (2003); 3.  A collective overview of Mari, including a major assessment of the archaeological evidence, appearing as Fascicule 77–78 of the Supplément au Dictionnaire de la Bible (Paris: Letouzey and Ané, 2008); 4. Several collections of translations of documents from the Mari archives. These include Frayne’s edition of the monumental inscriptions of several Mari rulers (1990: 593–649) and Wu’s presentations (1994) of many documents with historical contents from the Samsi-Addu period. Heimpel’s vast collection (with comments) of documents published in ARM 26/1–2, 27, and FM 1–2 (2003) is a must for readers, and not just for his translations into English. I have consulted it often and profited from its insights. There is also Nissinen’s treatment (among many others) of the prophetic documents (2003), as well as translations of a modest number of documents by Oppenheim (1967: 96–110), Ziegler (2006), and van Koppen (2006); 5. A number of Mari documents—in photographs, transliteration, (French) translations, and notes—are now posted on the Archibab www.archibab.fr, on Digit­ Orient http://www.digitorient.com/ and (less frequently) on the SEPOA http://​ sepoa​.fr/ websites; 6.  Indexes arranged by museum and publication numbers are accessible online at http://www.uni-leipzig.de/altorient/Files/mari/EHKM.xlsx. 19.  To minimize potential confusion, I also give the treatment of texts by their LAPO (16– 18) numbers. I give Durand’s collations and comments to the texts by the year of each volume’s publication (Durand 1997a, 1998a, 2000).

Introduction — 0.5.  References

17

0.5.a.  Coverage.  The archives unevenly cover the rule of four kings, with the richest materials being for Zimri-Lim. The reigns of Zimri-Lim and his predecessor on the throne, Yasmaḫ-Addu, differed in significant ways, not least because the latter’s rule was but one cog in a complicated machine run from Šubat-Enlil by his father Samsi-Addu. (In fact, a number of Yasmaḫ-Addu’s officials found service there against his will, complicating our capacity to assess the partiality of their correspondence.) Nonetheless, in the compilation below, I do not discriminate between (and among) the diverse origins of the archives. Admittedly, this cannot be a historically sound practice; but in this venture, it thickens the attestations for specific phenomena and so enhances their implications. Letters generally do not carry a date, certainly not by year-name or līmum (eponym); but some correspondents such as Samsi-Addu end their notices with mention of month and day, if only to accent the import of their comments. This reticence to stamp a date on correspondence forces reliance on internal or circumstantial evidence to place letters in an instructive sequence. Nonetheless, internal criteria are suggestive of the setting for many documents, allowing us to place them in approximate contexts, thus enriching their usefulness for historical research. The work of Charpin and Ziegler (2003)—itself also relying on the works of others—is a major tour de force in this respect; but we must keep in mind that our guiding principles— intuition, logic of trajectory or behavior, synchronization, and extrapolation from datable events—can also be false guides. An admittedly major drawback in From the Mari Archives is that I have not followed chronological precedence in presenting the translations, even when the sequence is known. Had I done so, career lines for characters might be charted or the drama of an event pursued. Luckily, in this volume reconstructing history is not my most urgent goal and I beg forgiveness for this failure. This compilation will occasionally include supplementary documents from nearly contemporaneous archives, including those from: Tell Sakka near Damascus (Abdallah and Durand 2014); Tell ʿAshara (Terqa; Rouault 2011), just north of Mari; Tell Biʾa (Tuttul—KTT; Krebernik 2001) and Leilan (Šeḫna/Šubat-Enlil—   RATL; Eidem 2011), respectively in north-central and northeast Syria. Tell Shemshara (Šušarra—Eidem and Læssøe 2001) in northwest Iraq Other documents could have been cited as well, among them the mostly administrative tablets from Chagar Bazar (Ašnakkum; Talon 1997; Lacambre and Millet Albà 2008). I am conscious of the fact that many Old Babylonian letters from excavated archives or unprovenanced sources would perfectly suit the themes pursued in this volume; yet I trust that readers will consult them in such a series as the Altbabylonische Briefe in Umschrift und Übersetzung (many editors of individual volumes, since 1964 published by E. J. Brill).

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Introduction — 0.5.  References

0.5.b.  Citation of texts.  Mari documents are registered by using the letters A. or M.—and to a lesser extent T. and TH.—followed by a number. The tablets so far published have mostly appeared in two series, the Archives royales de Mari and Florilegium marianum (FM). When they do so, it is more convenient to cite them by volume and text number (for example, ARM 10 18 or FM 6 12). Occasionally, but not always consistently, I give their museum registration numbers as well. Many tablets, however, are presented in diverse publications largely devoted to their studies, among them MARI (Mari: Annales de Recherches Interdisciplinaires) and Amurru. As well, Mari tablets are published in numerous volumes honoring scholars or their memories. In these cases, tablets are cited by their museum registration sigla. In presenting a text for translation, I normally give its most recent (re)edition and refer to the most useful developed commentary to it. In many cases, I also give its museum number, but not always consistently so. In many citations of the Mari archives published in the Archives royales de Mari, a distinction is made between the ARM (copies of the documents) and ARMT (their edition or translation in French) series. Because the distinction is less observed now, in the concordances of treated texts I cite them as ARM, whether or not autograph copies have appeared, as it makes for a less confusing index. If a Mari text is published in the earlier volumes of the ARM(T) series, I also give its treatment in Durand’s LAPO 16–18 publication because of the latter’s collations, fresh translation into French, and notes. Generally, I cite the latest edition of individual documents, as they invariably include improved readings. As often as not, in such cases, I give both editions. I have refrained from multiplying bibliographic references pertaining to the translated documents. Luckily, the few citations I offer will often direct readers to previous bibliographies. I have favored presenting texts in their entirety rather than in fragments, even when they may include material irrelevant to a theme at hand. This tactic has had its failing, however, in that I have (regretfully) avoided the long letters that Mari diplomats sent to their king. Many of these are penned by diplomats who often piggyback reports on diverse events with information of major significance for reconstructing the world and era of Hammurabi of Babylon. Yet, because such an enterprise requires detailed inspection by specialists, I have eschewed representing them in these pages. (English readers may sample many of them in Heimpel 2003, where he translates documents in ARM 26, 27, and FM 2.) In the notes, however, I cite extracts when they clarify, support, or supplement another document. I am fully aware that only a fraction of the archival correspondence is presented here; but I trust that it offers a representative sampling. 0.5.c.  Presentation.  It is my hope that this collection will reach non-specialists. Aside from sporadic bracketed insertions about fragmentary lines and parenthetical expansions to clarify wordings, reveal location, and identify characters or function of individuals, I have refrained from interfering with the flow of phrases. To enhance clarity, I have on rare occasions restructured the sequence of sentences. To avoid potentially awkward or wooden constructions, I have not sought consistency in ren-

Introduction — 0.6.  Biblical Comparison

19

dering the same Akkadian words or phrases. Words in CAPS refer to contextually relevant plural forms or pronouns—for example, YOU—when English might not make the distinction obvious. I have used italic type for uncertain translations and placed between parentheses expansions (for comprehension or identification) as well as phrases imagined to be there in lines that are now damaged. I have generally omitted diacritics over vowels in the transcription of names and have not capitalized elements in personal names that may be metaphoric or avatars of deities. However, I have kept “Lim” capitalized out of habit (as in Zimri-Lim), even if the likelihood is that it did not represent a deity. In the translations of letters, I use “God” whenever the writer seem to invoke ilum henotheistically, but “god” when not. The idea is that when writers were not addressing a specific god by name, they were invoking what seemed to them an all-powerful deity, the same way that we do. Converting ancient measures into modern equivalences is complicated, if only because standards were not uniform in ancient times. For length, I use both U.S. customary and metric equivalences, with 1 cubit (kùš, ammatum) as 1.5 feet or ½ meter and a reed (gi, qanûm) as 9 feet or 3 meters. (But see note to 2.1.a.iii.1.) A pole (gar, nindānum) is about 18 feet or 6 meters. For weight, I give a mana (60 šekels of 8 g. each) as “pound.” For dry measures, I give the Mari kurrum (gur = 120 qa, so about 120 liters) as 3.2 U.S. bushels. In the literature, other equivalences can be found.

0.6.  Biblical Comparison Among the many aims of From the Mari Archives is to sharpen reciprocally our appreciation and understanding of the ancient world in which the Hebrew Bible took its final form. Many of the translated texts in these pages are illustrative rather than directly comparable to what is found in received Scripture, if only because our knowledge of both corpora comes to us from different sets of documentation. None of the cultures of the ancient world has left us a “Bible,” a shared scripture that codifies a people’s convictions while sustaining an account of how its past enfolded over generations. Israel has such a composition of course; but so far, we have yet to excavate an appreciable cache of living testimony—administrative, juridical, and epistolary documents—that might allow a more accurate calibration of its culture and society. Scholars such as Malamat (1989, 1998) offered an early, yet discriminate, appreciation of similarity and difference between the two corpora. We cannot establish direct links between Mari’s Amorites and Israel’s ancestors; yet, many practices and institutions developed in each do have remarkable affinities to each other, allowing for speculation about the retention of cultural memory (Fleming 1998). As observed above, the biblical gift for prose narratives with sharp characters, lively phrasing, and sure trajectory is nicely matched in Amorite letter-writing. That the latter were crafted within a very short span of time suggests that biblical prose did not need centuries of manipulation to achieve artistry. Details

20

Introduction — 0.6.  Biblical Comparison

on tribal configuration, covenant ceremonials, battle strategies, arranged marriages, and the raising of stone monuments can all be exploited to clarify Scriptural passages. In the Mari age, one can base arguments for capturing lands as the right of reconquest, as Israel does when repossessing land once held by the patriarchs, or as the reward for being true to specific gods. More widely discussed are diverse forms for ascertaining the divine will: the Mari of King Zimri-Lim has left us a rich dossier of visions, dreams, and prophecies, many of which can now be set in their historical or social contexts. Yet Mari contributes best to Hebrew studies by furnishing a model for evaluating the social experiment that became Israel. The material is allocated to six successive segments: “Kingship,” “Administration,” “Warfare,” “Society,” “Religion,” and “Culture.” Other sequences and allocations of documents could easily be imagined.

C

h a p t e r

1

Kingship 1.1.  Becoming a King In the Amorite period, the language of rule was slippery. In the Old Babylonian period, rulers of (fortified) towns are generally labeled šarrum (Sumerian lugal), but in diplomatic letters they can simply be awīl [lú] + city-name. Rulers of powerful Ešnunna applied the title rubûm to themselves. Tribal leaders could also be called (especially by their followers) šarrum, even if their authority is limited to people of their own tribes and when they are haphazardly treated as such by Mari’s administration. There is a nice passage from a (literary?) letter sent to the king (rubûm) of Ešnunna in which the ruler of Uršum protests, “Is the Prince (rubûm) who sent you all on a mission here more important than me? Does he have a (larger) army than me? Or does he rule (šapārum) a more powerful land than me? Just as he governs (šapāṭum), I too govern my own city. Just as he is king (šarrum) of Ešnunna, I too am king of Uršitum. How is he more important than me so as to constantly send me messengers to carry tribute (from me)? ” 1 In the Mari documents we also meet with mālikum (likely reflecting malkum); but the term seems to apply to dead members of a royal family. 2 The territory that most kings controlled shifted amoeba-like in configuration, depending on the political fortunes of rulers and on the rise and fall of enemies or allies. Allies might offer or claim a conquered city as reward, resulting in frequent moves in and out of control. Land-holdings need not be contiguous. During the hegemony of Samsi-Addu, Mari was part of a larger empire, and his son Yasmaḫ-Addu was technically ruling it and its immediate area for his father. Nonetheless, he was addressed by his servants as lord and even king. 3 In the case of Zimri-Lim’s holdings, land-holdings run like a ribbon along the middle Euphrates, halfway toward Sippar to the south (he contested Ḫit with Babylon) and toward Ḫalabit to the north. 1.  IM 54005:47′–53′, adapted from Wu 1994: 78. 2.  Still, the word namlaktum (often in the plural), itself based on the same root, is used to define a king’s domain. It refers to Zimri-Lim’s kingdom in LAPO 16 302 and 303. From these references, Durand (LAPO 16, p. 475) suggests that Zimri-Lim may have been titled a malkum rather than the šarrum that occurs in Akkadian texts. 3.  In some juridical texts, oaths are taken on the life of “king Yasmaḫ-Addu,” as in, e.g., ARM 8 12+19 and 14+17. Samsi-Addu was often titled lugal gal (šarrum rabûm).

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On the Ḫabur River, his holdings came close to where, looking at a map, the river opened like a flower bud into the Idamaraṣ region, full of smaller states of changing allegiances to him. Zimri-Lim had residences in Terqa on the Euphrates (to the north of Mari) and in Saggaratum and Qattunan on the Ḫabur. 4 Toward the end of his reign, he purchased Alaḫtum, by the Mediterranean (FM 7 36; see below at 1.3.e.iv). There are many ways in which a person may take control of a kingdom. Under normal circumstances, one of a king’s sons (not always the eldest) occupies the throne on the death of a reigning father. But normality was not the rule in the Mari age, with many kingdoms experiencing new management within a handful of years. 1.1.a. Divine gift.  A.2231 (Charpin 1984: 42 [No.1]; Grayson 1987: 56–57) contains two separate texts, copied on one tablet. Itur-Mer is Mari’s protective deity. 5 1. Samsi-Addu, deputy of Enlil, regent of (the god) Aššur. When Itur-mer, my lord, fully entrusted to me control and rule of the land of Mari and of the regions along the Euphrates, I presented to him a throne of gleaming medlar . . . that was embellished with gold and expert craftsmanship. [Samsi-Addu, deputy of Enlil, regent of Assur.] When Itur-mer, having heard my prayer and petition, fully entrusted to me the land of Mari and the ‘Region by the Euphrates’ as well as its domains, I presented to him and dedicated a throne of ebony worthy of his divinity that was embellished with gold and expert craftsmanship.

1.1.b.  Return to a father’s throne.  Early in his rule (if not before taking power), Zimri-Lim espoused an ante quem status for the territory under his sphere of influence, advocating the return of rulers to seats they were forced to give up. Essentially, this “doctrine” is a political application of the andurārum (“remission”), a royal order that sought to reverse actions and events occurring during wartime that frayed the social fabric. See below under 1.4.a. ARM 28 148 is a letter Zimri-Lim addressed jointly to Abi-Samar and Ikšudlašemešu, two hopefuls in the Idamaraṣ region. 6 4.  Maps pp. 28, 31, 77, 171, and 187 in Charpin and Ziegler 2003. 5.  OBTR 118:3–12 (Dalley 1976: 93–94) is a note from Riš-Addu (who feels neglected) to Queen Iltani of Qaṭṭara, “May Šamaš and Marduk keep you well. I have asked about your welfare, please send me news about it. I was pleased to hear that God has kept you in mind (“uttered your name”) and has not neglected you, for the god whom your family (“house of the father”) acknowledges has honored you personally.” This may refer to her husband’s access to the throne. Alternatively, the final clause may read “. . . for the god who knows the house of your family. . . .” (So also CAD Q 112, 8a3′b′). 6.  On the concept of isqum and its connection with allotment of land in Joshua and Judges, see Sasson 2014: 128–29. This letter is representative of a “circular” that Zimri-Lim posted to a number of potential vassals in the region. Compare this note to the copy sent to Tiš-ulme of Mardaman, TH 72.15 at 3.2.c.i. For another example of the phenomenon, see A.3591 at 2.1.c.i.2b. We do not know why this one was kept in the archives. Fortified places were of interest to Zimri-Lim because they could host Mari citizens who had taken refuge when Mari fell to Samsi-Addu and sons. This is suggested by a letter sent by (the still

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The entire region has returned to its allotted inheritances (isqum) and every (ruler) returned to his dynastic throne. I heard it said, ‘The land of Idamaraṣ, wherever fortresses are held, heeds Zimri-Lim only.’ Now then, WRITE to me and I will come to take a sacred oath for you. HAND over a city to me and I shall give it (back) to its owner. As for all of you, I shall set you up and your belongings as well wherever you say. On hearing my tablet, send promptly to me an answer to my letter.

1.1.c.  Usurpation.  I should place “usurpation” between quotation marks because during this period kings were perpetually locked in a lethal version of musical chairs, such that to label some of them “usurpers” and others “legitimate heirs” is to be needlessly fussy about pedigree. Yasmaḫ-Addu certainly owed his throne to his father, who took control of Mari under still obscure circumstances. Yasmaḫ-Addu was neither more nor less a successful ruler than most other rulers of the period, but when his father wrote demeaningly of his capacity, we meet with several justifications. ARM 1 113+ (LAPO 16 36; new edition Durand 1987a: 172–77) covers the most ground and in fact may well be a draft for others, ARM 1 108 among them. Yasmaḫ-Addu calls his father “Adda”—not quite “Daddy,” but it will do. About matters that Daddy wrote to me, “Now you—how long must we keep on guiding you? Are you still a kid and not a grown up? Is there no hair on your cheek? How much longer will you not take charge of your house? ” This is certainly what Daddy wrote me on a couple of occasions. Am I really not able to take charge of my house and earn respect? Yet, ever since I was young and growing up by Daddy I have been distanced from my Daddy’s heart. I am a son of Daddy, so can I not sooth (him) by talking? Furthermore, Daddy wrote to me, “Can you not observe your brother, who leads vast armies? Yet you cannot take charge of your palace and house!” This is what Daddy wrote to me. [A couple of lines missing.] Had I not felt safe in my lord’s capital, Daddy could count me as equal to my lord. 7 Now dependable servants and their attendants are at the service of my lord and he is pleased. As for me, since I was young and even now, I have never heard complaints in Daddy’s presence. He elevated me, Daddy, and set me (to rule) Mari. In fact, when Daddy set me (to rule) Mari, Daddy told me, “Now then, I have set to serve you those associated with me, old servants of mine on whom I have kept an eye. They will keep your foundations secure, by telling you good or bad.” But now, your god has taken away those associated with me that Daddy gave me. As a result, I now live in Mari, yet my foundations are not secure. Night and day, I keep weeping. Now, however, if my Daddy obscure) Ḫabbusum to Zimri-Lim (TH 72.5:5–18, Charpin 2012b: 92–96), “I went in the land Šubartum to the fortified towns that have until now held back from making peace. They have all now given word about making peace. So, fearing along with Šepraru I did not enter these fortified towns. Now Šepraru will proceed to enter the fortified towns. I will go with him myself. I will have the nomads and the Mari citizens who now live in fortified towns in Šubartum brought out and directed (to Mari). Do send me a servant of yours to accompany me. . . .” The idea of a return from exile, so precious in Hebrew literature, is entertained here. 7.  Who the “lord” is here is obscure. Perhaps Yasmaḫ-Addu is speaking about his brother?

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Kingship — 1.1.  Becoming a King says, “Come now, I shall secure your foundations so that you can stay in Mari. . . .” Should Daddy tell me that. . . . [Too many gaps in the remainder.]

1.1.d.  Support of suzerains.  The Mari age was one of political turbulence, in which a madārum (an aspirant of royal blood) waited for a sponsor or a keltum (a displaced heir) hoped for a comeback while taking refuge with another ruler, the last a desperate measure because rulers might trade their surrender for money or land. 1.1.d.i.  madārum (royal aspirant) 1.1.d.i.1.  A.257 (Dossin 1972a: 57–58) = LAPO 16 300. Ibal-pi-el, a tribal leader, writes Zimri-Lim: I have heard the reply to Hammurabi’s letter that my lord sent me. Concerning the advice on the country of Ešnunna that my lord sent to Hammurabi (of Babylon), “If the men (i.e., the elite) around the king of Ešnunna have agreed with you, rule over the country yourself! If they have not, install as king over them a madārum who is now serving you.” This is what my lord wrote to Hammurabi and he has written to him in an excellent manner. But how will the people of Ešnunna accept him for kingship? (It is said that) the men of Ešnunna (have taken) a section chief to rule over them . . . (rest fragmentary). 8

1.1.d.i.2.  Governor Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum sent ARM 14 88 (LAPO 16 355) to the king. On the day I post this tablet to my lord, Yatarum, a man from Der and my lord’s servant, arrived here from Der. I asked him, “What news from the land? Peaceful? ” “Peaceful,” he said. So I/he decided to remove? the madārum from the Ubrabu (tribe) who lived in Šubat-Šamaš and brought him along. This man will arrive at my lord with Yatarum. 9

1.1.d.ii.  keltum (claimant to throne) 1.1.d.ii.1.  Sumu-Lanasi, king at Abi-ili, sends FM 6 18 (A.4182; see Kupper 2002 and 2004) to Zimri-Lim. Do you remember when in a garden, you and I, my lord, with the ruler of Carchemish in Muzullum, our decision having been taken, we got to talk. Now the god of your father brought you into the throne of your father. But when I arrived to my father’s house, Yumraṣ-El was ruling in my town. I respected you and did not force 8.  In fact, after Elam withdrew, leaving a conquered Ešnunna, the notables of that city advanced Ṣilli-Sin to the throne, a muškēnum (so hardly a madārum) and a lower-class army officer. He ended up marrying a daughter of Hammurabi (likely of Kurda) and likely became a victim of Hammurabi’s (of Babylon) conquests. From Naḫur, Itur-asdu posted A.49 to the king (cited in the note to 3.2.c.vi), detailing how lands can lose their bearings when lacking madārum to lead them. 9.  Evidently, peaceful conditions in the land allowed Yatarum to move a member of the Ubrabu (a Yaminite tribe) from one town to another. This Der is likely to be in Simʾal territory.

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him out of my throne. Now the god of my lord Zimri-Lim is strong and brought me into the throne of my father’s house. As in previous days my father paid allegiance to your father Yaḫdullim, I shall pay allegiance to you. 10 Another matter: As a result of my correspondence, I have managed a peace between Takka of Tillaya and my lord Zimri-Lim. I will send him on to Bunu-Ištar (of Kurda). I wrote to Ḫuziri (of Ḫazzikannum); before there could be peace, his land rebelled in my favor. My lord should rejoice. As to my frontier—Yaḫdullim having delineated it for my father—I have set it at Teḫranum. I am much like my father: is my father’s House not obedient? My own region is pastureland for yours. The rulers of Isqa, Qaʾa, Ilisum, and the Yariḫa tribesmen are (all) your servants; (yet) shepherds are annoying shepherds. You know that I entered into a poor House; so you must not consider me as one of the kings/wealthy who stay by you. 11 I am your servant.

1.1.d.ii.2.  The term keltum does not occur in a Shemshara letter Samsi-Addu wrote to his vassal Kuwari of Šušarra (ShA1 17 [SH.906+]; Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 90– 91); but the status and the treatment of the relevant character are obviously of a keltum. You informed me as follows about Ḫazip-Tešub, “My lord must not convey him to me; but why is my lord setting him up with a gold ring and outfitting him with a garment? Still he must not turn back and come to me.” This is what you informed me via Sumaḫum. You did not convey Ḫazip-Tešub to me for execution; rather, you conveyed him to me to sooth and return him to you. I questioned your servant who brought ḪazipTešub here. I said, “Should I detain Ḫazip-Tešub henceforth or send him back to Kuwari? ” Having asked your servant thus, he answered me, “In no way should he be detained, let him be soothed, then send him back. I have been instructed (by) Kuwari, ‘Let him come back and stay with me’.” This is what your servant told me. Consequently, having set him up with a gold ring and outfitted him in a garment, I soothed him. I told him, “A father is not responsible for a son (abum ana mārim ul izziz); but your father has taken responsibility for you, having treated you as your case required. You should not be troubled at all.” 10.  Once again, we notice how Zimri-Lim’s paternity is not questioned. 11.  The crucial word here could be read “kings” (šarrāni) or “wealthy” (šārāni). Perhaps the ambiguity is intentional. The point Sumu-lanasi is making is that Zimri-Lim should not expect large contributions from him. One of the saddest episodes in the Mari archives has a king (IbalAddu of Ašlakka) begging Zimri-Lim to stop offering him presents because shame—and likely dethronement—await his inability to respond in kind: “I am famished these days and do not live in a home. This past year I fortified (the town); but due to bad luck, whatever I fortified the torrent carried off. In the future, whenever I meet my lord, there will be no gifts with which to approach my lord. If it suits my lord, he should not give my servant any gift. Just now, I have had to borrow 2 šekels to give to my lord’s messengers, but they did not accept it, saying, ‘too little’! May a servant of my lord go and report about the well-being of my lord” (ARM 28 49:14–32). Even messengers, he whines, are dismissing his gifts as too paltry for honorable acceptance.

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Kingship — 1.1.  Becoming a King Having told him all this, I soothed him, thinking, “Let him remain calm for the next 2–3 days, I will then convey him to Kuwari.” Yaṣi-[El] came here and having questioned him, he told me, “Kuwari cares for him. . . .” [Rest fragmentary.] 12

1.1.d.iii.  Challenges. In a turbulent age, claimants galore floated their pitch for power. Zimri-Addu of Qattunan province provides the king with a veritable compendium of diplomatic faux-pas (ARM 27 162; see Arkhipov and Leosov 2013). 13 (About) Kapi-Dagan, the son of a brother of I[. . .] of Urbat: once, when troops came up and this young man was seized in Babylon, he moved his hand to his mouth. 14 Ibal-pi-El (the merḫûm) and I discussed (the matter) and we entrusted this young man to a previous contingent under Yantin-Eraḫ, saying, “Send this young man to our lord.” During the journey, however, he slipped away from Yantin-Eraḫ and returned to Babylon. We did not know that the young man had returned to Babylon until we reached Mari. On his return to Babylon, his mouth uttered words worthy of death. He said, “I belong to the elite, being the son of Zimri-Lim’s brother.” 15 This is what he said; [Hammurabi] moved him to Dawrum, some 3 miles downstream from [. . .]. From Larsa, I have now sent to Babylon my lord’s servant, the merchant Pa-ila, who is part of my lord’s messengers that are headed for my lord. On his way, he entered Dawrum for a drink and he saw the young man. “There were 10 lance-bearers 12.  What happens to Ḫazip-Tešub may be related in ShA1 16:15–30 (SH.883 = Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 89–90), another letter that Samsi-Addu posted to Kuwari. Among the topics he entertains is the following, “I had a thought on Ḫazip-Tešub, about whose execution you had written me. Since you spoke of his execution, let him die. Why should he live? Let him die in jail (nēparum). He keeps writing his hometown, hoping to prompt a rebellion in your own land. If any of his kin who are with me question me, I will act as if he is still alive, saying ‘he lives, he lives [. . .]; we are certainly his kin.’ They will keep thinking that he is still alive, in jail.” Speculations on who might be this Ḫazip-Tešub—who is also mentioned in ShA1 8 (SH.887 = Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 78–81)—are in Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 80, comments to line 9. 13.  Three heavy lines separate the four discrete segments of the letter. Demarcation is a known but not regular feature in the genre. 14.  A gesture of supplication or prayer? 15.  “Brother” (aḫum) could also mean the equal of someone. In this case, the young man is claiming to be the son of another major leader of the region, hence forcing Hammurabi to arrest him. We do not know for certain of any male kin of Zimri-Lim, although there is this passage from ARMT 13 109:7–19 (LAPO 18 1021), a letter Kibri-Dagan of Terqa sent the king, “Another matter: Yasu-Dagan of Ḫišamta came to me and told me this, ‘(About) Yantin-Dagan, who grew up in the house(hold) of Binum and who now lives in Kulḫitum: This man is an offspring (pirḫum) of Lana-Addu—Lana-Addu being a son of Yaḫdun-Lim. He has cut off (iḫrum) his patrimony; there is no more.’ This is what Yasu-Dagan told me.” For other possible male kin of Zimri-Lim, see ARM 27 162 at 1.1.d.iii. The verbal form in question (iḫrum) is difficult. Durand (2000: 195) thinks it is from ḫarābum, “to be in ruin.” It might be connected with Hebrew ḥāram, from which is derived ḥērem, “consecrated objects.” Lana-Addu is otherwise unknown; yet, we keep in mind that Zimri-Lim’s true pedigree remains under debate. Binum was an officer in Terqa, as this brief note (A.2757; Villard 2001: 65) sent by Samsi-Addu to his son reveals, “Appoint Binum as auditor (šassukkum) in Terqa so he can oversee Terqa citizens.”

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guarding him, but he was provided ration”; this is what the merchant Pa-ila told me and I have communicated it to my lord. Messengers from Atamrum (of Andarig) came here. In delivering their report, one time they said, “Thus says Atamrum, your servant.” A second time, they said, “Thus says Atamrum, your ‘son’.” They kept mixing up in delivering their report. A messenger from the Turukku leader came here and was instructed to say to Hammurabi, “As I have addressed you as a ‘son’, come now, let me see who among the kings of Subartum will not address you as ‘son’.” This is what Zaziya has written Hammurabi. 16 A messenger from the son of Aplaḫanda of Carchemish came here, seeking singers. Hammurabi, however, answered as follows, “Anyone lacking in singers cannot be of royal blood. Why did he lay hand on a blood (relative)? ” Hammurabi was very angry about the murder of Aplaḫanda’s son. 17

1.1.e.  Acclamation 1.1.e.i.  Vision.  ARM 26 236 = LAPO 18 1139 (Nissinen 2003: 66–7). Queen Šiptu relays a vision to her husband, Zimri-Lim. The temples of each god, the palace, and the workshops are in good order. Another matter: Kakkalide had a vision in the temple of (the god) Itur-Mer, (and reported) the following, “Two large barges are blocking the river. Upon them are riding the king and soldiers. Those on the right are shouting to those on the left, ‘Given to Zimri-Lim are kingship, scepter, throne, dynasty, and Land, both Upper and Lower.” All the soldiers would then respond, “They are given just to Zimri-Lim!” These barges (are . . .) at the palace gate. . . [Rest damaged]. 18 16.  On the issues raised in this and the previous paragraphs, see especially under FM 2 117 at 1.6.a.iii. 17.  Hammurabi is obviously displeased with Yaḫdun-Lim (of Carchemish) for murdering his brother, Yatar-Ami, heir to Aplaḫanda’s throne, when the latter had ruled for less than a year (ZL13). Charpin (2004) has elucidated the passage. Fratricide and regicide (sometimes in combination) are well known to the Bible and to the ancient Near East. 18.  It is difficult to know how much this vision matches reality. Yet each gives credit to the gods for their rise to power. We recall that Jephthah earns control of Israel by acclamation (Judg 11:9–10) and this was one of three ways Saul was said to rule (1 Sam 11:1–15). (The other two avenues are divine choice, 1 Sam 9–10, and selection by lots, 1 Sam 10:17–27.) Our knowledge of events behind Zimri-Lim’s power grab is still vague, but it depended heavily on the support of Simʾal tribesmen. Mari itself seems to have been captured by Bannum, a merḫûm, before he handed power to Zimri-Lim. Bannum gained so much prestige that his cylinder seal, “Baʾnum of Mulḫan, servant of Yaḫdun-Lim,” was made to carry this expansion, “who restored Yaḫdun-Lim’s progeny to its (rightful) place”; see Villard 1994: 296. Bannum had an acid tongue and could berate the king himself. Luckily for Zimri-Lim, he died within a few months of Zimri-Lim’s accession to the throne. For Bannum, see diverse citations in the treatment of A.1098 at 2.1.c.i.1. From a letter of Zakura-abum (A.1348+; Guichard 2002b: 121–6) comes this extract about the source of Zimri-Lim’s power, then newly installed as king, “Your entire power comes from

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1.1.e.ii.  Installation.  The elders of Talḫayum tell how a new king was set on their throne (A.2417 = LAPO 17 607; see Durand 1988b and Guichard 2011: 43–47). Your city Talḫayum—there was a breach made into the city. By night, while your city was at peace, there was a revolt and he seized your city and our lord (Yawi-ila) was killed. Now, our lord (Zimri-Lim) must not be silent; but must bring into Talḫayum itself a strong force of 100 men to protect the city, so that the city will not remain in fear until our lord comes up. Mari is your city; so is this city. Just as you have had troops enter Naḫur, enter troops into Talḫayum itself. Another matter: We have installed as our king Asdi-neḫim, a reliable servant of our lord; our lord should now write to transfer territory to his control. 19 Another matter: They entered through the breach and seized the palace. In trying to make them leave, at sunrise, men of the citadel (?) rose, we made our lord ride (i.e., triumph) over 500 troops. 20 Our lord should be pleased. Another matter: At the oath taken by the local god of Zalmaqqum and Ida­maraṣ, our lord said, “Where is the city that would instigate hostility? 21 (It will be) my enemy!” Our lord should write to the people of Luḫaya to say, “You know well that Talḫayu is my city; why then are you rebelling when there was peace? ” Our lord must not be silent about these matters. nomads and all nomadic tribesmen have their eyes totally (fixed) on your coming up. Moreover, all the fortresses keep on writing to me, ‘Our lord, King Zimri-Lim, should come here so that we can open (our gates).’ When I sent you a complete report though the man, Ḫatna-El, you wrote, ‘The nomads should muster before my arrival.’ Fine; I have arrived (here), yet my lord is tardy.” For another ascendance to power by acclamation, see ARM 26 377 (cited at 6.1.a.ii.2b). 19.  For a letter from Yawi-ila’s happier days, see at 2.1.d.i. (ARM 13 143). The merḫûm Ibal-El reports to Zimri-Lim on Yawi-ila’s death (M.6009:3–30; Guichard 2011: 67–71), giving a different notion than what has occurred. He writes, “Mesiran of Isqa (came to Zabalim) and wrote to me this, ‘The people of Talḫayum rebelled against their lord Yawi-ila, (killing him). During the night, Samsi-Eraḫ entered Talḫayum, together with Ḫabirus who are always moving about with him. Samsi-Eraḫ then piled up the silver and the palace’s wealth, and there and then took them away. The Ḫabirus and the men of Luḫaya who entered Talḫayum with him proceeded to pillage the homes of the commoners, such that the people of Talḫayum got angry, killing 140 Ḫabirus and men from Luḫaya. Then they installed one of their own men as king. But the resident-commissioner (ḫazannum; see at 2.1.d) is safe. In no way (is he hurt?). But which direction is Talḫayum to set its vision? Will it be toward my lord, toward Idamaraṣ, or toward Zalmaqum that it will set its vision? So far it is not foreseen.’ This is what Mesiran wrote me from Zabalum. As for me, I wrote to him this, ‘Keep getting news of this town and write me’.” Ibal-El follows up on this matter in A.2226 = LAPO 16 285 (Charpin 1993a: 182–84; see Guichard 2011: 67–71), a portion of which is cited in a note to ARM 2 37 at 2.1.c.iii.2. The relevant segment (12′–21′) has him say, “Another matter: In the past I wrote to my lord that Yawi-ila of Talḫayum was killed. Now Kuzarum of Talḫayum brought me confirmation of the matter. I have sent to my lord his messengers and a guide. He said, ‘The hand of the entire land is lifted (in prayer) and it will act on the direct order of my lord, Zimri-Lim.’ My lord must question the messenger for a full report. The entire land is doing homage (kowtowing) to my lord. My lord should rejoice.” 20.  The idiom eli ṣābim šurkubum seems to parallel Ps 66:12 where God “makes humans ride over us,” hirkabtā ʾenôš lĕrōʾšēnû, figurative for being overpowered (before being rescued). 21.  For the construction, see ARM 26 404:66–67.

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1.1.f.  Loyalty protocols.  Once on the throne, kings demanded loyalty by the imposition of oaths on diverse segments of the population, among them top administrators (A.2724 = LAPO 16 49, comments at 2), diviners (ARM 26 1, see at 5.7.a.ii), and harem officials. The oaths were administered on men and women by scribes, with officials choreographing as well as witnessing the events. Durand 1991 is the major study of the subject; but see Charpin 2010b and Durand 1997a: 168–80. 1.1.f.i.  Governor. Whether M.6182 (LAPO 16 51; Durand 1991: 26) is a loyalty oath forced on Sumu-ḫadu, an early governor of Mari, or one imposed to defend his honesty, is debated. 22 [List of gods?] . . . (if) it was in my possession or if I had heard from my sources. Or if a tablet—good or bad—came to me from another land or from another king, and I do not show it to Zimri-Lim (my lord). Or if I have had a tablet written or (if I) actually write to (another king) or to another land. May these gods destroy all heirs (bearing) my name and my descendants (tūṣâtū). May the Simʾal tribe witness . . . under my control and say, “Zimri-Lim has benefited Sumu-ḫadu, but Sumu-ḫadu rebelled against him.” May (the tribe) mouth this avowal, so as to bring out my seed for destruction. May my lord put my sons to test (kill) my seed, (so that) the land may witness his might.

1.1.f.ii.  Palace loyalty 1.1.f.ii.1a.  Administrators.  Early in his reign, Zimri-Lim had administrators, some likely held-over from the previous ruler, take oaths. Several texts published or reedited by Durand (1991: 36–46) reveal the process. Specific diviners inspected the sheep to be offered as sacrifice by administrators. A favorable omen established the timing for the oath-taking. 23 These texts would list the names of individuals before defining the specific review they underwent. • ARMT 23 238 (Durand 1991: 36): “18 men whose sheep underwent control (uppušum).” • ARMT 23 495 (Durand 1991: 38–39): “10 men whose sheep were treated (for omen-taking) (nēpušum).” • M.7780 (Durand 1991: 40–41): “21 men who were not put under oath.” • M.6822 (Durand 1991: 41–43): “15 notables whose sheep were treated and who took a sacred oath . . . . 8 men whose sheep were not treated. Their case was reviewed and they took a sacred oath.” • A.4305 (Durand 1991: 43): “Tablet (listing 16) notables who were cleared for the oath of the gods on second (review), for not having been put under oath.” 24

1.1.f.ii.1b.  Palace officials.  A.3696 (LAPO 16 50; Durand 1991: 16–18). 22.  Lion (2001: 182) proposes the former; but Charpin (2010b: 62 n. 19) makes a good case that Sumu-ḫadu is defending himself against accusations Bannum leveled against him; see the final paragraphs of ARM 26 5 (2.3.b.i.1b). 23.  Many of these texts are dated to the sixth month of Zimri-Lim’s first year. Ziegler (1999: 210) has proposed that they took place before the arrival of Šiptu as the new queen. 24.  This list is a veritable who’s who of Mari officialdom.

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Kingship — 1.1.  Becoming a King Ever since my lord Zimri-Lim (came to the throne), silver, gold, fine stone, ox, donkey, slave, handmaid, garment, cloak, fancy or precious artefact that God provides (or) that are fit for any human being to take, from straw to gold: 25 I have not taken (them) nor have I urged any (potential) taker to take (them). I have not sold (them), have not left them to a descendent of mine, and have not given (them) to any human being whatsoever, as a favor or as a bribe. Silver, gold, fine stone, ox, donkey, slave, handmaid, garment, cloak, fancy or precious artefact that God provides (or) that are fit for any human being to take: I did not hurry to take (from) an impoverished commoner (muškēnum enšum). I have not sold (them), have not left them to a descendent of mine, and have not given (them) to any human being whatsoever, as a favor or as a bribe. And if, among the notables, palace guards, the menials who lived in the palace itself when Yasmaḫ-Addu left. . . [Rest damaged].

1.1.f.ii.2.  Wives of administrators. 26  Within a few months of the above series, named wives of named officials were also similarly subjected to oaths. Women under the supervision of Addu-duri were also put under oath. FM 4 33 (M.5462): “PNs . . . Total: 14 women, wives of notables, who took an oath by the gods.”  27 FM 4 34 (M.7178): “PNs . . . 4 women, wives of notables (in Qattunan); 28 PNs . . . 11 women, (servants) of Addu-duri. Total: 15 women, who took an oath by the gods.” 29 FM 4 35 (M.6167): “PN, wife of Itur-asdu (Mari majordomo); PN . . . 15 servants of Addu-duri. 30 Total: 16 women who took an oath by the gods.”

1.1.f.ii.3.  Auditors.  M.5719 (Charpin 2010b: 50–61) has many gaps. Among others, it forbids disseminating slander (§1), secrets (§2), rumor of ill-health (§3); it controls the abuse of privilege (§4), and proscribes reneging on pledges (§§ 8–11). Segments with fuller comprehension are: 25.  The last phrase (with variations) occurs readily in Mari, as ARMT 26:326: 1′–11′, an official writes: “. . . He keeps sending slander against me to my lord. However, I have had no fault from straw to gold; yet this man is provoking (‘biting’) me with unacceptable words. . . .” It is a merismus, covering all from either extreme. In Hebrew, something similar occurs in Gen 14:21– 24. When the king of Sodom offers to his rescuer, Abram, that he should keep all property but give back only human beings taken prisoners, Abram underscores his authority by stating (v 23): “Not so much as a thread or a sandal-thong (miḥûṭ wĕʿad śĕrôk-naʿal) would I take from what is yours.” 26.  See the comments to Ziegler 1999: 209–15. Over a three-year period, later in Zimri-Lim’s reign (ZL 9–11), women in major towns (Mari, Terqa, and Saggaratum) were again placed under oath. The reason is still undetermined; but see Bonechi 1996. 27.  Among them are the wife of the diviner Asqudum (Yamima), a daughter of Yaḫdun-Lim, the wife of the grandee Sammetar (Karanatum), and the wife of the palace controller, Yasim-sumu (Duḫšatum), likely a princess. Just two of the notables are listed each with two wives. 28.  Among them is the wife of the merḫûm Ašmad (Bataḫra), a princess. Ašmad is cited in the epic on Zimri-Lim; see at 1.2.b.i. 29.  Among the women under Addu-duri is a physician. 30.  This group of women differs from the one given in FM 4 34.

Kingship — 1.2.  The King’s Charisma

31

§5 Wherever troops of my lord Zimri-Lim go to raid or besiege, (if) my lord Zimri-Lim sends me there to inspect or to observe and I see a soldier having done well, I will not switch to another the entry for his recompense. Should a soldier release a (captured) person of repute . . . I will not tolerate it. That very day, I shall certainly tell or write my lord Zimri-Lim about it and will not hide it. §6 If my lord Zimri-Lim has had me stand to inspect or observe in (reckoning) spoils or the like, I have not taken, will not take, will not steal, will not sell for money, will not leave it behind, will not give it to any human being whatsoever as a favor or bribery. Should anyone who is superior to another take grain or wool and I see (it), hear about it, or I am told about it, I will not tolerate it. That very day, I shall certainly tell or write my lord Zimri-Lim about it and will not hide it.

1.1.f.iii.  Officers of a vassal.  Zimri-Lim installed Asqur-Addu on Karana’s throne. 31 The goal of this protocol (M.7259 = LAPO 16 52; see Durand 1991: 48–50) is twofold: to insure that Asqur-Addu’s officers are loyal to their lord, but only if he remains faithful to Zimri-Lim. This document is likely to be a draft, as it opens and ends as if incomplete. [broken lines] Should Aqba-ḫammu (diviner and adviser) and (other) major officials incur guilt or transgress against their lord, at that very moment I shall tell my lord Asqur-Addu and will not hide it. If Asqur-Addu is made to rebel, I shall tell or write Zimri-Lim, son of Yaḫdullim, king of Mari and the Tribal-Land. Should AsqurAddu (son of Samu-Addu), whom Zimri-Lim, son of Yaḫdullim, king of (Mari and the Tribal-Land), has installed as our king, not rebel (against Zimri-Lim), I shall not take another king as my ruler. Asqur-Addu–he is indeed my king. I will neither write nor have someone write to Ḫadnu-rabi. 32

1.2.  The King’s Charisma 1.2.a.  Yaḫdun-Lim.  Thureau-Dangin 1936a = Frayne 1990: 602–4 (study in Sasson 1990). Inscription cut on the head of a clay nail. 33 Bank of the Euphrates (aḫ 31.  Background in Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 219 n. 451. 32.  Aqba-ḫammu, a diviner and commander, eventually takes over the throne of Karana. Ḫadnu-rabi is king of Qaṭṭara and a rival of Asqur-Addu. The pledge did not hold fast; as Yasim-El, Zimri-Lim’s ambassador to Asqur-Addu writes (ARM 26 401:31–36), “Another matter: Before I could arrive, [Asqur-Addu] executed 5 palace servants who turned their ear to Ḫadnu-rabi. He also executed his brother, who came up from Ešnunna, and three of his younger brothers along with him. Now he has sent Kukkutanum, his general, to my lord, together with Yanṣibum. . . .” On Kukkutanum’s sad fate, see ARM 26 412 at 3.2.c.ii. 33.  Having received from Dagan a mighty weapon, Yaḫdun-Lim not only defeats enemies but emulates the god by creating and naming (hence activating) what had not existed heretofore. This is the briefer of two surviving Yaḫdun-Lim inscriptions. In nine copies inscribed on bricks that were set in the foundation of the Šamaš temple, the longer text (Frayne 1990: 604–8 = CoS 2: 260–61; Oppenheim in ANET3, pp. 556–57) tells about Yaḫdun-Lim’s expedition to the Mediterranean, setting a monument there and extracting the wood worthy of the temple he planned to build. He also defeats a coalition of enemies, bringing peace and plenty for his kingdom; citations are at notes to 1.4.c.ii (lines 28–50) and 1.3.c.i (lines 51–66).

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Kingship — 1.2.  The King’s Charisma

purattim) seems to be a generalized way to speak of the area controlled by Mari kings, hence its capitalization here. Yaḫdun-Lim, son of Yaggid-Lim; king of Mari, Tuttul and the Tribal (ḫana) Land, the powerful king, who controls the Bank of the Euphrates. Dagan proclaimed my kingship and, handing me a powerful weapon, “Destroyer of Kings Hostile to Me,” I defeated 7 kings—tribal chiefs—who successively challenged me, annexing their territory. I removed the hostile forces from the Bank of the Euphrates, giving peace to my land. I opened canals, thus removing the (need for) drawing well-water. I built Mari’s ramparts and dug its moat; I built Terqa’s ramparts and dug its moat. And in a wasteland—an arid spot—where not one king since days of yore founded a town, indeed I, having wished it, founded a town, dug its moat and called it “Dur Yaḫdullim.” I then opened a canal for it and called it “Išim Yaḫdullim.” I, therefore, enlarged my country and strengthened the structure of Mari and of my land, establishing my reputation for eternity. Whoever discards my commemorations, replacing them with his own, such a person—be he king or governor—may Anum and Enlil curse him darkly; may Šamaš snap his weapons and those of his troops; may Ašnan and Sumuqan starve his land; may hostilities hold (shut) the gate of his country; may combat persist in his country; may trouble hound his kingship, daily, throughout his life; may Anum and Enlil be evil counsel to him, for evermore.

1.2.b.  Zimri-Lim 34 1.2.b.i.  Selections from an epic on Zimri-Lim. See Guichard’s detailed study (2014b = FM 14). After seizing the throne, Zimri-Lim inspired Mari bards to craft an epic in his honor. What inspired it, when it achieved its final form, or how it was recited or changed are subjects for speculation. 35 [i/1] I praise Zimri-Lim, wild bull in battle    A hero for eternity, I spread widely his fame. Zimri-Lim, heir of Yaḫdullim, foremost among nomads [. . .] [i/12] In his mother’s worthy womb, gods form his name 34.  Learned scribes had other means beside panegyrics to stress divine choice, among them rewriting chronology to accent divine involvement in the birth or rise of rulers. The “eponym chronicle” places the birth of Samsi-Addu and the death of a predecessor on either side of an eclipse of the sun; see notes to 0.3. and 5.7.e.ii. 35.  To date, this is the earliest (but not likely the first) example of a genre that will blossom in the Middle Assyrian and later periods. The epic is damaged, but I offer excerpts from sections with continuity and lesser damage. Although many verbal forms are couched as completed actions, as is often the case in panegyrics, time is irrelevant, so I translate them in the English present. The poem cultivates plays on words but above all makes explicit many matches between divine acts and royal deeds. Focus is episodic, occasionally returning but with parallel language, with units that may include several strophes. Perspective and subjects shift readily as they observe the deeds of gods, kings, advisers, soldiers, and enemies. The name “Zimri-Lim” is heavily invoked. Durand and Guichard (1997: 42) once opined that the epic may have been composed after Zimri-Lim’s death, a far-fetched notion. That it was ready for chanting a couple of years before Zimri-Lim’s end is discussed at 1.2.c.iii (FM 9 8).

Kingship — 1.2.  The King’s Charisma

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   May he be hallowed, Image of Anu, Will Bull of his land Zimri-Lim, gods form his name    May he be hallowed, Image of Anu, Wild Bull of his land. I exalt the supreme king    Enlil’s enemies he makes his own Midst the Ḫabur and the Euphrates Where Addu gives his judgment He thunders, scattering his (enemy’s) kin Spreads his fame to the Four Corners. The land plunders wealth under his control In City Bisan, pure gold. 36 He cuts the enemy as a rope knot Earth drinks the blood of heroes Annunitum goes on his right Shining Addu thunders away Thunders away, smashing the spear of enemies Drenching his venom over the land. Zimri-Lim—smasher of the enemy’s spear Drenches his venom over his enemies. [. . .] [ii.18] Zimri-Lim—leopard in battles Mighty, trusser of the wicked, obliterator of enemies— Shaped his mouth to speak Telling his warriors Just as the womb formed YOU Like YOU, a mother bore me. [. . .] [ii.29] Wild bull among kings, to achieve his goal Steady Zimri-Lim, to achieve his goal Instructs his counselor Orders his sheikhs:    Draw near me—my nomad heroes    Pass before me—O, shepherds    And those among the soldiers, settlers of the Bank of the Euphrates    By your counsel, I wish to act. Hearing this, his speech Merḫûm Ašmad addresses him:    Why fear a Šubaru?    Your fiery clash cannot be repelled [. . .]    [ii.43] Šubartu spreads, like sheep in meadow    There, for the soldiers, awaits provision    Zimri-Lim, may your valor be experienced    For ever may people praise your name. 37 [. . .] 36.  That is, the wealth is in pure gold. “Jerusalem of gold” is similarly evocative. 37.  The mention of Ašmad in the epic on Zimri-Lim, a merḫûm from the earliest moment of Zimri-Lim’s reign, may suggest an early date, as he may have sponsored its creation, making sure

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Kingship — 1.2.  The King’s Charisma [iii.2] Vested in armor, all pity banned Whoever blocks him falls before him Shattered, scattered, exposed are equids Warriors, dismembered, dispersed Meadow soaks in their blood. Till the king achieves his goal Forcing Idamaras to kneel at his feet He gulps water from waterskins. His lot among soldiers, bearing with them all With hunters galore are his sorties As onagers (chew) the straw in the steppe His men feed on flesh Take heart and grow in strength. Zimri-Lim marches ahead as a standard Turns to give heart to those lacking it:    Be strong to penetrate    For the enemy to witness your mettle. Their skins take fire Their bellies bear burn Fitted with daggers, knives, javelins Hatchets flickering at their side To . . . the steppe. [. . .] [iii.31] The king, as image of Dagan, being lordly   Strives more than men of his clan/stronghold Zimri-Lim, as image of Dagan, being lordly    His partner being valiant Itur-Mer The king, Image of Dagan, being lordly    His partner being valiant Itur-Mer Observes his sign, as an āpilum, being lordly in his land The king, his heart growing in might    Addu marches at his left    Ferocious Erra, at his right. He organizes his troops at the Ḫabur’s bank By night crossing at their head Summons diviners, vowing:    Heroic Šamaš having answered me    This very day, I capture enemies.    My warriors, be ardent . . .    Focus on your enemies . . .” Hearing the words of his mouth, his heroes As with a bird-snare, they engulf (enemies) [. . .] [iv.4] (Those) countering Zimri-Lim with hate    Do not live, but die.

to have a place in it. On Ašmad, see now Guichard 2014: 110–14.

Kingship — 1.2.  The King’s Charisma

35

Once the king achieves his goal He strides before Nunamnir (Dagan) Sacrifices at the Ekisiqqa (temple). In Terqa, loved by Dagan Life, prosperity and power From Dagan, does Zimri-Lim seek.

1.2.c.  Theomorphism.  At Mari, kings were never divinized, as were some of the Agade and Ur III kings. Nonetheless, the letters contain many sentiments that attach supernatural quality to the kings, including variations on this phrase: bēlī ša šarrūtišu u ilūtišu līpuš, “my lord should act according to his royal and divine prerogatives.” 38 1.2.c.i.  Sensing the King.  M.8426+ (new edition in Ziegler 1996: 480–85) is a letter posted, likely from Carchemish, by an agent (šaknum) of Zimri-Lim. His name is lost. I pick it up where it gives good sense. The author evokes the “ship of state” metaphor (as in Jonah 1) and marshals all five senses (touch, smell, taste, hearing, seeing). 39 38.  I give a few examples here and others at 1.3.d.ii.2 (ARM 13 25), 1.3.c.ii.1b (ARM 28 122), and 1.4.a.ii (ARM 26 445); but see Sasson (2011) for a fuller discussion of theomorphic attributions to royal figures. Most striking is an excerpt from A.450 (Durand 1988a: 378 and n. 13), an as yet unpublished letter a high official (Ṣidqi-epuḫ) wrote to Zimri-Lim, “My lord has assigned me this important task, but I am not equal to it, much as when God summons a human being. As for me, a maggot at the base of a city wall, my lord touched my chin, as per his divinity, and moved me among grandees (bēlī ša ilūtišu suqtī ilputma ana awīlê uterranni).” Lemaire (1996: 431) connects this panegyric with diverse biblical prophetic calls in which the accent is on humility in the face of demanding commission. However, the rest of the letter (cited in LAPO 17, p. 534) indicates that this Ṣidqi-epuḫ demands land commensurate with his new status. Touching the chin is symbolic for conferring authority, as in ARM 26 423:38–59. Yasim-El, Mari’s diplomat in Andarig, writes to the king: “Another matter: Yatar-salim (a Karana official) summoned me and Belšunu and told us, ‘Ešnunna messengers and those of Išme-Dagan (of Ekallatum) have come before our lord (Asqur-Addu). In accordance with their instruction, this is what they said: “There is no enemy—king and city—beside Zimri-Lim, with the city Mari, and Atam­ rum, with the city Andarig. With which king have Zimri-Lim and the king of Babylon allied themselves or the chin of which land have they touched? Come now—should you reject Zimri-Lim’s help (“push away his hand”), the king of Ešnunna will set up a large support army. He will not hesitate to become his vassal (“hold the edge of his garment”), his knees will not touch the ground, he will make him reach his goal; he will touch his chin.” Let me have you become his vassal.’ These are the words that Yatar-salim told us. My lord’s troops and the city Andarig are safe. I am not negligent about my protection. The 20+ day of igi.kur (vi).” 39.  Other sentiments that treat kings as divinity but also edge on sycophancy include ARM 28 122:4–5, “My lord has looked at me with favorable eyes and thus settled my fate” (Yakun-Dir of Tarmanni; full text at 1.3.c.ii.1b). No less remarkable is the avowal of Tamarzi, an earlier king of Tarmanni (Ḫurrian for “Spring”). He writes (ARM 28 145:6′–11′), “Because of my lord’s sagacity and because of my lord’s power with which he turned the whole land to his side, my gray hair has turned black, I have become vigorous, my heart is now incomparably young, and my fame is reverberating throughout Idamaraṣ.” These sentiments may repeat along the chain of authority. A woman writes A.3885:16′–23′ (see Guichard and Ziegler 2004: 234), “Another matter: You have told me, ‘I am traveling to

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Kingship — 1.2.  The King’s Charisma My lord has not given me the rudder for the boat. . . Without the rudder how could I . . . the oars of the boat? My lord needs to provide me with gratuities (ṭātum) for these songstresses—players of paraḫšitum and tigitallum instruments. My lord had wiped his hands on the fringes of my garment and I can now smell the sweet aroma of my lord throughout my house. I am a loyal servant of my lord. I want to speak without fear to my lord. I can return my lord’s favor and will certainly convey to him whatever fancy object that is brought to me from Kaneš, Ḫaršamna, and Ḫattuša—artistic, crafted, or exotic (ipša šipra nukra). Whatever profit I make, I am making it expressly for my lord. I am the agent of my lord. Mention of my lord’s name here is like sweet Simum-wine. . . (rest damaged).

1.2.c.ii.  Kissing the king’s foot.  Kabiya, king of Kaḫat, writes this brief note (ARM 28 124) to Zimri-Lim. 40 I have listened to my lord’s letter, full of reason for joy. May I give my life for my lord! 41 Another matter: My lord has written to me about my travel plans. I will certainly travel to kiss the foot of my lord, thus fulfilling a mission.

1.2.c.iii.  Reciting the king’s deeds.  Itur-asdu, writes FM 9 8 (A.27) to Zimri-Lim from Naḫur. The glorification may have included reciting the Zimri-Lim Epic, about which see 1.2.b.i. Ḫitte, the musician who used to serve Asqur-Addu (of Karana or Naḫur) is himself from Ašlakka. He now serves Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka). This man is an excellent declaimer (muštawûm) and is perfect to be in service for my lord. 42 My lord should have a sealed tablet sent to Ibal-Addu for this man to be brought (to Mari) so that he can extol my lord.

1.2.c.iv.  “Like the Sun. . . .” 1.2.c.iv.1.  Letter-prayer of a scribe. Several Old Babylonian kings and gods are praised in exceptional language. Zimri-Lim (“The just king, beloved of Nunamnir [Dagan]”) is the recipient of “letter-prayer” in a Sumero-Akkadian (quasi) bilingual, penned ostensibly by a learned scribe pleading for attention. 43 In this brief extract, Akianum at Ekallatum, anything to send me?’ I say, ‘No. Qarni-Lim, king of Andarig, dropped his garment on me and his eyes are set on me. As long as Qarni-Lim . . . (rest damaged)’.” (On this woman, see A.3356 at 6.5.b.i.4) The phrase is shortened from a fuller “dropping the fringe of a garment” on a woman, possibly a symbolic act in marriage (ARM 26 251:16–18), as proposed by S. Lafont (1989) who finds echoes for it in Ruth 3:9. 40.  Kissing the foot of a god is also an act of religious devotion that is fairly well attested at Mari, as in ARM 3 8:25–27 (full text cited in the note to 5.5.b.i.1), where Kibri-Dagan tells the king, “May my lord come here in full serenity to kiss the foot of Dagan, who loves him.” 41.  Literally, “may I go as substitute for my lord.” The expression is still current in Arabic culture where a mother might say to a child, “May I die for your sake!” 42.  A “declaimer” receives a choice cut of meats at one of Zimri-lim’s banquets honoring foreign messengers; see ARM 12 747 at 6.3.a.iv.1. 43.  By definition, such literature is hyperbolic. A Mari literatus crafted this particular example, offering Zimri-Lim unbridled panegyrics (“Tell to my lord, to the just king, beloved of

Kingship — 1.2.  The King’s Charisma

37

I pick up the lament at line 11′ of the reverse. A.1258+ (LAPO 16 22) is edited in Charpin 1992b, with collations by Guichard (1997a = FM 3 6) and a translation in Foster (2005: 221–23). The final line is preserved only in Sumerian. . . . Ever since my lord ascended to his ancestral throne, when Dagan and Addu sustained his foundation while Anu and Enlil asserted his kingship and reign—since that moment, the laughter of my lord forsook me. An apprentice in my town, my lord’s household kept on weakening me. Yet, I am a scribe and have come to be at my lord’s service. I am able to compile my lord’s orders and to remind my lord of forgotten (orders). My heart is set for my lord’s enclosure. 44 I am an offspring of my lord’s house and so was not imported here. My lord has restored the land and stabilized its dispersed population. 45 People who were restless, he gave them land. My lord should resolve my situation and restore me to my place. O My lord, may your heir, pleading for me, rise for me as (does) the sun [11′–23′].

1.2.c.iv.2.  A ghost’s son.  Yasitna-abum sent OBTR 150 (Dalley 1976: 122–23) to Queen Iltani of Qaṭṭara. 46 May Šamaš and Marduk keep you forever, my lady, for the sake of me, a ghost. 47 I am well; yet my heart has no life, as no news of my lady’s well-being has ever reached me. In Andarig, you have entrusted me with keeping birds not yet caught, (telling) me, “Learn the art of a scribe, and I myself will make of you a propertied notable.” You made me trust in such promises; yet you had me forgo water and broth, condemning me, a ghost, to roam among my relatives. You have not kept in mind that you once entrusted me and had plans for me. You had none of a woman’s compassion for me. Do you not realize that a ghost is deserving compassion more than a corpse? Now then, for Šamaš’s sake, do everlasting good for a ghost: having nothing, I could not serve in the palace. What (else) should I write you at length? Am I more aware of these matters than you? Do you not know that a notable whose household members are unreliable is Nunamnir, to the king whom Nabu and Enlil truly called to kingship. . . .”). The scribe focuses the reverse on himself, a man whose pitiful condition can only be reversed by Zimri-Lim. He is without home or anchor, miserable and deprived, without hope. The genre is known and occasionally occurs in a more sedate (though no less unrealistic) form in practically contemporaneous Tell alRimaḥ (OBTR 150; see at 1.2.c.iv.1b). Occasionally, Mari officials wax fawningly when writing a king, as in the case of the musician Ibbi-Ilabrat (FM 9 35; Ziegler 2007: 157–58). 44.  tarbaṣum refers to a pen or enclosure for animals. In astronomical texts, it refers to the “halo” around the sun, moon, and planets. The scribe may be punning as he builds toward his conclusion. 45.  See above, note to TH 72.5 at 1.1.b. 46.  The letter is nicely studied in Foster 1993; translation also in Foster 2005: 223–24. Although pleading, Yasitna-abum is charging Iltani of being unjust and lacking compassion. For these failures, she is bound to be lessened in the eyes of others. He has left us two other letters, both kvetchy. One is to Iltani (OBTR 152), in which he writes exuberantly of his joy at getting her notes but mostly to request another servant from her. The other letter (OBTR 151) is to Ibbi-ulmaš, likely Iltani’s secretary, accusing him of malevolently blocking his messages to the Queen. 47.  Literally, the “son of a ghost” (dumu eṭemmim); but here “son of . . .” refers to a group unit.

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Kingship — 1.3.  The Wealth of Kings held in contempt in his own palace, while he (remains) petty? Don’t you know that? I am now constantly writing to you. Just as a father does not turn an evil eye on his son, my lady ought to support me, a ghost. Just as a notable places his trust in his ancestors and kinfolk, I am placing my trust in my lady. My lady must not neglect me.

1.2.d.  Year-names.  During the reigns of Yaḫdun-Lim and Zimri-Lim, each regnal year had a name, often concocted from important activities (war, dedication of statues, rebuilding canals and fortresses) completed the previous year. 48 Yasim-sumu, Mari’s chief steward, writes this note to Zimri-Lim’s private secretary (ARM 13 47 = LAPO 16 90). 49 About naming the year, you wrote me the following, “Year: ‘Zimri-Lim dedicated a large throne to the god Dagan’.” This throne, however, has not yet been dedicated. I have just sent to the king a letter (proposing) that the name of the year is: “Year: ‘Zimri-Lim went to Babylon’s rescue; (marking) a second time against Larsa’.” Draw the king’s attention to this message and write me whatever is the decision about it. Send me also news about Atamrum (of Andarig).

1.3.  The Wealth of Kings 50 Mari kings (as others) often reached the throne with few resources. They increased their treasures from several types of revenues, among them: 48.  Samples are at 5.4.a.iii. During the reign of Yasmaḫ-Addu, the names of prominent magistrates (līmum/limmu) were attached to each year. Keeping a list of year-names in their sequence was essential to the administration of palace and mercantile life. We have more than twice as many formulas for Zimri-Lim than the number of years he ruled. Some were manufactured ad hoc and found very restricted use; but others operated for long period of times and simply paralleled better-known equivalents. For a full list and proposed parallels, see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 257–60. At Terqa, scribes seem to have invented a year-name for him (“Year: Zimri-Lim built the new doors of Terqa”) that was unknown to the Mari chancellery; see Terqa 8–5:30–32, at 5.4.a.iii. It may seem odd to place this category here. But in embossing such events as the capture of towns, the rebuilding of towns, or the creation of a divine statue, there is a retrospective collusion between a royal venture and its arrest in time. The king’s causes mimic those of the gods, benefitting Mari and its citizens only paradigmatically. 49.  Yasim-sumu included the same proposal in a letter to Zimri-Lim (ARM 13 27 = LAPO 16 157). Yasim-sumu is playing one-upmanship with Šunuḫra-ḫalu, who was first to suggest a (different) name for the forthcoming year. In suggesting that the year be a sequenced reiteration of a military campaign, Yasim-sumu is going against the convention of Zimri-Lim’s chancellery not to concatenate two separate events into the same year formula. Not surprisingly, Šunuḫra-ḫalu’s proposal is the one that prevailed as ZL12. 50.  The Mari archives are from the palace, so they represent the private dealings of kings. There, “economy” or “trade” is mostly the recycling of gifts among the elite, in which the exchange of valuables was regulated less by market forces than by custom, honor, and fear of scandal. (On the last, see Sasson 2012). In the diplomatic and bureaucratic records, notices about merchants and their activities are incidental, albeit valuable. The administrative accounts on presents coming in (šūrubtum) and going out (šūbultum) and their transformations into products (devotional, comestible, or for daily use) are studied, among others, in a number of chapters in ARMT 23 and

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a.  From Conquest. i. Wealth of preceding rulers; ii. A share of spoils (zittum); iii. Distribution of war captives (šallatum); iv. Ransom from release of prisoners (ipṭirum); v. Kickbacks. b.  From Diplomacy. i. Exchanges of gifts and favors (dummuqtum). c.  From Suzerainity. i. biltum, a recurring “shakedown”; ii. nēbeḫum, for extraordinary favors; iii. tāmartum, an audience gift. d.  From Monarchy. i. sugāgūtum, payment from sheikhs (sugāgū), on permitting exploitation of conquered land; ii. igisûm, good-will gift in animals, from major officials; iii. nēmettum, “contribution”; iv. šibšum, harvest tax on non-palace land; v. corvée; vi. miksum, an impost on transiting goods; vii. Appropriations of household at the death (or disgrace) of high officials. e.  From Commercial activities. i. Equipping caravans; ii. Private purchase; iii. Private agent abroad; iv. Land acquisition.

1.3.a.  From Conquest 1.3.a.i.  Wealth of preceding kings 51 1.3.a.i.1.  Treasures.  A.556 (FM 2 116; Eidem 1994) is a letter Sumu-ḫadu writes to Zimri-Lim, likely from Saggaratum where he was governor. 52 The letter has three levels of addressees. I have listened to the tablet of my lord and to the tablet of Turum-nakte (Turum-nadki) that my lord conveyed to me. As soon as I have heard these tablets, I dictated a tablet and sent it to Iṣi-epuk and Yašub-Dagan, whom my lord had entrusted (to go) to the Yaminite tribesmen to fetch back the flocks (of sheep) now in the open country (bamātum). I said:

in specialized works, such as Lerouxel 2002 (on gift giving and receiving) and Sasson 2004a (on the king’s table). The trade in wine is discussed by Chambon (2009), cultic expenses by Jacquet (2011), luxury vessels by Guichard (2005), and textiles by Durand (2009b). 51.  A good portion of a king’s wealth was locked in storehouses, consisting of vessels (bowls, cups, plates, basins, and the like, made of precious and non-precious metals), jewelry, chariot parts, musical instruments, weapons, textiles, leather objects, timber, ingots, wood products, unguents, and the like. Mari’s palace included many storehouses (bītum, kisallum) that stocked more broadly than their names might imply, such as House/Chamber of: ~ Barbers, ~ Oil, ~ Wine, ~ Beets, ~ Beds, ~Sealings, ~ Bitumen, and the like. When Samsi-Addu took Mari, the palace was not looted and an inventory of its treasures was created, with officials of the previous administration in attendance; see Charpin 1983b. The lists can be long and full of unknown words, so I do not reproduce them; but the loot was stored in 8 coffers, in each of which were a great number of vessels, pots, pans, and diverse utensils; see Guichard 2005: 115–16. Zimri-Lim took over a palace that had been looted (at least of its personnel), so it took a few years before similar inventories were developed, among them M.12268 (Arkhipov 2012: 243–56). On these matters, see Guichard 2005: 29–33 and Arkhipov 2012: 5. 52. For context see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 192–93. Three years after the death of Samsi-Addu, Šubat-Enlil remained under the control of a trusted official. Sumu-ḫadu himself used to work for Samsi-Addu’s dynasty. Turum-nakte (many variations on his name) eventually ruled from Šubat-Enlil, its name restored to Šeḫna.

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Kingship — 1.3.  The Wealth of Kings My lord’s tablet reached me when in transit. This information is a duplicate in answer of my lord’s letter. The sheikhs (sugāgū) and the elders of Mutebal (Yamutbal) should listen (to it): Turum-nakte of [. . .] and the people of Šubat-Enlil keep on writing to YOUR leader about opening of the City Šubat-Enlil, saying, “Come and capture this town. Take its silver, gold and spoils.” Now, you all know that the treasure of Samsi-Addu is inside this city. So, do follow your lord on this campaign with your brothers of the Simʾal tribe: he who is without a slave, let him take one for himself; he who is without a woman slave, let him take one for himself; he who is without an agallum-donkey, let him take one for himself. 53 You should take spoils and secure a splendid reputation for your leader. They should listen to this directive and dispatch the tribal leaders and the elders to Dur-Yaḫdullim to meet with my lord (Zimri-Lim), so that my lord could encourage them and proceed on his campaign. This is the message I dictated with good intents and to [them . . . ]. Previously, these people had said to me, “[damaged lines . . . ] let us kiss the foot of our lord.” Now my lord should delay going to Šubat-Enlil until the end of this month. [In this way] the Yaminites could return to my lord and kiss his feet. My lord could encourage them and may the canals be neglected. 54 Further, regarding the plan to attack the land about which my lord has written the Simʾal tribesmen, the tribesmen should arrive here and this plan should be decided. The Simʾal tribesmen are certainly gathered there before my lord; therefore the Yaminite tribesmen should gather here. As many regular troops as I can muster of Yaminites from the Bank of the Euphrates will obey my lord. I am just now checking the matter of the troops, so that my lord could go with a ready army and secure for himself a splendid reputation. Now, my lord should take hold of that city’s assets, that is Samsi-Addu’s treasure; but he should delay (it) until the end of this month. Especially if Qarni-Lim [of Andarig] and Simaḫ-ilanêm (of Kurda) are not entirely candid with my lord. Until my lord goes on the campaign he is planning so as to take hold of this city’s assets, my lord should send them both a letter, so as they side with my lord on these matters. Otherwise, if later they should hear about it, so that with their troops they would not be following my lord, they could trouble my lord or embarrassingly take up the cause of Ešnunna. 55 Better (to do) right now: send for them so that, later, together with their army, they will follow my lord and with such a powerful contingent, my lord could draw near Šubat-Enlil.

1.3.a.i.2.  Harem of preceding rulers. 56  Samsi-Addu posted ARM 1 64 (LAPO 16 15) to his son, Yasmaḫ-Addu; see Ziegler 2007: 42–43. 53.  In A.2861 (FM 6 52), we have the sad case regarding an agallum donkey drowning as he was being washed, stranding its owner. The writer (Enlil-ipuš, butler at Ḫišamta) had sent 11 šekels with which to purchase a new one but is ready to send more if needed. He is tired of writing without gaining satisfaction. 54.  Obscure reference. Maybe a bit of wisdom? 55.  Not to give an opportunity for allies to join in spoil-taking could be a grave error, as both Gideon (Judg 8:1–3) and especially Jephthah (Judg 12:1–6) learned. 56.  We have information about what are conventionally termed “harems” of several defeated kings, among them those of Yaḫdun-Lim (Mari), Yasmaḫ-Addu (Mari), a follower of Samsi-Addu

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Laʾum should listen to this tablet in your presence. The young girls of Yaḫdullim that I have given you—these young girls are now grown. 57 When in Saggaratum, I was told, “These young girls have become women.” [Lines missing.] Have them escorted (either to Ekallatum) or to Šubat-Enlil, where they can stay in your home. They should be taught music and when your travel (there. . . .).

1.3.a.i.3.  Raiding the tombs of preceding kings.  Yaḫdun-Lim’s tomb in Terqa was an easy target for the dynasty that ousted him. The note below, A.2177 (Ziegler 2000: 17–8; Charpin and Durand, 1989), is a letter the Mari officials Laʾum and Mašiya posted to Samsi-Addu. 58 The king (Samsi-Addu) had written to us about having 1,000 boats and 10,000 lance-heads made. We had this reply sent back to the king: The king had written us about having 1,000 boats and 10,000 lance-points made, saying, “Have these boats made in the coming 3 months, Niqmum, Kinunum, and Tamḫirum.” I went to Terqa. My lord’s servants, assembled, heard my lord’s tablet. The 1,000 boats our lord has ordered us to make are too many. We are not enough to cut and work the timber as well as to marshal the (needed) bitumen. Yet, before receiving this note from our note, (we took count) of the boats, district by district: 75 for the Mari district; 75 for the Terqa district; 75 for the district of (Saggaratum); 75 (from the district of . . . ) and the Suḫum (southern area).” (Kaḫat), and Ibal-Addu (Ašlakka). From Kaḫat, Zimri-Lim deported to Mari about 30 women, among them Akatiya, likely one of the wives of Samsi-Addu. The deportation of women from Ašlakka was much more numerous, as Ibal-Addu had increased the number of primary wives (at least ten, at two localities) when conquering neighboring cities. On all this, see Marello 1994; Ziegler 1999b; and Ziegler 1999a, especially pp. 33–38, 119–20. The archives of Sin-iqišam, an official in charge of Ašnakkum (at Tell Chagar Bazar), then under control of Yasmaḫ-Addu, proved him to have had two main wives, five secondary wives, as well as thirty-three songstresses, a group that might well have included concubines; see Lacambre 2010: 101–2. In the Bible, appropriating a king’s harem is most spectacularly displayed in 2 Sam 16:20–23, when Absalom slept with some of his father’s concubines to demean him in the eyes of Israel. 57.  Triumphant kings used the harems of defeated kings at their discretion. Young concubines or daughters of defeated kings were married off to distant vassals. A minor ruler in the Sinjar region first protests but then accepts the decision of Yasmaḫ-Addu to give one of the daughters of Yaḫdun-Lim to the ruler’s son; see Ziegler 1991. More often, however, reigning monarchs—often usurpers with little respect for the fallen dynasty—gave daughters of defeated kings to mid-level careerists. In this way, monarchs rewarded their staffers without bringing them too close to the ruling family. With luck, the ties could prove rewarding. Thus, in Samsi-Addu’s days, the diviner and (later) counselor Asqudum (see at 2.3.b.i) was given Yamama, a daughter of Yaḫdun-Lim. In the Bible, connection with harem girls was used to further plot for dramatic effect, such as when Abner takes Rizpah, Saul’s concubine (2 Sam 3:7) or when Adonijah asks for Abishag, David’s (untouched) concubine (1 Kgs 2). 58.  The text remains unedited and I depend on a French translation in Ziegler 2000. In fact, there is reason to believe that this particular raid may be one of several, each of which allowed retrieval of different objects. When assembling a dowry for princess Beltum of Qatna (see below, at 1.7.a), 80 pounds of silver were extracted from the same tomb M.14871; see Guichard 2005: 93–95 and Charpin 2008: 79. Curiously, Samsi-Addu accuses his son of carrying out the loot.

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Kingship — 1.3.  The Wealth of Kings (In addition,) our lord had written to us, “In the tomb of Yaḫdun-Lim, there is much bronze.” To make the 10,000 lance-heads, each of 6 šekels, requires 16 talents and 40 manas of bronze [just over 1,000 lbs]. The bronze that could be retrieved from the tomb of Yaḫdun-Lim hardly amounts to 30 manas (30 lbs). Zimri-Addu has had our lord (Yasmaḫ-Addu) listen to this tablet. Our lord (Samsi-Addu) should question those who know this tomb, Liter-šarrussu and Ḫamatil. Previously, equipping the armies of the land required 20 talents of bronze (1,200 lbs.) [. . .] Yašub-Dagan went to Šubat-Enlil (Samsi-Addu’s capital) to be with Liter-šarrussu. Mašum, the Amorite scribe, received for the (military) operation to Qabra 1,216 lance-heads, 61 axes, 64 . . . and 20 copper pikes and 1,336 lance-heads for the troops that went to Qatna. There is therefore no more bronze at our disposal. Our lord [Yasmaḫ-Addu] needs to send us bronze so that the lance-heads about which our lord (Samsi-Addu) has written to us could be made in the expected interval. This is what we have written the king (Samsi-Addu). If the king asks our lord, our lord should alert the king that, lacking bronze, we could not make the lances and that, not able to make the 1,000 boats, we can make 300. 59

1.3.a.ii.  A Share of spoils (zittum) 60 1.3.a.ii.1.  Pledge on spoils. Campaigning near the Lebanon, Samadaḫum writes ARM 2 13 (LAPO 17 457) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. 61 When the troops captured Ṣibat, I was told about my lord’s military campaign against the city Qabra. I therefore did not convey slaves from Ṣibat to my lord thinking, “I will certainly convey my lord’s share on his return to his country.” I am therefore just now conveying 4 slaves, my lord’s share. My lord must not say, “My servant (Samadaḫum) has taken the larger share of the booty.” I myself had told the section-chiefs and the lieutenants, “Give me my share, (drawn) by lot.” (They did not do it.) I waited 3 to 4 days. To increase what they would take—and not to give me anything—the section-chiefs presented to me 6 slaves that in fact belonged to the soldiers. But I had them returned to their owners. I summoned the section-chiefs, the lieutenants, the (10 men) squad-leaders, and the soldiers, and gave them this decree (šipṭum): “Given that you have not handed me my share as per my lord’s lot: be it a general, an army scribe, a section-chief, or a lieutenant—he who denies a soldier his booty would be breaking a pledge made to Dagan and Itur-Mer, (as well as) to Samsi-Addu and Yasmaḫ-Addu.” I formulated 59.  We know from ARM 1 38 (LAPO 17 663) that, in response to this letter, Samsi-Addu lowered his expectations. He writes Yasmaḫ-Addu, “I wrote Laʾum and Mašum about making 10,000 lance-heads of 6 šekel each, and this is what they wrote to me, ‘There is no(t enough) bronze at hand and we cannot manage to make 10,000 heads.’ They should make 5,000 heads now. For the 5,000, 8 talents 20 manas (500 lbs) of bronze should be purchased. At the rate of 2 manas of bronze per silver šekel, it should cost 4 manas and 10 šekels (just over 4 lbs.) of silver. Give out this amount of silver so that 5,000 heads could be manufactured.” 60.  Another term for share owed a suzerain is ḫuzbātum; see ARM 28 51, cited at 3.3.b.i.5. Itur-asdu sends A.482 with the following note to the king (lines 8′–9′): “1 ox and 1 bear (asum) for the sacrifices of Ištar; 1 ox and 2 slaves, my lord’s shares of spoils.” 61.  On this campaign, see Charpin 1998a. Ṣibat may well be the biblical Zobah, against which Saul (1 Sam 14:47) and David (2 Sam 8) battled.

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for myself (“for my mouth”) and for that of the section-chief a sacred oath (sworn) by the king not to deny a soldier his booty. 62 Not 10 days passed after my directive, a tablet from your father (Samsi-Addu) reached me, saying, “Whoever among my servants confiscates booty from a soldier would be breaking a pledge to me.” My lord could check that I have not written to my lord anything exaggerated. The army of my lord is safe.

1.3.a.ii.2.  Spoil count. A memorandum from early-18th-century bce Tuttul (Tell Biʿa) records oaths taken during the disbursement of spoils (KTT 55a; see Durand and Marti 2003: 168–70): Re: Mortal oath: Amatpiel (of Qatna), Yaḫdullim (of Mari) and Amunapiḫ (of Tuttul) swore (as follows): “The selected number of cattle taken from Tupḫu was 1,350, from a total of 1,665.” This (is the status of the) spoil that my servant revealed, as well as what Merimel, servant of Yaḫdullim said. There is no lie (in it). Ask and investigate.

1.3.a.ii.3.  False accusation?  Zimri-Lim writes ARM 2 60 (LAPO 17 632) to his vassal, Kabiya of Kaḫat. That the letter was found in Mari may indicate that Zimri-Lim had second thoughts about sending it. 63 I have listened to the tablet you have sent me. You wrote to me, “Those who are wronged must not be wronged.” These men are not wronged. When I captured Kaḫat, [what] have I set aside for myself of the plunder (šallatum)? Indeed during my trajectory, I did indeed plunder just one or two villages. (Is it) in this way that I have wronged these men? What kind of message have you conveyed, sending it to me? 64

1.3.a.ii.4.  Reminder.  Bunu-Ištar of Kurda sent OBTR 5 (Dalley 1976: 18–19) to his ally (“brother”) Ḫadnu-rabi of Qaṭṭara. When you bring out goods from Šubat-Enlil, you also bring out Zimri-Lim’s share. Why do you still keep his share even now? He will indeed notice (it). Now, on hearing this tablet of mine, (send) to Zimri-Lim (his share . . . many lines missing). 62.  The decree opens formulaically with mannum atta ša (whoever you are who . . .”), as also in ARM 2 92:15 and ARM 14 111:6. The formulation (and in our case, the context) calls to mind David’s fixing a rule about booty sharing as it involved armed personnel who did not actively participate in combat (1 Sam 30:21–25). Especially evocative is the language of David’s order that became “a fixed rule (vayyĕśīmĕhā lĕḥôq ulĕmišpāṭ).” In view of the above, the crucial line at 1 Sam 20:24 might be rendered, “Whoever hears about you on this particular matter (will know) that the share of a battle combatant equals that of a baggage guard: they divide equally.” 63.  In fact, we have a small list of captives taken from Kaḫat, among them possibly Akatiya, a wife of Samsi-Addu; see Ziegler 1999: 119–20. 64.  The king’s share in taking spoils can be substantial. Here is an excerpt from ARMT 25 622:1–9 (new edition of A.1411 is in Durand 2009b: 536), “When Apu was taken, Qaqusum (an official) took 2,000 sheep in pasture; 5 manas (= 5 pounds) of silver, 2 talents (= 120 pounds) of bronze, 20 slaves, 5 donkeys, 5 bulls, (placed) at the king’s pasture. . . .”

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Kingship — 1.3.  The Wealth of Kings “. . . the ruler of Ešnunna had moved away earlier.” This is what I heard, and was very happy. . . . Now you should be very pleased about being well.

1.3.a.ii.5.  Neglect.  A group of Babylonian military leaders, among them General Mutu-ḫadkim, write A.366 (FM 6 16; Joannès 2002: 186–88) to Zimri-Lim, Hammurabi’s ally. In addition to the previous heads of cattle we conveyed to our lord, we are now conveying 300 heads of cattle and donkeys to our lord. The cattle and donkeys must not go into (heat) convulsion. My lord should give orders so that they could eat healthy grass wherever found. Moreover, the 30 young men that are grazing the cattle have no provisions. They ought (. . .) for one month until we meet with our lord (a few lines missing). 65

1.3.a.iii.  Distribution of war captives (šallatum) 66 1.3.a.iii.1.  Replenishing the choir.  Zimri-Lim wrote his queen, Šiptu, two letters late in his reign, just after he vanquished Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka (see ARM 10 74, at 1.8.c.i). For complications, see ARM 10 123 at 5.5.b.i.2. [1.3.a.iii.1a.  ARM 10 125 = LAPO 18 1167] About selecting the young women for the choir (šitrum) from among captives which I led to you, and about whom I had written earlier. In no way should such women be chosen for the choir from this group of captives. Rather, they ought to be allocated for weaving. I expect there will be another group of captives. I myself want to choose and direct to you women for the choir from among the future group of captives. [1.3.a.iii.1b.  ARM 10 126 = LAPO 18 1166] I have just directed to you female weavers, among whom there are ugbabtum-priestesses. Pick out the ugbabtum-priestesses and assign them to a weaving establishment. Among these female weavers and among those previous as well, select thirty—or as many as there are worth selecting—attractive female weavers who show no blemish from toenail to head hair and assign them to Warad-ilišu (head musician). Warad-ilišu ought to teach them Subarean choir-music. Their dwelling, however, ought to be moved. Be careful with their food-rations so that their looks will not change. When you make your selection, Warad-ilišu should attend. Moreover, alert Mukannišum so that the looks of the other female weavers that you assign to him should not deteriorate. 67 65.  In a broken text (M.9682+ = FM 6 17; Joannès 2002: 190–92), the same group of officers tries for a better deal. It seems that Zimri-Lim wants to receive one slave for one ox; but because the cattle are not in good shape, they propose 2 oxen for each slave. (The exact transaction is not clear.) 66.  Kings assign captured men and women to diverse segments of the palace, selecting among them a few that they offered as gifts to officials and vassals. Attractive or musically skilled women were especially likely to be bartered. Especially favored as (minor) wives of magnates were women of the king’s harem, whether they had come to be there because they once lived in the palace of a defeated enemy (such as Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka) or because they were daughters of a defeated king (such as Yaḫdun-Lim of Mari). 67.  Warad-ilišu is the palace’s Kapellmeister; see at 2.3.c.iii. Mukannišum is in charge of supplies for the palace; see at 2.2.c. Zimri-Lim may insist on unblemished women for their participation in rituals rather than just for their beauty.

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1.3.a.iii.2.  Replenishing palace personnel 1.3.a.iii.2a.  Tarim-šakim, Yasmaḫ-Addu’s counselor, writes ARM 5 27 (LAPO 17 627) to his king. 1,300 captured men that the king (Samsi-Addu) has assigned to the Bank of the Euphrates (region) to (reverse) the palace’s deficiency were conveyed to Kaḫat. I myself will go to Saggaratum to meet those captured. I will receive the captured in Saggaratum and then assign its (members) to the palace. Another matter: The transfers (nasīḫū) from Šenamu that he (Išme-Dagan?) had transferred after the king (Samsi-Addu) left, saying, “As replacement for each man (of the palace), send to Kurda one of the transfers from Mari.” I have gathered these men in Ṭaḫnum and Tarim-Ḫanat. My lord should know this. 68 Now, about the Yaminites who cross to (Mt.) Bisir territory, the king wrote me this, “Send (separate) urgent messages to your lord Yasmaḫ-Addu and to Sin-tiri (damaged lines; see Durand 1998a: 318). I was too late, (the Yaminites) have already crossed into Bisir territory. My lord should write to me this or that (on what to do).

1.3.a.iii.2b.  Zimri-Lim writes ARM 10 140 (LAPO 18 1184) to his sister Liqtum, wife of Adal-šenni of Burundum. (M.8161; see also below at 1.4.a.ii.2). The letter was not sent. About what you wrote me on establishing peace and good will between Adal-šenni and me and on setting up frank discussions between us; who would not want to have peace and good will? I am herewith sending a long communiqué to Adalšenni about establishing peace and good will. May peace and good will be established between us. On what you wrote me regarding sending to you an attractive young kezertum-woman for your personal service—when Yasmaḫ-Addu left Mari, the palace was plundered. Ever since then, I have kept on campaigning and turned over as many captives as were due to me (to offset) the shortage of palace administrators. Henceforth, when I go north on a campaign, I will select from the captives due to me a kezertum-woman who could personally serve you and send her under escort to you. 69 Now, in the land where you dwell, there are many ostriches; why have you not sent me ostriches?

1.3.a.iii.2c.  God provides.  Azzu-ena of Ašal writes OBTR 160 (Dalley 1976: 131–2) to Mutu-ḫadki, a major official for Hammurabi of Babylon. When I lived by you in Ṣarbat, my father and lord told me, “Ahead of me booty will be plentiful. Once you hear about me partaking of it, write me and I will give you a maidservant.” This is what you told me. Now God has spoken and there was no one to block you. Booty is now plentiful with you, so my father and lord should give me a maidservant, so as to free my hands from the millstone. Or else, my father and lord should write (Queen) Iltani (so that the maidservant) I have requested would be set aside for me. 68.  On transferred population, see at 6.1.d.ii. 69. A kezertum is a woman accomplished in music-making.

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1.3.a.iii.2d.  Girl with wiry hair.  King (Yasmaḫ-Addu) writes KTT 373 (Krebernik 2001: 154–55) to Sumḫu-rabi in Tuttul. On hearing this tablet of mine, the young woman with the wiry hair (ḫapparītum), Niḫmatum by name, a captive from Šinarrah, whom earlier I had sent to you—this woman, together with the young woman [PN] from Zalpaḫ, whom I had earlier sent to you: Lead these two women promptly to me.

1.3.a.iii.3.  A handsome captive.  Zakira-ḫammu, governor of Qattunan, a town belonging to Mari, refuses (ARM 27 85) to transfer an attractive woman captive to the king’s vassal. Zimri-Lim captured Ḫazzakkanum mid-way in his reign. Qattunan and its district are in good order. On the release of a maidservant to the envoy of Ḫaya-sumu (of Ilanṣura), my lord wrote me the following, “Agree on a substitute for this maidservant and release his wife.” 70 I have really looked into all these matters. This maidservant is one of the palace’s servants. When my lord captured Ḫazzakkanum, this servant was being raised; she is now a weaver. Realizing how beautiful (lit., glowing, nawrat) is this maidservant and (in contrast) how aged is the one they are holding as replacement, I have decided not to release this maidservant to Ḫaya-sumu’s envoy. Really, about the female and male slaves who belong to my lord’s palace—whether from Idamaraṣ or Šubartum; any number of envoys from Idamaraṣ could find in my palace and would want to lead away a beautiful maidservant! Now then, if I am to release this maidservant, my lord ought to write me whatever is his decision. I am writing to my lord as a servant.

1.3.a.iii.4.  Promise not kept.  Tebi-gerrešu, later an official to Zimri-Lim, writes this note (A.757; Villard 2001: 105–7) to Yasmaḫ-Addu who had posted him in recently conquered Qabra. About the (female) weaver that my lord took (from me), my lord told me this, “I will give you 2 weavers in her place!” Yet my lord has not given (them) to me and she is due to my household. Ever since I am kept in Qabra for the past 4 years, my home has disintegrated, with no one to make garments. Now I have written earlier to my lord, and my lord answered me with this, “When I go to Mari, I will give you a weaver.” My lord has simply prolonged the moment. If it pleases my lord, my lord should hand me a tablet (destined) for Zimri-Addu (a palace official) that he should give me a weaver who makes garments. My lord should answer me on this matter. I am now exhausted.

1.3.a.iv.  Ransom from release of captives (ipṭirum) 71 70.  The suggestion is that the maidservant is being claimed as a future wife of the envoy, hence sharpening the urgency of the demand. 71.  The subject is now nicely covered in Charpin 2014c, with a table that details ramsom prices in the Old Babylonian period. See also RATL 153 at 1.3.a.iv.4a; RATL 60 at 3.3.b.ii.2a. In 14th-century Europe, the ransoming of captured knights (and even of kings, such as Jean II of France) was a major source of economic infusion. When the convention for the process weakened, it induced severe strains on England and France; see Tuchman 1978: 673 (sub “ransom”).

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1.3.a.iv.1.  On releasing captives.  Aqba-aḫum supervises the release of (Yaminite) prisoners. In A.1286 (FM 6 50; see Lafont 2002: 385–87), he gives instruction on how to do so to his successor, Mukannišum. 72 Before I left, you told me, “You are about to depart; yet I fear that I could be requested to release people from the Yaminite captives. How do I deliver? ” I told (you), “If you are requested (the release) of one person from among the women weavers or the men under your control, do it; but accept the money and take possession of a sealed order from the superintendent (šukallum).” This is what I instructed you. In fact, when I instructed you, Nana-šalasu would be standing by. In no way did I instruct you to continually give sealed orders to those in charge or to the Upper district. Just now Bunu(ma)-Addu wrote in full anger saying, “He keeps on giving documents with your seal to those in charge and releases (people).” He was very angry. Now you must give guidance in your office as he must do in his. So: go ahead and release (captives) by accepting the money and take possession of a sealed order. He likewise will release (captives) by accepting money and taking possession of a sealed order.

1.3.a.iv.2.  Release of kin.  Šeprarum, a king of an as yet undetermined city, writes ARM 28 161 to Zimri-Lim. A young woman, Šawannikizi by name, is now in the household of Aḫanuta the merchant. This young woman is my kin. For one mana of silver, please have her brought out from the merchant’s household and conveyed to me. Just as I will release from 10 to 5 Mari citizens, so do have the young woman brought out of the merchant’s household and conveyed to me. 73

1.3.a.iv.3.  Who is she?  Aplaḫanda of Carchemish answers Yasmaḫ-Addu’s query on a woman who was taken to his city (ARM 5 8 = LAPO 18 1029). You wrote to me about the wife of Zimran. So where does this woman live? In whose home is she living? Who has brought her (here)? Alright—anyone who might know this woman should come here. (S)he should come here and show me the home in which lives this woman or (at least) the area where lives this woman. She can then be taken. I just do not know her. 74 72.  The gist is that each unit must only process the release of people assigned to its area and only on proper permission from a higher supervisor, at that time likely Sammetar. 73.  Unusual is the diminishing sequence of potential releasees. On this letter, see Charpin 2012b: 98–99; 2014c: 53, and TH 72.5 cited above, note to 1.1.b. 74.  The search for the missing elicits several other requests. Aplaḫanda writes to Yasmaḫ-​ Addu (ARM 5 7 = LAPO 18 1028), “You wrote to me about the young woman from the palace that was taken in a razzia, ‘She is now with Tappu-El.’ This young woman: From where was she taken, who took her, and who brought her here? Send me the name of the young woman and where she was taken; if she is around, she should be taken away. Moreover, all the women who are in Tappa-El’s home must be brought out.” Occasionally, a woman is kept on a false premise; see ARM 28 36 at 6.1.b.iv.

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1.3.a.iv.4.  Setting the ransom price [1.3.a.iv.4a. RATL 153 = L.87–457, Eidem 2011: 229–30; see Charpin 2014c: 45– 48.] Warad-Ištar posted this note to an undetermined Šeḫna ruler. When he heard the instruction that my lord had given us, he answered us positively. He heard the terms early in the morning and removed nothing (from them). As well, he received the terms that my lord had added and agreed. When we talked to him about the 11 šekels for ransom (of each person), he gave this answer, “Let me write to have the elders gather and then I will answer.” On the day I am conveying this tablet to my lord, just before his overnight rest, we will pour water on the hand; the next morning he will take a sacred oath. 75 He has just written to his elders and to his sheikhs, writing to . . . [line damaged].

[1.3.a.iv.4b. ARM 28 97b] Sammetar of Ašnakkum sent this note to Zimri-Lim, his “father.” It gives us the average price for ransoming young people. I have herewith sealed under my name and have conveyed to my lord 11 šekels of silver. This money is for the redemption of the son of the man bearing this tablet. My father should accept (it) and release his son.

1.3.a.iv.5.  Ransom payments.  Villard (1984: 476–506) has compiled an extensive dossier of ransom payments for the release of Yaminite tribesmen taken prisoners during a revolt against Zimri-Lim. I give a few examples. [1.3.a.iv.5a. ARM 8 78.] 76 In Carchemish, Mar-Šamaš son of Ili-iddinam and Aḫam-Arši son of Abiyatum paid (weighed out) by the standard of Carchemish 15 šekels of refined silver as ransom for Yaqqim-Addu son of Yasim-Abim of Niḫadu (in Saggaratum). At the commercial center of Niḫadu, he shall pay 30 šekels of silver. Should he fail to do so, in Niḫadu he will give 5 jars of wine for each (šekel) to Yatarum son of Laʾum, at the market value in Carchemish. 77

75.  For this gesture, see ARM 26 254 at 5.8.e and ARM 26 469 at 1.6.c.ii.2a. Comments are in Lafont 2001a: 281. 76.  Gain from ransoming goes both ways. The palace receives payment for releasing prisoners and Mari officials gain by funding the release of a local person. The investor, Yatarum, is likely the brother of Sammetar, a Mari blue-blood. It is all in the family! On some of this, see Durand 1982: 118–19; van Koppen 2002: 303. 77.  Writing ARM 26 421, diplomat Yasim-El tells the king, “On the Terqa man who is (held) in Kurda, about whom my lord wrote this to me, ‘Go and (have him released) for 20 šekels of silver, but set up witnesses for him.’ Actually before my lord’s tablet made its way to me, kinfolk (“brothers”) of his weighed out 22 (šekels); so his kin ransomed him. So I want to set up (witnesses?) for the Numḫa people who come to me, telling (them) ‘you have entered into an aberrant agreement. . .’” (lines 15′–21′). We lack documentation on the ransoming of Mari citizens. Charpin (2014c: 40) interprets ARM 22 263 as pertaining to such an act, undertaken in Imar, “3½ manas, 8 šekels of silver, ransom price for 23 men at 9 šekels each, 1 man for 11 šekels— taken to Imar . . . . [?.xii.ZL5].” However, similar documents (as in ARM 22 260) suggest that the ransom money did not enter the royal coffer but was taken to Imar for the purchase of grain.

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The money paid belongs to Yatarum son of Laʾum. The money of Yatarum son of Laʾum has been paid to effect his (Yaqqim-Addu’s) ransom. He (Yaqqim-Addu) stands responsible to the bearer of his tablet at any commercial center where he appears, in accordance with the contents of this tablet. Moreover, he will give a sheep to his merchant and a ram to his god. [8 witnesses; 1 scribe. 10.Adnatum [calendar] of Carchemish.ZL4.] [1.3.a.iv.5b. ARM 8 77] Ḫatni-iluma of Raqqim, serving under Beli-muštal, whose brother Napsi-Dagan has ransomed. Gaḫšu of Dašran, whose father Huli has ransomed. Bunuma-Addu received their ransom money. [1 witness; 5.vi.ZL5.] [1.3.a.iv.5c. ARM 23 80] The woman Saliḫa of Raqqum, serving under Ḫazir-Šamaš, whose brother Iddin-Dagan has ransomed. The woman Ḫamadu of Dimetum, serving under Šarrum-nur-matišu, who is released to her father Yanṣibum. [27.vii.ZL5] [1.3.a.iv.5d. M.11351; Charpin 2014c: 42–43; see ARM 23 540: 1–6] 3½ manas of silver for the ransom of nomads from Yaminites, whose guarantee Yatarum has assumed. [2 witnesses; 27.ii.ZL10]

1.3.a.v.  Kickbacks. Ašmad, a Simal merḫûm (see A.3591, at 2.1.c.i.2b), writes FM 8 43 (A.2470+; see Durand 2005a: 150–53) to the king. All of the nomads gathered, saying this, “Write to our lord so as to allow us to make a raid on the sheep of Išme-Dagan in Rapiqum and Yabliya. We want then to turn back toward the Bank of the Euphrates (i.e., Mari), (at which point) we will give many sheep to our lord. In this way, our lord would not keep on requesting sheep from us.” This is what all the nomads said as in one voice. Now if it pleases my lord, my lord should not prevent his servants the nomads from this (plan). My lord should listen to this tablet and, right away, on the same day, he should hand over to the man who delivered this here tablet of mine an answer to my tablet so it reaches me before the râmum (festival). In this way, right after this râmum, we will go out on that campaign to capture these sheep. We need to go down to fight before the Ištar sacrifice, so that, on leading (the sheep) back, I will present our lord half of these sheep; the other half will be divided up among my lord’s servants. (Let me hear) my lord’s opinion, for I want to go, my lord, and gain many sheep. When I do go on the campaign with hidden (plans), I will travel as if to a camping ground (maḫanum), heading to Mt. Murdi. The rest (of the journey) will differ: I will conceal (it) until Qattunan. As I reach these sheep, I will hug the edge of the steppe. My lord must not neglect this (plan). He should promptly and before the ramûm convey to me an answer to my tablet. Another matter: The people in Idamaraṣ . . . have set up Asqur-Addu as king of Naḫur. 78

1.3.b.  From Diplomacy

78.  The final three lines are damaged and create a problem, on which see Durand 2005a: 153.

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1.3.b.i.  Exchange of gifts and favors. 79 An informally bestowed good-will gift is termed dummuqtum. 80 1.3.b.i.1  Equids.  Dadi-ḫadun, a Rabbu (Yaminite) leader writes A.3185 (Durand and Guichard 2012) to Zimri-Lim. He writes as a “son,” so a vassal. Aplaḫanda (of Carchemish) has taken counsel and, with the near (left) bank (of the Euphrates) experiencing trouble and with the king (of) Aleppo being so harsh on the Yaminites that they feel oppressed, he wrote to me in Ḫalab, saying, “Now you are to identify šiḫamum-equids for (sending) to your father Zimri-Lim. Escorts for them should be set. Let this be a good-will gift (dumuqtum) for Zimri-Lim.” Once I heard this, I was overjoyed. Right away, I identified šiḫamum-equids and had them delivered to the (tribal) camp. On another matter: I certainly want to come before you, but you shove me away from your presence. Beyond doubt, I am twice as nice for/than you! Am I not your maternal uncle? Enough! What happened has happened. From now on, I will do whatever you say.

1.3.b.i.2.  “Glass.” Nanip-Šawuri of Ḫaburatum (Tigris region) writes A.2178 (Kupper 1994) to his “brother” Zimri-Lim. You have written me about the zakukītum-“glass” that is to be shaped for the work on a palanquin. What request is it that you made of me that I am refusing you? By Tešub! (May I be cursed) if there were glass and I kept it from you. If my brother does not know (it), merchants from the entire land are constantly passing by my brother. My brother can question them and they will say how it is not available. Another matter: You have said, “Why are your letters and greetings not regular? ” I am being harassed by hostilities and have not written you. . . .

1.3.b.i.3.  Tin.  Tin was highly sought after as an alloy (with copper) for bronze. For a brief period during Zimri-Lim’s reign (ZL8 to ZL10), Mari received tin directly from Elam before their friendship collapsed; see Joannès 1991a. ARMT 23 556 records the disbursement to allies and hosts of over 920 manas of tin that the king took on his journey toward the Mediterranean during ZL9–10; see below at 1.4.c.ii. I add comments in the right column. 79.  The shuttle of gifts was highly regulated, formalized, and staged, with diplomats in foreign courts delivering presents worthy of their senders and returning with gifts worthy of their receivers. The value of such gifts is calculated by its contents in precious objects rather than by any artistic merit. The barter between parties of equal status had to be matched: too little would mean scorn and calumny; too much might open a bidding war that can bankrupt; see Sasson 2012. There is also the exchange of lesser gifts, more out of courtesy, affection, or just to curry favor. These include first-fruits of the season (nissān šattim—for example, pears and pistachios, ARM 4 42 = LAPO 17 499), mushrooms, fish, birds, locusts, and exotic animals; see Sasson 2004a. 80.  Many gifts sent by diverse officials fall under this category: ostrich eggs (Yaqqim-Addu, ARM 14 86 = LAPO 16 486); truffles (lots! See Durand 1997a: 311–13; A.688; Charpin 2010c: 244). The capture of ostriches and retrieval of their eggs seem to have been destined for the royal table, as a notice to the king from Ḫabduma-Dagan indicates (M.10999, cited at note to 6.3.a.ii). For this and allied topics (with bibliographies), see Sasson 2004a: 187 nn. 19, 20 and 207 n. 76.

Kingship — 1.3.  The Wealth of Kings 1 talent = 60 manas [1 mana = 1 pound]  1]

10]

20]

14 talents 30 manas tin, taken out of Mari 1 talent tin that Hammurabi of Babylon conveyed in Aleppo 20 manas tin: from the contribution of Šeplarpak 20 manas tin: from the gifts of Išhi-Dagan and Yatar-Addu in Ugarit TOTAL: 16 talents, 10 manas—Available stock From it: 11 manas, 40 šekels tin: to Samsi-Addu 9 talents, 27 manas, 38 šekels tin: to Yarim-Lim 1 talent, 37 šekels tin: to Gašera 30 manas tin: Hammurabi 16 manas, 40 šekels tin: Ṭab-balaṭţi 8 manas tin: To Sin-abušu in Aleppo 10 manas tin: Sumu-baraḫ in Muzunnum 8 manas, 20 šekels tin: Ewri-Talma in Layašum 30 manas tin: Ibni-Addu, king of Hazor;82 Intermediary: Addi-Addu in Hazazar, the first time 20 manas tin: Amud-pi-El 20 manas tin: Ibni-Addu, the second time 1+? mana and [40?] šekel tin: to a Caphtorite 20 šekels tin: the translator, chief Caphtor merchant; in Ugarit

 2ʹ] [ x amount of tin: Ibni-Addu]; the third time, in [. . . .] 2 talents tin: [?] in Dūr-Sumu-epuh

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Comments

Where the tin was accounted King of Anšan (in Iran) Merchants of Elamite tin = 970 manas (pounds) [Yamhadian royal circle] Yamḫad army general King of Yamḫad His wife, the queen Their son, the crown prince Yarim-Lim’s private secretary Hammurabi’s private secretary Prince, ruling at Muzunnum81

Layašum is not yet identified Hazor is north of the Sea of Galilee; Addi-Addu is an agent; Hazazar is likely near Ugarit; King of Qatna King of Hazor Caphtor is Crete A targamannum is our “dragoman”; explains his identity In Yamḫad, where draft is drawn

 81 82

1.3.b.i.4.  “Whatever you desire.”  Those who write for items not available to them offer to compensate as asked. Yaḫmid-Lim, otherwise unknown, writes to his “brother” Yaḫdun-Lim (TH 87.112; see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 65). 81.  Most of the same characters belonging to the Yamḫad elite occur in FM 7 28 (Durand 2002a: 104–11), when Zimri-Lim wished to purchase several localities in the Alalaḫ region. The name Sumu-Baraḫ may need to be read Sumu-Eraḫ. 82.  Jabin of Hazor, mentioned in Joshua and Judges, may well have held a throne name: the West Semitic equivalent of Ibni-Addu would be Yabni-Baʿal/Hadad; see comments in Sasson 2013a: 252–53.

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Kingship — 1.3.  The Wealth of Kings Send and convey to me a 5 cubit long piece of boxwood-timber (taskarinnum), 1 cubit thick. Do not withhold it from me! . . . Write me whatever you desire and I will send it to you.

1.3.c.  From Suzerainty 83 1.3.c.i.  biltum. The biltum (or sīrum) is payment made to avert an unpleasant event (attacks or siege), thus a “shakedown” of sorts. It can be done repeatedly, as needed, but ostensibly it is not fixed or permanent, unless explicitly stated. 84 1.3.c.i.1.  Demanding tribute. Yamṣum writes ARM 26 318 to Zimri-Lim from Andarig, where he is posted. Atamrum is warring at Razama against another of Zimri-Lim’s vassals (dossier at 3.5.b.ii), and Yamṣum hopes his king will come and shoo away Atamrum, thus earning credit. I am well as are the town and the troops. My lord wrote to me, “Send me promptly whatever news reaches you. Be careful (selecting) the letter carrier; he should be tough.” The news reaching me about Razama is that Šarriya [its king] has set bitumen opposite the siege-tower and set it on fire so that the tower collapsed. The fire has destroyed the footbridges. As to the fortification within the city [a few lines damaged]. Because these events occurred, Atamrum informed Šarriya, “Pay me a biltum and surrender to me the men you have brought (into town).” But he did not pay him a biltum and he did not release to him the men he had brought in. The town remains strong. I fear that Atamrum and his army may retreat before my lord’s arrival, so that my lord will not gain the prestige of a savior. My lord should decide his course and quickly get here.

1.3.c.i.2.  Extracting tribute.  Zimri-Lim writes this note (ARM 10 121 = LAPO 18 1141) to his queen. 85 83.  A larger vocabulary for such transactions than is given here—for example, piqittum and zikir šumim—occurs in the Mari records. A specialized study may calibrate distinctions better. 84.  See B. Lafont 2001a: 249–51. Exceptional is the occasion on which Yaḫdun-Lim imposes a “perpetual biltum” on defeated foes (Frayne); it is worth noting, however, the literary nature of this particular text, the undetermined land on which tribute was said to be imposed, and the unlikelihood that Mari could enforce its desire: “[Yaḫdun-Lim] penetrated the cedar and boxwood mountains, great mountains, and cut down these trees—box, cedar, cypress, and elammakum. He set up a commemorative monument, thus establishing his fame and displaying his might. He forced the land at the shore of the Sea into submission, subjected it to a single rule, and made it vassal. He imposed a permanent tribute (biltam kayyantam) on them, that tribute of theirs brought specifically for him”; cited after Frayne 1990: 606 (E4.6.8.2): 51–66. See B. Lafont 2001a: 249–51. 85.  For this campaign, see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 240–41. Kings farmed out the collection of tributes to vassals, with the expected results, as this note Zimri-Lim received from Amud-pa-el of Šuduḫum confirms (M.9738; see Guichard 2010: 115–18), “About the tribute in silver from Šinaḫ, my lord wrote, ‘Why is their tribute not brought here and why do they keep entering Urgiš?’ This is what my lord wrote me. Yet before my lord wrote to me, I had written several times that they must not enter Urgiš. I had, moreover, written Zabḫatum and to the resident-commissioner, Ili-etar, about their tribute. They simply will not give their tribute. This is

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On the day I send you this letter of mine, I received the tribute of the City Šenaḫ. I have taken their elders hostage and have installed my resident-commissioner (ḫazannum) among them. After sending this letter of mine, I shall move on to Urgiš and expect to shape a pact (there). From Urgiš, I shall move on to Šuna and Zalluḫan and plan to have these towns form a pact. I am well, as are the armies. News that the palace is in good order should reach me regularly.

1.3.c.i.3.  Skipping payment.  Lanasum, commissioner at Tuttul in Zimri-Lim’s early years, wrote A.885:4–18 (partially cited in Durand 1990d: 52). About the sīrum-tribute for my lord that is imposed on the people of Tuttul, I have had a council (tatamûm) convene not once, but three times. When I asked them, they wrote a couple of times to Imar. The people of Imar answered them in this way, “As for us, we pay tribute to three kings; but as for you, you would not pay to Zimri-Lim your lord? ” When the people of Imar answered them in this way, those of Tuttul took 3 silver šekels, went back to Imar, and bought jars of wine. They gathered the elders of Imar and drank. As the land reconsidered, the people of Tuttul then assembled on the matter of their tribute and debated as follows. . . .” 86

1.3.c.i.4.  Hexing a tribute. Lanasum, commissioner in Tuttul, sent A.673 to the king. (Cited in translation only in Guichard 1996: 79–80.) Ever since we hear nothing talked about besides Elam, these folks (from Tuttul) are now paying attention to Elam and those taking its side openly speak in an offensive way. So about the money that they are to send (as tribute) to my lord, they gathered it in town, placing it before (the god) Dagan. They cut the necks of lambs and fowls over it and set up laments. It is Ali-šumšu, this messenger of mine who is to take the money to my lord, who told me this. If it pleases my lord, he should interrogate him carefully. These people (in Tuttul) should no longer find grace in my lord’s countenance. He should be severe with them and show them at the palace gate.

1.3.c.ii.  nēbeḫum.  The term nēbeḫum (literally, a “sash”) applies to any payment for favor or service rendered, normally to superiors, so more or less a baksheesh. 87 what Ḫayaliya, their sheikh (sugāgum) answered, ‘As far as my own household’s contribution, I will personally deliver it to my lord. But the town will not give its tribute. . .’.” 86.  Durand adds that the lines following suggest that Tuttul decides to ask Zimri-Lim to skip this year’s payment of tribute. 87.  See ARM 2 28 (2.1.c.ii.5), where it is a calculated bribe. Many examples are collected in Ziegler 1994: 15–16, among which is A.2442. Itur-asdu, governor in Naḫur, cites the statement by an Ili-sûmû, “When my lord sets me up (as king) at Ašnakkum, he could take away the whole of its palace, down to straw and twig, leaving me nothing but bricks. I will nevertheless give to my lord ten pounds of pure silver as nēbeḫum.” This passage draws rhetorically (and hyperbolically) on two distinct components of political etiquette that were standard over a goodly stretch of West Semitic antiquity: 1. A vassal (prospective or in the process of rehabilitation) offers his overlord to keep all of the property that ostensibly would be the vassal’s, leaving for himself just bare structures. The idiom at stake (adi ḫāmim u ḫuṣābim leqûm) is construed with straw and woodchip, two items that are remnants of agricultural and manufacturing processes.

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1.3.c.ii.1a.  ARM 26 350 is a letter Šaknum, resident representative of Zimri-Lim in Ilanṣura, writes to Zimri-Lim. Ḫaya-Sumu is king of Ilanṣura and has married two of his overlord’s daughters, Šimatum and Kiru. (See below.) You have written your “son” (vassal) Ḫaya-sumu about Ḫuziri. Ḫuziri has just now entered into his city, Ḫazzikkannum. My lord should therefore send his servant to Ḫuziri to collect the nēbeḫum-compensation due my lord. Another matter: About the private guards that are now serving Ḫaya-sumu, these men are constantly worried saying, “My lord has given us the following charge, ‘Go and stay by Ḫaya-sumu for three months.’ Now we have completed this threemonth stint.” This is what they told me. If my lord sends a replacement for this squad, it could leave. Otherwise, if my lord should say, “This very squad is staying,” he should write to the men so that this squad will not move away from Ḫaya-sumu’s service.

1.3.c.ii.1b.  In ARM 28 122, Yakun-Dir of Tarmanni in Idamaraṣ writes this note to Zimri-Lim. 88 My lord looked at me with his kind gaze (“benevolent eyes”), thus determining my destiny. He instructed Itur-asdu as follows, “You must now release towns of mine (controlled by) Yakun-Dir.” Having reached the heartland, I had not yet witnessed Itur-asdu’s travel. Just now, however, he arrived and I asked him, “Why do you still retain my towns? ” He has in no way satisfied me, even when he pledged to show up. Itur-asdu does not release even half a cubit of these towns. Yet Šubram (of Susa) is retaining 10 (of these) towns. So, to whom must I kowtow now: Itur-asdu or Šubram? Now, if it suits my lord, he should send one of his servants to act as inspector for me, so that he could restore the district to my control. I shall gladly pay in silver the nēbeḫum-compensation I have promised. 89 2. An overlord would normally display his authority by refusing to accept the offer. The premise is that the overlord will now be ready to promote (sūlûm) the vassal. The overlord, of course, would never dream of accepting the offer, for to do so would be a defiance of conventions, an act that might ruin the reputation of any potential regional leaders. This is precisely what happened when Niqmandu of Ugarit offered his valuables to Suppiluliumas, who of course did not accept them (PRU 4, 17: 340). The same protocol is at stake in Genesis 14. The king of Sodom tells his rescuer, Abram, that he should keep all property and personnel, giving back only those taken prisoners. Abram underscores his authority by stating (v 23), “Not so much as a thread or a sandal-throng would I take from what is yours.” FM 2 40:4–12 (M.9726; Bonechi and Catagnoti 1994: 76–77) suggests that such nēbeḫum payments were made for many reasons. Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum sent this note to the king: “Yesterday, a woman, wife of Yaṣṣibum, came here bearing 2 šekels of silver. She said, ‘This is your nībaḫum-compensation. I have had a young woman enter as a bride for my son.’ I told her, ‘I do not require a nībaḫum-compensation for the young woman bride. The overseer (laputtûm) is to benefit from it. Why did you bring to me what I cannot accept? Is there any (other) purpose?’ She said, ‘There is absolutely no other purpose’. . . .” (lines 4–12). 88.  At the time of writing, Itur-asdu was governing Naḫur. Note the opening phrasing that borrows on theological language: when gods look favorably on an individual, they are bound to prosper (Num 6:25). 89. Ḫammi-kun of Šaduḫum is more precise in writing Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka (ARM 28 111:9′–16′): “Another matter: If you are truly my brother and do care for me, the elders will restore

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1.3.c.iii.  tāmartum.  A tāmartum is an audience gift that diverse persons (ambassadors, artisans) bring when visiting a king. 90 1.3.c.iii.1  Tarim-šakim writes to King Yasmaḫ-Addu (ARM 5 26 = LAPO 16 257). Messengers from the king of Qatna have reached Mari from Qatna. Ḫammu-​etar, Yasim-Dagan, Mut-ramem are from Qatna, with Milki-Addu, a servant of my lord accompanying them. They were bearing handsomely their gift of audience. Once they rest for a couple of days, I will send them on their way. Fine, fine; Mari is fine, as is the land.

1.3.c.iii.2.  Ḫali-ḫadun and Kaʾalalum (guards in Mari) sent FM 11 182 (ARM 26 105) to Zimri-Lim, away from Mari. The gift is meant for him. The city Mari, the temples, the palace, and the workhouses are in fine order. Another matter: On the day we posted this note of ours to our lord, Mannanum, a messenger from Babylon, and his guide, a man from Qatna, have rented a boat in making their way to Babylon. They loaded 30 jars of wine and 10 planks of boxwood as their gift of audience (tāmartum). Both and together they launched their boat.

1.3.c.iii.3.  A.822 (excerpt only, as cited in Michel 1992: 134). Three officers of Yasmaḫ-addu (Laʾum, Ikšud-appašu, and Mašiya) report: On our arrival, we met with the king (Samsi-Addu). On the morrow, we presented our tāmartum-gift. The king radiated good-will toward us (as) he received the me to the throne of my father’s house. Let a trusted overseer of the king come with you. I will then give 300 sheep as your compensation.” The payment can just be a bribe to promote a favorable act, as in A.2636:5–20 (cited from Charpin 1998b: 93 n.11 and Durand 1997a: 76). Samsi-Addu writes to his son, Yasmaḫ-Addu, “Pikama-El, a man from Appan, told me the following, ‘In the past, during the days of Sumumu, I was involved in a legal case, and to frustrate my opponent I gave Ladinum half a pound of silver for the palace. I also gave half a šekel of gold as his fee (nēbeḫum). Subsequently, in Sumumu’s presence, my opponent frustrated me. As he (Ladinum) did not give anything to the palace of the gold and silver he took (from me), I told him, ‘Give me back the gold and silver!’ But he (gave) me back nothing’.” Sumumu is Sumu-Yamam, a briefly ruling king of Mari. What is piquant is that Samsi-Addu seems shocked that the briber did not succeed because his advocate pocketed the bribe. He wants his son to retrieve the money from Ladinum. Similarly, there is this nice complaint (A.55 = LAPO 16 6; Eidem 1992: 53–54) by Ili-rabi, an official who served several Mari kings. He writes (lines 3–14), likely to Zimri-Lim: “In the past, I have had Yanṣib-Addu take to my lord a table as (my) personal gift, but he turned it into his own (gift). Now then, because he has passed this table—my gift—as his own, my lord should summon this man. My lord should take (from him) the silver for this table or have him bring to me the silver for this table. (Consequently), my lord will not need to impose punishment on this man for him to later lose respect for me. People who are traffickers are many.” (The import of the last clauses is obscure.) 90.  An extensive list of tāmartum-gifts brought by artisans is ARM 31 24 (M.5756; Guichard 2005: 357–60), on the occasion of Zimri-Lim’s first celebration of the Ištar festival (11.xi.ZL1). Not to offer or accept such gifts could be deeply humiliating; see notes to ARM 2 76 (LAPO 16 404) at 1.6.b.i.

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Kingship — 1.3.  The Wealth of Kings duḫšum-stone. 91 We reported to the king all the information our lord ordered us to communicate. It pleased him. The king received our lord’s petition. He promised to give 1,000 sheep and 60 slaves; but we have yet to receive them. . . .

1.3.d.  From Monarchy 1.3.d.i.  sugāgūtum. This is a fee paid by sheikhs for settling on royal land. 92 1.3.d.i.1a.  ARM 5 24 (LAPO 16 80). Tarim-šakim writes to Yasmaḫ-Addu. Baqqum of Tizraḫ has just died. Men from Tizraḫ came here to say, “Appoint Kaʾali-ilumma as prefect (šāpirum) over us. He has given his word to pay 1 mana of silver to the palace. I am now sending Kaʾali-ilumma to my lord so that he could appoint him as sheikh (sugāgum). 1 mana of silver should be accepted there from him. 93

1.3.d.i.1b.  FM 2 131 (see Villard 1994). Yakṣuran, an obscure official, writes to Zimri-Lim. He was likely a lieutenant of Bannum (also Baʾnum), a tribal army chief (merḫûm). When Bannum acted as a merḫûm, Yamṣi-ḫadnu presented to him 3.5 manas (pounds) of silver and 300 sheep saying, “Set me up as sheikh (sugāgum).” But Bannum answered him, “Wait until my lord’s trip; but let me accept your contribution and turn the townspeople favorably toward you. Your servant should come here and hand over the contribution. Bring over your kinfolk and I will introduce you to my lord, so that my lord will give you his blessing.” This is what Bannum told him in the presence of Inniḫan and ten (other) men. Subsequently Bannum died, having kept in his own place the silver as well as the sheep. 91.  Literally, the first phrase is pān šarrim mādiš namrunêšim, “his face brightened toward us.” The language is reminiscent of Hebrew phraseology. The stone was likely a chunk rather than the much-valued cut version of it; see A.2993+ at 1.3.e.ii.1. 92.  On the subject, see Marti 2008. Collecting fees was not always easy, as this excerpt from a note Kibri-Dagan of Terqa sent the king suggests (ARMT 13 110:5′–14′ = LAPO 18 1074), “Another matter: About the money of Yanṣib-[Dagan?]—this man has not yet resolved to pay the money. He continues to shear his sheep and acts as if it is not of his concern. He neglects the matter, hardly taking seriously any order from the palace. My lord must send tough orders to have this man pay the money promptly.” Yanṣib-Dagan is often cited as a sheikh. The fees kings collected for allowing settlement of conquered territory come close to the notion of naḥālâ, land disbursed to diverse Hebrew tribes for which they owed allegiance to God. When Zimri-Lim disputed control of land with a (defeated) Yaminite chieftain (Yasmaḫ-Addu of Yariḫu), here is what the latter admits (ARM 2 55:5–13 = LAPO 17 705), “My lord wrote to me this about the (earth) levee at Zurmaḫḫum, ‘you have contended with me about the levee at Zur­ maḫḫum.’ I am (in control). My lord sent me this message. Towns, earth and heaven are indeed my lord’s. When my lord released these towns to me, many were those who slandered me, making me lose my lord’s favor. . . .” Whether or not Yasmaḫ-Addu is sarcastic in attributing the universe to Zimri-Lim is for us to decide, although his lack of power is palpable. 93.  Worth noting is the difference in vocabulary, likely reflecting differing expectations: the men of Tizraḫ want a šāpirum (a manager of sorts) but the palace appoints a sheikh (sugāgum); see Durand 1997a: 206–8. Yasmaḫ-Addu is treated here as a foreign king, even if he owes his throne to his father.

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1.3.d.ii.  igisûm.  This word (Sumerian igi.sá) is akin to Hebrew nĕdāvâ, a “free-will” offering to the king, normally by high officials or wealthy individuals, of a large animal, destined for consumption at feasts. (See ARM 27 131 at 1.4.c.i and ARM 14 81 at 2.1.a.1) FM 2 46 (A.3438) suggests that such gifts were expected. Worth noticing is how often such animals were sickly when donated. 1.3.d.ii.1.  Samsi-Addu sent ARM 1 86 (LAPO 18 971) to his son. There is in Mari an ox that Šamaš-tillassu has fattened for an igisûm. Šamaš-​tillassu has told me, “This bull is now very full—a (perfect) shape!” Take this ox and write to Mubalšaga to exchange him in town (Ekallatum), ox for ox, so that he could offer (the new ox) as his own igisûm.

1.3.d.ii.2.  The chief-controller Yasim-sumu (see under 2.2.b) writes ARMT 13 25 (LAPO 18 970) to the king. Warad-ilišu was chief musician in the court and often led diplomatic delegations (see at 2.3.c.iii). The ox was likely an igisûm. The ox that Warad-ilišu (head musician) has presented to my lord was already sickly even as he presented it. 94 I was ready to tell my lord (about it), but thought, “It might well get better, so let it wait two or three more days before its condition is resolved.” But now this ox is still sickly. If it pleases my lord, this ox should be sold to merchants and an ox be readied in its stead.

1.3.d.ii.3.  Zimri-Lim writes FM 2 46 (Bonechi and Catagnoti 1994: 81–83) to Yaqqim-​Addu, governor of Saggaratum. I have listened to the tablets you conveyed to me. You wrote to me that after the enrollment (warki tēbibtim) you are releasing 8 people. These men, are they stationed at Saggaratum or in your province? Whether in Saggaratum itself or in each of the other towns, record the names individually, by person and by town, and have it sent to me because they have not yet brought their oxen here as igisûm-offering. 95

1.3.d.ii.4.  FM 2 52 (A.161; Durand 1994a: 92–93) is a note the merḫûm Ašmad, a chief of tribal troops, posted to Zimri-Lim. It reveals the strong-armed tactics employed to collect dues (here likely an igisûm). Memiʾum, a tribesman from Qattunan, is now forced into jail (nēparum). My lord had imposed on him 100 sheep. From that amount just 50 and an ox have been received; but the 50 remaining are now in arrears. If it pleases my lord, Akin-urubam (Qattunan governor) should guarantee payment of his debt. He will pay the 50 sheep when my lord travels to Qattunan. This tribesman ought not die in jail.

94.  The exact condition of the ox (verb: ḫâšum) is not obvious, “to choke” and “to vomit” being among the offered suggestions. 95.  On enrollment/conscription (tēbibtum), see at ARM 6 19 at 2.1.a.v and ARM 14 70 at 3.3.a.i.

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1.3.d.iii.  A nēmettum (from emēdum, “to impose”) seems to be a donation (forced or not) from notables (and vassals). 96 1.3.d.iii.1.  M.11440 (ARM 25 376; Arkhipov 2012: 304–5). 9 manas, 10 šekels of gold, that the king handed to Mukannišum: 10 šekels of gold, Yassi-Dagan’s donation for the palanquin; 5+ šekels, Yašub-nar’s (donation); 3 šekels, Dariš-libur’s donation; 3.5 šekels, donation of Yatar-asdu (Itur-asdu) that were received via Laḫsudi-El. . . . Total 9.5 manas, 2+ šekels, for the mountings on a palanquin. Entrusted to Mukannišum. [28.v.ZL6].

1.3.d.iii.2.  ARM 7 93. Received 11 šekels of silver, among them 10, donation of Imgur-Sin. [19.iv.ZL9].

1.3.d.iv.  šibšum (pl. šibšātum) is a grain tax collected on the harvests of the commoners (muškēnum) working non-palace lands. This is clear from ARM 3 17:27–31 (LAPO 18 976), which Kibri-Dagan sent the king, “I have not been negligent about amassing the grain taxed (šibšum) in my district and the grain of the palace.” 1.3.d.iv.1.  ARMT 23 100 is a memorandum, an aide-memoire for a scribe who will use it when drafting a fuller text. The voice shifts readily and sentences need not be full. The second entry registers an accusation of an official’s malpractice. Re: The journey of Awil-Addu to Ešnunna about which you wrote me—Aḫunnata is well aware. This man should go. Previously, during your father’s days, his father traveled this road at least 5 times. Re: Ripʾ[xxx]—a commoner (muškēnum) stated, ‘he gave (permission) for a seah (sūtum) measure that was each time 4 liters too big in collecting the šibšum grain tax.”

1.3.d.iv.2.  Ilušu-naṣir, a governor at Qattunan, writes ARM 27 3 to the king. Qattunan, city and district, are safe. I have had the taxed grain of Qattunan collected. I have sowed the sesame: 50 acres of furrowed (širḫum) and 20 acres of set-aside (sipḫum) land. 97 This is good sesame. I have just begun to plow the arable fields. There is no slacking. As to Burḫušam and Iddin-annu (about whom) my lord wrote me, I have just directed them to my lord, having entrusted them to Samuyum.

1.3.d.v.  Corvée 98 96.  ARMT 25 758 establishes the silver value of slaves and animals sent by a vassal, “Total: 8 manas, 5 šekels of silver, nēmettum of Ibal-Addu that Laiwium received in Ašlakka.” 97.  On these terms, see Reculeau 2010: 8–9. 98.  Akkadian dictionaries have an entry for corvée, sablum, itself dependent on Mari occurrences. The Mari meaning was based on Hebrew sēvel; Held (1968: 94) defended the connection and it has now entered most Hebrew dictionaries. However, Durand (1988a: 15–16) has shown that sablum/saplum refers to a certain type of citizenry. Nonetheless, forced labor corvée remains an institution at Mari, most often associated with ālik eqlim or muškēnum being assembled (verb:

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1.3.d.v.1.  Kibri-Dagan (Terqa district) writes ARM 3 6 (LAPO 17 800) to the king. I have assembled the working crew of the district as well as the Terqa townsmen to work on the Mari canal. Half of the crew from Yaminite towns did not come here. A town that was earmarked for 50 gave me a working crew of 25 and one earmarked for 30 gave me 15. I objected violently (“‘I am robbed,’ I shouted”) and have complained to my lord. My lord must write forcefully to the sheikhs that they assemble their crews. [Remainder fragmentary.]

1.3.d.v.2.  Yaqqim-Addu writes ARM 14 48 (LAPO 17 651). He is in dispute with the palace’s chief accountant, Yasim-sumu. 99 When my lord was setting out on a campaign, he issued the following decree (šipṭum) to the commoners (muškēnū), “The operation I am undertaking is not of long duration. The one you will undertake is to give support for just ten days per month. Until you come back, no lieutenant or bailiff will make demands on your household.” This is the decree that my lord issued. However, at that same time, Yasim-sumu told my lord, “Will (only) palace women thresh the palace’s grain? My lord should assign the commoners’ oxen to thresh the palace’s grain.” My lord had answered him, “Are women more hobbled than the artisans—smiths, carpet-makers, and fullers—who are expected to bring my grain into (the palace)? Women can certainly thresh the palace’s grain!” This is the decree that my lord issued. Each time I hear from my lord’s lips, I keep his words in mind. Now, however, Yasim-sumu wrote me, “(Re)assign the oxen belonging to the commoners for corvée work [a few lines are damaged]. Because the commoners had heard (from) my lord’s lips about being released from restraints on their houses, I was fearful to (re)assign the oxen of the commoners. I am, however, assigning 20 oxen from the elders who remain to guard Saggaratum. They have threshed and taken into storage (the grain of) one threshing-floor and have undertaken now to thresh a second one. At Dur-Yaḫdullim, similarly I assigned 30 oxen from the elders who are kept to guard the fortification. They have threshed and taken into storage (the grain) of one threshing-ground. Now, however, Yasim-sumu has written me, “I am herewith sending a letter to the king about assigning the oxen of commoners to thresh the palace’s threshing-grounds. If you are about to deliver the oxen of the commoners so they can thresh the palace’s grain, send back to me the letter that I have sent to the king. Otherwise, if you are not delivering the oxen, my letter should be transmitted to the king.” This is what Yasim-sumu wrote me. But I wrote him, “Why should I hold up a letter of yours esēkum) to work on palace land and maintaining canals; see Reculeau 2008: 351–52. In some protocols, officers take an oath not to force personnel into working their private estates; see Charpin 2010: 55 (§4). 99.  Yaqqim-Addu cites his king’s pledge to the commoners (muškēnū) that they will not be burdened beyond the corvée duty he is demanding of them so as to explain why he refuses to force them into delivering their oxen to thresh the palace grain, another corvée task. Interesting is the threat Yaqqim-Addu claims to have received. Ordinarily, no one is allowed to stop letters from making their way to the king.

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1.3.d.vi.  miksum.  Imposts for transit traffic. 1.3.d.vi.1.  Customary.  An extract (lines 32–47) from a letter Yatar-kabkab sent to Zimri-Lim early in his reign (A.2052+; see Durand 2011b: 182–87) suggests that such imposts were customary. Yatar-kabkab is reporting on his disputes with Imar merchants about shipping grain to Mari. Once again . . . I told them this about the grain, “I plan to load (on boats) the grain that Aplaḫanda (of Carchemish) has given my lord; Anyone objects? ” They answered me, “There is no fault on our part; but the miksum (impost) is high.” I then told them, “Is this miksum something new that my lord has imposed? Has he set something that was not set previously? Is it good that my lord just now abolishes this miksum that was set from old? And what about your miksum? The Tuttul miksum is 10 manas of silver for 30 carpenters, (equivalent) to the money his father (Yaḫdun-Lim) paid Ešnunna. He cannot absolve you!’ . . . .”

1.3.d.vi.2.  No excuses.  Zimri-Lim posted this letter (ARM 18 7 = LAPO 18 909) to Mukannišum’s chief store-keeper for the palace, through whom he wishes to address others as well. (Plural verbal forms are in caps.) Give strict orders that not one raft of any kind could bypass Mari or downstream from it. As soon as you find a raft that is bypassing, confiscate it for the palace, and bring the raft’s owner into jail (nēparum). The raft’s owner might well tell you, “There is no provision (here), and it is to get my provisions that I am going.” You must answer him, “You, go back to the king (for permission), or write your household to fetch your provision from your own home.” Should they nevertheless talk to you and within the next couple of months You allow the release of 5 or 6 rafts, I shall hear of the matter of the raft that You are releasing, and for every raft that You are releasing, I shall have You pay a mana of silver. Do not be negligent over this matter.

1.3.d.vi.3.  Refuse to pay.  Ašmad, a merḫûm, sent A.229 (Durand 2014b) to the king. Of the 50 acres of fields my lord assigned to me, I was given 40. Yet now, 10 of the 40 are deducted. If it suits my lord, the 10 acres of fields should be restored to me so that my oxen are not inactive. This (past) year, I had to buy grain to ration my household, to feed oxen and equids, as well as to plow and seed. I am now even having to purchase seed this year. Another matter: Merchants from Imar came to the encampment, wanting to buy sheep. I talked to them about (paying) the miksum, but they answered me in this way, “We will not pay the miksum.” Now then, must I assess 1 sheep for 10 as mik-

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sum? If not, I will do what my lord says. My lord should listen to this tablet and send me promptly an answer to it.

1.3.d.vi.4.  In a series of notes, Numušda-naḫrari informed his superior Iddiyatum, a merchant who was also a military leader, about imposing a tax (miksum) on boat movements near Mari. These transactions may have been private; but as the records were found in the palace, they also profited the king. ARM 13 96 (LAPO 18 876) is one of several such notes, in fact among the longest. (For others, see LAPO 18 ##862–904.) The two bitumen boats of Sin-bel-aplim and Bunene-abi are not inspected nor taxed. Tax (them). The inspector for these two boats (should be) Iddin-itur-Mer son of Šamaš-reti, the merchant, from Dur-Yaḫdullim.

1.3.d.vii.  Appropriations of household at the death or disgrace of high officials. 100 1.3.d.vii.1.  Taking inventory. Akšak-magir, an official in Qattunan, writes FM 2 49 (A.997; Durand 1994a: 87) to the king. 101 Iṣi-aḫu, a courier from Zibnatum, arrived before me, but without carrying a letter from my lord. He told me, “By order of my lord, seal the homes of Bannum and of Zakura-abum.” So I, Yaḫṣib-El, Yatarum, a surveyor (ša sikkatim), Iṣi-aḫu, my lord’s messenger, and Ḫabdiya, the steward of Bannum’s house, we all stayed in Bannum’s house and inspected it. (We found):   – 19 men, 2 women, 4 youngsters, 1 carpenter, 1 leather worker, 1 weaver, 3 male [. . .], [x number] of transient workers, [x number] of run-aways. The asset of the wife of Bannum.   – 9 women, 9 plow-bulls, 55 gurs (about 176 bushels) of sesame, 100 gurs (320 bushels) of grain, 7 gurs of. . . ; 13 gurs of šaḫlatum; 2 gurs of beans, 5 gurs [. . .], 1 talent of wool. All these are the assets of the house of Bannum that were received via Ḫabdiya, the butler. – 1 man, 2 women, 1 male youngster, [x] female youngster, 2 bulls, 5 gur and 20 liters, sesame, 15 pounds of wool. (These are) the assets of the house of Zakura-abum.

1.3.d.vii.2.  Settling an estate.  ARM 26 185-bis (LAPO 18 1145). Bunuma-Addu is a high official who dies during ZL12. The king writes Queen Šiptu about his estate, before moving to other topics, including theodicy. 102 100.  Subject nicely studied in van Koppen 2002; see also Heimpel 1997a. 101.  Bannum, one of the Simʾal tribal leaders to whom Zimri-Lim owed his throne, died soon after the king’s ascent (see at 1.3.e). He owned a home in Qattunan. Zakura-abum, likely the king of Zalluḫan and son-in-law of Zimri-Lim, also had holdings there. 102.  On Bunuma-Addu’s estate, see van Koppen 2002: 331. Durand 1998a: 534 cites (French only) from A.265, a letter the controller Ṣidqi-epuḫ posted to Zimri-Lim, “As it concerns the field of Bunuma-Addu, the worked land is about 60 acres and in it the harvest is large. My lord has released the whole field to Bunuma-Addu’s sons, with the palace taking nothing from it. I have

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Kingship — 1.3.  The Wealth of Kings Regarding the assets of Bunuma-Addu’s estate about which you wrote me, I have listened to the catalog of his assets. Release (to his family) all about which you have written to me: all the household furniture, as much grain as is available, 50 acres of protected land and the money for his gods. 103 Two-thirds of the 21 male servants at his disposal should be given over to his own household while a third should be taken to the palace. His chariot’s donkeys are given to (the diviner) Šamaš-in-matim; these donkeys should be assigned to Šamaš-in-matim’s household. Another matter: Concerning Atamrum about whom you have posed an (oracular) inquiry; you have sent this report via Abi-šadi, and when Abi-šadi arrived here, he told me, “This man, who has created much evil for us, God has called him to account.” For now, inquire about Hammurabi of Babylon: “Will this man die? Will he be honest with us? Will he battle against us? If I go north, will he besiege us? What? ” Inquire about this man. Once you inquire, follow (it) with another (round of) inquiries and send me a report about him on all you have found out by inquiring.

1.3.d.vii.3.  Tough woman. Yaqqim-Addu sent the king ARM 14 56 (LAPO 18 1020). Zu-ḫatni(m) was a merchant who also ran diplomatic missions to Aleppo and elsewhere. On the same day the tablet of my lord about inspecting the home of Zu-ḫatni reached me, the housekeeper (abarakkum) Bur-Nunu came to Saggaratum. I summoned him and told him, “With regard to inspecting this house, I am to settle the (accounts). Fetch me . . . the wife of Zu-ḫatni, now living in Dur-Yaḫdullim.” Bur-Nunu went to fetch the wife of Zu-ḫatni, telling her, “Seal up your home and leave.” But this woman told Bur-Nunu to his face, “Whatever is in the home, including maids and slaves, as well as . . . cattle and sheep would be taken from me. Should I leave here, an affluent man (lú damqum) (will take it).” This is what this woman told Bur-Nunu to his face. Bur-Nunu came here to tell me (about it). I am forwarding what he told me to my lord. This woman is toughminded (lit., “is tough in her mouth”). The money is with her and with the wife of Ḫiddum as well. My lord should intervene with resolve, for this money to be turned over for me. 104

1.3.d.vii.4.  Two documents are about seizing the property of escapees. 1.3.d.vii.4a.  Yatarum, a registrar of land in Qattunan, writes FM 3 136 (A.2254; Guillot 1997: 286–87) to the king. Note the pedagogic tone. informed my lord. So far, however, I have not assessed the contents of Bunuma-Addu’s documents and have not even seen one. My lord has released all grain. . . .” 103.  Perhaps destined to fulfill a vow; but see van Koppen 2002: 318–19. 104.  Another of Yaqqim-Addu’s letters, ARM 14 57 (LAPO 18 918), alerts the king about sending for interrogation colleagues of Zu-ḫatni who know about his estate. Van Koppen 2002: 334 n. 243 connects ARM 3 66 (LAPO 18 1044) with the effort to control Zu-ḫatni’s wealth. Zimri-Lim writes Kibri-Dagan of Terqa, “20 šekels of silver that are now with Yanṣib-Addu son of La-Amurrum as well as with Yanṣibum son of Yantin-Dagan of Kulḫitum. (This is) what Zu-ḫatni son of Yamḫaṣ-El gave them as (interest bearing) loan. Collect that money.”

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If he who plans to desert (is not seized), he might desert the life of nomads and shatter the lifestyle of nomads. Now Lawasum of the Yumaḫammu-clan (of the Simʾal tribe) has deserted. His sheikh (sugāgum) is Dadi-[x]. My lord should confiscate his possessions: 200 sheep and 5 donkeys. 105

1.3.d.vii.4b.  Tell Sakka 2 (Abdallah and Durand 2014). 106  Readings from the envelope are set between braces. Liqma-Addu, the nāsikum of Ugulsat, has escaped rather than face the liqtum (tax). In his stead, Ili-uštalu has paid the liqtum. The elders {of Idda-Adu} have handed Ili-uštalu the house of Liqma-Addu. Anyone who contests (the status) of Liqma-​ Addu’s house will pay 110 šekels of silver, (plus) 1 šekel of silver as nēbeḫum (gratuity) to Zimri-Eraḫ, the judge, and a half a šekel {as gratuity} to Aḫi-malik, the guard. [Many witnesses]. Month: Ibbana; Year: Ammi-kuluḫ, the king, collected the liqtum of Bit Abi-Samiri. 107

1.3.d.vii.5.  Appropriating the property of criminals. Dadu-rabi, an official, writes OBTR 95 (Dalley 1976: 81) to King Aqba-ḫammu of Qaṭṭara. About the estates of the criminals that you seized in Yašibatum, what was there of grain, pigs, malt, and “beer-bread”—I gave it to (Queen) Iltani. Now then, about the grain, pigs, malt, and beer-bread that were taken from these estates (a couple of lines damaged).

1.3.e.  From Commercial activities.  Kings also invested funds with merchants— those native to their areas as well as residents at foreign courts. They owned flocks of animals. They operated quarters in foreign capitals, equipping them with wives, officials, and servants. They purchased towns in far-away places. Zimri-Lim, for example, purchased far-away Alaḫtum near the Mediterranean coast, which possibly is Alalaḫ. Major officials of allies or of vassals could act as their personal agents. 1.3.e.i.  Equipping caravans.  Samsi-Addu sends ARM 1 17 (LAPO 16 417) to his son in Mari. The day after sending this letter of mine, the messengers from Tilmun [Bahrain] will leave Šubat-Enlil [Tell Leilan]. Wealthy men at their arrival should hire 10 poor folks who can accompany them, so that with their wages they could support their people, therefore traveling satisfied. If you send off the wealthy (by themselves), they will simply abandon the caravan. You must simply not send the wealthy off. Let it be arranged as per this tablet: 105.  The language in the first part of the letter is very elliptic; yet the point is that someone needs to be punished when a person runs away. I rather think the punishment is meted out to the tribal leader of an escapee; but see the comments of Guillot 1997: 286; B. Lafont 2001b: 303; and Fleming 2004: 202–3. 106.  Tell Sakka lies about 25 km southwest of Damascus, Syria. The document likely dates a century or so after the fall of Mari. 107.  Comments: The title nāsikum, chieftain, likely parallels Hebrew nāsîk. The year formula does not fully follow Akkadian syntax. Abdallah and Durand offer a different reading.

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Kingship — 1.3.  The Wealth of Kings – 30 male sheep, 30 liters of fine oil, 60 liters of linseed oil—poured into leather bottles, (plus) 3 liters of juniper seed, and boxwood (essence); – For the 10 Tilmun (messengers) and their servants: leather bottles, 1 per person; shoes, 2 each; – For 5 servants of mine: leather bottles, 1 each; shoes, 2 each; – For 7 craftsmen: leather bottles, 1 each; shoes, 2 each; – For the 10 men who accompany them from Šubat-Enlil: leather bottles, 1 each; shoes, 2 each; – For the 10 load-donkeys: 10 ropes, each 1.5 poles (nindānum, so about 9 meters). Total: 52 leather bottles; 64 pairs of shoes, one large bag; 10 ropes, each 1.5 poles. Because at their arrival these messengers were detained, when previously they had not been, I said to Laʾum, “Ḫammi-tilu should make ready in Mari.” You should now send a message that Ḫammi-tilu be brought to you and make ready in Mari for the messengers, so that he could travel with them when they arrive. Supply them with as much provision as they ask of you.

1.3.e.ii.  Private purchase 1.3.e.ii.1.  Yassi-Dagan, a military leader with impressive pedigree (son of Laʾum and brother of Sammetar) sends this note to Zimri-Lim (A.2993+ = LAPO 18 855; Michel 1992: 127–30). About the duḫšum-stone that my lord conveyed to me; after setting a price for it, he wrote, “The price for this duḫšum-stone could be higher than what I am setting it for you; but it must not be less.” 108 This is what my lord wrote me. However, on the price of the duḫšum-stone that my lord has set for me, should people (value it) lower by 10 or 20 šekels, could my decision be like that? 109 My lord has sent me this letter as if I am not familiar with palace (practices)! In fact, I had already thought, “I need to sell the duḫšum-stone that my lord sent me at a higher price than what he had set for me; I should fetch 10 to 20 šekels more.” Now then, according to my lord’s instruction, I will sell this duḫšum-stone and I shall use as much money (of the sale) that my lord had assigned me to purchase either tin or lapis-lazuli, depending on what I find available. 110 It may well be that duḫšum-stone could be abundant or scarce in this land; but who can tell? Regarding what my lord has instructed, I will not be negligent.

108.  The exact nature of the stone (na4.du8.šú.a, duḫšum), likely a quartz, has not been determined. The term is applied elsewhere to wool (see note to A.3165 at 5.3.b) and to leather (ARM 5 5 = LAPO 16 253), so it may have had a yellowish tinge that sets it off nicely from lapis-lazuli, with which jewelers frequently combined it. See CAD D 200–202 (dušû A). 109.  That is, I would never accept it. 110.  Lapis-lazuli (uqnûm, normally na4.za.gìn) was sought in Elam, likely in transit from farther East (Afghanistan).

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Regarding the tin about which my lord wrote to me, “Buy on credit some tin from a merchant in Ešnunna, and I will pay him (or it) here myself.” This is what my lord wrote me. In accordance with my lord’s instruction, I am buying tin on credit from a merchant. I plan to take along 5 talents of tin for my lord. Another matter: People of Urban and Mulḫu have taken their sons, daughters, and wives now in Rapiqum to the Sutu-tribesmen. It ended up with these people being beside themselves against the ruler of Ešnunna. My lord should write to the people of Urban and Mulḫu to come to him and take a sacred oath for my lord.

1.3.e.ii.2.  Meptum, likely a merḫûm (tribal army chief) in the region south of Mari, writes A.16 (Dossin 1970: 103–6 = LAPO 18 912) to Zimri-Lim: In recent days, I have heard it said by my lord’s own mouth about the dearth of tin in the palace and about the palace’s need for tin. Just now a caravan of 29 donkeys and 44 merchants loaded with tin has come from Ešnunna. I have had them directed to my lord. If my lord wants tin, he should talk to the chief merchant, letting him supervise the tin. Or else, my lord could dispatch inspectors ahead of the donkeys, either at Ḫiddan or at Der, so that the tin is not handed (sold) to another hand. Another matter: I have cleared their tin, but did not place it under seal. I have looked for tablets, thinking, “maybe they are smuggling tablets elsewhere.” 111 The district is safe.

1.3.e.iii.  Private agent abroad 1.3.e.iii.1.  ARM 26 534.  Ṣidqu-lanasi, a high official at Carchemish (see also FM 11 185 at 2.2.d.ii) declares his readiness to be Zimri-Lim’s agent. My lord! My lord told me the following about his requests for which he had written his brother (Aplaḫanda of Carchemish): “Take up my request and follow its progress; have him deliver on the requests I have sought from my brother.” Whenever my lord speaks or writes about requests, for my part, my lord’s requests—as many as he makes to his brother Aplaḫanda—was it not I who stood ready, and did I not fulfill my lord’s requests? My lord at this moment should not be saying, “I have no servant whatsoever in Carchemish!” Whatever supplies you have requested from your brother, these supplies have been given.

1.3.e.iii.2.  ARM 26 539 (partially reedited as FM 11 186).  From the same to the same. You have sent me 12⁄3 manas (100 šekels) of silver to buy wine and ½ mana of silver to buy (hire) boats. I have used 10 šekels to buy 600 (empty) jars. So with the 1½ manas (90 šekels) of silver remaining, I now can fulfill (an order for) 420 jars of wine. (I shall need to use) the silver for the boat, to which I added 3½ šekels of my own, or I can fulfill (an order) for just 420 jars of wine. Kutkutu, Yantin-Eraḫ, and [. . .] are assisting me. I am now conveying also 20 logs of tiyārum-wood. If there is 111.  That caravans may carry more (or less) than meet the obvious eye is featured in the story of Jacob’s sons moving in and of Egypt for grain purchase.

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Kingship — 1.3.  The Wealth of Kings interest in (more) tiyārum-wood, I will keep an ear open and would gather them as they become available. Yantin-Eraḫ (should not be paying) the miksum tax.

1.3.e.iv.  Land acquisition.  Late in his reign, Zimri-Lim negotiated the purchase of Alaḫtum, a town controlled by Yamḫad, so likely Alalaḫ (Tell Atchana). The thick dossier is published as FM 7 25–48 (Durand 2002a: 59–152). 112 Nur-Sin, Mari’s agent in Yamḫad (FM 7 39; see below at 5.7.b.iv), handsomely reviews the events in writing Zimri-Lim. In this letter (FM 7 36 = A.1257; Durand 2002a: 128–32), Nur-Sin uses “lord” for both kings—out of politeness, but also because he might well have been a Yamḫadian working for Zimri-Lim. Hammurabi (of Yamḫad) gave the town Alaḫtum to my lord. When he gave this town to my lord, Hammurabi’s servant Yasmaḫ-Addu, who is frequently on message service to my lord, Lord Hammurabi sent him along with the Chief Musician (Warad-ilišu) to Alaḫtum. He gathered the citizens of Alaḫtum and Yasmaḫ-Addu reiterated the orders of his lord (Hammurabi), telling them, “My lord Hammurabi has given to Lord Zimri-Lim the town Alaḫtum, its field, its vineyards, and the olive groves stretching from Alaḫtum’s limits. From Alaḫtum must leave the elite (wedūtum), the home-owners (maskanû), the replacements (lúdiri.ga), and whoever holds or works land in Alaḫtum. On your part, get in touch with kin of yours who have gone to another town and bring back to Alaḫtum those who have settled elsewhere.” This is what Yasmaḫ-Addu told the citizens in the Chief Musician’s presence. The Chief Musician and Yasmaḫ-Addu remained 10 days in Alaḫtum. They measured the fields, they checked the boundaries of the meadows, tallied the olive-trees, recorded the vineyards, and assessed the households. Once Yasmaḫ-Addu handed over to the Chief Musician town, fields, vineyards, and olive groves, he said the following, “From now on, no one will have claim over the fields of Alaḫtum.” At that time, (Queen) Gašera did not write the Chief Musician about the fields of her sāmiḫū-peasants, about her vineyards, or her honey (hives). When the Chief Musician left Alaḫtum for Ḫalab (Aleppo), and brought back to my Lord Hammurabi a report on the town, the vineyards, and the olive groves, Hammurabi told the Chief Musician, “I have now given you the town that Zimri-Lim requested of me. This town is in ruins; he should repair it. There is no opposition. Just as I have left this town, all must leave it.” This is what Lord Hammurabi told the Chief Musician. Ever since Lord Hammurabi told this to the Chief Musician, the Chief Musician stayed in Ḫalab daily for 4 months. I worked the fields of Gašera, of the home112.  Ziegler (2007: 172–75) nicely sets the events within ZL11. The point to remember here is that Hammurabi (and his mother Gašera) of Yamḫad wanted to give away the town, implying that they could take it back, even after Zimri-Lim had improved it. Zimri-Lim, however, wanted to purchase it and so relieve himself from such a threat. In Sasson 2009, I compare with what is said about Solomon wishing to give Hiram towns in the Galilee regions (1 Kgs 9:11–14). Though he decries their condition, Hiram nonetheless paid handsomely for them, just so they would be Tyre’s forever. The same situation obtains in Gen 23 when, in dire need of a burial place for his wife, Abraham is offered the land but prudently pays an exorbitant price for it.

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owners, and of the replacements, with Gašera never (once) contacting the Chief Musician. Of the 200 (acres) of the fields belonging to Gašera, I covered 60 (acres) of land with seed, and she never once contacted the Chief Musician; but once the Chief Musician left, Gašera badgered me that I had covered her land with seed. Gašera went before the king and he released to her land. Thereupon the land I had seeded was given to her. Ever since they took the land, I was made the target of the following accusation, “You have assembled the citizens and told them, ‘My lord has paid the price and bought Alaḫtum.’ This is what you told the citizens of the town.” Once I was told this, I dumped ashes on my skull 113 (saying), “Those citizens to whom I said these words, may they charge me before Addu. May Lord Hammurabi, even without my lord’s (permission), dock me up to double (the damage). Someone else should inspect my holdings; indeed take the land fully! Why would you slander me? ” This is what I told the king. The matter was stretched for a full day. The next day, Ṭab-balaṭi (Hammurabi’s minister) approached, and I told him, “A terrible accusation has been set against me; it must be supported!” He replied, “The king had a good laugh. Why are you taking all this so personally? Maybe they will give (only) half of the town to my lord (Zimri-Lim). Just write your lord.” This is what Ṭab-balaṭi told me. On the third day, I put myself again to (assemble) witnesses and to draw (them) near Ṭab-balaṭi. But when he again said the same, I put myself to (assemble more) witnesses. My lord should strive and make happen the moving out of people from the midst of this town. On this day, I am badgered about the town my lord wishes to buy. 114

1.3.e.v.  The queen’s business.  The queens of Mari controlled property and funds of their own. Just above (FM 7 36 at 1.3.e.iv) is a negotiation for land owned by Gašera of Yamḫad. See also the archives of Iltani of Qaṭṭara (Dalley 1976). Here are two brief notes concerning the affairs of Šiptu. 1.3.e.v.1.  Ileliš, a merchant and the queen’s agent, writes ARM 10 161 (LAPO 18 1181) to “My Lady” (Šiptum). 113.  A well-known sign of mourning, but also of resentment, especially when done publicly. 114.  Zimri-Lim’s desire to acquire Alaḫtum was thwarted as long as Nur-Sin was in charge of negotiations. Recognizing the problem, Zimri-Lim sent his private secretary to resolve the difficulty. Zimri-Lim had but a few months to enjoy possessing it before his reign ended. For a glimpse of the many complications and the hapless nature of Nur-Sin’s involvement, see Sasson 2009. Zimri-Lim is not alone in owning estate in other territory. It was common for rulers to control housing in friendly cities; Yasmaḫ-Addu did so in Ekallatum and Šubat-Enlil (see Villard 2001: 100–112). Šukrum-Tešub of Eluḫut writes this note to Till-abnu of Šeḫna/Šubat-Enlil (RATL 89:27–43 = L.87–939; Eidem 2011: 159–61): “The house of Eluḫut is your house and the house of Šubat-Enlil is my house. Now about the men you have wrote me, I have not yet released them. They had said, ‘Till-abnu (says), I want to come to Eluḫut.’ Until you come up here so that you and I can meet, invoke sacred oaths between us so that blood ties are set between us, I will not release the men. You must not give to anyone the home I desire in Šubat-Enlil, for I am ready to give you a home in Eluḫut, and I will give you as well the town that you desire. Do ask me for a house in Eluḫut and I shall ask you for a house [in Šubat-Enlil]. . . .”

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Kingship — 1.4.  Acts and Behavior I am well. I have been well treated; but the boats have not yet arrived. For this reason I am delayed. My lady must not worry.

1.3.e.v.2.  Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum writes FM 2 29 (M.9238; Bonechi and Catagnoti 1994: 63) to the king. Ileliš, a palace servant of the queen, and 2 messengers from Yamḫad, who are bearing tablets from Yarim-Lim to my lord (have come) and they are leading 20 cows to the queen. I have sent them to my (lord/lady) as soon as they arrived.

1.4.  Acts and Behavior 1.4.a.  Acts 1.4.a.i.  Restorer of rights.  FM 2 45 (A.447; Bonechi and Catagnoti 1994: 79–81). Zimri-Lim writes a note to Yaqqim-Addu, governor of Saggaratum, directing him to restore a petitioner’s inheritance. 115 Yantin-Dagan, from Yaʾil, petitioned me, saying, “I hold 10 acres of land, an inheritance (of land) my father had bought. As for me, I fulfill service as a reservist. Yassi-Dagan cut me out from 3 acres of this inheritance of mine. At that time, I had moved to Dur-Yaḫdullim.” This is what he petitioned me. I am now sending you this man. You must give that man satisfaction. Give back to him the land that Yassi-Dagan removed. Give him back all the 10 acres of his inheritance. No one should trouble him about his land. Furthermore, commission this man to guard-duty; he will serve among my personal guards.

1.4.a.ii.  Restorer of land.  Yanṣib-Addu, associated with Qattunan province, writes ARM 26 445 to the king (likely Zimri-Lim). The matter may or may not be related to an andurārum, “remission”; but it does suggest the power of the king to restore land. The language is so rich in allusion to the divine that the letters might also belong to material on “Theomorphism,” at 1.2.c. All the servants of my lord know that I held land in Qattunan. But now God spoke and the one with right has returned to his right. 116 Now, if it pleases my lord, he should give me a field in Qattunan, so that I could be counted among my lord’s servants at the river bank. Me, I am not a feckless servant; rather, I am your loyal servant and your farmer. My lord must not count me among all (others). A property (sikiltum) of my lord I truly am. My lord should not deny me a field.

1.4.a.iii.  andurārum. Babylonian kings proved their attachment to justice (and proved themselves worthy of divine support) by issuing a mīšarum, often within the 115. Whether in assigning the petitioner to his personal service Zimri-Lim is being protective or acquisitive cannot be decided. Perhaps both. On this letter and its implications, see Charpin 2012e: 22–25. 116.  inanna ilum iqbima bēl kittim ana kittišu ittūr. It is possible, but for me less likely, that that phrase applies to the god who spoke, “the Lord of right has returned to his right.”

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first two years of their access to the throne. This act could also be an andurārum, a decree that forced remission of economic transactions, thus affecting the permanence of land or slave purchase. 117 The practice was known in Syria as well as Mesopotamia, so perhaps it was an Amorite institution. The term is cognate to Hebrew dĕrôr, but in Mesopotamia, its application depends on causes internal to a king’s reign. 118 1.4.a.iii.1.  M.11009+ (LAPO 18 1084).  Ḫammanum writes a king (Yasmaḫ-Addu): About the Sutu (tribesmen); never have these Sutu-tribesmen stolen sheep. Yet they have now just stolen sheep. A thieving group has shown up, but the owner of the sheep has prevailed over it. It is possible that the Sutu-tribesmen will meet with my lord. If it pleases my lord, he must not give order to release the Sutu-tribesmen, as long as they do not return the sheep. As to the matter of the andurārum-restoration of male and female slaves (to their previous owners), I am being asked (about it). My lord should send me his decision about the andurārum. It is nearing.

1.4.a.iii.2.  M.8161 (Marello 1997: 455–57; collations in Guichard 2002b: 152–53) is a letter Liqtum, wife of Adal-šenni of Burundum, writes to her brother Zimri-Lim; see also ARM 10 140, above at 1.3.a.iii.2b. 119 I am well; my lord Adal-šenni is well. He has entrusted his large palace to my control, thus giving me full satisfaction. Under my authority are now 200 women, including singers, weavers, and caretakers. They do as I tell or direct them. As my gift, Adal-šenni, my own lord. . . . (lines missing) Another matter: The daughter of Išme-Dagan and the daughter of Bin-Addu of the Yaʾilanum tribe are staying by me. 120 Yet they irritate me by saying, “Your brother, 117.  See also ARM 26 194 (at 5.5.c.i). For a nice dossier on the andurārum in the Mari age, see Charpin 1990c and LAPO 18 ##1082–1084, the last with two fragmentary letters on Yasmaḫ-addu’s proclamation of it. Whether or not Zimri-Lim inaugurated his reign with an andurārum is debated (Charpin 1990c: 266–68; Lion 1993). The king did begin his reign with an appeal to restore kings to their ancestral throne; so applying the notion to other aspects of life would not be far-fetched. 118.  That there was a need to immunize against the application of an andurārum is clear from ARM 8 33 (see at 4.7.e.iii.1). It ends with: “Even if there is a release (andurārum), the (payment of) silver will not be affected.” Another way to avoid problems with an andurārum is to declare that a person received a loan “after the uddurāri” (M.11264; see at 4.7.2.ii) or that a loan “is not affected by the uddurārum” (A.2654; Charpin 1990c: 258–60). The last example is particularly interesting as it is dated “Year: Išar-Lim has achieved to kingship,” suggesting that the borrower may not have gotten the loan without reassuring lenders that he will pay back no matter what the new king decides about revoking debts. Who Išar-Lim is and why he has used such a strange formulation for a year-name (ana šarrūtim erēbum) remain the subjects of romances; see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 73–74. 119.  Her note gives a nice overview of the glory and humiliation of living in a harem but also alludes to the application of an andurārum. We know that the promulgation of an andurārum in Aleppo created difficulties in Zimri-Lim’s attempt at purchasing a townlet called Alaḫtum (likely Alalaḫ) from Hammurabi of Yamḫad; see at 1.3.e.iv. 120.  These women were likely captured from Mari and delivered to the king of Burundum when Zimri-Lim took power.

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Kingship — 1.4.  Acts and Behavior your flesh and blood (heart) is well, but does not think of you.” They keep coming back to this matter; but I told them, “You will, one by one, know how much my brother is entrusting me!” Now then, because of their insult, do entrust me with a gift that pleases me. Humiliate [these women]. You know that young women left Ašnakkum during the andurārum-release. Yarim-Addu (of Kaḫat or a Zimri-Lim diplomat) has given (me) two young women as apprentice priestesses (dumu.munus ilūtim); yet more: Adal-šenni has given me young women, to keep. You should also send there. . . .

1.4.b.  Royal bearing 1.4.b.i.  Outward appearance 1.4.b.i.1.  Display of authority.  ARM 6 76 (LAPO 17 732) is a much discussed letter, posted by Baḫdi-Lim, governor of Mari province, to Zimri-Lim. The first portion is largely restored and does not always make sense; it may include Baḫdi-Lim’s recall moments in Zimri-Lim’s war against diverse Yaminite tribes. 121 Keep in mind that when facing Kilḫutum, before sunrise, when I aimed to secretly move up, my lord spoke to me about Yaggiḫ-Addu. (Also) keep in mind that when we reached the camp at Appan, I told my lord, “Today, the land of Yariḫu-tribesmen is given to you. Yet this land is still clothed in Akkadian garb, my lord should pay honor to his majesty. 122 Since you are (first) king of the nomads and you are, second, king of Akkad (land), my lord ought not ride horses; rather, it is upon a palanquin (nubālum) or on mules (anše.ḫá kūdani) that my lord ought to ride, and in this way he can pay honor to his majesty.” 123 This is what I told my lord. The city Mari, the palace, and the entire province is in good order. There is no neglect in protecting Mari, the city. My lord should begin his journey and arrive here quickly so that he can calm the land. The army can go wherever it must; but my lord come to Mari (first). I have sent this letter of mine to my lord on the 21st of the fourth month (Abum).

1.4.b.i.2.  Avoiding ostentation.  A.868 (Arkhipov 2010: 412–14). When representing kings, high officials can also ambulate on palanquins, eliciting envy that might 121.  Diverse treatments in Durand 1988a: 384; Ziegler and Charpin 2007: 75–76; Arkhipov 2010: 408–9; and Wasserman 2012: 89. Whether or not this letter dates from Zimri-Lim’s earliest ruling days is also debated. 122.  The phrase qaqqad šarrūtišu literally means “the head—i.e., the capital—of his kingship” (as in Gen 10:10, rēʾšît mamlaktô). It might also be a metaphor for the “essence of his kingship.” Scholars have promoted the latter more often than the former. 123.  See Yassi-Dagan’s taunt (LAPO 17 545; cited below at note to 1.5.b.iii.3), which includes reference to the king’s ostentatious ride on a palanquin. Solomon had a quality ʾappiryôn, likely a palanquin (Cant 3:9). These palanquins (nūbalum) were not the narrow litter that we see in the movies. In A.3892 (full text at 6.4.a.iii.3a), we learn that it might be too dangerous to transport rambunctious infants in them.

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even lead to their murder. 124 Sammetar sent this letter to Zimri-Lim, for whom he was a counselor, on which see primarily under 2.2.a.ii. About the palanquin that my lord sent me; this palanquin has reached me. My lord has certainly granted me great prestige; the whole land has heard (about it). Yet my lord knows that the kings of this land where I am about to go—aside from Buna-Ištar (of Kurda) and Šarraya (of Razama), who use a palanquin—they all ride a quality chariot. There are some who even ride an ordinary chariot. Now I fear that were I to ride a palanquin and these kings see (it), they will make a big fuss saying, “(he is) like us—yet he sent his servant here by having him ride a palanquin!” They will make a big fuss here. Now if it suits my lord, since all the messengers, no less than the whole land, have seen this palanquin, I plan to set the palanquin either in Qattunan or Saggaratum. If otherwise, my lord should write me whatever he wishes done.

1.4.b.ii.  Private advice.  Yasmaḫ-Addu was a cultivated, sensitive sort, with a pref­ erence for court life over the military life adopted by his brother, Išme-Dagan. (Think of Jacob versus Esau.) Here is the latter writing the former in ARM 4 70 (LAPO 16 33): From my sources, I have learned that you have complained about the installation of Ayyištulla in Qattunan and that your complaint was relayed to the king (Samsi-Addu). Why have you complained about this and why has this matter come out from your mouth? This is not adult. Why would I lengthen this letter? When in safety you go on the road, we shall meet and I will talk to you long on how these matters are right. (It is as if) you live at a distance now and not many (counselors) live with you as to give you advice on such matters. As for you, may God give you maturity. Whatever urgent news occurs to you, you send it out with (too) much gusto. It was so, when you wrote the king about Sin-tiri. Was it not so when in the past, in town, I told you, “I wish to advise you, but can I advise you without you? 125 Write to me whatever you plan to send to the king, saying “I plan to write the king such-and such [several lines damaged] . . . without consulting with me, do not write the king. Where I live is close by; write to me what you plan to write the king and let me advise on what is proper to do, “write as follows. . . .” In the future, should there be any matter (problem) . . . meet with me on your complaint.

1.4.c.  Journeys.  Mari kings journeyed frequently, often to quell rebellions, punish vassals, or expand on their holdings. Zimri-Lim was known to visit his vassals, especially when they married his daughters. 126 124.  From a note Iddiyatum posted to Zimri-Lim (ARM 26 512:5–12), “My lord’s messenger arrived here from Qabra and told me this, ‘I have no escort.’ Then he added, ‘Yaduram and the men with him carrying the palanquin were attacked and murdered between Arrapḫum and Kakmum. They also (took away) the palanquin. . . .’” 125.  Implying: . . . without you confiding with me? 126.  As far as I can determine, Zimri-Lim did not meet with his equals (“brothers”).

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1.4.c.i.  Journey to Ḫušla(n).  Occasionally, Zimri-Lim also made detours from military and diplomatic campaigns to visit for several weeks, such as at Ḫušla, giving him the occasion also to offer devotions to distant deities (such as Tešub of Kumme); see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 211–12. The journey to Ḫušla is documented mostly through administrative texts; but there is reference to it in ARM 27 131, a letter from Zimri-Addu, Qattunan’s governor. Qattunan, city and district, are well. When my lord was staying in Ḫušlan, a bull offered as igisûm was gagging. 127 I wrote to my lord and he wrote me back the following, “Kill that bull so that its meat and fat can be saved.” This is what my lord wrote to me. On my lord’s return from Ḫušlan, I reminded my lord about the meat of this bull and he told me, “It should be made ready.” But since I left, no one reminded my lord about the meat from this bull. I have now arrived (to find) that the meat of this bull, its fat as well, is now ready. The meat must not spoil. Once my lord writes me, the meat should be transported to Mari. Or else, my lord can write me whatever his decision.

1.4.c.ii.  Journey to Ugarit.  Yaḫdun-Lim once boasted of reaching the Mediterranean, threading his way through fairly hostile territory. 128 His trip could not have taken long. In contrast, what began for Zimri-Lim as military assistance—itself proving unnecessary—to his father-in-law, Yarim-Lim of Yamḫad, turned into a five-​ month trip that was commemorated in a rarely used year-name, “Year: Zimri-Lim went up to Yamḫad.” The trip took Zimri-lim, his cortège, and (a portion of) his 4,000+ army as far as Ugarit, where he spent almost a full month; see ARM 23 556, cited at 1.3.b.i.3. 129 1.4.c.ii.1.  Baḫdi-Lim posted this note (ARM 26 119) to the king: About what my lord wrote to me, we consulted with each other—I, Yasim-sumu, Kibri-Dagan, and Yaqqim-Addu. Our advice is that if my lord departs, he should go with well-equipped troops, with chariots and (military) equipment. If my lord does go, it would be good that once my lord reaches the troops, he would greet (it), give instruction to an inspector and send (him) off. For now, the troops are overnight at Saggaratum, but the next day, it will make its way from Saggaratum to spend the night by the bridge. My lord should offer several sacrifices before Dagan (until) God gives favorable omens to my lord. If God is positive that my lord should journey, then my lord will reach the troops and he will 127. On igisûm presentations, see above at 1.3.d.ii. 128.  “When Šamaš, having listened to [Yaḫdun-Lim’s] words, accepted his supplications, he promptly marched at Yaḫdun-Lim’s side. Ever since God built Mari in time immemorial, no king living in Mari reached the sea, reaching mountains of cedars and boxwoods—great mountains—to cut their trees. Yaḫdun-Lim son of Yaggid-Lim, powerful king, bull among kings, with full might went to the shore and offered Sea (Ayabba) sacrifices (worthy) of his great kingship, while his army bathed in the waters” (after Frayne 1990: 605–6:28–50). 129.  Along the way, Zimri-Lim made many stops, receiving and giving many gifts; see Villard 1986 for a full study, and the comments of Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 214–16.

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go with a well-equipped troops, chariots, and (military) equipment. 130 If my lord does go on a campaign, my lord will reach the troops and will greet it. He will also give instruction to an inspector and send him off. This is the advice Yasim-sumu, Kibri-Dagan, Yaqqim-Addu and I arrive at by consultation. [Few lines missing.]

1.4.c.ii.2.  Extract from unpublished A.2966:16–22, a letter from Itur-asdu; see Villard 1986: 411. . . . in the past when my lord went to Ugarit, with soldiers from Idamaraṣ going with my lord, the troops of Sumum disbanded. Until my lord’s return, the Sumum district was hostile in its entirety. As to the troops from Yapṭurum, which had kissed my lord’s foot, the land of Yapṭurum defeated it, incurring no blame. . .

1.4.d.  Arbitration (S. Lafont 2000). Kings also play a major role in arranging for ordeals, sometimes under supervision of a neutral vassal, thus in effect acting as deputies of the gods who settle the matter; see material collected under several sub-sections at 5.8. 1.4.d.i.  Ordeal to allocate a city.  Šubram of Susa writes ARM 28 95 (A.1251 = partially rendered as LAPO 18 1000) to his suzerain Zimri-Lim; see Durand 2004: 146–48, with different readings. A while ago, when my lord stayed in Tadum, regarding (the city) of Šunḫum about which Ili-Ištar of Šuna wrote this to my lord, “This city is mine and was taken by force from me. Ili-Addu of Kiduḫ(ḫum) for a while now has been raiding me ceaselessly.” This and much more having been reported to my lord, my lord summoned me and instructed me as follows, “Ili-Ištar and his elders, Ili-Addu and his elders, as well as you and leading elders from the land of Apum must come together so that Ḫaya-sumu (of Ilanṣura) can impose a ruling on you. You must comply with whatever ruling Ḫaya-sumu gives you.” This is what my lord instructed me. When Ḫaya-sumu returned from being with my lord, on a timetable set by Ḫayasumu and in accordance with my lord’s instruction, I, the leading elders from the land of Apum, as well as Ili-Addu and his elders went to Ḫaya-sumu. He (Ili-Ištar) did not come and he did not send his elders. Instead, he sent his servant Zakku and a youngster with him. Ḫaya-sumu imposed this ruling on us, “If this town is yours, 2 men and 2 women from Šuna must grasp earth from this city and plunge into the 130. The merḫûm Meptum posted this note (A.510:27–37), which I cobble from diverse cited fragments: [lines 27–37; Durand 2008a: 28 n. 104] My lord should travel in accordance with the omens. If God answers my lord favorably about his travel, my lord should come. Even if the omens are unfavorable, my lord should still come to see his servants and to give his blessings to them. And when my lord stands in the assembly of his servants so that his servants see him, the heart of the warriors revives. And when accompanied by his troops my lord would have gone to his destination, the heart of the troops will shine like the sun. [lines 46–48; Durand 2008a: 16 n. 46] My lord should offer several sacrifices to Dagan. May God give favorable omens to my lord.

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Kingship — 1.4.  Acts and Behavior (divine) River. They must swear (say) this, ‘This town is indeed mine (since) from time immemorial it has been given as part of the Yabasum (Simʾal clan). People from Apum have not given it as gift.’ This is what they must say as they plunge (into the river), so as to take the town. If not, 2 men and 2 women from Apum must grasp earth from this city and plunge into the (divine) River. They must swear (say), ‘This town is indeed Šubram’s (since) from time immemorial it has been given as part of the nomads.’ This is what they must say as they plunge (into the river), so as to take the town’.” With Ḫaya-sumu having imposed the ruling on us, he (Ili-Ištar) did not comply with it. Instead, he, being a raider (by character), is resuming kidnapping (raiding) the people of Apum. Those who move about early in the day or late at night, he promptly kidnaps them. I keep sending him messages, but he neither answers me nor accepts the ruling. In front of the very servant that I am sending he keeps abusing my lord Atamrum as well as uttering countless insults. As these (messengers) kept on being abusive in front of him, Haya-sumu became furious. My lord should write to Ḫaya-sumu for him to learn (more) about this matter. Another matter: About 80 men, troops of Kiduḫ leader—with Kirru at their head— are staying with him (Ili-Ištar). They keep on raiding into the heart of Apum territory, keeping the city of Kiduḫ itself badgered at all times. Because Išme-Dagan (of Ekallatum) has come up, he dispatched to him these troops, with Kirru at their head. He is now marching with Išme-Dagan toward Talbaʾum. Išme-Dagan and Ḫammurabi (of Kurda) having taken a sacred oath, these troops, with Kirru at their head, have (also) taken a sacred oath. When we asked him, “Why have you sent troops to Išme-Dagan? ” he (Ili-Ištar) answered, “These troops are supplementary; so they went (on their own).” Here, he keeps on affirming that the troops are supplementary; but before Išme-Dagan, he said, “These are Šuna troops and Kirru is a Šuna general.” Now my lord should inquire about these men, as he is claiming these troops to be supplementary. Because these troops have gone to Išme-Dagan without my lord’s (permission) and taken sacred oaths, these men are now hostile to my lord. My lord should give them a thought: these men are nomads and not from his (Ili-Ištar’s) land. He should stay by my lord. My lord should dispatch his inspectors with Teḫum-adal so as to lead these men to my lord. I am now sending Teḫum-adal to my lord. My lord should pay close attention to his words.

1.4.d.ii.  Ownership of land.  In ARM 8 85 + A.4304 (new edition, Charpin 1996: 344–45; Charpin 2000: 108–9), Zimri-Lim presides over a decision of leaders to confirm his ownership of land. 131 [Opens with 47 names, some from Simʾal clans.] Pulsi-Addu, (of) Yabusum, and his brethren have claimed royal land (field), saying, “It is our land.” The city Sapiratum gathered, and Zimri-Lim gave judgment in the temple of the city Ḫanat, letting the 131.  The measurements of the fields in question are in ropes (ašlum), normally a linear measure of 60 meters. As a surface measure, perhaps it represents an area of 60×60, thus 3,600m2, which is the equivalent of an iku. If so, we are dealing with a total of 20 acres of land. The list includes 47 names, 37 of which belonged to the Yumḫammu-clan that sided with the king. Charpin 1996: 346–47 offers a leaky explanation.

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city Sapiratum take a sacred oath. The 37 notables, leaders in the Yumḫammu clan, who invoked a sacred oath in the temple of Itur-Mer, have affirmed that indeed it was royal land: 13 “ropes” of land in Azraḫatum and 7 “ropes” of land in the village Yabruqqi, totaling 20 “ropes” of claimed land. He who would claim royal land in the city Sapiratum or among the Laḫmumi-​ brethren will pay the palace 10 pounds of silver. As well, the stake at the head of this land will be driven into his mouth; for he would have partaken (eaten) the oath of (divine) Dagan, Itur-Mer, Ḫanat, and (king) Zimri-Lim.

1.4.e.  Petitions.  Among the many privileges and duties the gods assign a ruling king is the obligation to resolve issues raised by concerned citizens. 132 1.4.e.i.  Zunana’s petition.  ARM 26 232 = LAPO 18 1262 (see Nissinen 2003: 61– 62) is written by a dreamer/visionary who knows exactly what God wants the king to do: give her justice by releasing a young woman (her daughter/servant?) to her care. As such, it fits as nicely among petitions sent to the king as among letters imparting divine messages. 133 When I lived in Ganibatum, I sent Kittum-šimḫiya toward Rubban. But she was kidnapped during her travel. Now your Lord Dagan made sleep for me even when no one had touched me. 134 When Dagan told me this, “Are you heading upstream or downstream? ” I answered, “Downstream! I came there, but did not find my little girl.” ––Now, when my lord went to Andarig, rumors came up to me about my little girl being with Sammetar [palace majordomo]. When I went to him he confirmed it, but then he again changed his mind and would not give me my little girl. 135 ––So Dagan told me, “As long as he does not bring your little girl from Zimri-Lim, no one can release her to you.” Now then, following Dagan’s command, my lord must not detain my little girl.

1.4.f.  Intercession.  Ḫaqba-ḫammu, diviner, high officer, husband of princess Iltani, and later king at Qaṭṭara, sent to Zimri-Lim FM 2 129 (A.476; see Lacambre 1994). I have listened to the tablet my lord sent me. My lord had written this about the young woman Šulantum, “A man, the father of the young woman Šulantum, and a woman, her mother, were on their way to me. But you made a raid and you captured them.” This is what my lord has written me. Now this or that said before my lord 132.  This is one demand that Addu of Ḫalab asks of the king in return for allowing him military success, “When a wronged person, male or female, appeals to you, be there to decide their case. This is what I want from you”; see FM 7 39 (full text at 5.7.b.iv). 133.  Zunana seems prone to petition; in ARM 26 107 (at 2.3.d.iii.2), she appeals to “brother,” the king’s valet Dariš-libur. She is mentioned in FM 9 34 in a damaged context. 134.  As is common in such letters, the language is ambiguous, so that the translation of key verbal forms and phrases has been in dispute. For example, uṣallilam is “made shelter for me,” (see Zgoll 2006: 168–69, 174); mamman ul ilputanni, “nobody had performed an incubation ritual” (Nissinen 2003: 61); pānūki eliš šapliš, “Es-tu gaie ou triste? ” (Durand 2000: 494–95). 135.  This segment is inserted into the dialogue Zunana had with Dagan to explain why she was heading in a certain direction when Dagan entered her dream.

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Kingship — 1.5.  Vassals was exaggerated. I have in no way raided her father and the woman, her mother. It is from her city itself that the woman herself was brought to me, in fact, as I heard the tablet of my lord. Now my lord should question (governor) Buqaqum. I have spoken in no uncertain terms to your “son” (King Asqur-Addu), and did not come to agree; but now I must complain. Still, I am now conveying to my lord the young woman Šulantum that my lord is requesting, together with her father and the woman her mother. All is well in the district.

1.5. Vassals 1.5.a.  Gaining support of vassals 1.5.a.i.  Musical chairs. When kings capture major power centers—such as is the case of Zimri-Lim of Mari—dependent powers likewise experience changes on the throne, often accompanied by wholesale transfers of population. Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka writes ARM 28 77 to his “father” Zimri-Lim. When my father was living in Tuttul, I sent soldiers and my father has had them battle Išme-Dagan and then brought them down to Mari. Now that my father has brought Mari under his control, if it is agreeable to my father, he should release them. The bodies of those who died should be buried; but my father should entrust those alive to [. . .] and to Abi-esar, the section leader. The men I had sent to my father are as if me (kīma pagrīya). But my lord should write me if any other person under his control is a ḫikît of my father, I would myself release him. These men, have they not died for your fame and for the entire land? Because of these (acts), my father should do me a favor and release them rather than keep them. Another matter: My father has overcome his enemy and has ascended to his ancestral throne. Yet I have not ascended to my ancestral throne. I remain a commoner (muškenêku). My father should accord me whatever he could spare. In my own land, officers of my father are many . . . [Several lines damaged].

1.5.a.ii.  Sub-vassalage.  Shift in alliances occur at diverse centers of secondary powers. Išme-Addu of Ašnakkum writes ARM 4 20 (LAPO 16 436; see Charpin 1993a: 173) to Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka, both ruling in the Upper Ḫabur valley.  136 I acceded to my father’s dynastic throne but having been very busy, I haven’t sent you my news. Now you are my brother, and aside from you, I have no other brother. I will make peace with any city or king that you take as vassal. You must not worry. Your throne is yours to keep. Just as I hold in hand Addu and Šamaš I also hold at the back of my neck the Elamites and the king of Ešnunna. 137 You must not worry. 136.  Ašnakkum (at Tell Chagar Bazar) is typical of a small power in the Upper Ḫabur that survives many usurpers. During Zimri-Lim’s brief reign (about 14 years), it had at least 8 rulers, among them Sammetar, Išme-Addu, and Šadum-labua, each and all mentioned in the letters below. A.2939 (1.5.b.iii.4) will tell us what happened to Išme-Addu. 137.  Or possibly: “(By) Addu and Šamaš, in my hand I hold the Elamites and the king of Ešnunna on the back of my neck.” There is an obvious pun here (ina qatīya – ina tikkatīya), but its precise import escapes me. Išme-Addu is prone to exuberance and hubris.

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As long as we are both well, you sit forever on your throne. We must take powerful sacred oaths between us; you and I must meet; we must establish an abiding covenant between us. 138 Be happy. You must not have any anxiety. (Remainder fragmentary.)

1.5.a.iii.  šūbultum gifts.  Mari administrative documents frequently record disbursement (šūbultum) of gifts sent to vassals; see Lerouxel 2002. As well, they register entry (šūrubtum) of presents from them. At their best, these exchanges balance out in value. Sometimes, those who write for items not available to them offer to compensate as asked. 1.5.b.  Whining and Scheming 139 1.5.b.i.  “Broken Reed.”  No Mari document draws a better picture of the troubled period than does a note from Ibal-El, Zimri-Lim’s chief tribal officer (merḫûm). He is citing a statement by Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka. With the full tablet not yet published, I cite this excerpt from A.3194 (Guichard 1999: 28–29): Who has grasped the hem of your lord and saved himself? Sabbuganni, king of Amaz, grasped the hem of your lord, but he was brought to an end . . . without finding a savior (mušēzibum). Why did your lord Zimri-Lim not save him? Sammetar, king of Ašnakkum, who even married Zimri-Lim’s sister, people . . . packed him in leather and delivered him to Elamite power. Why did your lord, Zimri-Lim, not save him? 138.  The oaths were taken very seriously. Yamṣum, Mari’s representative in Ilanṣura, writes as follows (ARM 26 302:16–27), “Someone went to my lord to slander me saying, ‘Yasim-El has entrusted to Yamṣum 7 Numḫa slaves.’ I would have defiled an oath by Itur-Mer and by my lord had I seen anything from Yasim-El or from soldiers or had I brought anything into Ilanṣura and had kept this matter from my lord’s knowledge; for who might save me in the future from my lord’s power? ” In fact, Yamṣum later admits to having accepted an ox from Yasim-El, about whom, see below. 139.  Vassals do not have the luxury of choosing their battles. A safer avenue for them was to strengthen their overlord, hoping to diminish the risk of his failure. We find them working actively to neutralize potential threats against a suzerain (ARM 26 37:5–16), to draw other minor powers to their own side (FM 6 18:27–31; see at 1.1.d.ii.1), or to occupy towns desired by their overlords. Others simply murdered vacillating neighbors. For a suzerain, keeping vassals from hostile behavior against each other must have truly sapped energy. From a long letter of Zakura-abu of Zalluḫan, son in-law and vassal of Zimri-Lim, comes a complaint against another vassal, Šubram of Susa. Šubram waited for Zakura-abu to make the rounds of sacrifices outside of his city, to incite rebellions against his rival. Forewarned, Zakura-abum was able to contain the problem. He continues (A.2822+:51–63; Guichard 2014d: 94–104), “The following day, I went into Zalluḫan and assembled my district. This is what I told them, ‘Why would YOU hem me in and risk ruining your land? I am stronger than YOU. If I am not YOUR lord, just tell me, and I will leave and my life would become safer.’ People in my district answered me, ‘Seize the one who has been speaking to your adversary and end his life.’ I said, ‘I will not kill (anyone). If YOU are honest with me and I am your lord, YOU should kill him.’ A man, my counselor (šukkalum), his accusers stood by, and in the assembly of the district, they killed him. My lord should know. It is the district that brought my opponent to account.” Zakura-abum’s problems with his neighbor continue until his death within five years of ascending the throne.

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Kingship — 1.5.  Vassals Yawi-ila, king of Talḫayum, whom Zimri-Lim set for kingship—an enemy/ḫabiru ended him in his own home. Why did your lord not save him? 140 Now Šubram as well as his people, who is (still) grasping the hem of your lord; well, Samsi-Eraḫ, a (mere) commoner, has already plundered his household and goods! Why did your lord, Zimri-Lim, not save him? As for me too, one of these days, you might save me? Who has grasped your hem and saved himself?

1.5.b.ii.  Excrement in a cup. Ḫuziri of Ḫazzikannum writes FM 2 122:34–44 (A.221; Guichard 1994: 237–40) to Zimri-Lim. 141 . . . Another matter: Why does my lord not write to Kaḫat about Akin-amar? Is this man, Akin-amar, just my enemy but not also my lord’s enemy? Why does he remain in good terms with my lord? Once, this man sat by my lord and drank a cup (of friendship). Having elevated him, my lord reckoned him among worthy men, clothing him in garment and supplying him with a ḫuburtum-headdress. Yet, turning around, (Akin-Amar) dropped excrement into the cup he used, becoming hostile to my lord.

1.5.b.iii.  Terru of Urgiš.  Urgiš, modern Tell Mozan in Syria, was a Hurrian center since the third millennium. Its king was Terru, a fine example of a vassal in constant warfare, trying to control territory that fortune shrinks and expands. In this respect, his condition is highly reminiscent of the situation of many Canaanite rulers in the Amarna Age. I offer a series of letters about his behavior. 142 1.5.b.iii.1.  To Zimri-Lim, his vassal Terru writes ARM 28 44bis. Previously, I made my plea in Nagar before my lord. This is what I said, “Because I have cast my lot with my lord, people in my town hate me. A couple of times I have had to save myself, escaping death.” This is what I told my lord, but my lord told me, “Until I come (to you), act to protect the life (lit., “head”) of Šadum-labua, your lord, as well as to stay safe. I personally do not know that it is because of me that your town hates you. You are mine; but the city Urgiš is someone else’s.” This is what my lord told me. Now Ili-Lim and Ašublan have heard news of a revolt and have [attacked?] Šadum-labua. But my lord’s protective spirits saved him from their grip (“claws”) . . . [A few lines fragmentary] . . . YOU need to make a decision. At that time, you will realize their full intents. 140.  For this episode, see A.2417 at 1.1.e.2. 141.  The full text of FM 2 122 is cited at 5.5.d.ii. 142.  In penance for his own infraction against Zimri-Lim, the same Terru of Urgiš offers to behead Išme-Addu of Ašnakkum, a neighbor with shifting loyalties (MARI 7 10; see at 1.5.b.iii.4). The head is delivered (MARI 7 12; see at 1.5.b.iii.5); but other vassals try to share the benefit derived from acting beyond the call of duty. Beheading is a fate that results from losing a battle. Iddiyatum, Zimri-Lim’s diplomat, gives this grizzly news to his king (ARM 26 511:56–58): “The Turukku (ruler) captured the town he was besieging. He beheaded its king and had it taken to Išme-Dagan, saying, ‘Here is the head of someone who relied on you’.” Vollemaere (2014) suggests that the unfortunate king was Arriyuk of Kalḫu. Arriyuk, it may be recalled, is often compared to Arioch of Gen 14:1, 9; see note to 5.8.a.

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1.5.b.iii.2.  ARM 28 44.  Terru writes to Zimri-Lim: Previously, my lord informed me via Ḫalu-rabi as follows, “Where are all the good deeds that I have showered on Terru? Why has this person not done the same for me even once? ” As soon as Ḫalu-rabi told me this, I gathered the information that my lord sent me and (sought) to do well by my lord. Since I fulfilled this matter, my city was ready to cover me up with stones; but the god of my lord extracted me from the grip (claw) of Elam’s viceroy. My lord should know this. My lord must not say anything because I could not visit my lord. People of Ḫurra are at war with Šadum-labua because of Išme-Addu (of Ašnakkum). Moreover, in their anger, Ilisumu is being promoted as a political rival for Šadum-labua. I am keeping control of Ašnakkum’s fortress. As to Šadum-labua, my lord ought to send him out with honor. Once Šadum-labua comes back, I will then come to my lord.

1.5.b.iii.3.  Ili-Sumu of Ašlakka posted ARM 28 98 to Zimri-Lim. Late in the latter’s reign, he moves to take control of Ašnakkum. 143 When I stayed in Mari before my lord, I had my lord’s favor. 144 So my lord told me, “Go to your land and stay in a town that is at peace with you until I come (there).” My lord told me this and much more. Once I reached my land, my lord’s god came to my aid, and the land—all of Idamaraṣ and Sumum—turned to my side. Ašnakkum held back. Urgiš is negotiating (ceding to) Šadum-labi its half of (territorial) possession that Išme-Addu took. 145 Whatever (territories) he has not touched are at peace with me. Now when I approached Ašnakkum for combat, Terru, the king of Urgiš, shouted to me from the rampart, “When did a minion (šaknum) of Zimri-Lim ever set up a king at Ašnakkum? ” I answered him, “As to the vizier (šukkalum) of Elam—when, O when did he ever install a king in Ašnakkum? The whole land belongs to my lord.” My lord should be pleased. Now, a messenger of Šadum-labi is making his way to my lord. My lord must not let him loosen his mouth. 146

1.5.b.iii.4.  Off with his head!  Itur-asdu, governor of Naḫur, writes MARI 7 10:11–25 (A.2939; LAPO 16 296; see Charpin 1993a: 188–89) to Zimri-Lim. Previously, Terru king of Urgiš wrote to me, “Since I have acted badly toward my lord, I want to do something good for my lord: I will cut off the head of Išme-Addu 143.  Note the citation of the taunt at a city’s ramparts. By citing it, Ili-Sumu is doubtlessly provoking Zimri-Lim against Terru. 144.  The phrase pān(ū) [x] yuttun, “the face of x is mine” may be Amorite. 145.  Partially following Heimpel’s suggestion (2000: 101) for lines 17–21. 146.  Taunts are nicely reproduced in Mari texts, some meant to force the hearer into stronger support (see A.3194 at 1.5.b.i) but others to shame the listener into abandoning their suzerain. To the latter belongs this extract from A.1025:13–19 (LAPO 17 545; Kupper 1990), “. . . Sir Zaziya is threatening at the edges of Ḫadnu-rapi and of his land, with plans to destroy it. He has turned public opinion against my lord. He has told the kings the following, ‘Where is Zimri-Lim whom you are seeking to be YOUR “father” and behind whom will YOU march while he himself rides a palanquin? Why has he not come here to save YOU?’ This is what Zaziya said to Bunu-Ištar (of Kurda), Ḫadnu-rapi (of Qaṭṭara), Šarrum-kima-kalima (of Razama) and Zimriya (of Zurra), among other kings.” For comments on taunts in the Book of Judges, see Sasson 2014: 393, 519 n. 19.

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Kingship — 1.5.  Vassals (of Ašnakkum) and convey it to my lord.” This is what he wrote me and I am forwarding it to my lord. Now a man, Iṣi-nabu by name, with 30 Yamutbal Ḫabirus under his command—this man wrote to me the following, “Muster 500 to 600 men, then come and by night I will deliver Ašnakkum to you.” This is what he wrote to me. Because I had not yet asked my lord and because I am short on the number of men available to me, I have not yet acted on this news. My lord should consider the matter. I am ready to do what my lord instructs. On this news, I keep sending my young servant to Ašnakkum. I have contacted Išme-Addu about f  Ḫaliyatum and about people belonging to Ayarum, but he keeps answering me with lies. 147 [A few lines damaged.] One way or another, my lord should write me so that, depending on favorable omens, I can act on his orders.

1.5.b.iii.5.  MARI 7 12 (M.7411; see Charpin 1993a: 189–90).  Yadur-nassi, a Mari factotum, 148 sends this note to Zimri-Lim. A servant of Šadum-labua, brother of Sammetar the king of Ašnakkkum, a servant of Terru of Urgiš, and a servant of Ḫammikun of Šuduḫum have had the head of Išme-Addu of Ašnakkum conveyed to Saggaratum. I questioned them and they told me, “. . . the army of Atamrum (of Andarig) came to Ašnakkum. Having heard it, Terru and (Ḫammikun) killed Išme-Addu and forced the army of Atamrum out. . . .” (Rest damaged). 149

1.5.b.iv.  Inconstancy. One of the most arresting documents about the inconstancy of allies and the futility of oath-making is a letter found at Shemshara (ShA1 1 [SH.809] = Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 70–72]). This is an extract from a letter Samsi-Addu—himself never the most trustworthy of leaders—sent to his vassal Kuwari: Certainly, you must have heard about the hostility of Yašub-Addu of Aḫazû. Previously, he followed the leader of Šimurru. He abandoned him to follow the Tirruku leader. He abandoned that ruler to follow the Ya-ilanum tribe. When he abandoned this tribe, he followed me. Me, too, he has abandoned now, and he is ready to follow the ruler of Kakmu. He had taken a sacred oath to all these kings; yet, it took just three years between his making peace with them and turning hostile. When he made peace with me, he took a sacred oath in my presence at the temple of Tešub at Arrapḫum. He did the same again by the bank of the Zab River at Ayinum. I myself took a sacred oath in his presence. So, twice he took sacred oaths; yet since he grasped the hem of my garment (i.e., became my vassal), I did 147.  There is a Ḫaliyatum who was kin to Zimri-Lim. She may have been in Ašnakkum when Išme-Addu took control of the city from Sammetar; hence Zimri-Lim’s interest in punishing Išme-Addu. Ayarum is not known to me. 148.  See Bonechi and Catagnoti 1997: 779. 149.  From ARMT 25 447, we learn that “1 bow of kín-wood; 5 bronze arrows, belonging to Išme-Addu, king of Ašnakkum, that Abum-El brought here from Ašnakkum (are) assigned to Yasim-El, in Saggaratum. 12/iii/ZL11′.” The transfer of weaponry is reminiscent of David depositing the armor of Goliath in his tent (1 Sam 17:54), but the giant’s sword he devoted to the sanctuary at Nob (1 Sam 29:9). See above, note to ARM 28 98 at 1.5.b.iii.3.

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not forcibly remove from his land any silver, cattle, sheep, or grain. I did not seize (even) one city from his land. Still, he is now hostile to me and is following the Kakmu leader. With (one) king he makes peace by taking a sacred oath; then with a(nother) king he makes peace by taking a sacred oath. He will become hostile with the previous king with whom he makes peace; yet, within a couple of months, he will reverse the peace that he concludes with the (next) king. He made peace with me for one month before once more he became hostile. Now, these following [x] months are cold, so I can’t overtake him. Once the weather improves, you will hear about how I will treat his land. As to Kušiya, why does he remain there? Give him instruction and send him to me by the [x] day of the month, before your mountains and roads get icy: From Zasli to Šegibbu; from Šegibbu to Zikum; from Zikum to Uraʾu; from Uraʾu to Lutpiš; from Lutpiš to the land of Ḫaburatum. Now, if otherwise, because your mountains and roads are already icy so that he cannot travel, let him stay with you. Make it your responsibility to provide him and his servants food and drink (“bread and beer”). Do release the people of the bearer of this tablet of mine.

1.5.c.  Duty of a suzerain.  ARM 28 16 (LAPO 18 857). Zimri-Lim was to have posted this letter to his father-in-law, Yarim-Lim of Yamḫad (Aleppo). That it was found in Mari suggests that the king had second thoughts. 150 “Father” stands for “suzerain” in diplomatic language. 151 I hear the following said: “In Imar, there is much grain belonging to the merchants; but as to conveying the grain to Mari, Yarim-Lim is opposed.” This is what I have heard. What is this? Why is my father finding pleasure in my not being strong? Does it suit what has been said to me? “As to Zimri-Lim, I myself have set him on his 150.  A.1101 (LAPO 16 230) is a letter Sammetar, then a counselor to Zimri-Lim, sent to coach him on how to offer the least embarrassing reason for the lack of grain. Previously, I had offered the king the following advice on contacting Yarim-Lim about grain supplies: “Let it be that flooding carried away the harvest of my lord’s grain; or that extreme weather damaged it, so that my lord could not achieve it. Is it not because of hostility that he (Zimri-Lim) could not reap in peace the grain of my lord’s land? My lord has been embarrassed to write.” This is the advice I previously offered before my lord. Apparently my lord was not reminded, and my lord has not (yet) written Yarim-Lim about this matter. My lord should now reconsider, and write Yarim-Lim the following: “During hostilities, I have not reaped a full harvest of my land’s grain for two full years now, with grain becoming scarce in my land.” My lord should certainly write in this way but not the other. Should it happen that sooner or later Yarim-Lim takes up the matter with my lord, saying, “(With) the harvested grain becoming so scarce in your land, why did you not send me a message (earlier)? ” My lord could then have a grievance against him. ARM 26 532 suggests that a concerted effort is necessary among Aleppo, Carchemish, and Mari to control the lucrative trade of Imar merchants. 151.  It can also be a language of politeness. When Aplaḫanda of Carchemish, a “brother” of Zimri-Lim, died, his son writes for support by showing deference (ARM 26 537:2′–9′): “My father Aplaḫanda has not died; he still lives. Zimri-Lim is my father and Yatar-Ami is truly your son. Hold him in your hand; for him not to feel that his father has indeed died, speak to him.”

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Kingship — 1.6.  Diplomacy and Treaty-making throne. I therefore want to do what strengthens him and what secures the foundation of his throne”? Yet you now oppose the conveying of grain to Mari. At one point, Hammurabi (of Kurda?) sent me the following letter. “If grain at your disposal is scarce, write me and I can load up 50,000 donkey (measures) and convey it presently to Mari.” But I, because I have relied on you, answered him saying: “Don’t transport any grain to me; there is much grain here. It is among you that it is lacking.” 152 This answer did I give Hammurabi. However, in my heart I had the following thought: “It is my father who, having brought me to my throne, (is the one) who will strengthen me and secure the foundation of my throne.” Now, ever since I came to the throne many days ago, I could look ahead only to wars and battles. I have never brought in a full harvest (in peace). If in truth (you are) my father, make it your business to strengthen me and to secure the foundation of my throne. My father should pay attention to what is in this letter of mine. All merchants in Imar who control grain should send boats on their way so as to bring calm to the land. Another matter: I have now conveyed (all) the tin at my disposal. When (more) reaches me, I will indeed convey it to you. Letters with news of the well-being of my father should come to me regularly.

1.6.  Diplomacy and Treaty-making 1.6.a.  Status 1.6.a.i.  šarrū dannūtum, “Great Kings.” A.482:22–27 (cited from Dossin 1938b: 114; commentary in B. Lafont 2001a: 222–24). Itur-asdu was governor of Naḫur sometime during Zimri-Lim’s sixth year. Not mentioned, because taken for granted, is Zimri-Lim, likely assessed as on a par with Hammurabi. It is worth noting that, less than eight years later, this pecking order might include only rulers in Babylon (Hammurabi), Qatna (Amut-pi-El), and Yamḫad/Aleppo (another Hammurabi). 153 No king is truly powerful just on his own: ten to fifteen kings follow Hammurabi of Babylon, as many follow Rim-Sin of Larsa, as many follow Ibal-pi-El of Ešnunna, and as many follow Amut-pi-El of Qatna; but twenty kings follow Yarim-Lim of Yamḫad.

1.6.a.ii.  Domino effect.  Ibal-pi-el writes A.2119 (LAPO 17 442; Charpin 1992a) to Zimri-Lim. 154 152.  The dialogue, likely invented, partakes of the taunt, a subject well rehearsed in ancient literature; see above, notes to A.3892 at 1.4.b.i.1. 153.  Hammurabi was a popular (throne) name in the Mari age, used by rulers in Ašnakkum, Babylon, Kurda, and Yamḫad (Aleppo). 154.  The past is frequently invoked as bearing lessons for the present and future; see the fine studies of Charpin 1998b and Durand 2003. Reflection on the moral quality of dynasty is related by the diplomat Ḫabdu-malik, who cites Hammurabi of Kurda’s gnomic statement. “If a house in which the upper storey has collapsed but its foundation remains solid, (the groundwork of) the

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I have heard about the release of Yariḫa-abum from the (control of the) ruler of Ešnunna. My lord knows how full of deceit that House is. I fear that until it captures Andarig, it will keep my lord completely duped. But as soon as it seizes Andarig, it will aim for Kurda. Subsequently, it will cross Mount Saggar [Sinjar], and all of Šubartum will shout “Hail, my lord” to it. This House is beginning to behave as did Samsi-Addu in progressively resetting his frontiers. Seizing Ekallatum, it will [move] toward Qaṭṭara and Allaḫad. Once it seizes a town, it forces it under its control. This House is indeed full of deceit. Now before the burden becomes too heavy to bear, time is near when we must move against him. The tribesmen are eager for battle; the rulers of Idamaraṣ are gathered, together with their armies, and look only toward my lord for help. The sheikhs (sugāgū) are gathered and have sent Anniti-El and Ḫanzan to my lord. My lord should consult with his servants and decide on heading here.

1.6.a.iii.  Standing. 155  Išḫi-madar, an obscure officer, sent FM 2 117 (B. Lafont 2002: 204–15) to Zimri-Lim. He wrote as if accompanied by another officer. 156 When, together with our lord, Ma[. .], we arrived at Mari, we made the following declaration before our lord, “Our lord should make an effort to bring out Simaḫ-​ ilane from where he is now, so that our lord could restore the Simʾal and Numaḫa (Numḫa) tribes to one single finger that is not liable to splitting. 157 Until our lord brings out Simaḫ-ilane, he should correspond with Hammurabi in the status of a vassal (‘son’).” 158 My lord has listened to the appeal of his servants; he has corresponded with Hammurabi in the role of a vassal, and he brought out Simaḫ-ilane. Yet, when (afterward) my lord corresponded with Hammurabi, he did not do so as a vassal. My lord should keep this in mind. Now, as to the fact that Simaḫ-ilane has not assumed the role of a vassal when corresponding with my lord, but rather wrote as an equal (“brother”), (it is because) the royal agents and elders of Numaḫa went and told Simaḫ-ilane, “Why would you correspond with Zimri-Lim in the role of a vassal? You should keep corresponding with Zimri-Lim as an equal, much like Aštamar-Addu corresponded with Yaḫdullim as an equal!” It was on the advice of the royal agents and the elders of

house will remain solid. But if its foundations have collapsed, even when its upper storey is solid there is nothing its builder can do: it will fall” (ARM 26 392:45–48; full text at 1.6.b.i). 155.  In the Old Babylonian period, and likely because tribal behavior inspired diplomatic language, kinship terminology expressed status. Kings with effective control over territory and with vast regional influence were “brothers” to each other. They were “fathers” and “lords” to vassals, their “sons.” Vassals too partook of this vocabulary with each other, behaving as “brothers” to their own equals and “fathers” to sub-vassals. The pattern had applications at each and all rungs of the dominance ladder. 156.  Aštamar-Addu and Simaḫ-ilane ruled Kurda successively. Simaḫ-ilane had just gone to Babylon to gain the support of Hammurabi. 157.  The imagery is clear enough; however, it may gain from connection with omen literature that speaks of a split in the “finger” of lungs or liver, usually with omens that depend on the number of resulting segments. 158.  Literally, “addressing Hammurabi in the status of a son (marūtam ana Ḫammurabi lišpur).”

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Kingship — 1.6.  Diplomacy and Treaty-making Numaḫa that Simaḫ-ilane has corresponded with my lord. For this reason our lord must not be angry with us. 159 Another matter: About the followers of Asqur-Addu (of Karana), as my lord told Simaḫ-ilane, these men were taken into detention no sooner did they arrive here. Now that they are in detention, when will their release take place? Because of these men, we can’t begin to talk to the population. This matter is shameful! When my lord meets with Simaḫ-ilane, my lord should claim these men, so that Simaḫ-ilane will not keep on holding them. My lord should pay particular heed to this tablet of mine. 160

159.  From his earliest days on the throne, Zimri-Lim was given advice on how to relate to others. The merḫûm Ašmad writes this note to Zimri-Lim (A.861, unpublished, cited from Charpin 2007: 403) on how to treat a potentially crucial ally, Aduna-Addu of Ḫanzat, “Aduna-Addu had a tablet brought to me, saying: ‘Why does your lord write to me as a father?’ This tablet was brought to me by Yattu-Lim. Let my lord question Yattu-Lim. My lord must gain the goodwill of Aduna-Addu, because of the Yaminites. Aduna-Addu continually [writes]: ‘Why does Zimri-Lim not address me as a brother?’ Now, then, please tone down your address. When you have a tablet taken to Aduna-Addu, write to him as a brother, if you wish him to reject an alliance with the Yaminites. My lord must gain the goodwill of Aduna-Addu.” 160.  As it happens, we have another letter that deals with these two topics, albeit in reverse order. Zikri-Addu, a governor of Qattunan province, sent FM 2 118 (B. Lafont 1994: 215–18) to Zimri-Lim. I cite only the portion that deals with the issue of status (lines 6′–23′), “Another matter: My lord has written about the fact that on previous occasions Simaḫ-ilane has corresponded with my lord as an equal (‘brother’). We had spoken before our lord (Simaḫ-ilane) about sending and corresponding under the term suzerain (lit., ‘fatherly authority,’ awāt abūtim); but what could we do under duress from the land? For the land rose to say (to Simaḫ-ilane), ‘Why should you correspond as a vassal when we should hold on to a precedent: previously Yaḫdullim and Aštamar-Addu corresponded as equals with each other. Now then, you must correspond with him (Zimri-Lim) as an equal.’ It is therefore on instruction of the land itself that lord Simaḫ-ilane has corresponded as an equal with my lord. My lord should not be angry with me over these matters.” The Mari archives contain a fair amount of correspondence on this matter, proving that skin was thinnest when diplomatic formality is most lax. The name of the sender of FM 7 1 (A.3089: Durand 2002a: 4–7) is lost but is likely to be Dariš-libur, the king’s keeper of the wardrobe, on a mission to Aleppo (see ARM 18 25 at 2.3.d.i.1). The letter’s opening line is damaged but picks up with the diplomat having relayed Zimri-Lim’s demand that Yarim-Lim of Aleppo hand over a Yaminite leader (Dadi-ḫadun) because he insisted on treating the king of Mari as a “brother.” The diplomat continues (lines 11′–32′): When I asked him this, he (Yarim-Lim) shouted, “What? To give (him up)? (Zimri-Lim) wants of me something unacceptable.” Because I had insisted on his delivery and he did not give him to me, he was then summoned and (Yarim-Lim) addressed him, “why do you set yourself on a par with Zimri-Lim by writing him as ‘brother’? ” Once he told him this, he denied it, saying, “I did not write.” As he denied it, I confronted him. Later, (Yarim-Lim) summoned him and said, “You will write (Zimri-Lim) as ‘father’ and lord. When doing so, you will write, ‘To my ‘father’ and lord.’ This is how you will write. Now go, this and that sheikh will take the following sacred oath in the temple of Addu, ‘Any enemy, here or elsewhere, who becomes hostile to Zimri-Lim, I shall battle while giving help (to Zimri-Lim).’ All those sheikhs who are with you must take an oath, so that your lord (Zimri-Lim) can commit (“touch his throat”) and thus true peace can be achieved’.”

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1.6.a.iv.  Friction.  Ḫit was among a handful of towns on the Euphrates that were once controlled by Samsi-Addu but that Elam had assigned to Zimri-Lim. Two notes are presented here. 161 1.6.a.iv.1.  Sharing Ḫit.  Two of Zimri-Lim’s diplomats, Išḫi-Dagan and Yanṣib-Addu, report (ARM 26 449) on their discussion (around ZL5) with Hammurabi of Babylon about it. As we were reaching Sippar of Šamaš . . . came and became our guide. We reached Greater Sippar and Yanṣib-Addu, my lord’s servant, delivered my lord’s message to Hammurabi. As he was doing it, Hammurabi kept on listening to him, without interjecting, during the entire delivery of the message. Until Yanṣib-Addu completed his report, Hammurabi was very attentive; but then as he completed the report, he addressed us, saying, “Has this House, then or now, ever transgressed against Mari? Furthermore, has there ever been a single lapse between Mari and this House? Mari and Babylon, then as now, are one House—and one finger—that cannot be led into splitting. Even as now Zimri-Lim keeps me abreast of every event and is forthright with me, previously did not his father (Yaḫdun-Lim) and grandfather (Yaggid-Lim) keep this House abreast of every event? Ever since Zimri-Lim moved to support me and began to communicate with me, no transgression or attack on him has been attributed to me. I have been entirely favorable to him and he is deeply aware of how favorable I have been to him.” 162 Once he said these and many such agreeable words, I replied, “Indeed you have in no way transgressed against my lord, and my lord has in no way transgressed against you. You certainly have been favorable to my lord, yet my lord too has been favorable to you. He has honored you and has promoted your excellent reputation. Of the kings allied to you whose causes you have championed, writing constantly to the Elamite vizier (sukkal)—among these kings, there is no one who has been more favorable to you and has honored you more than my lord. Upon your request, he once arrested and conveyed to you ambassadors from Ešnunna! When you once again wrote about sending troops, my lord culled the best troops and sent them to you. Now for sure, at least five times or more, I keep telling you this, “If it happens that my lord keeps writing to you, but you do not accept because my lord has been removed from your heart. You must know that over time you will recognize my lord, for he will surpass you in showing favor. As I have been telling you for a while now, have you over time not recognized the way of my lord? Now then, matching the favors my lord has showered on you and the way he has honored you, give him satisfaction: commit yourself (napištaka luput) regarding the various towns that the vizier of Elam, your “father,” has given my lord, and may utter sincerity prevail.” 163 161.  In fact, control of Ḫit remained a major problem for the two allies; see ARM 26 469 at 1.6.c.ii.2a and several documents under 5.8.a. Good discussions in S. Lafont 2000: 572–74 and in Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 202. 162.  Hammurabi can lay it thick when he wishes, as in the opening lines of ARM 26 468:3– 12, at 1.6.a.iv.2. Reports by Mari diplomats give us insights into the personalities of many of the major players of the period, including Zimri-Lim’s. 163.  On the idiom, napištam lapātum, “to touch the throat,” in a gesture of commitment, see below at 1.6.c.

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Kingship — 1.6.  Diplomacy and Treaty-making This is what I told him and he answered me, “Among my allies there is no one who could compare to how much Zimri-Lim has done me favors and honored me. I want to satisfy him by matching his favors. An eternal bond (fringe) shall be knotted between us. Consequently, review the stipulations before I answer you.” I replied, “It is for you to review them”; and when he said “Very well, I will do so, but mention the cities for which I must commit,” I said, “Ḫit, Ḫarbe, and Yabliya.” “You must not mention Ḫit!” he said. “The situation is similar to what had happened when Samsi-Addu forced Rapiqum out of the king of Ešnunna’s control and gave it to me. Since then my garrison stayed there and must remain there even now. As Samsi-Addu’s garrison stayed there ever since then, Zimri-Lim’s garrison can stay also. Just as my garrison and his have stayed jointly there, these garrisons (of ours) should be merged as one. A peace accord between us must last forever.” (As) he was saying this, (he said) in the presence of Elam messengers, “I shall treat Zimri-Lim nicely. You must not utter (the names) of these towns to the vizier of Elam. . . .” [A few lines damaged.] Just now Sumu-Eraḫ and Ziyatum are dispatched with urgency to my lord. My lord should consult in view of their report and send me promptly a full report. I will act as my lord instructs me.

1.6.a.iv.2.  Abum-mekin (Abi-mekim) sent ARM 26 468 to Zimri-Lim, a few years later. My lord’s mission is safe. I have arrived at Babylon and gave to Hammurabi the message that my lord has entrusted to me. He was very pleased. He then told me, “It must be on the command of God himself that Zimri-Lim has sent these words. Ever since Zimri-Lim, Yarim-Lim (of Yamḫad), and I have become allies and have clasped each other’s hand, no wicked enemy can do anything. We shall tear out the claw of that enemy from the land itself.” This and much more did Hammurabi say, and in the spirit of words that he spoke in his joy, I spoke to him proper and suitable words, meant to soothe him. The next day, I brought to him the tablet of commitment (ṭuppi napištim) that my lord entrusted to me. He listened to this tablet. Now, when he heard about the cities Yumaḫammi, Ḫit, and Yabliya that are registered in the tablet of commitment, he said, “Why has Zimri-Lim injected obstacles among the good words, by registering in the tablet of commitment the cities Yumaḫammi and Ḫit and sending it to me? ” I answered him, “My lord never covets what is not his lot. . . .” [Lines damaged, picks up with Hammurabi speaking] “. . . for four years now, these matters between Zimri-Lim and me have not been cleared up, yet there has not been confusion. The matter of the frontier should be behind (us). Strike out Ḫit from the tablet of commitment and let me commit. Then just take the lead of the troops and make your way. Once the goals are achieved, kings that are our equal could afterward sit and give their judgment. I am ready to accept the judgment they proclaim.” This is what (Hammurabi) said. I answered him, “My lord has arranged for allies throughout the land in your behalf. He has contantly campaigned for the downfall of a wicked enemy that has circled your frontiers, thus tearing out its claw from Akkad territory. In the spirit of my lord’s favor, release these towns that are his lot; in the running waters of Ḫit, display

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(your) favor. You must not seek grief when good prevails; the matter must not turn into confrontation.”  164 This is what I told him. He said, “I will share my fear: If this were a (simple) issue, why would I desire (to have) Ḫit? The strength of YOUR land is in donkeys and wagons; but the strength of this (my) land is in boats. I desire this city especially for its bitumen and asphalt. Were it not so, why would I desire this town? I will listen to whatever Zimri-Lim writes in exchange for Ḫit.” Hammurabi toughened his position (“hands”) over Ḫit, saying, “I will not release Ḫit when. . . .” Now then, Kalalum and Puzur-Marduk have received this report and have departed to my lord. Let them expose their views before my lord. My lord should consider (the matter) in accordance with his great kingship. I shall do whatever my lord writes to me.

1.6.b.  Protocol 165 1.6.b.i.  Ranking.  Laʾum, ambassador to Babylon, reports to Zimri-Lim (ARM 2 76 = LAPO 16 404). We entered to take a meal in Ḫammurabi’s presence, moving into the Palace Court. Just the three of us—Zimri-Addu, I, and Yarim-Addu—were provided with garments, whereas the Yamḫad (delegates) that entered with us were all outfitted. As all the Yamḫadians were outfitted but they did not outfit the attachés (ša sikkim), my lord’s servants, I told Sin-bel-aplim (Ḫammurabi’s chief-of-staff) on their behalf, “Why do you segregate us as if the brood of a sow? 166 Whose servants are we, and whose servants are these attachés? We are all the servants [of the same king], so why would you pit the right against the left? ” This is what I stressed to Sin-bel-aplim. While I was arguing with Sin-bel-aplim, my lord’s servants, the attachés, got angry and stormed out of the Palace Court. Hammurabi was told of the matter, and subsequently they were outfitted. Once they were outfitted, Ṭab-eli-matim and Sinbel-aplim (summoned me) and told me (what) Hammurabi had said, “Since early morning, you keep obstructing me with provocative words. Do you now dictate to my palace about garment (distribution)? Whoever pleases me, I outfit; whoever does not, I don’t. I won’t come back (on this): I will not outfit messengers at banquets!” This is what Hammurabi told me; my lord should know this. 167 164.  Abu-mekim is doubtlessly striving for eloquence. It is important to keep in mind that Abu-mekim’s words are also there to prove his loyalty and cleverness to Zimri-Lim. 165.  The category “diplomat” that we attach to a career officer operating in behalf of the state did not exist, although diplomacy was carried out with much gusto in the Mari age. Those traveling between capitals could be tribal officers, diviners, merchants, and any person trusted by the king to carry messages to and fro. Women did not participate in these transactions, although princesses married to vassals certainly had a role in them. 166.  Or, less likely, “bandits.” 167.  A more congenial experience is conveyed by Ḫabdu-malik, a top adviser of Zimri-Lim, who was sent on a mission to King Hammurabi of Kurda. He writes (ARM 26 392:1–16), “Having left Andarig, I entered Kurda. Just before nighttime, I was invited to dinner and I went. No one

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1.6.b.ii.  Tact.  Yasim-sumu sent ARMT 13 32 (LAPO 16 408) to Zimri-Lim. YatarAddu is an experienced merchant, plying the Elam route. He likely spoke Elamite. As my lord has written me, I have had conveyed to the Elamites a jar of wine, 2 fine male sheep, and the ice that was brought from my lord. Now my lord had written, “The Elamites are upset because of their meals. They seem upset because of their meals as well as the gifts due to them. Now either you or someone from your circle should look into the matter.” I sent Yatar-Addu (to find out) about their boat and their food provisions. In fact, they are not upset because of their gifts or their provisions; rather, they are upset because of the palace situation. 168 They complained a great deal to Yatar-Addu. I am just now sending Yatar-Addu to my lord, bearing a complete report. My lord can question him.

1.6.b.iii.  Table diplomacy.  Šunuḫra-ḫalu reports (FM 7 45 = A.2428) on negotiations regarding the purchase of Alaḫtum (see FM 7 36 at 1.3.e.iv). During the pagrāʾum/pagrûm-presentation for Dagan, Šalaš (Nin.ḫursagga), and Ḫebat, we sat in the palace for Sumu-epuḫ’s great commemoration (idirtum rabītum). 169 Now Hammurabi (of Yamḫad) had set the meal before the gods and as among (his) allies was sitting in his presence; but I was sitting there. With me was Yašub-Dagan, my lord’s servant; but he was sitting on a distant seat in a separate area. I took up conversation with him (Hammurabi) and drew him into it, such that I had him soothed. This is what I told him, ‘Please let me hear from you all the news that I keep hearing from (my sources). Just give me a full report. . .’.” The attendance of diplomats at the table of their hosts was highly choreographed—not just whether they stand, sit on chairs, or on their haunches, but also how far from the host and how many genuflections they make on being served (see LAPO 16 5 at 6.3.a.i.1). One such dilemma confronted Ibal-pi-El (see below about him). In a letter cited only in translation (A.258; Charpin 2013b: 45–46), he presses the king on how to act at a meal before Hammurabi of Babylon. Diplomats from Kurda are there, too, and as they are vassals of Mari, the quandary is whether to accept their seating alongside Mari’s delegates. Should he allow it, Zimri-Lim might feel insulted; should he not, he might be insulting Kurda. Other examples occur in Mari. The following kvetch comes from a messenger for the humbled Išme-Dagan; he writes from Babylon (ARM 26 384:68′–70′): “When I came to Babylon, for the messengers of Zimri-Lim there were unending servings of pork, fish, fowl, and nuts, while I was totally ignored. As I was leaving, they even returned to me the precious gift of 4 silver goblets. . . .” Not to accept a presentation gift is a deeply insulting gesture. 168.  A similar (the same?) situation is developed in ARM 13 31:5–22 (LAPO 16 407). Yasim-sumu writes, “Following my lord’s message, I have had two sheep, a lamb, and one jar of wine taken to the Elamites. When they assembled at the Ḫišamitum gate, Etel-pi-šarrim conveyed to them all the specifics that my lord sent me. This is what they answered him, ‘How long will we remain here? Why are we not sent off? Since the son of our lord came to Terqa, why have we not followed him? Who will safeguard the town there?’” 169.  On the pagrāʾum/pagrûm ritual, see material at 5.3.f. The three deities are linked as one family. Šalaš is Dagan’s consort. Ḫebat as daughter of Dagan would be new, but perhaps so only in Yamḫad; see Durand 2002a: 150; 2008a: 309–10. Whether she originated among the Hurrians is now an open question. On the (ḫ)idirtum commemoration, see at 6.7.d.iii.

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we sat by him for the meal, he called to us, me and Zu-ḫadnum. He told me, “There is a confidential matter I want to share with you. Come close to the palace gate early next morning, I will share this matter with you. Write the message on a tablet and convey it to your lord.” This is what he told me. Early next morning, I went straight to the palace gate and told Ṭab-balaṭu, “Yesterday, my lord (Hammurabi) told me, ‘Enter here tomorrow; I want to tell you something. Communicate it to your lord.’ I want now to enter before my lord.” This is what I told him. He gave me permission to enter but said, “I will enter and talk to the king.” So he made his entrance in the palace and when he came out, he said, “Move on. Even if the king during a drunken moment told you what he said, you must not come near his palace.” This is what he told me. So I made my way to the guest house. On this same day, he was invited to the palace of Gašera (the queen-mother). As for us, servants of my lord, we were (also) bidden to the meal. Because, as we were set to tackle the food, his chat was directed to me, I said, “About yesterday, my lord conversed with me and I made my way toward my lord, but I was not allowed to enter before my lord.” He said, “There was an obligation (to fulfill) and you did not get to enter.” So I said, “My lord may tell me the matter now.” When I told him that, he replied, “I will tell (it) to you early tomorrow. Since this matter that I will relate has to do with events occurring in Imar, I will tell all of you.” This is what he told me, but when I made my way (there), I was not allowed to enter. Now, it is possible that Dadi-ḫadun told him about this matter. If my lord is agreeable, I can probe into this matter by telling Dadi-ḫadun, “If you agree about it, let me talk to Hammurabi about events in Imar. My lord (Zimri-Lim) has given me permission.” Now whether (Dadi-ḫadun) has told him (Hammurabi) about this matter or whether Hammurabi will give his consent, my lord should write (just the same). If Dadi-ḫadun had said to Hammurabi not to speak of this matter [a few damaged lines]. . . . he said, “A report should reach me from my ‘father’.” My lord must have a strongly worded letter conveyed to him.

1.6.b.iv.  Extradition.  (Sasson 2007; Charpin 2009). 1.6.b.iv.1.  Soon after he captured Mari, Zimri-Lim had the first of two major battles against four of five Yaminite tribes. He was victorious, but its leaders escaped westward. Zimri-Lim sent his valet Dariš-libur (portrait at 2.3.d) to Aleppo to seek their extradition. 170 The line divisions in FM 7 8 are the scribe’s, suggesting a blocking of information, as if the document is in draft mode.

170.  The remarkable dossier is gathered in Durand 2002a: 15–29; see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 190–91; Sasson 2009: 468–73. In background to Dariš-libur’s mission is this extract from FM 7 6 (A.4490), with Dariš-libur writing from Tuttul, at the confluence of the Euphrates and Baliḫ rivers—as it happens, the limits of Zimri-Lim’s effective influence (lines 4–13): “On arriving to Tuttul, I drew the following information from my sources on the (Yaminite) kings, ‘Sumu-dabi (Yaḫruru), Ḫardum (Amnanu), and Samsi-Addu (Ubrabu) have left the realm for Serda. There is in Serda a home of a notable from Yaḫruru. They have stayed since [x] day at the home of the notable. . .’.”

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FM 7 7 (A.3347+) On the seventh day of my entering Ḫalab, I told Yarim-Lim, “May my lord give me an answer so that I can leave.” This is what I told him.

 171 

FM 7 8 (A.4251+) I have heard the tablet for YarimLim that my lord sent me. I gave precise account of my lord’s position as written on the tablet to Yarim-Lim and Aplaḫadda (of Carchemish). My lord should hear their replies about the men. Once I gave Yarim-Lim a detailed account of my lord’s words, he answered me, “Zimri-Lim has ousted his enemy, but now his requests are tough. When Sumuepuḫ, my father, feared God, he achieved [his goal]. No other king matched him. When he coveted that which [Addu] gave Samsi-Addu, my father Sumu-epuḫ did not enjoy old age. Because he attacked the land of [. . .] that [Addu] gave Samsi-Addu, Addu had him killed. As of now, however, Addu has not been angry at me.” This is what he answered me.171 At his second reply, he answered me, “Zimri-Lim has clearly forgotten the lesson of Addu, to the point that ZimriLim might not realize that in Addu’s territory fugitives are not to be handed into custody. Else, could he be writing the following, “Capture these men in your heartland; they must not stay”? This is his second reply.172

 172

171.  Exceptional is Yarim-Lim’s rehearsal of theodicy, admitting that his father’s death was divine retribution for ignoring the will of God. The sentiment matches Hittite and Hebraic notions about the cost of contempt for heaven. The notion that action in the past has moral bearing on the present is known for other documents in Mari: for example, in FM 6 6 (M.9597; Guichard 2002: 126–28, 145), in which a new king in Ašnakkum, Yaqbi-Addu, opens his (fragmentary) letter with this sentiment, “In the past, our ancestors who were linked with each other and whose heads had stood together were powerful. Previously, Ḫadni-Lim had protected your grandfather, with the House of Mari and the House of Ašnakkum (joined) as one finger. . . . But Ḫammurabi (of Ašnakkum), who abandoned his vassalage to Yaḫdun-Lim to accept that of (Samsi-Addu of) Ekallatum, lost his life. . . .” For more examples, see Charpin 1998b: 94–97. 172.  What happened to the escaped leaders is difficult to reconstruct. When the next Yaminite rebellion broke out a couple of years later, none among the new leadership includes the four Zimri-Lim was so hotly pursuing. Nonetheless, an interesting lesson that can be drawn from this dossier (and others as well) is that every case of refuge and extradition creates a context of its own so that its resolution can hardly depend on appeals to formal provisions in treaties or oaths.

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The next day, he summoned me and told me, “These kings are not now within my land. If they were in my land and I kept them from Zimri-Lim, may Addu, Lord of Ḫalab, put Yarim-Lim to test. From now on—be it one, two, or even ten years—should they enter into my land, I shall bind them and turn them back to Zimri-Lim. These kings are not within my realm (dadmûm).” This is what he answered me. But I argued back, “Is the entire realm—and Imar as well—not yours, your own land? Certainly then my lord [Yarim-Lim] is withholding these men.” This is what I told him. So he summoned the elders of Imar and gave them the following order, “The Yaminite kings must not stay in Imar. Expel them! From now on they must not remain here. Should these men try once more to enter Imar, Zimri-Lim and I will war against you.” This is what he said to them, and they answered, “We will expel them. From now on they can never enter Imar.” This is what they answered him. Regarding Yaggiḫ-Addu and SamsiAddu who are in Carchemish, Aplaḫandu (of Carchemish) is coming to Ḫalab, and matters will be resolved. I will send my lord whatever news he gives me in answer.

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The third time, his answer, “Had these men been in my land and I kept them from Zimri-Lim, right then and there, Zimri-Lim would have cause to be peeved at me. From now on—be it one, two, or even ten years—should these men turn around and enter my land and my kingdom, I shall bind them and have them brought to Zimri-Lim. Should I not fulfill this promise to Zimri-Lim, may Addu, Lord of Ḫalab, put Yarim-Lim to test.” This is what he answered me.

He wrote to Amudpila (of Qatna) as follows, “Samsi-Addu (Ubrabu leader), enemy of Zimri-Lim, is making his way towards you. You must expel this man from your land; he must not stay there.” About Yaggiḫ-Addu (Yariḫu leader), he took up the matter with Aplaḫanda, in terms of instructions of my lord of which I reminded him, having heard (them from) my lips: “One day or another, this man will cause you grief.” Exactly what I have told Yarim-Lim, Yarim-Lim told him. Aplaḫanda answered him . . . [a few lines missing].

1.6.b.iv.2.  A vassal (Ḫuziri of Ḫazzikkannum) writes colloquially to Zimri-Lim about Akin-amur, a rival of his who is being protected by Kabiya of Kaḫat (FM 2 128 = A.720; see Guichard 1994: 266–68). Your servants had no sooner landed at the gate of Kaḫat, at Kabiya, than they said, “This man Akin-Amur, you did not extradite (him)! You should have convicted and extradited him, just (as you did it) for Asqur-Addu, Iniš-ulme, and Naram-Sin regarding the wrong (against) Ḫaya-abum. Now then, if you do not extradite this man, he is your responsibility.” My lord must therefore consider the opinion of his servants because Kabiya had said, “A tablet from my lord should reach Kabiya!”

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Kingship — 1.6.  Diplomacy and Treaty-making My lord should not keep silent about these matters. He once again said, “Why do you (try to) scare me, you? I keep on fulfilling the orders of Zimri-Lim, and you try to scare me!”

1.6.c.  Treaties and International Obligations. 173  In the Old Babylonian period, treaties are established between individual rulers rather than either dynasties or cities. They apply to their successors only if renewed. The crafting of a treaty between rulers was an elaborate enterprise, good-will (and gift-giving) easing the process. It followed two modes: Face-to-face agreement. Rulers meet, discuss the terms, and, on agreeing, kill a donkey-​foal, sit for a meal, and share a drink before parting company. No written formulation accompanied the ritual. Long-distance agreement. Diplomats are entrusted with negotiating terms of a treaty by shuttling between the pertinent courts. 174 Necessary steps include long-distance diplomatic negotiations that may result in the exchange of a “small tablet,” likely with the gist of terms, and of a ritual gesture indicating preliminary acceptance of terms (napištam lapātum, “touching the throat,” metaphoric for “implicating life,” thus of “committing oneself ”). 175 This is followed by the dispatch of an elaborate rendition of the terms on a “large tablet” as well as the conveying of gods. There is then a repeat of commitment (“touching the throat”), the washing of the hand, 173.  A major study of treaty-making in the Mari age is Lafont 2001: 262–93. The treaties recovered from Tell Leilan (Šubat-Enlil/Šeḫna) give Eidem (2011) a good occasion to review the subject. Charpin (2010a: 154–77) offers a nice overview of “Oaths, Contracts, and Treaties.” A portion of a letter (probably a literary product) found in Uruk is attributed to its king, Anam, who was a contemporary of Yaḫdun-Lim (late 19th century). He is reacting to a complaint Sin-muballiṭ of Babylon, an erstwhile ally, sent him about Uruk’s lack of support. Among other justifications of his actions, he writes about the need for trust among allies: “God knows that since we have come to know each other I have trusted in you as one would trust in Ištar and my head has rested on your very own lap. For these reasons, for us to be in harmony, my opinion and yours should be the same. You must certainly know that before there could be peace and good-will, a sacred oath must be taken, that until there is commitment (lit., “touching of the throat”), there can be no mutual trust, and that any sacred oath must be renewed yearly. (You also know) that while for the past three to four years, soldiers from Amnan-Yaḫrurum (tribes) have been constantly in this very House (dynasty), a sacred oath was never urged upon you by word of mouth or in writing. Under these circumstances, because this House is speaking frankly with you and respects your reputation, you must try to make things turn out well.” The letter is edited in Falkenstein 1963: 56–71, with a good English translation in van Koppen 2006: 127–30. 174.  One document (M.5696) cites 100 couriers and 64 runners, no doubt just a fraction of the diplomatic corps; see below at 2.2.e. 175.  The process is clearly delineated in a note the king of Šehna (Till-abnu) received from an ally (RATL 54 = L.87–227; Eidem 2011: 122–24), “I have listened to the tablet you sent me. About what you wrote to me regarding not going to Ḫalab (Aleppo): Since you will not go and so will not meet with the king, one of your servants should take control of your conscript troops and join me in going to Ḫalab. In Ḫalab, the king will commit himself in your behalf. Allow your servant to witness the king committing in your behalf and report (it) to you, so that you will be reassured. Once I reach (home) from Ḫalab, come and we shall meet. I can then tell you about the king’s involvement.”

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raising the palms before the gods (among them Šamaš, Sin, and Addu as well as the protective gods of the allying parties), pronouncing a sacred oath, meal-taking with drinks, and exchange of gifts.

1.6.c.i.  Face to face agreement  (see B. Lafont 2001a: 263–71). 1.6.c.i.1.  ARM 26 404.  Yasim-El, Zimri-Lim’s envoy to vassal states in the upper Ḫabur Valley. He writes to his king. Those involved are Atamrum of Andarig and Asqur-Addu of Karana, both of whom are vassals of Zimri-Lim. A third vassal, Hammurabi of Kurda, is being excluded at this point. Within three days after we entered into Andarig, Atamrum sent his servant Ḫittipanum to Asqur-Addu (of Karana) with the message, “Come and I will meet you in Ṣidqum!”—This Ṣidqum is not in the Sinjar; rather, it is the Ṣidqum that lies at the borders of Numḫum, Karana, and hilly Yamutbal—Eteya, the chief-musician of Asqur-Addu came by to Andarig and escorted Atamrum. 176 Atamrum, together with his allied armies and the kings customarily at his beck, went to Ṣidqum to meet Asqur-Addu. All of them met at Ṣidqum. They discussed matters of mutual concern long and hard; then they sacrificed a donkey-foal. 177   (Backtracking 1) Before killing the donkey-foal and during their deliberation, in front of representatives from Babylon, Ešnunna, the Turukku-tribes, before the seven kings at his beck, and before all his allied armies, Atamrum forthrightly spoke these words, A diplomat on a mission to Ešnunna to supervise the ritual takes along the gods of Zimri-Lim as well as their great weapons to “bind for eternity the fringes of father and son (i.e., suzerain and vassal)”; A.3354:17–20; cited in Charpin 1991: 163 n. 60. See also ARM 28 40: 12′–17′. A.721 (Lafont 2001: 288 n. 303) has this notice about the drafting of terms for a treaty (here ṣimdatum). A Yaminite leader writes Zimri-Lim, “You wrote to me about the treaty between us. Now I wanted to give you honor, so I said, ‘My father should establish terms for the treaty’; but you wrote, ‘You should establish terms. Write them down on a tablet and I will certainly listen (to them)’.” See also ARM 26 373 at 2.2.e.i.1. 176.  Surprisingly enough, chief-musicians in Old Babylonian palaces played a role in diplomacy. They are likely trusted because they operated in the harem. They may have been eunuchs. 177.  Note how the account backtracks to fold in information about events that had occurred earlier. This touch belongs to a narrative prose technique that is well documented in Hebrew lore. The phrase, ḫayāram qaṭālum “slaying a donkey foal,” is Amorite, but it conforms to Akkadian rules, occasionally mimicking the Akkadian Š-stem rather than the West Semitic Hiphil. (In this letter, the phrase can occur simply as ḫayārum.) A calque was introduced as imēram maḫāṣum (occurs outside of Mari), thus suggesting that the animal was stunned before killing. In the recapitulation of events, Yasim-El also uses dâkum, normal in Akkadian for “to kill.” Donkeys were readily slaughtered in the Amorite period, but for diverse occasions and goals: At 1.6.c.i.1. (ARM 26 404), a donkey is slaughtered during a covenant ceremony; at 1.7.b.iii.2. (ARM 26 11), it accompanied the betrothal of Šiptu; at 6.1.b.iii. (A.981), a ritual for transfer from one tribe to another included the immolation of a donkey; at 5.3.c. (M.12803), the rite was featured during the commemoration of ancestors. See Durand 1988a: 121–22. Nice surveys of donkey burials in the Levant are in Greenfield, Shai, and Maier 2012 as well as in Bar-Oz (et al.,) 2013 and Dirbas 2014. Worth noting, however, is that we do not read in the Mari archives about donkey burials.

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Kingship — 1.6.  Diplomacy and Treaty-making “Aside from Zimri-Lim, our father (= suzerain), our elder brother (= counselor), and our leader, there is no other king.” As Atamrum was speaking forthrightly in this way, the delegates of Babylon and Ešnunna were irritated and moved away to the side. As for me, being ill, two men were propping me up using force; but I took a position opposite the kings to hear the binding terms (ṣimdatum). Just then, Marduk-nišu, a palace attendant (gerseqqûm) and delegate of the Babylonian king, who had moved away to the side, yelled to Yariḫa-abum, my lord’s servant, and told him the following, “Really! Zimri-Lim is king of the Upper Land; but Hammurabi and the king of Ešnunna must in no way come close?!” When Asqur-Addu heard this assertion of Marduk-nišu, he answered him, “Aside from Zimri-Lim, our father and leader of the kings of this entire upper land, the name/prestige of another king could be established here and there.” Conciliatory words thus came out from his mouth. 178 In their deliberation and in their covenant making [lit., “in their donkey”], the kings have thus set my lord as their father and leader.   (Backtracking 2) Before the donkey-foal was slaughtered, Atamrum signaled to Asqur-Addu and told him the following, “You are my ‘son’; keep it so! I want now to talk to Ḫaqba-ḫammu and the elders of Numḫa.” He then summoned Ḫaqba-ḫammu and the elders of Numḫa, and engaged them as follows, “Before the donkey-foal is slaughtered and the oath by the gods is taken, take a bit of time and tell me what is yours for me to release.” Because he thus addressed them, they claimed an arable field. Atamrum answered, “As to this field, having sown (it) myself, I want to harvest it and haul away (even) my chaff. But after the harvest, the thunderbolt of Addu and the weapon of Šamaš should lie down on this field and so authenticate the owner in his field. If the field is yours, take it! But if it is mine, then I shall take it.” 179 Because Atamrum spoke in this manner, they voiced their approval. Aside from this field, there is no other claim among them. So, by their donkey-foal (sacrifice) and their deliberation, (each) king is fixed in the whole land.   (Exclusion) Hammurabi, king of Kurda, was excluded from their covenant. Atamrum told Asqur-Addu, “I fear that through tricks and distortions Hammurabi will release to you property of yours that is now under his control. If you make peace with him, then I shall have to be hostile with you!” Asqur-Addu, on his part, told him, “I fear that he will release to you property of yours that is now under his control. And if you make peace with him, I myself shall have to be hostile with you! Until our father Zimri-Lim comes up, we are in common about hostility and peace.” This is the answer Asqur-Addu gave.   (Ceremony) Once they came to agreement on their particulars, establishing terms for treaty making, the donkey-foal was immolated. They made each other take sacred oaths and sat to toast (each other). Once they carved (the meat) igrušu and drank their

178.  Quick wit is needed to defuse a tense situation; see Judg 8: 1–3 (Gideon and some peeved Ephraimites). 179.  This is not an allusion to an ordeal but to a method of ascertaining truth by quizzing divine paraphernalia—granted that we do not know how it was accomplished.

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cups, they exchanged gifts between themselves; then, Asqur-Addu broke camp toward his land and Atamrum did the same into Andarig proper. 180   (Postscripts) Another matter: The delegate of the king of Babylon spoke to Atamrum about the support troops, “Where is your army that you are to send to the king of Babylon? ” Atamrum answered him, “What kind of army am I to send? Who would put pressure on me to send an army? Now Zimri-Lim, lord of this land, wrote to me about 500 soldiers and I am ready to send them. Appeal to him to send you support troops. He could refuse them, set them ready for . . . (or) sell them. I myself am in no position to know (about it).” He gave this statement and much more in answer to the delegate from Babylon. Now he is leading the 500 soldiers, as per the letter my lord wrote him. Atamrum, together with his support troops and the kings at his beck, in whoever . . . will reach my lord. Whether he should do so at Saggaratum, Terqa, or Mari, he had omens taken on these three routes. Once the gods give him a positive answer, he will take that very route to reach my lord. 181 My lord should know this. Zuzuni, a servant of Asqur-Addu, came with Yantin-Eraḫ, and he told Yantin-Eraḫ, “The Turukku-tribesmen have crossed and Iniš-kibal is now set to besiege Razama.” But I have not yet learned anything on the matter. Once I learn fully about it, I will write my lord.

1.6.c.i.2.  A.3851: 1′–15′ (Guichard 2010: 103–6). Amud-pa-El, king of Šuduḫum, was likely the author of this letter. He and other local kings (Šubram and Ili-Sumu) are pooling their resources. We went to our lord and kissed the feet of our lord. Our lord had us take a sacred oath in the temple of Itur-Mer. 182 Our lord also instructed us as follows, “Join your forces, react to your enemy, and make the land peaceful before my travel north.” As our lord had instructed us and as we arrived, Ḫurra sent word. Šubram, Ili-Sumu, and I assembled, with the troops, and entered Ḫurra. The whole land is peaceful as far as Urgiš. So we approached Ašnakkum. . . .

1.6.c.ii.  Long-distance agreement 1.6.c.ii.1.  Schedule of agreements.  ARM 26 372. Yarim-Addu, Zimri-Lim’s ambassador to Babylon, posts this long letter in which he reports, seriatim, on Babylon’s diverse activities soon after major events had overtaken the region (defeat of Ešnunna by Elam; defeat of Elam by Babylon and Mari); see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 231, 232 n. 574. Two lines on the tablet neatly divide the contents into three discreet portions: 1. A treaty between Ešnunna and Babylon; 2. The war between Babylon 180.  The texture of the whole procedure reminds of the meeting between Abraham and Abimelech, as assisted by his general Phicol (Gen 21:22–32), and even more so of the meeting of Isaac with the same king, accompanied by the same general and by his councilor (Gen 26:26–31). 181.  Taking omens for the proper route to take is meant to avoid danger. Ezekiel (21:23–27) invests the process with moral choices. 182.  nīš ilī, “oath by the gods,” used here, is more likely in administrative formulations.

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and Larsa; 3. Atamrum’s acceptance of Babylonian hegemony. Particular attention should be paid to the first and third segments. See also ARM 26 373 at 2.2.e.i.1.   (Accord between Babylon and Ešnunna) About matters regarding the ruler of Ešnunna that Hammurabi has charged me with and which I have communicated to my lord: When Hammurabi went to Borsippa, messengers for the ruler of Ešnunna reached him but (did not meet) with him. The next day they sat before him (at supper). He had them stay overnight, and then responded to their message. He instructed Sin-[x], son of Kakkaruqim, and Marduk-mušallim . . . and sent them on a mission with them. They took a small tablet with them, (with terms) on which they will have the ruler of Ešnunna commit (“touch his throat”). When [ x ] will come here, Hammurabi will commit (with the terms). Once they (both) commit to the terms on the small tablet, Hammurabi will convey to the ruler of Ešnunna a large tablet, a register of stipulations (ṭuppi ṣimdatim), upon which he will have the ruler of Ešnunna take an oath (nīš ilim ušazkar). The ruler of Ešnunna will then remit the large tablet, the register of stipulations, to Hammurabi. They will then have contracted an accord between them. The accord between them is already set, or will be so shortly. This is quite clear. Now, so far no reply from the group of Sin-[x] and Marduk-mušallim has come back to me from Ešnunna, so I have not posted this news to my lord. I will post my lord whatever news reaches me from Ešnunna after (sending) this tablet.   (War between Babylon and Larsa) About matters between Rim-Sin, king of Larsa: as my lord had learned, the previous issues have not changed in any way. He remains hostile to Hammurabi. His military squadrons continue to penetrate Hammurabi’s territory. They make raids and take spoils. As they infiltrate, they take back (something). Rim-Sin’s messengers were taken trussed to the palace; these men are detained. . . . No messenger from Rim-Sin comes here (any more) and no messenger from Hammurabi is now at Maškan-šappir (Rim-Sin’s capital). Messengers from Ipiq-Ištar, king of Malgium, are streaming before Hammurabi, while messengers from Hammurabi are streaming to him. Friendly greetings are constantly exchanged between them. So far, however, no messenger from Warassa, king of Der, has come to Hammurabi; no messenger from Hammurabi has gone to him.   (Atamrum of Andarig accepts vassal status) Zimri-Samas, servant of Atamrum, joined a squadron from Ekallatum and arrived at Babylon. This is what Atamrum wrote Hammurabi: “Šu-Ištar and Marduk-mušallim, servants of my father (Hammurabi), have reached me, bringing news of my father. I paid intense attention to the news that my father sent me and I was delighted when I saw the gifts that my father sent me via the men, such as clothes, a ceremonial garment, a wig, and a throne. I have worn the clothes and the ceremonial garment; I have sat on the throne my father sent me and shall keep offering prayers for my father. As regards the oath-taking protocol (ṭuppi nīš ilim) that my father sent me—in this tablet there are no surplus deities or words and I have no desire for additional gods or words. In this protocol it is written, ‘you must be hostile with my enemies and at peace with my allies.’ This is what my father wrote to me. . . .” [Remaining lines are too fragmentary for assured reconstruction.

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Atamrum speaks of having to take an oath. It is likely he requests Hammurabi to interfere in matters affecting him.]

1.6.c.ii.2.  Negotiations 1.6.c.ii.2a.  ARM 26 469 (LAPO 16 287). Abi-Mekim and Laʾum are sent on a delicate mission to Hammurabi of Babylon that concerns Ḫit, a town with a disputed ownership. 183 The letter to Zimri-Lim is written as if by a single author, likely Abi-Mekim. I arrived to Babylon and presented the whole matter to Hammurabi. I argued with him about committing to an agreement (lipit napištim); but he blocked discussion of Ḫit. He sought to browbeat me, but I did not gratify him. I had the right arguments, met his objections, and equaled him. Ḫit is now up for judgment. On the 25th day (of the month) he would not commit, saying, “Had (the god) Sin not been invoked in the commitment draft, I would have been willing to commit. But (the god) Sin is invoked, so I will not commit on the 25th day. 184 Yet your lord (Zimri-Lim) should similarly take an oath, whoever administers it to him.” I poured water on his hand on the 27th. On the 28th, at the urging of his palace (advisers), Hammurabi swore a sacred oath to my lord. My lord should know this. After posting this tablet of mine, I plan to take lead of my lord’s gods and get back to my lord, where I will give a full account of the oath-taking. I worry that my lord will learn that Hammurabi has sworn an oath so that Hammurabi’s servants now staying with my lord might argue before my lord, “Since our lord has committed himself, commit yourself by the gods of our lord that are entered (here).” It is possible that the servants of Hammurabi will argue in this way. So until I arrive and give to my lord a full accounting of the oath-taking and make my lord aware (of the situation), my lord ought not commit himself.

1.6.c.ii.2b.  This letter (ARM 26 393) from Ḫabdu-malik, sent on a mission for Zimri-Lim in the Upper Ḫabur, shows the necessity of diplomacy. I have previously written to my lord that I had left Andarig, leading the gods of (its king) Atamrum, and was making my way to Kurda to have (its king) Hammurabi take a sacred oath. 185 I had said, “What if Hammurabi will not take a sacred oath; 183.  ARM 26 160 is a letter a diviner (his name is lost) sent to Zimri-Lim, “(About) ceding Ḫit to the king of Babylon, urgently I took omens. [You/I] said, “Should Zimri-Lim cede Ḫit to the king of Babylon, would Zimri-Lim be safe; his land be safe; his land enlarge? ” So I treated two lambs and said, “Should Zimri-Lim cede Ḫit to the king of Babylon, would Zimri-Lim be safe; his land be safe; his land enlarge? ” My omens were not propitious. Once more I acted, saying as follows, “Should Zimri-Lim not cede Ḫit to the king of Babylon, would Zimri-Lim be safe; his land be safe; his land enlarges.” I took omens on not ceding, and my omens were propitious. My lord should not cede the city Ḫit and its. . . [Rest fragmentary].” On Ḫit as a place for river ordeals, see material at 5.8.a. 184.  The 25th day of the month is a day for abstaining from commitments that invoke the Moon-god. See Reiter 1993. Whether this is a clever strategy on the part of Hammurabi or revealing about his piety is hard to say; maybe both. 185.  This letter is likely ARM 26 389, from which I extract the following passage (lines 20– 31): “My lord has instructed me to make peace between Atamrum (of Andarig) and Hammurabi

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Kingship — 1.6.  Diplomacy and Treaty-making or what if the elders of his land complicate it for him and he will not take a sacred oath.” I do not know what he will decide; but as soon as I know, I will write my lord. Just now, the elders of his land . . . [A few lines damaged]. I will write my lord what I learn. Now, I have left Andarig for Karana; but before I reached Karana, a servant of Iddiyatum (another diplomat) came to me to say, “Asqur-Addu has assembled the entire leadership of his land into Karana. They have confined within the city gate the messengers of Išme-Dagan (of Ekallatum), who had gone to Asqur-Addu with the message, ‘Make up your mind and share the bedding of the king of Ešnunna.’ 186 He has now rebuffed (lit., “He repelled the hand of ”) Išme-Dagan.” Now that he has rebuffed (him), I shall head to Karana and will come to terms about Asqur-Addu. I will bring them together into agreement so that there could be peace between them. [A couple of lines lost.]

1.6.c.iii.  Protocols (“small tablet”) for preliminary acceptance of terms.  These protocols are written on clay tablets. The copy translated here is likely not the final draft. 187 1.6.c.iii.1.  M.6435+M.8987 (LAPO 16 290; Durand, 1986: 114–15; Kitchen and Lawrence 2012: Part 1, 218–19). Oath administered to Hammurabi of Babylon, a ruler of equal rank. 188 (of Kurda). On the day I send this tablet of mine to my lord, I have led the gods of Atamrum to Hammurabi for the taking of a sacred oath. Had my lord’s god gone before me, I might have made peace between them. If otherwise, I would be departing to my lord. My lord should know this.” Interesting here is how Ḫabdu-malik couches his success (or lack of it) in the past, suggesting that by the time the king reads the letter, something good (or not) would have already occurred. 186.  This idiom must not be taken literally. It means to become an ally by sharing the same military campground; see Lafont 2001: 259. The metaphor likely evokes moments when, as children, brothers sleep under the same blanket. As reported about Temüjin (Genkhis Khan) and Jamukha, anda-brotherhood is recreated in a series of steps taken by adult Mongols when establishing a pact. 187.  At this stage of negotiations, there is a possibility of proposing changes to the draft, as shown by an extract from a note Samsi-Addu sent to his son (ARM 1 37:19–26 = LAPO 16 280), “The ruler of Ešnunna has written me about committing to terms (napištam lapātum). There is language that I have omitted from the protocol for the sacred oath (ina ṭuppi nīš ilāni). I have written Ešnunna.” More striking is Hammurabi’s reaction to terms suggested by Zimri-Lim when they were struggling against Ešnunna. In this extract, majordomo Itur-asdu reveals (A.2968:73–81; cited from Guichard 2004: 5–17): “Another matter: When Hammurabi heard the curse (ašpalûm) on the tablet of sacred oath (to be taken), he (said to me), ‘The curse on this tablet is very harsh: it is not fit for consideration in the heart (i.e., mind) nor for proclamation by mouth. Now among the tablets of oath-taking since Sumulel and Sin-muballiṭ, my father—in fact, I myself have taken a sacred oath, with Samsi-Addu and many (other) kings—these tablets exist, but they are not as harsh as this tablet’s sacred oath. I have just now sent my gods and my servants to your lord to administer the sacred oath. Once your lord takes oath by my gods, let him send back to me my tablet so that I can take a sacred oath’.” On “small tablet,” see also the note to 1.6.c.iii. 188.  A similar text is A.96 (Joannès 1991: 167–70 = LAPO 16 291). The oath is administered to Atamrum of Andarig, a vassal. Subsequently, Atamrum is wedded to Inbatum, Zimri-​ Lim’s daughter.

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Swear by Šamaš of heaven! Swear by Addu of heaven! These are the gods that Hammurabi, son of Sin-muballiṭ, king of Babylon, invoked (when taking this oath), “From now on, as long as I live, I shall indeed be enemy of Ṣiwa-palar-ḫuḫpak. 189 I shall not let my servants or my messengers mingle with his servants, and I shall not dispatch them to him. I shall not make peace with Ṣiwa-palar-ḫuḫpak without the approval of Zimri-Lim, king of Mari and the Tribal-land. If I plan to make peace with Ṣiwa-palar-ḫuḫpak, I shall certainly consult with Zimri-Lim, son of Yaḫdun-Lim, king of Mari and the Tribal-land. If it is not a peaceful situation, we shall make peace with Ṣiwa-palar-ḫuḫpak (only) jointly. The oath sworn by my gods, Šamaš and Addu, to Zimri-Lim, son of Yaḫdun-Lim, king of Mari and the Tribal Land, I have bound and committed myself to him, joyfully and with complete sincerity.

1.6.c.iii.2.  A.4626 (LAPO 16 286; Charpin 1990b: 111–12) is a fragment of a letter that provides a background to the above. . . . I said [to Hammurabi], “because my lord raised his hand toward Šamaš on your behalf and has not made peace with the ruler of Elam, in the same way as my own lord swore, you do the same!” By Šamaš of heaven: Atamrum, son of Warad-Sin, king of Andarig, swore, “From now and as long as I live, I shall not transgress against Zimri-Lim, son of Yaḫdullim, king of Mari and of the Tribal-land—against his city, his army, or his land. Furthermore, I shall not [violate my pledge] against Zimri-Lim, son of Yaḫdullim, king of Mari and the Tribal-​land. . . . Whatever I have written to Zimri-Lim, son of Yaḫdullim, king of Mari and the Tribal-​ land, I have not written it to him in deception or connivance but in complete sincerity I have truly written to him. The good words that I have sworn to Zimri-Lim, son of Yaḫdun-Lim, king of Mari and the Tribal-land, I fully pledge to discharge and implement for him, in complete sincerity. It might be useful to compare these oaths to those in an earlier, mid-19th-century protocol (CUNES 49-04-176; Guichard 2014c; comments in de Boer 2014): Ibel-pi-El (of Ešnunna) took an oath by Sin of Heaven, Išḫara of Išur, Tišpak and Addu: I shall not abandon Sin-iddinam, king of Larsa and Sin-kašid, king of Uruk. I shall not make an alliance with the enemies of Sin-Iddinam, king of Larsa and Sin-kašid, king of Uruk. Should Sin-iddinam, king of Larsa, and Sin-kašid, king of Uruk, write to say, ‘our wicked enemy is attacking,’—no sooner they write me that, with full fervor and leading my entire army, I shall bring to task the enemy of Sin-iddinam, king of Larsa and of Sin-kašid, king of Uruk. . . . Should Sabum, king of Babylon, or Iku(n)-pi-Sin, (king of Nerebtum), write me for troops, I shall not give (either of) them troops; my troops shall not battle those of Sin-iddinam, king of Larsa, or of Sin-kašid, king of Uruk; I shall not perfidiously have my troops stand against them. Until Sin-iddinam and Sin-kašid make peace with Sabum and Iku(n)-pi-Sin, I shall never make peace (with them). 189.  This is the name of the king of Anšan and šukkalum of Elam. He was one of a duo of regents, along with Kudušuluš (šukkalum of Susa). Elam had put an end to Ešnunna’s powerful influence in Mesopotamia (early 1765). In this war, the Elamites were supported by Mari and Babylon, at least because earlier (1772), Ešnunna had taken control of Rapiqum, a town belonging to Mari. Elam’s persistence in the region, however, led to a reversal of alliances, with Mari and Babylon joining forces against Elam and its client Ešnunna. The allies achieved victory a few months later (mid 1764). The story and its background are well told in Charpin 2012a: 35–72.

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Kingship — 1.6.  Diplomacy and Treaty-making Hammurabi answered me, “Before I raise my hand to Šamaš and commit (lit., “touch my throat”), should you not arrange the maṣḫatum and sasqûm flour? Come here and, as I remain in place, let me raise my hand to Šamaš on his behalf. You will have me take an oath before Šamaš upon maṣḫatum and sasqûm flour. I can then write him words and in the same way as I myself am about to swear, your lord should take an oath.” This is what Hammurabi told me. I myself then proceeded to take hold of Nabum-malik (as witness) in front of him and said, “My lord is not at peace now with the Elamite ruler. By means of maṣḫatum and sasqûm flour, he [Zimri-Lim] has raised his hand to Šamaš for you, and my lord likewise took an oath, ‘I shall not make peace with the Elamite ruler!’ This is what my lord swore. Now is there any reason for you not to take an oath at once with him? ” Nabum-Malik confirmed my statement before his lord [ . . . .]

1.6.c.iv.  Treaty and Oath (“large tablet”) for final acceptance of terms. 190 1.6.c.iv.1.  In A.2988+ (LAPO 16 282; Charpin 1993a: 161–62), the merchant Yatar-kabkab gives a background to treaty-making between Zimri-Lim of Mari and Ibal-pi-El of Ešnunna. 191 My lord told me about Ešnunna, “As you travel northward, when you find yourself before Yarim-Lim, tell him this about Ešnunna: ‘Ešnunna is pressing me about making a peace treaty. The first time its king sent me his messenger, I turned him back at the frontier. He tried it once more, but I (again) turned back his messenger at the frontier. Later, when a dignitary (rākib imerī) came here, I turned him back at the frontier, thinking, ‘How could there be peace with Ešnunna without YarimLim(’s approval)’? ” So, as I was telling (Yarim-Lim) these words, he answered me as follows, “If he (the king of Ešnunna) no longer desires what he previously craved by saying, ‘This is my frontier’, then he ought not have soldiers come up. (Zimri-​ Lim) should imprison all these messengers who make their way toward the north (Mari).” 190.  We have several treaties from Tell-Leilan (Šubat-Enlil/Šeḫna), mostly dating a generation after the fall of Mari; see Eidem 2011: 310–433 and one example in Kitchen and Lawrence 2012: Part 1, 225–29. While none is completely preserved, they all share a similar format: They open on (1) a list of gods invoked for the oath, and follow with (2) terms for the treaty, including pledges, (3) curses on the offender, and (4) attach a subscript and date. The stipulations themselves (2) cover the following: purpose and context of the treaty, non-annulment clauses despite the passage of time, refusal to support an enemy and promise to supply military aid, loyalty and shunning treason, protection of citizens, the last ensuring that no citizen or traveling artisan is surreptitiously sold and no escaped slave is given harbor. 191. This letter dates to Zimri-Lim’s early moments on the throne of Mari. The writer, Yatar-kabkab (see A.2052+ at 1.3.d.vi.1), is a merchant who also doubled as a diplomat during Zimri-Lim’s early years. According to administrative texts from the period at hand, contrary to what is implied below, Zimri-Lim in fact was treating Ešnunna messengers quite nicely; see Anbar 2004. A fine example of the internal debate within Mari circles about accepting Ešnunna’s effort is ARM 26 199, translated at 5.7.c.iii. On the relations between Mari and Ešnunna in Zimri-Lim’s early years, see Guichard 2002a.

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This man (Yarim-Lim) is not interested in having peace with Ešnunna. He said, “Am I not better for him than Ešnunna? ” Or “Have I not as many troops as Ešnunna? The town about which his enemy (Ešnunna) says, ‘This city is our enemy’. Together with my troops, I myself will set forth to turn this town to his control.”

1.6.c.iv.2.  Treaties. A.361 (LAPO 16 292; Charpin 1991:139–47; Kitchen and Lawrence 2012: Part 1, 212–15) contains the oath that Ibal-pi-El of Ešnunna tried to impose on Zimri-Lim, dating from the latter’s fifth year. 192 As it is much damaged, I offer sections with continuous text. The lines separating diverse segments are original with the text. 1. (Invocations) [Many divine names missing, followed by the injunction], swear! By the gods of Mt Zara, swear! By the gods of Agade, swear! By the gods of [Mari] and Ešnunna, swear! [Several more invocations of gods] 2. (Stipulations)   Troop movement About the fact that I [must take an oath?], (I swear that): – I will neither instruct nor dispatch troops, whether from Mari, tribesmen, or the Suḫum; whether belonging to a king or a leader, Amorite or Akkadian, someone else or an outsider; supporter of my enemy or my ally; – I will not say, “Go, because [. . .] the troops of Ibal-pi-El, son of Daduša, king of Ešnunna, my father, the troops of his (major) ally Duḫšum who is at the service of the armies of Ibal-pi-El, son of Daduša, king of Ešnunna, my father, and of his prominent followers. – I shall not tell and will not have it told that their. . . , their infantry, . . . Where there is war or combat, where there is fortification or encampment involving the troops of Ibal-pi-El son of Daduša, king of Ešnunna my “father” (or) troops of his ally Duḫšum who has taken the lead of the armies of Ibal-pi-El, son of Daduša, king of Ešnunna, my father, and of his prominent followers. . . .   Disclosing secrets [If the notables] of my father go forth and if he writes to raise his armies and his support troops, if Duḫšum, [ally] of Ibal-pi-El, son of Daduša, king of Ešnunna, my 192.  In an extract from an earlier long letter Ibal-pi-El wrote to Zimri-Lim to solidify his vassal status (A.1289+ = LAPO 16 281; see Guichard 2002a: 119–20), there is this notice (lines iii: 28–37): “. . . Now I am conveying to you a great [. . .] throne, symbol of kinship; sit on it, so that those kings who surround you can see and realize how Ešnunna is indeed your great ally. Just as your father Yaḫdun-Lim, on grasping the hem of the House of Ešnunna, became powerful and enlarged his land, because you are my son and plan to continue grasping my hem—I myself shall remain forthright with you, will broaden your perimeters, will restore the city Mari to its former size, and will affirm your (rule’s) foundation. . . .”

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Kingship — 1.6.  Diplomacy and Treaty-making father, or his notables who have come here, debate the task of raising troops or present (their plan) to me, this advice or discussion, good or bad, I shall not write it to any of the kings or rulers, wherever they are in the entire land, whether he is an enemy or ally of Ibal-pi-El, son of Daduša, king of Ešnunna, my father, nor shall I broadcast it. I will not even reveal to my servants such a secret matter.   Treachery When the armies of Ibal-pi-El, son of Daduša, king of Ešnunna, my father, (or) the troops of his ally Duḫšum that have taken the lead of the armies of Ibal-pi-El, son of Daduša, king of Ešnunna, my father, go on a campaign where needed, I shall neither instruct nor dispatch troops of Mari, tribesmen, or the Suḫum (region), troops of a king or leader, Amorite or Akkadian troops, troops of someone else or an outsider, troops supporting his enemy or his ally, troops of whatever king or leader that is on the land—I shall not instruct them or dispatch them by telling them this, “On an abandoned field, a route, a road, a path, a wadi, a river, [. . .] an ambush, at night (or) while sleeping, in [. . . . .] attack the troops of Ibal-pi-El, son of Daduša, my father. 3. (Curses) [Damaged segment includes] “May God gather his successor. . . . May his fingers be chopped off . . . May Nergal, lord of weapons, break his weapon. . . .”

1.6.c.v.  Exchange of human blood. In Mari, there is frequent reference to the blood ties between allies; B. Lafont 2001a: 260. 193 From Tell Leilan we have this letter (RATL 185 = L.87–937; Eidem 2011: 257–58) without a header. The writer, likely a diplomat, is reporting on a statement he heard. “. . . I went on a journey and brought blood of Till-Abnu. Before we set forth on a campaign, we should smear his blood and take a sacred oath. Once we smear his blood and take an oath, (then) Yaḫil-pi-[El?], Belšunu, and Yazraḫ-Dagan could travel overnight. The next day, (Till-Abnu), his sons, and representatives of his district who are subservient to him can smear my blood and take a sacred oath, so that they can return overnight. . . . [Rest fragmentary.]

1.6.c.vi.  Disdain of terms.  Yamṣi-ḫadnu of Kaḫat writes RATL 75 (L.87-1396; Eidem 2011: 144–45) to his “brother” Till-Abnu of Šeḫna. At the time of a raid, men from Kirana captured 2 men from Šimaški (Elam). Abi-Samas and Napsiya bought the men from Šimaški, but they ran away. They are now in Šubat-Enlil (Šeḫna). I have sent you one owner of the slave after the other, but you do not satisfy them. So what happened to the sacred oaths we took between us? When I placed you under a sacred oath, I told you this, “Whenever there is a run-away slave from my land and should he be seen in your land, I shall send you his owner so that the slave can be returned to his owner.” This is what we 193.  Cited there is a striking passage (Itur-asdu) from A.1265: “Come on—become an ally of Šipti-ilu. Solve this matter and smear yourself with his blood so that he might know he can trust you.” Blood evidently has the power to punish oath-breakers.

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said in taking a scared oath between us. Now there is a slave who ran away from my land. Should he enter your town and you do not release him (to us), what about the sacred oaths and meaningful exchanges between us? I am now sending you Abi-​ Samas and Napsiya, release their slaves. They must not be cheated. Another matter: I have sent you several times a tablet, yet you never send a reply to mine. Since you do not send me a reply to my tablet, there can be no meaningful exchange between us. You can just tell me and I will no longer write to you.

1.7.  Dynastic Marriages Dynastic marriage (B. Lafont 2001a: 312–15) cemented family linkage, a major trait in Old Babylonian political behavior. The norm is that the daughter of a ruler with high prestige marries the ruler (or the crown prince) of someone with lesser prestige. In this way, a daughter’s standing has fuller authority in her husband’s palace and her son has a better claim on his father’s throne. This, at least, is the theory. In the Mari age, where power and prestige were unstable elements, the fate of princesses bartered by their father for political support and to achieve throne stability was not always rosy. 194 Marriage arrangements were intrinsic to diplomacy, with ambassadors, messengers and couriers carrying out the negotiations. 195 We have nice documentation on the steps taken to bring Syrian princesses to the kings of Mari, but not as much on those that took Mari princesses to vassals. The exchange of gifts included the bridewealth (terḫatum, from groom to bride’s family), the dowry (nidittum, from father to daughter, the bride), plus assorted gifts (biblum) exchanged between the families and among involved parties. The few lines still preserved from the bride-wealth inventory for Zimri-Lim’s future bride (ARM 25 616 = M.5647 = Arkhipov 2012: 210–11) mention jewelry, precious vessels, clothing, and leather goods. We have records of dowries of Mari princesses (see ARM 22 322, at 1.8.a.i), and as they were the bride’s to keep in her new home, they might include furniture, kitchen tools, and servants (including female scribes). 1.7.a.  The marriage of Beltum of Qatna to Yasmaḫ-Addu of Mari. We know about the arrangements for this marriage largely through the correspondence of the marrying pair’s parents, both of equal power status; see a segment of the dossier in Durand 2000: 165–78. 194.  A case in point is revealed in ARM 2 40 (LAPO 17 602). A weakened Išme-Dagan is said to make an alliance with a surging Turukku leader, Zaziya. “From my sources,” writes Yasim-El, “I have heard this news: Išme-Dagan has made an alliance with the Turukkus, planning to take the daughter of Zaziya as wife for his son Mut-Asqur. Išme-Dagan has sent silver and gold as bridewealth to Zaziya and now there is a supplementary contingent from Ešnunna for Išme-Dagan. It is likely that my lord has heard this news, but I have sent to my lord news I learned from my sources.” There is good reason to believe that this news was false; see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 236 n. 621. 195.  The kings of Israel and Judah likely followed the same procedure, but the starkest and best-preserved biblical account of such a union is the narrative about the marriage of Isaac and Rebekah (Gen 24), about which see Sasson 2006.

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1.7.a.i.  Negotiations.  ARM 1 46 = LAPO 18 1006. Samsi-Addu writes his son Yasmaḫ-Addu about arranging a marriage. 196 4 talents of silver are to be given as bride-wealth (terḫatum) for the daughter of IšḫiAddu (of Qatna). Among the 4 talents, I have had a tablet drawn for 1 talent on Laʾum and I will myself give (the remaining) 3 talents. 197 Išḫi-Addu is aware of the convention. For his daughter’s bride-wealth of 4 talents of silver, he will give as dowry (nidittum) the equivalent of 10 talents of silver plus garments worth 5 talents of silver. Now will I get any garments from this dowry? Is it not you who will get (them)? 198 I myself will (only) give 3 talents, 52 manas, 10 šekels of silver. I am now sending you Baqqanum, entrust him with 52 manas, 10 šekels of silver. Set protective guards over this silver and let him bring it to me. Have a nose-ring and a bracelet made there from the balance 7 5⁄6 manas of silver that would make up 1 talent of silver. 199 Whoever is going to Qatna should take them there.

1.7.a.ii.  Trust. A.3158 (LAPO 18 1008; see Durand 1990a: 282). Išḫi-Addu of Qatna writes to Yasmaḫ-Addu. I am placing in your lap my flesh and my future. The handmaid (i.e., my daughter) that I give you, may God make her attractive to you. 200 I am placing in your lap my flesh and future, for this House has now become yours and the House of Mari has now become mine. Whatever you desire, just write me and I will give it to you. All over my land, whatever the king (Samsi-Addu) has requested, I myself have never held it back. Why is it that whatever I desire from the king, he does not give it? Let him fulfill my request as I fulfill yours. 201 196.  A talent is composed of 60 manas, so about 60 pounds of silver. 60 šekels make for 1 mana. In ARM 1 77:8–14 (LAPO 18 1005), Samsi-Addu writes: “I shall take a young woman, the daughter of Išḫi-Addu for you (as bride). The House of Mari is eminent (“has a name”) as is the House of Qatna. To give a small bride-wealth (terḫatum) would be embarrassing; so a bride-wealth of 5 talents of silver will be given, (made up of) 1 talent and 10 manas of silver, 12 manas of gold, [x] thousand sheep—(worth) 1 talent of silver, [x] hundred cattle—(worth) 1 talent of silver [damaged lines follow].” 197.  Laʾum is Yasmaḫ-Addu’s high official. Samsi-Addu is forcing Mari to come up with a portion of the bride-wealth. For extracting 80 pounds of silver from Yaḫdun-Lim’s tomb, see above, note to A.2177, at 1.3.a.i.3. 198.  In ARM 1 77:14′–15′ (LAPO 18 1005), “[Išḫi-Addu] has sent 100 garments for you. They should be stored under seal there (in Mari).” 199.  Gen 24:21–22, “The man, meanwhile, stood gazing at [Rebekah], silently wondering whether the Lord had made his errand successful or not. When the camels had finished drinking, the man took a gold nose-ring weighing a half-šekel, and two gold bands for her arms, ten šekels in weight.” The servant tests God by giving wedding gifts before he knew the pedigree of the woman who watered his camels. On the implication of his act, see Sasson 2006: 254–55. 200.  ilum ḫinnaša ana pānīka liddin: see similar, possibly West Semitic, phrasing in Exod 11:3 and 12:36. 201.  The remaining segment of the letter is not yet published. In ARM 1 24+ (see at 3.2.c.iii), Samsi-Addu relays his pleasure at the bride’s travel to her new home.

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1.7.a.iii.  One family.  Išḫi-Addu of Qatna writes ARM 5 15 (LAPO 17 722) to his “brother” Išma-Addu (variant for Yasmaḫ-Addu). As soon as you wrote to me, I paid attention to your words. Your sheep and nomads should cross over this way, so that my sheep and yours could graze together. Pasture is very abundant (here). Send me your sheikhs; I will give them instruction and entrust your sheep to them. My sheep and yours should graze together. 202

1.7.a.iv.  Beltum in Mari 1.7.a.iv.1.  How could you?  A.2548 (LAPO 18 1010; see Durand 1990a: 290–91). Samsi-Addu is alarmed at the potential neglect of Beltum and writes to Yasmaḫ-​ Addu. 203 You wrote to me about the removal of the lady, the daughter of Išḫi-Addu. Presently, would it not be said, “Where did previous kings house their wives? Did they not house them in this very palace? Yaḫdullim favored his concubines, so he sequestered his wives, settling them beyond (the citadel). I fear that likewise you yourself plan to house the daughter of Išḫi-Addu beyond (the citadel). Upon hearing this, her father will be very irritated. 204 This is simply not done. There are many chambers in the Palm Palace. A chamber should be prepared for her and house her there. Do not house her externally. 205

1.7.a.iv.2.  Ill advice. Uṣur-awassu was a major official in the Mari palace of Yasmaḫ-Addu. He writes ARM 26 298 to a king who evidently is away from home. I remain respectfully aware that my lord has sent strict orders about Beltum’s illness, “Make sure not to overlook anything!” 206 I remain deferential; yet in my case I am no longer (as) anxious about my Lady because her illness is less dangerous now than ever previously; it is no longer as before. Still: Are there no highborn matrons 202.  Having sheep graze together is symbolic of “family” ties. When the cattle of Abram and Lot went their separate ways, their ties weakened (Gen 13). 203.  This is one of two letters dealing with the same subject. In the longer (but more fragmentary) notes (A.4471:18–23= LAPO 18 1011; Durand 1990a: 291–94), Samsi-Addu relates this tidbit to his son, “Now Yaḫdullim loved his (harem) songstresses. As a result, he settled his wives, Gabetum and a woman from Yamḫad, beyond (the palace), thinking, ‘I will not settle my [text: his] wife in the Mari palace’.” The implication is that the ousted (murdered?) former king may have promoted his own fall, either actually or because of moral (or at least ethical) failures. 204.  As long as Beltum does not live with her husband, she limits her chances of bearing an heir. 205.  We have a small dossier about Beltum’s travel from Qatna. A document dated within a few weeks after her arrival tells of her taking her meal in the palace, suggesting that Yasmaḫ-Addu obeyed his father; see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 86–88, 146. 206.  There is a debate whether or not bēltum is a title “my lady” or a personal name. In this letter, Uṣur-awassu twice speaks of bēltiya, “to my lady,” hardly “to my Beltum.” It is important to realize that Uṣur-awassu is trying to deflect blame for allowing Beltum to suffer sunstroke. His argument is that Mari is much hotter than Qatna and folks in Mari are not foolish enough to celebrate mid-day. He died during a plague almost midway through Yasmaḫ-Addu’s reign; see Villard 2001: 42–44.

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Kingship — 1.7.  Dynastic Marriages in the palace who could serve Beltum so that, as it suits the occasion, they could speak to her or advise her? If there are four or five matrons (puršumātum) under Mubalašaga’s control who know the palace’s operation and who are fit to serve Beltum, my lord should have them sent here so that they can serve her. They could give her advice or make her better aware (limlikāši u lištaptêši), as it suits the occasion. About Beltum’s nanny (ummum) who came here from Qatna: Had only this woman, who raised Beltum since her youth and knew her ways, been kept away from her when Beltum was leaving Qatna! 207 However, she was sent to Mari with Beltum; yet she knows nothing about palace operation. Because of this unreliable woman who now serves my lady, during the siesta, when the palace’s bolt was set, she had her bring out songstresses to the temple of Ištar during šurārum-ceremony. 208 Beltum suffered a sunstroke when in the Multicolor Court and she has been ill ever since. However, now my lord should not be distressed in the least; her illness is less dangerous now than ever previously. After sending this note, I will await four more days and then send a full report to my lord.

1.7.a.iv.3.  Just a sunstroke.  Naram-Sin, a diviner, writes ARM 26 136 to Yasmaḫ-​ Addu. About Beltum’s illness, I took omens a second time: she was not struck by god [x]; but simply a (sun)stroke . . . a fever. . . . I took omens: the results are equivocal. . . . Her illness is not (grave). She will gain her health. My lord should not worry.

1.7.a.iv.4.  Have her visit.  Išḫi-Addu writes ARM 2 51 (LAPO 17 453) to Yasmaḫ-​ Addu. This note was sent less than two years after Beltum’s marriage, when Yasmaḫ-​ Addu was slated to take armies toward the Mediterranean. For quite a long time now, I keep on writing about the troops, and (officers for) your troops keep telling me, “Yes, troops are coming up!” Yet, there is no coming up of troops. Now I have once again taken a sacred oath, but until my eyes see (it), I will not believe any troops are coming up.

207.  The word translated “nanny” is ummum, normally “mother,” but is often used instead of tārītum, on which see ARM 10 92, below at 6.4.a.iii.2. This does not preclude the possibility that a woman termed ummum may have been a concubine and hence an actual mother of the princess she serves. A nice note is ARM 23 84 (with a copy at 423), “Baḫli-bašti, from among women assigned to Yarim-Addu, is to nanny (ana ummūt) Princess Naramtum, who was given (in marriage) to Šarraya, king of Eluḫtum.” On Naramtum, see the note to ARM 10 46, at 1.8.b.ii. 208.  For this reading, see Charpin 2012c: 78. I. Arkhipov (private communication) thinks the šurārum is just a sporting occasion. Palace gates were closed also at night, locking in mostly women and harem attendants while keeping out palace officials. This is clear from a passage in a note (ARM 13 9:22–30 = LAPO 16 104) Mukannišum sent the king, “My lord must not think, ‘(Mukannišum did not attend to the dispatch of lances)’ because when the tablet of my lord reached me, it was night and since the palace’s bolts were set, I could not have these lances brought out.” Notice that “bolts” are here in the plural.

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You must therefore come up with the troops and bring my daughter along with you so that she could conciliate the gods of her city and so that I could give her many gifts. She should meet with me so that I could honor her. 209

1.7.b.  The marriage of Šiptu of Yamḫad to Zimri-Lim of Mari.  We know about the arrangements for this marriage largely through the reports of diplomats. When Zimri-Lim took power in Mari, he already had wives (eventually about a dozen) and children (eventually about two dozen). To affirm his throne, he married the daughter of his powerful suzerain, Yarim-Lim of Yamḫad. A good portion of the dossier is in Durand 1988a: 95–117, while the chronology of events can be followed in Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 191–93 and in Ziegler 2007: 86–87. The king charged two trusted members of his inner circle with bringing back the bride: his chief musician (and likely harem-keeper), Rišiya, and Asqudum, his diviner as well as his brother-in-law. 1.7.b.i.  Easing negotiations.  ARM 26 9. Rišiya reports to the king on preliminaries to the negotiations. Šimru(m) is Yarim-Lim’s secretary (or the like) and his help is crucial; so it is best to mollify him. I am well. We brought to a successful close my lord’s journey and the king (YarimLim) is very pleased. We set before Šimru the instruction that my lord entrusted us—Asqudum and me; Šimrum was very pleased with it. In fact, Šimru is advancing our case to King Yarim-Lim. Šimru will keep presenting before the king the substance of our lord’s instruction and getting for us honest answers. Another matter: Šimru said the following: “What about the songstress concerning whom I have repeatedly written my lord (Zimri-Lim) and he has not (yet) conveyed to me? ” Therefore, the moment our lord listens to this tablet, he must have the songstress Karanatum ride a mule of Yasim-Dagan—or that of any of the others. On the morrow of this tablet, she must leave so that she could promptly get here. For Šimru to advance before the king the matters with which we are entrusted, my lord should act so that the arrival of this songstress is prompt. 210

1.7.b.ii.  Conveying the bride-wealth (terḫatum).  ARM 25 616 (M.5647; Ar­khi­pov 2012: 210–11). This is an administrative tablet with many lacunas, registering the bride-wealth (terḫatum) Asqudum led to Aleppo within months of the activities reported in ARM 26 9 (at 1.7.b.i). It includes jewelry of precious metals, pearls, and lapis lazuli (necklaces, pins, and disks), assorted vessels, garments, 3 bulls, 100 cows, 209.  The practice of having daughters return home, presumably to honor the gods of their fathers, is also known from ARM 10 34+, cited below at 1.8.b.i. Princesses took their father’s gods to their new home; see ARM 28 27, cited at 6.5.a.iii. What happened to Beltum after Zimri-Lim is the subject of discussion. A number of scholars have proposed that she was kept by Zimri-Lim under the name of Dam-ḫuraṣim, with a fairly productive and influential life as his queen; see ARM 26 225, at 5.7.d.iv. If so, a letter from Erešti-Aya, the nadītum, may be meant for her; see ARM 10 38 and 39, at 5.5.b.iii.3. I have argued, however, that Beltum either went back to Qatna or, as was common, became a priestess. On all this, see Sasson 2010a: 245–46, with bibliography. 210.  For another entertainer promised (but not delivered) by Zimri-Lim, see ARM 10 139 at 2.3.c.iv.2.

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and 1,400 sheep. At this stage of his fortunes, Zimri-Lim’s contribution did not compare well with that of Samsi-Addu. 1.7.b.iii.  Arrangements.  Almost six months later, Rišiya and Asqudum took many gifts (biblum) to the bride and her family. 211 The first two letters are co-authored. 1.7.b.iii.1.  First meeting. ARM 26 10. Yarim-Lim discussed matters with us: “You did bring the gift; yet, because my mother is ill and I fear something awful is about to happen in my palace, you have very little time.” Because of this circumstance, we made haste to have the gift, which our lord conveyed through us, entered (into the palace grounds). Moreover, we draped veils over the daughter. 212 Within three days after we had had the gift brought in, Lady Sumunna-abi met her fate. Via (his minister) Ṭab-balaṭi, King Yarim-Lim sent us the following message, “Go and tour each of my fortresses and households.” We deliberated before responding, “Why would our lord send such a message to us, ‘Go and tour each of my fortresses and households’? ” This is what we answered. Later, we (also) sent the message, “Is Lady Sumunna-abi not our very own lady? If we are not staying by our lord [Yarim-Lim], and this situation becomes known in Mari itself, it would be a scandal. Therefore, allow the servants of your son [Zimri-Lim] to stay with you.” 213 [Yarim-Lim] did not answer me immediately; but he himself sent back his servants with his message, “Have you seen (my land)? Go then.” But I answered [few lines missing. The text ends with the ambassadors (?) saying,] “. . . Our lord should convey 20 gold vessels so that they may be deposited in our lord’s cellar.” 214

1.7.b.iii.2.  “Engagement.”  ARM 26 11. Occasionally, the writers assume a single voice. When Lady Sumunna-abi died, Yarim-Lim told us, “Until this commemoration (ḫidirtum) runs its course, go (both of you) and make a tour of my country’s heartland.” For fifteen days, we traversed his country’s heartland and headed back. Since we have come back, I have made ready the sheep that were previously assigned for the sacrifices of the young woman and the remaining sheep that were left in my charge [when traveling]. There were also: For Yarim-Lim: 1 gold ring of 6 šekels; 1 heavy-textured fabric, 1 first-quality rough-woven fabric; 5 second-quality rough-woven fabrics; 21 second-quality “straight”-woven fabrics; 200 tišanum-sheep, fat-tailed sheep, and birds. 211.  They reached Aleppo when the queen mother Sumunna-abim was on her death-bed (ARM 26 10). A series of letters give the circumstances; although the first two are authored jointly by Rišiya and Asqudum, occasionally they reflect the voice of just one (Asqudum). 212.  This is an important moment in the process. I comment on it and on the veiling of Rebekah; see Sasson 2006. Worth noticing is that, likely to avoid evil wizardry, the bride-to-be is not cited by name until all is arranged; see also ARM 28 27 at 6.5.a.iii. 213.  From Yarim-Lim’s perspective, Zimri-Lim (and so his officers) is not yet family and thus able to participate in the funerals of the queen. The ambassadors protest that they now are family, since they veiled the bride. 214.  Zimri-Lim kept a home in Aleppo, as in other localities.

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For Gašera: 1 finely-woven fabric; 2 gold clasps of 2 šekels (each); 2 gold clasps of 1 šekel (each); and [1]20 sheep. For the daughter, Šiptu: 1 Marad-fabric; 2 gold clasps weighing 2 šekels. 215 This later presentation, much as the previous one, was (deemed) sufficient. As to Yarim-Lim, beaming he told me, “Your previous presentation, what should I do (with it)? There has never been (such a display) from any of the kings, (even) now that the kings of the entire country are assembled.” 216 For this reason Yarim-Lim is extremely pleased. Moreover, after the donkey sacrifice I shall insist on our leaving promptly. The decision is taken.

1.7.b.iii.3.  One more stipulation.  ARM 26 13. Asqudum writes to the king. Yarim-Lim took me aside and said, “I keep on hearing that the gods are powerful in the [Mari] palace. Where will my daughter’s belonging enter (into it)? ” When I told him, “Your daughter’s residence is indeed excellent,” he answered, “My daughter’s belongings may be stored in her residence, but my daughter should reside with her husband. She may leave for about five to six days to care for her residence.” 217 Now then, my lord should give orders, select a residence, and have people make ready for his daughter. 218 This way, when his servants who are accompanying me review (it), they can report the matter to their lord. I am now communicating to my lord whatever I heard Yarim-Lim say. My lord should reflect on having people set up the house that they are readying for the daughter. Another matter [damaged lines] on the palanquin carriers about whom I wrote to him; my lord should have them sent, so that as long as I am residing here, this house could be made ready. 219

1.7.b.iii.4.  Journey to new home.  Sammetar, in Terqa, sent ARM 26 14 to the king. I am hearing news about the journey that Asqudum will be taking so as to bring my Lady safely. There will be many women who will go with my Lady, and the women 215.  Note that the young woman does not acquire a throne name; as Šiptu, she tacitly accepts to become the bride of Zimri-Lim by sacrificing a sheep. I speculate on the actual mother of Šiptu in a note to ARM 10 92, at 6.4.a.iv. 216. Yarim-Lim’s pleasure is given in a metaphor, pānušu mādiš nawrū, “his face shone brightly,” that is well-known to the Bible. See Sirach 13:26: “The mark of a happy heart is a cheerful face” (RSV). 217.  Yarim-Lim may be asking that his daughter stay by her husband all but 5–6 days of the month, thus raising the possibility of producing an heir. If correctly understood, this passage would give evidence of menstruation taboo in Amorite culture, similar to the biblical injunction (Lev 15:19–30). On this debated matter, see most recently Charpin 2012c: 78–79. 218.  For this reading, see Charpin 2012c: 79. Asqudum is of course lying to Yarim-Lim about having an apartment ready for the queen, when in fact, he is begging the king to get one ready before her arrival. 219. Šiptu had a very prominent role in Zimri-Lim’s world, especially after the death of Addu-duri, who may have been his mother. For a quick overview, see Ziegler 1999a: 54–56. A sampling from her dossier is in Durand 2000: 304–55. What happened to her after the death of her husband can only be conjectured. Likely she went back to her father’s home, either to remain there or, if none of her sons had survived and if she remained of bearing age, to be married to another vassal. Durand (2006a) has Dadi-ḫadun, a Yaminite chieftain, take her back to Aleppo or move her into his harem. The text, ARM 21 109, is damaged and cannot date beyond the death of Zimri-Lim.

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Kingship — 1.8.  The Marriage of Mari Princesses who travel are delicate. This route is bleak wasteland (madbarum), not for traversing during these days, for they are harsh. 220 It must not be that someone or something will be harmed because of dehydration, resulting in much vexation for my lord. No traveler would take this route during this month, but might do so in the spring or autumn. So, the journey must not take place in this month. This month will end in 5 more days. The month next is igi.kur (vi); so within 10 days—maybe even 5—the days will cool down and the Euphrates will fill up with water, so that (it might be better) for travel. [Damaged lines]. . . I am writing as a servant to my lord. He should reflect and act in his majesty.

1.8.  The Marriage of Mari Princesses This category belongs with the previous one but is offered separately because it operates on a special level; see Ziegler 1999a: 59–69 and B. Lafont 1987. We hardly know much about Yasmaḫ-Addu’s offspring and so cannot say how marrying them off advanced his policies, themselves in any case largely controlled by his father, Samsi-​Addu. It is otherwise with Zimri-Lim, his successor. He had three sons, none of them surviving or succeeding him. He had a few sisters (uterine or not), one of whom married Asqudum, diviner and adviser of Zimri-Lim. In ARM 10 91 (note to 4.1.a.i), 10 140 (at 1.3.a.iii.2b), and M.08161 (at 1.4.a.ii.2) are exchanges with his sisters Atrakatum, married to Yaminite Sumu-dabi, and Liqtum , wife of Adal-šenni of Burundum. Zimri-Lim had more than a score of daughters; see Lafont 1987. Some of these daughters married high officials and others became priestesses; most remained at home when their father ended his reign. A handful, however, have left us dossiers about their marriages, none to a prince on a major throne; rather, the unions either initiated or supported their husband’s vassalage. 221 Among their retinue to their new homes was a scribe (of either sex). As a result, the daughters were potential spies for their fathers and might have been treated as such by their husbands, leading, not surprisingly, to tensions in their relationships. Most princesses, therefore, did not adjust well to their situations; but there are exceptions. Below are a number of letters from one dossier (1.8.a–b) and extracts from others.

220.  The word madbarum “steppe, wasteland” is likely West Semitic midbār. 221.  A.3838, cited from Ziegler 1997: 56 n. 55, is a note from the elders of a town, its name being lost. It tells of steps that brought princesses as brides to newly installed kings. “As to us, (your) servants, we are in full agreement, with no one with a different opinion. For a while now, this House has been yours, and the fringe of this house has been tied to yours. Now our lord has had his servants take a sacred oath, saying, ‘Seat the young heir on the throne’ and we now have seated the young heir, your ‘son’ on the throne. Your hand (protection) should be over your ‘son.’ We hold the edge of your garment. Give a young daughter of yours to your ‘son,’ so that this House (remains) your House, as of old.” Zimri-Lim likely complied; but we do not know who the newlyweds were.

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1.8.a–b.  The marriage of (a) Šimatum and (b) Kiru(m) to Ḫaya-sumu of Ilanṣura. Ḫaya-sumu occupied one of the more stable thrones in the Mari age, despite his straying from loyalty. 222 It might be useful to set up the following chronology of the affair. Šimatum’s marriage (ZL1); Kiru’s marriage (ZL3); Šimatum’s twin birth(ZL?); Kiru bears a boy (ZL6); Kiru’s divorce (ZL10); chronology in Ziegler 1999a: 64–65, amended in Charpin and Ziegler 209 n. 363. 223 1.8.a.  The marriage of Šimatum 1.8.a.i.  A dowry for Šimatum.  This princess married Ḫaya-sumu just as Zimri-Lim came to power. Her nidittum exists in copies, but I follow the one in ARM 22 322 as presented in Arkhipov 2012: 205–6. It nicely describes what an elite woman took with her to her husband’s home. Translations of terms are approximate. 224 ( Jewelry) – 1 gold pectoral weighing 10 šekels, a mana of silver in value; – 1 necklace of agate-beads, consisting of 9 agate-beads, 15 silver šekels in value; its clasp(s) of 10 gold corianders, weighing 3 gold šekels, 18 [silver] šekels in value; – 1 necklace of flattened agate-beads, consisting of 8 flattened agate-beads, 6 silver šekels in value; (its hooking? of) 9 gold dudurru, weighing 12⁄3 gold šekels, 10 silver šekels in weight; – Weighing 12 gold šekels are 6 bracelets, 60 šekels of silver in value; – Weighing 10 gold šekels are 2 garment-pins, 50 šekels of silver in value; – Weighing 5½ gold šekels are 16 earrings, 33 silver šekels in value; – Weighing 11⁄3 gold šekels are 3 finger-rings, 61⁄3 silver šekels in value; – 1 cylinder-seal of gold incrusted agate, its incrustation weighing 35 gold grains, 2 šekels and 15 grains of silver in value; 222.  In one of the stressful moments, Mari’s ambassador to his court (Yamṣum) reminded him of Zimri-Lim’s benevolence (ARM 26 303:16′–25′): “So I rose and said, ‘when it comes to your fault, you never admit, “It is mine.” Do you not realize that wherever my lord sets his grip, there is salvation? Since the death of Samsi-Addu, there are just four kings that are powerful, but they have not married two daughters of Yaḫdullim. While you have now married two of my lord’s daughters; yet you have heaped insults on my lord. . .’.” 223.  Why Zimri-Lim would give two daughters in such quick succession to the same vassal is a mystery. It is possible that Šimatum had health problems. Later, when her dispute with her sister was in full heat, Yamṣum, Zimri-Lim’s ambassador to Ilanṣura who sympathized with Kiru, wrote to his king these two notes: (1) ARM 26 314:26–30 (full text at 3.3.a.iv.1a): “Another matter: About the ensorcelled herbs that Šimatum has conveyed to my lord. This matter is proven; it is not a lie. My lord should look into it.” (2) ARM 26 312:36′–39′: “Another matter: about Šimatum who so slanders my lord that my lord had to face God on her account, the god of my lord mutilated her fingers and epilepsy is plaguing her.” 224.  M.5753 (Durand 2009b: 432–33) is a record of garments outlay that includes disbursement for a “wedding procession,” as well as to three individuals who likely came from Ilanṣura to accompany their new mistress.

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Kingship — 1.8.  The Marriage of Mari Princesses – Weighing 21 silver šekels are 4 ankle bracelets; – Weighing 10 silver šekels is a large bracelet; – Weighing 4 silver šekels are 4 bracelets; – Weighing 1 silver šekel is 1 finger-ring; – Weighing 82 šekels of silver are 5 vases; (Scullery) – 30 bronze vases, 20 silver šekels in value; – 1 bronze šušmarru-basin (and) 1 bronze maṣarru-pitcher, 15 silver šekels in value; – 1 mašqaltum-bowl, 5 silver šekels in value; – 1 itqurum-plate, Ḫaššum-style, 5 silver šekels in value; – 3 bronze knives, 3 silver šekels in value; – 1 copper cauldron, 15 silver šekels in value; (Clothing) – 2 fancy (?) garments, 30 silver šekels in value; – 2 (outer) linings for a fancy garment, 6 silver šekels in value; – 7 first-quality cloths, 70 silver šekels in value; – 3 regular-quality cloths, 3 silver šekels in value; – 2 ḫayu garments, 2 silver šekels in value; (Furnishings) – 1 large bed of box-wood, 10 silver šekels in value; – 1 bed of baštum-wood, 10 silver šekels in value; – 15 chairs, 15 silver šekels in value; – 3 footstools, 1½ silver šekels in value; – 1 kaniskarakkum table, 5 silver šekels in value; – 4 sycamore? serving trays, 14 silver šekels in value; [Erased lines] (Attendants) Kelduzzi Ali-aḫi Nuṭṭuptum Niyala, adolescent Ḫakanuʾmu Abi-dumqi Abi-duri Šima-ilat, woman scribe 8 women 225

225.  The version in ARM 31 27 diverges somewhat in a few lines. It has the following additional lines: “[10 women] 100 šekels, their value. Recomputed figure (uppušma): 711 šekels 36 grains [about 12 lbs.] of silver: nidittum for Šimatum; 23.ix.[ZL 1].” The verb alludes to collating diverse measurement systems used in Mari records; see Chambon 2003.

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1.8.b.  The marriage of Kiru(m) 1.8.b.i.  Kiru seeks recognition as queen.  ARM 10 34+10 113+ (LAPO 18 1224). Kiru, married to Ḫaya-Sumu less than two years after his union with Šimatum, writes to “the star, my father and my lord.” She uses “lord” when speaking of both husband and father; for clarity, I make the substitution. You have written me more than once about news of my trip to you, but my husband (lord) does not give me leave for the journey. For your information, today I myself have sent you his reply (to my request). My husband Ḫaya-sumu said to me: “If both you and I go together, to whom shall we leave (care of) the city? Until I myself come back here from Mari, stay here.” This is what my husband Ḫaya-sumu told me. Now when Ḫaya-sumu returns here to the land of Idamaraṣ, my father (lord) should convey through him a chariot and a recliner so that I can come to my lord and father and offer sacrifices to the gods of my father, so that I may prosper there. 226 I am all set to go to you. Another matter: I am sending along to you fAlla. The star, my father and lord, should pay careful attention to her report. You must not reveal this matter to anyone: my father and lord should set me on a queen’s throne. Act to avoid hurting my feelings; it is upon you alone that I depend.

1.8.b.ii.  Šimatum seeks recognition as queen.  ARM 2 115:9–17 (LAPO 18 1226). Šimatum writes for recognition. The first lines are fragmentary, but they allude to Yamṣum and Elamites. . . . Another matter: Why do they continue to slander me before my lord? Moreover, incredible charges (against me) are proposed in my lord’s presence. Yet another matter: My lord should send me a (cylinder) seal. 227 He must not refuse it for me.

Šimatum reports her own dream in ARM 10 94 (= ARM 26 239, LAPO 18 1221); see at 6.4.a.v. On dreams, see diverse texts at 5.7.d. 226.  For married princesses returning to sacrifice at their father’s home, see above, 1.7.a.iv.4. (ARM 2 51). 227.  A gold cylinder-seal was already part of Šimatum’s dowry. She is requesting another, this time with a legend that declares her a queen; see Charpin 1999. In ARM 10 95 (LAPO 18 1225), Šimatum discusses her battle with her sister over control of a garden-keeper and suggests that she has made peace with her sister by means of a sacred oath (“with no guilt on my part”). She then asks for a seal of lapis-lazuli bearing her name. This way, she adds, “when I write, I will not be mocked by others who say, ‘Her seal has no imprinted legend’.” There is a notice in the palace archives (dated iv.4.ZL7) about a gold chain for a large seal of lapis lazuli (ARMT 25 473). Many princesses feared being forgotten at the home their father made for them at foreign courts. Naramtum, married to Šarraya of Eluḫut, a strong supporter of Zimri-Lim, writes to her father: “I have no other father, beyond you; beyond my lady, I have no mother. Here now the palace’s maidservants are gathering against me, saying, ‘There, in your father’s house, nobody knows you or worries about you. Should we, then, honor you (here)?’” (ARM 10 46:1′–11′ = LAPO 18 1237).

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1.8.b.iii.  Kiru’s dark suspicion.  ARM 10 35 (LAPO 18 1227). The writing is full of oddities, so maybe Kiru’s own. 228 Yarim-Dagan can tell you all about my situation. My lord should pay him attention. Another matter. I swear it by my lord and by myself: he 229 killed Dimri-​Ḫammu. They say, “A lion killed him and 2 women as well.” My lord should listen to this matter and send me an answer to my letter.

1.8.b.iv.  Birth giving. 1.8.b.iv.1.  Šimatum bears twins.  ARM 10 26 = LAPO 18 1128. A letter with the broken name [. . .]tum is sent to the king. 230 I gave birth to twins, a boy and a girl. My lord should be pleased.

1.8.b.iv.2.  Kiru bears a son.  Šaknum, writing from Ilanṣura to Zimri-Lim, tells of problems preventing its king from coming to Mari. He adds this note (ARM 352: 24–25). Another matter: Kiru gave birth to a boy. My lord should rejoice. 231

1.8.b.v.  Kiru’s dire situation. ARM 10 32 (LAPO 18 1228; Durand 2000: 441 n. 302). Kiru writes, to “the Star, father and lord.” When I conveyed to you this letter, (ambassador) Zuḫatnim had come to me from (your vassal) Atamrum (of Andarig), and I heard all the news that he had brought. He talked to me between that of eyes. 232 I, having been under oath, had not planned for him. But I talked to Yamṣum and my lord can question him. Listen to what he writes, then act according to your majesty as it pleases you. [Lines missing, followed by conjectured readings.] . . . In a fancy house, I am held until death, as you already know. I am now sending the hair from my skull and the tatters that are torn from my body, handing them to the care of the carrier of this letter. 233 228.  Yarim-Dagan must be a Mari messenger. It is unlikely that he is the same person the king wanted killed; see ARMT 13 107, at 4.6.c.ii. 229.  Kiru likely implicates her husband. D/Zimri-Ḫammu is not known to me. He is likely one of Kiru’s servants. 230.  Ziegler (1999: 68–69) gives Šiptu as the writer and is followed by Durand (2000: 306). I think that the birth of twins is one reason why Ḫaya-sumu lost his need (not to say affection) for Kiru. The queen’s name is seldom written with a final -m. One example is at ARM 21 143, cited at 6.3.a.iv.3. 231.  The note likely dates to the end of ZL6. By then, Kiru’s trouble with her sister and husband were evidently in full swing. 232.  The clause is very obscure, at least to me. 233.  Kiru uses very dramatic language to convey what is banal: the sending of snippets of hair and fringes from a garment to test through extispicy. In another note (ARM 10 31:7′–10′ = LAPO 18 1223), she alludes to channeling divine messages, “And now, even if I am a woman, my father and lord should listen to my words. What I regularly send my father are words from the gods. Come up and stay in Naḫur and do all that the gods make clear to you.”

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Then he arose, Ḫaya-sumu, to say in my presence, “Are you posted here as a resident-commissioner (ḫazannūtam wašbāti)? Since I plan to have you killed, he should come, ‘your Star,’ and take you back.” 234 She (Šimatum) took away my remaining servants, (saying), “My lord has decided (it).” My lord should send me just one reliable adviser—but from among his trustworthy servants—so that I might be fetched back promptly. Then she arose, Šimatum, and she said in my presence, “My Star may do what he wishes to me, for I mean to do what I wish to you.” If my lord plans to leave me here rather than fetch me, I will surely die and not survive.

1.8.b.vi.  Kiru’s divorce.  ARM 10 33 (LAPO 18 1230). Kiru writes to her “lord and Star.” She rambles, sandwiching a major ceremonial act between slights. My life is ebbing away in constantly listening to Šimatum’s words. If my lord does not fetch me back to Mari, I shall grasp my nose and jump from the roof. 235 Now then, Yarim-Dagan can keep you abreast of the whole matter. I faced Ḫaya-sumu saying, “You are certainly king; But I, am I a commoner’s wife? ” 236 Over this matter my life is ebbing away. My father should write so I can be brought back to Mari. I do not desire fancy quarters in the palace. Just be well for my sake. [Ḫaya-sumu] cut my fringes in the presence of the kings, saying, “Go away to your father’s house, I have looked away from my wife’s face.” 237 Another matter: The lady about whom I spoke to my lord, he took her from my control and assigned her to Šimatum. 238

234.  Yamṣum, Mari’s envoy to Ilanṣura, cites an incident in which, after Kiru refuses to accompany Ḫaya-sumu on a journey, he tells her (ARM 26 315:50–52): “If you do not come with me, I will kill you with a bronze dagger and then go.” Yamṣum urges caution with this information, as Ḫaya-sumu is dangerous. 235.  Yamṣum records a similar threat (ARM 26 304:37–46): “Now, my lord’s daughter, Kiru, who lives here, had said, ‘write to my lord, “Ḫaya-sumu has never cared for me”.’ Now she says, ‘Since my lord (Zimri-Lim) cares nothing about me, either a woman kills herself or she jumps from the roof.’ Kiru said this forcefully.” I don’t think it is necessary to conjecture that “jumping off a roof ” is metaphoric for committing suicide (Stol 2007). 236.  Kiru has found a way to convey reality but nevertheless insult her husband. Such chutzpah could not lead to anything good. Recall Michal’s retort to David after he exposed himself publicly in 2 Sam 6:20–23. 237.  Divorce, as in the Bible, is initiated by the husband. Before royal witnesses, Ḫaya-sumu symbolically cuts a fringe from her garment and turns away from facing her. 238.  ARM 10 135 (LAPO 18 1143) is a note Zimri-Lim wrote to his wife Šiptu, telling her: “With regard to Kiru, I have taken up the matter with Ḫaya-sumu, and he answered me, ‘Send someone to fetch her, lest . . . I will make for her.’ Now then let them escort her promptly here.” We cannot tell whether this note came before or after another (ARM 14 118 = LAPO 16 365) that Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum sent the king, “On the day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Ulluri and an escort belonging to Ḫaya-sumu reached me in Saggaratum. He did not bring back Kirum. I questioned him and he told me, ‘Whether I spoke amiably or harshly to Ḫaya-sumu, he did not release this woman.’ This is what he told me. They will come before my lord after this letter of mine.” Echoes of the difficulties in rescuing Kiru are in ARM 26 323–324, letters from

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1.8.c.  From the Correspondence of Other Princesses 1.8.c.i.  Inib-šarri was the childless widow of Zakura-abum, a tribal leader (merḫûm) who took control of Zalluḫan. She was then married to one of her husband’s rivals, Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka—not an inspired choice. 239 She writes these three notes: the first is a bitter lament by a scorned wife; the last two are about her troubles in trying to leave. [1.8.c.i.1. ARM 10 74 = LAPO 18 1242] I had written to my lord a couple of times about my troubles; but my lord wrote me, “Go ahead and enter Ašlakka. Don’t resist me. Just go!” This is what my lord wrote to me. Having now entered Ašlakka, I am facing even more misery. Ibal-Addu’s wife is now the reigning queen; it is this woman who continually receives the donations of Ašlakka and of other towns. As for me, she/he has set me in a corner and has had me grasp my cheeks in hand as if a fool. He regularly takes his meals and drinks in the presence of the woman, his wife. My eyes (are full of tears) and my mouth hungers. He has reinforced the guard over me. Here is more: while my lord’s reputation is strong, here I am facing even more misery. I did not take the one vat and two (gold) vessels that my lord has sent back for him, Ibal-Addu, and he did not give me the vat and these vessels. If he had love for my lord, should he not also have love for me, your maidservant? Yet more: [several lines damaged] (my lord) should send his servants to fetch me to my lord, so that I can see my lord’s face. 240 [1.8.c.i.2. ARM 10 76 = LAPO 18 1243] Previously, my lord told me, “Go then, solve your problem; if it is not feasible, cover your head and make your way here.” 241 The future is now (bleaker) than before. As soon as (Ibal-Addu) crossed the Ḫabur River, he abandoned my lord’s order, and he has brought me into Naḫur. My lord should write so that people will fetch me back. [1.8.c.i.3. ARM 2 113 = LAPO 18 1244] Previously, my lord instructed me, “Get your household at the ready; if it is not feasible, cover your head and make your way here.” This is what my lord instructed me. But I told my lord this, “as soon as he crosses the Ḫabur River, he will ignore my lord’s words (‘drop the words behind Yamṣum. Charpin (1988: 45) thinks that the tension between the two sisters may also be whipped up by opposing camps on an alliance with Elam. 239.  On her story, see Guichard 2009. On her husband’s city, Zalluḫan, see Guichard 2014. On her eviction from Zalluḫan at the death of Zakura-abum, see ARM 10 79 at 6.7.b.i. 240.  So bitter is Inib-šarri that she spies on her husband. ARM 10 77 (LAPO 18 1250) contains this note to her father: “In the past, I had written to my lord that Ibal-Addu was turning to another place. Now these matters about him have been confirmed, he has now had full discussions with Elaḫut. (My lord should have me brought back) so that I can tell my lord all that I have been witnessing. If not, this man will become hostile and will inflict on me as much abuse as possible. I have already written these words a couple times to Itur-asdu.” In fact, Inib-šarri’s suspicions proved well-founded, as Ibal-Addu joined a coalition against Zimri-Lim; but he paid the price for it. 241.  The interest here and in the previous letter is Zimri-Lim’s instruction for her to veil her head and go, an allusion that has evoked much debate if only because it is reminiscent of the veiling of Rebekah in Gen 24:65. On the Assyriology part, see Guichard 2009: 26 n. 43. On the biblical relevance, see Sasson 2006: 241 n. 2, with bibliography.

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him’).” Well, he has confirmed the words that I told my lord! Once he reached Tarnib, he told (me), “Since you have met your lord, go ahead! Let your lord have you enter Ašlakka.” 242 So he had me brought to my quarters, to Naḫur. However, ever since I left my lord’s (“father”) presence, I am lacking food and firewood, so that (events) are much worse than ever before. My lord must write and have me brought back, for now my despair stands (deeper) than ever before. Is he not contemptuous of me? Ibal-Addu is certainly slighting my lord’s enemy. 243 Now, with (governor) Itur-asdu having arrived here, he wrote several times to Ibal-Addu on my behalf; but Ibal-Addu has paid him no mind.

1.8.c.ii.  Tiṣpatum is married to Ili-Ištar of Šuna. She writes ARM 10 98 (LAPO 18 1239) to her father, shaming him for not defending her husband. 244 If in truth my lord loves the city Šuna as well as his servant Ili-Ištar, do hurry here a hundred soldiers and your trustworthy officer and do save your city and servant. Else, the enemy will seize the city. I swear it, there could be the following opinion about the man (Ili-Ištar), “How could it be that he is married to a daughter of Zimri-Lim, but is his ear set toward him? ” My father and lord should reflect on all these matters.

1.8.c.iii.  Inbatum was married to Atamrum of Andarig, late in her father’s reign. In this letter (ARM 10 84 = LAPO 18 1232), Inbatum calms her father’s threat to punish her husband’s appropriation of a city. (Again, I have substituted “husband” and “father” for the ubiquitous “lord” even if it is possible to imagine switches.) I have listened to the tablet my father conveyed to me. My father has written me long and in detail about the City Amaz. The City Amaz for a while now has depended on a [commissioner] from my father’s land; but when this town broke away from my husband, your servant [general] Ḫimdiya acted to restore it to my husband. He made this land submit and installed its sheikh as officer of my husband. In no way did he plunder this town. I/He had no idea that this town, in fact, depended on you! Once my husband returns here, discuss it between you and my husband, and if this town is yours, then my husband should certainly give it back to you. Now about what my father wrote (threateningly) to me, “As for me, I will do what needs to be done.” Why has my father written so to me? When you and my husband conferred, my husband, heading to Babylon, entrusted to you Andarig, town and country, so that the land of Yamutbal is now your land and the town of Andarig is your town. The land is yours to protect; but do what seems right to you. Why did my father write this to me and thus pained me? Ḫimdiya did not know that this 242.  This is very heavy stuff! Ibal-Addu is playing on the word “lord,” as it applies to her father Zimri-Lim and to him, her husband. 243.  These lines are difficult to interpret. Inib-šarri is obviously goading her father and might be telling him that, by treating his wife so badly, he is already showing lack of fear of the common enemies that Zimri-Lim has pledged to combat. 244.  This princess seems to have done well in her new home. I cite this letter (and the next, ARM 10 84, at 1.8.c.iii) when discussing the marriage of Achsah in Judg 1:8–15; see Sasson 2014: 137–38. For another of her missives (possibly), see ARM 10 105 at 2.3.d.iii.1.

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Kingship — 1.8.  The Marriage of Mari Princesses city is under my father’s control. Šubram and Baḫlu-[. . .], whom my father had commissioned as caretakers of the district, have written this, “The City Amaz that is dependent on our lord is now hostile. Ḫimdiya needs to come up so that this land will not move out (of control). This land is our lord’s.” This is what they wrote. So Ḫimdiya went and subdued this land.

C

h a p t e r

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Administration 2.0.  Ruling Mari The archives of Mari display a palace administration with many titles but none with a formal description of duties. That is, kings will appoint administrators to a particular post; yet what these offices accomplish will have more to do with their ability, chutzpah, and personal links to the king than with any fulfillment of prescribed duties. No specific duration was attached to any of the posts. Shifts occurred readily, with personnel moving from one post to another, likely on the whim and need of the king. Thus, while during the 14-year reign of Zimri-Lim only two officers were posted as governors of Terqa, as many as six were carrying the same assignments in Qattunan. Moreover, officers undertook a great many ad hoc missions that took them far from their normal posts. In asking his son to place officials under oath, Samsi-Addu provides us with a nice notion of administrative divisions (A.2724 = LAPO 16 49; Durand 1991: 30–33): there seem to have been two groups, one operating in the provinces on behalf of the king, and one in liaison with tribal elements in the provinces. Especially during the reign of Zimri-Lim, we also hear of the merḫûm, a leader of tribal troops. Palace officials who impose the oath are also mentioned; but as titles are not given, we depend on other records to reconstruct their function. Have all available administrators (bēl tērētim) submit to a sacred oath: governors (šāpiṭū) and chiefs-of-staff (abbū bītim); (also) the administrators at your personal service, as grouped by sections (ummāt pirsī), sheikhs (sugāgū), overseers (laputtû)— all available administrators. Mašiya (surveyor of royal holdings), Ur-samana (chief land assessor), Naḫiš-palušu, Ṭab-eli-ummanišu, and Rišiya (Kapellmeister) should stand by, together with palace scribes, to administer the sacred oaths. Afterward, they themselves should also take the sacred oath. I have sent you this tablet from Šubat-Enlil, in the course of 17 Tirum (12th month).

Below are samples that illustrate some of the range of administrators’ activities.

2.1.  Provincial Officers 1 Fluidity in the upper ranks of administrators was common. Although, on attaining a throne, rulers (even usurpers) kept most officials at their desks, the likelihood was 1.  Seminal is the article of Lion 2011. Marzal 1971, 1972 can still be read with profit.

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that top command posts went to trusted officials or kin. The case of (Ḫ)abduma-​ Dagan is exemplary. 2 We first learn of his career as a functionary in the bīt šīrim, an administrative center in the palace that, despite its name (“house of flesh”), seems to have been a place for handling metals. He was moved to Zibnatum in Saggaratum province before being appointed as governor (šāpitum) in Tuttul. The post did not seem to be equal to his talents, and he was soon also made a tribal leader (merḫûm) in the same area. On his capture of the Mari throne, Zimri-Lim appointed him as governor of Saggaratum. He died soon after, around ZL 2 or 3. Two letters from Samsi-​Addu to his son Yasmaḫ-Addu deal with these appointments. [ARM 1 18 = LAPO 16 43] With Yašub-El having died in Tuttul, you wrote to me about installing Abduma-Dagan (Ḫabduma-Dagan) in Tuttul. How to manage his transfer? Your tablet was not specific. Have you definitely installed him already or will you install another official? Actually, Abduma-Dagan is very suitable to install there. He is trustworthy, having slept? by the bīt širim administrative center. As I see it, he has committed no offense or fault. He is prudent and trustworthy. So do install him in Tuttul now and tell him this, “Why do you live in Zibnatum in nests (hearths) that cannot be complete and in stony land? Live in Tuttul where you can shape a nest and build a home. Arable land is plentiful. This land is like the land of Šubartum, with much arable land. Live there and shape for yourself an elite household. Secure the town and the land for its lord.” Tell him these things. Sooth him and install him in Tuttul. Install at his side a majordomo (abu bītim) and a trustworthy surveyor (ša sikkatim). As replacement to Abduma-Dagan in Zibnatum, (select) someone from among the people of this land. Else, (select) someone from among those who serve you in the palace or a trustworthy native (ušmûm) and install him in his stead in Zibnatum. 3 Another matter: About the trip of Laʾum. For 20 days now, (you are holding him). Why are you (holding him back) even now? Send him on promptly. [Excerpted from ARM 1 62:5′–14′ = LAPO 17 639] Another matter: You have written me about appointing Ḫabduma-Dagan, son of Ayala-sumu, to the office of merḫûm. As you have written, “Ḫabduma-Dagan is fit to be appointed to the office of merḫûm.” What of his (present) experience as governor? As if he now governs a vast country! Have him manage Tuttul and become a merḫûm. Just as his colleagues are managing a vast land, so should he manage Tuttul. It will be like the land his colleagues are governing. 4

2.1.a.  Governor (šāpiṭum).  During the reign of Zimri-Lim, šāpiṭū were in charge of Mari’s four major provinces. Conventionally, the term is translated “governor.” Best known among these governors are Kibri-Dagan of Terqa (ARM 3), Baḫdi-Lim of Mari (ARM 6), Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum (ARM 14; Bonechi and Catagnoti 1994), 2. See Villard 2001: 91–92; Lion 2001: 174–76 and particularly 174 n. 169 for a list of attestations. 3. On ušmûm, see Durand 1983: 531 n. 9. An exact appreciation of the term is still elusive. 4.  The point here is that Ḫabduma-Dagan is much too capable to govern a relatively small area (actually Tuttul) and should be made a merḫûm.

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Akšak-magir, Ilušu-naṣir , Zakira-ḫammu, and Zimri-Addu of Qattunan (ARM 27). Qattunan and Saggaratum were on the Ḫabur River. Qattunan especially was at the edge of Mari’s control and the activities of its governors were likely to include much political and diplomatic maneuvering. The correspondences of these governors are vast, and just a sample can be offered here. 5 2.1.a.i.  Securing the appointment.  The post included entitlement, such as controlling a certain amount of field acreage, for which the holder was to send igisûm gifts (see examples at 1.3.d.i). Assignment of right was never clear, occasionally creating problems. Yaqqim-Addu writes ARM 14 81 (LAPO 17 752) to Zimri-Lim. I have sent out patrol guards as far as Lasqum to look into the matter. This is what they reported back to me, “Sheep of the tribesmen are grazing as far as Lasqum, (their) enclosures reaching Lasqum.” It is because in the past my lord had alerted me and the merḫûm (tribal army chief) that they have looked into the matter. My lord must warn the merḫûm, lest—God forbid—a mistake is incurred and my lord thinks, “Why have you not looked into the matter and did not write me? ” I have now written to my lord, and he now knows. My district is also that of the merḫûm. Another matter: When Sumḫu-rabi would act as šāpiṭum in District Saggaratum, he was holding 60 acres of land in Bit-Akkaka. When Itur-asdu was appointed, he held [60?] acres of land as did his predecessor. Yet I now hold (only) [x] acres. When my lady (Queen) Dam-ḫuraṣim wrote to me, “You must not draw near my field,” I told her, “Previously the šāpiṭum Sumḫu-rabi held a field as (his) favor. When Itur-asdu was appointed, he (too) held a field as his favor. Now, what about me? ” I have paid her for a servant, maidservant, and abuse of right. Yet, she wrote me (as above). Just as my predecessors held land as (their) favor, I too should hold land as (my) favor. When Aqba-aḫum went to Bit-​Akkaka to allocate work assignments for three of the palace’s plow-teams, no field was assigned to my care. Yet, there still remains 1,400 acres that elite (wedûtum) and commoners (muškēnum) are working. My lord should question his servant Aqba-aḫum on the fact that the šāpiṭum preceding me held this field. I have augmented offer after offer (igisûm) to my lord. As to Partum, she has set forth for Queen Dam-ḫuraṣi, telling (her) inappropriate words, citing me ceaselessly in my lady’s presence. It is because of her attacks that my lady sent me this letter. Yet, I am better than were my predecessors at fulfilling her wish. I am simply writing my lord about the field. He is now informed. 6 5.  Although etymologically related, the office of Amorite šāpiṭum and of the Hebrew šōpēṭ, conventionally rendered “judge,” differed. The Mari šāpiṭum works for the palace, cares for fields and canals, polices and spies in and out of the area, attends to the local shrines, and resolves personal and tribal disputes. Taking the initiative was not his forte. Unlike the Hebrew “judge,” he owes his office and his fortune to the king (not a god). To approximate the authority of the Hebrew šōpēṭ, we would need to attach to the Mari šāpiṭum the power attributed to the merḫûm, a military leader of the tribal elements in the king’s army (see below at 2.3.c). On these matters, see Sasson 2014: 185–87. 6.  Who is the Partum who so embittered Yaqqim-Addu? The most likely of a few possibilities is the Mari princess married to Itur-asdu, once governor of Mari, but then moved to Naḫur. For a while, she seems to have settled in the Terqa district where, in fact, Yaqqim-Addu once filled a post; see Durand 1997a: 528–29. Kibri-Dagan, governor of Terqa, writes ARM 10 153 (LAPO 18

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2.1.a.ii.  Factotum.  A brief note from Kibri-Dagan (ARM 13 123 = LAPO 17 849) covers a šāpiṭum’s repertoire of activities: attending to harvests, readying troops for dispatch abroad, preparing for visiting dignitaries, and plugging breaches in canals. Right upon my arrival (to Terqa), I gave strict orders about the palace barley. I have made ready the Babylonian crews and they began to pile up all the barley that was to be piled on the threshing floors. Another matter: Concerning the arrival of Dadi-ḫadun to Terqa, he has not reached here as yet. He is now in Zarri, however. I was told (to expect) his arrival in Terqa the day after I have sent this tablet of mine to my lord. 7 Yet another matter: Toward the south of Bit-Zarḫan, the Išim-Yaḫdullim canal had a breach. I have collected Terqa citizens. I have dispatched Yazraḫ-Dagan, having placed him at their head.

2.1.a.iii.  Upkeep of the Province 2.1.a.iii.1.  In the breach.  Sumu-ḫadu, likely Baḫdi-Lim’s predecessor as governor of Mari province, posted this dramatic note to the king; A.250 (LAPO 17 813; see B. Lafont 1992). The waters for Der are now controlled. Because of the boats that carry grain, the channels from a point upstream were blocked so that the water had cramped up. Yesterday, just before dark, upstream of the bridge at the outlet of the Baliḫ (canal), where there is a drainage ditch, the water broke. Quickly, and despite my illness, I rose. Riding my mules, I went to divert the water through a conduit. I then turned to stop up the water in the Baliḫ (canal). By daybreak, I set about completing the work, aiming to complete the ditching; afterward, also to set about piling earthwork. This breach covers 2 reeds in depth (toward the bottom), and 4 reeds in width. 8 By the evening, I will have plugged this breach and let the water flow normally. My lord should not be anxious at all. Moreover, I have already written to the neighboring towns that during the night I diverted the water. At Appan, Ḫumsan, and Šeḫrum, the waters were controlled; there was no flooding whatsoever. As for me, I have caught my seasonal (annual) sickness. 9 1178) to his lady, likely Queen Dam-ḫuraṣi, “Concerning the matter of Partum, about which my lady has written me, following my lady’s message, I shall write within 2 or 3 days so that they can relieve this woman’s unhappiness. Her problem will be investigated and I will take her under my care.” 7.  In a follow-up (ARM 3 45 = LAPO 18 985), Kibri-Dagan writes, “Dagan and Yakrub-El are well; Terqa, city and district, is in good order. On the day I am sending this letter of mine to my lord, Dadi-ḫadun arrived at evening-time to Terqa. Furthermore, as my lord had charged me, the city Terqa and the district offered sacrifices to the god Addu on the 25 (of the month).” 8.  B. Lafont 1992: 102–3 argues for a 4-foot length for the Mari reed (qanûm). If so, the breach was 8 by 32 feet. Sumu-ḫadu is being heroic. (Notice the accent on the illness that could not stop him from duty.) Yet it might be noted that, beyond inspecting, reporting, planning, and alerting, Sumu-ḫadu has not done much to solve the problem. 9.  Several brief notes from Baḫdi-Lim reinforce the perennial nature of canal work (many more at Durand 1998a: 630–57):

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2.1.a.iii.2.  Work on city gate.  Kibri-Dagan posted this note (ARM 3 11 = LAPO 16 161) to the king. On the very day I send this tablet of mine to my lord, the gate at the lower side— that is, the rampart that looks to the outside, toward the river—collapsed. Reflecting upon the matter, I thought that until my lord comes to supervise this project and to draw up plans for this gate, I will not set to work on this task without my lord’s (presence). This job is not easy, for it lies too close to the river; but it should be made lasting. So, until my lord arrives here to supervise this project and to draw up plans for this gate, I will not set to work on this task without my lord’s (presence). [Break in which Kibri-Dagan speaks of rocks.] A lasting work must be done, so that there will be no damage. I fear that my lord may want to order me: “Take up this task by using workers that are currently available.” However, these days include days for collecting needed materials (for the palace). The crew currently available cannot handle the palace’s needs for reeds, rushes, and pegs. Therefore, until my lord arrives here, I shall not set to work on this task. My lord ought to write me whatever decision he takes so that I could fulfill my lord’s wishes.

2.1.a.iii.3.  Locusts.  There is now a nice body of archive material on locusts (erbûm, and, undeclined because likely onomatopoeic, ṣarṣar) and other insects; see Lion and

ARM 6 5 (LAPO 17 794). In the town Ḫubur (Igi.kur), facing the old land-spur, a boulder fell into the Šaditum (canal) and decreased the flow (of the water) by half a cubit (9 inches). When I heard about it, I called upon 40 men from Appan and Ḫumzan and began work on this job. I will crack this boulder so as to return the water to their fields. Water for Mari will therefore not decrease. ARM 6 6 (LAPO 17 795). I have had the levee of the wadi at Der—that the wadi-waters had breached—banked up. It is now restored. On the (same) day I conveyed this letter of mine to my lord, I channeled the water toward Der. As long as I had not done so, I did not write my lord. ARM 6 8 (LAPO 17 821). I have come to do the job (and found) before me that the Ḫabur River had overflowed by 2 cubits (3 feet). Yet until the overflow of the Ḫabur recedes, I will not block the breach. As soon as the Ḫabur becomes lower, I will block the breach. ARM 6 9 (LAPO 17 822). On the ninth (of the month) I took up work on the job. I inspected the breach and found it to be 8 reeds (32 feet) wide and that the water depth at this breach is 7 cubits (10.5 feet). On the tenth and eleventh, I shall pile up the reeds and on the twelfth I shall begin to block the breach. My lord must not worry. ARM 6 12 (LAPO 17 823). Concerning my coming to my lord and bringing along Yaqqim-Addu (of Saggaratum) and six elders, about which my lord sent Yasim-El to me, (I can report that) the grilled cage (bīt ṭurri) is set firmly in place and the reeds are piled up. I have made the decision not to begin the journey today. Tomorrow, the nineteenth (of the month), I will block the breach. May my lord’s protective spirits guide me. Upon blocking the breach, I will leave to bring along the men, about whom my lord wrote me.

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Michel 1997, with improved readings. Diverse regions along the Euphrates report them and they can swarm at harvest time over three consecutive years. 10 2.1.a.iii.3a.  Kibri-Dagan writes ARM 3 62 (LAPO 16 178) to the king. On the day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, locusts (erbûm) have swarmed over Terqa. Because the day in which they were swarming was hot, they did not settle on the ground. Now then, I am herewith sending to my lord as many locusts as people caught for me.

2.1.a.iii.3b.  Zakira-ḫammu (of Qattunan) writes ARM 27 28 to Zimri-Lim. A parallel letter (ARM 27 29) is more colorful in describing the measures he took against the locust. 11 The city Qattunan and the district are in good order. Previously, when I wrote a couple of times to my lord about the ṣarṣar-locusts [erbûm in 27 29], my lord wrote me this, “Fill the Šaditum-canal with water, so that they cannot cross.” This is what 10.  Originating in the Eritrean deserts, locusts swarm periodically, and they occasionally sweep the Euphrates Valley. Locusts are the most voracious creatures known to the ancient Near East. In the Bible their attacks are relentless (Joel 1:4), so impossible to control that only a wind from God can affect its movement (Exod 10:19). When the hot sun beats on locusts, they will not pause. This is the reality that the prophet Nahum cites (3:17), “Your guards were like locusts, your marshals like piles of hoppers which settle on the stone fences on a chilly day. When the sun comes out, they fly away, and where they are nobody knows.” In this excerpt from ARM 2 136:4–13 (LAPO 16 177), an official (Iškur-šaga, a majordomo in Saggaratum) writes the king, “The pickler (lurakkûm) who lives in Saggaratum is out of locusts (ṣarṣar). But I was told, ‘My lord has had locusts taken (to him) from Šubat-Šamaš.’ I am now sending the pickler to my lord. He should be given locusts for his office.” The Mari archives have much to say about locusts (grasshoppers in their migratory stage) and the havoc they created. A large vocabulary was used to discriminate among their many varieties, perhaps, too, among the many stages in their metamorphosis: erbū, ṣanṣar/ṣarṣar (onomatopeic, see Hebrew ṣelāṣal, Deut 28:42), erḫizzu, or ergilātum. People took their revenge on these pests by placing them on their tables (acceptable even among the Hebrews; see, e.g., Lev 11:22). In ARM 27 64:4–18, a provincial governor writes the king, “On the erḫizzu-locusts about which my lord wrote to me: Here, where ergilatum-locusts can be caught, there are no erḫizzu-locusts. I sent five tribesmen and they picked up erḫizzu-locusts at Musilanum of the Talḫayum district. The distance being long, these erḫizzu locusts died in their reed cages. I have herewith placed 38 erḫizzu-locusts under my own seal and conveyed them to my lord.” From this note we learn that: (1) palates discriminated among several types of locusts (or perhaps locusts at different stages of their morphology), with some locusts obviously more prized than others; (2) they were appreciated best when eaten fresh; but (3) they may require preservation before shipping. Whether or not locusts were conserved (pickled?) and how they were served is not mentioned in our documents; but see ARM 2 136 (cited above). In recent times, people go into the swarms bearing torches that bring them down and bagging as many as drop. They are eaten fried in oil or butter, after removal of wings and legs. On Assyrian reliefs, giant locusts are displayed shish-kebabed for roasting. (There is a nice article on all this in the Encyclopaedia Biblica, 3.2807–10.) 11.  Zakira-ḫammu writes (ARM 27 29:13–20), “Among the boys and girls, cattle and sheep, I rose up and doggedly tackled the locust front-line. I would smash as many as could be smashed and the cattle and sheep would stomp as many as could be stomped. What (other) recourse must I take? ”

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my lord wrote to me. Following my lord’s missive, I have now filled the Šaditum-​ canal with water. (Yet), since they now cross the Šaditum-​canal—(the swarm) is (also) crossing the Ḫabur as well—and as they cross the Šaditum-canal, inside the trenches that water the fields, the inside of trenches is now filled. 12 I have called on the whole district and, by taking hold even of women, boys and girls, I smashed as (many locusts) as can be smashed. I gathered sheep-herders of the community and they stomped on as many as they could stomp. What (other) recourse must I take? Is it not so with me that last year this district was badly affected by the erbûm-locusts and now because of the ṣarṣar-locusts everyone is anxious? Because of the lack of (a team), the entire furrowed (land) in Qattunan, Ṭabatum, Zilḫan, and the military fortress is full. But this team is meager. My lord should reflect on the matter and send [100?] men to collect this harvest.

2.1.a.iii.4.  Labor force.  Yaqqim-Addu tells the king (ARM 14 80 = LAPO 17 742) about assembling a work force. My lord wrote this to me about the nomads, “For their work-obligation with oxen, the nomads are (instead) staying put in the(ir) towns.” When I left my lord’s presence in Terqa, I appointed two men for each town to round out people (mušēṣûm), saying “The nomad army chief (merḫûm) has departed; so why are you still staying put? ” 13 At that moment, all the nomads were rounded out. The sheikhs must in no way have an excuse by thinking, “The nomads are dispersed in the towns.” Among the nomads, not one man remains in the district.

2.1.a.iv.  Conscription/enrollment.  In Mari scholarship, conscription of individuals (tēbibtum) is termed “census taking.” 14 The occasion also permitted the administration to remove from its list the dead and the escaped, thus to recalibrate the dispensing of rations assigned to those serving and, when appropriate, to reallocate land. During Yasmaḫ-Addu’s rule, major conscriptions took place following brutal military campaigns to the East and devastating epidemics (Ziegler 2000: 16–17). 15 12.  The preceding lines are not easy to translate. 13.  The point being that there is no military need for them just then. 14.  See also FM 2 46 at 1.3.d.ii.3 and documents at 3.3.a.i. The translation “census taking” for tēbibtum is anachronistic. The Akkadian term is tēbibtum and because it seems to be connected with ubbubum (D of ebēbum), “to become bright, pure,” it is readily brought into comparison with Roman census taking. In Rome, periodically, households were enumerated, a process that ended in the lustrum, a “purification ritual.” In the early days of Mari research, much ink was spilled on the tēbibtum’s potential connection with biblical narratives that spoke of a divine plague striking Israel after David took the census (2 Sam 24), allegedly for failure to purify after the event. In Mari, however, no cleansing ritual is ever associated with the tēbibtum. The process only haphazardly polled members of the same family; it was not regular but seems to come at the end of bloody combat or of devastating epidemics. Mari scribes had several reasons for registering individuals, leaving us with a variety of documents, among them: conscription lists for military services; release of captured personnel (examples at 1.3.a.iv); oath-taking (see Durand 1991); harem lists (Ziegler 1999a); lists of palace artisans (for example, ARM 7 180, ARM 9 24, 27). See Durand 1998a: 332–53 for a selection of these documents. 15.  ARM 1 6 (LAPO 17 641) includes these lines (5–21) from Samsi-Addu to his son, “I have listened to the tablets you have sent me. You wrote to me about enrolling the Yaminites. The

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2.1.a.iv.1.  Yaqqim-Addu writes the king (ARM 14 62 = LAPO 17 648). Previously, Kaʾali-iluma of Barḫan came here and told me, “There is in Barḫan a group of un-inscribed men who hid from registering when facing the conscription.” This is what Kaʾali-iluma (told me). I had sent this man and the overseer Iddin-Išḫara to my lord. My lord instructed them and wrote to me, “Make each man register according to his function and send the list back to me quickly.” This is what my lord wrote to me. Ripʾi-Dagan, unattached (lú.didli) Belalum, a prominent man Dadanum, unattached Qišti-ili, a peasant Kibir-Ea, unattached Yazraḫ-El, a merchant Gaḫašum, unattached Yariḫ-abum, unattached Total, 8 Barḫan men, a supplementary list. I instructed them before Kaʾali-iluma and the lieutenant and these men were registered for him. My lord should append them to the records. 16

2.1.a.iv.2.  Once more, Yaqqim-Addu writes the king (ARM 14 64 = LAPO 17 560). I have just had conveyed to my lord a tablet with people I had enrolled, listed individually. I have made my intents clear to the sheikhs, overseers, and the elders of the district and had them take toughly couched sacred oaths that they must give replacement troops for Babylon. [A few lines missing.] Having pressed them on the matter, they registered these troops. Because my lord had instructed Iddiyatum to enroll people in the market area, I did not enroll (those) in the market area of my district. As to enrolling the Amnanu-​ tribesmen from Saḫru, I have written many times (lit., 5 times) to their sheikhs; but they did not come here. 17 Yaminites are not suitable for enrolling. Should you do so, when their kin of the Rabbu tribe who now are in the land of Yamḫad hear (about it), they will give them grief, so they will not go back to their land. You must therefore not enroll them. Rather, set a tough decree (šipṭum) on them. This is the decree that you should deliver to them. ‘The king is about to go on a campaign. All, even to the youngsters, must assemble. Any sheikh whose troops are not complete—omitting (even) one man—would be charged with violating the king’s ban.’ This is the decree you should deliver to them. You must in no way enroll them.” 16.  Similar is ARM 14 61:4–13 (LAPO 17 647), also from Yaqqim-Addu, “When my lord was heading to Terqa from Zibnatum, I reached Saggaratum and instructed the town’s population, saying, ‘whoever hid a brother or son from the conscription must have him registered. Else, this man will die when found (even) a year or two from now.’ This is (what I told) them.” 17.  See also this excerpt from ARM 26 314 (cited at 3.3.a.iv.1a), a letter from Yamṣum, “My lord had written about the dead and deserters among the troops, saying, ‘Record each person by name and have it reach me so that I can keep account of the soldiers.’ For 20 days now, I have been writing those who are absent. Once the absentees arrive here, I want to make each person

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2.1.a.v.  Traffic control.  Baḫdi-Lim sends ARM 6 19 (LAPO 16 429) to the king. The fear is of collusion between Qatna (to the West) and Elam (to the East). 18 The city Mari, the palace, and district are in good order. The Elamite and Qatna messengers have arrived here in transit, having been at the (court of the) Elamite regent. Kukkumanzu, the Elamite messenger, and Ebi-El, the Qatna messenger who is his escort, are heading toward Qatna. I have detained these men. My lord ought to write me promptly whatever his decision—whether they may proceed or should be detained. As to Yarpa-Addu—the messenger of the king of Qatna on a mission to my lord and about whose transfer to my lord I had previously written—upon reflection now, I have decided to detain this man. I was thinking, “The allied forces may not yet have fully assembled before my lord, and if I send this man to my lord, he may learn the situation with the army.” For this reason, I have detained him. Now, then, ought I send this man to my lord? Whatever his decision, my lord should write me. With regard to Yatar-Addu, I have made enquiries of merchants within my own circles, and was told, “He is well, and nothing is wrong. The day after the (departure of) the messengers of the king of Qatna, they sent this man on a mission, and Innirri is commissioned with him.” I have sent the letter to my lord on the 11th of (month) Igi.kur (vi).

2.1.a.vi.  Tribe control 2.1.a.vi.1.  Kibri-Dagan writes ARM 3 12 (LAPO 17 748) to the king. Dagan and Ikrub-El (Yakrub-El) are well; Terqa, city and district, is in good order; my security posts are strong; I am not negligent about my district or the needs of the palace. 19 The Sutus have settled (an expanse of) 3 square miles on the Euphrates, above Terqa. Regularly coming here, they meet with me and then go back; there is absolutely no mischief. Another matter: Formerly, before my lord would go abroad on a campaign, the Yaminites, one after the other, turned lawless; they would go from the Upper region individually pass before me so that I can observe who is at hand and who has deserted so as to convey a full report to my lord” (lines 31–40). Evading conscription was deemed a serious crime with severe punishment, as in this (damaged) note Kibri-Dagan sent the king (ARM 13 108:1′–16′ = LAPO 18 1080), “. . . with his mother and family, the man [Sin-mušallim] set forth for the upper country. (Men) of my outposts pursued him. He had reached the river, but they caught him. Now this one is the third fugitive to escape—they were escaping conscription. Now, even if they were palace functionaries, they are criminals. . . . I have given strict orders to my outposts that as soon as they catch this man, he should be impaled, his family with him.” 18.  Relations between Qatna and Mari were warm, especially after the marriage of a Qatna princess to Yasmaḫ-Addu (see dossier at 1.7.a.iv). They were correct but wary during Zimri-Lim’s reign, as a note from Ḫammi-šagiš suggests (A.266: see below, at 2.2.e.v.1). 19.  In this expanded introduction, Kibri-Dagan defines his task in the following order: keeping the gods happy, strengthening the outposts, taking care of affairs of the district, and those of the Terqa palace as well.

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Administration — 2.1.  Provincial Officers toward their settlements and would then return. Now, however, ever since my lord proceeded on a campaign and strictly imposed on us a decree (šipṭum), I placed the onus on them so that no one among the troublemakers could—as it used to be—go from the Upper Region toward his settlement.

2.1.a.vi.2.  Kibri-Dagan to the king (ARM 3 16 = LAPO 17 682). In the Yaminite villages on Terqa’s outskirts, numerous are the women who are wives of the enemy—as their husbands have fled upland to join the enemy. They are now in my own district. For this reason, the enemy causes me troubles night and day (i.e., constantly). 5 or 6 assemble at (one) time, crossing at night into these villages for their wives and then leaving. They gather full details about us and carry them back to their accomplices. Because of this, the footprint of the enemy is constant here. Also, among the 3 men who are guarding land in Samanum: The enemy, having planned to penetrate into the town, captured by night these men where they had bedded. They took away 2 men alive, but one escaped. 20 Now, whatever his disposition, my lord ought to ponder the report about these women in order for me to do what my lord will write me after completing his deliberations.

2.1.a.vi.3.  Once more, Kibri-Dagan writes to the king (ARM 2 92 = LAPO 17 681). My lord wrote to me about gathering the men from the Yaminite villages and issuing a decree (šipṭum). This is much better than what my lord had written me (earlier). As it happens, even before my lord’s own letter could reach me—in fact when I was serving my lord in Mari—I had become aware of this matter through my own sources. So I assembled the sheikhs of the Yaminite villages and threatened them: “Whoever you are, even if one person from within your village decides to leave for higher ground and YOU do not seize him and YOU do not lead him to me, you will die and not live!” 21 This is how I threatened them. As to the men in my security patrols I have similarly imposed strict orders. Now then, as my lord has written me, I have threatened these men, imposing strict orders: “Any one person whom I seize as he plans to go to higher ground, I shall enter into jail (nēparum)!” My lord ought not be concerned in any way about this. Another matter: On the day I have sent this letter of mine to my lord, I am in Bit-Yaptaḫarna, beginning a job.

2.1.a.vi.4.  Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum sends the king ARM 14 84+ (LAPO 17 700). The letter comes when the Yaminites opened a front just after the end of Mari’s war against Ešnunna (ZL4; see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 194–205). I had sent two men from Mišulu to the assembly of the Yaminites to learn their plans—this was before my lord defeated the Ešnunna army. One of the two men I 20.  Samanum is the principal town of the Ubrabu Yaminites. 21.  The language individualizes commission even as it targets many potential offenders, so likely emulating the language of decrees.

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dispatched came back here to tell me, “They were planning to make raids along the Euphrates, saying, ‘While the king is encamped, we should raid along the Euphrates, thus creating problems for him’.” This is what the Yaminites had decided. No sooner than my lord defeated the Ešnunna leader, I heard (that) they said, “Having defeated the leader of Ešnunna, the king is lowering his guard, we ought to raid and do one great favor to the leader of Ešnunna.” They were planning to do these things, when one among them rose to say, “All the youngsters (“boys and girls”) as well as the grain from the Simʾal villages are now collected into strongholds. If you raid now, what will you get? If you yourselves raid, you will only get sheep and cattle. But King Zimri-Lim will come here and his soldiers [will attack you?].” This is what he told them. So those planning to raid have suspended their plans and instead send spies to thoroughly look over the matter, instructing them, “Absolutely! Check whether all the youngsters as well as the grain from the villages are collected into strongholds.” 22 The news came out that they dispatched their spies, and I quickly raised fire-signal. Moreover, I wrote to Sammetar in Mari, and the country was placed on alert. Realizing it, the spies departed and took back to them the following report: “The Bank of the Euphrates is on alert; all the youngsters as well as the grain are indeed collected.” Once they took back this news to them, they began to fortify Abbatum (a Yaminite stronghold). So as to decide on matters affecting them, I sent out two travelers—that is, I had the two men embark a ship. I will write my lord as much information as they bring me once they come back.

2.1.a.vi.5.  Fear of assassination.  Kibri-Dagan to the King (ARM 3 18 = LAPO 18 1060). The language reminds of Hebrew prophetic idiom. I have heard something terrible and am very anxious (about it): at this bloody place—May Dagan make it disappear!—it will not be an insignificant group that will tangle but rather a large one. Moreover, (PN?), the criminal who is soaked in this blood, must now search for his escape. Much as a rabid dog, he does not know where (next) to bite. Now, I fear that my lord will be in a rush to come out from the palace into the street. However, until my lord has not taken control of this band, has not forced his evil opponents under his feet, and has not driven them all into jail—my lord ought not come out from his place for 3 or 4 more days.

2.1.a.vii.  Policing and Secret Work

22.  If so, it would indicate a war footing. The mākû are spies or scouts. Here are two brief notices about their mention in the archives. In ARM 26 30, Asqudum writes his king, “Ḫali-​ ḫadun’s messengers came to me from among tribesmen to tell me, ‘The tribesmen have assembled at Sapḫu.” I said, “YOU should take up leadership of the troops there, adding spies to them. . . .” [rest lost.] A letter from a diplomat (Yasim-El) includes these lines (ARM 26 420:3–11): “Lawiliya, a squad leader from Ḫarbe, and Dulqan of Zinnatan—both of whom Išme-Dagan had captured in Ḫarbe—These men have escaped from Ekallatum (Išme-Dagan’s capital); so I interrogated them about Išme-Dagan, ‘What’s the news about him?’ They answered, ‘Išme-Dagan has sent spies to spy on the Suḫu encampment. He will raid it since he is determined to commit mischief ’.”

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2.1.a.vii.1.  Lions. 23  Yaqqim-Addu, governor of Saggaratum, sent these two letters, ARM 2 106 (LAPO 16 214) and ARM 14 1 (LAPO 16 215). I give them side-byside, as if they were related, even though they likely were not, since the lions had different fates. 24 ARM 2 106 (LAPO 16 214)

ARM 14 1 (LAPO 16 215)

Previously, I had sent the following message to my lord, saying, “A lion was caught in a loft at Bit-Akkaka. My lord should write me whether this lion is to remain in the loft until my lord’s arrival or whether I should have it conveyed to my lord.” My lord’s letter is slow to come to me and by now the lion has been stuck in the loft for five days. A dog and pig were thrown to him, but he refused to eat, so I thought, “I fear the lion may yet pine away.” Fearing this, I have forced the lion into a wooden cage, loaded it on a boat, and have had it conveyed to my lord.

A lioness was caught at night in a loft at Bit-Akkaka. The next day, when I was notified, I made my way (there). In order not to allow (anyone) to strike this lion [sic], I am remaining in Bit-Akkaka all day. I thought to myself, “I want to have it reach my lord in full health.” So I threw him a [dog and] a pig, and he killed them. I left them (there), but he would not take them for food. I have myself written to Biddaḫa (a village) to have a wooden cage brought here. While the cage was being hauled, on the morrow, the lion died. I inspected this lioness [sic]: she was old and was injured. My lord may think, “this lion was certainly bludgeoned!” If anyone had even touched this lion, (may I be treated) as if transgressing my lord’s ban! Since this lion died, I have now had his skin flayed, handing it over for tanning. This lion was old; it died from debility.

2.1.a.vii.2.  Made to disappear.  Zimri-Addu sends this report (ARM 27 116) to the king. Two persons come into town and he makes them disappear; then everything goes bad. 25 23.  See also ARM 26 106, below at 2.2.f.ii. 24.  These two letters may give the impression that the killing of lions was a royal prerogative, as it was in the Neo-Assyrian period. However, several others show them killed by lesser folks, as in ARM 14 2 (LAPO 16 216), also from Yaqqim-Addu, “Because a lion was devouring sheep belonging to Ḫabdu-Ami in (their) fold, he dug a pit in it at Bit-Akkaka. Pouncing toward the fold, a lion fell into the pit—Ḫabdu-Ami was then in Dur-Yaḫdullim. So as the lion sought to climb out, shepherds gathered wood, filled the pit, and set it on fire. The lion got roasted by the fire. His hide is singed? and is not for skinning. A(nother) lion, a devourer, who was chased out of the district about four months ago, has been making raids in the district for a month now, killing 4 sheep. No longer is he running away at the sight of a band of men; instead, he starts attacking such groups!” See also ARMT 25 143, cited below in a note to 2.2.f.ii, for rewards to nomads who killed lions. 25.  I have studied this letter in connection with Lot’s experience with two strangers coming into Sodom (Gen 19) in Sasson 2010b. Durand (1998b: 11–14) has made a connection with the Hebrew spies at Jericho.

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The city Qattunan and the district are in good order. Two Numḫâ men arrived at the “Fences” but did not move into Qattunan Square. I gave orders and they were brought to me in the dead of night, and I had them put in jail. 26 Nobody saw them. But the next day Zimri-Eraḫ, Saggaran and Yakun-Addu came to tell me: “Two men were transiting just ahead of us. Where are those men? ” I answered them, “They did not yet move into Qattunan Square. I will set guards (to check) on transit and entrance. Right now, there are from 100 to 200 Numḫâ and Yamutbal troops living in this district since last year. Now then, (if) there is one man among them whom I might oppress or dominate, that man should just speak out. Had they summoned before me all Numḫâ folks that have lived here for a long time, they would have admitted, ‘We are living here for a long time, and not one man has disappeared’.” When I answered them in this way, they rose and left. Yet, I simply did not know that these (jailed) men were traveling with them. Now then, on their return they will make a case before my lord. I fear they could tell my lord, “Those men were messengers, traveling with us.” These men were in no way messengers. One man was from Numḫâ: he once lived in Saggaratum but emigrated to Kurda (ana Kurda iḫburam) and one man reports to Saggaran. So I fear they could tell my lord, “Our guards? (ma[p]palum) and a Numḫâ woman, who is married to a Simʾal man and in whose house those men were seized, must be led here so we could affirm our words.” I also fear that my lord might not evade the matter. My lord could give orders for these men and the woman to be led here; but once they gather before my lord and the woman accuses them in consequence, the matter is bound to blow up. May my lord reflect (on this) and answer them so, “As the matter has gotten muddled, go ahead and have your guards? take an oath either in Qattunan or Kurda.” But I fear that they might say, “They must be led toward here and here take an oath before (the god) Itur-Mer.” (If so), my lord should answer them, “It is harvest time; so neither his (Itur-Mer’s) harvest nor the palace’s must be neglected. I plan to go upland myself; have your guards? swear by the gods that are traveling with me.” This is how my lord should answer them. Now more than/over the bēl qaltim, Zimri-Eraḫ, has sided with my qaltum (ana qaltiya izzizam). Now then, before these men as one group (reach my lord), my lord must summon Zimri-Eraḫ and instruct him. I have herewith written as part of my duty to my lord; but my lord can give these men whatever answer he wishes. In any case, besides the Numḫâ woman who got involved in the matter, nobody has heard of that matter. Now then, my lord should reflect on it; until the matter dampens, I could for a month or two detain the woman in the house of female weavers. My lord should instruct me one way or another.

2.1.a.viii.  Snitching on colleagues.  Zimri-Addu sends ARM 27 117 to the king. The city Qattunan and the district are in good order. Yatarum, the son of Larum, conveyed 10 manas (pounds) of tin to the land of Idamaraṣ with which to purchase slaves. He gave half a mana of silver to Šubram. When Yatarum’s messenger realized 26.  Were these Numḫa transients who failed to register locally or were they merely riffraff, the kind that know to attack people in transit (ARM 27 168) and to deceive women into leaving their homes (see A.582 at 6.4.b.iv)?

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Administration — 2.1.  Provincial Officers that there were no slaves for purchase, he left this tin, as well as his (Yatarum’s) seal, in Der with Baṣṣum (a few broken lines). 27 I wrote to Baṣṣum the following, “This being a palace matter, 2 of your colleagues should take the 10 manas of tin that Yatarum’s young servant left with you, as well as his seal, and convey them to my lord.” This is what I wrote, but so far my messenger has not returned (any response), one way or another. I am now writing my lord and he should write me however he wishes it resolved.

2.1.a.ix.  Arbitration.  ARM 8 84 and ARM 8 16 join to make this legal document; see Durand 1982b: 102. Governor Sumu-ḫadu (of Terqa) has rendered a judgment involving Dada son of Nir[. .] and Naramtum daughter of Raḫmaya and they came to agreement. They will share equally whatever is in their home. They are pleased (with the decision). They will not lay claims. Should they contest, they will pay a mana of silver. They took an oath on the asakkum of Yaḫdullim and Zimri-Lim. [Witnesses; seals of 2 priests?].

2.1.a.x.  Lèse-majesté.  Mari kings were not divine, and so one could criticize them without being blasphemous. Bannum had no qualms about lecturing Zimri-Lim, who was indebted to him for reaching the throne. 28 Laʾum, likely a šāpiṭum in provincial Qattunan, receives FM 3 138 (M.7592; Guillot 1997: 288–90), in which the king asks him to forward a message to the merḫûm Ibal-pi-el if certain conditions are met. 29 Laʾum writes FM 2 55 (A.682; Durand 1994a: 96–97) correcting the king’s perception, then immediately follows it with FM 2 56 (A. 856; Durand 1994a: 97– 98) when he realizes his error. 30 The two letters are presented side by side (see notes 31 and 32 for font usage). 31 FM 2 55

FM 2 56

The city Qattunan and the district are in good order. Yesterday, my lord’s tablet reached me, saying, “I have now conveyed a tablet to Ibal-pi-El. If messengers from Hammurabi, king of Kurda—that is, ‘donkey-riders’ (dignitaries)— have reached Qattunan, the bearer of my tablet together

Previously, my lord wrote to me, stating, “I have now conveyed a tablet to Ibal-pi-El. If Kurda messengers —that is ‘donkey-riders’ (dignitaries)] — have reached Qattunan, the bearer of my tablet together with his tablet should make his way toward Kurda, to Ibal-pi-El. But if the messengers of the

27.  On another episode involving scheming Baṣṣum, see A.2995+ (LAPO 16 310) at 0.4.a. 28.  See comments to FM 2 131 at 1.3.d.i.1b and A.1098 at 2.1.c.i.1. 29.  Writes the king, “I have conveyed a tablet to Ibal-pi-el. The tablet carrier, together with the tablet he carries, before you [damaged lines] . . . he should make his way to Ibal-pi-el. Otherwise, if no messengers from Ḫammurabi (of Kurda) arrive, this man (the tablet carrier) should stay with you until the pagrāʾû-festival. He should then return to me, together with the tablet he carries.” It will be noticed that none of the three iterations of the message exactly matches the others. 30.  For a study of this dossier, see Sasson 2002: 217–21. 31.  In the cited texts, bold highlights the lines in FM 2 55 that were not repeated in FM 2 56.

Administration — 2.1.  Provincial Officers with the tablet that he is carrying should make his way toward Kurda, to Ibal-pi-El. But if the messengers of the Kurda king have not arrived, detain with you until the pagrāʾû-festival the bearer of my tablet, together with the tablet he is carrying.” This is what my lord wrote to me. Perhaps my lord has had a lapse in memory: Kaʾala-El has already made his way to Kurda. With Ibal-pi-El staying at Ṭabatum, my lord’s tablet that he has sent to Ibal-pi-El has made its way (there) in the usual way. Now, however, Sinišmenni, Yakun-ašar, and Yašub-rabi, Kurda messengers, have come here with Kaʾala-El. Kaʾala-El, having taken their lead, has made his way to my lord. They are also bearing for my lord his (sacrifice) share from the Elānum festival.

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Kurda king have not arrived, the bearer of my tablet, together with the tablet he is carrying, should be detained with you until the pagrāʾû-festival.” This is what my lord wrote to me.

Because Ibal-pi-El (is) in Ṭabatum, my lord’s tablet has made its way (there) in the usual way. Now then, the Kurda messengers have made their way to my lord and I have sent a notice about them to my lord. As to the bearer of the tablet that my lord has sent to Ibal-pi-El, I had detained him; but he has already set out to my lord.32

 32

2.1.b.  Majordomo (abu bītim).  The title literally means, “House father.” It applies to the manager of major estates or the palace in Mari or elsewhere. Were it not for their devaluation in our times, “steward” or “butler” might be its English equivalent; but I opt for the equally old-fashioned majordomo. A majordomo answered to different superiors, but was likely independent of the governor (šāpiṭum), as this excerpt from an unpublished letter (A.713; see Charpin 2010b: 68) suggests. Before becoming a controller (šandabakkum; see below at 2.1.b.iii), the majordomo Yasim-sumu was defending his own turf. Yassi-Dagan (about whom see A.2293+ at 1.3.e.ii.1) reports on what seemed to him Yasim-sumu’s chutzpah.

32.  In the earlier letter (FM 2 55), Laʾum gives a rather impudent response to a directive from the king. Soon afterward, Laʾum realizes that he misunderstood the king’s message and naturally worries about his witticism (jest?). He therefore writes again (FM 2 56), quoting the king’s original message, but this time giving it a straightforward answer. As cited in FM 3 138, the king had sent orders to Ibal-pi-El directly and he wanted Laʾum to dispatch an amendment that depended on whether or not a delegation from Hammurabi (of Kurda) reaches Qattunan. Laʾum had presumed that his king had faulty memory of Ibal-pi-El’s whereabouts and that he no longer recalled who accompanied Kurda’s delegation; so he took it upon himself to correct the king’s plan. Noteworthy are the absence of the witticism, the lack of details on the members of the Kurda delegation, the suppression of any reference to Kaʾala-El, whom the king is (falsely) accused of confusing with Ibal-pi-El as well as to the gift that Kurda was bringing to Zimri-Lim. In italic, however, are portions that are new to FM 2 56. In them, Laʾum underplays his notice of FM 2 55 about the Kurda messengers and, acting as if nothing is untoward, he alerts the king about sending back the courier and his message. He offers no apologies for his failure to dispatch them both to Ibal-pi-El upon the arrival of the Kurda delegation.

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Administration — 2.1.  Provincial Officers I have heard that Yasim-sumu told Sammetar directly, “Just as you are entrusted to act as governor, I am entrusted just like you to act as an abu bītim. Aside from my lord (Zimri-Lim), I worry about no one else.” This is what I heard. 33

2.1.b.i.  Appointment.  With ARM 26 6, Bannum (cited frequently above; but see also FM 2 49 at 1.3.d.vii.1) chides the king over several appointments of abū bītim. The style is pungent, displaying Bannum’s assertive personality. Can it be right that my lord wrote to me hurtfully about the majordomo of Ṣuprum in this way: The previous majordomo of Ṣuprum has had his position for just five months. What records of his have been examined or what arrears has he accumulated for you to remove him from his office and to install Maprakum (in his stead)? What is this, then, that by coveting a bit of money, you remove an administrator and install another person in his job? You are admonishing me as follows, “Do not heed the counsel of a slanderer; do not even listen to slander. A bitch admonishes her pups, ‘Your paws should not grasp anything!’ Yet, she proceeds to snatch hide out of a kiln and starts chewing on it.” Yet now you keep on acting like this. 34 I once installed Enlil-ipuš as majordomo of Ḫišamta; but you removed him and replaced him with Belšunu. Now, until I return here, neither remove nor appoint any official. I myself will chastise an official for his fault. This is what my lord wrote me hurtfully. Now, for what reason has my lord written to me, as if (I am) unskilled (la ḫakammum) or a man who has not been placed in the know and [damaged context] and would remove without thinking an administrator from his post? As for me, from whom have I received money? Have I unaccountably removed an administrator and appointed another? Yet you wrote to me such unacceptable words. (In fact,) the man Maprakum whom I sent to you has held this post for a long time. He is a skilled person and can handle palace affairs. Go ahead and question this person; have him tell you from whom I received money! This message that you wrote to me is not yours! I myself know who is constantly making available to you such unacceptable words, and I am keeping hold of the letter with this message until my lord’s return. 35 Now with regard to Enlil-ipuš, whose appointment as majordomo of Dur-​Yaḫdullim you have ordered, in no way will I appoint him until your return. The previous majordomo remains (in it). However, I will fire Belšunu whom I had installed as majordomo of Ḫišamta, with Yaqqim-Addu himself reverting to his post. In the past, when I was away from you for a full day, you undertook to appoint Asqudum as sheikh in Ḫišamta. You have now not yet reached Qattunan, yet you wrote me such unacceptable words. Since he keeps setting before you unacceptable matters 33.  Sammetar was at that time governor of Terqa and Yasim-sumu an abu bītim in Mari. The author of this letter (Yassim-Dagan) was likely Sammetar’s brother, so with a stake in the matter. 34.  The proverb, while not entirely clear, seems to have the moral “Do as I act, not as I say.” Zimri-Lim is forcing Bannum to realize that they are not on the same level of power. It has been discussed by many, but most recently by Durand (2006b: 30–31), who gathers other aphorisms from Mari, a surprising number of them referencing dogs. 35.  Undoubtedly, Bannum has the diviner Asqudum in mind, as their enmity runs deep. See below.

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and you keep listening to them—given your notion that I coveted a piece of silver—from now on, I will not come near any palace responsibility. . . . [about 20 lines damaged, ending on “my lord should remain on guard”]. 36

2.1.b.ii.  Yasim-sumu.  Before he became the palace’s controller—that is, the chief accountant (šandabakkum, see below)—Yasim-sumu was majordomo (see ARM 26 6 at 2.1.b.i) in Mari or maybe in Terqa. 37 2.1.b.ii.1.  Visit of a king.  During Zimri-Lim’s first full year of reign, Yasim-sumu participated in welcoming Simaḫ-ilane/lane of Kurda in Mari to offer allegiance. A series of letters about the visit is exchanged among officials, and I give a selection from the dossier here. 2.1.b.ii.1a.  Yasim-sumu consults with the king (ARM 13 29 = LAPO 18 981). The moon is already in its 3rd day beyond its count. As I send this letter of mine, in Mari it is the 3rd day of the (new) month. (My lord) ought to send me the (calendric) computation, which he has at his disposal for me to calculate the days until the sacrifices for the (goddess) Diritum. 38 Now about honoring Simaḫ-lane, my lord wrote that there should be exiting (of the city) toward him. When Simaḫ-lane arrives, should we prostrate ourselves before him? My lord ought to write whatever decision (he makes). 39 On the 3rd day of Kiskissum (xi month), I have had this message of mine conveyed to my lord.

2.1.b.ii.1b.  In ARM 10 142 (LAPO 18 1098), Zimri-Lim first reassures Addu-duri, his aunt or mother, about his personal safety and then urges her to offer sacrifices on protecting the palace. 40 Preparing for sacrifices to Diritum is yet another commission, this one likely connected with the visit of Simaḫ-ilane I have heard the letter you sent to me in which you said, “My lord must not neglect to be on guard.” In accordance with what you wrote to me, I have thoroughly kept in mind about not neglecting to be on guard. On your part, offer sacrifices for the protection of the palace and stand by the gods as you do so. Be also very mindful about my arrival. All the news that comes to you from whatever sources that you hear should reach me promptly and regularly.

36.  Bannum’s dislike of Asqudum, a diviner, was intense. In ARM 26 5, he obsessed about Asqudum’s capacity to hoodwink Zimri-Lim (see at 2.3.b.i.ib). Basic to Bannum’s antipathy was Asqudum’s origin as a man from Ekallatum, so once a servant to Išme-Dagan, whose brother once ruled Mari. He was, therefore, not of the same Simʾal stock as were Bannum and Zimri-Lim. 37.  Lion (2001: 147 n. 34) argues for discriminating between the two. 38.  This segment is also cited at 5.3.a.ii. 39.  Curtseying, kowtowing, and genuflection—their numbers and traits—were highly regulated by convention; see at 6.3.a.i. Heaven forbid should they be slighted. In ARM 14 122 (LAPO 16 368), Elamite diplomats are much exercised when not receiving the proper curtsies. 40.  The first portion is likely in response to Addu-duri’s advice when reporting a horrifying dream (ARM 26 234); see 5.7.d.iii and comments there.

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Administration — 2.1.  Provincial Officers Another matter: I am sending you this letter of mine during the month of Kiskissum, at the close of day 8. On day 12, I shall journey from Dur-Yaḫdun-Lim to Mari. As soon as you hear this letter, there must be no lapse to precisely report on (preparation for) the sacrifice of (the goddess) Diritum.

2.1.b.ii.1c.  Two letters from Itur-asdu, then governor of Mari, to the king, were sent on consecutive days. On the topography of Mari, see at 6.2. [2.1.b.ii.1c1. A.2830 = LAPO 16 266; Dossin 1972b: 115–16] About Simaḫ-​lane my lord wrote this to me, “When Simaḫ-lane arrives by you, move out to meet him. Look to find out if a thousand men are with him—or more. (If so,) he must not enter Mari itself, but he must stay beyond the walls (kīdum). But if just two to three hundred men are with him, he may enter the lower city (adaššum). Barracks (bīt napṭarim) should be assigned to them. As regards Simaḫ-lane entering the citadel itself (kirḫum): not to offend him, offer him decent lodging.” This is what my lord wrote to me. Just now this man has not yet arrived here. When this man arrives here, I will go out to meet him (concluding lines damaged). [2.1.b.ii.1c2. A.826 = LAPO 16 267; Dossin 1972b: 117–18] On the day I sent this message of mine to the king, Abi-mekin of Ḫumzan, my lord’s messenger, reached Mari from Babylon and told me the following: “Within 2 days, Simaḫ-​lane will be here, along with his troops.” I then discussed with Abim-mekim the matter of Simaḫ-lane’s party and he told me: “150 Babylonians and 50 Numḫa—so 200 men—are under his command.” This is what Abi-mekim said to me. Now then, when this man reaches here, he will not feel offended; for I shall vacate barracks in the lower city (adaššum) for the troops who are with him. I shall not give a pass to enter the citadel (kirḫum) to any person among the soldiers; but I shall let Simaḫ-lane enter the citadel and, depending on the size of his personal retinue, I will give him decent lodging, such that he will not be offended. I have sent this letter of mine to my lord at the close of day 11 (of the month). The city Mari and the palace are in good order.

2.1.b.iii.  Akšak-magir was majordomo of Qattunan when he sent FM 2 50 (A.4209; Durand 1994a: 88–89) to Zimri-Lim. The letter highlights the anxiety of officers whose career is controlled by the king. Ever since my lord has selected (lit., “touched”) me in Samanum, I have kept listening to my lord’s utterances (“lips”), erring neither by commission nor omission. In fact, my lord had shown me benevolence. In an unfortunate way, it is as if I had betrayed my lord’s (secret) order and, by holding me responsible, my lord had sent me to this plot of land. But once in Qattunan, however, I did not complain. My lord must not judge me unreliable. Where there was nothing, ever since I arrived here I have plowed 100 acres of land. Moreover, I brought together a scattered palace (staff). Now then, I keep hearing about the voyage of my lord to Kaḫat. I fear that my lord might rely on the Qattuna(n) palace, so that no provisions for travel and lodging are brought here from Mari. There is no brewer here and there are no millers; (I should therefore get) 2 or 3 ugārum of coarse flour for the meals of soldiers. (A few lines damaged)

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I have thought, “he was released (to become) majordomo in Qattunan!” But what is my fault? My lord must not transfer me for no fault and replace me with Maprakum. My lord should send an answer to my tablet, whatever the decision, so I could leave.’

2.1.c.  Nomad army chief (merḫûm).  In the Mari archives, a number of highly placed officials were called merḫûms, most stemming from Zimri-Lim’s reign. The title seems most alive among the Simʾal tribe to which Zimri-Lim belonged and is likely Amorite, probably a noun formation of rʿh, “to pasture.” 41 We know of many of them by name, most prominently Ašmad, Bannum, Ibal-El, and Ibal-pi-El (the last two possibly the same person), operating in the Upper Ḫabur region, and likely also Meptum, in the region south of Mari. Their dossiers reveal them to be leaders of tribal troops, and as such they were involved in many diplomatic missions. They also seem to influence the selection of sugāgū, “sheikhs,” who report to them. 42 2.1.c.i.  Two Simʾal merḫûms from Zimri-Lim’s early years on the throne 2.1.c.i.1.  We have met Bannum in other documents. 43  A.1098 is an as yet unpublished letter Bannum wrote to Zimri-Lim that can be cobbled together from diverse citations. 44 . . . [20–38] You should stay in the Musilan region together with your heavy weaponry, but write to the Idamaraṣ elders (“fathers”) and to Aduna-Addu (of Ḫanzat) for them to come to you, then come to a peace agreement (lit., kill a donkey foal) and talk frankly with them. Keep these people under your control. Your flocks are now pasturing in their district, (so) your messengers should be in constant contact with Aduna-Addu. Previously, Yaḫdun-Lim, when he would go to that land, would give gifts to the Idamaraṣ elders, and his flocks were secure; there was neither deception nor trans-

41.  Durand (2004: 178) makes the important point that, while merḫûms worked closely with the kings of Mari, they owed their post to tribal approval. I have elsewhere (Sasson 2004c) speculated that Saul’s captain, Doeg, who in 1 Sam 21:8 holds the title ʾabbîr hārôʿîm (“chief herdsman” or the like), may have fulfilled some of the same functions as a merḫûm. 42.  Yaqqim-Addu posted ARM 14 46 (LAPO 16 82) to the king: “When I was staying in Mari, Aḫam-nuta said this in the presence of my lord, ‘I will not be assuming the post of sheikh in Dur-Yaḫdullim. I am out! Whomever (else) should be installed.’ On account of news I have already conveyed to my lord, (his) lieutenant Masḫum is confined to the city. With Aḫam-nuta now in Mari, (the office) in Dur-Yaḫdullim is vacant. My lord should impress on Aḫam-nuta to make his way to Dur-Yaḫdullim. Should he not accept, my lord should assign a trustworthy man to safe-keep Dur-Yaḫdullim and send him to me.” 43.  See already FM 2 131 at 1.3.d.i.1b (in which he is accused—post-mortem—of keeping fees meant for the king), FM 2 49 at 1.3.d.vii.1, and ARM 26 6 at 2.1.b.i. He will also be featured in FM 8 12 at 5.4.d.iii.2. 44.  I quote the relevant lines from their latest citations: Lines 20–30, from Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 51 n. 195; lines 31–38 from Guichard 2014b: 112 n. 72; lines rev. 6′–15′ from Villard 1994: 297 n. 33 (but see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 176 n. 48 for lines rev. 9′–12′). The letter included other subjects that are as yet not cited; see Guichard 2002b: 155.

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Administration — 2.1.  Provincial Officers gression. Now then, act in the same way as your father. 45 Now, if you do go to the fortresses that keep writing you, and you approach Kaḫat without a well-equipped army and without having taken a powerful sacred oath, (know that) Yarim-Addu (likely the ex-merḫûm) has many kinsmen who love him, among the nomads Ašmad(u). I fear that he might reveal my lord’s secret deliberation (pirištum), so that this man could make some kind of mischief in the city itself. My lord’s secret deliberation must be protected. . . . [6′–15′] And even if the nomads press you to install another person as merḫûm, saying, “Because Bannum, our merḫûm, is staying at ‘the Bank of the Euphrates’ [core segment of the Mari kingdom], we need to install another merḫûm (in his place).” But you must answer them, “Previously, he [Bannum] stayed by the flocks (nawûm) and secured the stability of the Simʾal, Numḫa, and Yamutbal. He then left for the ‘Bank of the Euphrates,’ reestablished fortresses, and secured your own stability there. Now, however, because I have come here myself, I have left this man at the ‘Bank of the Euphrates,’ to keep control of the fortresses. Now then, once I reach (Mari) I will dispatch your merḫûm (i.e., Bannum) to you.” This is what you must answer them.

2.1.c.i.2.  Ašmad, the object of Bannum’s suspicion, was another major influence on Zimri-Lim’s fortunes in occupying the Mari throne. As such, he is the only non-royal person to be mentioned in the Zimri-Lim Epic (see at 1.2.b.i). 46 2.1.c.i.2a.  Asqudum and Ašmad write this joint letter (ARM 26 38) to Zimri-Lim. 47 In the past, we had written to our lord about our lord’s trip to Ḫanat to meet the troops. Our lord must not delay. He should reinforce the city’s security and then come to Ḫanat to meet the troops. He should offer sacrifice before (the goddess) Ḫanat then examine the troops we resettled (as refugees), calming those with fear in their hearts. 48 Our lord could make the round trip in 6 days. If our lord does not come, we will lead to our lord in Mari those men that we transferred, along with their boys and girls. Our lord must send an answer to our lord, in one way or another.

2.1.c.i.2b.  Ašmad writes A.3591 (Guichard 1994: 256–57) to the king, alerting him about a “circular” he was launching to kings in Upper Mesopotamia, likely around ZL3. 49 45.  Notice how Bannum, who hardly needed to kowtow to the king, spoke of Yaḫdun-Lim as Zimri-Lim’s father. I make this observation to argue against a notion voiced by many members of the Mari équipe that their affiliation was political rather than physical. 46.  Not to be confused with another Ašmad, who was an official at Qattunan; see Durand 2014b. 47.  Bannum may have mistrusted Ašmad, not least because of his association with Asqudum, whom Bannum despised. On Ašmad, see also FM 2 52 (at 1.3.d.ii.4). 48.  On refugees, see ARM 4 86 at 6.1.c.ii. 49.  The context is likely Ešnunna’s push into the upper Ḫabur region. On background, see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 197–98. Kings whose seats are unknown to us were likely dethroned by the time we have a fuller picture of the Idamaraṣ region.

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I have listened to the tablet my lord conveyed to me. My lord wrote to me the following, “The ruler of Ešnunna has just broken camp (for a military campaign).” As soon as I listened to my lord’s tablet, I conveyed tablets to all the kings — to: Bunu-Ištar (Kurda); Ḫadnu-rabi (Qaṭṭara); Šarriya (Razama of Yussan); Šarru-​ kima-kalima (Razama of Yamutbal); Turum-nakte (Šeḫna/Šubat-Enlil); Ḫayasumu (Ilanṣura); Ḫuziran (Ḫazzikkanum); Kabiya (Kaḫat); Ḫadni-turuk (of ?); Mariyatum (of ?); Ḫammurabi (of ?); Sibkuna-Addu (Šuda); Asdi-takim (Ḫarran); Bunumu-​Addu (Niḫriya); Yarkab-Addu (Ḫanzat); Abi-etar (of ?); and Asqur-Addu (of Karana)—in which I said, “The ruler of Ešnunna is coming up, thinking, ‘I shall stabilize my frontier; I am already heading for Šubat-Enlil.’ This is what the ruler of (Ešnunna) wrote to (my lord) . . .” [remainder of text not yet published].

2.1.c.ii.  Ibal-pi-El, another merḫum, has left many letters written in an engaging prose, at once chatty and precise, with fine humor and irony; see the Introduction for a fine example (A.2995+ = LAPO 16 310). Ibal-piel was competent, a take-charge person who was also a fair reader of history. (See his comments in A.2119 at 1.6.a.ii) Yet he was also stubborn and vainglorious and the object of numerous complaints by diviners (ARM 26 101), commanders (ARM 26 380), and diplomats (ARM 26 126), who resented the way he clogged access to the king (ARM 27 137). 2.1.c.ii.1.  Leaks.  To Šunuḫra-ḫalu, Zimri-Lim’s private secretary, Ibal-pi-el writes A.158 (LAPO 16 55; see Dossin 1981). He fears being blamed for leaks and is in a quandary about what to do with the king’s messages. 50 You know well how our lord has admonished us a couple of times in our meetings, “Why is it that confidential information takes to the wind as soon as I tell all of you? ” This is how our lord admonished us. I am now troubled by these words and I will not allow any of my lord’s servants to hear the letters that come to me. In fact, I have recently written to my lord about this matter, saying, “My lord ought to record on a document and send me a list of the men I can allow the hearing of my lord’s letters; I want to do what my lord instructs me.” 51 50.  ARM 26 311:4–22 (= ARM 2 124; LAPO 17 554) is a letter that is as full of native colloquialisms as we are likely to get. The diplomat Yamṣum tells his king a little tidbit about an Elamite officer, “Kunnam does not know that Ibni-Addu (of Ašlakka) is on good terms with my lord. When drunk, he got to talk, saying, ‘Don’t you know that Zimri-Lim’s words are available to the Elam vizier (sukkal)?’ ‘How?’ [Ibni-Addu] asked. He said, ‘A nomad who serves Zimri-Lim keeps transmitting them to Išar-Lim. As it happens, there are those among the Sutu-tribesmen who constantly write Išar-Lim.’ Now then, my lord should investigate these matters as to who keeps transmitting my lord’s word so that he could bring them to task.” 51.  The same request (likely also from Ibal-pi-el) is found in an as yet unpublished text (Durand 1988a: 268). In fact, Zimri-Lim did keep a list of those who must not hear his messages, as this excerpt from a letter (ARM 6 71 = LAPO 17 634) Baḫdi-Lim wrote his lord from Ḫanat, an area controlled by the merḫûm Meptum, shows: “My lord wrote, ‘In Ḫanat, Aḫi-ebal must in no way listen to my tablet.’ Since my lord had instructed me not to let Aḫi-ebal listen, I was for not letting him listen. But Meptu(m) pressured me, saying, ‘I myself shall remain responsible for this man’.” Aḫi-ebal was a troublemaker, according to ARM 26 481. The chancellery also tracked who had the privilege of hearing tablets as suggested by the recovery of a label for a basket containing

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Administration — 2.1.  Provincial Officers This is what I wrote to my lord, but my lord has not written me any response to this suggestion. Now I fear that I may allow the hearing of my lord’s message to somebody and the information will take to the wind, leading to troubles for me. On the other hand, if I do not allow my lord’s servants to hear (it), yet something happens, my lord will say, “Why did you not allow my servants to hear (my message), and consequently have not deliberated over the information which I sent you? ” So I am troubled by both these possibilities. Now therefore, if it suits you, bring the matter to my lord’s attention, record on a document and send me a list of the men who may listen to my lord’s letters. In this way, may I find confirmation that you are a colleague and friend. 52

2.1.c.ii.2.  Parading with Hammurabi.  Ibal-pi-El writes to Zimri-Lim A.486+ (LAPO 17 579; see Villard 1992). This letter gives more evidence for the striking narrative prose discussed in the Introduction. In the second part, Ibal-pi-El discusses problems in the conferring of gifts to the heads of an expeditionary force. 53 The accounting may have to do with the share the palace will take on its return. Striking is the discrimination between their weight as precious metal and their value as finished product. When, previously, I was requisitioned for a campaign, I wrote to my lord, “I am being requisitioned for 10-days provision; but where I am to head (and) the goal of the expedition, I have not yet learned. I will write my lord as soon as I learn the goal of this expedition.” This is what I wrote to my lord. Now, this is the expedition to which I was requisitioned: For 10 years or more, Hammurabi had not gone to the city Kish. Now my lord’s troops and troops from the inner guard (“from the gate of his palace”) went with him. He stayed 3 days in Kish, offering sacrifices to his gods; but he returned to Babylon on the third day. During the trip, as we traveled, news of the arrival of the tribesmen reached me, and I informed him (about it), “The tribesmen have reached me. Will my lord go out to meet them? ” 54 This is what I informed him. He told me, “In (4) days, when in Babylon, I shall give you my decision.” This is what he said. We reached Babylon “4 tablets that were read to [Iddiyatum], Yasim-El, Menerim, and Belšunu. Completed” (M.8762, see Charpin 2001: 21–22). 52.  Diplomats, too, are forever justifying themselves to the king, above all establishing their loyalty as well as veracity; see also Nur-Sin’s letter FM 7 39: 34–45 (cited at 5.7.b.iv). Yamṣum, representing Mari in Ilanṣura, tells Zimri-Lim (ARM 26 302:4–25), “In Zilḫan, my lord gave me this directive, ‘You will go to the city Ilanṣura, and you will keep in mind what I instruct you.’ As my lord instructed me, I am attentive to the full. I have not committed faults or trespasses against my lord. I will not write to my lord any news that I hear or my eyes witness here and there, unless I can verify its accuracy. It is possible that in the future I cannot verify some news; but there will not be any false statement (in it), for I cannot tell (lies) to my lord.” In some cases, when news proved false, diplomats followed with correction. 53.  Parade of troops at the gate of an ally was intricately choreographed and is the object of a bitter complaint Sin-muballiṭ leveled at Anam of Uruk and for which Anam offered justification. The letter dates from a period equivalent to that of Yaḫdun-Lim and is translated in van Koppen 2006: 126–30. An excerpt with another context is cited in the notes to 1.6.c. 54.  Or: “Will my lord move out at their head? ”

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and at the palace’s gate, when—as I hoped—they had me come in, Hammurabi told me, “Go, the troops should enter the city and relax in the Residence Hall, so that in the morning they might breakfast in my presence.” I went out 55 and told his minister, Minister Sin-bel-aplim, “Whenever people come down to Mari, my lord would come out to meet his servants, with standard-​bearers in front of my lord.” This is what I told him, and he replied to me, “In the morning is when the entire nomad contingent breakfasts at my lord’s table. So tomorrow the standard-bearers could parade.” This is what he answered me. Ṭab-eli-matim and Sin-bel-aplim went out with me to usher in the troops into the city. The next day, I gathered 50 choice men and brought them for the parade. The entire nomad contingent breakfasted at his table in the garden, and the standard-bearers paraded in the garden itself. Being very pleased at the arrival of the tribesmen, (Hammurabi) gave gifts: a neck-band, a gold ring, a garment, and a multicolor shirt were Baḫdi-Addu’s gift. 20 šekels is the value of the neck-band and the ring; but 18 šekels of gold is the true weight. I reflected on the fact that Baḫdi-Addu had assigned 12 men as section-chiefs (gal.ku5) and said, “The amount is 1,000 men, and for 1,000 men 10 section-chiefs are needed. Yet you have assigned enough section-chiefs for 1,200 men and have assigned 24 lieutenants (nu.bànda) for 1,400 men. 56 If the matter is examined, how would it make sense? ” Having reflected further, I thought, “If I deduct 2 men from the assigned roster of section-chiefs, I might turn opinion against me.” Fearing this, I placed Sulum over the Yabasa tribesmen and Biḫirum over the Ašarugayum (Simʾal clan), and assigned the 10 section-chiefs; but of the 24 lieutenants that Baḫdi-Addu assigned, I assigned only 20 lieutenants. With regard to Sulum and Biḫirum, I said, “Baḫdi-Addu is foremost, a general; and (these) 2 men are army controllers (šāpir ṣābim).” Having arranged this, Sulum and his colleague got a gold ring and a gold disk, the value of their ring being 5 šekels, the same for their disk—but the real weight of ring and disk was 8 šekels. They also received 2 garments and 2 multicolor shirts. The 10 section-chiefs received a neck-band, a ring, and ten multicolor shirts; 20 šekels was the value of the neck-band and ring—but 18 šekels is the (real) weight of the neck-band and ring. (This was) the present of the section-chiefs. The 20 lieutenants received: 10 šekels the value of their ring and 1 šekel the value of a stamped plaque. The value of their ring is 10 šekels; 1 šekel the value of the sealing—real weight: 8 šekels for the ring; 2⁄3 šekel for the stamped plaque. A stamped plaque of 3 šekels, but the real weight is 22 šekels, weight for the stamped plaque for (each of) 10 men. The 50 standard-bearers (received each) a five-šekel ring and a 1 šekel stamped plaque, and one multicolor shirt for each. 42⁄3 šekels of silver is (the real weight) of the ring and the stamped plaque. (This was) the present of the standard-bearers.

2.1.c.ii.3.  Request for troops.  Ibal-pi-El posts M.18738 (LAPO 18 1271; see ThureauDangin 1936b; Heimpel 2003: 514–15) to Zimri-Lim. 55.  Or: “He [=Hammurabi] went out and I told. . . .” 56.  For these titles, see note to 3.3.c.ii.

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Administration — 2.1.  Provincial Officers I had beseeched Hammurabi about sending the tribesmen back and even before the arrival of Yaqqim-Addu two days ago, I sent the tribesmen to my lord. The day after they had departed, Yaqqim-Addu came here and we made inquiries about what my lord instructed Yaqqim-Addu regarding the report of nomads under guard; but because the nomads had departed already, we have suppressed this report. Apart from this, we have conveyed to Hammurabi the complete matter with which my lord has charged Yaqqim-Addu. Within three days after Yaqqim-Addu had presented his orders, we entered into Hammurabi’s presence and, with Yaqqim-Addu requesting his marching orders, he answered him: “I order you: Go!” This is what Hammurabi told him. However, we responded: “Could my lord (Hammurabi) send Yaqqim-Addu without soldiers? You keep on writing this to our lord (Zimri-Lim), ‘Go up to the Šubartum area and bring these kings to our side.’ This is what you keep on writing to our lord. And now, you are not sending soldiers to our lord! When could our lord go to the Šubartum area without many troops? ” This is what we answered him, but he told us, “At the close of this month, the enemy will have omens taken; but God will not answer positively. He is therefore moving toward his doom. Good! Yaqqim-Addu ought to stay put for 5 days or so, until we obtain complete evidence about the enemy. As soon as we obtain complete evidence about the enemy, I shall give him full instruction and he may go.” This is what Hammurabi said to me. After (sending) this tablet of mine, Yaqqim-Addu will draft a complete report and will make his way to my lord. (Moreover), 60 men belonging to my lord and 60 Babylonians went to the gate of Mankisum and captured for me men who could talk (about the enemy). Here then, I have had one such informer brought back to my lord for questioning. The army of my lord is in good shape.

2.1.c.ii.4.  Shoring up failed powers.  Ibal-pi-el posted a copy of this letter (A.1212 = LAPO 17 605) to “my father” Sammetar, then a counselor (šukallum) and secretary of state of the king and another (A.1610+ = LAPO 17 604) to the king himself. 57 Ibal-pi-el is placing blame for the loss of tribesmen on Zimri-Lim. The kings of Idamaraṣ—namely, Ḫaya-sumu (of Ilanṣura), Sammetar (of Ašnakkum), Šubram (of Susa, in Idamaraṣ), Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka), Tamarzi (of Tarmani), Ḫammi-kuna (of Šaduḫum), Yamut-Lim (of ?), Lime-Addu (of Anamaššum), [Yumraṣ-El, of Abi-ili] and Zakura-Abum (of Zalluḫan)—are assembled, with their armies and the army of the land of Apum. They have joined forces with Qarni-Lim (of Andarig) and the nomads. On the day I am sending this letter to {you} [my lord], the armies began marching toward Ḫarbe {in Yamutbal}. Qarni-Lim and the kings of the entire country are waiting just for the arrival of my lord to the Upper country. The Simʾal tribesmen and the armies are in good order. Another matter: Since the past year, {my lord} [the king] has kept on writing me repeatedly and often about sending troops to Ḫammi-epuḫ, king of Talḫayum. I 57.  A basic study of both is Durand 1988b. Significant differences from it are between braces {  } when occurring only in A.1610+ (sent to Zimri-Lim) but between square brackets [  ] when they occur only in A.1212 (sent to Sammeter).

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consulted with the sheikhs {of my lord} about sending the troops, and did not send them. Subsequently, my lord wrote to me, insisting that I should send him 30 men. My lord’s letter reached me when in Ḫamadanum. Because I am now facing the enemy, I detached (just) 20 men and sent them to Talḫayum. Once the land of Zalmaqum heard about the entry of the troops, (its men) gathered and stood at the gate of the city. There was an uprising in the city itself and their king was assassinated—(as well as) Nuḫmuna-Addu, a man of Ibalaḫum who was an āmirum, and Ḫali-ḫadun and his āmirum {and 30 tribesmen.} 58 The head of their king as well as of them (the 30 tribesmen) were cut off and taken to Šubat-Šamaš. They also killed [all of] the 20 tribesmen I sent. {My lord should know this.} 59

2.1.c.ii.5.  Spats.  Because a merḫûm gathers much power, he can also make many enemies. Ibal-pi-El had many of them, among them Asqudum, a diviner (see below), who had his own source of power. He writes this complaint (ARM 2 28 = LAPO 17 830) to the king. 60 I have been in control of the waters at Magrisa since the past year; but when the ruler of Ešnunna came up (with troops), I/he (. . . . ,) so that I could not keep control of the spring. Now, however, Asqudum has cheated me. He is now in possession of 1,000 acres of land on the Bank of the Euphrates, while I hold only 50 acres of such land. I will need to buy grain at the Bank of the Euphrates, but also from here. Yet Asqudum has cheated me out of the waters that I held between the Siḫi and Arganu thickets. Previously, I have conveyed 10 šekels of gold and I have increased the compensation (nībaḫum) due my lord. 61 At first (lit., on first day) my lord accepted his compensation, but then later (lit., the next day) he sent it back to me. I am therefore ready to give 10 šekels of gold plus 100 sheep for the waters at Magrisa. My lord should not deny me these waters, so that I could prosper (lit., acquire life) under my lord’s protection (lit., shadow). 62 I keep on petitioning through messengers (from) Idamaraṣ who are now with my lord. (Because) I want to receive grain, my lord should not deny me (access) to the Magrisa waters. 58.  What kind of function was held by an āmirum is not clear. It is based on a verb with many possible meanings. 59.  Troubles at Talḫayum are told in several letters; see Kupper 1998: 47–52; Durand 1998a: 266–73. 60.  An excerpt from a letter (ARM 27 2:27–37) Ilušu-naṣir of Qattunan sent the king shows Ibal-pi-El’s influence, “About my house in Mari, I had given 5 šekels of silver to Isaddi-El for this house, and he sold it to me. Now the house is taken away from me and is given to the son of Ibalpi-El claiming, ‘(it is) his father’s house.’ Does it seem acceptable to my lord that I should be dwelling in a border town (āl pāṭim) while (my) house is given to someone else and my family is left to wander about? The house of my own father must be given back to me, then. Just now Zimri-Eraḫ lives in one half of my father’s house and fAtrakatum in the other. They should welcome me into my own father’s house.” It is possible that the Ibal-pi-El here is a deceased diviner rather than the merḫûm, since a son is claiming the house. Atrakatum is likely Zimri-Lim’s sister. 61. On nībaḫum/nēbeḫum, see above, 1.3.c.ii. Here it is a bribe pure and simple. It will soon be obvious that Ibal-pi-El’s rival was influencing the king to raise the stakes. 62.  To find protection under the shadow of superior power is a fairly common expression in antiquity and in the Bible.

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2.1.c.ii.6.  Let me not go.  Apil-ilišu, a diviner, posted this brief note to King Zimri-​ Lim (ARM 26 93). I have already told my lord about Ibal-pi-El wishing to detain me. I had said, “Ibalpi-El wishes to detain me, but my lord must not release me (to him). What shall I do here? ” He [the king?] might favor me to be his majordomo. 63 My lord should write Ibal-pi-El so that I can depart for my lord.

2.1.c.iii.  Ibal-El also operated in the same region as Ibal-pi-el and displayed the same gift of gab (or stylus) as him. 64 For this reason, while it is usual to imagine that one merḫûm succeeded the other (see Guichard 2014b: 111 n. 66), it may yet be that the names are for the same person. 65 If so, his influence must have been spectacular. 2.1.c.iii.1.  Loyalty 2.1.c.iii.1a.  Ibal-El receives a letter (ARM 28 120) from three sheikhs (sugāgū), addressing him as our “father and lord.” Two of the writers are to become kings fairly soon, Yapḫur-Lim over Izallu and Ḫimdiya over Andarig. Yadraḫam may also have been given Luḫaya. Their loyalty could have helped their cause. Have our words that we spoke confidentially in Gaššum reached you? You must now transmit these words of ours to our lord Zimri-Lim. Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) and Yasqur-Addu (of Karana?) and Šarrakki have begun to trouble the land. They sent us messages but we did not agree. Kurranu(m) has left for [. . .]. You should know. Another matter: The man Kurranu(m) has now set Ašušik as his home. Gathering there around him is a ḫābirum (contingent). 66 He is powerful, this man Kurranu(m), and he sent news that he is powerful. 67 But we remain loyal to our lord and will not turn our heads elsewhere. Yet more; bring yourself close to Der. The elders and the sheikhs must come to us and we will come to an accord. Send us an answer to our tablet, one way or another.

2.1.c.iii.1b.  Kurranu (“brother of Samsi-Eraḫ”) writes A.1026 (Guichard 2011: 73–76) to Zimri-Lim. Samsi-Eraḫ pledged fealty to you (“held the corner of your garment”), and because he pledged loyalty to you, they banded against him. They had the man killed. It was because he won victories against Elam and Šuʾumum, for this reason they harbored resentment against this man. Another matter: Samsi-Eraḫ (once) said, “I want to secure my lance for my lord (and so) bring a gift for my lord.” They planned to seize this man, so the people 63.  It would be odd if the king is referred to in this way. 64.  See sample and discussion of his style at 0.4.b. (A.350+ = LAPO 16 333). 65.  To my knowledge, the two names are not cited in the same document. 66.  The line is reminiscent of Judges 11:3: “So Jephthah fled from his brothers and settled in the Tob Land. Rootless men were drawn to Jephthah, and they joined with him.” Kurranu(m) is out to avenge his murdered brother, Samsi-Eraḫ, an ambitious upstart in an Abimelech-of-Shechem sort of way. The story is nicely developed in Guichard 2011. 67.  For this line, see Fleming 1999: 172.

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of Isqa and Ulaya rose against him. My lord should now give me a word from his mouth so that I could enact vengeance for my brother. Still another matter: The messenger from my lord should come as frequently as before. I am a true servant of my lord. Yet another matter: I have just now handed over to Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Taka, a servant from Elam, saying, “Hand him over to my lord.” My lord should answer my tablet, one way or another.

2.1.c.iii.2.  Covenant sacrifice.  ARM 2 37 = LAPO 16 283 is a shorter version of a fuller report (A.2226 = LAPO 16 285) posted to Zimri-Lim by his merḫûm Ibal-El. 68 Ibal-Addu’s letter reached me from Ašlakka. 69 I went to Ašlakka and they fetched for me a puppy-dog (mērānum) and a goat (ḫazzam) for the donkey-foal killing (covenant ritual) among the tribesmen and Idamaraṣ. But I respected my lord; indeed, I did not give permission for the puppy-dog or goat. Instead, I myself had (them) slaughter a foal, a young of a she-ass, and in this way established peace between the nomads and Idamaraṣ. 70 As far as Ḫurra—all over in Idamaraṣ, in fact—the tribesmen will be sated, and sated people lack belligerence. My lord should be pleased. 71 I have conveyed this tablet to my lord from Rataṣpatum. Within three days after (posting) this tablet of mine, I should arrive before my lord. The flock and the Simʾal (troops) are well.

2.1.c.iii.3.  Blood ties and pasturing privileges. A.2730 (lines 1–29 are in Charpin 1988: 33 n. 24; lines 30–50 are in Durand 2004: 120–21) is a letter that Ibal-El sent to Zimri-Lim. Atamrum of Andarig (a vassal) wants troops to fight against Šarraya of Razama, another vassal; see ARM 14 104+ at 3.5.b.ii. 68.  A third version (A.1056 = LAPO 16 284) was sent to Šunuḫra-ḫalu, Zimri-Lim’s personal secretary. Charpin (1993a: 182–86) edited all three versions. This text is cited in biblical literature concerned with covenant making; see Held 1970 and Sasson 1974. 69.  Ibal-Addu is king of Ašlakka, to whom Zimri-Lim gave Inbatum, a widowed princess. The marriage was not successful. In the opening lines of the longest of the three versions (A.2226 = LAPO 16 285), Ibal-El gives a fuller account of the context as well as places himself center stage in how events unfolded, “Išme-Addu of Ašnakkum, the elders of Idamaraṣ, the elders of Urgiš, Šinaḫ, and Ḫurra, and the elders of Yapţṭurum went to Malaḫatum. Yatar-malik of Šuduḫum, ApilSin of Ašnakkum, and the leaders of Urgiš took their lead and, coming here, they said, ‘We should slaughter a goat and a puppy-dog for our oath taking.’ But I would not agree and told them, ‘Our lord Zimri-Lim has never, before or now, slaughtered either a goat or a puppy (when oath-taking).’ I myself bought a donkey, and had a foal—a young of a she-ass—(slaughtered)” (lines 3–18). 70.  See the parallel ʿayir and ben ʾātôn in Gen 49:11. 71.  The segment about the slaughter of animals to establish peace differs in the version sent to Šunuḫra-ḫalu (A.1056 = LAPO 16 284); the most striking among them is the mention of a “breeding bull (mērum) and a goat” rather than “the puppy-dog (mērānum) and goat” of the two versions posted to the king. Because the difference between the two is just one omitted syllable (me-ra-⟨na⟩-am), it is possible that this is a scribal error. Yet the mistake is repeated twice in two lines, so we might need to be cautious. On the killing of puppy-dogs, a ritual that clearly displeased Mari officials, see Sasson 1974. A curiosity is that not far from the actual area where the events reported in the documents unfold was excavated the burial of a dog and a donkey; see Clutton-Brock 1989. Donkeys were ritually sacrificed, but not always for the same ceremony or goal.

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Administration — 2.1.  Provincial Officers About Atamrum who wrote to my lord, “Send me troops,” my lord should answer like this: “Now you must ask Ḫammurabi (of Kurda), Ḫadnu-rabi (of Qaṭṭara/Karana), Šarru-ki-kalima—kings who are with you—and Yanuḫsamar, your servant. (They will tell you that) between me and Šarraya there endures binding blood agreements (merismus: dāmu u dannātum šaknā). With me, there were 100 tribesmen and 100 followers of mine from the Bank of the Euphrates [= Mari]—so 200 reliable followers, the pick of my land—when they attested to the blood (covenant) and when I indeed imposed a sacred oath on him (ina dāmi izzizū u nīš ilim lã zakrakšum). Once more, when my father, the vizier (sukkal, of Elam), wrote me about troops, I sent (them) and wrote to Qarni-Lim, “Do you not belong to my blood (covenant)? Send me your army, for it to share my couch.” 72 He did not give me his army, and he was brought to a bad end. 73 I also sent a letter to Šarraya telling him, “You belong to my blood (covenant). Give me an army, for it to share the couch of my army. . . .” [Broken lines likely include words of Šarraya’s acceptance of Zimri-Lim’s request, then more from Zimri-Lim:] “I will give you an army if you plan to besiege another town.” Now on the land of Idamaraṣ about which he [Atamrum] wrote to you, “Stay away from this land!” answer him as follows, “Just as the lands of Yamḫad, Qatna, and Amurrû make a nigḫum for the Yaminites, so that the Yaminites can satisfy their hunger and feed their flocks, well then, since generations, the nigḫum for nomads is the Idamaraṣ. In what way have nomads troubled Ida­ma­raṣ? 74 What is good for the nomads is also good for Idamaraṣ. So why has Idamaraṣ troubled the nomads? It has killed governors of mine. It has marched captives, male and female, nubile women (kallātum) and servants, belonging to me. It has grabbed sheep, oxen, donkeys, and livestock from my land. In no way had I done it wrong or burned its harvest. It [Idamaraṣ] has forever been my nigḫum. Why would I have troubled it? ” My lord should answer him in this way and add as much as occurs to him.

2.1.d.  Resident-commissioner (ḫazannum); see Marti 2010.  The nature of this position is debatable, and its responsibilities were likely shaped individually. The term has commonly been translated “mayor” when “representative” or “(resident-) commissioner” may be more appropriate. 2.1.d.i.  Installation of a ḫazannum. Yawi-ila of Talḫayum (in the Baliḫ region) writes ARM 13 143 (LAPO 16 303) to Zimri-Lim to express his loyalty and to ask for a ḫazannum. 75 Past and future, the town Talḫayum is my lord’s, not just today. In the days of your father Yaḫdun-Lim and of Rakabtum, the wine-steward Yakun-Mer acted as 72.  On this idiom, see Charpin 1988: 128; B. Lafont 2001a: 259. 73.  On Qarni-Lim and his gruesome end, see the comments under 5.3.g.i.1. 74. On nigḫum, a privilege granted to allies for pastoring flocks, see Durand 2004: 118–20. 75.  As we know from 1.1.e.2 (A.2417 = LAPO 17 607) and as is dramatically reported in the footnote to that text, Yawi-ila did not have a happy rule and his plaints remind us of Rib-Addi’s during the Amarna period. Finet (1993) has proposed (inconclusively) that the element Yawi- in his name alludes to the Hebrew Yahweh.

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a commissioner (ḫazannum) here. 76 Now I myself know that by talking to my lord Idamaraṣ and the people of Zalmaqum are displeased with me. It is because of matters dealing with Ašlakka, Qarḫadum, and the land possessions (namlaktum) of my lord that they are sending messages and are perpetually needing saving. For these reasons they began to act horribly toward me. They have spread rumors (several lines damaged). . . . Šubram (king of Qirdaḫat) and the servants of my lord have been heard. My lord should take a sacred oath so that a commissioner can enter into City Talḫayum. Now, I am like Šubram. If otherwise and my lord is not interested in discussion, then will you give away the city, (which has been) yours since Yaḫdun-Lim? My lord should send me his thinking in its entirety so that I can tell in detail to the troops [damaged words]. My lord should send me promptly an answer to my tablet. I want to send oath-givers for my lord to take a sacred oath. My lord’s commissioner should come here with my servants, the oath-givers that I am sending, and thus enter into the town Talḫayum.

2.1.d.ii.  The dossier of Lanasum may illustrate the functions of a ḫazannum; see Marti 2010: 158–62. Early on, Zimri-Lim placed him in Tuttul (Tell Biʿa), at the confluence of Baliḫ and Euphrates. Unlike a šāpiṭum who is the top agent of the king in diverse districts, a ḫazannum has to also mind the rulers (king or elders) of his host city. Tuttul was one of the first towns to witness Zimri-Lim’s rise to the throne. Whoever was on its throne likely owed it to Zimri-Lim. Lanasum was reputed to be a fierce opponent of Yaminites, hence his laments below. 2.1.d.ii.1.  Plots.  Lanasum posted ARM 2 137 (LAPO 16 335) to the king. 77 (About) Abum-El, whom my lord sent to collect the biltum-tax imposed on the people of Tuttul; in the past, it was he who would enter the home of Yašub-​Dagan. Now whatever he and Yašub-Dagan would say and what acts they planned . . . someone from the town itself who is on good terms with me says, “Abum-El told Yašub-Dagan, ‘Pay the tax imposed over you; but get rid of the ḫazannum.’” These and much more Abum-El told Yašub-Dagan. In fact, when on his return he came to Tuttul from Yamḫad (Aleppo), he moved into Yašub-Dagan’s home. The next day, they sent for Yasmaḫ-Addu (a Yaminite leader). The three of them conspired together and both of them advised Yašub-Dagan to get rid of me. Moreover, Abum-El and Yasmaḫ-Addu told Yašub-Dagan, “Since Lanasum is an evil foe, all the Yaminites are threatening all around Tuttul. So, pay the tax imposed on you, but thereafter get rid of the ḫazannum.”

76.  Rakabtum, likely a nickname for Yarkab-Addu or the like, was a king of Yapṭurum during the reign of Yaḫdun-Lim. FM 2 10 records that Yaḫdun-Lim gave him an ostrich feather when they met in Tarnip. 77.  Yašub-Dagan is king of Tuttul and supported the Yaminites against Zimri-Lim. After their failed rebellion, he was replaced by Yakbar-Lim. Obviously, walls were porous and nothing was kept secret for long. For Zimri-Lim’s lament on this matter, see A.158 at 2.1.c.ii.1. On biltum-tax, see examples at 1.3.c.i.1.

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Administration — 2.1.  Provincial Officers This and much more did both of them advise Yašub-Dagan. There is more! Since this man came here, he has turned the whole town against me so that everyone talks about removing me from being a commissioner. And more still: Yasmaḫ-Addu and Yašub-Dagan told Abum-El, “Since you stay close to the palace authorities (lit., gate), have them send a (new) commissioner to Tuttul.” He agreed with them. Moreover, Yašub-Dagan keeps writing to Imar, saying, “Dagan is constantly demanding sacrifice from me as in the past year; yet I can never give sacrifices as long as there is a commissioner. So having a commissioner (here) is not appropriate.” This is what Yašub-Dagan keeps writing to Imar.

2.1.d.ii.2.  Supplying Grain.  Lanasum to the king (ARM 26 247). Der is a town near Tuttul. Another Der is near Mari. When I met with my lord, I told my lord, “People in Der want grain.” My lord answered me, “Go and have them give you 100 measures from the granary at Dur-ṣabim.” But they did not give me grain. My lord must not say, “You have been denied grain—so why did you not write me? ” In fact, I did go, but an earlier group (army?) has sold the grain and a later group came and simply wasted grain. There is now left 50 donkey-loads of grain. My lord’s granary was not being used and no rations were handed out to anyone. Yet, 500 measures are now gone, for no reason. If my lord agrees, grain should (still) be given to the diviner. The district is in good order. I am not negligent about the patrols and the guards. On another matter: For the district, there is (an omen of) abundance. May my lord rejoice. Also: Išmaḫ-Šamaš, the diviner, should come here and kiss the feet of my lord (Dagan).

2.1.d.ii.3.  Summary judgment.  Lanasum posts FM 6 4 (A.402; see S. Lafont 2002b: 89–92) to the king. In the past, my lord had written me as follows about Yaḫurrus-tribesmen who raided a caravan, “A council (tātamum) should convene. Bind these men and have them brought to me.” Now, I had heard (about it) the same day these men raided the caravans. The next day (people) came here to tell me about the caravan raid, “The raiders as well as their possessions were seized.” I myself on the third day convened the council and informed them about this matter. The town’s citizens gave me 30 men and I went in aid against the raiders. In the middle of the journey, Sabinum, the tribal commander (merḫûm) of Yariḫu—and with him were the Yaḫurru raiders—was heading to Ṣuri-Ḫammu. Because of this matter, I faced these men in the middle of the journey; there was no rope at their waist. I seized nothing from their hand. They had no confirmers, so I strangled these men. 78 In this way, from now on in the future, [anyone] should fear and not lay hand on anything. I gave 51 šekels to the robbed merchants. I 78.  S. Lafont (2002b: 99) cites classical texts that consider strangulation as very humiliating, while the shedding of blood might incur blame and so lead to retaliation. Job (7:15) prefers strangulation over his horrible fate; but the punishment is not known to biblical law. Rabbinic jurisprudence, however, considers it the most lenient of sentences and offers a long list for its application. See “Capital Punishment” in the Jewish Encyclopedia at http://www.jewishencyclopedia​ .com/articles/4005-capital-punishment.

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thus settled their case right there and then. When the money of the merchants is entered into the temple of Dagan, it is deposited before Dagan. I have done what must be done.

2.1.d.ii.4.  Feasts and taxes.  Lanasum writes ARM 26 215 (Nissinen 2003: 49–50) to Zimri-Lim. The sīrum-tax seems to be the same as the biltum, as in ARM 2 137 (at 2.1.d.ii.1). My lord had written me, “I am herewith sending a sacrifice for Dagan. Bring a bull and 6 sheep.” Now the sacrifice of my lord, having reached the city safely, was offered to Dagan and the whole land feasted. The whole town was very pleased with my lord’s sacrifice. Additionally, an ecstatic (muḫḫûm) rose before Dagan, and spoke to say, “How much longer will I not drink pure water? Write to your lord to give me pure water to drink.” I herewith convey to my lord a lock from his head and also his (garment) fringe. My lord should clear (the obligation). Another matter: About the sīrum tax due to my lord, a trustworthy man from among my lord’s servants should come here and take the sīrum-tax due my lord from the townsmen. Also: Without my permission, the townsmen have removed two panels for Dagan.

2.1.d.ii.5.  Sacrifices and ghosts.  Lanasum sent ARM 26 246 to the king. The king of Tuttul, Yakbar-Lim, replaced Yašub-Dagan (see ARM 2 137 above 2.1.d.ii.1), likely for siding with the Yaminite rebellion. If so, the choice was not much better. Concerning the money about which my lord wrote to Yakbar-Lim; this man is forever into deception and he will never pay it. On another matter: Bunuma-​Addu (of Niḫriya) wrote the following to Yakbar-Lim, “I want to come and offer sacrifice to Dagan.” Yakbar-Lim wrote to Imar the following, “Bunuma-Addu has sent a message about coming (to the palace) and offering sacrifices; what’s the story? ” The people of Imar answered, “If he should come with (just) 20 men and enters, let him sacrifice.” This is what the people of Imar wrote to Yakbar-Lim. In the past, I would always hear about this man entering (Tuttul). About these matters, they wrote to my lord. My lord should answer as seems right to him. Yet more: the wall of the palace has collapsed over a 3-reed length (ca. 30 feet). People are busy getting it back in shape. Still more: as the second day of Dagan (7th month) was ending, a mālikum of (the god) Addu—who keeps you healthy— sprang up in the house. I became severely ill because of the sacrifices, barely surviving. I am not yet recovered [broken line]. 79

2.2.  Palace Officers 2.2.a.  Consigliere (šukallum, sukkal) 2.2.a.i.  Musical chairs.  Yasmaḫ-Addu wrote ARM 1 120 (LAPO 16 57) to his father, Samsi-Addu (“Daddy”). 79. The mālikum is the ghost of a departed member of the royal family. The whole incident is obscure, with unclear connection among the segments. See also A.674 (at 6.7.d.ii.1) which is equally obscure but associated with the god Addu.

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Administration — 2.2.  Palace Officers In the past, when in Ekallatum, Daddy instructed me to dismiss Ikšud-appašu and to appoint Šamaš-tillassu in his post. By the time I reached Mari, Ikšud-​appašu was heading to Daddy before I arrived. Now I have sent Laʾum to Daddy with instruction on Ikšud-appašu. Daddy instructed him as follows, “Dismiss Ikšud-​appašu. Šamaš-tillassu should be appointed in his post while Ikun-pi-Sin should act as šukallum.” This is what Daddy instructed Laʾum. Ikšud-appašu came here to tell me, “King [Samsi-Addu] is restoring me to my district (Terqa).” I told him, “If you are restored to your district, then Daddy needs to write me.” Now then, if Daddy has restored Ikšud-appašu to his district—Daddy should write me either way. 80

2.2.a.ii.  Sammetar.  Scion of Laʾum, Sammetar began his career as a trusted adviser to Yasmaḫ-Addu and profited from his father’s influence (see ARM 5 87 at 6.7.a.i.1). 81 2.2.a.ii.1.  Too ill to answer a summons.  Sammetar sends ARM 26 276 to Zimri-Lim. My lord wrote to me, saying, “A tablet came to me from Babylon. Come, let us listen to it, discuss it, and shape an answer to it.” This is what my lord wrote to me. In the past, when my lord was staying in Zurubban, I sent Dari[. . .] to him. The physician who is treating me told me this, ‘If during these two days during the peak of the illness you stay put and do not move out (of your house), God will not harm (lit., touch) you and you will get better.” This is what the physician told me. So I (have not gone even) to the sacrifice for the goddess Diritum (many lines damaged).

2.2.b.  Controller (šandabakkum, šà.dub.ba). We know about the office best when occupied by Yasim-sumu during the reign of Zimri-Lim; his dossier is published in ARMT 13 (Birot 1964b) and FM 2 (Maul 1994). 82 80.  On the personalities cited in this letter and on their fates, see Villard 2001: 27–29 and 40–41. 81.  Sammetar continued by serving Zimri-Lim, first in Terqa as governor, later in Mari as a counselor, much appreciated by the king. A.868, cited at 1.4.b.i.2, is a delicious letter in which he begs his lord to take away the palanquin he received as a gift, as it will provoke jealousy. Eventually, Sammetar’s household is confiscated, likely because of his venality. The dossier van Koppen has collected about the matter (2002: 292–324) is impressive: he had wide holdings in several towns. Several of Sammetar’s letters are posted in this collection; see the Index. Dadi-ḫadun, a Yaminite chief, bitterly complains to Sammetar (A.2920:28–45; Durand 1991: 56–57), “Communicate, then, these comments to your lord, which (my kin) keep writing to me, yet I will not go to them. Now should you not communicate this news to your lord, one of these days, I shall confront you before Zimri-Lim, with me saying, ‘I have heard some news and sent it to Sammetar; yet Sammetar did not transmit it to you.’ You will not be able to answer, ‘Me, I did not know!’ Send this news.” 82.  A good overview of Yasim-sumu’s career is in Maul 1997. There is a debate about whether or not he was first a provincial majordomo (abu bītim; see above, at 2.1.b). When he took the job, it came with marriage to one of Zimri-Lim’s daughters, Duḫšatum. He died late in Zimri-Lim’s reign and his post was filled by Ṣidqi-epuḫ, who proved pretty cantankerous. At 1.2.d (ARM 13 47) was featured a letter from Yasim-sumu, with advice (not followed) on naming a year after an event.

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2.2.b.i.  Logistics.  Yasim-sumu writes ARM 13 36:5–24 (= LAPO 16 242) to the king. Naḫur is in the Idamaraṣ region (Upper Ḫabur) and is cited as nāḥôr in Gen 24:10. About the barley for Naḫur, 300 ugārū of barley [about 10,000 U.S. bushels] were taken. There is a majordomo there; but he sends me no reports, good or bad. Previously, because barley was not available to them, barley from Qattunan, Ṭabatum, and Zilḫan were hauled for them. Just now, the barley they took is solely for their own needs. I fear that because they have gotten much grain, they will squander what comes under their control. In the same way as I have assigned enough ration, fodder, and seed in Qattunan and Ṭabatum for one year—as well as outlay for the meals of my lord—I have locked under my own seal the remaining barley. Now I am sending Yalʾumu. My lord ought to send troops with him to Naḫur, so that he can lock under his (the king’s) seal one year’s worth of ration, fodder, and seed of the remaining grain [a couple of lines damaged.] 83

2.2.b.ii.  Vassal visits.  This series of brief notes illustrates the relay system of notification on the visit of a vassal, Yamraṣ-El (Yumraṣ-El), king of Abiya, as he made his way from the Ḫabur region. Zakira-ḫammu writes from Qattunan to Zimri-Lim and to his private secretary, Šunuḫra-ḫalu. ARM 27 83

[Zakira-ḫammu to the king] The city Qattunan and the district are in good order. Yumraṣ-El, along with 300 men, has arrived here, but he is heading to my lord. On his arrival, I promptly posted (this) letter to my lord.

ARM 27 84

FM 2 7

ARM 13 49

[Zakira-ḫammu to “his brother” Šunuḫra-ḫalu]

(Maul 1994: 28–29) [Yasim-sumu to the king]

(LAPO 16 265) [Yasim-sumu to Šunuḫra-ḫalu]

Yamraṣ-El, king of Abi-ili, has just now departed toward my lord. My lord ought not think, “Zakiraḫammu lives on the frontier; so why has he not written me? ” Yasim-sumu and I have conferred, and

Yamraṣ-El, together with 300 men, is presently heading toward my lord. He spent the night in Qattunan. I have shown him honor by calling him to my own guest-house.

I am presently sending a letter to the king regarding Yamraṣ-El’s journeying (through Mari). Please have the king listen to the letter and send me an answer.84

 84

Several letters from and to Yasim-sumu are in this compilation, among them ARM 14 48 at 1.3.d.v.2 and ARMT 13 32 at 1.6.b.ii. On his involvement with capturing slaves, see at 6.2.c.ii (FM 2 1 and FM 2 2). 83.  The second half of the letter is damaged—see reconstruction in Durand 1997a: 376–80. It has to do with sheep, owed to the palace by a Yaminite leader, that were lost, possibly to famine. The king is advised to check with Asqudum, a diviner, on how to assess the value of their loss. There is also reference to a shipment of pine seed that was seized and that Yasim-sumu is forwarding to Mukannišum and Etel-pi-šarrim, two palace functionaries. 84.  Worth noticing is the different spellings of the visiting king’s Amorite name in the two letters of Zakira-ḫammu. The u/a interchange in the first syllables of Ya/umraṣ may reflect an “o” vowel not available to the cuneiform syllabary.

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Administration — 2.2.  Palace Officers I am now conveying He will leave within to my lord this tablet x-number of days . . . via Yasim-sumu about this man.

2.2.b.iii.  Household inventories of royalties; see also FM 2 49 at 1.3.d.vii. [2.2.b.iii.1. FM 6 47 = M.11416; van Koppen 2002: 358–9] [Opening lines lost], 1 (man), Baḫli-abal, in arrears from Ḫanna-Sin; 1, Mašum from the household of Ummani-suṭa, missing in the Qatna campaign; 1 ox, in arrears from Altiš-qallu. On inspection of the household of (Inib-šina). Supervision of Yasim-sumu [8.xii.ZL7]. [2.2.b.iii.2. FM 6 48 = M.5754; van Koppen 2002: 359] Register of transferred workers: Ḫabdu-Akka, Zimḫim, Iddin-ili, Umabum, Iddin-Ištar, Maḫsum, 6 textile workers. Adan, Akiya, the gardener Yaṣi-El, Mar-Šamaš, 1 (man) his son, the forester Iddin-šin, the merchant Ea-malik; Yawi-Dagan, Yanabbi-El, 2 shepherds who were removed from the ration list. On inspection of the household of (Inib-šina). Supervision of Yasim-sumu [8.xii.ZL7]. [2.2.b.iii.3. FM 6 46 = M.11645; van Koppen 2002: 358] Dead personnel in the household of Queen Dam-ḫuraṣi: 1 woman, Aḫu-matum; 1 woman, Tabni-Ištar; (total) 2 dead women, supervised by Abi-napsi: When the household of Damḫuraṣi was inspected. Supervision of Yasim-sumu [1.xii.ZL8]. [2.2.b.iii.4. FM 6 49 = M. 12087; van Koppen 2002: 359–60] (Transferred) to Inib-šina: 1 woman, Niḫman, 1 woman, Abi-Samsi, 1 (man), Anaku-ilamma, 1 (man) Sin-muballiṭ, 2 oxen—(total:) 2 oxen, 2 men, 2 women, transferred to Inibšina, when the household of (the diviner) Asqudum was inspected. Supervision of Yasim-​sumu, Abi-epuḫ, and Mukannišum [22.iv.ZL9].

2.2.b.iv.  In the loop.  Yasim-sumu sent ARM 13 53 (LAPO 16 66) to two of his underlings, Etel-pi-šarrim and Yaḫatti-El. Your tablets with a report on (the functioning of) the palace and the workshops need to reach me regularly. Now, I have listened to the tablets you sent me on the return of the men. (In fact,) I had heard (about it) before your tablets could reach me. 85

2.2.b.v.  Favors from others.  Ṣidqum-lanasi, Zimri-Lim’s agent in Carchemish, sent his “friend” Yasim-sumu FM 6 71 (A.2663 = ARM 26 545; Marti 2002: 477–78). 86 A parīsum is about 150 liters (4.25 bushels). When I came down to Mari, I measured 12,000 parīsū of grain to Asinum; on another occasion, I measured 5,000 parīsū of grain to Bur-nunu and Kaʾalan of 85.  Yasim-sumu is scolding as well as warning: the two must not wait long to make reports (or else!). 86.  For Ṣidqum-Lanasi, see ARM 26 534 and ARM 26 539 at 1.3.e.iii.

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Zurubban; and just now I am measuring 6,000 parīsū of grain to Ṭab-ṣillašu and Asqudum: in total, 23,000 parīsū of grain, grain you have paid for. When (I measured the grain), I had not (yet) sent you a personal gift; but I am now doing so through Dariya. Another matter: wine is expensive this year; but give me money for purchase and send a trustworthy young man and I will purchase wine for you.

2.2.c.  Chief of stock (šatammum, šà.tam); see Guichard 2005: 54–66. The palace had many storage chambers in which were kept the wealth of kings and items needed for daily life. 87 Movement of goods in and out of these rooms was shared by palace elites, including members of the royal family as well as trusted officers. Among the latter is Mukannišum. A large part of his dossier is published in ARMT 13 (Bottéro 1964), ARMT 18 (Rouault 1977b) and FM 6 (B. Lafont 2002, with a fine overview of the dossier). Trained as a dumu é.dub.ba, an “accountant,” Mukannišum came to be responsible for access to Zimri-Lim’s treasures. 88 His access to needed materials prompted a journeying king to write him frequently, often with a tartness not always associated with Zimri-Lim. The impression is of a mid-level careerist who gets ordered around by elites but who can also do favors for those of lower status. 2.2.c.i.  Retrieving documents from storerooms sealed shut required cooperation among a number of palace personnel, likely to discourage larceny. Because a large segment of the Mari administrative personnel was not capable of reading, when the object is a written document, the size of the party swelled. 89 For a study of these tablets, see Sasson 1972.

87.  Many words occur for these chambers, among them kisallum, abussum, nakkamtum, but most often bītum (normally “house”), each with a nuanced meaning. In some cases, a phrase may refer to a known segment of the palace, as in the kisal gišimmarī, “Palm Yard,” or the kisal bīt birmi, “Yard of the Painted Chamber” (or the like). Many such rooms bear names that suggest specialized storage, among them “of barbers/bath-keepers (gallābī),” “of meat/hooks (nasrim),” “of beets (šuddurī),” “of grapes/wine (karānim),” “of bedroom furniture (mayyālim),” and “archives (ṭuppātim).” Inventories and other documents, however, make it clear that this was not the case, as a great variety of items found storage in the same room. 88.  Mukannišum is well represented in this volume; see the Index. 89.  Queen Šiptu posted to the king ARM 10 12 (LAPO 18 1152), another letter with similar contents: “The palace is in good order. My lord wrote me, ‘I have just sent Yaṣṣur-Addu to you. Send inspectors with him to pick up tablets where he shows them. These tablets should be placed by you until my arrival’.” Now therefore, conforming to what my lord wrote me, I have had Mukannišum, Šubnalu, and Ušareš-ḫetil accompany this man. In the jail of Etel-pi-šarrim, Yaṣṣur-Addu showed the inspectors I sent with him a storeroom and when they opened the door of the storeroom which he showed them—sealed with the seal of Igmillum of the central administrator—they retrieved two containers, containers that had the seal of Etel-pi-šarrim impressed on them. These containers, still bearing their seal-impressions, are placed with me, awaiting my lord’s arrival. I have meanwhile stamped with my own seal the storeroom door that they have opened.”

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ARMT 13 14 = LAPO 17 652 Mukannišum writes the king My lord wrote to me about a register of piḫrum-personnel, bearing Sammetar’s seal, of unassigned men and palace guards from the district. In accordance with my lord’s message, Inib-šunu opened the sealed room, and the [enrollment] documents.90 When Igmilum [. . .] showed us the containers with the tablets for the district that bore Sammetar’s seal, along with ŢṬabat-šarrussu I took them out into our own custody. As my lord had instructed me, I did not open any container, but I merely brought out the two containers and had them sent to my lord.

ARM 10 82 = LAPO 18 1205 Inib-šina writes the king, her brother

According to the written request you sent me, I have opened the archive room bearing your own seal, with Mukannišum and Ṭabatšarrussu standing by.91 Igmilum showed them the containers, as far as he knew. They took out into their own custody the containers with the full list of enrollments; but I have sent you the sealed documents with an inventory.

Herewith, I have conveyed to my lord: 1 I am herewith sending you a chair and a quality ḫawa-blanket, 1 pair of shoes, a bottle footstool with alabaster inlay. of cypress oil, a bottle of oil for pots, and a bottle of Mari oil.   90  91

2.2.c.ii.  War supplies.  To Mukannišum, Zimri-Lim writes ARM 18 5 (LAPO 17 666): As soon as you hear this tablet of mine, have people fabricate: 50 bronze arrowheads, (weighing) 5 šekels each; 50 arrowheads, 3 šekels each; 100 arrowheads, 2 šekels each; and 200 arrowheads, 1 šekel each. Give strict orders so that they can be completed quickly, then keep them until future instructions. The siege of Andarig might well last longer. 92 (If so,) I shall write you about these arrowheads, and when I do so, send them quickly to me.

2.2.c.iii.  Wardrobe.  Several notes exchanged with Mukannišum (see also below at 2.3.d, under Dariš-libur) have to do with supplying the king with garments or tailors with materials with which to make them. 93 The following exchange between the king and Mukannišum is about completing garments, likely for important occasions. The notes illustrate the patience that kings must have with a bureaucracy. Although some of the king’s instruction may escape us, in the third example, the king’s frustration at being thwarted is manifest. 90. Note the different spellings of the priestess’s name (ending in šunu/šina) in the two documents. 91.  Opening a room that bore the king’s seal required express permission, as clearly charted in ARMT 13 22 (below, at 2.2.d.v.1). 92.  This siege took place toward the end of ZL4. 93.  ARM 30 (Durand 2009b) is a full study of textiles and garments discussed in the Mari archives. The production of royal garments (among them hats, shirts, robes, coats, belts, stockings, and shoes) was constant, for among other gracious acts, kings distributed garments from their own wardrobe to vassals who, on wearing them, could catch their overlords’ scent.

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[2.2.c.iii.1. ARM 18 6 = LAPO 16 133. The king writes:] With regard to the garment with threading about which I had written you, this garment should have attractive ruffles. The length of its ruffle should be 6 fingers (10 cms) long. (That is), when they lay it on, its length should come to 6 fingers; but even if they should release it and it turns into 3 fingers, an attractive pleat should be obtained. Moreover, as it is with a ḫalu-style garment, its ruffle should be removable. Get very busy with this garment. [2.2.c.iii.2. ARM 13 10 = LAPO 16 134. Mukannišum writes:] With regard to the garment with threading that my lord has ordered, I have woven one, but quality wool is not available to me. There is a leather sack of wool from Babylon with my lord’s seal on it; but there is quality wool for threading the upper part. My lord should write to Addu-duri so that this sack could be opened in her presence and the fullers can select the (needed) wool. [2.2.c.iii.3. A. 1285 = LAPO 16 136; see Rouault 1977; Arkhipov 2013. The king writes:] I had instructed you to make a garment with threading; but as of now this garment has not been made. Now you yourself had written me, “The wool necessary for this garment is in short supply. However, since there is a (leather) sack of wool from the Babylonian ruler, my lord ought to write for this sack to be opened in Addu-duri’s presence and for me to receive the wool wanting for the garment.” That is what you wrote me. What is this that you seem concerned about the king of Babylon’s wool and are bothering me? In the past, during the reigns of Yaḫdun-Lim, Samsi-Addu, and Yasmaḫ-​addu, in the matter of the king of Babylon’s wool—Really? Would they worry and not make them their wardrobe? Come now! This wool may not be available; but among the wool available from the (sheep) shearing for the palace—as much as there is of it—is there not enough wool from which to select what this garment needs? Now, don’t you worry about the king of Babylon’s wool; rather, select the quality wool necessary for this garment just from among the wool available from the shearing for the palace, or manage it in the best possible way. Collect the wool needed for this garment, so that this garment can be made promptly. Come now! Even if there is not enough wool in the palace, could you not manage (it) yourself? What now, will you not collect this wool? Now, with regard to the wool, manage it in the best possible way so that this garment can be made promptly, before my arrival. Furthermore, give strict orders to the tailors and female weavers: this garment, like one in Tuttub style, must be woven and knotted to have attractively made warp and woof, and its inner part must (shimmer) like a silver leaf. This garment should have set upon it Yamḫadian-style sequins. Moreover, ṣirpum-beads should be applied to it, as if it were a ḫuššum-textile. There is fear that in weaving this garment and in attaching to the sequins the bittu that you are setting, the sequins become so heavy that the garment will unravel. Give strict orders for them to be very careful with this garment. This garment is to be presented before the eyes of the whole land. Act so that there could be no blemish whatsoever with this garment. 94 94.  Needless to say, it is not simple to figure out all the king’s sartorial demands. We must hope, however, that Mukannišum did.

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Administration — 2.2.  Palace Officers [2.2.c.iii.4. ARMT 25 334 (M.11243; see Durand 2009 360–61). An administrative tablet:] Records (tablets) about silver (used) to purchase wool, copper, and tin that Mukannišum purchased from different sources, Mukannišum having voiced the (amount of) silver used as disbursement. These records are now established for the inventory of wool, copper, and tin under Mukannišum’s control, (the event) taking place before the king during the clearance of accounts (nipiṣ nikkassī) at the antechamber of the Palm Court [Year: ZL7].

2.2.c.iv.  Outfitting the palace.  Baḫdi-Lim informs the king (ARM 6 39 = LAPO 16 145) about division of opinion on palace responsibility. The city of Mari is fine, the palace and the district are in good order. Another matter. I have investigated the matter of the palace menials. Among the 400 such members, 100 are provided with garments; but 300 are not. I have taken Mukannišum and Bali-Eraḫ to task about those deprived of garments. Mukannišum answered me: “It is not my job! It is Bali-Eraḫ who provides them with garments.” Bali-Eraḫ, however, answered me: “I have supplied a group of 100 (working for) artisans. My job is just for 100. It is up to Mukannišum to supply the rest.” This is what they answered me. Now since Ṣidqi-Epuḫ is with my lord, my lord should instruct him so that he could write wherever is necessary so that the menials could be clothed.

2.2.c.v.  Commission.  The diviner Asqudum sent ARM 18 23 (LAPO 16 218) to Mukannišum. I am conveying to you a snare for fish to (feed?) sammatum-animals. Keep working day and night to make 20 such snares and send them to me promptly.

2.2.c.vi.  Favors for colleagues 2.2.c.vi.1.  Ḫazzum (otherwise unknown) sent ARM 18 29 (LAPO 16 143) to Mukannišum. Sammetar was a counselor to Zimri-Lim. I must make a delivery to Sammetar, but there is no small scarf (to include in it). My brother ought not deny me a scarf of ḫamdum-fabric. I have never made any requests from you. This one scarf (my brother) ought not withhold it from me.

2.2.c.vi.2.  Ripʾi-Dagan was a mid-level Simʾal officer. He writes two notes to his “brother” and “friend” Mukannišum. [2.2.c.vii.2a. ARM 18 37 = LAPO 16 223] From the moment we left Mari, I have not been entrusted with anything for our planned trip. Now, however, I am very involved with the king’s voyage. If you are truly my brother and care for me, my brother must not deny me what is lacking for this trip: 1 qa (liter) of scented oil, 1 leather sac, 1 water-skin, and 1 pair of shoes. [2.2.c.vi.2b. ARM 18 36 = LAPO 16 219] In preparation for my departure, I only requested from you scented oil for my voyage, and you answered me as follows: “Send me a ḫatrum-flask and I will certainly give you scented oil for your trip.” This is what you answered me; but as you were endlessly preoccupied with (gath-

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ering) the baggage for the king’s voyage, you did not send me the scented oil. I am herewith having a ḫatrum-flask sent to you. If truly you are my brother, and if you do care for me, send me some scented oil for my trip. Do not withhold it from me.

2.2.d.  Wine Steward (šāqûm, zamardabbum). 95  In Mari of Zimri-Lim’s time, a number of officers are cited for their roles as wine specialists, including stewards, among them Puzur-Šamaš, who controlled the transfer of the vessels used for drinking during banquets (thus, he is a zamardabbum, “holder of a bronze bowl”), and Ṣidqum-maṣi, in charge of wine-cutting and dispensing. The two offices were distinct (as in ARM 23 243); but their holders could carry out either function. 96 2.2.d.i.  Harvesting grapes. Iškur-šaga, likely a majordomo in Saggaratum, writes FM 11 188 (LAPO 16 224) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. My lord wrote me as follows, “Grapes must not be harvested until I send you controllers/inspectors (ebbūtum).” The time to harvest grapes has come or (the crop) will turn overripe. My lord should send me controllers so grapes are harvested.

2.2.d.ii.  Purchasing wine.  Ṣidqum-lanasi, Zimri-Lim’s agent in Carchemish, sent ARM 26 538 (FM 11 185) to the diviner, Asqudum (see dossier at 2.3.b.i). 97 Your servant, Abi-andulli, came, bringing safely here my requested items that you conveyed. I was very happy. He brought me half a mana (30 šekels) of silver (to purchase) wine as well as 10 šekels with which to buy a boat. I considered the matter and thought, “If I purchase here a boat for 10 šekels, in Mari, it will not bring back (even) 1 šekel.” For this reason, I put together the payment price of the wine and the boat–so, 38 šekels in all—that Abi-andulli brought here, together with the sealed (document), and for 38 šekels, I purchased 120 jars of wine, and had them loaded on a boat of mine. [Remainder of text badly damaged.]

2.2.d.iii.  Quality of wine.  Zimri-Lim posted a number of letters to his wife about supplying him (or his allies) with wine. FM 11 177 (ARM 10 133 = LAPO 18 1156) is one of them. 95.  Chambon 2009 is a study devoted to viticulture and wine traffic in Mari, with new editions of administrative and epistolary documents. Guichard 2005: 41–59 reviews materials connected with the office of the zamardabbum. There are mentions also of šāqîtum, stewardesses, one of whom, Abi-lamassi, in the days of Yasmaḫ-Addu, was once rewarded on delivering a child (Ziegler 1997b: 47). Yatar-Aya, one of Zimri-Lim’s spouses and mother of one of his sons, was in charge of food supplies, including wine; see Chambon 2009: 30–31; Ziegler 1999c: 56–57. 96.  See Guichard 2005: 41–59; Chambon 2011. A zamardabbum bearing the Ḫurrian name Ewri-talma brings back šurīpum, “ice,” for the king of Mari. Guichard (2005: 43–44) assigns him to a foreign king, as no more than one zamardabbum likely held the office in any one town. 97.  A.337+M.8290 (Durand 2010) is a long diatribe posted to the king by a merchant (perhaps Ṣidqum-lanasi) against Asqudum for his uncouth behavior: He accepts gifts greedily but does not return the compliment; his trading practices are so lamentable that they must be appealed before the emblems of the gods. The irony is that Ṣidqum-lanasi calls himself “the man who loves” Asqudum.

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Administration — 2.2.  Palace Officers Hammurabi, king of Babylon, has written me for wine. I am now conveying to you a cylinder-seal in a (metal) mounting. Open up the wine stockroom with Ṣidqum-​ maṣi standing by, let him purify his hands, then select 11 jars of red (sāmum) wine of good quality that I drink. Mix it in one vat, fill up 10 jars of red wine, seal (them) with this seal, and give them to Baḫdi-Lim. Then convey to me 1 jar of the red wine that you are mixing, sending it upstream. Do send (back) to me the seal with (metal) mount. (The merchant) Kutkutum has brought me 60 jars of second-quality wine. Another matter: 98 Do convey via the Babylonian messengers first-rate wine.

2.2.d.iv.  Supervising wine transports.  Kibri-Dagan of Terqa writes ARM 13 126 (LAPO 16 228) to the king. My lord had instructed me about jars of wine to take to Atamrum (of Andarig) from the boats belonging to men of Imar. With Mannu-balu-Šamaš, the wine-steward (zamardabbum) of Atamrum standing at my side, I had as many wine jars as there were on these ships brought out. 90 jars of good wine were selected and the remaining jars of inferior wine were turned back. I have had these 90 jars of wine loaded, and assigned a boatman as escort to Atamrum’s wine-steward, Mannu-balu-Šamaš.

2.2.d.v.  Supervising movements of receptacles 2.2.d.v.1.  Mukannišum posted ARMT 13 22 (LAPO 16 262; see Guichard 2005: 31–32) to the king. My lord has written me this about the travel of Asqur-Addu, king of Karana, “AsqurAddu is coming here; get ready.” Following the message that my lord sent me, I am getting ready. My lord wrote to me about conveying to him a chair with a back, a wooden tray with silver (handles?), and vessels of silver. Now on the tablet that my lord conveyed to me, “silver vessels” were mentioned. Yet, Ispuḫ-illassunu, the wine-steward (šāqûm), came to me and said, “I was never instructed about a silver vessel but rather about a coffer with gold vessels (under control of) Anaku-ilamma, bearing his seal. (I am told), ‘The coffer with gold vessel is stored in the stockroom of Ma[ṣi]-Ištar. 99 Mukannišum needs to open it and bring out (from it) the coffer with vessels and the urīdum-shaped vessel.’” 100 Now I have looked into this room and as it bears my lord’s seal, I had qualms and (therefore did not open it). I went before my lady (the queen), and she told me, “As long as the king’s travel (is not complete), you must not open this room. Have (lady) Maṣi-Ištar bring out a coffer with the urīdum-shaped vessel, then seal the stockroom.” I have just now handed over to Napsuna-Addu, Ispuḫ-illassunu, and the bath-keeper (barber) Aḫum the (silver) urīdum-shaped vessel, the wooden tray with silver (handles?), and the chair with back of silver. 101 98.  The phrase here may reflect insistence: “Just one more thing, make sure. . . .” 99.  Maṣi-Ištar is known in harem lists as a sekertum, likely a concubine or an inner palace maid; see Ziegler 1999a: 85. 100. The urīdum is a sort of protective genie with a shape that was readily imitated in costly vessels; on this subject, see Guichard 2005: 326–30. 101.  Mukannišum and the queen may not have trusted each other, as this excerpt from ARM 10 18:5′–14′ (LAPO 18 1132) indicates. The queen writes, “Mukannišum came to tell me, ‘This

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On my lord writing me about the two aštalêtum-singers: I am now sending to my lord the aštalêtum-singers, women (belonging) to a 7-person ensemble (šitrum), together with their instruments. 102 I have handed over the wooden clamps for mounting the fenestered axes (katāpum). On the marḫašum-dagger that Eressum-matum has made, it is now with the bath-keepers (barbers).

2.2.d.v.2.  Baḫdi-Lim writes this note (ARM 6 49 = LAPO 16 112) to the king. The silver and gold (vessels), tools of the stewards (šāqî)—all that Puzur-Šamaš has turned over to Mašum and Laʾum—are in good order. They have been delivered to Mari. As well, the tools of bath-keepers/barbers (under control) of Uṣur-pi-šarrim that were transported with them on a boat have reached me in good order.

2.2.e.  Messengers (mār šiprim) and couriers (w/bābil ṭuppim, lāsimum, rakbum); see B. Lafont 1997 and 2001a: 294–302. 103 2.2.e.i.  Use and Posting 2.2.e.i.1.  Diversity. ARM 26 373 is a letter Yarim-Addu, stationed in Babylon, writes the king. It mentions diverse types of dispatch carriers. On oath-taking and loyalty swearing, see 1.6.b. That the objectives of Hammurabi are deeply hidden, I had earlier written to inform my lord. In fact, Hammurabi continues to be on as good terms as earlier with the sukkal (vizier) of Elam. Elamite messengers (dumu.meš šiprī) are in fact coming to Hammurabi from the sukkal of Elam. They now are staying at the gate of his gold, it is to me that it is assigned.’ But I answered him, ‘I will not give any gold as long as a tablet from my lord does not reach me.’ If gold has been assigned to Mukannišum, come a tablet from my lord and I will give (him) the gold.” 102.  For reading of this passage, see Ziegler 2007: 17. 103.  This group does not include diplomats and dignitaries (rākib imērī, “rider of donkeys”; see FM 7 7 and 8 at 1.6.b.iv.1); “riders of donkeys” is reminiscent of what is said of the sons of some Hebrew judges (Judg 10:4 and 12:14). There is a notice that when he campaigned out west, Zimri-Lim took along 100 messengers and 64 runners, and undoubtedly used every one of them to keep track of affairs back home and among fractious vassals (M.5696; see Charpin 2007: 407). In comparison, note what Tuchman (1978: 56) has to say, “The King of England at mid-[Fourteenth] century kept twelve [messengers] on hand who accompanied him at all times, ready to start, and were paid 3d. a day when on the road and 4s. 8d. a year for shoes. Befitting the greater majesty of France, the French King employed up to one hundred, and a grand seigneur two or three.” When on a mission, messengers and diplomats were sustained by their hosts; see ShA1 1 at 1.5.b.iv and FM 9 4 at 2.3.c.iv.1. Messengers did not just bear tablets from one place to another but also carried messages that may be too sensitive to record on clay. This is implied by ARM 28 88, a text fully cited in a note to 6.3.a.ii. King Ḫaya-Sumu of Ilanṣura added this postscript: “On another matter: there is no news that have reached me, right or left. For this reason, I have not sent an escort with your servant.” For their efforts, messengers expected to be rewarded lest they (and their masters) feel slighted or offended; see ARM 28 49, note to 1.1.d.ii.2. RATL 150:16–25 (L.87-560; Eidem 2011: 226–27), a letter from Take to Till-abnu, includes this passage, “When the servant of Aḫi-dabaḫ (of Aleppo) . . . came to Kaḫat, Ea-malik gave him 1 šekel of silver. I have just sent him to my lord (Till-abnu), he should dine and drink in my lord’s presence, and my lord should give him 2 šekels of silver.”

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Administration — 2.2.  Palace Officers palace. Once the sukkal of Elam gave them instruction, he sent them on a mission. From Susa, they were escorted to Der of Ištaran. The ruler of Der greeted them and had them escorted to Malgum. At that point, the ruler of Malgum brought them to Babylon. But troops from Ešnunna blocked their way forward, so they failed to get through. Once Hammurabi learned that Ešnunna troops blocked their way, he no longer had the fast couriers (dumu.meš lāsimī qallūtim) that he regularly sent to the sukkal of Elam go through Malgum or Der. As there are now many abandoned districts in Ešnunna, he will send them into Ešnunna territory and his fast couriers are traversing the abandoned districts as they head to the sukkal of Elam. However, news that he communicated has not yet turned back to him from the Elamite sukkal. Another matter: Hammurabi conveyed 2 talents (120 lbs) of silver and 70 bushels of grain to Ipiq-Ištar of Malgum. Ipiq-Ištar has sworn loyalty to Hammurabi. My lord should know this. Also I have heard from my own sources that the king of Babylon will send 6,000 men to Išme-Dagan (of Ekallatum). Yet, rumors about it are rife that they are heading elsewhere. I have kept abreast of the matter: The raised army is strong and will go to Išme-Dagan because of (the Turukku leader) Zaziya and the king of Qabra. I have also verified this matter: The army will go to Išme-Dagan next month. Furthermore: About the small tablet of commitment (“throat touching”) that Hammurabi had sent to Ṣilli-Sin, king of Ešnunna, Ṣilli-Sin keeps posting back rejections. He has in no way committed to Hammurabi.

2.2.e.i.2.  Conscripted messengers.  Travelers (merchants, artisans, physicians) can be pressed into carrying messages. Samsi-Addu writes ARM 1 45 (LAPO 16 322) to his son. An urgent tablet that was drafted for Išḫi-Addu (of Qatna) and was to be handed to the cook, Altiš-qallu, never reached him. He has already gone. I have herewith conveyed to you this tablet. Two speedy servants should try overtaking him; if they do not reach Altiš-qallu, they need to have this tablet reach its intended destination (in Qatna).

2.2.e.i.3.  Stationing. Warad-ilišu, chief musician on a mission to Yamḫad (see at 2.3.b.ii) sent Zimri-Lim FM 7 16 (A.2937; Durand 2002a: 42–43). The convoy of my lord is safe. On the day I convey this letter to my lord, I entered Ḫalab (Aleppo). Just after I entered Ḫalab, the couriers (dumu.meš lāsimī), servants of my lord who are stationed in Ḫalab, were given instruction and were sent to my lord.

2.2.e.i.4.  First contacts. Hammurabi of Aleppo sent A.186 (LAPO 18 1272; see Dossin 1937: 19) to his brother-in-law Zimri-Lim. 104 104.  This document was published early in Mari research and suggested a projected visit by the king of Ugarit. More likely, it has to do with diplomatic connections, perhaps in the aftermath of Zimri-Lim’s visit to Ugarit. The brief note has been translated often, and the cuneiform copy has appeared in Schaeffer 1939: 15.

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The ruler of Ugarit has written me this, “Show me the house of Zimri-Lim so I can meet him.” I am now sending you his servant.

2.2.e.i.5.  Listing.  Messengers served at the pleasure of their superiors (rulers and high officials) and were stationed at their convenience, as is clear from A.3889 (= B. Lafont 1997: 327), a memorandum that tracks where messengers are stationed: [. .]aršum, who conveyed tablets to Andarig, is now in Qattunan Šamaš-zanin, who conveyed tablets and dowry (nidittum) to Andarig, is now in Mari. 105 Iddin-Anu, who accompanied Šamaš-zanin to Andarig, is now in Qattunan.

2.2.e.i.6.  Complications.  Ḫasidanum writes ARM 5 38 (LAPO 16 326) to Yasmaḫ-​ Addu from the Karana region where he is posted, likely as district governor. The courier (mār bābil ṭuppim) at hand has been taken to Mari. Just now his son died and his grandson is young. My lord should consider that this youngster is indeed (too) young and has no guardian and so release (the courier).

2.2.e.ii.  Profusion of messages. The two letters presented below are edited by Charpin (1995: 50–54). They deal with the same matter: the king sought information about a person named Yaḫadum, who apparently lost a son to kidnappers. Instead, he got information about a Yadiḫ-abum. 106 2.2.e.ii.1.  Not found.  Kibri-Dagan of Terqa posted ARM 3 68 (LAPO 18: 1068) to the king. Regarding Yadiḫa-abum, a Saḫri man about whom my lord wrote to me, I promptly wrote to Yaqqim-Addu, giving him strict instruction. Yaqqim-Addu wrote to Yapaḫ-​Lim, a sheikh at Saḫri, and townsmen searched for this man by administering oaths wherever there was a town; but this man was not to be found. Now, the tablet that Yapaḫ-Lim conveyed to Yaqqim-Addu, Yaqqim-​Addu had it conveyed to me with urgency, telling me, “Send this letter to my lord so that he can hear it.” Now, then, my lord should hear this tablet: this man has not been found in Saḫri.

2.2.e.ii.2.  Wrong person.  Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum sent A.2435 (see Charpin 1995: 52–54) to the king. My lord wrote to me, “I have written you about Yaḫadum, [a Saḫri man], but you wrote to me about Yadiḫ-abum.” This is what my lord wrote to me. No (royal) courier ever came to me! Instead, two men from Terqa came to me to say, “Kibri-​ Dagan has sent us with urgency to you, saying, ‘Write to Saḫri for them to search for Yadiḫ-​abum, then send him to me’.” This is what they told me. Promptly, I sent 105.  Likely associated with the marriage of princess Inbatum to Atamrum, around ZL10. 106.  As discussed in Sasson 2002: 224–26, clarifying and righting the error required the exchange of (at least) nine tablets among several officials and the shuttling of many messengers to Terqa, Qattunan, and the king’s quarters. In addition, at least four lāsimū were entrusted with oral versions of the original request.

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Administration — 2.2.  Palace Officers two of my servants to Yapaḫ-Lim, the sheikh at Saḫri, and this man wrote to me, “I have surveyed the province, but there is no Yadiḫ-abum.” But I minded the oath of my lord; [the men?] did not pronounce Yaḫadum’s (name). Had they told me, “Convey to me the man whose son tribesman kidnapped,” I would have heeded the words . . . [Remaining lines lost].

2.2.e.iii.  Reliability.  SH.920 (ShA1 11 = Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 82–83). Samsi-​ Addu writes Kuwari, a vassal at Šusarra (Tell Shemshara) in the Rania Plains on the little Zab. Šikša(m)bum is a town that lies downstream of Šušarra. 107 The messenger from the Qutu-tribesmen who stays in Šikšambum came by to tell me this, “This is what Endušše, ruler of the Qutu, told me, ‘Should the army of my father (overlord) Samsi-Addu draw near Šikšambum, do not start a war! I would never sin against my father. If YOU are ordered to march out, do it; but if ordered (the opposite), stay!’” This is what he told me, but who knows whether their words are true or false? Maybe they devised these words among each other just when they saw the state of the city? Or maybe they were instructed from somewhere else, who knows? When I questioned him, however, he was able to give me details of those working for Warad-šarrim. As (further) sign, he told me about a necklace-ring I (once) gave Mutušu, the messenger. Moreover, he was able to describe the illness of Etellini, Mutušu’s colleague, who had fallen ill at Arrapḫum. He revealed to me the illness of this man. Because he was able to give me all these signs, I trusted their word. I questioned (the messenger) on news of Warad-šarrim, and he said, “When Endušše got his report, he said: ‘I will not advance to the border of Šušarra, in a country under my father’s control’.” This is what he told me. Warad-šarrim is bringing joyful news! Please know this.

2.2.e.iv.  Movements and Location 2.2.e.iv.1.  Shuttle of messengers. This note (ARM 6 14 = LAPO 16 384) from Baḫdi-​Lim of Mari is typical of many others posted by high officials to appraise the king of movements of messengers in and out of Mari; see Durand 1997a: 573–90 and ARM 6 19 at 2.1.a.v. The city Mari, the palace, and the district are in good order. A mission made up of messengers from Yamḫad and Qatna arrived here. Arriving from Yamḫad are Ibi-Satran, Yabanni-El and Utleštar (Utul-Ištar), three Babylonian messengers, 107.  Rulers can be suspicious of messengers they had not known. An official (Kuzuzzu) tries to reassure his lord, Mutiya (RATL 137:5–22 = L.87-1397; Eidem 2011: 212–13): “My lord wrote me this, ‘Are there no servants of yours that I recognize who are staying by you, for you to send to me 2 servants of yours I do not recognize?’ This is what my lord wrote to me. My servant Tirukka whom I sent to my lord, this man I rescued from jail in Šeḫna. He is a reliable servant of my lord. His own wife and son are living in my own house! I have never sent him (previously) to my lord, for my lord to recognize him. In the past, no servant of mine who had been in my lord’s presence was nearby; so I sent him from among the soldiers.”

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along with Samsu-Išar, the Yamḫadian messenger who is escorting them. They are heading toward Babylon. Heading toward Ekallatum are Sin-ilu, a messenger from Ekallatum and Zawdan, a man from Yamḫad who is escorting him. Yarpa-Addu, a Qatna messenger who is being sent to my lord, came here, but without an escort. I have now had one man join him as his escort and have sent him to my lord.

2.2.e.iv.2.  Mail stuck.  Kibri-Dagan of Terqa reports on an embarrassing situation (ARM 3 59 = LAPO 16 329). A letter from my lord that was to be taken to Karana for Iddiyatum, people from Ilum-muluk brought it to me (just) yesterday. On seeing it, I yelled, “Shocking, shocking!” I (also) said this, “How could you have kept a letter for my lord until now? ” I am just now having this letter and the men responsible for keeping the tablet until now taken to my lord.

2.2.e.iv.3.  Secret routes.  Samsi-Addu writes ARM 1 97 (LAPO 16 324) to his son, Yasmaḫ-Addu. I have listened to the tablet you sent me. After (hearing) this tablet of mine, [. . .] to me the 10, 000 army [. . .] you have sent this news to me, “Your tablets are taking separate roads.” Now, Mt. Hasam is (only) a couple of double-hours (“miles”) from Šubat-Enlil. Two of your fast couriers should take your tablets and move toward me at night through (Mt.) Hasam. Who will notice them? From Hasam, by heading to Šuda or Mammagira, they should make their way to me.

2.2.e.v.  Occupational hazard 2.2.e.v.1.  Captured in transit.  A.266 (= LAPO 16 298; Durand 1990d: 40). Ḫammi-​ šagiš, a merchant who doubled as diplomat, writes this note to the king: As he headed to Aleppo, from Imar the messenger from Elam sent two of his servants toward Qatna. Hammurabi (of Yamḫad) heard about it and sent (guards) to his frontier and they seized these men as they were returning. When they were interrogated about matters, they said, “The ruler of Qatna has sent us with the following message, ‘The land is yours to take. Come up! If you come up you cannot be defeated.’” These men are now being concealed in one village. Now, however, the ruler of Qatna has sent out two of his messengers to Elam, with [. . .] guiding them. My lord should give tough orders and write to the king of Babylon so that these men cannot come out (without being caught).

2.2.e.v.2.  Plundered in transit.  Sumḫu-rabi, governing Saggaratum in Zimri-Lim’s early years, writes ARM 2 123 (LAPO 16 415) to the king. Ili-iddinam, the messenger whom my lord had sent to Elaḫut (Eluḫut) and his escort Tuliš of Elaḫut, were leading 10 donkeys loaded with tiyaru-timber and a horse. These men were attacked between Bit-kapan and Bit-Yabani-ilum. They killed Ili-iddinam, four of his servants, and two nomads who were with him, as well

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Administration — 2.2.  Palace Officers as Tuliš of Elaḫut, together with five of his servants and a maidservant. They took away the 10 donkeys and the horse they were leading. From all these men, just two of my lord’s men and eight men from Elaḫut came out alive, but totally despoiled.

2.2.e.v.3.  Killed in transit.  Meptum, a merḫûm operating in the southern province (Suḫum), writes ARM 2 121 (LAPO 16 434) to the king. Four tablets of the sukkal of Susa (in) Elam were held by those that killed him (the messenger?). They were picked up during an engagement. I opened them (thinking), “Perhaps news of field or of country is recorded in these tablets. 108 (Were I to open them,) I can listen to them, write to my lord, and myself decide what to do.” But there was no news in them, whether about field or country. I am now conveying to my lord these tablets; my lord should listen to them.

2.2.f.  Diverse functionaries 2.2.f.i.  Scribes.  In the Mari records, the dub.sar (ṭupšarrum) seems to be an inclusive term, while dumu é.dub.ba seems more applicable to an accountant. Especially in the kitchen services, accounting seemed controlled by women scribes; see Ziegler 1999a: 106. 2.2.f.i.1.  Dictation.  Good scribes are raised for (if not also born into) the trade. 109 Scribes did not always fill a tablet directly from dictation, for they might not have brought along the right-size tablet. Rather, they took notes that they later reconstructed into a full text. Joannès (1985) has published several such memoranda, of which A.3625 is an example. (See Joannès 1987 for quasi duplicate M.13705.) It has no formal opening or closing. – About not meeting each other – About not sending a messenger – About the topic (with) the following, “I will write wherever I want to; but you need not write where you do not want to write” – About the topic not to write Ḫammurabi and Qarni-Lim during troubles – About the topic regarding the tribal chiefs (abbê ḫana) – About not keeping with you what is valuable – About not restoring sons of notables to the throne of their fathers’ house – About not writing to Ḫammurabi and Qarni-Lim.

2.2.f.i.2.  Blaming the messenger.  A.2701 (Charpin 1995: 3–4). Ḫulalum (obviously a secretary) writes to Yasmaḫ-Addu.

108.  “Field and country” may be a merismus for all things political. 109.  A high official declares in this excerpt from A.2671+ (Durand 1994a: 91 n. 21), “Now you (Ilušu-naṣir) are a scribe who is intelligent. Moreover, you grew up at the palace-gate since your youth.”

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Among the tablets that were brought to the king (Samsi-Addu) from Qatna, there was one tablet to be brought to my lord (Yasmaḫ-Addu). The messengers from Qatna erred on it and brought it to the king (Samsi-Addu). I opened it, and when I realized that it was written for my lord, I did not have the king listen to it. I am now having this tablet brought to my lord.

2.2.f.i.3.  Blaming the scribe. The merḫûm Ibal-pi-el writes A.427+ (Charpin 1995) to correct an error he attributed to a scribe. 110 Previously, when a tablet from Ḫamman (sheikh in Der) was sent to me, I had its information copied on a tablet then had it conveyed to my lord. Having reached Der, I looked into this matter: Bunuma-Addu did not capture Aparḫa; it is Ḫaduraḫa that Bunuma-Addu captured. The scribe who wrote Ḫamman’s tablet made a mistake. He wrote “Aparḫa” on a tablet and, without getting (it) rehearsed, encased it in a clay envelope. In no way was Aparḫa captured; Ḫaduraḫa he did indeed capture! (5 lines damaged, dealing with the concerns of the elders and people of Niḫriya.) The commoners of Zalmaqum have begun complaining. My lord is now aware. 111

2.2.f.ii.  Patrol chief.  Kaʾalalum writes ARM 26 106 to Zimri-Lim, jointly with Ḫali-​ḫadun, possibly the diviner. See also at 2.1.a.vii.1. It goes well for the city Mari, the palace, the temples, the workshops, and our guard-posts. Just before nighttime, 2 lions lay down by the fence of the main gate. The farmers of Abullatum (by Mari) and troops from hither and yon gathered, but they could (not) chase them away. We sent out nomads as . . . for protection. These nomads killed one lion; one was driven out. We are now sending to our lord ZikriLim, of Napsi-pil-El’s squad, who killed this lion. 112

2.3.  Notables (wedûtum) The king’s inner circle (pirištum, puzrum) includes trusted officials, kin, and some diviners. 113 It was not likely a fixed group but depended on the king’s whim. Advisers: 110.  In fact, he was shifting blame for the error; see Sasson 2002. Ḫamman was a sheikh in Der and Bunuma-​Addu ruled Niḫriya. For historical context, see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 230–31. 111. A diplomat (Yasim-ḫammu) corrects his error when he learns about it (ARM 26 384:2′′–6′′): “About the sukkal of Elam, I had heard from my sources and wrote to my lord, ‘The sukkal of Elam died.’ Now Elamite messengers came to Hammurabi (of Babylon) and said, ‘He is seriously ill’.” 112.  An administrative text, ARMT 25 143 (M.10522; see Guichard 1997b: 325–26), has this entry, “A silver ring, weighing 5 šekels, disbursement for Sam/ba[xx], a nomad who killed a lion [17.xii.ZL7].” This must be another case, as the names of the brave nomads differ. 113.  Likely from Yasmaḫ-Addu’s reign is an as yet unpublished administrative text (M.6845; Durand 1988a: 267–68; see Villard 1996: 51–54), with this note: “Total: 23 notables who sat in council (pirištum) before the king.” Durand also cites there a passage from a broken text (no museum number given) with the following complaint, “They got very angry and said, ‘Why are you distancing us from our lord’s council?’ My lord should inscribe on a tablet a list of men, his

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several times (for one example, see A.158 at 2.1.c.ii.1), officials beg Zimri-Lim to create a list of such advisers—if only for them to know with whom to share a secret. He likely was too prudent to oblige. 2.3.a.  Private secretary to the king. 114  Šunuḫra-ḫalu is Zimri-Lim’s private secretary, about whom see Sasson 1988. 115 The influence of the king’s private secretary was immense: he shuttled (or throttled) correspondence between individuals and the king. 116 It is difficult to say whether such powerful officials began their careers as scribes or were trustworthy personalities who knew how to read. It is also possible that their position had little to do with the art of writing and more to do with their reputation for prudence and wisdom, but above all for loyalty. 2.3.a.i.  Influence.  Ḫabdu-malik, a šukallum (in Mari, an adviser to the king), writes ARM 26 396 to Šunuḫra-ḫalu. About reports to the king: You are the one to read them out; no one else ever gets to read them out. I have therefore not sent you a copy of a letter to the king. However, I am now conveying for the second time a letter to the king and to you. I will write promptly. Listen to this tablet and if appropriate have the king listen to it.

2.3.a.ii.  Benevolence.  Šunuḫra-ḫalu is in a position to do and seek favors. 2.3.a.ii.1.  Šadum-labua of Ašnakkum writes ARM 28 108 to Šunuḫra-ḫalu. servants, who hear (discussion) in council.” Occasionally, puzrum is used, both terms referring to classified conversations or information. Diviners especially took oaths to keep inquiries from the kings secret. Messengers too, especially those who carried oral communications, must also pledge confidentiality. Išme-Dagan wrote ARM 4 80:5′–13′ (LAPO 17 729) to his brother, from which this advice is excerpted: “The bearers of these tablets of mine must not broadcast news from this land here to that land there. I am now sending you a ‘small tablet’ along with this tablet of mine. Listen to this tablet and those servants who are now there—Etellum, Asirum, Šumšu-Liter, Mutupi-nari, and Mutu-ḫadqim—should hear (it) also. As to my tablet, Išar-Lim and Appan-El should hear it. I have sent you this tablet at the close of 12 Addaru (viii).” On the “small tablet,” see especially FM 7 45 at 1.6.b.iii. 114.  The term for this position is not known (at least to me). Perhaps it was dub.sar sakakkim; see especially ARM 28 163 (see at 4.4.b). 115.  He is well represented in this volume, at 1.6.b.iii, among others (FM 7 45), 5.4.d.i.4 (FM 7 52), 5.6.c.i (ARM 14 11), and 5.6.e (FM 7 50). 116.  Yassi-Dagan, an influential general, opens his letter to Šunuḫra-ḫalu with this gripe (A.4215:3–10 = LAPO 16 65; cited from Durand 1991: 57–58), “Whatever news that I observe, I forward it in detail to the king. Yet, should a tablet from the king come to me (it is to) say, ‘Because (the time) for travel is nearing, I did not write you in detail.’ Either when the king sent a tablet to me or when (he wrote) to Hammurabi, he (forwarded) a copy to me, so as not to have (anything) to argue. . . .” The letter continues with (difficult to decipher) charges of neglect. Šadum-labua of Ašnakkum once opened a note to Šunuḫra-ḫalu (ARM 28 109:5–8) with this sentiment, “When I once stayed in Mari by my lord (Zimri-Lim)—you being my friend, a fighter by my side—I experienced your importance: All that you said before my lord was approved; nothing could pass without your order.” A note from Laʾum, counselor to Yasmaḫ-Addu, reports a query: “(If the previous secretary leaves,) who might serve at the palace gate to traffic the queries that I have? ” (A.2674:18–20; Villard 2001: 27 n. 132).

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I am well. Send me news of your welfare. Another matter: Send me the scented oil that I like to daub on myself: cypress oil. As for you, write me whatever you desire and I will convey it to you.

2.3.a.ii.2.  Yarim-Addu, ambassador to Babylon, labels himself “son” when writing ARM 26 374 to Šunuḫra-ḫalu. This text was sent on the eve of Babylon’s capture (with its Mari ally) of Larsa (ZL 12). On a couple of occasions, my father has written me harsh notes. From now on, he must not write me such harsh notes. Whatever my father requests of me (. . .), I will fulfill my father’s request. As to the fact that I am tardy, my father must not be annoyed with me. A cook that my father will be pleased to see has just been bought in Babylon; but I have not yet bought a brewer. I will acquire all that my father desires as soon as Larsa is taken. My father should think of me favorably. 117

2.3.a.ii.3.  Yamṣum, Zimri-Lim’s diplomat in Ilanṣura, posted this note (ARM 26 335) to a “friend” (likely Šunuḫra-ḫalu). You wrote to me about a bull for your sacrifice. Just after (sending) this tablet of mine, I shall have a bull directed to you. The bull that I will have directed to you is a gift for you. May you be the one to take up my cause (lit., “guard my back”) in the palace! Please, promptly send off my messenger, bearer of my tablets, to the king without detaining him (rest damaged).

2.3.a.iii.  Intercession.  Several of Zimri-Lim’s daughters married to vassals wrote directly to Šunuḫra-ḫalu asking for his intercession with the king. 2.3.a.iii.1.  Beltum (possibly a title, “the Lady,” rather than name) writes ARM 10 29+ (LAPO 18 1233) to Šunuḫra-ḫalu. If so, she may have been Inbatum, a Mari princess married to Atamrum of Andarig. I have seen the general. Together with my female companions, I have proceeded toward the caserns, thinking, “I want to reach my ‘star’ and Šunuḫra-ḫalu, my son.” But since they confined Sin-ašared (an officer of Atamrum) within town, he wrote to the village the following, “I fear that they may turn back my wives.” He (Atamrum?) brought in his wife and initial sons in preference to my own household and of your (Zimri-Lim’s) young servants. To me, he shows no affection, having failed to provide me with a servant girl to wash my feet. All my companions (“sisters”) are now bereft of their servant girls and implements. So I thought, “I must grab just one frock and get to the house of my father and ‘star.’” Therefore, please give strict orders to the general for him not to neglect my case. Further, as soon as you hear about my journey, send a young servant toward me. 117.  This note is excerpted from a letter (ARM 26 340:16–29) Yamṣum, Zimri-Lim’s envoy to Ilanṣura, wrote to his friend Šunuḫra-ḫalu, “You wrote to me, ‘Convey to me a good pair of boots that you find.’ I have spotted a pair, but they are too small. If in truth just now a messenger of yours is departing (toward here), convey to me (an impression) of your feet and I will have a fine pair of boots made for you. Write to me about your needs. Do promptly send (back) the bearers of my tablets; they should not be detained.” Worth noting is the availability of prefabricated boots.

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2.3.a.iii.2.  Inib-šarri (see examples at 1.8.c.i) writes a few notes to Šunuḫra-ḫalu, asking him to intercede on her behalf, among them ARM 10 78 = LAPO 18 1248. 118 I was very happy to hear the letter you sent me. May the goddess Belet-ekallim protect you in your post, but do please give favorable accounts of my messages before the king. Am I not living in another country? Why then is news of your well-being not regularly (reaching) me? Well, regarding the vintner about whom you wrote me: before . . . and before your own (reached me), he himself had departed already and he came here on his own accord. Be happy. Well, regarding the matter of Ḫaldu-muluk’s household about whom you wrote me: you should place them under your care. This house is your house.

2.3.b.  Diviner (bārûm, máš.šu.gìd.gìd). 119  More than three dozen diviners are known by name from the Mari archives (Durand 1988a: 231–56), ten among them from the reign of Yasmaḫ-Addu, and a couple for Yaminite leaders. The reasons for this multiplicity are many, not least among them the necessity of having diviners in crucial districts and accompanying armies on campaigns. As did other bureaucrats, a handful continued at their post despite the change on the throne. Asqudum is the best known among these. 2.3.b.i.  Asqudum (“Rodent”) was a capable and resourceful person, able to corral the trust of his kings. He was, therefore, much feared. The opinion of his peers was not flattering. 120 His death is reported in ARM 14 4 at 6.7.a.ii.1. 2.3.b.i.1.  Personality 2.3.b.i.1a.  Slanderer.  Laʾum, a major official in the court of Yasmaḫ-Addu, writes ARM 26 4 to his king. The diviner Asqudum has just come here from being with the king (Samsi-Addu). Whatever he said, he said plenty. I was told that he slandered me, Sin-iddinam, and 118.  Another letter between the same correspondents is ARM 10 79; see at 6.7.b.i. 119.  See below (at 5.7.a) for more about divination and diviners. 120.  His story is nicely told in Charpin 2011. Asqudum came to Mari as a diviner imported from Ekallatum in the days of Yasmaḫ-Addu. For an outsider, Asqudum had prospered nicely, even marrying a daughter of a deposed king, Yaḫdun-Lim; see ARM 26 84 at 5.2.c.i, a letter from this period. Such unions with ex-nobility allowed reigning monarchs—often usurpers with little respect for the fallen dynasty—to reward mid-level careerists without bringing them too close to the ruling family. Asqudum, however, was a survivalist, and his fortunes soared on the accession of Zimri-Lim, for he was now married to a sister (full or otherwise) of the new king. In those days of revolving thrones, mid-rank administrators generally retained their posts even as their patrons lost their heads. He had Bannum, a formidable Simʾal leader, as opponent, but he outlived him. There is discussion on whether our records also deal with a separate Asqudum, the other being a merchant. Durand, who had once launched the theory of two Asqudums, himself seems to have fudged on his position: compare his statements in Durand 2000: 190 and 239. Lion (2001: 148–49 n. 38) recognizes the existence of just one major player named Asqudum. I do, too.

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Šamaš-tillassu. No one is safe in his hands. When I arrive before my lord, I will lay a full report before my lord.

2.3.b.i.1b.  Conniver.  Bannum sends to the king one of the most vitriolic letters (ARM 26 5) in the archives. See also ARM 26 6 at 2.1.b.i. Can it be right that Asqudum keeps laying out before you offensive notions and that you constantly listen to his words? When you were set to go on a campaign and for seven days you occupied the “collars” in Dagan’s temple, you left me in Mari, instructing me as follows, “As I am ready to rise from the ‘collars,’ come over to me in Terqa.” 121 This is what you indeed told me! But as I lingered in Mari, Asqudum told you offensive words; yet you appointed him as sheikh in Ḫišamta. Once again he deceived you with words; yet you appointed Enlil-ipuš as majordomo over (your) house in Ḫišamta. When I reached Saggaratum and kept on hearing these things, protesting to high heaven (lit., shouting “I am being robbed!”), I confronted you, saying, “How could you appoint a man from Ekallatum as sheikh in Ḫišamta and have already appointed Enlil-ipuš as majordomo (there)? ” This is what I told you and, expelling this man, as majordomo I installed Belšunu your servant, a man fattening like a hog—you can butcher him and no one will stay your hand! 122 Asqudum is my (war) captive; he is making odious plans. You should really appoint to posts servants that you will not end up embittering my lord and the Simʾal tribesmen. Look how this man’s mind (“ears”) is set toward evil and how with evil intent odiously he converses with my lord. He is already appointing Išme-Dagan’s former servants as functionaries. 123 Upon learning this matter, Išme-Dagan will rejoice greatly, thinking, “My former servants will run affairs; they will manage a change of allegiance for this land—and it will not cost me a morsel!” My lord must not welcome any words of this man. Because this man will not hesitate to create obstacles for the palace, my lord ought not desire him. This man is horrid. There are reliable diviners serving my lord; these men are Simʾal tribesmen, and they are devoted to my lord. My lord should have this man led to me. If not, I shall have this man’s household as well as that of Ḫali-ḫadun consigned to the palace. This man must arrive here promptly. Furthermore, when my lord went out from Saggaratum, he told you this, “I am ill, without a trustworthy man, the luggage of my lord was left in Saggaratum.” Actually, what luggage of my lord was left at that time in Saggaratum because of the lack of porters? Another matter: Was it nice of Sumu-ḫadum that he wrote to my lord this: “I myself have seized tablets of Samsi-Addu (a Yaminite leader).” Who is this servant of his who seized these tablets, brought them to me and I did not give (him) a gift? The servants of Sumu-ḫadum did not take these tablets and I did not give them any 121.  The religious act, in which the king stays in some segment of Dagan’s temple for a long period, is mentioned in other documents but remains obscure; see Durand 2011a: 161–62. Heimpel (2003: 178) connects with the bīt rimki ablution rituals that included passing through 7 huts. 122.  Bannum, evidently a very coarse personality, is insulting a person he himself is appointing. The contrast is with a man so loyal as to accept being butchered. 123.  Išme-Dagan, a surviving brother of Yasmaḫ-Addu, was a foe of Zimri-Lim.

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Administration — 2.3.  Notables (wedûtum) gifts. Had there been bloodshed. . . . See how much this man’s evil and unseemly words he has (directed) toward my lord. My lord should know this. 124 Another matter: 200 sheep of Zu-ḫadnum that toward evening were being led to you were indeed concealed. I seized these sheep and I am guarding them until your trip here. When you come, you will hear a report about these sheep.

2.3.b.i.1c.  Self-Justification.  Asqudum writes ARM 26 74 to Yassi-Dagan (see A.2993+ at 1.3.e.ii.1). Ironically enough, Yassi-Dagan was the son of Laʾum and brother of Sammetar, Zimri-Lim’s adviser. I have heard the tablet you have sent to me. You said, “People from Mišlan approached the king with the complaint, ‘Asqudum is holding (our land)’.” Much as a dog does not covet gold, I myself do not covet their field or (anything belonging) to them. As to you, why are you making problems before the king? You know well how unruly are their people. Now then, about the fields in Zarri on which you wrote me. Ṣura-ḫammu is now with the king and speaks (to him) whatever is on his mind. He has now accepted half of what is in the storeroom of the Fresco Court just for the asking!

2.3.b.i.1d.  Locating a home.  Bannum writes to Asqudum ARM 26 7, likely very early in Zimri-Lim’s reign. He is either not yet Asqudum’s mortal enemy or (more likely) avoiding direct confrontation. I have heard all the tablets you have sent me. You wrote, “I have taken omens on the welfare of the district. My results are (good/bad): ‘The foot of the enemy is. . . .’ Have omens taken for Terqa, Saggaratum, and Dur-Yaḫdullim during a specific interval (“day”) or for a full month.” I have had omens taken. The sheep about which you wrote will reach you within three days. Another matter: Regarding your house about which you wrote me: in the past you told me, “I have retained two houses; I shall keep the attractive one for me and will release the other.” This is what you told me. Now then, you should occupy whatever house pleases you. No one will draw near it (to claim it). 125

2.3.b.i.2.  Asqudum’s activities.  See also: Securing Šiptu as Zimri-Lim’s bride (several letters at 1.7.b); Identifying a vow (ARM 26 84, see at 5.2.c.i); Viability of dreams (ARM 26 82; see at 5.7.d.i.1); Eclipse of the moon (ARM 26 81; see at 5.7.e.ii); Movements of ants (note to ARM 26 242; see at 5.7.e.i); Shenanigans (ARM 26 488:29–41; see at 5.8.d.ii). 2.3.b.i.2a.  Diplomat.  Zimri-Lim posted ARM 26 25, mostly to alert Asqudum about pending negotiations with Qatna. The interesting tidbit here is a piggy-backed copy of a letter posted to the king of Qatna, introduced after a line drawn on the tablet. 124.  On this matter, see note to A.6182 (LAPO 16 51), at 1.1.f.i. 125.  In fact, Asqudum got to live in a private house so sumptuous that it was once the home of Yasmaḫ-Addu as his father was setting him to rule Mari. Some 150 documents belonging to Asqudum’s private archives were found there. After Asqudum’s death (see below), the house became Queen Šiptu’s, who was eager to move out of the confining main palace.

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We do not have the original that Zimri-Lim posted to Amut-pi-El; but we likely have an answer to it in ARM 28 14, so I offer it as well at 2.3.b.i.2b. In accordance with the message you sent me, “The month of Kinunum (vii) is about to end, but the army will march upstream to meet with you at the beginning of the month of Dagan (viii).” You must in no way delay from the schedule you have sent me. I am having copied and herein posting to you a copy of a letter that I have conveyed to Amut-pi-El (of Qatna). Listen to it and bring its news to Amutpi-El’s attention. Tell Amut-pi-El, so says Zimri-Lim, your brother. (About) your messenger that you have sent to Ešnunna and about whom have written me as follows, “Assign protectors for him to take him safely to Ešnunna.” This is what you wrote me. I have confined your messenger by me. As the adage has it [5 lines missing], “. . . you would be sending this man . . . into the fire.” He [the king of Ešnunna] has thoroughly intimidated those messengers of Yarim-Lim who came here, by saying, “Why did he not give me the urnu-wood that I asked of him? ” He treated them as must not be done. For this reason, I have kept your messenger and have promptly sent you a full report. Now then, send me a full report whatever your decision as suits your consultation. Until an answer to my letter reaches me, I am keeping your messenger with me. Another matter: You are invited to the “cadavers of Dagan” (pagrāʾum) sacrifices and those for Ištar. Come. 126

2.3.b.i.2b.  As it happens, ARM 28 14 is Amut-pi-El’s answer to Zimri-Lim’s note, insisting that his messenger be released to complete his journey. 127 You wrote me the following about the messenger I sent to the king of Ešnunna, “I have kept him with me; your previous messenger was put to death. Should we cast into the fire this one as well? ” This is what you wrote. What have I done to the king of Ešnunna and how did I offend him? What have I taken from him? Following your suggestion, I conferred with my servants: his mission is fine. If he is to be kept alive, let him be kept alive. But if he is to be put to death, let him be put to death. He would be offering himself for his land and kinfolk. 128 Let any other king who would send his messenger to Ešnunna learn from my example. As for you, send your messenger along with mine to lead him safely to Ešnunna. By these acts, I shall experience you as brother and friend.

126.  For messengers getting caught between warring parties, there are notices embedded in a report by Yasim-Ḫammu (a diplomat) following Hammurabi’s victory over Rim-Sin of Larsa (Babylon): “The messengers from the king of Ešnunna were led away from the town in which we (the delegates) lived and were brought and guarded in some village. At the outskirts of Larsa, Hammurabi caught up with Yaḫṣur-Addu and his colleague—messengers sent from the king of Qatna to Rim-Sin (of Larsa)—and had them taken to Babylon” (ARM 26 383:13′–21′). 127.  Noteworthy here is the seemingly cavalier attitude toward dangers that accompany a messenger. Amut-pi-El is likely being sarcastic, hardly veiling his annoyance. 128.  This injection of patriotism is a startling notion.

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2.3.b.i.2c.  Purchasing agent.  Asqudum reports (ARM 26 22) on his understanding of what the palace needs to be purchased abroad. Because before I left (Mari), my lord was preoccupied, he did not instruct me on what palace needs to procure. Now, a tablet from my lord has reached me in Manuḫattan on the needed (objects) to procure. What my lord has written me is very fine. When I do travel, I travel (in search) for needed items not available; so I will procure all the needed items about which my lord wrote to me. I will keep hold of the small boats for 10 days in Imar. If Yarim-Lim (of Yamḫad) gives me promptly all that my lord needs—so until he makes all the needed items reach (Imar)—I will keep hold of these small boats. I will also hire small boats and (large) Imar boats and will procure whatever is available to me for my lord’s needs (including) cedar, cypress, elamakkum-wood, boxwood, copper and lead. Or else, should Yarim-Lim be delayed in delivering the necessities, I shall load on small boats and send what oil I can purchase for 1 mana of silver. As it concerns a (possible) shortage of funds about which my lord wrote to me, “Write to me and they will convey it to you”—if funds are short, I will simply borrow (money) from merchants I meet. Too many days will have passed (uselessly) should I write my lord for money.

2.3.b.ii.  Other diviners 2.3.b.ii.1.  Kvetching.  Šamaš-(ḫ)inaya sent this lachrymose letter (ARM 26 145) to the king. When I met with my lord, I told my lord nothing about my grief. “Go out,” I was told. I left and did not get to tell my lord about myself. I am not in possession of a field. Officers should be instructed to give me a field so as not to starve. Another matter: In the district where I now live, I am not given either a diviner (as acolyte) or pigeons. 129 As I have once or twice (already) annoyed my lord, sooner or later— God forbid—there will be a fault. My lord must know. The district is in good order; Der (by the Baliḫ) is safe. 130

2.3.b.ii.2.  Touching the forehead.  Išḫi-Addu sent ARM 26 114 to Zimri-Lim. Touching the forehead before taking the omens links them to the object of inquiry; see Durand 1988a: 39–41. 131 Dadi-ḫadnu came here, having entrusted this (military) mission to his merḫûm (tribal commander). I took omens (after) I smeared the forehead of the merḫûm.

129.  Birds were needed for divination and sacrifices, as in FM 6 20, at 5.3.d.ii.1. 130.  Šamaš-(ḫ)inaya has others also working on his behalf. Ḫamman of Der writes ARM 26 146:12–22, “Another matter: Šamaš-(ḫ)inaya has taken omens (for the period) to the end of the month. They are favorable. Daily does Šamaš-(ḫ)inaya whine about a field, ‘Let me go! I want to request a field from my lord.’ On hearing this tablet of mine, my lord must give a field to Šamaš-​(ḫ)inaya; his household must not starve.” Ḫamman’s point is that he cannot afford to let his diviner go to Mari to make his appeal. 131.  When persons for whom omens are taken are not there to be smeared, symbolic representations can be substituted, as in OBTR 65, at 5.7.a.vi.4a.

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My omens were favorable. I am sending this tablet to my lord. I have just now sent out the mission and it has gone out.

2.3.b.ii.3.  Omen for a commoner.  Diviner Ibbi-Amurrum writes ARM 26 109 to another diviner, Šamaš-in-matim, as “your son.” As divination was practiced in the family, they were probably father and son. In (examining) organs on a sacrifice by a commoner (muškēnum): The heart-lung segment had a pronounced dark spot on the right and left; in the core of the heart, its septum (“wall”) reached its top. In fact, the dark spot was as dark as a ḫuduššumstone. I am herewith sending (you) these omens. Pay particular attention to them.

2.3.b.ii.4.  Saved from drowning.  Ibal-pi-El (not likely the same person as the merḫûm by that name), writes ARM 26 108 to Yasmaḫ-Addu. 132 May Dagan and Addu, my lord’s personal god, have him in kingship for many years. I am well, having succeeded in saving myself in a boat. May the god of my lord protect me. As my lord has written me, I am protecting myself. Through a divinatory process, I have ascertained for my lord a great reputation (“name”).

2.3.b.ii.5.  Some favorable, some not.  Išḫi-Addu posted these two notes to Zimri-Lim; both likely deal with the same mission. 133 [2.3.b.ii.5a. ARM 26 112] In accordance with my lord’s letter, I took omens on the (river) crossing of the aštalêtum (women) singers. They were discarded—they were not favorable. I (also) took omens for Yasmaḫ-Addu and Ušaraš-ḫetil; they were favorable, so I have sent them (the two men) on. On the same day as I post this tablet of mine to my lord, cattle, sheep, and female donkeys reached Imar. They are all in good shape. 134 [2.3.b.ii.5b. ARM 26 122 = ARM 2 134 = LAPO 18 957] Ibbi-Amurru and I matched omens for Warad-ilišu’s trip via the left bank: they were unfavorable. I am having these omens sent to my lord. My lord should pay careful attention to these omens. Now if my lord orders (it), I can take (omens) on whether the young women might board a boat. Or else, my lord could send me escort troops that might 132.  Ship travel and diviners do not seem to agree with each other; see ARM 14 4 above, at 6.7.a.ii.1. 133.  Ziegler (2007: 172–75) has assessed the dossier for this trip that had to do with plans to acquire Alaḫtum; see FM 7 36 at 1.3.e.iv and below at 2.3.c.iii. Išḫi-Addu, I am sad to report, died while doing his duty. An unknown writer alerts Zimri-Lim (M.11371:4′–13′; see Durand 1988a: 243–44), “I sent to . . . Naḫimam and Išḫi-Addu. Together with security guards, they came near the enemy. With a heavy force, the enemy. . . . Naḫimam, Išḫi-Addu and about 10 other men that were (too) heavy footed when going to prospect were killed. . . .” 134.  The chief-musician Warad-ilišu writes FM 7 23 (M.14769; Durand 2002a: 57) to the king, “On the voyage of Yasmaḫ-Addu about which my lord wrote me, I have had omens taken. His omens are favorable. On the omens being favorable, along with Yasmaḫ-Addu, Ušariš-ḫetil, and Šamaš-​lamassu—one of the Mari citizens—I have assigned here a man from Ganibatum to navigate their boat. On the young aštalêtum songstresses (rest damaged). . . .”

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Administration — 2.3.  Notables (wedûtum) take them until Imar. Should my lord send (them) to me, I can take (omens). My lord should advise me one way or another.

2.3.b.ii.6.  Grab him!  General Mut(u)-bisir writes ARM 26 138 to Yasmaḫ-Addu. The diviner Naram-Sin is staying in Rapiqum. This man is very accomplished in divination and should be taken into the service of my lord. Before the king (Samsi-​ Addu) orders to grab him, my lord should write to have him sent to my lord so as to serve him.

2.3.c.  Chief musician (nargallum, nar.gal). 135  As is true in all cultures, past and present, music plays a major role. From the Mari archives, we know about it best when associated with the palace. Especially during the rule of Yasmaḫ-Addu, musicians were well compensated. 136 Possibly because the Mari of his days was deemed especially welcoming, musicians often escaped other parts of the kingdom to make their ways to his palace. 137 Zimri-Lim was well aware of the value of a handsome, well-trained songstress. Captured women, if attractive or talented, were trained to 135.  See also at 6.3.a.iv, on palace entertainment. Music and those who practice it are the objects of an excellent study (Ziegler 2007), from which a majority of the examples below is culled. She provides a very nice overview in Ziegler 2011. 136.  Yasmaḫ-Addu spoke Akkadian rather than Amorite (A.3823; see Ziegler and Charpin 2007: 60–62) and his cultivated taste (especially his investment in it) earned him scathing dia­ tribes from his father (see under 1.1.c). The dossier on Ibbi-Ilabrat, who writes fawningly to Samsi-​Addu in Šubat-Enlil (FM 9 35; Ziegler 2007: 157–58), is less respectful when addressing Yasmaḫ-Addu (FM 9 33 = ARM 5 76 = LAPO 16 10). He lectures the king for keeping two music specialists when his father has none and then demands worthy garments. During Yasmaḫ-Addu’s reign, Ur-samana was chief land assessor. His Sumerian name was likely a nom de profession, betraying his attachment to the scribal arts. He writes ARM 5 73:3′–19′ (LAPO 17 763), in which he takes up the cause of another learned colleague, “Once Nanna-​ mansum came to be trained, having learned well the art of music, I have had him meet with my lord. My lord ordered that a house be given to him, but he was not given (one). My lord should write to have a house assigned to him. Because he planned to go to Mari, his kinfolk (“brothers”) have launched a suit against him, disputing (the claim to) his house. His kinfolk are many, having been resettled in Mari. In fact, they were in control of field and houses in the Heartland. They do not perform their required service, yet they dispute him. Wherever he is, my lord must resolve his servant’s problem so they do not dispute him his house.” Ziegler (2007: 259) speculates that Nanna-mansum may have enlivened wedding processions. “Heartland” is libbi mātim and can be distinguished from the “Upper Country” and “Bank of the Euphrates,” as two other areas designated by topographic rather than political terminology; see Ziegler 2014b. 137.  Here are two examples, both posted by Samsi-Addu to Yasmaḫ-Addu: 1. [FM 9 73 (ARM 2 4 = LAPO 16 11; Ziegler 2007: 290] “The musician Sin-iqišam, the bath-keeper (barber) from Ešnunna, Gurruru, and Ṣillaya—these 3 men were in Talḫayum and have met with me. Just now, they have managed to escape with their family in your direction. On listening to this tablet of mine, bind these men, reinforce their guards, and have them led to me in Šubat-Enlil.” 2. [FM 9 57 (ARM 1 63+ = LAPO 16 13; Ziegler 2007: 234–5)] “Aḫum, Tir-Ea, and Lipit-Enlil son of Ili-etar took lēʾum musical instruments (made of wood) and escaped. If they are headed toward you, bind them and have them brought to me. But if they do not

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be part of an orchestra or chorus; see ARM 1 64 at 1.3.a.i.2 and ARM 10 125, 126 at 1.3.a.iii.1. 138 At Mari, music was practiced in several languages, not necessarily understood by listeners, as is the case for opera audiences today. The security officer Manatan has this announcement (FM 3 143 = M. 5117; see Ozan 1997: 296–97). Everything is well in Mari: palace, temples, work-houses, and guard-posts. A delegation has come from Hazor (including) Ibni-Addu, a servant of my lord, and Ḫabdi-Eraḫ, a man from Hazor, his escort, with 3 Amorite (male) musicians for my lord accompanying him. As well, Yarpa-Addu and Kibsi-Addu—2 men from Qatna—have reached Mari. 139

2.3.c.i.  Rišiya served Yasmaḫ-Addu loyally, for the king supported and defended him. He kept his post under Zimri-Lim and, together with Asqudum, concluded negotiation for Zimri-Lim acquiring Šiptu as bride; see above under 1.7.b. 2.3.c.i.1.  Sworn to loyalty.  Because musicians have sensitive assignment within the king’s harem, they are among other officials who are administered loyalty oaths; examples at 1.1.f.i. 2.3.c.i.2.  The death of music.  Samsi-Addu writes this note (FM 9 13 = M.6851; Ziegler 2007: 100–2) to his son, introducing us to one of the major musicians of the period, Rišiya. You have appointed as Kapellmeister (Chief music-maker), Rišiya the musician, who cannot maintain a baddum. Music is now dead in Mari! Come on now: appoint instead Gumul-Dagan as Kapellmeister, over his Mari colleagues. Or appoint for him Ilšu-ibbišu, who is not (yet) ready for the post.

2.3.c.i.3.  Slander. 140  Rišiya writes Yasmaḫ-Addu FM 9 16 (A.4466; Ziegler 2007: 106–8) to defend his reputation; see also FM 9 17 at 6.3.b.v.3. come to you, they may have headed to Yamḫad or Qatna. Set up strong patrols for these men to be seized and brought to me.” There is a follow-up on this note, published as FM 9 58. “About Lipit-Enlil son of Ili-etar, I have sent a sealed order to. . . , saying, ‘Lead him to me. He must be brought here.’ I have written to you, yet you have not had this man led to me. As soon as you hear this message, you must put manacles on Lipit-Enlil. Set five men on him and have them lead him to me.” 138.  Musicians, then as now, could be exploited. A.597:6–13 (Ziegler 2007: 30) is an extract from a note Zimri-Lim sent to Governor Itur-asdu in Naḫur, “Baliya, whom Hammurabi (of Kurda) gave to Šarraya of Eluḫut, is not compensated. He is now set to leave and come to me. Come to an agreement with three men from Ḫurra to lead him to you by giving (each of) them 1 to 2 šekels of silver, and then have him brought to me.” Two other notes tell us how happy he was to hear the news, how his trip was delayed for health reasons, and how he made his way to Naḫur. 139.  Zimri-Lim promises (FM 9 41) to send to Hazor three young women termed aštalêtum, possibly referring to their training stage rather than to their musical expertise. Their expertise is mentioned in a note (ARM 13 22 = LAPO 16 262), cited at 2.2.d.v.1. 140.  Slander and justification are the products of courtly life, examples of which are well represented in the Mari archives; see Sasson 2012 and below at 6.3.b.

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Administration — 2.3.  Notables (wedûtum) Because Gumul-Dagan and Imgur-Šamaš without cause have slandered me to the king (Samsi-Addu), I have already disclosed before my lord plans about my travel, saying, “I must go and explain myself before the king.” This is what I told the king. So, it is on his order that I planned to leave (Mari). But now my lord said, “In his resentment, Rišiya might say something about Ilšu-ibbišu (before the king).” May I be brought out as a clown should I say or place on my lips any words that are in my heart. Have I not pledged loyalty to my lord? 141 My lord must not worry about these matters. I am going because of Gumul-Dagan and Imgur-Šamaš, exactly as I told my lord.

2.3.c.ii.  Ilšu-ibbišu has already been mentioned above as a potential rival to Rišiya. In this letter to Yasmaḫ-Addu (FM 9 51 = A.3115; Ziegler 2007: 215–17), he proves to be a fine kvetcher. I had spoken to my lord about a field and my lord answered me, “I will look into the house of Sin-iddinam and give this house to you.” 142 I worry lest someone (else) requests it from my lord. My lord knows that I do not own a field. My lord should write about a field or an orchard for it to be given to me. My household now goes hungry while I agonize in being a (musical) trainer. Day and night in the (music) workshop, what I hear is an enenuru-incantation for your health and is good for you. Yet my lord knows how no one is taking care of me. My lord has spoken about an allotment but has not delivered (it) to me. Now my lord should convey to me the money he has promised me. A Yaminite woman (marmitum), your gift, is old, what ⟨is her worth?⟩. If it suits my lord, he should promptly convey money to me.

2.3.c.iii.  Warad-ilišu rose to his major post as chief musician under Zimri-Lim. 143 At 1.3.a.iii.1 (ARM 10 125, 126), he is to train attractive captive women for music making. 144 He offered an ox (albeit a sickly one) as his gift to the king (ARMT 13 25 at 1.3.d.ii.2). A trusted official, Warad-ilišu is commissioned twice to make voyages to Yamḫad. The first (at ZL5′ and 6′) had him deliver a statue that Zimri-Lim dedicated to Addu of Aleppo, about which see below at 5.4.c. (FM 7 17). 145 The second mission to Yamḫad took place about 5 years later, occupying almost five months. Warad-ilišu plays a central role in extracting Zimri-Lim from a diplomatic mess created when he tried to acquire Alaḫtum; see below at 1.3.e.iv (FM 7 36). From FM 9 45 and 46, we learn that Warad-ilišu delivered (as partial payment for Alaḫtum or as a gift) flocks, but also Yaminite songstresses, no doubt prized for their talents. 146 141.  Literally, “held the corner of my lord’s (garment).” 142.  Sin-iddinam, a high official, was being assigned elsewhere, and he vacated field and property. 143.  Nice compilation of attestations in the administrative texts covering almost the entire reign of Zimri-Lim is in Durand 2002a: 30–31, with a fuller version in Ziegler 2007: 176–79. 144.  Captured women, if attractive or talented, were trained to be part of an orchestra or chorus; see 1.3.a.i.2. (ARM 1 64) and 1.3.a.iii.1 (ARM 10 125, 126). 145.  This trip did not begin auspiciously, as we learn from a note (FM 7 11) cited at 6.6.a.ii.3b. 146.  Yasmaḫ-Addu, a messenger from Yamḫad, writes FM 9 46:5–12 (M.10739; Ziegler 2007: 196–99) to Zimri-Lim, “I have listened to the tablet of my lord. My lord wrote this to me, ‘I had earlier written to Hammurabi (of Yamḫad) saying, “The young songstresses I am giving you are

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2.3.c.iii.1.  Opinion.  Warad-Ilišu posts to Zimri-Lim FM 9 43 (A.1185; Ziegler 2007: 190–91). The (musical) instrument (with ornaments) of gold about which my lord has given me instruction: I have received (the gold) and I am giving this instrument to the jewelers for encrustation. Another matter: About the leʾum-instrument; previously, my lord consulted with me, asking, “Which leʾum is better: that made of išum (ebony?) or of elammakkum wood? ” This is what I answered my lord: “A leʾum made of elammakkum wood is better than one of išum.” Now my lord must write me one way or another, whether it is the leʾum of išum or of elammakkum that should be encrusted, so that whichever leʾum I am to accept could be encrusted.

2.3.c.iv.  Requests for a songstress are not infrequent in the Mari archives. No doubt the expectation was for a talented entertainer. In some cases, there were other motivations. 2.3.c.iv.1.  Exchange.  Zudiya, governor of a province outside of Zimri-Lim’s control, writes FM 9 4 (A.2997; Ziegler 2007: 39–41) to “my lord Zimri-Lim.” I have never asked anything of my lord. Now, however, if you are my lord, give me a songstress to declaim your praise during travel. 147 He (my lord) must not deny me this request. I am now sending to my lord my servant Kalbiya. My lord should entrust the songstress I am requesting from him to the care of the carrier of this tablet of mine. I am truly your servant. You might ask your servants who travel to Zaziya (Turukku leader) whether they have suffered (lack of) bread, beer, or travel (provisions). I am your farmer, (for) I am constantly feeding those servants of yours who are constantly traveling. Another matter: why is my lord not sending me news? (Damaged line.) Why does my lord not convey something through his servant? Now even if you do not send me anything, do couch your letter like this, “Keep safe my servants who are traveling to Zaziya.”

2.3.c.iv.2.  Trouble over a woman. Zimri-Lim got in trouble with Gašera, wife of Yarim-Lim of Yamḫad/Aleppo, his suzerain and father-in-law, in the matter of a handsome slave-girl that Yarim-Lim wanted. He writes to Gašera ARM 10 139 (LAPO 18 1191). 148 Yaminite women.” This is what I wrote to Hammurabi.’ Now as to these young women: when some among them were ready to travel there a great (public) mourning (sipittum) took place. I have had omens taken about YOUR mission; they were unfavorable. . .’.” For an unattractive Yaminite songstress, see FM 9 51 (at 2.3.c.ii.2). For public mourning, see at 6.7.b.i. 147.  Ziegler has another rendering for the relevant phrase, “Give for me a songstress to a traveler so as to make me mention your name (in gratitude).” 148.  Yarim-Lim may have gotten infatuated with the young woman when Zimri-Lim visited Aleppo almost ten years after gaining power (ZL9–10). Since this letter was found in Mari, it may not have been sent, as it would have really compromised Gašera had it fallen into her husband’s hands. On another occasion, Zimri-Lim promised an entertainer to a Yamḫad official; see ARM 26 9 at 1.7.b.i.

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Administration — 2.3.  Notables (wedûtum) Previously, when you wrote me about not giving to Yarim-Lim the songstress Duššuba, I had answered you, “If I give her to another, will Yarim-Lim not be angry with me? ” This is what I told you. When I reached Mari, you wrote me repeatedly and now you have written your daughter. I heard that you have written Šiptu your daughter about having to keep her. I will not give this young woman to (Yarim-Lim); I will give her to Aplaḫanda (of Carchemish). Feel reassured about this young woman and do not worry in any way about her. However, if Yarim-Lim gets angry because of this young woman and writes me something, I will answer him disingenuously, “I did not give you this woman (because) Gašera wrote that I should not give her to you. Aplaḫanda did request her, and I gave her to him (fragmentary segment). . . .” You (Gašera) must not hate me. 149

2.3.d.  Valet.  Dariš-libur (title unknown) traveled with the king and secured his personal needs. Not mentioned among bureaucrats of the previous regime, he may have been Zimri-Lim’s guardian from his youth. On his mission to Aleppo (Ḫalab), see FM 7 7 and 8 at 1.6.b.iv.1. 2.3.d.i.  Outfitting the king.  In writing the chief stock-keeper, Mukannišum, Dariš-​ libur often cites the king as his source of authority. 2.3.d.i.1.  Requesting garments:  ARM 18 25 (LAPO 16 142). On a previous occasion, I had written you to say that you had not (yet) dispatched to me (the following): 6 scarves of utuplû-weave; 2 scarves of ḫamdû-​weave; 2 scarves with quality fasteners; 1 fine fabric, used, for patching 20 mardatu-​garments fabric, to make coifs; 1 quality linen sash. Now, as soon as you hear this message of mine, quickly dispatch them to me. I am writing to you by order of the king. Furthermore, have the carder (lú.tùg.du8) who went on a journey with me brought to the king under fetters.

2.3.d.i.2.  Requesting furniture:  ARM 18 26 (LAPO 16 124). I have heard your tablet that you sent me. When I brought your tablet that you sent the king to him, he paid your message particular attention. The king has sent you detailed orders in response to your tablet. Another matter: The king said this, “Write to Mukannišum to have Qišti-Nunu make for my voyages a bed with knobs, to include a foothold of Magan-timber.” Now therefore, take up the matter promptly, so that (the items) could be complete by the king’s arrival. I am conveying this tablet of mine on the king’s order.

2.3.d.i.3.  Diverse deliveries:  ARM 18 27 (LAPO 16 184). 150 149.  Ziegler (2007: 37) relies on ARM 23 535:iv: 32–35 to make a drama of this affair: YarimLim shows unseemly partiality to a songstress, to his wife’s annoyance. On affection for a musician, Queen Lamassi-Aššur of Ekallatum, wife of Išme-Dagan, sends a searing note to her brother-in-law in Mari, “The reason I have not written you until now is because the songstress Mannatum died and I have been depressed” (ARM 10 2:4–10 = LAPO 18 1088). 150. In ARM 18 28 (LAPO 16 140) Dariš-libur requests delivery of “A quality massilatum-​garment, 2 large shawls (with) fasteners, 2 hand-napkins, 1 linen ḫirum for making a

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Your deliveries to the king should be regular. There should be regular (deliveries of) scented and juniper oil. 151 There should be quality shoes with leggings that Dada makes, as well as 2 belts like those Annu-ḫitlal once made. (Therefore,) there must be regular delivery of the kind of shoes with leggings, quality shoes, (head) bands, and stockings, scented oil, and juniper oil. May Belet-ekallim protect you and keep you well. I am well. Your greetings should keep coming to me.

2.3.d.i.4.  Production of lyres:  ARMT 13 20 (LAPO 16 121). (Mukannišum to the king). Regarding the five lyres (kinnarātum) about which my lord wrote to me. Of the 5 lyres assigned to Qišti-nunu and Ḫabdu-Ḫanat, Ḫabdu-Ḫanat has produced 2 while Qišti-nunu has not produced (any). I am conveying now the 2 lyres that Ḫabdu-Ḫanat has produced.

2.3.d.ii.  Proximity to the king.  Ušareš-ḫetil sent Dariš-libur this sad note, ARM 26 222 (ARM 10 106 = LAPO 18 1220). About the young girl of Beltum (possibly “the Queen”) . . . Irra-gamil had a trance, saying, “She will not live.” Before the king reaches Mari, do tell him that the young girl died. He ought to know. It must not happen that the king (first) hears about the death of this young girl as he enters Mari, lest be seized then by profound grief.

2.3.d.iii.  Influence 2.3.d.iii.1.  Tiṣpatum is likely a musician in the king’s harem. Less likely, she may also be a Mari princess married to the king Šuna (he does not end well), about whom see 1.8.c.ii (ARM 10 98 = LAPO 18 1239). In writing ARM 10 105 (LAPO 18 1238) to Dariš-libur, she is deferential (“your daughter”). If you are truly my father, do me a favor in this way: I have written to the king about my mother. 152 My father should intercede to sharpen my appeal. So intercede, please, and sharpen my appeal. My mother must not be detained. Another matter: I have conveyed to you for your provision [x] liters of sweets.

2.3.d.iii.2.  Zunana writes ARM 26 107 to “her brother” Dariš-libur (real or not). For another of her petitions, see ARM 26 232 at 1.4.e.i. huššum-​garment, 1 linen ḫirum, for the knees, 1 linen napkin, 1 quality Yamḫad-style helmet, and 1 quality Akkad-style helmet.” 151.  In ARM 18 14 (LAPO 16 221) Zimri-Lim demands of Mukannišum, “Convey to me promptly 5 liters of juniper-oil. Better not convey this oil with its wood particles. Rather, filter it there and just convey to me 5 liters of filtered oil. No dallying!” There is a similar demand in ARM 18 19. 152.  If this Tiṣpatum is a harem musician, then ummum can be taken literally: disrupting families by allocating its members broadly is a known practice (see ARM 10 97 = LAPO 18 1215). If we are dealing with the Mari princess, then ummum may also be her mother, a concubine in the king’s harem, but more likely a nurse, a woman in charge of raising a princess; see discussion at 6.4.a.iv (ARM 10 92).

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Administration — 2.3.  Notables (wedûtum) If truly you are my brother and love me . . . about (not receiving) rations, 3 ugāru (of land or 3,600 liters of grain) [a few lines gap]. To trap fish, the diviner Ḫali-ḫadun has opened a ditch toward his field claiming, “The king has instructed me (to do so).” For this reason, this field has been blocked for some time now. If truly you are my brother and love me, my servants must not be harried.

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h a p t e r

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Warfare 3.0.  Military Mari Durand 1998a is largely devoted to documentation on the military in the Mari archives. Abrahami 1997 is a rich resource that is now posted online. Charpin (2014b) gives a general overview of the Mari contexts.

3.1.  War Mentality 3.1.a.  Zeal for war.  “Through the protective deity (lamassum) of my lord, we were victorious over our enemy. The troops of my lord are well. So much blood has never spilled since the days of the ancestors.” 1 3.1.a.i.  Enthusiasm.  Yeškid-El wrote to Zimri-Lim a note (ARM 26 386) about victory over Larsa. Albeit shorn of its opening lines, the letter conveys the enthusiasm of the just, the verdict of God, and the (moral) weakness of the foe. As I was leaving, my lord told me, [many lines damaged] . . . Given that I had previously witnessed the zeal of the nomads, I have never observed their zeal (as fully as now). Today, the god of my lord went before my lord’s armies. The spear of the evil foe is now broken. Larsa is taken. There is no fault or foul-up. My lord’s troops are safe. . . ; we are well. . . .”

3.1.a.ii.  Serenity.  Leading nomadic troops to join Babylon in battling Elam, Baḫdi-​ Addu (see A.486+ at 2.1.c.ii.2) writes ARM 2 118 (LAPO 17 577). The last nomad contingent has arrived here and both first and last (that is, all) are in good order. No sickness (among them) whatsoever. There is hardly any damage and the participants are fine. My lord must in no way be troubled. Another matter: Normally, I keep the ear set during all military missions, for troubles 2 are many. Yet now, on this mission, when I set the ear, there were no troubles or anything. Only laughter and playfulness, as if they were still at home. They are content. The heart of my lord’s servants speaks with enthusiasm only about making war and killing the enemy. My lord should rejoice. 1.  Sentiments of general Samadaḫum, reporting to Yasmaḫ-Addu (A.2675:15–19) from his wars in the Damascus region; cited in Guillot 1997: 283. The exact expression is mouthed by a Yatarum, a Simʾal leader, to Zimri-Lim years later (FM 2 135:5–8 = A.467); so it must be gnomic (see Guillot 1997: 282). 2.  The dictionaries associate yagātum with Hebrew yāgôn (yāgâ).

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3.1.b.  Cost of war.  Naḫimum, an Ubrabu (Yaminite) tribal leader, writes ARM 26 39 to Asqudum, one of the king’s closest advisers. 3 You have written to me about my going to my lord Zimri-Lim, saying, “Let 5 sheikhs come with you to hear your lord’s lips and obtain reassurance (“appeasement of the heart”).” In my case, however, what could be worrying me? Is it not you who is . . . my going to Zimri-Lim? My lord has warned me, saying, “TAKE an oath by the gods so that I could slaughter a donkey foal in making peace among Mutebal (tribes). If there is fault or hurt, I will not let you live.” This is what my lord instructed me. For this reason, I keep writing to Ibal-pi-El and Yanṣiban. Since my lord made peace among Mutebal (tribes), I have been faithful to my lord’s order. There has not been fault or hurt; yet my lord remains very angry, saying, “Since (you have not heard) my lips, there can be no peace between us. As many who come down to the river, I am throwing in jail.” Is it proper that YOU have set your mind to make trouble? That upon news of peace you plan to despoil your colleagues, (thinking) “Peace is distant, so we must constantly be concerned about war.” Don’t you know that when disturbances break out, they will never go away, and the future becomes worse than the past? Indeed, because of these conditions, will the bad—never the good —not rejoice? Grasp the hand of your lord and those that go down to the river should not be faulted. He who would go down should do so; he who would come up should do so. There must be no anxiety. 4

3.2.  Casus belli The phrase casus belli is used in Medieval Latin for the grievance section of an ultimatum or a declaration of war. Rulers send an ultimatum to enemies that are perceived as much weaker, for even when so forewarned, the receiver is not likely to mount a plausible defense. 5 When power is balanced, ultimatums are normally launched from beyond a city’s fortifications, giving an adversary no opportunity to strengthen his defense or call on allies. 3.  This note was likely posted after Mari waged its first war against the Yaminites. Threatened with incarceration for failing to achieve peace between Zimri-Lim and Ṣura-ḫammu, a defeated leader of the Amnanu tribe, Naḫimum utters a plea for peace, rare in Near Eastern lore and striking for its occurrence in a personal letter. 4.  A.4330 (see Guichard 1999: 46) is an extract from an unpublished letter the merḫûm Ibalpi-El sent to the king. It reports on the aftermath of Elam’s incursion: “Elam’s army (has gone) from Kuzabat to Kakulatum. On the campaign that the enemy had undertaken, on the right side of the road as on the left, there were 1,000 corpses of dead soldiers. The (dead) donkeys were more numerous than the men that fell. Javelins with their points taken and their handles dropped—beyond recount!” 5.  FM 7 7:32–40 (at 1.6.b.iv.1) is an example of what might be called a “rhetorical ultimatum.” Yarim-Lim of Yamḫad issued an ultimatum to Imar’s elders: “The Yaminite kings must not stay in Imar. Expel them! From now on, they must not remain here. Should these men try once more to enter Imar, Zimri-Lim and I will war against you.” This may seem to be a solid ultimatum; but it was also a hollow threat, for by the time of the interview Yarim-Lim knew that the fugitives were no longer in Imar. In fact, in a subsequent update on events (FM 7 8), Dariš-libur simply skipped over this part of the interview.

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3.2.a.  Ultimatum 3.2.a.i.  Ḫaqba-aḫum, representing Mari in Kurda, writes A.6 (LAPO 17 556; Durand 1994b: 15–16). In this tablet of mine that I am conveying to my lord is a copy of the tablet that the vizier (sukkal) of the Elamites sent to Hammurabi (of Kurda). “So says the vizier to Hammurabi: ‘My servant Atamrum (of Andarig) took you as his son (vassal). Yet I keep hearing that you are constantly sending your letters to Babylon and Mari. You must not again send your letters to Babylon and Mari. If you again send your letters to Babylon and Mari, I will move aggressively against you.’” The sukkal of the Elamites sent this message to Hammurabi. I have heard this message myself.

3.2.a.i.2.  With its reputation for “devouring its enemies as well as its allies” (ARM 26 306:36–38, Yamṣum to the king), Elam can be so heavy-handed as to instigate trouble by sending the same ultimatum to two allies. This is suggested by this note (ARM 26 362) from Yarim-Addu, Zimri-Lim’s ambassador to Babylon. The vizier (sukkal) of Elam sent this note to Hammurabi (of Babylon), “I am planning to head for Larsa. Muster your picked troops, your siege troops, and your servants that I saw in Ešnunna and place them at my disposal. Among the troops that I saw, if just one person is in opposition, I will turn and head your way.” This is what the vizier of Elam sent to Hammurabi. This is what he answered him, “As you have written to me, my troops are girded and stand ready for your onslaught. Once you set out, my troops will move toward you.” This is what he answered him. 6 In the same way that the vizier of Elam wrote to Elam, he wrote the following to Rim-Sin (of Larsa), “I am planning to head for Babylon. Muster your picked troops, your siege troops, and your loyal servants and place them at my disposal. Among troops of yours that I keep hearing about, if just one person is in opposition, I will turn and head your way.” This is what the vizier of Elam wrote to Rim-Sin. The tablet that the vizier of Elam conveyed to Rim-Sin, Rim-Sin forwarded to Hammurabi. Now, similarly, Hammurabi forwarded to Rim-Sin the tablet that the vizier of Elam had conveyed to him. From that moment, he instructed Sin-bel-aplim, minister of foreign residents, and an accountant in the (office of) the private secretary, dispatching (them) to Larsa. They are now staying in Maškaššapir (Maškan-šapir), by Sin-muballiṭ (brother of Rim-Sin). As well, the vizier of Rim-Sin is now staying with Hammurabi. Reports from Rim-Sin are regularly sent to Hammurabi and reports from Hammurabi are regularly sent to Rim-Sin. Another matter: Messengers from the vizier of Elam regularly come to Hammurabi. They stay one day and he sends them out the next day. When they arrive, I come to the palace gate and meet with them. I ask about the good health of the vizier of Elam and tell them the following, “Because my lord gives his full report to his ‘father’, the vizier of Elam, thus speaking to him with complete sincerity, for many 6.  It can be noted that Hammurabi’s answer is Delphic; it can be read as supportive but also as confrontational.

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Warfare — 3.2.  Casus belli days I myself am kept here. My lord wrote, but he (Hammurabi) does not release me. Now, however, since I have seen YOU, I really don’t care about anyone.” This is what I am telling them. My lord should know this.

3.2.b.  Declaration of war.  Yarim-Lim of Aleppo/Yamḫad sent A.1314 (LAPO 16 251; see Dossin 1956) to Yašub-yaḫad, king of Transtigridian Der. 7 Šamaš ought to investigate your conduct and mine and come to judgment. While I have acted as father and brother toward you, toward me you have acted as villain and enemy. What good was it that, by means of the weapons of Addu [Adad] and Yarim-Lim, I saved the city of Babylon and gave life to your land and to you? Were it not for Addu and Yarim-Lim, 15 years ago, the city of Dēr would have been cast to the winds as if it were chaff; one would never have found it and you could not have treated me like this. Certainly, Sin-gamil, king of Diniktum, very much like you would keep answering me with hostility and provocations. Having moored 500 skiffs in Diniktum’s quay, I sank his land as well as him for 12 years! Now, as to you being like him: you are continually responding to me with hostility and provocations. I swear to you by Addu, my city’s god, and by Sin, my personal god: [may I be punished] should I ever go away before annihilating your land and you! Now therefore, I shall come at springtime and shall pitch camp at your city’s gate. I shall have you witness the galling weapons of Addu and of Yarim-Lim.

3.2.c.  Impetus for armed conflicts 3.2.c.i.  Chained events. 8  TH 72.15 = LAPO 16 247 is one copy of a letter Zimri-​ Lim sent out to multiple recipients, this one to Tiš-ulme of Mardaman. For another addressee of this “circular,” see ARM 28 148 at 1.1.b. The whole land came under my control; yet every (ruler) kept his father’s throne! I heard it said, “The land of Idamaraṣ, where fortresses are held, heeds Zimri-Lim 7.  Declarations of war make no demands for submission but simply announce that a war is forthcoming. Because they give ample time for an adversary to shore up defense, if not also organize offense, the genre tends to be post factum, embedded in historiographic documents and given as justification for an attack. I have argued (most recently in Sasson 2014b: 686–90) that this document is likely a literary construct rather than a stray letter found in Mari. (So far, Yašub-yaḫad is not attested elsewhere in the Mari archives, loquacious though they are.) I have discussed the rapport this document has with Jephthah’s war declaration in Judges 11 (Sasson 2014a: 433–35). 8.  The death of major rulers was the single most destabilizing event in the Mari period. Not only was there occasion for opportunism, but there was also reason to forgo the pledges and covenants that were charted primarily between rulers and only secondarily with the kingdoms they controlled. Despite the era’s strong attachment to genealogical continuity (fathers are succeeded by sons), the reality was otherwise, with multiple reasons (opportunism and sibling rivalry, among them) for breaking the pattern. On taking control, Zimri-Lim espoused a terminus ante quem policy for the territory under his sphere of influence, actively advocating the return of rulers to the seat of their fathers. This tablet is sealed with a legend: “Zimri-Lim . . . son of Ḫat/dni-[xx].”

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only.” Now then, WRITE me and I will come to take a sacred oath for you. HAND over a city to me and I shall give it (back) to its owner. As for all of you, and your belongings as well, I shall set you up wherever you say. On hearing my tablet, send promptly to me an answer to my letter.

3.2.c.ii.  Rebellion.  Asqur-Addu of Karana violently seized the throne of Qaṭṭara, exterminating its royal family. His general (rab amurrîm) was a certain Kukkutanum. Yasim-El, Mari’s delegate to Karana, reports on Kukkutanum’s rebellion in ARM 26 412, a long document with many gaps. I cite almost its first half (lines 2–30). General Kukkutanum who, together with Kakkiya, a palace servant, came to my lord—No sooner did he reach here (Karana), Kakkiya slandered him to his lord (Asqur-Addu), ruining his reputation. He was removed from his post as general and was told, “Go away and stay put in your home.” Now, during the 5th day of (the month of) Liliyatum (ix), Numḫa troops began to muster within Qaṭṭara. As the troops mustered, Kukkutanum came out of Nunasaru (Nussar), his town, and reached the assembly of the troops and presented his grievance to the troops, saying, “About what I once said to Ḫaqba-ḫammu (diviner and adviser to Asqur-Addu), ‘Why do you plan to turn over your lord (Asqur-Addu), Karana, and Numḫa territory to Išme-Dagan (of Ekallatum)?’ Because I said this to Ḫaqba-ḫammu, he slandered me to my lord (Asqur-Addu), and I was removed from my post as general. He even planned my murder.” This and much more did Kukkutanum reveal to the assembly of troops. He managed to change the mind of the troops as well as to shift the opinion of the commoners against Ḫaqba-ḫammu and his lord (Asqur-Addu). Now as Ḫaqba-​ḫammu did not know (what was happening), he had sent Kakkiya to the assembly of the troops at Qaṭṭara for discussion and for making spear-heads. 9 This man was killed. The commoners turned to Kukkutanum’s side and began to capture Qaṭṭara. Were it not for the troops of my lord, they would have seized Qaṭṭara, then the entire land of Asqur-Addu might have rebelled. Many troops moved behind Kukkutanum; but once they saw that my lord’s troops are in control of Karana and Qaṭṭara and that they could not achieve anything, they scattered. Kukkutanum himself escaped. (About) where he headed, no complete report has yet arrived here. . . .” 10

3.2.c.iii.  Assisting an ally.  Samsi-Addu relays to his son (ARM 1 24+ = LAPO 16 330) a copy of a letter addressing Išḫi-Addu of Qatna, his ally and son’s father-in-law. I am herewith writing on this tablet and conveying to you a copy of a letter I am planning to write to Išḫi-Addu. Listen to it and, depending on the language in reply to his tablet that he/I sent you, craft some nice language on a tablet and send it to him (as follows):

9.  This phrase is likely a metaphor for coming to some military terms. 10.  The rest of the story is told in ARM 26 413 and 511. His Putsch having failed thanks to Zimri-Lim’s interference, Kukkutanum fled to Atamrum of Andarig but was exchanged for 5 refugees Atamrum himself wanted. His end was atrocious: he was impaled and his body displayed all over the territory. See also note to M.7259 at 1.1.f.iii.

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Warfare — 3.2.  Casus belli Tell Išḫi-Addu, so says your brother Samsi-Addu: I was very pleased to hear that you have gladly set the new bride on a safe journey and that you have satisfied the (bridal party after) four days of staying with you (without being delayed). 11 With regard to what you wrote to me in total frankness, “Sumu-​epuḫ [of Yamḫad] keeps on raiding me.” Until this goal is reached, let him attack for a month or two. This is nothing. Your land that is adjacent to him should simply gather inside a fortified town. About the full army of the Ešnunna ruler that is come up, aside from the preceding troops that came up to me, the full army is now coming up. My servants have already seen these troops. Previously, I had written my brother, “Once the goal is reached, should you state it, I will send you a general along with my army; should you state it, one man, my son, will come to you; (or) should you state it, I myself will come.” This is what I had previously written to my brother. Now my brother has requested my coming. As my brother has requested my coming, once this goal is achieved, I shall come to my brother along with my army, and share my brother’s goal. I have just now written (general) Sin-tiri. He will muster all the nomads and with his well-equipped army he will raid the cattle of Sumu-epuḫ and of the Rabbu (Yaminite) tribesmen. As to the rulers of Ḫaššum, Uršum, and Carchemish, about whom my brother has written me. In the past, I had assembled the rulers of Ḫaššum, Uršum, and Carchemish and told them, “Let me look into the case of Sumu-epuḫ. If there is hostility, let us fight (him) together.” This is what I wrote to you in the past. Now that I have heard the letter of my brother, I have written so that the rulers of Ḫaššum, Uršum, and Carchemish will be hostile to Sumu-​epuḫ, rejecting him. The ruler of Ḫaššum has sent me his army and is now assisting me. The ruler of Uršum has asked me for 1,000 men; I will give him 2,000. I will have them on their way and I will get going. They will weaken Sumu-epuḫ and will give him much grief on your behalf.

3.2.c.iv.  Raiding.  Kibri-Dagan, governor of Terqa, to the king (ARM 3 15 = LAPO 17 726). Concerning the rumors about the enemy that we constantly hear—may God snap this enemy’s weapons. I fear that when the flock of the tribesmen pastures on the eastern (left) bank of the river, the enemy will swoop down on it, causing grave mischief. If, however, this flock crosses from the eastern to the western bank of the river, the enemy would not be able to do anything at all—and we will not be preoccupied here. My lord should therefore consider imposing strict orders upon the tribesmen for its flock to gather on just one bank of the river.

3.2.c.v.  Resources.  Samsi-Addu writes ShA1 6 (SH.872; Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 77–78) to Kuwari, his vassal. I have listened to the letter you sent to Išme-Dagan who conveyed it to me. I am now sending you troops and messengers. About the need you have expressed in writing, just send troops and have them take for you salt and bitumen. 11.  The bride is Beltum, about whom see the letters at 1.7.a.

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3.2.c.vi.  Spoil-taking. 12  Išḫi-Addu of Qatna invites (ARM 5 16 = LAPO 17 443) his son-in-law Yasmaḫ-Addu to Syria for spoil-taking. 13 You have sent me good news about Išme-Dagan, and I was very pleased. Another matter: You must not be remiss about sending me news of your coming up here. Time is propitious for your coming up. Feed your troops spoils so they will bless you. These three towns are hardly fortified and we can take them in one day. Come up here quickly and let us capture these towns, so that your troops could “eat” spoils. If you are my brother, come up here quickly. 14

3.2.c.vii.  Peeve. Iddiyatum (a merchant and diplomat) posts ARM 26 519 to Zimri-​Lim. My lord’s troops and the city Karana are in good order. As he was crossing territory, Išme-Dagan (of Ekallatum) was planning to move his (military) operation, but bivouacked in Sapḫum. He told the people of Sapḫum, “How is it that Asqur-Addu, a youngster, is now controlling YOU? ” But they answered him, “So you, a cripple, want to control us? ” He put to fire the homes of two men who gave him this answer, and he took away 15 men who had approached him. The land is calm. Those in his (Ašqu-Addu’s) land had earlier entered a fortified area; now that the coming up of my lord was heard, he has released all the refugees that had entered a fortified area. Another matter: 500 Turukku tribes have raided areas south of Ekallatum and Assur, reaching as far as Razama. They captured 100 men and 50 oxen. No one has been able to stop them. On the day I have sent this letter of mine to my lord, Asqur-Addu entered Karana. As long as I had not confirmed the news, I did not write to my lord.

3.2.c.viii.  Retribution 3.2.c.viii.1.  For accepting vassalage to an enemy.  Yatar-Addu, merchant and diplomat, reports to Zimri-Lim on a decision by Hammurabi of Babylon (A. 2962 = Durand 1992c: 47–49; see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 254–57). 12.  Related are instances in which a bribe is paid to open hostilities, as this excerpt from a damaged Shemshara letter of Pišente of Itabalḫum (ShA1 69:26′–32′ = SH.802+; Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 142–45) makes clear, “. . . Now this report (reads), ‘Write to the overlord (abum), to the head leader (ugula rabîm), as well to Namarum and Dasi, king of Nikum. Tell them about silver, gold, and costly objects so as to attack the land of Kakmum’. . . .” Similarly, governor Itur-asdu (likely then governing Naḫur) proposes this to the king (A.49:46–57, cited in Dossin 1972a: 63); “Another matter: the lands of Šinamum and Tušḫum are on a par with Elaḫut itself; but there is no prince (madārum) guiding it, so they are looking to Elaḫut for leadership. If my lord would order it, my messengers should keep on going to these people, so that with 20 manas of silver I could bribe them and make them the enemy of the ruler of Elaḫut in a very short time. In the future, when my lord plans to place himself where he wants, the king of Elaḫut will not be able to join the enemy of my lord as an ally, for his foot will be stuck in his own country.” 13.  For a call to take spoils as needed, see A.556 (FM 2 116) at 1.3.a.i.1. Note also ARM 2 13 at 1.3.a.ii.1. 14.  Yasmaḫ-Addu never made it to Qatna, as he was busy helping his kin conquer Qabra. Eventually, he does send armies westward.

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Warfare — 3.2.  Casus belli When Hammurabi (of Babylon) issued instruction, he washed hair soiled from weeping and kept on petitioning God against the enemy of my lord. 15 He said, “It has gone for far too long; within a couple of months, I will avenge myself against him (lit., “repay his favor”) and make him kneel on the ground [4 lines damaged]. Just now, messengers from the Elam leader are regularly showing up in Babylon, but do not stay long, one mission after the other. I have picked up from my sources this (statement), “Since he has become a vassal of Ešnunna (lit., “grasped the fringe of the garment”), I shall plan to act against him.” My lord should know this.

3.2.c.viii.2.  After taking omens. Abi-epuḫ, a governor in Suḫu (south of Mari), writes ARM 26 156 to Yasmaḫ-Addu. Zaʾikum of Yabliya escaped to Ḫarbe, together with his people. He has fortified a village between Ḫarbe and Ayyabi, so that this village is now very strong. I spoke to the people of Yabliya about assigning patrols in that village, arguing, “The fear is that Ešnunna people might have entered this village, so that it will not revert to (our) district. 50 men could hold this village and [. . .]. There, the men in your patrols should remain active as long as the men of my patrols (are not in place).” They said, “Ever since Zaʾikum abandoned his king and the gods of his town, he has sought another king. We will go ahead and destroy his village. In this way we will remain responsive to our lord.” I have just now dispatched Zikri-Ḫanat with them, saying, “Take omens. If this village is held until the end of a month, leave behind 50 men and depart. But if your omens are unfavorable, destroy it, as the people of Yabliya have suggested.” Another matter: About the patrols of District Yabliya—they are careless. I have so many times offered witnesses to the deputy of Ḫammanum (Yabliya official), but he did not listen. Reinforcements for my district have arrived here: 50 men from the reserve and solo fighters. . . [damaged lines].

3.2.c.ix.  Deceit.  This note (ARM 4 24 = LAPO 17 506) from Išme-Dagan to his brother tells of a deceit that is highly reminiscent of events recounted in Gen 34. On the information you sent me regarding the Turukku-tribesmen, the Turukkus are now in Tigunanum itself. In the past, when they hungered, they went to the land of Ḫirzibanum. The village of Talzuru had a peace agreement with them, yet they killed every male in this village and took away his family and belongings. This village was of mountain-dwellers. . . . The Turukkus could hardly have taken from this village 5-days’ worth of provisions. Given that this village had a peace agreement with them and yet they took it, the land that once paid them mind (uznam turrum) hardened and became hostile to them. Yet, the Turukkus are starving for lack of food and are now in Tigunanum, Following this tablet of mine, I shall keep you posted where they plan to go, where they head, and news of their destination. I am well, as is the army. Keep writing me that you are well. 15.  Likely Išme-Dagan of Ekallatum.

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3.3. Armies 3.3.a.  Levy of Troops 3.3.a.i.  Enrollment/Conscription (tēbibtum; see also at 2.1.a.iv) of individuals and the mustering of troops interlocked as processes. To know the number of troops on which they could rely, rulers kept track through enrollment/conscription. Because the term for troops (ṣābum) applies to military as well as work details, the purpose is not always clear. 3.3.a.i.1.  Distinctions.  Yaqqim-Addu wrote this note (ARM 14 70 = LAPO 17 698) to his king. My lord wrote this to me, “The Babylonian troops now in Saggaratum ought to receive their rations in Saggaratum. Have those in Dur-Yaḫdullim receive rations in Dur-Yaḫdullim. Then send me these troops and those that you have (already) registered. My lord’s tablet reached me on the 5th of the month, just before nighttime. But before my lord’s tablet could reach me, a (tablet from the Babylonian general) Nidnat-Sin (a few lines damaged). . . . respecting my lord, I have had it written down. On the conscription tablet (ṭuppi tēbibtim) for the district that I have sent to my lord, ḫimmum (ʿam = the people?) is registered. Now if it please my lord, he should consider whether I ought to separate the elderly and the male servants who cannot go on a campaign—so as to have them guard the fortification or be assigned to any post my lord designates— from the piḫrum-soldiers that I can dispatch (them) according to the dictate of my lord. My lord should decide one way or another. I fear that my lord might think, “The Babylonian contingent is becoming annoyed that he (Yaqqim-Addu) has gotten them set for the harvest duty, like its fellow group.” This contingent has not harvested at all. In fact, on the morrow that they arrived to Saggaratum, Nidnat-Sin’s letter reached me and the men went on furlough. [A few lines damaged.]

3.3.a.i.2.  Keeping records.  Kibri-Dagan of Terqa posted ARM 3 19 (LAPO 17 563) to Zimri-Lim. My lord had written me this about enrolling (paqādum) the troops in my district, “Enroll the troops and convey to me a record (“tablet”) of these troops for me to hear.” This is what my lord wrote to me. I have appointed inspectors, one each for Zurubban, Ḫišamta, Ḫimarran, and Ḫanna. I had them take an oath by Itur-Mer, Dagan, and my lord, and they had the troops registered. I have now registered these tablets separately and I am conveying (them) to my lord. My lord should listen to them: The troops for whom substitutes have gone to Babylon—these remain, but are recorded on their own. The troops that were not drafted for a military mission— whether infirm or members of the elite—are recorded on their own. The elderly who cannot go on a military mission are recorded on their own. My lord should hear these tablets and act according to his majesty.

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3.3.a.ii.  Mobilization 3.3.a.ii.1.  Draft.  Yarim-Addu, representing Zimri-Lim in Babylon, posted ARM 26 363. The enemy’s army, having set up camp in the city Yupi, is staying put. Hammurabi’s own army, a conscripted corps, is set for combat, facing it. One can watch the other. At the moment I send this tablet to my lord, Hammurabi has called for mobilization within his land. He has called for the release of troops belonging to a merchant, every male including the slave for release, and they are at the ready. For (more) troops, he has also sent ranking functionaries to Rim-Sin (of Larsa). Moreover, regularly and daily, his messengers constantly make their way to Maškan-šapir (in Larsa territory); but I have so far learned nothing about their movement. Whatever I learn after sending this tablet I will write in full to my lord. Another matter: The Elamite messengers were placed under fetters. Their attendants, donkeys and belongings were taken to the palace. My lord should know this.

3.3.a.ii.2.  Establishing quotas.  Baḫdi-Lim, governor of Mari province, writes ARM 6 38+ (LAPO 17 561; see Durand 1990c: 154–55). 16 My lord wrote to me this, “Interrogate the sheikhs. If the sheikhs tell you, ‘we will have the quota of 1,000 men filled,’ do not send the troops off. However, if they give you just the 800 troops you have (already) equipped, so that they do not fill their quota of men, send the troops off.” This is what my lord wrote to me. In following what my lord wrote to me, I gathered the sheikhs, apprised them of the situation, talking to them in detail; but they could not answer me satisfactorily. They said, “We have given 800 men; there are no 1,000 men to give.” This is what they answered me, (adding), “Our lord should summon the guilty (sheikh).” I have had a register made of the troops in arrear and will direct to my lord the registers of arrear as well as the sheikhs. I will send off the 800 men I have already equipped. None will be retained. The army will be on its way today. On another matter: The one person who is to go with the troops until the . . . of the army is . . . —(it should be) Ḫadni-iluma and Gurdilim, the section leaders. They should go with the troops. I will lead . . . back with me. My lord should be pleased.

3.3.a.ii.3.  Resisting the draft. 3.3.a.ii.3a.  Kibri-Dagan, governor of Terqa, writes ARM 2 92 (LAPO 17 681) to his king. My lord wrote to me about summoning troops from Yaminite villages so as to deliver a decree (šipṭam nadānum). [The situation] is even much better than my lord wrote to me! Now, even before the very same tablet of my lord reached me—when I was staying in Mari by my lord—I had heard of this matter from my sources. So I gathered the sheikhs of the Yaminite villages and gave them this decree: ‘Whoever you are, if even just one man from your town goes to the Upper (Country), and you do not seize him and do not bring him to me, you shall die and not be spared.’ 16.  Committing fraud to fill the quota is not unknown; see ARM 6 40 at 6.1.a.i.1.

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This is the ruling I gave them. Likewise, I gave strong orders to my outposts. Now in accordance with what my lord wrote to me, I made a ruling for these troops, imposing (it) with toughness, ‘I will seize and throw in prison any man who plans (to run away) toward the Upper (Country).’ My lord must not worry. Another matter: On the day I send this letter of mine to my lord, I remain in Bit-Yaptaḫarna, on top of my job.

3.3.a.ii.3b.  Zakira-ḫammu of Qattunan province writes this note (ARM 27 46) to Šunuḫra-ḫalu, the king’s secretary. About the troop of 500 men, subject of the king’s letter that came to me, the matter is this: these troops that are available in this district, as well as the troops that would be coming here—as their footing at the (Ḫabur?) River is precarious [. . .], they were removed from this district. Now if I undertake conscription in this district, not one man in this district will remain. I have therefore drafted a tablet and have sent it to the king. Listen to that tablet and bring the king’s attention to it. If you care for me as a brother, please act so that there is no evacuation of the district and no blame attached to me. Another matter: I am sending to the king truffles that were brought to me, including your share.

3.3.a.iii.  Grand Army.  Especially during the reign of Samsi-Addu, the number of troops that can be cobbled from diverse sources for any campaign can be substantial, but not generally more than 30,000. 17 Samsi-Addu wrote ARM 1 42 (LAPO 17 448) to his son, Yasmaḫ-Addu. Yarim-Addu (a merḫûm?) wrote to me as follows, “I have taken account of nomads from the encampment and have fixed at 2,000 the troops that will go on a (military) campaign with Yasmaḫ-Addu. All those in the troops are registered individually (“by name”).” This is what he wrote to me. So, 2,000 nomads from the encampment will go with you. You, do set up a troop of 3,000. Laʾum (an adviser) and all those servants at your disposal should hear this tablet (so that) a decision is taken over these matters. For a good while now, the troops in your district have not been enrolled. Yet the moment for enrolling is now past. For this reason, you cannot tally the troops (now); so you must tally the troops on your return. Until then, simply provide replacements for the missing and dead. Make sure to register individually on a tablet 17.  Abrahami 1992: 157–61. Unusual and likely sexagesimally hyperbolic is this troop number cited in ShA1 64:3–22 (SH.827; see Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 136–38). Šepratu writes to his “brother” Kuwari, king of Šušarra (Shemshara), both of them vassals of Samsi-Addu. “I have listened to the tablet you sent me, telling me, ‘Nipram came from being with Samsi-Addu and said, “All the news that Samsi-Addu gave me in answer is very welcome. Having just conquered Arrapḫum, Samsi-Addu is now headed for Qabra. He has just dispatched his son, Išme-Dagan, with a 60,000-man army to besiege Nurrugum”.’ This is what you wrote on a tablet and sent to me. You must pay close attention to this news. (Let’s hope) that the man (Samsi-Addu) would not conquer the entire land, thus giving us much anxiety. Keep this news from Samsi-Addu’s man (envoy), but share with him pleasant words.”

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Warfare — 3.3.  Armies the troops that will go with you. The assignment must be correctly done: Put together a unit of 1,000 men from both Suḫu (provinces), a unit of 1,000 men from our Simʾal nomads, and a unit of 500 men from among the (Yaminite) Ubrabu, Yariḫu, Yaḫruru, and Amnanu. Pick up 200 men here, 300 there, as circumstance allows and put together a unit of 500, including your palace servants. A thousand should suffice. On that occasion, you will have put together 5,000 men. As for me, I will march out toward you a unit of 10,000 men, a unit (picked) from the territory—either from [x] of the territory or from the territory itself—(either way) a strong army, already equipped. I am just now writing to Ešnunna, and it will bring up a contingent of 6,000. So, this way and that, there will be an army of 21,000 that will go to Qatna, a very strong army, an army that no one can withstand. 18 [A few lines damaged. . .]

3.3.a.iv.  Payment.  Troops expected spoils as reward. During a campaign, they received rations (bread) and in some cases were rewarded for their bravery. Spoils of war, however, seem to be their main payment. 3.3.a.iv.1a.  Rations.  Posted at Ilanṣura as Zimri-Lim’s representative, Yamṣum sent ARM 26 314. My lord has taken great pain in continually writing me about giving flour to soldiers. I am speaking to him (Ḫaya-sumu of Ilanṣura), but he does not send (any). Because he does not give me the flour, I have not joined his supper table for the past 8 days. Just now [3] donkey-loads (about 240 liters) of grain are available to me. The section-chief Ubariya and the lieutenant under my authority are receiving the same amount of grain as (common) soldiers. Now therefore, his (Ḫaya-sumu’s) general ought to receive 3 donkey-loads of grain, the same as me. His section-chief and his lieutenants should receive (unground) grain, the same as soldiers. My lord must not give them flour. My lord should give them the same amount of grain as the soldiers of my lord. Now then, from now on, soldiers should (each) receive 21 liters of grain (per month). His general and I should eat (just) our fodder. 19 Another matter: About the bewitched herbs that Šimatum has conveyed to my lord. This matter is proven; it is not a lie. My lord should look into it. 20 My lord had written me about the dead and deserters among the troops, saying, “Record each person by name and have it reach me so that I can here keep account of the soldiers.” For 20 days now, I have been writing those on furlough. Once the absentees arrive here, I want to make each person individually pass before me so that I can observe who is at hand and who has deserted and thus convey to my lord a full report.

3.3.a.iv.1b.  Babylonian army officers jointly write FM 6 10 (A.533+; Joannès 2002: 171–72) to their “lord,” likely Zimri-Lim, an ally of their other “lord,” Hammurabi. 21 18.  On this campaign, see Charpin 2010e. 19.  This line must presumably be taken sarcastically. 20.  On this matter involving Zimri-Lim’s daughter and wife of Ḫaya-sumu, see above at 1.8.a–b. 21.  The writers are Mar-Ištar, Ḫisni-Addu, Ibašši-ilum, Iddin-Nanaya, and Ḫazibiya.

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About us writing our lord regarding the matter of our rations, our lord wrote this to us, “I myself questioned the leaders that I have assigned for your rations. They have drawn up the accounts and there is no one who (has not received) his rations.” This is what our lord wrote to us. Just now, however, our accountants are in Mari where (General) Mutu-ḫadkim is also right now. Our lord must look into the matter. What is lacking should be given to those among the soldiers who have not yet received their rations. Why has our lord informed us about our oil ration? For four months now, our oil rations have not been given to us. Our lord should order (that we be given as our lord has) informed us. 22

3.3.a.iv.1c.  Clothing. A group of Babylonian generals jointly sent FM 6 13 (M.6853+; Joannès 2002: 180–82) to their “lord,” again likely Zimri-Lim. 23 Mu[kannišum?] has written this, “(You should all) send me troops to pick up garments for YOUR wear.” We have just dispatched troops with Awil-Addu and Girnisa, our lord should promptly send us garments for our wear. The troops stand naked and their attitude is changing (for the worse). 2,000 garments must not seem outrageous to our lord. The army is marching in cold weather. Our lord should promptly satisfy their request. The troops of our lord that are marching with them now should help them (Awil-Addu and Girnisa) transport the garments.

3.3.a.iv.2.  Gifts. 24  ARM 4 74 (LAPO 17 541) is a letter Išme-Dagan posted to his brother. I have listened to the tablet you sent me, in which you said this, “A supplementary force from the Ešnunna ruler has just entered Ḫarbe.” This is what you have written me. This information is baseless. No supplementary force has entered Ḫarbe. As I have previously written to you, I am sending troops there, as I plan to punish this town. You have also written me about garments as gifts to diverse personnel (lit., “big and small”). Here, I have just given gifts to generals, section chiefs, and those acting as sheikhs and members of the sections—those that have met with me: 25 (To the generals), 1 gold ring of 10 šekels and 1 gold disk of 5 šekels; to the section chiefs, 1 silver ring of 5 šekels and garments. I have clothed in garments the sheikhs and the members of the sections. I have not given such a gift to those who did not meet with me. Now then, if you have the means, give similar gifts to those who are with you. As for those who are not with you, why would you convey (anything) to them? [A line or two missing.] 22.  In a follow-up letter (M.6223+ = FM 6 11; Joannès 2002: 173–75), the same group tells of being denied grain by those holding them as well as not being able to buy any. 23.  The group includes Mut-ḫadkim, Nidnat-Sin, Nawram-šerum, Nur-Šamaš, and Puzur-​ Marduk. 24. Several administrative texts record the outlay of silver to individuals (soldiers, messengers) after a victory; see, for example, ARM 24 170+258:1′–5′ (see Durand 1987b: 619), “[x šekels] Yašub-Dagan; [x] mana, 5 šekels of silver to 10 men from Qatna, under Samsilim (Qatna messenger), when victory was achieved over the Yaminites at Dur-Yaḫdullim.” 25.  In this passage, dumu (mārum) is treated as Hebrew bēn, suggesting a class or unit.

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3.3.a.iv.3.  Griping.  An official (Ḫammi-šagiš) tells this to Zimri-Lim (A.731:6–18; Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 34 n. 39). . . . they began to complain vociferously, “payment in silver (qiršum) should be given us!” They also began to grouse, so I said this, “My lord Zimri-Lim is of the same opinion as Yaggid-Lim (his grandfather) and Yaḫdun-Lim (his father). Did these previous kings give you payment in silver? And so now my lord has kept silver from you. Come now! In the Suḫum province, your food, oil, and beer provision stand ready for you. What is this payment in silver that you are wanting? ”

3.3.b.  Mercenaries.  Several labels in the Mari archives are applied to persons who, for diverse reasons, no longer are attached to a single group or town; among these terms are ḫābirū and ḫabbātum; see Eidem 2011: 18–22. 3.3.b.i.  Ḫābirū.  This term (mostly in the plural; also spelled ḫāpirū and even ḫāwirū) is much discussed in the literature, fueled by its argued connection with Hebrew ʿivrî. 26 In the literature, it is often cited as Ḫabirus, Habirus, or Hapirus. 3.3.b.i.1.  Basic verbal meaning.  Governor Yaqqim-Addu sent ARM 14 50 (LAPO 17 662). A man named Ami-ibal from Našer has arrived from Ilanṣura. A man who belonged to the citadel that was in Ilanṣura and who has come to return escapees seized him, saying, “He is an escapee!” But Ami-ibal answered him, “It has been four years since I emigrated (aḫbur) to Šubartum territory. When Atamrum (of Andarig) came up from Ešnunna, I feared war, so I entered Ilanṣura and stayed with kinfolk. I have never been enrolled as a picked soldier, so in no way did I escape earlier. . . .” [damaged ending].

3.3.b.i.2.  Acting as a Ḫabiru.  Buriya, king of Andarig, sent RATL 42 (L.87-473+; Eidem 2011: 111–12) to Till-abnu of Šeḫna, a generation or so after the collapse of Mari (so around 1725 bce). Aya-Abum, ruler of Šuna, seems to live on the edge of lawlessness. Aya-abum, a man from Yamutbal, has set himself up in Zurra as a Ḫabiru (ḫābirūtam ušib). Ever since there has been peace in the land, he has led outlaws (lú.meš sarrārū) and, taking or kidnapping people from Yamutbal, he had them cross though Kaspatum in Idamaraṣ territory because he was not allowed to enter Zurra (with them). From Kaspatum, 2 men from among them escaped—these men were made to cross either into the land of Idamaraṣ, the land of the town Šubat-Enlil, or City Kaḫat. 26.  Good overview in Durand 2004–5. In Mari (as elsewhere), other constructions based on the same root also occur. This extract from a letter by Terru or Urgiš (ARM 28 46:1′–7′) may be hyperbolic but is telling, “I am always praying for my lord. I have just now left the comfort of my home and have gone out to Šinaḫ to live as a ḫābirum. Because of this, my lord must not be negligent (toward me). . . .” When the verb ḫabārum occurs in the archives, it generally means to move out (more or less permanently) from a place, as is the case in ARM 27 116:30–32 (full text cited at 2.1.a.vii.2), “. . . One man was from Numḫâ: he once lived in Saggaratum but emigrated (ḫabārum) to Kurda and one man reports to Saggaran. . . .”

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I have now written Šepallu and to the City Kaḫat, “Your servants must not ransom in your land any people from Yamutbal. I am now sending to you people who know these men. If these (kidnapped) men are recognized there, seize and bind these men and have them led to me under the control of the bearer of this tablet of mine. In the entire land, outlaws who steal—whom does it profit except the person who creates strife in the land? Oppose these men, they must not escape control [damaged words]. Moreover, why will you never send me news of your well-being?

3.3.b.i.3.  Restive Ḫabirus.  Yapḫur-Lim of Izallu sent ARM 28 117 to Zimri-Lim. About news of Asqur-Addu (of Karana), my lord wrote to me this, “Why do the tablets (of Asqur-Addu) keep crossing your way and YOU cannot seize them? ” This is what my lord wrote to me. How could we seize the tablets of Asqur-Addu? The traffic? [Kupper: raided persons] in Idamaraṣ and the whole region is constantly moving. Who can take control amidst this traffic?? The Ḫabirus that served AsqurAddu have now gone to the Šubat-Šamaš district (to serve) Yarkab-Addu. AsqurAddu is staying just by himself in Bušanum. Another matter: In the heartland, rain has been steady and auspicious. My lord should be pleased.

3.3.b.i.4.  Inconstant Ḫabirus.  Aziran, resident-commissioner in Gaššu, sent A. 2126 to Zimri-Lim (fragment cited in Charpin 1998b: 94–95). He reports on the sentiments of the town’s elders. This city—it is not since our lord’s days that we are vassals to him (“seized his hem”), but since the days of Yaḫdullim. (Then,) a Ḫabiru had control of this city. The Ḫabirus proceeded to leave the city, selling it to Zalmaqum. However, when the god of our lord removed their power (“hands”) from the city, once more the scepter of our lord (had authority) over us. . . .

3.3.b.i.5.  Hostile Ḫabirus.  Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka, a wily vassal, writes ARM 28 51 to Zimri-Lim; see Sasson 2013a: 123–29. City Naḫur is safe; Ašlakka is safe. My lord must not worry. Another matter: because I have not come to meet with my lord, I fear that my lord will be angry with me. But the year has been tough: to survive, the commoners (muškēnū), people of Ašlakka, made their way across the mountains. More: the Ḫabirus have become hostile. 27 Yet I must keep my lord’s city safe. Therefore, and as my lord’s servant 27.  ARM 112, a letter to Zimri-Lim from Amur-pa-El of Šuduḫum includes this note on Ḫabiru aggression, “TAKE an oath and find a way to have Ḫabirus enter by stealth into Azuzik. But let us set a trap ahead of them and seize the man. But the man, Ibal-Addu, did not come down; rather, a gang of 85 Ḫabirus did come down and entered Azuzik during the night. As to us—Ulluri, I, and Yatar-asdu (Itur-asdu)—came up behind it to Azuzik and killed the Ḫabirus. We took alive as many as Yatar-asdu captured and he brought them into Naḫur. Among them were two slaves that I brought back. The one who used to serve Ibal-Addu, I have (sent to) my lord. My lord should interrogate him. . . .” The note makes it clear that Ibal-Addu once relied on them to fulfill his ambition. Azuzik (elsewhere also Ašušik) was a magnet for Ḫabirus, as is made clear in ARM 28 120 at 2.1.c.iii.1a.

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Warfare — 3.3.  Armies Itur-asdu now knows, it is for this reason that I have not come down to my lord. My lord must not be irritated. I am now conveying three slaves as my lord’s share of (spoils; ḫuzbātum) (as well as) 1 ox and 1 deer for the Ištar sacrifice.

3.3.b.i.6.  Ḫabiru with chutzpah.  This extract is from MARI 7 10:11–25 (A.2939; LAPO 16 296), a note from Naḫur’s Itur-asdu (text cited in full at 1.5.b.iii.4). . . . Now a man, Iṣi-nabu by name, with 30 Yamutbal Ḫabirus under his command— this man wrote to me the following, “Muster 500 to 600 men, come and by night I will deliver Ašnakkum to you.” This is what he wrote to me. Because I had not yet asked my lord and because I am short on the number of men available to me, I have not yet acted on this news. My lord should consider the matter. I am ready to do what my lord instructs.

3.3.b.ii.  ḫabbātum.  This designation occurs in the Mari archives, but our richest sources come from Šeḫna (Leilan), a generation or two after the fall of Mari. 28 The examples below all come from its archives. Rather than referring to mercenaries, the term suggests renegades forming their own bands. 3.3.b.ii.1.  Substantial force. 3.3.b.ii.1a.  Asdi-[x] writes this note (RATL 12 = L.87-240; Eidem 2011: 82) to his “father” Mutiya of Šeḫna. On the day I convey this tablet of mine, Ḫazip-Tešub (of Razama) is bivouacking by Šurum, together with 10,000 ḫabbātū. My father should come to a decision (on this).

3.3.b.ii.1b.  Ewri writes RATL 110 (L.87-744; Eidem 2011: 183–84) to Till-abnu. Using ḫabbātum troops, Buriya has raided the land of Numḫa in a very harsh way. My lord should know this. None of your allies (“brothers”) was there to assist. My lord should order the land to gather in his fortresses. I shall do what my lord orders.

3.3.b.ii.1c.  Ewri shares with Take, his colleague, alarming news (RATL 171 = L.87566; Eidem 2011: 244–45). I have heard the alarming news of ḫabbātum troops and wrote (for details) to Aḫimaraṣ. He sent me a complete report (saying), “An army of 6,000 ḫabbātums are now in Šuprum and are wiping Numḫa territory clean, ripping up even the nail 28.  There, the term applies to hired hand, not always for martial purposes. In A.3552 (LAPO 17 456), these men join Canaanites near Raḫiṣum, likely near Qadesh, where Yasmaḫ-Addu has sent troops. Durand (2004–5: 577) cites an unpublished passage in which 1,000 ḫabbātū from Yamḫad join forces with 3,000 Yaminites. Days before he was murdered by his own people, Yawi-​ ila writes to Zimri-Lim (ARM 28 40:6′–11′), “About (the men from) Yamḫad and from Carchemish—these men have not ignored my lord’s words. My lord should write these men that they must not release the ḫabbātū, since Yaḫdanum is at war there while I am at war here. I want to question these men.”

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from the wall. Aštamar-Addu has crossed over into Kurda.” I am now sending you what I have heard, for you to know. Whatever you hear, send it to me. Another matter: because of this news, the sheep in the land were moved there. I fear that shepherds will harass them. Instruct the head shepherd not to pester them. If not, just tell (me), and they will remain here.

3.3.b.ii.2.  Human trafficking 3.3.b.ii.2a.  Yakun-ašar sent RATL 60 (L.87-784; Eidem 2011: 130–31) to Till-abnu. See also at 1.3.a.iv. Ḫubbizam, a weaver from Til-šannim and bearer of this tablet of mine, ransomed Tarinnam of Alama from the ḫabbātū for 13 šekels of silver. He clothed him in a garment and a cloak before releasing him. Before witnesses, he placed him under (this) obligation, “You must complete my threshing, repay the 13 šekels, then go.” This is the obligation he placed on him, then he released him. Now, however, (Tarinnam) has run away. I am now sending Ḫubbazam [sic] to you, let him be justly treated.

3.3.b.ii.2b.  Yamṣi-ḫadnu writes RATL 62 (L.87-226; Eidem 2011: 132–33) to Till-​ abnu. The bearer of this tablet of mine bought a woman and a boy from the ḫabbātū for 17 silver šekels. Now the woman as well as the boy have run away and are living in Alama. Order that his woman and his boy should be released. They must not be kept.

3.3.c.  Leadership 3.3.c.i.  King. While a general or a merḫûm may lead armies, the presumption is that, for crucial encounters, kings direct combats. 29 3.3.c.i.1.  With God and troops.  Below are fragments (lines 27–37) from as yet unpublished A.510, a letter the merḫûm Meptum posted to the king; see Durand 1988a: 28 n. 104; 407 n. 149. My lord should travel in agreement with the omens. If God answers my lord favorably about his travel, my lord should come. Even if the omens are unfavorable, my lord should still come to see his servants and to give his blessings to them. And when my lord stands in the assembly of his servants so that his servants see him, the heart of the warriors revives. And when accompanied by his troops my lord would have gone to his destination, the heart of the troops will shine like the sun. 29.  This is the core of the argument that Samsi-Addu draws when contrasting Yasmaḫ-Addu staying at home when his brother Išme-Addu is achieving victories; see ARM 1 113 (at 1.1.c) as well as A.1975 (note to 3.4.a.iii) in which the king is warned not to be at the forefront of fighters when approaching the fortified gate of an enemy city. See also ARM 26 119 cited at 1.4.c.ii.1 and ARM 1 53+ at 5.4.d.i.2. In several instances (e.g., M5694, at note to 3.6.a.i.i), kings are captured in combat.

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3.3.c.i.2.  Safe escort.  Išme-Dagan posted ARM 4 34 (LAPO 17 611) to his brother. I am well. The troops that regularly travel with me are safe. You must not worry about my (protective) escort; rather, be concerned about yours! The men who are regularly traveling with you are excellent; so what must I say? You should keep a keen eye, however, on my escort and do all to keep yourself safe.

3.3.c.ii.  Officers.  The selection of military leaders is not presented in Mari documents, although citing the titles held by individuals occurs frequently. 30 Undoubtedly, kinship to the king awarded the highest appointments, and they held their posts at the king’s whim. 31 A military hierarchy can be reconstructed, but titles do not always match authority. 32 3.3.c.ii.1.  rab amurrîm (gal mar.tu). 33  The Shemshara tablet ShA1 9 (SH.882; Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 81) is a note Samsi-Addu sent his vassal Kuwari. The troops that are with Išme-Dagan have just arrived. On the day I convey to you this letter of mine, the entire army that is with Išme-Dagan and that of Ešnunna would have crossed the Zab River and I arrive at Kaštappum. Once you hear this tablet of mine, have your 1000-man army come down to me in Kaštappum on the morrow. A general (gal mar.tu) of yours should come with the troops.

3.3.d.  Weapons.  Mari documents mention a great variety of weapons, many serving as instruments of war or, when crafted from precious objects, serving as paraphernalia for divinities. Some seem to serve also as work-tools; Durand 1998b: 387–97; Abrahami 1997 and Arkhipov 2012: 105–30. The weaponry includes: 1.  A variety of weapons that were (mostly) kept in hand, including swords (nam­ṣarum), daggers (patrum, ḫubūsum, marḫāšum, namṣarum), axes/adzes (aga­si­likkum, eḫzum, ḫaṣṣinum,

30.  In ARM 26 380, there is mention of a general appointed to settle a dispute between the merḫûm Ibal-pi-El and section leaders. It may be a matter of giving authority for effective resolution of the matter. 31.  Yet, ARM 5 18:12–16 (LAPO 17 458) finds Yasmaḫ-Addu questioning his own authority to dismiss a general, as requested by his father-in-law, King Išḫi-Addu of Qatna: “The removal of a general (gal mar.tu) is a major matter. There is need for me to go to the king (Samsi-Addu), for I thought, “How could I send any other (person) to the king? ” (lines 13–16). 32.  The fullest list of officers cited in the letters is in ARM 2 13 (LAPO 17 457). In apprising Yasmaḫ-Addu on the orders he set for the division of spoils of war (see at 1.3.a.ii.1), general Samadaḫum gives the following sequence: general (gal mar.tu = rab[i] amurrîm), army scribe (dub. sar mar.tu = ṭupšar amurrîm), and section-chief (gal.ku5 = rab pirsim), or lieutenant (nu.bànda = laputtûm). Earlier, there was mention of section-chiefs, lieutenants (10 men), squad-leaders (ugula 10.lú = wakil 10 awīlī), and soldiers (aga.ús = rēdûm). According to Abrahami (1997: 150–51), the section can have as many as 100 soldiers, a squad up to 50. ARM 4 74 (LAPO 17 541) attaches sheikhs (sugāgū) and ummat pirsī (ku5.meš) to a briefer sequence, while ARM 5 40 (LAPO 16 3) cites the nāgirum, normally “herald”; but these may not be set among military troops. In fact, the demarcation between military and other units is not rigid. The roster will also include scribes (for registration of individuals) and diviners (for the obvious reasons). 33.  As reported in the archives, the number of personnel led by a rab amurrîm differed, likely depending on the occasion and the source for soldiers; see Abrahami 1997: 152 n.123.

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ḫurpalum, pāšum, pāštum), some likely fenestered (katāpum), and maces (muwarrītum, generically, kakkum); 2.  A variety of lances, spears, and javelins, distinguished by their length, girth, or the weight of their heads (durum, imittum, nāzinum, samrūtum, šukurrum), for piercing or throwing; 3.  A variety of weapons for long distance combat, including bows (qaštum, tilpānum, the latter possibly a composite bow) with arrows (šiltāḫum, in an išpatum, “quiver”). Slingstones (waṣpum) and throwsticks (gamlum?, ḫaddum) are also mentioned; 4.  Protection was provided by shields (ṣinnatum, tukšum, the latter of leather), helmets (qur­ pisum), and (leather) vests (naḫlaptum), with belts (misarrum); 5.  Siege instruments (see Charpin 1993b) included towers (dimtum and ḫamanum), often paired with rams (yašibum), foot-bridges (ḫummudayûm; ARM 26 318; 27 142), ladders (simmiltum), ropes (eblum), chains (saparrûm), hooks? (lab/kalbanātum), and planks? (kammum). 34

The production of chariots is well documented in Mari (see Durand 1983: 280–89; Cadelli 1994: 159–62), and their employment for ceremonial functions (gods and kings) is also detailed. There is reference to kings using chariots when reaching troops (for example, ARM 26 119, see at 1.4.c.ii.1). There is mention of the use of wagons on which to transport women and children as well as to move (normally by boat) battering rams, here likely into position. The single reference to riding horses in a military context comes from Tell Leilan (L.87-651 = RATL 11; see at 3.4.b.v). 3.3.d.i.  Making weapons 3.3.d.i.1.  Javelin heads.  Samsi-Addu writes ARM 1 38 (LAPO 17 663) to his son. I had written Laʾum and Mašiya about making 10,000 javelins (heads) of 6 šekels (1.75 oz.) each; but they wrote me back, “There is (not enough) bronze at hand and so we cannot make 10,000 javelins.” Let them make then 5,000 javelins. Now for 5,000 javelins, 8 talents and 20 manas of bronze (are needed). At the (market) rate of 2 manas of bronze per 1 šekel of silver, 4 manas and 10 šekels of silver will be needed. Give (them) this amount so that they can buy the bronze to make 5,000 javelins.

3.3.d.i.2.  Arrowheads. Zimri-Lim (“your lord”) sent Mukannišum ARM 18 10 (LAPO 17 668). On hearing this tablet of mine, have 1,000 bronze arrowheads made, of a quarter šekel (.07 oz.) each, using the red bronze at hand; then send them quickly to me.

3.3.d.i.3.  Shields. 35  Išme-Dagan writes ARM 4 66 (LAPO 17 664) to his brother Yasmaḫ-Addu. 34.  See Charpin 1993b, Rey 2012: 129–84, and Vidal 2012. 35.  There used to be much debate about the nature of the ṣ/sinnatums, with suggestions that it be a trumpet or a lance. A letter sent by Išme-Dagan (A.3918; see Ziegler 2000: 19) gives this detail: “Here there are no reeds, so I cannot have shields made. I am sending you a list of shields (to make); in accordance with this there should be made 20 shields, 3 cubits 6 fingers (5½ feet) long and 2 cubits, 4 fingers (3.5 feet) broad. They should be crafted of red leather. They should not be curved too deeply.”

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Warfare — 3.3.  Armies There are no (reed) shields. Instruct the . . . to order the making of good shields at the time of the enrollment of troops. I am writing you this note on order of the king (Samsi-Addu).

3.3.d.ii.  Disbursing weapons 3.3.d.ii.1.  Shipment from Mari.  Mukannišum writes ARM 26 111 (ARM 2 139 = LAPO 18 960) to the king. The weapons were likely ceremonial. Regarding news of (the god) Addu about which my lord has instructed me, I presented the matter to the diviners Inib-Šamaš and Ilušu-naṣir; they treated 4 sheep and I have had their omens taken to my lord. My lord should send me a full report. I am herewith dispatching these items to my lord: 6 bronze daggers (patrum) with silver mounted (handles); 3 large axes (ḫaṣṣinum); 1 ax with a 1.5 mana (head); 1 large agasilikkum (ax); [x # of] awls? (naqqabū) of 1 mana; [x # of] files? (nalpitū), 10 šekels each; 1 bronze engraver (mēṣerum); [x # of] spears (šukurrū) of 5 manas, their total weight being 211⁄3 manas; 1 linen band for a sheet; [x #] linen band to cover a bed.

3.3.d.ii.2.  A.1389 (Arkhipov 2012: 212) is an example of disbursement of weapons. It dates from Yasmaḫ-Addu’s campaign toward the Mediterranean. I follow the arrangement of the text. 2 bronze daggers (ḫubusū) 1 bronze spear (šukurrum) 2 silver dirks (dūrū)   Yamṣum, section chief 1 bronze dagger, 1 bronze spear 1 silver dirk, 1 bronze stiletto (marḫašum)   Ilitanu, section chief 3 bronze daggers 1 bronze stiletto 2 bronze spears 1 silver dirk   Warad-Ištar, section chief 4 bronze daggers 3 bronze spears, 1 silver dirk 1 bronze ax (pāšum)   Iṣepuk, section chief 4 bronze spears, 3 bronze stilettos The shield plays nicely as metaphor in ARM 13 144:31–38 (LAPO 16 304), posted by Yawi-​ ila of Talḫayum to Zimri-Lim, “Much as earlier in the days of your father Yaḫdun-Lim, we have shifted the land of Yapṭurum, the city of Talḫayum and its hamlets into Simʾal (tribal) control. My lord should be pleased. Yet (when) in the land of my lord—the land of Yapṭurum—a distasteful matter began to take place, I stood facing them like a shield and saved the towns that were being destroyed one by one: first, Buššan; second, Qarḫadum; and third, Ašlakka. I smacked their heads as if fish and promptly posted a message to Itur-asdu (in Naḫur). He sent this news to my lord, no? ”

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1 silver dirk, 1 fenestered ax (katāpum) 5 bronze daggers   Ḫabasum, section chief Total: 14 bronze daggers 5 silver dirks 9 bronze spears (Weighing): 30 manas of bronze 36 Command of Sumu-neḫim

3.4. Combat 3.4.a.  Moving into combat 3.4.a.i.  Logistics.  Despite its many lacunas, Samsi-Addu’s letter to his son (ARM 1 85+ = LAPO 17 449; see Durand 1987a: 163–67) has much information on how an army sets forth for combat—in this case, likely to join with Qatna’s. You wrote to me about your journey with the army. Is the journey with the army not (tough on you?). You remain young and have not yet experienced (these routes). Laʾum and (general) Mutu-bisir are in receipt of many tablets; discuss the matter with them and with their advice decide on how to act. Mutu-bisir has experienced these routes [several lines damaged]. [Water supply] Is there enough water for the armies to drink? The armies that will go are vast. There will be 20,000 that will go, including donkeys, donkey handlers, army guides; will (water) be enough? If you have not yet determined the water supply for these routes, a decision (to go) must not be made. There are Ubrabu-​ tribesmen who have experienced these routes, send out these people—who have experienced these routes—so that they could determine nicely for you the water supply for these routes [a couple of lines are damaged]. [Route] Send me a complete report: which route is best for the army to travel? Is the upper route best? Is the central route best? Is the lower route best? Is moving out from your place (Mari) best for the army? Could it proceed from Abattum? Could it proceed from Ḫalabit? Or could it proceed from your place? Keep inquiring to have it nicely solved for you what water supply there is along these routes. Then send to me a complete report so that I can, from here, give instruction and (so that) the army can assemble in accordance with the route it will take. If for its journey it is to take the upper route, the army that assembles for this specific route will travel

36.  The total does not match the listing. There should be 15 daggers (not 14), 6 silver dirks (not 5), and 10 spears (not 9). The fact that the discrepancy is consistently one less per item is also intriguing; so not quite an error; still, one might wonder what kind of accounting is this that simply eyeballs the weight when other bronze items are not listed? In Sasson 1982, I showed how seemingly indifferent were the Mari accountants when keeping track of outlays of foodstuff for the king’s table. But this document is about the delivery of weapons, some of it made of precious metal.

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Warfare — 3.4.  Combat the Heartland from [. . .] to Qirdaḫat, Der, Malḫatum, and Tuttul. 37 Then it will go from Tuttul to Abattum. If, however, for its journey it is to take the central route, it will travel to Dunnu, via the steppe [many lines damaged, likely discussing the other choices of routes]. I have sent you this note . . . so that the matter of water supply along these routes is well determined. Send me a complete report so that the army could assemble in accordance with the report you write me. Send to me the men who had gone to investigate the water (situation), so that I can question them. [Diviners] As to the diviners who will go with you: Zimri-Dagan, Naram-Sin, Im[. . .] and Apil-ilišu son of Ibal-pi-El, should be ready to act. And, ahead of you, in Qatna (they should take omens).

3.4.a.ii.  Preparing for an assault.  The diviners Yamṣi-Ḫadnu, Mašum and Ḫammi-​ esim write ARM 26 168 jointly to their lord, likely the Yaminite (Yaḫruru) leader Sumu-dabi. The enemy here is Zimri-Lim. Our “partner” is like a pouch brimming with locusts: constantly hopping about. He gives out for daily use bronze spears, shields, and weapons of war. We sent out a spy (ḫālilum). He looked into what is happening and brought (this) back to us: He is making siege-towers! May God shatter his weapons. 38 His goal is to get here. Now, however, is the time for harvest. Our lord must not be negligent; rather, he must write his kin, so that their troops from each town and the allies from encampments be assembled. Once we hear rumor of his (Zimri-Lim’s) advance, then as one person, reinforcement can arrive here. We have had a herald proclaim it here that rumors might be heard. We have requested a bushel (60 liters) of beer (bread) and a bushel of flour. Another matter: (About) the town in which our lord stays and has settled—our lord must give strict orders for protecting the fortification and the outpost, night and siesta-time. As for us, here we are mindful about protecting the fortification and outpost. We shall, at the computation (tēbibtum) for the month, take omens on the safety of the town as well as on the grazing area and shall write to our lord a report on our findings.

3.4.a.iii.  Battle formation.  Išme-Dagan writes this note (ARM 4 85+ = LAPO 17 621; see Ziegler 1997a) to his brother Yasmaḫ-Addu. The language for diverse com37.  “Heartland” is libbi mātim and can be distinguished from the “Upper Country” and “Bank of the Euphrates,” as two other areas designated by topographic rather than political terminology; see Ziegler 2014b. A recommended itinerary hugging the upper Ḫabur is taken up in a letter (A.1053; Charpin 2010f: 33–35) that the merḫûm Yarim-Addu sent to Yasmaḫ-Addu, “The (military) route of my lord goes along the bank of the Ḫabur; but in your [sic!] travel, my lord must not venture into the interior, but toward Qattunan. From Qattunan (he should head) toward Latiḫum; from Latiḫum to Makrisa, thence to Zaḫatum, Qirdaḫat, Yaḫasan, Aparum, Tarnip, and Zalluḫan. My lord should take this route that I have recorded for my lord, for it is a safe one. Once my lord arrives at Zalluḫan, my lord could feel confident (“his eye can glisten”) and may head in any (direction) that suits him.” 38.  In ARM 26 71bis, Zimri-Lim orders Mukannišum to provide timber for constructing siege material, as well as a metal blade weighing a pound, to be attached to a ram.

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ponents of the army is drawn from the body of animals: qaqqadum “head,” pūtum “front,” kappum “wing” (right and left), abunnatum “navel,” and zibbatum “tail.” 39 Concerning the victory over Ešnunna, YOU did not give details that important people, those with reputation, died. Many of the soldiers that were with them did not die. 40 Please set in writing and send me now details on this victory: In the victory over the Lullu-tribesmen, was there push back on the center (“navel”) of the army? Did the wings, right and left, win the victory? Was it won against the center? What? Please send me a complete report whether it was this way or that. 41 Now when you send to have this tablet conveyed, give sharp orders to have it protected during transport. Either have omens taken about the safety of the person(s) transporting this tablet or have 30 men bring (the messengers) close to the river bank before they go back to you. I worry lest those conveying the tablet to me might inspect it. It would not do. About the fact that whatever tablet that you have conveyed to me did not have “confidential” inscribed on the envelope (“top”), “confidential” is (written) over this report. Now therefore, there must certainly be (written) “confidential” on top of the response to this tablet that you will convey to me. I am now conveying to you a tablet written for Warad-Sin. Couriers (ālikūtum) should take and deliver it to Warad-Sin. They should also take for me an answer to this tablet. Have it conveyed to me.

3.4.a.iv.  On alert.  Nur-Addu, a diviner who served many kings, writes ARM 26 140 to the king, likely Zimri-Lim. Through me, my lord had instructed Zikri-Addu (of Qattunan) to guard the district and not to neglect the outposts. This is what my lord instructed me, “You must not neglect to guard the district and (to block) the road of the enemy. As to the nomad Yaḫzib-El (in charge of outposts) as well as his troops, supply them fairly with grain, so as to strengthen the district. The outposts must keep on the move so as not to permit the enemy to cross within the territory (Upper Ḫabur).” This is what my lord instructed Zikri-Addu through me. But Zikri-Addu does not seem to care at all. I put my lord’s tablet in his own hand, yet he does not respond. As to Yaḫzib-El, he says, “I am famished and will make my 39.  On these terms, see Ziegler 1997a: 150–51. A nice comment is made by an official to Zimri-Lim, “My lord must not approach the gate of Mišlan, as he did yesterday. My lord must not place himself in the front (pūtum) of the troops; rather, my lord should be in the “navel” (abunnatum) of his troops. Soldiers should attack but my lord should just observe. My lord should give a gift to the one who exerts himself, but he should protect himself ”; cited from A.1975:36–41 (Ziegler 1997a: 150; Durand 1998a: 309). 40.  Or: “Did many soldiers that were with them not die? ” 41.  The Lullus were tribesmen that periodically raided settled populations. An as yet unpublished letter (A.3006:5–15; Durand 1992b: 98 n. 9; Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 43) from Sammetar, governor of Mari, alludes to their depredations, “The Lullus are criminals. One time, they committed wrong against Tuttul, a second time in the days of Aminum (older brother of Samsi-Addu), a third time in the days of Samsi-Addu, and a fourth time in the days of Yaḫdullim. For now, these Lullus have not (yet) committed wrong. (Kaʾalalu has said this, ‘In their barracks, they have all had bronze daggers made, on their own initiative. . .’)” The Lullus were obviously up to no good a fifth time.

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Warfare — 3.4.  Combat way to the river.” He answered me thus, so I fell at the feet of Yaḫzib-El and of his partners. They heard me and I kept them. Yet, this man Zikri-Addu has kept on answering them unbecomingly. He is letting this district come out from my lord’s control. My lord must write him forcefully so as to give proper answers to the men and (restore) this town and district of Qattunan to my lord. An evil enemy must not defeat this district. If my lord does not write me promptly, I shall head toward my lord.

3.4.b.  Strategies 3.4.b.i.  Wisdom.  Samsi-Addu sent ARM 1 5 (LAPO 17 517) to his son. To wipe out the enemy, YOU devise tricks and maneuver against him. The enemy likewise devises tricks and maneuvers against YOU, just as wrestlers use tricks against each other. I fear this is just like the old proverb, “In her indiscriminate shuttling, a bitch bore blind puppies.” 42 YOU, then, must not do the same. I fear that the enemy will maneuver against YOU [a few damaged lines] . . . DO not fret about the urubātum-festivities for my city and DO not move about a lot. The time for (my) coming up there is close. Until my coming up, DO what is needed to protect the troops. About the instruction I have conveyed to you via Uṣur-pi-šarrim. The enemy under Lidaya (Turukku chief) is set to face Išme-Dagan. Once he heard rumors about troops gathering around Išme-Dagan, he abandoned his town, pulled out and left. Išme-Dagan captured his (Lidaya’s) city, Burullum. [Išme-Dagan] pacified the entire land of Utum, secured it, and set it under a single authority. He has released the army into the Hinterland. The men will rest for 2 or 3 days in their homes and then reassemble. I will take charge of the entire army, then arrive with all the armies at my destination there within this month. You should know this. Until my coming up, do what is needed to protect the troops. I have posted this letter to you from Šubat-Enlil, on the 8th day of Abum (xi).

3.4.b.ii.  Ambush. The merḫûm Ibal-pi-El sent ARM 2 22 (LAPO 17 585; see Heimpel 2003:473–74) to the king: Hammurabi (of Babylon) has said this, “A well-equipped (kibittum) contingent, having gone out to raid an enemy convoy and (finding that) there was no bridge at which to lay ambush, it turned back empty. The enemy convoy proceeded on its way, unharmed. Now, then, a lightly-equipped (qallatum) contingent should go and raid the enemy convoy so as to capture informants (lú ša lišānim).” This is what Hammurabi said. I am sending out Sakirum (a Suḫu leader) with 300 men to Šabazim. Now, of troops I sent out, 150 troops are mine, 50 are (from) Suḫu, and 100 are troops from the Bank of the Euphrates (= Mari). There are also 300 Babylonian troops. In the vanguard of my lord’s troops goes Ilušu-naṣir, my lord’s diviner. A Babylonian diviner goes with the Babylonian troops. This 600-man contingent will stay put in Šabazim. The diviners will formulate the omen query and, depending on the favorable 42.  This apothegm has had a long life in world literature; latest discussion in Durand 2006: 29–30.

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nature of their omen, 150 men will go out (just as) 150 men enter. My lord should know this. My lord’s army is fine.

3.4.b.iii.  Prudence.  Triumphant Ḫuziri of Ḫazza/ikkannum sends FM 2 127 (A.47 = Guichard 1994: 261–63) to “my lord Zimri-Lim.” The troops of the Ḫazzakkannum ruler and those of the garrison of the Numḫa leader that were staying there sallied forth to set up ambushes in the district of Ḫaya-sumu (of Ilanṣura). Now, a mole (lú naṣrum) came out to me; so I undertook to send out the supplementary troops of Qarni-Lim (of Andarig) and troops from the Ḫazannu leader. These ambushes were removed; but in the evacuated section of Mariyatum, in the district of Ḫaya-sumu, a stand against these men was taken. When here I (heard) about it, I quickly went in support and I besieged these men. Later, Sumu-Eraḫ (of Tilla) came to their help. . . The next day, I reinforced my troops; but he (Samsi-Eraḫ) gathered men from Kaḫat and Numḫa. His troops amounted to about 1,500 while we were 400. Once I realized it, on facing these substantial troops, I extracted myself and withdrew. Later, when the leader from Tilla began to move toward Tilla and those from Kaḫat were heading to Kaḫat, here I prepared troops to face those of Kaḫat, and won a victory over 200 men, some dead, some (captured) alive. My lord should be pleased. 43

3.4.b.iv.  Deception. Iddiyatum, Zimri-Lim’s ambassador to Karana, writes ARM 26 526. 43.  As it happens, another version of the events at Mariyatum (ARM 26 357) was posted to Zimri-Lim by Yanuḫ-samar, his agent stationed in Šeḫna/Šubat-Enlil. The discrepancies (some major) give excellent occasions to compare accounts based on different perspectives and on a different allotment of credit (see Guichard 1994: 263–64). I pick up what Yanuḫ-samar writes from line 3′. “. . . Išḫi-Addu (a Mari general), with his troops, and the troops of the king of Ḫazziyanum went to besiege them in Mariyatum. They wrote to me for support. I mustered 400 men under Išḫi-Addu and 500 men under Ḫuziri, sending them off toward Mariyatum. As this contingent was besieging Mariyatum, a supporting army from Kaḫat showed up the day after. (It was Samsi-Eraḫ from Tilla with his troops that provided support. 700 men from Kaḫat also came as support.) The vanguard of my forces (faced these troops). From the midst of the town Mariyatum . . . the troops of Bunu-Ištar came out, and as these troops came out to return to Ḫazzikkannum. The men from Tilla and Kaḫat took the road (back). The men of Kaḫat were moving on to their town. As they took the road back, the 100 men of Išḫi-Addu and the 150 men of Ḫuziri—250 men—with Išḫi-Addu at their head, he (Išḫi-Addu) sent them on saying, ‘Proceed ahead of the Kaḫat troops and set up ambush at Pardu!’ They took the road by the lower terrain and, surging out to face the Kaḫat troops, they clashed with them. My lord’s servants (i.e., the leaders) routed the Kaḫat troops. While they (Kaḫat troops) left 6 corpses behind, each (of the servants) captured a living soldier. The troops came back all safe. Of the 200 men—not more than that—not one was missing. A very nice victory over the men of Kaḫat. My lord’s servants stand in triumph. This is to the credit of Išḫi-Addu. Ḫaya-abum (of Apum) is well; the City Šeḫna, Azamḫul (a town), and my lord’s servants are safe.

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Warfare — 3.4.  Combat Iṣḫarum a messenger from Ekallatum presently stuck in Karana came to me together with some Assyrian merchants, and told me this: “(The Turukku leader) Zaziya had deceptively made peace with Išme-Dagan. 44 In fact, Išme-​Dagan’s gods are now with Zaziya for oath-taking, with his boats now stationed in Kawalḫum (Kalaḫ). Later—since Zaziya had deceived Išme-Dagan—he sent 3,000 men to the gate of Ekallatum, killed 100 men, and (took) 100 men and women as spoil. He raided four towns, as far as Kurdišatum, taking sheep, cattle, and whatever there was, all the way to the gate of Ekallatum. Except for Ekallatum, whose (population) he spared, he left nothing in his land.” They also said, “At the time Zaziya was raiding, Lipissa, the Ešnunna general, was there.” This is what the messengers from Ekallatum who had come to Asqur-Addu (of Karana) told me. Now, on the day that these messengers arrived here, Asqur-Addu had gone to Qaṭṭara, so they have not yet revealed their orders; rather, they have gone to Qaṭṭara. The next day, however, through my own sources, however, I heard this, “With his troops, Lipissa has retreated toward Ešnunna. Zaziya has committed himself to peace with Hammurabi of Kurda.” I am writing to my lord the news I have heard. My lords should write me, one way or another, whether I should send two of my servants with the (Assyrian) merchants so as to keep picking up news about Ekallatum.

3.4.b.v.  Counter-attacks.  Mutiya of Šeḫna writes RATL 11 (L.87-651; Eidem 2011: 80–81) to his “brother” Šepallu (city unknown). 45 The enemy has been in Zannanum for the past three days. Yesterday, it released the grazing flock (salḫum) toward the heartland. Mounting on a horse, and with 60 men, I went ahead of the flock, just by (the town of) Sabum. I brought down 60 corpses and captured 50 prisoners. Having chased the enemy right up to the entrance of his camp, I took its leader captive. My brother should be pleased. Take command of the troops and come to me. Do not delay.

3.4.b.vi.  Abandoning towns.  Išme-Dagan writes (ARM 4 49 = LAPO 17 525) to his brother. When with well-equipped troops the king [Samsi-Addu] approached Sarri, a town dependent on Qabra, the city of Sarri fled before the king, taking shelter in Qabra. The king is now in Sarri. [A few lines missing]. This news that was brought to me I am sending to you. I shall send you any (further) news that is brought to me.

3.4.b.vii.  Fifth column.  Samsi-Addu writes ARM 1 29 (LAPO 17 474) to his son. You must not take as slaves from—nor desire to make slaves of—the people of Zalmaqum that here and there are taken to you for information. 46 Instead, provide 44.  The CAD (R 434–35) treats the noun and the verb ruttû as “mng. Unkn.” The Mari examples make the translation plausible. Heimpel (2003: 350 n. 221) discusses previous suggestions and offers “fixed” in the sense of making a binding agreement. 45.  The letter, post-Mari by a generation, includes the earliest mention of horse-riding for combat, perhaps a precursor to the cavalry of later times. Note the predilection for sexegesimal numbers, a literary touch. 46.  On the context, see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 131–33.

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as many as are captured for you with clothing and release them. 20 such slaves are worth to me just a third of a mana (20 šekels). So for what should I weep? Their value? For (those) 20 slaves that you might release, would the lance (force) of the enemy be strengthened? For these reasons you must not. . . . No doubt, you are taking all that are worth taking in slavery. So, from now on, release all those you capture. In this way, when they are led into that land, all of it will move as one individual to my cause. Do (it) this way. 47

3.4.c.  Fire signal. Communities at relatively short distances from one another alerted each other of danger, including military danger, via fire signals. 48 The practice is practically universal and is well attested in the Hebrew Bible—for example, at Judg 20:38–40. 49 3.4.c.i.  False alarm? 3.4.c.i.1.  Išme-Dagan writes ARM 4 31 (LAPO 17 502) to his brother. About the two fire(-signal)s that you have raised at night, I fear that the whole land will come in to help you. Have tablets written for the entire land—to the land of Andarig, including the districts of Ḫasidanum and Nurrugum—and have them conveyed by couriers, to say, “A well-equipped enemy (army) has come out (of the area) to raid the Heartland. This is the reason why two fires were raised. Do not come here to help.”

3.4.c.i.2.  The merḫûm Bannum writes A.56 (LAPO 17 683; Dossin 1938c: 178) to Zimri-Lim. I left Mari yesterday and on my way spent a night at Zurubban. All the Yaminites have lifted torches. From Samanum to Ilum-muluk and from Ilum-​muluk to Mišlan, in response all the Yaminite towns in the Terqa district lifted torches. I 47.  A couple of days later, Samsi-Addu wrote his son ARM 1 10:3–25 (= LAPO 17 475) and included these lines. “I have heard the tablet you sent me. You wrote that you have captured the town of Till-abnum, but that you did not kill its citizens. Rather, you pacified them and released them. This deed of yours is indeed excellent, worth 10 talents of gold! In fact, earlier, when I did not yet know that you had captured this town, I had written you this about the people of Zalmaqum: ‘the people of Zalmaqum that were taken for information during a raid. . . . Do not (take them captives). Rather, give a gift to the person taken. As soon as he is taken to you, give him clothing and, after instructing him, release him. Once the whole land of Zalmaqum sees what has happened to him, they will all say, “Our lord has . . . our . . . He will not pillage us”.’ As they think this, they will pay mind so that, when I go up to that land, this entire land will move as one individual (to my cause). Do (it) this way. This is what I wrote to you.” It may be worth noticing that, while Samsi-Addu generally cites the gist of his earlier statements, likely from memory, this one is more expansive in its reiteration. In ancient epistolary, there is no fixation on a citation having to be exact. 48.  Idioms include išātam/dipāram nāšûm/napāḫum (“raising/kindling . . . fire[s]/torches). Dos­ sin 1938c collects broadly ancient testimony on this phenomenon. 49.  Also: “Flee for refuge, O people of Benjamin, Out of the midst of Jerusalem! Blow the horn in Tekoa, Set up a (fire) signal at Beth-haccherem! For evil is appearing from the north, And great disaster” [Jer 6:1, from TNK].

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Warfare — 3.5.  Siege Tactics have not yet figured out (the reason for) these torches, but I plan to do so now. I will then write my lord this or that (explanation). The guard-posts of the city Mari must be strengthened. My lord must not exit his door.

3.4.c.ii.  Alarmist berated. Sitriya, a unit commander, is likely writing A.1866 (LAPO 17 622; Dossin 1938c: 183) to Yasmaḫ-Addu, although he later obeyed Zimri-​Lim; see also A.3206 at 6.1.a.ii.2c. My lord wrote to me about the fires, saying, “Why have you raised fires? Is it not that the order to raise fire comes from Ḫana or from here? ” This is what my lord wrote to me. Previously, whenever I saw a fire, it is because raising (fire) had been ordered. Now that my lord has written me, I will not raise any fire (even) when I see a fire. But when I see two fires, I will gather the land (population) and will raise a fire.

3.4.d.  Attrition 3.4.d.i.  AWOL.  Baḫdi-Lim, governor of Mari province, sent ARM 6 35 (LAPO 17 569) to Zimri-Lim. The general of the king of Yamḫad (Aleppo) alerted me: “4 men from my troops have deserted. I am getting (people) after them. Write your lord that the men have escaped. These men must not leave (the area).” This is what the Yamḫad general wrote to me. Since my lord is now in the Upper Country, may my lord unequivocally order Kibri-Dagan (of Terqa) and Yaqqim-Addu (of Saggaratum) that these men not leave (the area). Whenever they are seized, they should be brought back shackled, so that in the future people are fearful.

3.5.  Siege Tactics 3.5.a.  Fortifications 3.5.a.i.  Boasts.  OBLTA 9 (1931-T197; see Whiting 1987: 46–47). This letter is from Tell Asmar (Ešnunna) and dates from the early 20th century, likely addressing King Bilalama. Note the hyperbolic nature of the boast. 50 The army is well and the city is safe. My lord’s garrison is so strong that, were Amorites to battle (us) for 10 years, bringing 10 battering rams, 10 siege towers, and 20 samukānū-engines, I will still be in control. My lord should not worry. 51 50.  A nice hyperbole is conveyed in a note Atamrum of Andarig posted to Hammurabi of Kurda (as cited by Yaqqim-Addu, ARM 14 101:2′–14′ = LAPO 16 362): “Because you have accepted to be his vassal (“grasped the edge of his garment”)—so having made peace with him—I too will make peace. Šubat-Enlil is a strong city, it sits at the core of the land, like a mountain. I want to go to Šubat-Enlil and browbeat the Elamite Kunnam, forcing him out of the city itself. Should he not agree to vacate, I will kill this man and release Šubat-Enlil to its owner. If otherwise, do take up once more my cause and let me meet with Zimri-Lim.” 51.  Rural populations moved into fortresses when troubles seemed to brew, as this extract from a letter Ḫasidanum wrote to Yasmaḫ-Addu shows (ARM 5 37:1′–11′ = LAPO 17 510):

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3.5.a.ii.  Solid fortifications.  Baḫdi-Lim posted ARM 6 29 (LAPO 17 597) to Zimri-​ Lim. A while ago, Yattin-eraḫ returned along with the troops that were garrisoned in Karana. Now, Yasim-El arrived here to say, “Iddiyatum has returned.” Now, is Iddiyatum to be staying with the troops, or is it (to be) Yattin-Eraḫ? My lord should write me about the one among them to stay and the order I ought to send him. 52 I have inquired about the city’s condition. The wall is enclosed within a glacis? (šulḫum), while the palace is encircled by a glacis as well as a moat (ḫirītum). The (garrison) troops that are staying, should they guard the wall, the gate, or the palace? My lord should write me one way or another where they are to stay. The troops are ready to go at any time (“day or night”). 53

3.5.a.iii.  Earning prestige.  To Kuwari of Šušarra Etellum sent ShA1 39 (SH.913; see Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 108–9). Šikšabbum, your enemy, is trouble for you and for me. We should plan to besiege it. As soon as you listen to this tablet, promptly muster your full army and the Lullu-tribesmen and march on. Let us promptly besiege Šikšabbum and gather prestige in our lord’s sight. Indeed, I am now at the Tarum frontier, waiting for you. Promptly come here, for us to bring Šikšabbum to account before the king reaches (it). Within 3–4 days the king should seize Nurrugum and will proceed with his army to Šikšabbum. But before the king comes here, we ought to carry out a great feat for our lord! Don’t delay; just come here.

3.5.b.  Siege 3.5.b.i.  Settling at a siege.  Samsi-Addu posted ARM 1 90 (LAPO 17 497) to his son. In Amursakkum, where there are Turukku-tribesmen, with 2,000 men from Nurrugu, Dadanum stays in a (military) camp by himself and to one side. In order to block the road, the enemy moved ahead of Dadanum to prepare for combat. As it approached with auxiliary troops, he was killed, and 5 soldiers were killed with him. Later, as they brought back their portions, 50 enemies were killed. Now (general) Išar-Lim is staying with him. He is well and so are the troops. The . . . are secure. The armies are setting up camp and digging a ditch. They are encircling town and camp. 54 I fear lest you hear from YOUR own sources that a prominent person was “Those in the vicinity of Karana must move into Karana, those in the vicinity of Qaṭṭara must move into Qaṭṭara, while those in the vicinity of Appaya must move into Appaya. The entire land must be gathered into fortress towns. My lord must not be anxious.” In Mari, what distinguished urbanized kings from tribal leaders is their control of fortified cities. A Zimri-Lim official drips with sarcasm as he deflects a threat by a tribe to attack Mari (A.3862:15′–19′): “You are writing to my lord about war (as if) you are a powerful king or (have) a spacious city encircled by walls”; cited from Charpin 2014b: 207. 52.  Translation differs in LAPO 17 597. 53.  Durand (1998a: 256–57) translates differently. 54.  Yamṣum (diplomat posted at Ilanṣura) sends Zimri-Lim this note (ARM 26 320:11–16): “General Lawila-Addu, with 2,000 men, is setting up a camp at the gate of Šeḫna (Šubat-Enlil),

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Warfare — 3.5.  Siege Tactics killed and become anxious. YOU must not worry at all. The armies are well. I am conveying this tablet to you on the 26th of Niqmum (1st month).

3.5.b.ii.  Siege at Razama.  The Mari archives detail several sieges, some from multiple perspectives, none as thickly as the sieges at Ḫiritum and at Razama. The latter event is featured below. 55 The core narrative is provided in a letter (ARM 14 104+ = LAPO 17 548; see Charpin 1993a: 199–200) Yaqqim-Addu, governor of Saggaratum, sent to the king; see Sasson 2015: 472–76. On the day I convey this letter to my lord, 3 men from Bab-naḫlu (near Mari), who had been taken to Ešnunna during the past campaign of Dannum-taḫaz against Mari, escaped here from the army at Atamrum’s disposal and appeared before me. 56 I questioned them about events, and they told me the following: An army reached Razama, and as it did so, a contingent from the town came out and killed 700 Elamite warriors and 600 Ešnunna men. They let 10 days pass, then the elders came out before Atamrum and told him, “We want peace; as soon as the army moves away into its campsite at a half mile, I [= King Šarriya] shall deliver the money.” However, Atamrum answered them, “In fact, you have decided, ‘Let us deceive him with words and when he moves away into his campsite we can put an end to tribulation in Idamaraṣ.’ If you really want peace, why has Šarriya not come out to meet me? Just keep on fighting and strengthen your town!’ But the townsmen answered him, “This town belongs to Zimri-Lim and the levied army has followed him [to Yamḫad]. Stick around, until the town’s lord [=Zimri-Lim] catches up with you!” So, he [=Šarriya] took charge and strengthened his town. Periodically, he would come out and rout Ešnunna troops while he [Atamrum] would pile up against the town an expanding ramp. Once the top portion of the ramp reached the parapet of the outer fortification, the townsmen broke out from inside the town and made two big holes, right and left, at the ramp’s front sections. Having moved at night to the front of the ramp via the cuts, at dawn the town’s soldiers surged out and routed half the army (of Atamrum). They plundered their bronze lances and shields, taking them into town. (The goal for these townsmen is to remain loyal only to my lord!) saying, ‘The grazing area (salḫum) must not allow the people to leave or enter or receive (any) soul. This way, we can (retain) the city under our control.’” The personification of a territorial entity is striking. 55.  See also ARM 26 318 at 1.3.c.i.1 and A.2730 at 2.1.c.iii.3. Atamrum of Allaḫad, having successfully occupied Andarig, moved against Šarriya (Šarraya) of Razama. Both were vassals of Zimri-Lim, creating a problem, but we have a note in which Zimri-Lim warned Atamrum against taking Razama (ARM 14 103 = LAPO 16 431). To complicate matters, Zimri-Lim was making his way back from a trip toward the Mediterranean. The Mari records on the siege of Razama include the following: ARM 14 104+ (= LAPO 17 548); ARM 6 51, 52, and 65 (= LAPO 17 553, 552, 850); and ARM 27 132, 133, 318. There is a large literature on this famous event. A succinct account is by C. Michel in the Reallexikon der Assyriologie 11 (2006–8) 278–79. For the siege of Ḫiritum, see Lacambre 1997. A siege at Malgium is prevented by paying a huge ransom (ARM 1 129 = LAPO 17 544). 56.  For these refugees, see also ARM 6 37, cited at 6.7.c.i.1.

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This is what Atamrum contrived to do: He supplied 30 charlatans( 57) with bronze lances and they provoked the townsmen, “Why do you keep being loyal to Zimri-Lim? Is it not so that his soldiers are (actually) besieging you now? ” But the townsmen answered him, “These are charlatans that you have equipped and you have had them come near (us)! Yes, within five days the armies that are with Zimri-Lim will catch up with you. You will see. . . !” With rumor about the arrival of my lord rife over the army, during that night, in the camp-site, twice the armies would come under alert. It was said, “If non-stop (lit., night and day) they hauled water for the troops from a good distance, who among the 2,000 to 3,000 men . . . has gone to raid the water haulers, so that the townsmen would come out and kill many soldiers? ” But in that (Atamrum’s) camp-site, this army is under alert and remains fearful of my lord. My lord should act to reach and save the city. Now, since I had written to my lord earlier about Šubat-Enlil, (I add that) the city Šubat-Enlil is not taken. The troops of Atamrum have not been allowed to enter into the town, with the statement, “This town belongs to the sukkal (of Elam). No troops can enter.” I have now sent to my lord the report that these men have said and I have (sent) these men (under guard) to Baḫdi-Lim (in Mari). [A few damaged lines about repairing the walls of Saggaratum and transporting grain]. . . . Saggaratum and Dur-Yaḫdullim are in good order. I have posted this letter of mine to my lord on the 27 of Laḫḫum (iii).

3.6. Aftermath 3.6.a.  Victory.  Victories are generally credited to the god of a ruler (see at 5.6.a), and they are sometimes offered portions of the spoils (see at 1.3.a.ii-iv). Nonetheless, in less pious moments, kings realize that victories are due to their arms and armies. 3.6.a.i.  Gloating 3.6.a.i.1.  Annihilation. Išme-Dagan tells his brother (ARM 4 33 = LAPO 17 527) about his victory. The army of the Ya-ilanum (tribe), with all its resources, mustered under Bin-Addu to give combat. We clashed at Tutarwi and I was victorious. Bin-Addu and all the Ya-ilanum tribesmen were killed—all his retainers and fighters were killed. No enemy who went out (to battle) is left. Be happy. 58 57.  The term applied to these men (lú.meš sarrārū) comments on their character rather than their activity and thus may be equivalent to Hebrew ʾănāšîm rêqîm upōḥăzîm of Judg 9:4. 58.  Similarly, also from Išme-Dagan (M.5694+:5–18; cited from Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 107 n. 263), “I moved toward the land of Aḫḫazum. The Turukku Lidaya and the totality of his armies—armies from the land of Aḫazu, the land of Šušarra, Ikkalnum, Šegibbu, Kakmum, Zikum, Luṭpu, and the land of Uraʾum—these 9 lands joined each other, so about 10,000 men came against me with weapons. But I won a victory over all these kings. I captured Lidaya and Ḫalunpiʾumu the king of Aḫazum.”

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3.6.a.i.2.  A crushing defeat.  Samsi-Addu writes (ARM 1 69+ = LAPO 17 452) to his son. As the armies were gathering (to attack) Qabra, I sent Išme-Dagan with an army into the land of Aḫazim. I myself headed to the city (Ekallatum). Now as the armies began to gather at Qabra, the land of Aḫazim heard about it and decided to act. The troops of the entire land, together with the Turukkus that were with it, gathered ahead of Išme-Dagan, staying in Ikkallum, a town in Aḫazim. Išme-Dagan set forth for this town. Not even 300 cubits away, the army of this entire land, as well as the Turukku-tribesmen, faced Išme-Dagan and set themselves to combat (him). There was a battle . . . Išme-Dagan defeated the army of the entire land as well as the Turukku-tribesmen. Not one man escaped. He captured the entire land of Aḫazum. This was a crushing defeat for the land. Be happy! 59 While here your brother has achieved a great victory, there you lie among women. Now then—when you go with the army to Qatna, be a man! Just as your brother has acquired great fame, you too acquire great fame in the Qatna campaign.

3.6.a.i.3.  Be happy!  Aqba-ḫammu of Qaṭṭara wrote OBTR 72 (Dalley 1976: 69–70) to his wife, Iltani of Qaṭṭara. I have turned all of the land of Širwun back to my side, and everyone among the troops took spoils. I shall come into the Upper District, (thence) to the land itself. Be happy!

3.6.b.  Release of troops 3.6.b.i.  Begging for release.  Ibal-pi-El sent this note (ARM 2 24+:4–32 = LAPO 17 586) to the king (reconstructed text in Durand 1998a: 224). I excerpt just the obverse. In accordance with the message that my lord has sent me several times, “Speak agreeably to Hammurabi (of Babylon) and make it so that the release of the army occurs before winter.” This is what my lord wrote to me. I have now approached Hammurabi in an agreeable way, telling him, “Now that God has destroyed the enemy and that winter days are ahead, why are you still detaining the servants of your brother (Zimri-Lim)? Give me orders that I may leave and that every soldier can reach home.” I told him all this and more. Yet, as I have written earlier to my lord, he gave me this answer, “Let me see first in the next 5 to 10 days news from the Ešnunna leader; so pipe down.” This is what he answered me. When messengers serving my lord got (a message) for my lord, I was in attendance; so I drew Hammurabi’s attention to these words, promptly turning to (the subject at hand): “Fine, from now, should God create good rapport between you and the ruler of Ešnunna, what will the servants of your brother (Zimri-Lim) be doing here? But should God reverse the good rapport he established, in these winter days, what would you do? Would you besiege a city or would you make raids into (enemy) terri59.  See also ARM 1 92 (LAPO 17 530), a note Samsi-Addu sent to Yasmaḫ-Addu, “Hardly 5 days had passed since I defeated the king of Qabra, I defeated the Ya-ilanum (tribes) and seized the city Ḫimara. In that city, I captured 300 of its men—the citadel, as well as 1 son (of the ruler).”

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tory? ” I told him all this and more, and had him grasp (them) with words. However appealing the words that I told him, he was not receptive to these good words. . . .

3.6.b.ii.  Impressment.  Samsi-Addu writes ARM 1 13 (LAPO 17 454) to Yasmaḫ-​ Addu, his son: Concerning the troops who are with Samidaḫum and who are to be released from Qatna, (general) Samidaḫum is sending his sheikhs so that the sheikhs can bind the released soldiers and convey them to Samidaḫum. 60 When these men realize that they will be bound and be returned to Samidaḫum, they will never be willing to return (voluntarily) to their land but will, instead, begin to infiltrate into enemy country. Should there be an order now for releasing the troops, the whole army will go on release. For (the troops) to be gathered to Laʾum and the sheikhs, issue the following decree, “All troops that are in Qatna will be released. You must not bind those from Qatna who are released or take them into custody.” Issue this decree. [2 lines damaged] When Laʾum goes to Ekallatum to sacrifice to (the god . . .), he should take along a kaʾilum.

3.6.c.  Population shifts  (Durand 1992b: 102–4) 3.6.c.i.  Deportation.  Išme-Dagan writes ARM 4 25 (LAPO 17 531) to his brother. Concerning the land of Šušarra, about which you wrote to me: Išar-Lim can tell you how much trouble there was in this land and why we could not control all of it. Lidaya, the Turukku, and the Turukku-tribesmen with him that live in this land have waged war and completely destroyed 2 towns. I went to help, but they had gone into the mountains. We have consulted and, since this land cannot be brought under control, I moved the (population) of that land, settling the (population) of that land in the lands of Arrapḫum and Qabra, men and women. The troops will find discharge into the land.

3.6.c.ii.  Resettling refugees.  Išme-Dagan writes ARM 26 269 (= ARM 4 63; LAPO 18 1034) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. The fugitives escaping Nurrugum about which you wrote to me: Send to me a scribe and keep a physician with you. Of the others, keep as many as you wish, but have the rest of them brought to me. From now on, keep all whom you wish from those that come to you; but those you do not keep, have them brought to me. I will find for them a suitable place. About the person from Yamḫad who came to (rest broken). . . . 61 60.  On Sami/adaḫum, see ARM 2 13 (LAPO 17 457), at 1.3.a.ii.1 and note to FM 9 52 at 2.3.c.ii.1. 61.  In FM 9 71:19′–36′ (A.3917; Ziegler 2007: 282–86), an official (likely Meptum) rehearses for Zimri-Lim a murky tale in which a songstress is repatriated after the fall of Ešnunna, with Atam­rum of Andarig occupying the conquered city: “Gumul-Sin brought the woman out of the city gate and departed. (A report is taken back to my lord.) I gave this instruction to the guides, ‘Until YOU safely guide the woman through a frontier town, modify her garment and head-gear.’ But, being negligent, the men did not modify (the attire) but added three to four (other women)

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3.6.d.  Peaceable Kingdom.  Kabiya of Kaḫat writes ARM 28 126 (= ARM 2 59, LAPO 17 727) to Zimri-Lim. All is well with the flocks of the nomads grazing in my district. They get fair treatment with any claim for water in the pasture. There is harmony between the flocks of nomads and with the City Kaḫat. My lord must send me news of his well-being. along with her. Having stocked up, they left and reached Agade. They drank beer and, having the woman ride a mule, they led her all the way through the square in Agade. The woman was recognized and she was seized. When news of her capture reached Atamrum in Ešnunna, a troop of 30 men armed with bronze spears surrounded Gumul-Sin saying, ‘Your lord has conveyed to you 5 manas of silver, yet you keep on selling women from Ešnunna.’ They took guarantees from him. . . .” There is more, but the matter spins into a new angle.

C

h a p t e r

4

Society 4.1.  Organs of justice 4.1.a.  Judges.  So far, the Mari archives do not include law collections (codes). Given that these archives are largely court documents, it is not surprising that the king, his governors, and those assigned to administer towns are said to issue decrees (šipṭum). In fact, although the noun dīnum “judgment” and forms of the verb diānum “to render a judgment” readily occur and can be applied to the king’s action (ARM 8 85; see at 1.4.d.2), the title dayyānum (“judge,” in our sense) appears relatively seldom, especially when exercising their functions—for example in ARM 8 83 and in ARM 8 87. 1 4.1.a.i.  King.  Kings act as arbitrators rather than judges; see at 1.4.d. 4.1.a.i.1.  King as judge.  Atrakatum, sister of Zimri-Lim, married Sumu-dabi, chief of the Yaḫruru, a Yaminite tribe. She writes ARM 10 90 (LAPO 18 1185) to complain about the high-handed tactics of Iddin-Sin, likely a High Priest.. 2 1.  ARM 8 87 is a document from Zimri-Lim’s early years in which 5 judges (2′–6′) witness the allocation of funds from the estate of a dead official to several women, apparently for work done. Among the named judges are the well-known palace administrators, Yasim-sumu, Iddiyatum, and Nanna-manse. This suggests that dayyānum could be an interim function rather than a permanent position. The same conclusion comes to mind in the case of Yasitum, an official who reports to another official (Iddiyatum), when he is termed a dayyānum during a loyalty oath (ARM 23 85). Among several groups, judges are set to join Yasmaḫ-Addu’s table (ARM 23: 620; see B. Lafont 1985: 162). dayyānum is a moniker for the god Šamaš and, as such, likely becomes an element in the creation of personal names. 2.  Atrakatum is a perfect example of a bride expected to further the concerns of her brother/ father. She writes ARM 10 91 (LAPO 18 1186), from which I cite only lines 3′–15′, “Another matter: a nomad sheikh, that my lord had once sent to Sumu-dabi, having clothed him in a garment—well, one day in the middle of the night, he came in and began to tell Sumu-dabi all there is to say. When I get to meet with my lord, I will reveal to my lord all that he said. However, if the

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Society — 4.1.  Organs of justice About the money that Iddin-Sin has claimed from me, my lord has granted us a hearing: I arrived here, but those knowledgeable about the matter and who worked under Mut-Bisir were not available. They had gone with Sumu-dabi and I have therefore not been able to settle the matter as yet. Now my lord has written me about the money. Because I respect my lord’s order, I have paid 6 silver šekels, assets of the sons who live with me. 3 The remainder (is) 4 silver šekels. (Iddin-Sin) could come here and resolve the matter with Mut-Bisir’s sons. Another matter: Concerning my house Iddin-Annu has priority over me. So, they have evicted me from my house and let him move in. If it please my lord, my lord should not allow me to suffer. They should restore my house to me. Especially since my father and mother have not bequeathed me field or orchard, I must request it from my own lord. My lord should command that they release to me a field or orchard (from royal control). My lord should offer me. . . .

4.1.a.i.2.  “Judge of the king.”  Terqa 8–5 (Rouault 2011: 44–45) is a (somewhat obscure) record from Terqa of a legal proceeding. The year-name for Zimri-Lim is heretofore unattested. About the house and field that Yarʾipum son of Iddin-Itur-Mer has contested: (Governor) Kibri-Dagan and a judge of the king have delivered a judgment, the sons of Rimši-El being occupied with their tablets in the presence of the (gods) Lagamal and Yakšudum (Ikšudum). 4 The sons of Rimši-El formed the tablets of seizure —forming (them) in the house and his field. Because he contested the house of seizure—being satisfied—the house of Yarʾipum son of Iddin-Itur-Mer is seized. Witnesses: RipʾiAddu, Išḫi-Addu, daughters of Alitum; Ili-Eraḫ, son of Bulzi-Dagan; Mutum-El, the trapper; Qiš-Annu, son of Akkabum; Qiš-ili, son of Akka; Akiya, the brewer; Manna-balṭi-Dagan. Year: Zimri-Lim built the new gates of Terqa.

4.1.a.ii.  Contempt of judgment. Ḫasidanum, district governor in Karana, writes this note to Yasmaḫ-Addu (ARM 5 39 = LAPO 18 1072). Atamrum, the kisalluḫḫum, has taken my own share of the booty. He refuses to appear before the courts. I have repeatedly imposed sentence on him. Judges (dayyānū) have also done the same, but he scorns my judgment and the judges. 5

matter is vital to my lord’s heart, my lord should write me one way or the other and I will have whatever this man had said put in a letter, and will convey it to my lord.” The letter was likely sent just before the Yaminites—including Sumu-dabi—revolted against Zimri-Lim. 3.  This suggests that Atrakatum may have had a previous marriage, whether ending in a divorce or widowhood, the last as in the case of Inib-šarri, on whom see letters at 1.8.c.i. 4.  The verb edēmum (in the stative) is difficult to unravel. I am guessing at a meaning. The two Terqa gods Ikšudum and Lagamal are often paired (ARM 13 111), shuttling between Mari and Terqa, when the roads are safe (A.3597; cited in Durand 2008a: 364). The gods are used to resolve disputes, as in M.6607 (cited at 5.4.d.i.1). 5.  Durand translates differently the first lines. ARM 26 444 has the same opponents, and if it is about the same matter, it involves more legal proceedings including the taking of sacred oaths. Atamrum was likely an official at the palace, even if his title literally means “court-cleaner.”

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4.2. Procedure 4.2.a.  Jurisdiction 4.2.a.i.  Crossing boundaries. Zakira-ḫammu, governor in Qattunan, writes these two letters (ARM 27 69 and 70) to Zimri-Lim. [4.2.a.i.1. ARM 27 69 = ARM 2 79 = LAPO 18 1058] The city Qattunan as well as the district are in good order. 2,000 soldiers from Ḫaya-sumu (of Ilanṣura) and Šubram (of Susa), with Zu-ḫadnim at their lead, are reaching Qattunan and planning to head for my lord. Another matter: Qarni-Lim (of Andarig) wrote to me this, “The shepherd Ibassir and a nomad Šapi-El, who stole sheep from Ḫayan of Yamutbal, (are) in Ašnakkum. I am sending to you my servants, get these nomads as well as Yaʾuš-Addu, chief shepherd, together and send them to my brother (Zimri-Lim). My brother should place them in judgment.” This is what Qarni-Lim wrote to me. I answered Qarni-Lim’s servant, “The shepherds are not under my authority. The matter of these men is under my lord’s authority.” This is what I answered Qarni-Lim’s servant. I am therefore sending now to my lord Qarni-Lim’s messenger. I have likewise placed under seal the tablet that came to me from Qarni-Lim and have had it conveyed to my lord. [4.2.a.i.2. ARM 27 70] The city Qattunan as well as the district are in good order. My lord has written me about the sheep belonging to people from Yamutbal. I took up the matter with Ibassir and he answered me, “I am in no way involved in this matter, my lord must clear me. It was Šapi-El who had the sheep taken away.” I sent two men with Ibassir so as to bring Šapi-El back to me. They could not find him. This man has moved to Kurda. 6 So Ibassir went (there) and seized 6 sheep in one sheepfold, 2 in another, and 1 billy-goat in a third. The merḫûm Ibal-pi-El is just now with my lord. Ibal-pi-El should question the owners of the sheepfold, for they can identify the man who carried away these sheep. These men are not under my authority.

4.2.a.ii.  Settling cases. Yamṣi-ḫadnu, king of Kaḫat, writes these notes to his “brother” Till-abnu of Šeḫna, a couple of generations after the fall of Mari. [4.2.a.ii.1. RATL 70 = L.87-827; Eidem 2011: 140–41] I am now sending my servant Yapaḫ-Lim to you, bringing along men involved in a lawsuit. They should stand before you. When they come to you for judgment, give them satisfaction. In this way, let me experience how just are your dealings with me. [4.2.a.ii.2. RATL 71 = L. 87-1314; Eidem 2011: 141–42] I am just now sending my servant Yarim-Lim to you, bringing along men involved in a lawsuit. He should stand before you within 3 days. When he approaches you, give them satisfaction. [4.2.a.ii.3. RATL 72 = L. 87-1352; Eidem 2011: 142] The brother of the person bearing this tablet of mine, why is he detained there within the city gate? His opponent is now here, so send him here and let me settle his case. 6.  The verb here is ḫabārum, “To move/emigrate from one place to another.”

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4.2.a.iii.  Higher authority.  Niqmi-Addu sent this note (RATL 83 = L87-1315; Eidem 2011: 153). Noteworthy is the potential for rulers to annul legal decisions. About the case of Asiru, the merchant: in the past, I have had the elders, the merchants and the commoners stand before me and I had a trial for them according to the testimony of the elders. Now then, if you want to annul my judgment (tupassas), do it. I am now sending to you his elders and the merchants. I have also sent an elder for (summoning) a commoner in Puṭrum; but he did not (yet) come here [a few lines damaged]. . . he should pay a šekel of silver. Have his elders stand (before you); then according to the testimony of his elder, Asiru should receive your verdict when before you.

4.2.b.  Accusation 4.2.b.i.  “No favor.”  Ḫammi-ištamar, an Ubrabu Yaminite chieftain, writes ARM 2 94 (LAPO 18 1023) to governor Kibri-Dagan of Terqa. I have listened to your tablet in which you wrote, “Men from Terqa live there (where you are) and some complaints are lodged against them. Send them to me.” This is what you wrote. I had these two men stand before your servant and told them, “Dispute each other: If you are slaves or in debt; if there is a charge against you from the palace or from Kibri-Dagan—I will show you no favor and will hand you over.” They stood and argued with your servant; but he was not able to challenge them. Now then, is it just that I should shackle (people of) freemen (status) and hand them over to you? I would be scattering my district by my own doing.

4.2.b.ii.  Theft.  Yaqqim-Addu sent these two letters to Zimri-Lim. See also RATL 67 at 6.1.a.iii.3. 4.2.b.ii.1.  [ARM 14 51 = LAPO 18 1054) Yanṣib-Dagan of [. . .] is now in my district. He went to Idamaraṣ territory and stole and then sold 8 slaves and 2 donkeys. When from my sources I heard (about it), Yanṣib-Dagan was summoned. I questioned him as follows, “In Idamaraṣ, a land at peace with my lord, why did you steal slaves and donkeys? ” He answered, “It is not I who stole. There are people who are selling slaves and donkeys.” Zu-ḫadnim, servant of my lord, stepped up to say, “You gave (sold) 4 slaves to Napsiya from Ḫarruwatum. You gave (sold) 2 donkeys to me and 4 slaves in Utaḫum, in the Upper Territory.” Yanṣib-Addu said, “Lead me to the king, as in his presence I want to identify the men who stole slaves and donkeys.” Now then, I am having Yanṣib-Dagan taken to my lord. My lord should interrogate him to determine those who have stolen slaves and donkeys from the Idamaraṣ territory and sold (them). So as to keep my lord’s decree in force, I was thinking, “I fear that [2 lines damaged] and if we did not convey this man. . . , he might get going and leave Saggaratum.” I feared this, so I sent (him) to my lord to question him. 4.2.b.ii.2.  [ARM 14 79 = LAPO 18 1056] The nomad Ḫalakumu has sold a slave to the Sutus in Idamaraṣ [Durand: Ḫit] and was leading here 2 donkeys and 3 sheep, (received as) his payment. Those on patrol did not notice it when he shuttled the slave from here toward Idamaraṣ. On his return, however, those on patrol seized the 2 donkeys and led to me. I interrogated Ḫalakumu, who had sold the slave to the

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Sutus, and he answered, “I bought this slave in another land and sold him in another land. Why are you questioning me? ” So I told him, “This whole area is under my own lord’s peace. One day they might come and meet my lord; what would I answer? ” I am now conveying Ḫalakumu and the 2 donkeys, (used as) payment for the slave. The 3 sheep . . . were indeed slaughtered . . . [Rest fragmentary.]

4.2.b.iii.  Corruption.  ARM 7 263 (collations in Charpin and Durand 1983: 96; see Jacquet 2011: 222) is a bill of indictment against a corrupt official whose name is lost but who may have operated from Mišlan, close to Terqa and to Yaminite settlements. The mention of other officials would place it during the reign of Zimri-Lim. The nature of this text was first deciphered by Benno Landsberger (Bottéro 1957: 355–57). The text is too full of gaps to translate, so I give a sampling from some consecutive sequences. The conversion to modern dry measures is approximate. [col i.1–4]. He sold to Anni-išar 64 bushels of barley from the Mišlan harvest belonging to Ištar of Bisra; [col. i.5–7] (He pilfered) 8 bushels of malt and 20 bushels of barley belonging to the god. . . ; 20 bushels of malt for the qerītum-festival of Ištar and for the qilaʾūtum-​ ritual of Itur-Mer; [col. i.8–11) (He pilfered) 60 liters of quality flour, 120 liters of fine flour, and 120 liters of coarse flour, (plus) 2 vases, each of 120 liters capacity, and 5 jars of beer, 20 liters, at the zurāyum-festivals; [col. ii.1–3] (He pilfered) 72 bushels, feed for the jail, ration for 3 months; 7 [col. ii.4–10] He did not distribute to the artisans 224 bushels of barley for (the month of) Malkanum (ii), rations (neprētum) for artisans that he received from Etel-pi-Šamaš and Nanna-manse at the threshing-floor; [col. ii.11–] 30 liters of quality flour, 60 liters of fine flour, 60 liters of coarse flour, at the Dagan (festival), assigned to the qadištum priestesses; 8 [col. iv.6′–9′] He carried to his home a pestle for pitch, tools from Mišlan that he gathered; [col. iv.10′–15′] 6 fat-tailed sheep for the king’s sacrifice, reserved for the festival of (the goddess) Diritum and for the pudûm-expiation of the king. He bought substitutes for them. He took them away and gave them to the cook. . . .

4.3. Crime 4.3.a.  Homicide 4.3.a.i.  Mutilated infant. Baḫdi-Lim writes about a sad discovery in his district; ARM 6 43 (LAPO 18 1062). Whether sorcery is involved may be one source of worry. 9 7.  Obviously not an uncommon larceny, to judge from A.1401 (see at 4.5.c.ii) that tells of starved inmates. 8.  On these priestesses, see A.1186 at 5.5.b.iv. 9.  In FM 2 30:5–12 (M.9315; see Bonechi and Catagnoti 1994: 63–65), Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum reports, “Nab-Šamaš, servant of Lanasum (commissioner in Tuttul), who was on his

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Society — 4.3.  Crime A suckling infant, born this past year, was dumped by the canal (embankment), opposite the old sakkanum-building that is at the upper end of the lower side (of town). This infant was severed at the waist, (with) remains from the chest to the head. Without a head and nothing toward its feet. Who can tell whether it is male or female? From the middle section downward, there is nothing. On the very same day, as soon as I heard this matter, I questioned the heads of the city’s quarters, the artisans, and those in the souk (kārum); 10 but no one showed up who knew of the matter, not the child’s owner, its father, or mother. Also on the same day, I sent to my lord this report through Beli-dari. For the seven days since I sent Beli-dari to my lord, I have continued to interrogate . . . [final lines are missing].

4.3.a.ii.  A family tragedy.  Zimri-Addu, a governor in Qattunan, has this report for the king (ARM 27 115 = LAPO 18 1063). A psychotic breakdown? The son of the palace guard Beli-ašared fell ill and wrote to his father in Mari, “Come to me!” Beli-ašared arrived here and stayed for 10 days until his son had calmed down. With his son calm, Beli-ašared planned to continue his journey to Raḫatum that very night. The day he was planning to continue his journey, during siesta time, when he was in exhausted slumber in the guest-house, his own son slit his throat with a bronze dagger. Now I had just arrived from the field for the siesta. Right away he turned his attention to me and entered the house just then. It is possible that to him I seemed asleep, so he decided to kill me. But I jumped up and seized this man, then placed him in jail (nepārum).

4.3.a.iii.  Attempted murder (or not).  Kibri-Dagan of Terqa sent ARM 3 71 (LAPO 18 1061) to the king. The day I had this letter conveyed to my lord, just before sunrise, Yaḫzib-Addu reached me here and told me this: “Ḫammi-ištamar (a Yaminite chieftain) was close to killing me, but during the night I broke through the wall of my house and escaped alive.” This is what Yaḫzib-Addu told me. Right there and then, I sent a message and the matter was investigated. The cattle, sheep, and home of YaḫzibAddu are safe, nothing was touched. I have detained this man before me in Terqa. 11

4.3.a.iv.  Post-murder inquiry.  Ṣuri-larim, a security officer, filed with the king this report (FM 2 130 = A.317; see Michel 1994). I was told this, “Ḫardum was murdered!” Members of the souk (kārum) went with me as I sealed his house. I saw nothing (left) in the house that I sealed: There was way to my lord along with a messenger from Zalmaqum, at the mouth of (the canal at) Samanum found the bandaged corpse of a young girl and took it to Dumten (near Terqa).” Many lines are lost, but after questioning local leaders, Yaqqim-Addu dispatches a woman, her three children, and four tablets that were found in their possession. Another sordid affair from Mari days? 10. A kārum is the business district of a town, so a souk or a bazaar. The Mari documents mention one in Saggaratum (ARM 14 64) and one at Aḫnarim (“River Bank”). There were others in diverse cities; see Michel 1994: 287–89. 11.  From this account, it is not clear whether or not Yaḫzib-Addu was lying.

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no grain or oil; there was no wool. The furniture there was (consisted of) a chair, a table, and empty stockroom jars for oil. So we sealed the house using my seal and that of the members of the souk. I want to take this furniture to Saggaratum and the empty stockroom jars to the palace. My lord should tell me one way or another whether this furniture should (be taken) to the palace.

4.3.b.  Abduction.  In these texts, the verb suppûm is at stake. It certainly implies abduction (CAD S 395), but whether for sexual gratification or other purposes is not always clear; see S. Lafont 2002a, who provides many examples and references. 12 4.3.b.i.  Abduction of a male.  Abi-mekim writes ARM 26 453 to Zimri-Lim. The city Mari is safe, the palace is in order, as are the temples and the workhouses. The diviners have taken omens on the safety of the city Mari and the district. Their omens are favorable through this month. Yet the diviners have told me, “Our omen findings display oddities.” Now about Ikšud-ayyabišu—the palace servant my lord has assigned to Abi-eqar the bathkeeper (barber) to learn bathhouse-keeping (barbering)—the Kurda messenger Zikriya, who was on his way to Babylon, has abducted him. Having learned about it (“having stepped on [my] foot”), I seized this young man. Before ten servants of my lord, I said, “Why have you abducted my lord’s servant? Should I not hold one of your servants? But if you return him, you will not have to answer.” 13

4.3.b.ii.  Seduced and abandoned.  Tarim-šakim writes ARM 5 31 (LAPO 18 1065) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. 14 12. An extract from an (unpublished) letter Laʾum sent to Yasmaḫ-Addu (A.815:5–18; Guichard 1997c: 187) has this: “A year ago, the sheikh of Ḫarradum and his brother kidnapped a cook from Taribum. They had him enter Idissum; stealthily they conveyed him to Ṭabatum and found themselves in Ḫarruyitum. They sold him to a Babylonian. He was seen in Ḫit. The sheikh and his brother have been brought to me.” Zimri-Addu, governor in Qattunan, reports (ARM 27 118:1′–15′) an interesting example of collusion: “(Ibal-pi-El) wrote to Sammetar (likely the king of Ašnakkum), saying ‘(Išḫi-Lim) has snatched (young men) in Ḫamiqatum, a land under treaty with us. Now if you expect my satisfaction (lit., satiety), look after the welfare of those young men and release them. In a land under treaty. . . .’ This is the note that Ibal-pi-El wrote to Sammetar and Sammetar released them. When these young men saw Išḫi-Lim on the road, they led him to me, saying ‘This man snatched us (verb: šarāqum) from Ḫamiqatum.’ But he denied (knowing) these young men, saying, ‘I am not the one snatching YOU!’ But in an aside he told me, ‘We are three men and Sammetar sent us to snatch these young men.’ I had this man thrown in jail. I am now writing my lord; my lord should write me as he pleases.” [Rest fragmentary] 13.  For at least Ikšud-ayyabišu, there was a happy ending, as a later text (ARM 18 55) registers him among other barbers who receive garments. 14.  See also ARM 1 89 (LAPO 18 1066), a note Samsi-Addu sent to his son, “The maid­ servant of Rišat-matum is missing. Your cook, who brought fish to me, has abducted her. This woman is crippled (lines missing). . . . (People) should search for her among the. . . , and ferret her out, then have her conveyed to me. If it turns out otherwise—that is, if having searched the town this maidservant is not found—then have your cook who brought fish to me conveyed here. I must interrogate him here.”

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Society — 4.4.  Asylum Seekers My lord wrote this to me, “The scribe Yasmaḫ-Dagan has abducted Amat-Ištar. He then abandoned her and left.” I have now set manacles on Yasmaḫ-Dagan and sent him to my lord. My lord should grill him there.

4.3.c.  Theft of sacred property.  Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum sent ARM 14 111 (LAPO 18 1057) to Zimri-Lim. 15 In the past, I had issued in the district a decree (šipṭum) as follows, “Silver and gold belonging to the gods has been stolen. 16 Whoever you are, should you observe (anyone) trading silver or gold for grain or money, seize him and bring him here.” Servants of Pikama-El were seen holding a chunk of gold. On being brought to me, they said, “Zakira-ḫammu has stolen (it), take (him), take (him)!” I answered them, “There is no gold in the Qattunan district. Yet in that district is property of Qarni-Lim (of Andarig) that was pillaged. This gold must be Qarni-Lim’s!” 17 No sooner I answered them in this way that Zakura-ḫammu heard it and, sending Pikama-El to me, he told me, “In no way is this gold mine. I am now sending you Pikama-El, the one with the gold.” 18 I am therefore placing this chunk (of gold) under seal and conveying to my lord. I am also having Pikama-El, the one with the gold, led to my lord.

4.3.d.  Fraud.  Samsi-Addu sent ARM 1 30 (LAPO 18 1045) to his son, Yasmaḫ-​ Addu. Arwiʾum gave me 2 mana of silver, for which I gave him 200 sheep. But now Zaḫanum has said, “I had given the money to Arwiʾum for 200 sheep, saying, ‘Take this money to the king’.” Now, witnesses for Zaḫanum that he gave Arwiʾum money should step up (or) Zaḫanum must take an oath by the gods for him to recover these 200 sheep that I gave (Arwiʾum). 19

4.4.  Asylum Seekers In an age of major shifts of power in any individual city-state, rulers (and their families) were lucky to escape with their lives, among them the keltums (examples at 1.1.d.ii), who bide their time elsewhere, and the war refugees (see ARM 26 269 at 3.6.c.ii). But even without the ravages of war, many chose to escape their sur15.  The first part of the text is damaged. I follow Durand’s suggested readings. Theft of sacred property is a great sacrilege. The Hebrew Achan as well as his family paid the ultimate price (stoned, burned, and buried) for such a crime (Joshua 7). 16.  Gold and silver had been retrieved from material once belonging to the assassinated king of Andarig, Qarni-Lim. It had been deposited in a temple, from where it was robbed. 17.  On the circumstances, see ARM 6 37:2′–18′ at 6.7.b.i.2. 18.  Zakira-ḫammu is governor of Qattunan and once debated jurisdiction with Qarni-Lim; see the two texts ARM 27 69 and 70, presented at 4.2.a.i. 19.  It is remarkable that (1) Arwiʾum would dare pull such a fraud on a king, Samsi-Addu at that; and (2) no punishment for Arwiʾum is suggested, should he be proved guilty. Another fraud case is reported in A.55 (LAPO 16 6; see Eidem 1992). A man charged with presenting a gift to the king offers it as his. The writer begs the king either to berate the man and treat the gift as the writer’s or else he should give back to the writer its full value.

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roundings, some like those who joined bands of ḫābirū and ḫabbātū, most often hiring themselves as mercenaries (examples at 3.3.b). But there were many reasons to escape one’s surroundings, not least among them for being treated badly (see examples at 4.2). Here are presented examples of criminals (or those charged with crimes) who sought to escape the reaches of justice. 4.4.a. “As a fleeing bird.”  Zimri-Lim writes TH 72.16 (Durand 1990d: 63–65) to his father-in-law, Yarim-Lim of Yamḫad. You have written this about a smith, “This man has taken from Hazor silver, gold, and a fine (precious) stone and has headed toward you. The people of Hazor are holding back the donkeys and personnel that are on a trade mission, saying, ‘The smith has taken silver, gold, and a fine (precious) stone and has gone toward Zimri-​ Lim’.” This is what you wrote me. This man has not brought anything at all, be it silver, gold, or a fine (precious) stone. This man was seized and abused in Imar. They relieved him of all that was transported and even took away from him a sealed (receipt, proving) that this man had paid for (the items). In fact, it was to save his life that this man ran toward me. And now my father has written me about this man. To return a man who, in the same way as a fleeing bird flutters ahead of a falcon, had come to me for shelter—is this the man I should release? And if I should release this man, afterward anyone who hears (about it), will he seek shelter as if with an interceding angel? 20 If it pleases my father, my father should not request this man. This man’s possessions, whatever he took away from Hazor, is now kept in Imar. My father should write to Imar for people to take over the man’s possessions into my father’s disposal.

4.4.b.  Keeper of secrets.  Bunu-Ištar of Kurda writes ARM 28 163 to Zimri-Lim. My private secretary (dub.sar sakakkim) Šarrum-andulli and my servant Zakura-abum have picked up and run away. I have heard that these men are living in Mari. Now if you truly want to deal fairly with me, turn these men back to me. These men are my servants; don’t hold them back.

4.5. Detention 21 Several terms occur in the Mari archives for some form of forced confinement, often in a private home, but also in a bīt ṣibittī, bīt asīrī, and, most frequently, in a nepārum (pl. nepārātum). Most of these places were not a “jail” in the sense of total confinement under guards; rather, it was a work-place, with more or less indenture for a term. Those in a nepārātum are there until the obligation is fulfilled; they may have had a 20.  The translation of this entire passage (lines 28–34a) is tentative: Zimri-Lim is waxing eloquent. He apparently compares the fugitive to a bird fleeing a falcon. Earlier, Yarim-Lim had refused to extradite Yaminite enemies of Zimri-Lim, and this may be tit for tat; see FM 7 7 and 8 at 1.6.b.iv. 21.  See van der Toorn 1986, the two articles of Scouflaire (1987, 1989), and Durand 2000b: 250–54. An early assessment is in Sasson 1977: 103–5.

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normal life otherwise. However, I sense that when used in the singular, nepārum is a “jail,” where hope, if not life, is crushed and from which escaping makes sense. 22 4.5.a.  Indenturing 4.5.a.i.  Balking. Laʾum, a high official, writes ARM 5 82 (LAPO 18 1051) to Yasmaḫ-​Addu. My lord has written me often about the house of (Ayya-ḫalu) via Abum-El. Ayyaḫalu has given a wife, as well as nadītum and a maidservant, to a merchant. I have entrusted the nadītum and the maidservant to Abum-El and sent (him) to my lord. However, the merchant is keeping the wife of Ayya-ḫalu. Now that I have sent the maidservant and the nadītum to my lord, my lord can deal with their matter.

4.5.a.ii.  Pledge.  ARM 8 71 is a legal document for taking a human pledge as guarantee. Many other examples are known from Mari; see also ARM 8 66 and 68, below at 4.7.f. Rimši-El son of Dada guaranteed Yantin-Eraḫ’s (debt) for 6½ šekels of silver (qātātam ilqe). As pledge, Aḫassunu wife of Yantin-Eraḫ was handed over to Rimši-El. Should he not pay back the money within 2 months, Aḫassunu wife of Yantin-Eraḫ will be sold. [8 witnesses, among them a soldier. Year: ZL4].

4.5.b.  Workplaces (nepārātum) 4.5.b.i.  Retaining and releasing. Šub-nalu, majordomo in Mari, writes ARM 10 160 (LAPO 18 1180) to “my Lady,” likely Šiptu (see Guichard 1997c: 173–74). It is the case that in Mari women and children are most often given as security until debt or payment is made; but animals can also be handed over. (About) a woman, a pawn for Yazraḫ-Addu, the farm-bailiff: She was made to enter (a workhouse) as pawn for him on account of the cakes of salt that he took from Ḫatta and brought into the palace. I have written to Ṣidqi-epuḫ in Der about releasing the woman, a pawn for Yazraḫ-Addu. He said, “It is not me who had the woman entered into (a workhouse). She was made to enter on order of the governor, saying ‘Yazraḫ-Addu took a slab (namkattum) for the cakes of salt belonging to the palace that was stored in Ḫatta and brought it into his palace.’” Yet any woman that was taken as pawn for his fellow farm-bailiffs was released; but the woman taken as pawn for Yazraḫ-Addu was not. (The reason being that) of the 20 cakes of salt that Yazraḫ-Addu took to his palace, their slab is lost. So my Lady must write to Ṣidqi-epuḫ about releasing the woman, pawn of Yazraḫ-Addu, so that she can be released.

22.  Zimri-Lim writes ARM 10 150: 4–11 (LAPO 18 1112) to Addu-duri: “I have listened to the letter that you conveyed. You wrote about men, domestics, who broke through the jail in Ṣuprum (nepār Ṣ.) and escaped, but that these men were caught. This is like the folk wisdom that has it, ‘When a fire consumes a (single) reed, its companions are on the alert’. . . .” The king is urging his correspondent not to wait for such outbreaks to be attentive.

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4.5.b.ii.  Serfs for the palace.  M.10648 (Guichard 1997c: 175–78). 1 (man), Šamaš-ḫazir; 1 woman, Šamaš-abuni; 1 boy, Yanti-Eraḫ; 1 girl, Nani-​ šarrat (belonging to Šamaš-hazir’s household); 1 (man) Akiya, a gardener, son of Nabaʾum: Total: 2 men, 1 boy, 1 woman, 1 girl. In the orchard of the Lady (queen), [they] saw slabs (for salt cakes) but did not disclose (them) to the palace. A gift to the palace. Supplementary allocation to Bunuma-Addu (an official) [5.v.ZL7].

4.5.c.  Jail (nepārum) 4.5.c.i.  Who is jailed? 4.5.c.i.1.  Wartime travelers without permit.  Samsi-Addu sent A.2776 (Charpin and Durand 1997: 383–84) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. Merchants are often charged with carrying messages. The Yaʾilanum (leader) will not neglect writing to Ešnunna. Set up patrols across the steppe and across (Mt.) Ebiḫ for seizing and jailing any messengers or merchants traveling without (requesting) permission. Even if they retreat?, they should be seized. 23

4.5.c.i.2.  Aggressive personalities.  Zakira-ḫammu, Qattunan’s governor, writes ARM 27 57 to Zimri-Lim. In the past, I have several times wailed (wept) to my lord, saying, “Yaqqim-Addu, who now lives in Kaḫat, came here and insulted me.” Yet my lord did not reproach this man. Now, the sacrifices of my lord in Teḫran are waiting for my lord; so I thought, “Perhaps my lord will offer sacrifices at (my) place.” Since my lord is set to depart, palace servants are bringing sacrifices, bread, and beer to Qattunan. 24 Yasim-Addu, a nomad, looted bread and beer; he almost killed a servant of the palace. I said (to him), “Why have you beaten up the palace servant? ” He answered me, “The king your lord as well as Sammetar are not able to question me, but you want to do so? ” He kept on brandishing a bronze weapon to my face, in the presence of Rip-Addu and my lord’s servants. 25 I had this man brought into jail. My lord should know this.

4.5.c.ii.  “Give up all hope. . .”  A.1401 (Joannès 1985: 102–3) is a memorandum that opens on a record on the fate of several jailed persons. Its author is not known. 23.  See also A.285:19′–26′ (Charpin and Durand 1997: 385–87). An official writes Zimri-​ Lim, “Another matter: Asqur-Addu (of Karana), his servants and the servants of my lord who are with me came together and came to the following accord: ‘Merchants and citizens of Ekallatum in transit may enter (Karana). But do strengthen your patrols and do not allow any convoy to go out. Terminate anyone coming out toward you without my sealed (approval), be they natives of Numḫa or Ekallatum.’ This is what he instructed me. . . .” 24.  For line 15, see Heimpel 2003: 429 n. 66. This Yaqqim-Addu is the governor of Saggaratum, likely on an assignment to Kaḫat. His involvement in sacrificing to the god of Teḫran is featured in two letters (ARM 14 10, 11 = LAPO 18 988, 989) at 5.6.d. 25.  Durand 1998a: 388 takes the threat metaphorically: “He kept saying impertinent things to me.”

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It dates to Zimri-Lim’s reign. Notice the fate of the brother of a king (which one?), and his arms-bearer. 26 1 Ummanisuṭṭa died from thirst? (tābalum). As to the matter of his money: it has been given to Ḫuṣanum; 1 Iškur-gugal of Biddaḫ–contribution of Sumu-ḫadu–died from displacement? (tēnum) and hunger; 1 Ḫaldan, palace slave; 1 Riš-Šamaš, the king’s brother, and his arms-bearer; 1 man from Šiḫrum, in whose hand was seized the fenestrated-axe (katāpum) of Samsi-Addu: 4 men who died from hunger; 1 fKanisa; 1 Ḫalunna, daughter of Ayyama-Addu; 1 youngster, son of Arammu, who was sold: 2 women, 1 youngster, a palace slave; Re: The (women) . . . in jail . . . Re: The wife of Mut-Ebiḫ, who was moved (into jail) by the wife of Ištar-kabar, on behalf of Yarkab-Lim; Yarkab-Lim has . . . this woman; Re: The omens that were shown to the diviners. This is how before (the god) IturMer, they prosecuted? (ukiddu) Ištar-kabar in jail; 27 Supervision: Aqba-aḫum, Iddin-Numušda, Kaʾala-El, Sumu-[x], Bunuma-Addu, Mukannišum, [2 more names]. [?.?.ZL6.]

4.5.c.iii.  “Must not die.”  Bali-Addu writes (a faulty) ARM 26 77 to the diviner Asqudum. Šarrum-nur-matišu might have heard (secret) reports of diviners. You conveyed to me a letter about Šarrum-nur-matišu (keeper of animals). Now, on hearing this tablet and in order to send the man to you, I have had this man enter jail. Yet this man must not die. When a tablet from the king comes here, this man will go to you. He should set before you all matters about which I spoke to you.

4.5.c.iv.  Sad stories 4.5.c.iv.1.  Set as example.  Baḫdi-Lim, palace majordomo, sent the king ARM 2 48 (LAPO 17 559). For the past 5 days, I have waited for the nomads at the prearranged place, but the troops are not yet gathering. The nomads have indeed come here from (pasturing) the flocks, but they stay in diverse towns. I have written a couple of times to the towns themselves: they were summoned, but they have not gathered as yet. If then within 3 days they do not gather—and if my lord agrees—a criminal should be killed in jail. His head cut off, it should be paraded among these towns, as far as Ḫutnum and Appan, so that the frightened troops will quickly gather. I will then promptly send out the mission, in view of the urgent dispatch my lord had charged me.

4.5.c.iv.2.  Mutilation.  Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum writes ARM 14 78 (LAPO 18 929) to the king. 26.  See also citation from ShA1 16 and 17 at 1.1.d.ii.2. 27. For kuddum, see ARM 27 116:18–19.

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My lord wrote to me this about the two men from Zalmaqum, “News about them ought not become known, lest people from Zalmaqum capture these three nomads. Rather, they should be sold to distant Sutu-tribesmen, to the Yaḫmanu, the Almutu, or anywhere else, where they are no longer heard or cannot reach their land.” This is what my lord wrote to me. [Damaged line, opening on a reaction of an official] he shouted, “Horrors! Their capturers have escaped. These men, who will sell them to the Sutu? Should I be the one to sell them? They must not be sold to the Sutu. Not to speak of the fact that the Sutu (might sell them) to anyone there is . . . let them humiliate them . . . his affair will spread out. Now then, they must not be sold. Rather, (either) their eyes should be gouged (lit., “touch’) so as to grind in (the workshop) or their tongue should be cut. Their affair should not spread out. 28 I have written to my lord, in my servitude. My lord should write me to act one way or another. 29

4.6. Punishment 4.6.a.  Royal prerogative.  The merḫûm Ibal-pi-El sent the king A.1945 (S. Lafont 1997, with good comments; Charpin 2000: 98–99). A servant of Ḫardum, the nomad, led away two women companions of his (Ḫardum’s) and fled to Šubartum. (Ḫardum) overtook and seized him in Šubartum. In his anger, he plucked out the eyes of his servant. He came and told me, “I want to kill this man, let him be impaled so people learn from his example.” When he told me this, I answered him, “You must not do anything without (the permission of my lord). I will write my lord and do as he tells me.” This is what I answered him. My lord should instruct me one way or another. 30

4.6.b.  Penalty (see Charpin 2012d) 4.6.b.i.  Burning entire family.  Kibri-Dagan reports to the king in ARM 3 73 (LAPO 18 1067). Dagan and Yakrub-El are well; Terqa, city and district, is in good order. On matters dealing with (the city) Samanum about which my lord wrote me, I went and 28.  Joseph’s brothers wanted him sold far away so that he would not to resurface (Genesis 37). On a connection with the Samson story, see van den Toorn 1986: 249 and 252 n. 7. Youngsters about to enter the music profession were also blinded; see ARM 26 297 at 6.3.a.iv.4. 29.  This autobiographic anecdote from Bunu-Ištar of Kurda is conveyed by General Yassi-​ Dagan to Sammetar, then counseling the king (A.1215:11–23; see Charpin and Durand 2004), “When a while back I lived in Zalbar, Samsi-Addu wrote the king of Zalbar for my return. Saying ‘Fine,’ the king of Zarbal [sic] gave as substitute a man turned empty (1 lú rēqam; likely featureless). Aminum conveyed this man as if it were me, and Samsi-Addu killed him. So the king of Zalbar gave me life. (Since then) I left Zalbar and now live in Kurda.” I wouldn’t imagine the physical state of the poor schnook delivered to Bunu-Ištar. 30.  I have discussed the royal prerogatives to execute, especially, other kings, as well as to access deities in connection with Gideon’s leadership activities; Sasson 2014: 368–70. ina appīšu (“In his anger”) is likely to be a West Semiticism.

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Society — 4.6.  Punishment warned the city’s elders and the resident-commissioner (ḫazannum), saying, “He who has pondered such a matter or even knows about it, he and his household will be burned by fire.” 31 What was reported to my lord is a lie; yet my lord got upset (about it) as if it were proven. Another matter: Because of their sacrifice at the stone pillar, the people of Ilim-muluk have said this to me [remainder heavily damaged].

4.6.b.ii.  Ordeal or punishment. 32  Writing ARM 26 257 from Babylon, an unknown writer tells Zimri-Lim: [lines missing] This is what Sin-bel-aplim (Babylonian official) said. I answered him as follows, “The matter discussed is serious; it is not suitable for ignoring.? It has to do with his death.” This is what I told him, but he did not agree with me. He took this boy and had him placed in jail. The next day, Sin-bel-aplim said this, “The nomads who captured this boy should go and plunge in the River (god). If they come out safely, they should drive a peg into this boy’s mouth. Or, the boy should plunge into the River and let the River seize him in accord with the pledge he makes (lit., “what comes out of his mouth”). 33 This is what Sin-bel-aplim told me, but I answered him, “These men, having seized the boy, (must not plunge) . . . but now, at the gate of the palace . . . along with the troops of Yakun-(A)ru . . . not worth a piece of bread. They will plunge . . . in this way, they are prevailing? over River . . . they should go and before these men . . . he should smash dirt over his head. . . .” This is what I told him, but he did not agree with me. . . . The boy has been placed in jail.

4.6.c.  High-handedness 4.6.c.i.  “Disappeared.” Samsi-Addu sent this brief note (ARM 1 57 = LAPO 18 1076) to his son, Yasmaḫ-Addu. I am sending you Simti-Eraḫ. He should stay in jail. Whether he lives or dies, no news about this man must come out. He should receive 1 liter of beer and 5 liters of bread per day, as well as scented and (regular) oil for (personal) care. Whether living or dead he should be (forgotten).

4.6.c.ii.  Heaven or hell.  From Terqa, Kibri-Dagan sends ARMT 13 107 (LAPO 18 1069) to the king. 31.  Burning by fire as punishment is known also from Mesopotamian laws (Hammurabi’s laws 110 and 157) as well as in an ordeal document (see at 5.8.b on ARM 28 20). In the biblical world, it is a punishment for whoring (Tamar, in Genesis 38) and for appropriating consecrated objects (Achan, in Joshua 7) and a threat for not revealing a riddle (Samson’s wife, in Judg 14:15). In the laws, burning is meted out to a whoring daughter of a priest (Lev 21:9) and to everyone involved in sexual depravity (Lev 20:14). 32.  On ordeals, see at 5.8. 33.  Durand excerpts A.2071:10–19 (Durand 1988a: 538; see Charpin 2012d :14), in which an official writes, “This matter is not for litigating? or forgiving. At the door of Itur-Mer’s (temple), his witnesses will smash dirt on his head. At the spot where this word came out from his (own) mouth, a peg will be driven into his mouth.”

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My lord wrote me the following about Yarim-Dagan who formerly lived in Dunnum but who has now gone to Ilum-muluk, “(Locate) this man. If there is a secret pit (ḫurrum ša niṣirtim) in the open field or within town, get rid of that man. No one should locate him, whether by climbing to heaven or sinking into hell (erṣetum).” 34 This is what my lord wrote me. Now, (while) this man is dwelling in Ilum-muluk, I have looked into the matter. There is no pit in the open field or in town in which to get rid of him. I have searched for the opportunity to make him disappear but have not yet found it. In fact, since the entire city [3 lines damaged]. My lord should reflect in accord with his majesty so that I can do what my lord says. 35

4.6.c.iii.  Extortion.  Yaqqim-Addu sent ARM 14 17+ (LAPO 17 829) to the king. 36 The letter includes the transcript of a dialogue. I had drawn my lord’s attention to Ili-šakim, the canal keeper, by saying, “Previously, he had sent 1 mana of silver to my lord, but my lord did not accept this money. I told Ili-šakim, ‘How could you send (just) 1 mana of silver to my lord?’ He proceeded to add 1 mana of silver and promised me 2 manas of silver. So I told my lord, ‘My lord should accept these 2 manas of silver and release this man’.” My lord, however, had said this to me, “He should not be giving 2 manas of silver. To avoid execution, he should be weighing out 5 manas of silver to ransom his life, then release him!” This is what my lord instructed me. When I reached Saggaratum, as my lord instructed me, I took up the matter with Ili-šakim, “About your case, I presented the matter before my lord. My lord gave me this order, ‘Impose on him 5 manas of silver for his offence, then release him.’ So now you must weigh out 5 manas of silver and I will release you.” This is what I told Ili-šakim, but he gave me this answer, “My home and my possession should then be taken to the palace.” I said, “Your home is worth (just) 1 mana of silver.” He said, “If I sell myself, my wife, my slave, and my maidservant to a merchant’s firm, I might get 2 manas of silver. Now my possession—7 oxen, worth about 1 mana of silver; 30 rams, worth 1 šekel each and 60 lambs at ½ šekel each (in all 90 sheep) for about 1 mana—so 2 manas of pure silver. With the 2 manas for the 7 oxen and 90 sheep, the total comes to 4 manas of silver, altogether.” I said, “If there is a field of any sort . . . give (it), so pay the full amount.” He said, “The field I have is the palace’s; is it fitting that I should sell a field of the palace? Would my future (woes) not exceed (those) previous? ” I have looked into the matter. Aside from these 2 manas that I could obtain from a merchant’s firm as well as the 7 oxen and 90 sheep, there is nothing left. Now then, 34.  For this merismus, see Isa 7:10–11, “Seek a sign from the Lord, your God, deep toward Sheol or high toward the Sky.” 35.  Kibri-Dagan, it would seem, is buying time until the king reconsiders. It might be farfetched to think that the potential victim was the Yarim-Dagan who carried news of Kiru’s woes (see ARM 10 35 at 1.8.b.iii). Kibri-Dagan may have had the same instinct as his king when dealing with his own anger; see ARM 3 36 at 6.3.b.ii. There is similar high-handedness in the closing of ARM 26 199 (at 5.7.e.iii). 36.  The full text is posted at http://www.archibab.fr/4DCGI/listestextes3.htm?Web​Unique​ ID​=333892773.

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Society — 4.7.  Legal Documents should I accept these 2 manas of silver–the value of 7 oxen at 1 mana of silver and 90 sheep at 1 mana of silver for a total of 4 manas of silver—and release this man? My lord should write me this or that.

4.6.c.iv.  Vengeance.  Yasim-El, Zimri-Lim’s representative in Andarig, writes FM 6 3 (A.3680 = ARM 26 434; see Durand 2002b). When Ḫimdiya (Andarig general) went to Šubat-Enlil, the brother of Yaḫun-El— the section chief who murdered the children of Qarni-Lim (of Andarig)—had a Numḫa slave in his house. The (slave’s) father was ready to give 25 šekels of silver as ransom for his son, but the brother of Yaḫun-El would not agree, saying, “Hand over 30 šekels of silver and take your son.” When he gave this answer to the Numḫa man, father of the youngster, this man went to Kurda to get the silver. In the 3 days that the (slave’s) father had gone to obtain the money, the brother of Yaḫun-El, in whose house this youngster was kept, died when alone in the house—the matter is not clear whether he died a natural death (“the gods killed him”) or from a major heart failure. (Yaḫun-El’s brothers) proceeded to take this youngster from this man’s house and told the broken (youngster) (napṣum), “It is you who killed, and there are witnesses to confirm (it).” On the arrival of Ḫimdiya, early one morning (Yaḫun-El’s) brothers led this man to Ḫimdiya, and he handed the man over for revenge (niqmum). Now he sent the news to Ḫammurabi (of Kurda), although Ḫammurabi has not yet sent him any news (of his reaction). They took out this man for execution. I begged Ḫimdiya (“seized his hand”)—but he would not assent—saying, “Should I hold in hand 100 šekels of silver for this man, I would still kill him. Yaḫun-El, who has suffered, should kill him.” So (Yaḫun-El) pierced his nose and placed a rope through it. He opened a gash in both of his thighs, flayed his chest and cut off his ears. He passed through horrors. They had this man circle the city 30 times. During the. . . , his father is standing by. The event that occurred . . . Ḫammurabi (of Kurda) is . . . I am writing my lord, (so he now knows).

4.7.  Legal Documents The corpus of published legal documents remains Boyer 1958, with important collations by Durand 1982b and Charpin 1983a. A new enlarged edition is due from D. Charpin, who speaks of a body of 200 documents (Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 13–14). A selection is offered below. I will dispense with the list of witnesses, citing only entries of interest. When not obvious, a superscript (f ) before a name indicates that of a woman. I give a selection because the Mari legal documents are not yet widely discussed. See also at ARM 8 85 (at 1.4.d.2) and ARM 8 16 + ARM 8 84 (at 2.1.a.ix). 4.7.a.  Marriage.  Terqa 9–4 (Rouault 2011: 58–59), a marriage contract from the reign of Yaḫdullim. Annu-nišuya, daughter of Yašurum—her father Yašurum gave her in marriage (“for wife and husband”) to Iddin-ili. As bride-wealth (terḫatum) for his wife, Iddin-ili

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has given to Yašurum her father 46 bushels of grain and one ram worth half a šekel of silver. He satisfied him. From now on, no one may raise a claim against Yašurum or Annu-nišuya. Should (anyone) raise a claim—with Annu-nišuya having eaten the asakkum of Yaḫdullim—hot tar will be poured on his head. 37 (Also, he will give) half a šekel of silver to fAnnu-nuri and a “belt” worth half a šekel of silver to Ḫabdu-baḫlati—children of Yašurum; half a šekel of silver to Ami-Ibal, the ḥammam-keeper; [x amount of] grain to Baḫilum, the lieutenant; [half] a šekel of silver to Anna-aḫum, the . . . [many witnesses, drinking and anointing formula; scribe].

4.7.b.  Adoption.  ARM 8 1 dates to the reign of Yasmaḫ-Addu and has the imprint of fingernails. Yaḫatti-El continued as an official into Zimri-Lim’s reign, the palace appropriating his estate after his death; see van Koppen 2002: 329. Yaḫatti-El (is) the son of Ḫillalum and of Alitum (his wife). He will share their good or bad fortune. Should his father Ḫillalum and his mother Alitum tell their son Yaḫatti-El, “You are not our son,” they will forfeit house and possessions. Should Yaḫatti-El tell (respectively) his father Ḫillalum or his mother Alitum, “You are not my father, you are not my mother,” he will be shaved (tattooed?) and sold. (Even) if Ḫillalum and Alitum acquire many more sons, Yaḫatti-El (will remain) the primary heir. He will receive two parts from his father’s estate, while his junior brothers will the share (the rest) equally. Anyone who contests would be committing sacrilege (lit., “eat the asakkum of ”) against (the gods) Šamaš, Itur-mer, (and kings) Samsi-Addu, and Yasmaḫ-Addu. As well, he will pay a 200-šekel fine for a capital case. 38 [The witnesses include important officials, 3 kumrums (Heb. kōmer), “priests,” a boatman, and a scribe. 28.xii*.Asqudum (eponym).]

4.7.c.  Purchase of slaves 4.7.c.i.  Mostly in Sumerian.  ARM 8 9; see Durand 2012b: 34. [Fragmentary envelope at ARM 8 20.] A Sutu slave, Yami-ila by name, slave of the Sutu Ripʾum: Yaḫatti-El bought him. He paid the full price and handed over the pestle. 39 In the future, no one will make a claim. He swore by Dagan, Samsi-Addu, and Yasmaḫ-Addu. [Witnesses include a Sutu-tribesman, a brewer, a blacksmith, a herald, and a scribe. Many sealings. 21.ii*.Awiliya (eponym).]

4.7.c.ii.  Mostly in Akkadian.  ARM 8 10. 1 slave, Ea-tukulti by name, a smith, Asqudum bought him at the full price of 20 šekels from his master Ili-iddinam, on the close of 10 Malkanum (ii). Ili-iddinam is accountable in perpetuity against (anyone) contesting him. [Witnesses include an 37.  Charpin (1997b: 91) cites this excerpt from the as yet unpublished A.2154+. Its author is Sammetar, likely then a governor of Terqa: “Should he lay a claim against Yadidum and his brothers, he will pay the palace a mana of silver. Moreover, he will have pitch on his head. They took an oath on the asakkum of Itur-mer and Zimri-Lim.” What exactly is meant by the asakkum of a god is debated; see the discussion in Charpin 1997b and in 2010g: 37–42. 38.  On this expression, see Charpin 1997b. 39.  A symbolic gesture for the transfer of possession.

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Society — 4.7.  Legal Documents official, a nomad, a fuller, and a soldier. Year: ZL1 (making “a statue of Annunitum of Šeḫrum”).]

4.7.d.  Land transfer 4.7.d.i.  Royal grant.  ARM 8 12+ARM 8 19 (with envelope). King Yasmaḫ-Addu has granted (in perpetuity; naḫālum) as much field of the palace at Ḫutnum as upon which Tarim-Šakim has heaped up a levee. Anyone who contests will pay the palace 10 manas (600 šekels) of silver. Penalty will be imposed. [Many witnesses, some from Ḫumzan, Appan, and Nusabum, and including the scribe Yawi-Addu, “Who sank the stake(s) (boundary marker)”; Asqudum (eponym).]

4.7.d.ii.  Sale of land 4.7.d.ii.1.  ARM 8 5. Yarim-Addu has purchased from its owner Ili-ṣaduq 2 sar of unimproved land, paying 10 šekels as its entire price. He has handed over the pestle. He who lays a claim will pay 60 šekels. [Witnesses and a scribe. Year: Registration (tēbibtum)]

4.7.d.ii.2.  ARM 8 13. Ili-paḫalum has granted 5 sar of worked land to Yarim-Addu. With full pleasure, Yarim-Addu has granted [sic inḫil] 115⁄6 šekels to Ili-paḫalum. 40 [Many witnesses, some from Simʾal clans]. They ate from the (same) platter, drank from (the same) cup, and anointed each other with oil. 41

4.7.e.  Loan 4.7.e.i.  Time-set loan.  ARM 8 23. On the 8th of Malkanum (ii), Puzur-Mama son of Ili-iddinam has borrowed from Šamaš (temple) and Dada (priest) 72⁄3 šekels and 6 grains of refined silver, by the Mari stone, its interest being ¼ šekel per 10. He shall pay the loan and its interest in the month of Abum (iv). [2 Witnesses and a scribe; Year: ZL11.] 42 40.  It is not clear to me whether the notion of granting (naḫālum in perpetuity; see Hebrew nāḥal) differs legally from simply selling or paying a price. It may be an artificial approach to selling land. But why? 41.  The act apparently affected all involved, the witnesses included. We learn as much from ARM 22 328:ii.46–47: “The witnesses ate bread, drank beer and wine, and anointed each other with oil.” The formula occurs also in an early Old Babylonian land transaction (M.10556, Durand 1982a; Ziegler 2007: 278): Witnesses sank the stakes into the ground, “in the home of Erra-talili, the clown (aluzinnum), they ate bread, drank beer, and anointed each other with oil.” The practice of anointing with oil was known broadly; see Sasson 2014: 381–82 (with bibliography) and the Bible dictionaries/encyclopedias. 42.  Temples are major sources of loans. On the variety of weight per stone, see CAD A/1 59–60 (abnu A 4A). For royal weight, see 2 Sam 14:26. Abum is customarily the month in which loans are paid. Other texts (ARM 8 45, 57 and others) explicitly set the repayment “at harvest time, on the threshing floor.”

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4.7.e.ii.  Remission (andurārum).  M.11264 (Charpin 1990c: 256–57); see at 1.4.a.iii. At the close of 20 IGI.KUR (vi), Ṣilli-Sin (along with) Belet-Akkad-ummi, and Naramtum has received 10 šekels of silver, bearing ¼ šekel per 10 šekels in interest, from (the gods) Itur-Mer, Šamaš, and Belat-matim; 2 zirum-garments and 1 fine garment (are given) as pledge. He [sic] shall pay this money and (its) interest in the month of Nenegar (Abum, iv). It was after the remission (uddurārum) that he received the money. 43 [6 Witnesses, including a carpenter and scribe. Year: “Yaḫdullim captured Zalpaḫ . . .”]

4.7.e.iii.  An indigent couple. 44 4.7.e.iii.1.  ARM 8 33. At the close of the 13th of Ḫibirtum (v), Yarʾip-Ea and f  Tabub-emdi have borrowed from Šamaš (temple) and from Ili-iddinam, the jeweler, 31⁄3 šekels of refined silver, by the Mari stone, its interest being ¼ šekel per 10. He shall pay the loan and its interest in the Month of Abum (iv). This money will not be absolved even if a remission (of debt, uddurārum) is set. [9 witnesses, including a merchant, a carpenter, a cultivator, a smith, and a scribe. Year: ZL 7]

4.7.e.iii.2.  ARM 8 31 + ARM 8 72 (envelope). At the close of 19 Laḫḫum (iii), Yar’ip-Ea son of Kabiu has borrowed from Šamaš (temple) and Ili-iddinam (jeweler) 5 šekels of refined silver, by the Mari stone, its interest being ¼ šekel per 10. fTabub-emdi has been given as pledge. fTabub-emdi will return on the day Yar’ip-Ea pays the money. He shall pay the money whether she dies, gets sick, or escapes. [7 witnesses, including a scribe; 2 sealings, imprint of Yar’ip-Ea’s garment fringe.]

4.7.e.iv.  “In lieu of interest.”  ARM 8 48. At the close of 20 Laḫḫum (iii), Ištar-tappi, daughter of (King?) Yaḫdullim, took 10 šekels from Šamaš (temple). 45 When she repays the money, she will slaughter 2 rams in lieu of interest on it. [5 witnesses, including a house slave and a scribe.]

4.7.e.v.  Receipt for investment.  ARM 8 75 (new edition, Charpin 1996: 342–43). 46

43.  Other texts are more explicit: “(This transaction) has no remission” (A.2654, Charpin 1990c: 260–61.) 44.  The characters in both texts are the same. What might have happened is that the borrowing couple could not pay their loan on the 4th month of the year following. So a month after their forfeit, the husband borrowed again, but this time had to give his wife as pledge. Sad story. 45.  There is a songstress named Ištar-Tappi; her father’s name is not given (Ziegler 1999a: 73–74). Given the privilege of receiving an open-timed temple loan and allowed to slaughter a ram in lieu of paying interest, it may be best to regard her as a (former) princess; contra Durand 1985: 432 n. 230. 46.  Charpin speculates that Yaḫdun-Lim is investing in a Kurda royal family that escaped to Sapiratum. Lacambre (2003) thinks that they likely were profiting from the tin trade.

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Society — 4.7.  Legal Documents Yaḫdullim, king of Mari, holds (a receipt for) 20 manas of silver, by the Mari stone, on Sumu-numaḫa son of Aštamar-Addu from Sapiratum, Masmarum and Šamašbani, when he/they went to Ešnunna. [5 witnesses; ?.kiskissum (xi).YL (“Victory over Yaminites”).]

4.7.f.  Guarantees 4.7.f.i.  Debt.  ARM 8 66. Bataḫrum had a judgment for 62⁄3 manas of silver. These 6 men—Yatti-Addu son of Napsuna-Addu, Yaqqim-Lim son of Zamuran, Zurru-[. . .], Meḫrimum son of Mutalum, Metmum son of Ḫabdan, Yaḫad-ḫammu son Ḫanza-Addu—have guaranteed Bataḫrum’s (debt). Whatever amount of silver Bataḫrum does not pay, those guaranteeing him shall pay after the harvest. [9.i.ZL9].

4.7.f.ii.  Workers.  ARM 8 68. Ḫan[. . .], Mannum-balum-ili/Šamaš and Ammi-tanuʾ, servants of Dariš-libur: 47 The nomad Usatan, son of Muštukami, their in-law (ḫatanum), is guaranteeing them. Should these men disappear or escape, the nomad Usatan son of Muštukami of Naḫatum will pay 11 manas of silver to Dariš-libur. [Many witnesses; 24.ix.] 47.  For Dariš-libur, valet of Zimri-Lim, see letters at 2.3.d.

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h a p t e r

5

Religion 5.1. “Pantheon” 5.1.a.  List of deities.  See discussion in Durand 2008a: 196–255. There exists no complete list of gods worshiped in Mari and its dependencies. The idea of such a compilation would likely be exotic to palace administrators. 1 What we do have are diverse lists created for specific occasions, mostly blood sacrifices (most often nīqum). Below, I give just three. Parenthetically, I give the number of sheep that were offered to individual deities, perhaps an indication of the size of personnel depending on them (see table on p. 236). Column a : Dossin 1967: 98–100 and (when bracketed) ARM 24 263. This list comes in near duplicates but composed in different syllabaries when a major (and to us still obscure) shift in scribal practices occurred during the reign of Yaḫdun-Lim. This version of the list is a composite of both. Column b : Dossin 1950: 43–45. This is a list of sacrifices, as newly enthroned Zimri-​Lim made a tour of diverse shrines in Mari and its surroundings, revealing something about the cultic topography of the area. The text has the seal of Asqudum, a diviner. See discussion in Durand 2008a: 255–64. Column c : ARM 23 264. This is a list of sacrifices to Terqa gods, with a similar purpose as above but dated a month later. Note the smaller number of gods supported in the province; this is typical in antiquity, when the temples of a larger town were able to support a broader array of shrines to deities, local or imported. Especially the goddesses are associated with the royal family. See discussion in Durand 2008a: 264–65. 2 1.  A couple of scholarly lists mentioning many deities were imported to Mari; see Durand 2008a: 265–66. 2.  Itur-Mer (previous list) and Yakrub-El are deities likely incarnating as dead ancestors of their respective towns. They play roles that remind us of the biblical teraphim; see Sasson 2001a.

235

236

Religion — 5.1.  “Pantheon” bold italic = female deities; (#) = number of sacrificed sheep

Column a Dossin 1967: 98–100 [ARM 24 263] * = names in both lists ^ = used also as month-name

Column b Dossin 1950: 43–45 @ = deities also in Column c

Column c ARM 23 264 @ = deities also in Column b

[*Ištar] (1)   [*Ištar Deritum (of Der)]   [*Annunitum]   [^*Dagan] *Lugal-mātin/Bēl mātim (“Lord of the Land”) * Ninḫursaga (“Lady of the Mountain”) *Bēlet ekallim (“Lady of the Palace”) *Ningal (Nikkal, “August Lady”)3 *Lugal Terqa/ Bēl Terqa (“Lord of Terqa”) *Lellum (demon?) *Šenšurrum [Šassurum] (birth goddess) *Kuwašurātum [Kušarātum] (Ugarit’s kṯrt) ^KUR (Ḫubur) & ^Bēlet-biri (Nin.ki.gigir) (“Lady of the Well?”) —————————— Enki (Ea) (1) Taški(m)-Mamma (incarnated deity?) Nergal (Netherworld god) Admu (Nergal’s consort) Šamaš (Sun god) Ḫišametum (“Lady of Ḫišamta”–near Terqa) ^Ḫibirtum (Grazing? deity) Ištar-ṣarbat (“Ištar of the Poplar”) & Ikrub-El (incarnated deity?) —————————— ^Dumuzi (Tammuz)4 (1)

Bēlet-ekallim (“Lady of the palace”) (6) Šamaš of Heaven (2) Ištar of the palace (1) @ Dagan (6) @ Ninḫursaga (6) @ Šamaš (6) Sin (2) Itur-Mer (6) @ Deritum (7) @ Annunitum (6) Igi.kur (Ḫubur) ([2?]) Addu (6) Nanni (2) Ḫanat (2) @ Nergal (6) Ea (6) Ištar (2) Bēlet-Agade (“Lady of Agade”) (2) Numušda (2) Kiššītum (2) (“Lady of Kish”) @ Ḫišametum (2) @ Mārat-altim (“Daughter of the goddess”) (2) Ninḫarrak (Ninkarrak) (1) Išḫara (1) Bēlet-ḫiṣārī (Lady of the sheepfolds”) (1) Total: 87 sheep during the siḫirtum-circumambulation of temples, sacrifices in Mari. Date: 27.Liliatum (9th month).

Dagan Išartum Yaqrub-El @ Šamaš @ Ninḫursaga @ Mārat-iltim @ Annunitum Bēlet-biri @ Nergal @ Ḫišametum @ Deritum (sacralized) king’s table Total: 33 sheep during the siḫirtum-circumbulation of temples, sacrifices when the king entered Terqa. Date: 13.Bēlet-biri (10th month). @

  3  4 3.  The order of these last two entries is switched in two tablets. 4.  Dumuzi was worshiped in Mari and is occasionally associated with the resident goddesses, as in two administrative texts: (1) M.15090 (Jacquet 2011: 218): “outlay for [. . .] when ḪayaSumu [of Ilanṣura] stayed in the palace; when Dumuzi entered the temple of (the goddess) Beletekallim (date mostly lost)”; (2) A.4540 (Jacquet 2011: 139) “1 liter of oil, for bathing Ištar; ¼ liter

237

Religion — 5.2.  Devotion Column a (Dossin 1967: 98–100) [ARM 24 263]

Column b (Dossin 1950: 43–45)

Column c (ARM 23 264)

Nin.šubur (Ilabrat) Biṣilla Nannaya Nisaba (grain goddess) Maštaba (twinned deity) Bāḫ (Baliḫ River?) Šūr (deified reed?) *Išar (Upright) *Mišar (Just) Tar’am-Mer (incarnated deity?) Itur-Mer (incarnated deity?)5 Gazba (daughter of Nannaya?) Ḫattu Nin.Šim Murarat Total 4 sheep,1 bull, 7 jars of oil, 7 mugs of beer, 7 ḫuppū of wine, 7 small baskets, 4 gir.lam-cakes?, 4 ḫiru, 4 rabīku-mash, 15 liters of mersum, 15 liters of kumuranātum-bread, 30 liters utuḫḫum-bread, 20 liters for daily offerings, foodstuff from the female workers [. . .].6

  5  6 5.2. Devotion of oil, for the burial? (temrum) of Dumuzi (19.iv.ZL5).” Dumuzi enters the temple of Annunitum at 5.3.d.iii (A.512). As a month-name, Dumuzi occurs in the calendar of the Yasmaḫ-Addu period; see also below at 4.3.d.iii. There is also this arresting sentiment about Dumuzi in one of the more fanciful evocations of nomadic life in the archives. Ḫammi-ištamar (an Ubrabu Yaminite) writes A.1146:39–44 (= LAPO 16 38; see Marello 1992) to Yasmaḫ-Addu (a Yariḫu Yaminite): “But observe me, until now, I have almost perished, but have escaped death. Ten times have I escaped uprisings in Aḫuna itself. Why now [not be] like Dumuzi? At a stated moment of the year he is killed, yet [at springtime?] he keeps coming back to the temple of Annunitum. . . . ” This passage and its connection with the Tammuz ceremonies are studied in Mettinger 2001: 201, 206. 5.  See Sasson 2001a and n. 2 above. 6.  For the final lines, see Durand and Guichard 1997b: 26. Remarkable is the series of offerings in groups of seven. The number seven and its multiples are especially common in the Mari archives, perhaps suggesting an Amorite perception. Objects and acts are said to be done seven times. Most intriguing are the occasions on which intervals—such as trips (ARM 26 5; ARM 6 43) and sieges (ARM 26 405)—are said to last seven days, possibly evoking a unit of time (the week, Hebrew šavûwaʿ) that was not labeled as such until the Hebrews.

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Religion — 5.2.  Devotion

5.2.a.  Seeking divine favor 5.2.a.i.  Justification.  To a god, likely Nergal, Yasmaḫ-Addu wrote ARM 1 3 (LAPO 18 931; Charpin and Durand 1985: 339–42). This is a draft that must have been smoothed out before presentation to the god. 7 Tell the fearsome and august Nergal, lord of. . . , so says Yasmaḫ-Addu, your worshipful servant. Since my birth, there is no one surviving who has transgressed against God. Everyone holds true to the decree of God. In the past, Ila-kabkabu and Yaggid-Lim swore to each other powerful sacred oaths. Ila-kabkabu did not transgress against Yaggid-Lim. It is Yaggid-Lim who transgressed against Ila-​kabkabu. On learning about it, you brought him to task. So, you took the side of Ila-kabkabu and Ila-kabkabu destroyed his fortress and captured his son Yaḫdullim. (Now despite) Yaggid-Lim’s transgressions that he committed against Ila-kabkabu, when Samsi-Addu ascended the throne (of his father’s house), he did not transgress against Yaggid-Lim (a few lines damaged). . . . Because of the transgressions that (Yaḫdullim) committed against Samsi-Addu and because of [f . . . ]inaša that God is holding, Sumu-Yamam, his son, drove Yaḫdullim from Mari. But Sumu-Yamam began to act much like his father Yaḫdullim and took contemptible steps: he destroyed your temple that former kings had built, turning it into a home for his spouse. You went ahead and brought him to task, with his own servants killing him. On learning about it, you diverted the Bank of the Euphrates to Samsi-Addu’s control. In this way, it is because of Sumu-Yamam’s transgressions that he committed against Samsi-Addu, you diverted control of the city Mari and the Bank of the Euphrates to him. [Samsi-Addu] took me and appointed me to (rule) Mari. I (acquired) an everlasting reputation (name) (damaged words). Now then, why did you take a son from me? Former (kings) requested large territory from you; but I myself request from you only health and heir. 8 Do not covet those who are (still) alive. . . .

5.2.a.ii.  Petition.  To “my Lord River (Nārum),” Zimri-​Lim sent ARM 26 191. I am herewith dispatching a gold vessel to my Lord. When in the past I sent tidings to my Lord, my Lord showed me a sign. May my Lord fulfill the sign he showed me. May my Lord not fail to protect me; may my Lord not turn his attention elsewhere; may my Lord not favor anyone else but me. 9 7.  The letter has elicited an enormous literature, for its historiographic contents no less than for its attempted dynastic justification. The context of its writing is not yet determined; but it may have to do with warding off a disaster, likely a plague (normally requiring control of Nergal) that was damaging to the king’s family, possibly carrying off a prince. 8.  Solomon declined larger territory for a more solidly earned reputation. Neither Yasmaḫ-​ Addu nor Solomon saw his kingdom last much beyond his own rule. 9.  Charpin and Ziegler (2003: 202) place this note during disputes between Mari and Babylon over the city of Ḫit, where ordeals before the River god occurred. Expressing anxiety in negative formulations is typical at Mari. When transferred into positive language, these sentiments may be reminiscent of the priestly blessings in Num 6:24–26, “May the Lord bless you by protecting you; may the Lord deal kindly with you by favoring you; may the Lord show care for you by giving you peace.”

Religion — 5.2.  Devotion

239

5.2.a.iii.  Constancy.  Stamped inscription on a brick (Thureau-Dangin 1936b: 170; Frayne 1990: 624). Zimri-​Lim, mighty king, who executes work for the gods.

5.2.a.iv.  Donation.  M.11266 (Guichard 1997d: 332). {Added information from the inventory, M.6765+}. Kunziya, a young girl, daughter of {the man} Zazanaya, captive from (the town of) Ṣidqani, is offered {to the god Nawar of Nagar; unit led by Manum} for milling grain. [5.v.ZL12].

5.2.b.  The rewards for faith.  FLP 1674 (Ellis 1987: 240, 258–59; Nissinen 2003: 94–95). The goddess Kititum writes to King Ibalpiel II of Ešnunna (1780–1765), an older contemporary of Zimri-​Lim. 10 (About) King Ibalpiel, thus (says) Kititum: Divine mysteries are revealed to me, and because my welfare is constantly on your mind, I shall keep revealing divine mysteries to you. The land is yours, by divine counsel and by decree (šipṭum) of Anu: you shall loosen the footing of the Upper and Lower land (šēn mātim. . .tapaṭṭar); you will access the wealth of the Upper and Lower land but your own worth will never diminish. In whatever land you occupy, they will set for you the food of security. I, Kititum, will personally strengthen your throne’s foundation. I am setting a protective spirit for you. Be attentive to me! 11

5.2.c.  Vows 5.2.c.i.  Identifying a vow.  ARM 26 84. To Yasmaḫ-Addu, from the diviner Asqudum. The son of Binum (an official) met with me. Now, they wrote to me to my lord’s fortress (Dur Yasmaḫ-Addu). So, at first I took omens for the welfare of [the town]; the omens (were favorable/unfavorable). I then took omens on “the hand of divinity”: It was a vow (nidnat pîm) for Sin. It must be in some way that my lord made a vow to Sin, for my lord is present (in the omens). Or it might also be that the king (Samsi-Addu) had made the vow to Sin. My lord should send me one answer or another. As long as my lord’s message does not reach me, I will not write to the king. 12 10.  The tablet is unprovenanced but likely came from Nerebtum (Ishchali), where the goddess had a temple. 11.  Nonetheless, Ibalpiel must have irritated Kititum, for she abandoned him when a coalition of Elam, Mari, and Babylon brought his reign to an end. Letters from the gods are a known phenomenon in Mesopotamia. In the Mari archives, gods convey their will through messengers (e.g., prophecy, dreams, and visions) or via omens. (See below.) They also wrote letters directly to kings. Zimri-​Lim is the recipient of a compilation of messages from diverse deities (ARM 26 192) as well as a collection of messages from the god Šamaš (ARM 26 194; Nissinen 2003: 24–25). šēnam paṭārum, “to loosen the sandal” (possibly šīnnum “tooth”) may, as in Ruth 4:7, have legal implications, “to ransom? ”; see CAD P 226 (pasuttu). 12.  In all cultures, vows and commitments to the gods must not be left unfulfilled. In narratives, plots are woven around vows that are forgotten, as in the case of King Keret/Kirtu in Ugaritic lore. In biblical narratives (but not when mentioned in prayers or legal settings), foolishly made vows extract their price, as in the case of Jephthah and of Saul.

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Religion — 5.2.  Devotion

5.2.c.ii.  Neglecting a vow. Ea-Malik posted this Tell Leilan letter (RATL 28 = L.87-1317; Eidem 2011: 98–100) to Till-abnu of Šeḫna. In the past, before he could ascend his throne, Mutiya kept on making the following vow, “If I were to ascend my throne, I shall donate silver, gold, cups of silver, cups of gold, and skillful maids to Belet-Nagar, my Lady!” This is what he kept on vowing. (Yet) when this man did ascend his throne, he totally ignored the goddess and did not even visit her once! Now it is you whom the goddess has touched with her finger, and you have ascended the throne of your father’s house. 13 Within 14 days, the goddess plans to leave her temple so that boundary-markers could be reset in place. (They should be reset as the goddess heads to Ala.) You must grant—and not withhold—whatever is the need of the goddess. You may wish to offer an excuse such as, “Troops are badgering us!” or “We are destitute!” But you must not think it! Satisfy the goddess with what is at your disposal, and this goddess will keep you healthy. Now then, I am (also) sending to you the priest of Belet-Nagar, your Lady. Send him back to me after you have advised him of your full intent, whatever it is. 14

5.2.c.iii.  Fulfilling a vow 5.2.c.iii.1.  To Ištar [5.2.c.iii.1a. M.8332 (composite); Charpin 1984: 53–55 (#5); Frayne 1990: 616] To Ištar his Lady, ruler over Earth, who lives in the Ešabanna (temple) and heeds prayers (ikribū): Yasmaḫ-Addu had made her a vow. He has now fulfilled the vow by means of two silver pouches that artisans created with skill. 15 [5.2.c.iii.1b. A.2273; Charpin 1984: 56–57 (#7); Frayne 1990: 617–18] (To Ištar, ruler of the Earth) who heeds prayers, her lady: Izamu, the kezretum (suḫur.lá), who promotes the prayer of Yasmaḫ-Addu, her lord. 16 When my lady Ištar (heard) my prayers and (accepted) my pleas, I presented her with a statue of herself. I presented a statue that artisans created with skill. . . . 13.  The finger of a deity or a king as a benevolent instrument occurs elsewhere in Mari, as in ARM 26 311:34–38 (= ARM 2 124 = LAPO 17 554) where a diplomat (Yamṣum) cites another (Ibni-Addu) as claiming, “Ever since the finger of Zimri-​Lim rested on me, such a person cannot harm me.” The same can be said of Hebrew scripture: see at Exod 8:15, 31:18; Deut 9:10; and Ps 8:4. 14.  Mutiya (short for Muti-abiḫ) ruled at Šeḫna in the land of Apum from around 1750, so after the collapse of Mari. He was succeeded by Till-abnu, who was not his son. In turn, Till-abnu was succeeded by Yakun-ašar, who was not his son either. There are good reasons to believe that both successors of Mutiya had been his trusted officers. I have studied this letter and discussed vow as a literary theme in Sasson 1997. For historical considerations, see Eidem 2011: 5–9. 15.  In meaning, ikribum is broad: “blessing, dedication, vow, prayer.” In the plural, it can also refer to gifts, to individuals as well as deities, whether promised or otherwise. It has this connotation even when in the singular in ARM 26 321:18. 16.  Several palace women have the name Izamu, among them a chorus leader. This one labels herself a kezretum (kezertum), (falsely) rendered “prostitute” in the dictionaries; see Ziegler 1999a: 87–88. Nevertheless, she is likely to be a wife (or concubine) of the king; see Durand 1985: 412–13.

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241

5.2.c.iii.2.  To Addu of Appan According to a slightly used year-name, Zimri-​Lim “consecrated (verb našûm) a daughter to Addu of Appan.” 17 5.2.c.iii.3.  To Nergal. From Carchemish, Ištaran-naṣir writes FM 9 10 (A.93+; Ziegler 2007: 68–70) to Zimri-​Lim. About the (male) singer (belonging to the) palace servants about which my lord wrote to me, I talked to Aplaḫanda. As I have previously written my lord, he is consecrating one singer (after another) to Nergal, saying, “If there is a palace-servant singer that Zimri-​Lim had sent to me and that I am keeping, that God (Nergal) should convict Aplaḫanda.” This is what he answered me. As for me, I answered him this, “Since the wish with which my lord has charged me cannot be (satisfied), I should just go; but what might I answer my lord? ” This is what I told him, but he has not given me instruction. My lord should write me so that I can leave. 18

5.2.c.iv.  Tithing (almost).  ARM 24 260; see Talon 1982. When a person is offering many sheep to the goddess as part of his vows (ikribū): of 10 sheep he has vowed, 1 he will release alive of 20 sheep he has vowed, 2 he will release alive of 30 sheep he has vowed, 3 he will release alive of 40 sheep he has vowed, 4 he will release alive of 50 sheep he has vowed, 5 he will release alive of 60 sheep he has vowed, 7 [sic] he will release alive of 70 sheep he has vowed, 8 he will release alive of 80 (sheep he has vowed, 9 he will release alive) of (90 sheep he has vowed, 10 he will release alive) of (100 sheep he has vowed,) 15 he will release alive of 200 sheep he has vowed, 30 he will release alive of 300 sheep he has vowed, 45 he will release alive of 400 sheep he has vowed, 60 he will release alive of 500 sheep he has vowed, 75 he will release alive of 600 sheep he has vowed, 90 he will release alive of 700 sheep he has vowed, 105 he will release alive of 800 sheep he has vowed, 130 [sic] he will release alive of 900 sheep he has vowed, 145 he will release alive of 1000 sheep he has vowed, 160 he will release alive

17.  On this formula, see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 259. The practice of dedicating a person to a deity (in the sense of serving a deity) occurs often, most often using the verb šūlûm (lit., to move someone up). How the young Samuel was posted with Eli to serve God (1 Sam 1–5) makes for a fine biblical parallel to this practice. 18.  In a damaged note likely written earlier (FM 9 9 = M.7618+; Ziegler 2007: 66–68), Ištaran-naṣir tells how Aplaḫanda was pleased with the audience gift (tāmartum; see at 1.3.c.iii) but speaks of having already consecrated to Nergal a Yamḫadian singer.

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Religion — 5.3.  Rituals As long as the goddess (has not received?) the sheep, the sacrificer (will . . .). He will prostrate himself or stand before the goddess. Those sheep shall be marked with the symbol of the goddess. [29.v*.Nimer-Sin (YA)].

5.3. Rituals 19 5.3.a.  Calendar.  As was common in the ancient world, cultic events were tied to the solar and lunar cycles, cycles that do not neatly match. To accommodate agrarian—hence, seasonal—demands, intercalating extra months was necessary, sometimes several in the same year. 20 The consequence is that even when rituals are set to repeat at specific dates (for example, sacrifices to the goddess Diritum in Kiskissum, in the 11th month), they do not necessarily acquire seasonal regularity. A dependable, punctual, and regular intercalation was not achieved for another millennium. 21 5.3.a.i.  Identifying the month?  To Zimri-​Lim, the priest Iddin-Sin writes A.3735 (Durand 2008a: 594–95), a text not yet fully edited. 19.  Worship in Mari did not differ in essence from that of any ancient culture. It involved sacrifices (blood or not), prayers, gestures, genuflections, devotions before a cultic statue (such as kissing the foot of the god), and ceremonial meal-taking before deities. Administrative texts expose diverse rituals performed on the cult statues and their accoutrement, including their weapons. Among the acts were washing (rummukum, mesûm), anointing (pašāšum), and purifying (ubbubum). Formal occasions for acts of devotion, such as festivals, were many and often coincided with major convocations of kings and their vassals, at shrines of sponsoring deities, near and distant. In the administrative texts, materials received or dispensed may have several key formulas; one of them is ana, “for (the purpose of)”—for example, ana zamērim (“for music making”), ana paššur dumqī (“for the table of favors”; compare to Hebrew šulḥān happānîm, “table of acceptance” in Num 4:7). Another is inūma or ūm- “when, during,” also followed by several nouns in the genitive, as in inūma pūdim (“during expiation”), inūma šuribtim ša DN (“during the entry of DN [into temple or palace]), inūma siskur ša eriqqim ša Nergal (“during the sacrifices for the wagon of Nergal”). The expressions hint of ceremonial if not always sacred occasions, but they cannot always be outlined. Fullest articulation is found in portions of Jacquet’s dissertation (2007) and book (2011), with succinct overview in 2008: 388–424. See also B. Lafont 1999, Durand 2008a: 593–96, and Charpin and Ziegler 2013. 20.  Because of the seemingly capricious system of intercalation we know for Zimri-​Lim’s reign, I am skeptical of any attempt to harmonize the Mari calendar with the harvest cycle, as does Jacquet 2008: 388–424. 21.  The month opened on sighting the shift from the disappearing to the crescent moon. Despite variable lengths, administratively, the month was made to last from 29 to 30 days, not always matching reality. In the Old Babylonian period, there were several lunar calendars, differing not just in the names assigned the months but also in their sequence. In Mari, depending on who was ruling, two series were followed. In the days of Yaḫdun-Lim, the sequence was: Uraḫum (i), Malkānum (ii), Laḫḫum (iii), Abum (iv), ḫibirtum (v), igi.kur (Ḫubur, vi), Kinūnum (vii), Dagan (viii), Lilliyātum (ix), Bēlet-bēri (x), Kiskissum (xi), and Ebūrum (xii). Yasmaḫ-Addu’s scribes in Mari adopted the naming and sequence but opened the year in igi.kur (so now i*) and ending with Ḫibirtum (xii*). Zimri-​Lim brought back his father’s system, creating some adjustment for scribes, diviners, and no doubt temple officials. To complicate matters, elsewhere in Samsi-Addu’s kingdom, the tendency was to follow a sequence known in Ekallatum: Nikmum (i), Kinūnum (ii),

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As my lord was leaving on a campaign. I told my lord, “What is the present month? ” and he answered me this. “This month is Eburum (xii).” So we must (now) be in Uraḫum (i). On the 18th, the land is cleansed. On the 22nd, the god . . . must enter . . . and exit [break . . .] The goddess Ištar exits from the “house of the rival?  ” (bit māḫirim). On the 28th, the chariot of Dagan goes to Ḫaddatum. My lord should write me what needs to be done.” 22

5.3.a.ii.  Seeking a reliable calendar, Yasim-sumu consults with the king (ARM 13 29:5–14 = LAPO 18 981). 23 The moon is already in its 3rd day beyond its count. As I send this letter of mine, in Mari it is the 3rd day of the (new) month. (My lord) ought to send me the (calendric) computation, which he has at his disposal, for me to calculate the days until the sacrifices for the (goddess) Diritum.

5.3.b.  Ritual for Ištar (A.3165; Dossin 1938a; new edition FM 3 2; study in Ziegler 2007: 55–64). 24 [Eve of festival] [Opening lines missing] . . . (Fragrant oil) will be heaped up. He places (a bed) in Ištar’s own temple. If it pleases the king, he lies down on the bed of Ištar. [Morning] In the morning, they rise earlier than usual as the meal for Ištar is set. The temple of Ištar is kept purified. (The Lyre goddess) Ningizibara is set facing Ištar. Lamentation-priests stay to the left of Ningizibara. Ensembles (of women? choristers) stay to the right of Ningizibara. Behind Ningizibara, right and left, women choristers stand. A brewer, a carpenter, a leather-worker, a cord-maker, and a fuller—skilled artisans all—hold their tools at the ready. Bath-keepers (barbers) stand beside the other craftsmen, blades (ready). Once this is done, a tray of maṣḫatum-flour is set before Ištar. maṣḫatum and sasqûm flour, sprinkled with water, are each spread out on the maṣḫatum tray. 25 Bronze cauldrons are filled with water and are placed on the ground. (Col. 2) . . . to the left of Ištar sit Latarak and the Dingirgubbû-deities. The emblems of the goddesses are brought out from their shrines and are placed in the temple of Ištar, to the right and the left. Tamḫīrum (iii), Nabrûm (iv), Mammītum (v), Mana (vi), Ayyārum (vii), Nigallum (viii), Maqrānum (ix), dumu.zi (x), Abum (xi), Tīrum (xii). 22.  The oddity of the question is likely because Zimri-​Lim, who had just entered the throne, needed to decide on the calendar that would be followed during his reign. (The text number, A.3735, is corrected from the cited A.373.) 23.  Document cited in full at 2.1.b.ii.1a. 24.  Ziegler (2007: 56) offers a sketch that reconstructs the staging of the festival. Not far from Mari, at Der, an annual ritual to honor Ištar was held before the king with priests and choristers. After sacred meals, diverse components of a lament are chanted, punctuated by the unfolding of sharply choreographed activities. The sequence is notable and reminds us of the spectacle accompanying the worship of the Golden Calf as detailed in Exod 32; see Sasson 1973. 25.  These types of flour also play a role when committing to protocols for treaty-making. See A.4626 at 1.6.c.iii.2.

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Religion — 5.3.  Rituals [The king’s participation] Once this is done, wearing a lullumtum-garment, the king sits on a sailor’s seat, behind the lamentation-priests. 26 A king’s courtier—one the king favors—sits on a lower chair by the king’s side. No one stands over the king; but palace domestics (girseqqû) stand to the right and left. The lamentation-priests chant (the lament) “Uru.amma.daru.bi” for the end/beginning of the month. If (at) the end/beginning of the month, the muḫḫûm-ecstatic is stable, he would not be ready for a trance. Once Ma.e.urremen is reached, the supervisors release the singers (for the race?). They . . . and [chant] Ma.e.urremem. (Col 3) . . . preparing for the race, the lamentation-priests chant Igi.ten.dibana. [The exhibition] Once the race crosses into the temple of the goddess, they chant the welcome song “Annuwaše.” As they begin to sing “Annuwaše,” the king will rise to a standing position. Thereupon, one of the lamentation-priests begins chanting an “eršema” to Enlil, with a ḫalḫallatum-drum. At the goddess’s forefront, a (sword?/fire?) devourer (ākilum) sits down and devours. After the devourer, the standard-bearer (mubabbilum) parades. After the standard-bearer, the wrestlers (ša ḫumušim) approach. After the wrestlers, dancers/ acrobats (ḫuppûm) start to tumble. After the dancers/acrobats, the (female) masqueraders (kāpištum) masquerade. 27 As they finish the “Annu(w)aše” chant, the king sits. [Libations and anointing] As they reach the “gini.gini” chant, six chambermaids . . . (Col 4) . . . as they reach the chant, a luḫšûm-priest carries water from the temple of the goddess in a bucket. He stands facing the goddess; three times he casts water toward the goddess. Then he stands facing Šamaš; three times he casts water toward Šamaš—to the right three times and to the left three times. Toward the (musical) ensemble, he casts water three times. He then approaches the king and pours water on the king’s hand. The space he covers, he does not use on the way back, but will use another path . . . at the head of . . . he sprinkles. On reaching the chant “mugim mugim,” that is ahead of the finale, the high priest and the anointing-priests step forward. The high priest and one among the anointing priests [pour] water from a basin and from one of the water-skins. Facing the goddess, the high priest libates water from a basin. Facing the ensemble, one of the anointing-priests libates; one does so to the right, one does so to the left. Once the lamentation-priests complete the chant and those who anoint libate . . . (side) . . . they are set in a bowl/basket. Water is set in a jar and

26. The lullumtum garment was specially created for this ceremony, as this excerpt from ARM 26 285:3–17 indicates. Uṣur-awassu writes Yasmaḫ-Addu: “Regarding the lullumtum garment that is being woven, I once told my lord, ‘Just now there is no duḫšum-wool available. Subsequently, I bought some duḫšum-wool when it became available; nevertheless, I had the weaving dropped. In fact, when my lord was here, the weaving was already dropped. Just now this garment is half (done); without duḫšum-wool, it is dropped. Ever since Babylonian caravans do not travel, duḫšum-wool has become scarce in this area. If duḫšum-wool is available to my lord, my lord should send me 2 pounds of duḫšum-wool, so that I can complete this garment for my lord’s trip. . . .” The term duḫšum is applied to a stone, likely because they both share a yellow tinge; see A.2993+, note to 1.3.e.ii.1. Elsewhere, at ARM 5 5:21 (LAPO 16 253), it seems also to suggest a color for a leather belt. 27.  Ziegler (2007: 59, 62–63) treats them as transvestites.

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four metal cups are placed at the disposal of the muḫḫûm-ecstatics. 28 [Libretto may continue on another tablet.]

5.3.c.  Sacrifices and Feasts 5.3.c.i.  Resetting a sacrifice.  Tarim-šakim, an adviser, sent ARM 5 25 (LAPO 18 986) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. About the “Chariot of Nergal” sacrifice, I fear that the commoners (muškēnū) of diverse towns might set it for the coming month. My lord should instruct Šamaš-​ tillassu to inform diverse towns that the sacrifice (date) must be modified, reset to come after the Ištar festival. My lord should send back to me an answer to this letter, so that I can alert the upper (upstream) districts. 29

5.3.c.ii.  Regular sacrifices 5.3.c.ii.1.  Daily. Samsi-Addu sent FM 6 20 (A.2703; Ziegler 2002: 214–16) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. For the past three years you have not sent to the city (Aššur) any birds for the daily offering (šugunû) of (the god) Aššur. 30 No bird has been trapped in the city itself. You know well how inappropriate for the city is a daily offering without birds. I am myself now sending 300 birds for the daily offerings at the temples of Ekallatum. In the same way, you must have 300 birds transported from there for the daily offerings at the temple of Aššur. Another matter: At the end of this month, for the people of Ḫarbe . . . not one person must be missing from. . . .

5.3.c.ii.2.  Monthly. 31  Liter-šarussu writes T.135 (Durand 2001: 129–32) to Ḫamatil. The correspondents are officers of King Yaḫdun-Lim. The king is to offer sacrifices for the (the month) Laḫḫum in Ṣuprum; yet we have nothing with us. Open the Bath Stockroom (“House of Barbers”) and bring out figs and almonds. 32 Hand them over to Iddin-Dagan. Also, from what is under your control, have (the following) reach me in Ṣuprum: 40 quarts of dates, 20 quarts of raisins, 10 quarts of honey, and terebinth nuts (“pistachio”) from Purušḫattum. 33 If 28.  The plural suggests that ecstatics (muḫḫû) operated as a group; see ARM 26 243 (note to 5.7.d.iii). 29.  Some festivals are set to specific days in a specific month, even if slippage in a calendar is bound to occur in the absence of fixed intercalation. Others are seasonal. This text shows that some festivals are decided ad hoc by local authorities. I might note here that Tarim-Šakim was imposed by Samsi-Addu on his son, so his advice was not likely taken; see Sasson 2012: 533–34. 30.  Jacquet (2011: 62–63) does not consider it a regular, daily sacrifice. However, the relatively low expense involved in offering birds may argue that it was every day. 31.  Jacquet (2011: 36–37) does not think monthly sacrifices were regular at Mari, although he refers to other attestations for offerings in the month of Laḫḫum (2011: 46). In ARM 24 80 there is mention of sacrifice in the month Lilliyātum (ARM 21 147). 32.  Almonds, described elsewhere (M.5249; Durand 2001: 153) as “bitter-sweet and dark,” are also needed for the “music festival” (inūma zamīrim), on which see Jacquet 2011: 66–67. 33.  This town is in Cappadocia (Turkey).

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Religion — 5.3.  Rituals they are not available with you, look around for them and send them to me. Also, assign to Iddin-Dagan (for me) 5 to 10 small baskets. 34

5.3.c.ii.3.  Yearly.  Yaḫdun-Lim (likely the Yaminite leader rather than the king of Carchemish) writes ARM 28 24 to his “father” Zimri-​Lim. 35 On the sacrifice for Ištar about which you wrote to me. May God receive your sacrifice. I am on my way—like you and me. As to you, be happy.

5.3.c.ii.4.  Women at sacrifice.  Princess Belatum (likely = Baḫlatum) writes ARM 10 15 (LAPO 18 1208) to her lord. 36 The time for sacrifice is coming up. This is a sacrifice I make yearly. The young man (assisting me) has disappeared, so I have not offered it. This is a very demanding task, so a young man should come here. My lord should send whom he wishes to send, for me to proudly offer this sacrifice. My lord should also instruct that I be given sheep for sacrifice as is done yearly. I have no sheep.

5.3.c.iii.  Acts of devotion 5.3.c.iii.1.  Kissing God’s foot. Lamassi-Aššur, wife of Išme-Dagan, sent M.14895 (Marello 1993: 271–74) to Yasmaḫ-Addu, her brother in law. Pay tribute to (the goddess) Belet-matim (“Mistress of the Land”) and promptly submit to her many presents. Come to join the king (Samsi-Addu) here. And when you get here for the festival, you will then kiss God’s foot. I shall see you and rejoice. During this particular month, (the god) Aššur is propitious (“his face is open”). May he grant you kingship and life. Another matter: your brother Išme-Dagan has become unpleasant (“his mouth is ill”). In the past, when you lived here, his foot had become painful. 37 When you went to the city (Aššur) and stayed there, he told me (rest damaged, with hints of requesting a physician). . . .”

5.3.c.iii.2.  Ištar’s entrance. Yaqqim-Addu sent ARM 14 66 (LAPO 16 327) to Zimri-​Lim with a complaint. Earlier, during the conscription (tēbibtum), messengers were not assigned to me. The year after, three men came back here to assist me and these men as now are delivering nicely my tablets to my lord. Now, when I came to my lord for the Ištar sacrifices (in Mari), one came along but the (other) two stayed put. I thought, “A person must be quite thoughtless (“young”) who would not assist (“hold the hand 34.  Likely, the writer is seeking additional goodies for his own personal use. 35.  On this leader, see Durand 2004: 115–16. 36.  Her lord is likely her father Zimri-​Lim; but if her name is spelled Baḫlatum, he could also be her husband Yasim-Dagan, a military officer; see ARM 10 173, at 6.5.b.iii.2. Whether šanassum means “yearly, annually” or “this very year” is discussed in Durand 2000: 409. Durand favors the latter solution. 37.  Likely, he had gout. He is called a “cripple” by an enemy: ARM 26 519 (at 3.2.c.vii).

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of ”) his superior at the (goddess’s) entrance.” 38 I wrote and had his family brought into the citadel, thinking, “Since they did not accompany me to Mari, (may I be cursed) if I do not allot them among the palace guards who must not be removed from the palace.” On hearing these words, they made their way to the palace gate, saying, “Before getting assigned among the guards, we should stand at the palace gate as reservists and our names must not be added to the rolls.” Just now there are many among the guards of the city who have died or deserted. If it is my lord’s will, they should be appointed as guards to replace the dead and the deserters, especially since, conscious of committing fraud, they have promptly stood (for service) at the palace gate. Their names should be taken up in the registers of guards.

5.3.d.  Occasion sacrifice 39 5.3.d.i.  For Addu of Aleppo.  FM 7 3 (ARM 14 9 = LAPO 18 983). Yaqqim-Addu, governor of Saggaratum province, writes to Zimri-​Lim. My lord wrote to me about offering a sacrifice for Addu of Aleppo in each locality. My lord’s message reached me on the 16th, as the sun was setting. Following my lord’s message, I alerted the district. On the 18th, there will be the sacrifice for Addu called for by my lord.

5.3.d.ii.  After a storm.  Yaqqim-Addu sent FM 8 23 (ARM 14 7 = LAPO 17 817) to Zimri-​Lim. On the day I am conveying this letter to my lord, there was much thunder (“roar of the god Addu”). His roar was stronger than ever before, dumping huge hailstones. I slaughtered [an ox] and 20 sheep propitiatorily (tamāḫīrum). Regarding the buḫrum-sacrifice for Dagan of Tuttul, Iddi, the irrigator, came by to say [broken lines]. . . . From the temple of Dagan of Sarri-Amnanum to the estate of Sumu-ḫadu of Manḫamma it [a twister] struck for 20 acres toward the estate of Sumu-ḫadu. 40 Then as it willed, it moved up toward the steppe. Beside this grain that is ruined there is no other available. I am just now dispatching Iddi, the irrigator, to my lord. My lord may interrogate him about [. . .].

5.3.d.iii.  For expiation. A.512:7–15 (Durand 2008a: 244 [translation only]; see Jacquet 2011: 57–59; Yamada 2011a). Majordomo Itur-asdu writes to Zimri-​Lim.

38.  The moment the goddess was brought in for her appearance (šūrubtum) was likely a major segment of the yearly ritual. Obviously, Yaqqim-Addu is offended that his own people chose not to participate. Devotional activities coincided with Ištar’s entrances, into the palace and elsewhere (inūma erēb Ištar . . .). 39.  Gods can demand sacrifice, as is conveyed in a note from Lanasum, a resident-commissioner in Tuttul; see ARM 2 137 at 2.1.d.ii.1. 40.  See Arkhipov and Loesov 2013: 23–24.

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Religion — 5.3.  Rituals On the day I conveyed this letter to my lord, the pudûm-expiation (sacrifice) for my lord was offered in the temple of Annunitum of Šeḫrum. 41 I have had Dumuzi brought into the temple of Annunitum in Mari. 42 The queen offered a sacrifice in the temple of Annunitum of Šeḫrum.

5.3.d.iv.  For divine protection.  This is an extract from a longer note (ARM 1 10:9′– 15′ = LAPO 17 475) that Samsi-Addu posted his son during wartime maneuvers. . . . Another matter: I reached Šubat-Enlil from Nineveh toward the end of Dumuzi (10th month), on a propitious day. I wait for the lustration ceremony (rimkum) and the essēsum (monthly) festival. The army is mustered and stands at the ready. I will sacrifice on the essēsum; then soon afterward, I will take command of the army and head toward the Zalmaqum region. . . .

5.3.e.  pagrāʾum/pagrûm.  The pagrāʾum/pagrûm was a special presentation dedicated to Dagan, the offering from an animal that has already been killed, ritually or not; see Durand and Guichard 1997: 35–36; Jacquet 2011: 52–55. As we saw at 1.6.b.iii and 6.7.d.iii.1 (FM 7 45), the occasion can be linked to commemorations for deceased kings. 43 5.3.e.i.  Setting a date.  Kibri-Dagan of Terqa writes ARM 26 220 (= ARM 2 90; LAPO 18 978) to his king. Dagan and Yakrub-El are well; Terqa, city and district, is in good order. Another matter: The sheep of the Yaminite flock are moved to the right bank of the Euphrates. They are pasturing with sheep of the [. . .] flock. There is no breach at all and my lord should not be troubled. On the day I conveyed this tablet of mine to my lord, an ecstatic (muḫḫûm) of Dagan said this, “Dagan has sent me about making the pagrāʾum sacrifices. Write to your lord that the pagrāʾum sacrifices should be set for the 14th of the coming month. This sacrifice must not be disregarded!” This is what this man told me. I have presently written my lord. My lord should confer on the matter and do as he sees fit. 41.  The term pudûm (expiation) occurs frequently in administrative texts (Sasson 2001a: 416–17). ARM 23 436 is a tablet with holes for a leather cord but shaped nothing like documents used as labels, so likely hung prominently. Under the heading, Itur-Mer bēl pudîm (“lord of expiation/absolution”) are listed “14 members of the pudûm, bound by reverence for Itur-Mer (14 dumu.meš pudîm ša ana puluḫti Itûr-Mer kaṣrū).” Each man is assigned to one specific month of a fourteen-month series, as if responsible for that interval; see Yamada 2011a: 146–47. Prosopography shows that a good number of the men mentioned in this document were commoners, and they seem mostly to be weavers. FM 11 85 (M.15249) records the outlay of 22 jars of wine “for the meal of members of the pudûm and (leaders of) nomads, in the courtyard of the Picture Gallery [6.ii. ZL11].” A document from Post-Hammurabi Tell Ṭaban (Ṭabatum) attests to a similar monthly rotation; see Yamada 2011a. 42.  See also note to 5.1.a. On Ištar’s entrance see ARM 14 66 at 5.3.d.iii.2. 43.  Whether or not to connect the pagrûm with the Hebrew pĕʿôr, ostensibly a place-name attached to a manifestation of Baal (Num 25), is debated.

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5.3.e.ii.  Sharing.  Sammetar, counselor to Zimri-​Lim, writes ARM 18 38 (LAPO 18 968) to the chief of stock, Mukannišum. Just recently, God got angry with me about offering the pagrûm. If you really care for me, send me shanks—from one to two pounds, lean and nice—that I may in this way experience your friendship.

5.3.f.  Partaking of sacrifice 5.3.f.i.  From the divine table 5.3.f.i.1.  Ištar’s table.  Qarni-Lim of Andarig, a loyal ally of Zimri-​Lim, was assassinated; see ARM 6 37 in a note to 4.3.c. and FM 6 3 at 4.6.c.v. In happier days, he wrote ARM 28 169, offering to share in a sacrifice by long-distance partaking of it. I have earlier written to say that I shall offer the elūnum sacrifice to Ištar of Andarig in view of your travel (here). Now I have had done the elūnum sacrifice to Ištar of Andarig, who protects your life and mine. I am now conveying my brother’s share of the meat. 44

5.3.f.i.2.  The Lady of Apum’s table.  A generation later, Aštamar-Addu writes RATL 5 (L.87-538; Eidem 2011: 72–73) to “his brother,” Mutiya of Šeḫna. Since you have celebrated the elunnum of the Lady of Apum (Belti-Apim), who protects you, and have sent me my portion, I partook of my portion and it tasted mighty good.

5.3.g.  Movable space?  A god Addu ša maḫanim is cited a handful of times in the literature, most prominently in a year-name formula for Zimri-​Lim; see at 5.4.a.iii. 45 Ašmad, a high official from the early days of Zimri-​Lim writes A.1191 (see Durand 1988a: 492). The nomads met in assembly at Maḫanum (or: camp) and, as rain fell, we began to weep before Addu and pray for the well-being of our lord (the king). Two men among the brethren of Ḫali-ḫadun (a tribal leader) came to tell us, “You have been removed from your office and your home has been ransacked.” On hearing this, he broke into weeping, his kinsmen as well. He and his brethren assembled and they told me. . . .”

44.  Similary, ARM 28 174, sent by Asqur-Addu of Karana, “I have just celebrated the elūnum of Ištar of Qaṭṭara. Herewith is your portion.” 45.  Maḫanum does not look like a place (the determinative ki is absent) and it is always associated with Addu, a storm-god. With Durand (2011b), it is possible to suppose that it was a space (tent?) that was movable, perhaps like the Hebrew miškān. A curiosity is that the sacred space (others as well) included unqū, normally “rings” or a “sealing,” in which people and kings can sit on or rise from (figuratively or not). Whether or not the kur ma-a-ni of a Middle Assyrian text refers to the same entity is debatable; see Yamada 2011:138–39.

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5.4.  Paraphernalia 5.4.a.  Making gods 46 5.4.a.i.  Too many gods.  FM 8 1 (A.3609; Durand 2008a: 329–32). To Yasmaḫ-Addu, from a sarcastic Samsi-Addu. The point is that gods are expensive to maintain. The work on the deities that you are commissioning—the subject of the message that you have conveyed to me via Šu-Ea—Šu-Ea has set matters before me: You are commissioning the making of 6 gods. About the 6 gods that you are commissioning—well, (are they) beyond the 10 gods (already there)? Are your servants afraid and (therefore) do not tell you about your project? Watch out. For what use are the gods that you plan to make? Where is your silver, where is that gold of yours to make these gods? What kind of (victorious) campaign have you undertaken? Which town has agreed to (give you) 10 to 20 pounds of silver as substitute for its country’s tribute or income? As for you, the silver is not at your disposal—yet you would commission the making of gods? [several abusive lines are fragmentary.] Why would you commission the making of 6 gods? These gods that you plan to make require one month of festival (sacrifices). What!?—where are the oxen and sheep that you must keep providing for sacrifice at festivals? Here, you keep writing to me about oxen and sheep, saying “I have no sheep or lambs!” Yet, you would still fill the town with gods here, when however many sheep now available hardly suffice for sacrifice to them. How could you do this? Have you no adviser who can counsel you? Mari is full of gods. No other city is as full of gods as is Mari. . . . and even Assur, that are full of gods. Since the former kings who lived in the land, they provided for the gods as follows: Flour offerings were regular before them. What then? Why would you commission (more of) these gods? Recently, you commissioned the making of BeletAgade. I had not had you make these gods. Yet you return to the subject. With no flour and sheep whatsoever, without my permission you would commission the making of gods of gold. You (alone) must bear the burden of this project.

46.  Mari documents tell us also about the fabrication and placement of cultic figurines. Such figurines must not be confused with protective spirits or votive representations of rulers. The figurines are not gods but are hosts for deities, thus allowing human approach. Divination decided the form the host is to take (see below) and ritual magically removed from them the essence of any substance that linked them to the terrestrial, such as the wood, metal, and textile that made them visible to the human eyes. The figurines of the gods were divine before their creation and remained divine at all phases of the rituals even when involving human beings. Like flags, crucifixes, and Torah scrolls, the consecrated idol acquired sacredness illusorily, so that to destroy them, as is urged in Hebrew scripture, hardly compromised the potency of the divinity they represented. Among the rituals to invest divinity on a statue is the pīt pîm, literally, “opening of the mouth.” It is fairly well attested throughout Mesopotamian history (Dick and Walker 2001). Uṣur-​awassum writes Yasmaḫ-Addu (ARM 26 294): “Regarding the fittings to (the goddess) Belet-biri—the ḫibšum, the rings (inṣabātum), and the d/kinitātum are now set on the figure of the goddess, so that she is now fully formed. Should the mouth of the goddess be opened to allow the whole land to see (her)? If it is not to be opened, my lord should write to me whatever the decision.”

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5.4.a.ii.  Statue of Ninḫursagga (Šala). Below are two letters from Kibri-Dagan, governor in Terqa. 47 [5.4.a.ii.1. ARM 3 43 = LAPO 16 93] Concerning work on the goddess Ninḫursagga, about which my lord has instructed me, the smith Erissu-matum told me the following: “I want to take gold belonging to the goddess Ninḫursagga and do the work as my lord has instructed me.” This is what he told me. However, since I have not heard my lord’s message—only because of this—I did not hand over to this man any of the gold of the goddess Ninḫursagga. Whatever his decision, my lord should write me so that if there is to be any giving, I could hand over this gold and he could do the work as my lord has instructed him. [5.4.a.ii.2. ARM 13 116 = LAPO 16 94] My lord has written me about gold for work on the goddess Ninḫursagga. I have taken 2 manas, 12.50 šekels [35.5 oz.] from the goddess’s gold and gave it over for this work. Now if there should be a shortage of gold for this job, should I take what gold there is from the jewelry of the Ninḫursagga and then give it (for the work?) [Rest damaged.]

5.4.a.iii.  From year-names.  Several years of Zimri-​Lim are named after the consecration of statues and thrones. 48 1.  Statues 1a.  Year: Zimri-​Lim made the statue of (the goddess) Annunitum of Šeḫrum [ZL1] 49 1b. Year: Zimri-​Lim dedicated the statue of (the god) Ḫaṭṭa [ZL8] 1c. 4. Year: Zimri-​Lim dedicated his statue {of bronze} to Addu of Aleppo [ZL3] 50 47.  The production of divine figurines can be very costly. Normally a specific amount of silver and gold is decided upon by the king in consultation with the artisans. Cost over-runs readily occurred. 48.  On year-names and their function, see ARM 13 47 at 1.2.d. 49.  Šeḫrum is near Der, so not distant from the capital. This presentation occurs at the earliest moment of Zimri-​Lim’s reign. The statue may have been commissioned by his predecessor, for subsequently the statues that Zimri-​Lim authorized were ex-voto of himself, preferring to send thrones to diverse deities. 50.  From diverse administrative sources, we learn that the statue also included alabaster, was plated with silver and included precious stones. ARM 18 16+ (LAPO 16 92) is a letter Zimri-​Lim sent to Mukannišum. Zimri-​Lim recalls the meeting he had with artisans to discuss the statue and what is needed to craft it. He had given them the amount of silver and gold they had requested, but now they are asking for more. The king will not send more and orders Mukannišum not to lobby on their behalf. The king wants to see drafts of the votive inscription that is to be attached to the statue, so that he could choose one. See below also on an issue raised by the placement of the statue in proximity to Addu. A (convoluted) letter from Samsi-Addu to his son Yasmaḫ-Addu details how accounting for the work of votive statues is accomplished (ARM 1 74 = LAPO 16 91). With its insistence and detailed instruction, it is obvious that Samsi-Addu lacks confidence in his son’s ability. I have had conveyed 20 manas of silver to overlay your statue. Those statues that were made here or in Šubat-Enlil, their accounts were settled in the temple of Aššur. The

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Religion — 5.4.  Paraphernalia 2.  Paraphernalia 2a.  Year: Zimri-​Lim dedicated a large throne to Šamaš [ZL5] 2b.  Year: Zimri-​Lim dedicated a large throne to Addu of Maḫanum (or: of the    Camp) [ZL10] 2c.  Year: Zimri-​Lim dedicated a large throne to Dagan of Terqa [ZL12] 51 2d.  Year: Zimri-​Lim dedicated a throne of gold to (the goddess) Deritum    [likely ZL4] 52 2e.  Year: Zimri-​Lim installed lions at the Dagan gate [ZL?] 53 3.  Construction Year: Zimri-​Lim built the new doors of Terqa [ZL?] 54

5.4.a.iv.  Repairing a statue.  Zimri-​Lim writes to Mukannišum, manager of palace stock (see under 2.2.c), two notes about repairing the statue of a lamassum/lamassatum, normally a female protective deity despite the occasional use of a masculine noun. 55 Zimri-​Lim’s objections are more likely to be cultic than esthetic shortcomings. losses (during the process) being known, the accounts for them are complete. Regarding . . . the account could not be done because you have not conveyed records of (your statue’s) overlay, of the (required) complete work, and of the losses. You should consult with Mašum and Mašiya, asking them for a report on this job. Then draw up and convey to me case by case records of the account of: the silver (necessary) for this statue; the silver needed for work on the overlay fastened to the statue; as well as the silver that is lost in smelting and alloying and the amount of silver (needed) as they fastened on the full work. . . . When its record, (and the records of) these inspectors (Mašum and Mašiya), as well as the amount of silver (required) for fastening on the statue once completed—as will be registered and deposited in the temple of Aššur—it should be assigned to the person responsible for the statue—for the complete job of fastening on the statue. On the day the inspectors come—as is (the practice) here, these days accounts are made in the temple of Aššur—there, you must have the accounts done in the temple of Dagan. Those who make this statue, the inspectors, and the accountants should be in the temple of Dagan and make an account for your statue. They should register these accounts. You there, (register) the account for the statue, as I do here for the account of the statue. I have conveyed this tablet of mine on the 7th of the current month. 51.  ARM 13 110:5–12 (LAPO 18 1074) is a note from Kibri-Dagan of Terqa with this statement, “With regard to the 10 pounds of silver which criminals have paid, my lord wrote me, ‘This money should get to me promptly, so as to be made available for the throne of Dagan.’ Since the departure of my lord, all the money that was paid. . . .” 52.  Thrones were also offered to Ea and Sin. Whether or not the fabrication of thrones covers also the fabrication of figures seated on them is not easy to determine. Other votive objects include footstools, likely complementing thrones and a variety of cultic scepters, rings, emblems (šurīnum), tools (paštum-axe for Sin) and weapons—mace (generically, kakkum), thunderbolt (birqum), and throw-sticks (gamlum). Divine weapons can be placed in the hands of kings (literally or metaphorically) to defeat an enemy. 53.  See also below, M.7449 at 5.4.c.ii. 54.  Terqa 8-5:30–32; Rouault 2011: 44. This year-name may have been invented in Terqa and does not seem to be used in Mari itself. 55.  The demonstrative attached to the lamassum are feminine.

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[5.4.a.iv.1. ARMT 18 2 = LAPO 16 96] With regard to the lamassum that was manufactured, this lamassum turned out badly and its mountings are not yet dry. If ever this lamassum is set in place, the . . . (of the tubing) in the opening will surely show up. Having noticed it, I became very upset. Now, as soon as you hear this letter of mine, the mountings of this lamassum as well as the tubings should be loosened in your presence and reset. . . [remaining lines fragmentary]. [5.4.a.iv.2. ARMT 18 3 = LAPO 16 97] I wrote to you earlier about work on the lamassum that had turned out badly. The mountings on the lamassatum should now be dismantled in order to let it dry out effectively. 56 The tubings are not dry so that their openings where the tubings are . . . (several lines damaged). If the lamassum is (damaged) and the tubings do not dry out effectively, how would you . . . me? Act in such a way that there could be no blemish on this protective spirit statue.

5.4.b.  Decorating divine objects 5.4.b.i.  Plating divine vehicles.  A.572 (Durand 2008a: 360; translation only). Šubnalu, the majordomo (abu bītim) of the Mari palace, writes Zimri-​Lim. My lord has written me about plating in bronze and silver the chariot (of the god) Nergal and, for the decoration of this chariot, inscribing and sending to him a wax tablet. I gathered the artisans and presented to them the message that my lord had sent me. We discussed the matter together. I have sent to my lord via the smith Qišti-Mamma a list of the needed items. My lord should produce a list of what is needed for the chariot and send the man back to me. The task remains pending. Because the bronze for the “chest” of this chariot has not yet arrived, a month will be needed for the work. 57

5.4.b.ii.  Inscription on divine vehicles.  To Zimri-​Lim, Yasim-sumu (Mari’s controller) wrote FM 2 17 (M.7658; Maul 1994: 48–50). I am herewith sending the inscriptions for the chariot of Nergal and for the palanquin of Itur-Mer. The inscription (narûm) for the chariot of Nergal: should it be inscribed on the chariot’s face (“breast”) or the rear (“tail”)? My lord might consider the matter; but this inscription should be inscribed on the rear where the weapon is now to be found, so that a proclaimer or reciter (šāsûm u muštassûm) could read it. 58 As to the inscription for the palanquin that God [Itur-Mer] will be riding, it 56.  It is worth noting that masculine and feminine forms are used in the same letter, without anyone attributing the discrepancy to differing sources. Somewhat similar is the occasional occurrence of different spellings for the same name in the same document. 57.  Note the (cumbersome) process of deciding what is needed for a commissioned artifact. The king consults with a high palace official who, after conferring with artisans, establishes a list of materials. This list and a specialist are sent to the king, who needs to draw up and approve a catalog of articles to withdraw from sealed stockrooms. 58.  As the gods moved from one spot to another, a reader and a reciter proclaimed a message to those watching the cortege. Ordinarily, gods were recognizable by their contrasting attire, weapons, animals, or symbolic gestures. Because such a recitation may seem superfluous, it is possible that the reciters who followed these vehicles were there to instruct the spectators on the specific manifestation of the god. At any rate, I would not argue from this letter for mass literacy, as does Charpin 2010d: 22.

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Religion — 5.4.  Paraphernalia could be inscribed on the face (“breast”) and/or the back. 59 My lord should write me of his decision so that these inscriptions could be prepared before my lord makes his way here. 60

5.4.c.  Placement in sacred space 5.4.c.i.  On the lap of God.  FM 7 17 (M.7161; see Durand 2002a: 31–32). To my lord (Zimri-​Lim), from “your servant” Warad-ilišu (diplomat and chief musician). On the day of the šuḫḫum-celebration, I entered Ḫalab [Aleppo], the 7th day of the month about to end. The sacrifice of my lord was done on the 7th and once (the omen) “satisfaction” was obtained, I have had my lord(’s statue) stand erect before (the god) Addu. On another matter: I have once again repeated to (King) Yarim-Lim my lord’s instructions about the placement of the statue: “My lord had said, ‘In the past, I was raised on the lap of Addu.’ Now therefore my lord’s statue must be set on the lap of Addu.” This is what I told him. But Yarim-Lim answered me as follows, “Where then is the silver statue of Šamaš that is now on the lap of Addu to be placed? [A fragmentary passage suggests that Yarim-Lim is consulting diviners about where to place Šamaš.] 61 59.  The palanquin of Itur-mer was also decorated with diverse figures, as this extract from A.3325 (ARM 25 626 = Durand 1990e: 139) suggests, “6 pounds of gold, inlays for 1 Dagan figure, 1 royal figure, 1 Yakrub-El figure, 3 figures of mountain (gods), and diverse locals that face the chest; 2 uridu-genies and 2 lamassatum-genies; 1 middle mountain; 2 . . . and 2 forelocks for the chest. . . .” 60.  I have relied on this Mari text to argue (Sasson 2000) that, according to 2 Sam 6:2 (differently in 1 Chr 13:6), the ark bore an inscription: “David and all the troops with him set out from the Judean Baalah to bring up from there the ark of God, which has the name (i.e., reputation) ‘The Lord of Hosts, Seated over the Cherubs’ (being) on it.” When disaster overtook Uzzah for daring to touch the ark, David tested its intent and, reassured that it was propitious, had it brought into Jerusalem on human shoulders. Whether it retained a label identifying its host as the warlike manifestation of Israel’s invisible God cannot be known; but the label need not have been deemed superfluous. We have many details about the construction of richly decorated palanquins to lift not just gods but also elite royal figures (see Arkhipov 2012: 147–49). This particular palanquin was built in 5 months during Zimri-​Lim’s fifth year in office. It is documented in several other texts, including ARM 23 194, 197, 198. 61.  An excerpt from a note (FM 8 38:15–24 = A.975; Durand 2005a: 130–33) that Yasmaḫ-​ Addu received from Enlil-ipuš, then a Tuttul official. After complaining about the lack of straw for making bricks (see Exod 5:6–9), Enlil-ipuš gives a sense of what kinds of depictions are cut on a commemorative slab: “Another matter: At their arrival, the metalsmiths began working on the ḫumūsum-monument. Both front and back are completely incised: On a raised platform, to the left, stands the statue of the god Amurru, bearing a curved sword (gamlum). Across from him stands my lord’s statue in worship. Atop the statue (of Amurru?), there is a sun-disk and moon-crescent. Behind the stela, and on its sides [rest broken]. . . .” Another excerpt is a diviner’s inquiry on how to depict a goddess (M.7515; Durand 2008a: 330): “Regarding (the goddess) Lagamal, should she be given a human face and set on her a crown with 8 horns and a solar disk above? Should she be given characteristics: a tall crown, with 4 horns? Should she be given characteristics: a tall crown, with 2 horns? ” Normally Lagamal has the

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I have therefore given a complete accounting to Yarim-Lim of my lord’s instruction, as much as he has charged me, and he answered me suitably, being pleased. After posting this tablet of mine, I will promptly pick up on my lord’s instruction and will make my way to him. I have conveyed this letter of my lord on the 17.xii. 62

5.4.c.ii.  Names for protective lions.  M.7499 (Charpin 1984: 45–46 (#3); Grayson 1987: 65–66). One tablet bearing two inscriptions that give the names of protective lions, likely placed by the Emeʾurʾu, possibly Ištar’s shrine in Mari. (1) This lion—its name (is): “On order of Ištar, sealer of (the fate of) Samsi-Addu’s enemy.” (2) This lion—its name (is): “On order of Ištar, drinker of the blood of Samsi-Addu’s enemy” [Emeʾurʾur—temple: “Gatherer of rituals”].

5.4.d.  Use of cult objects 5.4.d.i.  Statues of the god 5.4.d.i.1.  Resolving disputes. M.6607 (Durand 2008a: 363). To a king, from an official (heading lost). I have spoken to my lord about the arrival of inspectors for grain gathering in Terqa. My lord needs to send me Šamaš-tillassu, his servant, and [2] reliable men among his servants, as well as the gods Ikšudum and Lagamal, so that they can establish matters concerning the grain.

5.4.d.i.2.  Marching ahead of an army.  ARM 1 53+ = LAPO 17 478. Samsi-Addu writes Yasmaḫ-Addu, his son. About the troops that are now released from you, I must have already written for their dispatch to me. So do send these troops promptly to me. As for you, stay put in Mammagira with what you have kept of these troops. It is not desirable for you to stay at Panašum or Talḫaya. Mammagira is indeed well suited for your stay. Another matter: I have written to have my troops now in Babylon released. They are just now released. With these troops (are) 3,000 troops from Ešnunna; together with the goddesses (itti ištarātim), these and the other troops have arrived here. These troops have now joined those that are here, so that the army, this one and that, will assemble and the matter of the Turukku will be promptly settled. Once the matter of the Turukku is settled, I will take charge of the armies and will go toward the land of Zalmaqum. But for now, the matter of the Turukku needs to be settled, as well as the matter of the campaign toward the Upper Country (i.e., face of a lioness. An issue is how much divinity to invest in her, with four horns on each side of the face being the maximum; one, the minimum—as in the case of Moses after his interview with God, in Exod 34:29. 62.  Zimri-​Lim’s desire was apparently fulfilled. The 10-day interval suggests how long it took to complete the inquiry. Whether Zimri-​Lim’s assertion that he was raised on Addu’s thigh implies that he lived his days in exile in Aleppo is open to debate. The god Addu is himself cited, making the same claim (see the text cited as FM 7 39, below at 5.7.b.iii). But the statement may well be metaphoric.

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Religion — 5.4.  Paraphernalia Zalmaqum). Just be aware of this. I am posting you this message at the close 3 Kinunum [2nd month].

5.4.d.i.3.  Solving crimes 5.4.d.i.3a.  A.747; Durand 2014a: 9–15, 22 (superseding previous editions). Ḫabduma-Dagan, then governor at Saggaratum during Zimri-​Lim’s early years, writes to the king. With regard to the Ziniyan affair, (people from) Yaḫappalu had presented the matter to my lord in Terqa: Išḫi-ilumma, their sheikh, was slandered. Now my lord had given me the following instructions, “Aštabi-El should lie down on his couch and be interrogated so that his ‘inspector’ (ḫayyaṭum) could speak. 63 Have it recorded.” Just now, with Warad-Sin as their ‘arbitrator? ’ (rābiṣum), Aštabi-El stretched himself out (irbiṣ). In accordance with Astabi-El’s determination, the matter turned out false. Therefore, the slanderers have belittled him before God. However, in my own case, so that sooner or later there could not be a false matter, I have rebuked him before the elders of the land. In front of God, I imposed a penalty of 1 bronze axe and a ram. The whole matter was built on lies. As to (man), Išḫi-ilumma by name, 6 šekels of silver was his damage. He now lives in Nišer.

5.4.d.i.3b.  Itur-asdu, then governor of Mari province, writes to Zimri-​Lim (A.1890; see Durand 2009a). A while ago, the merchant Ur-Šulpaʾeʾa went to meet my lord and told him, ‘A slave is now with messengers from Babylon.’ This is what this man told my lord and my lord gave him the following instructions, ‘When the Babylonian messengers leave, (the god) Itur-Mer should be reclining at the main gate where they will exit. You should then state your claims.’ This is what my lord told this man. In accordance with the instruction of my lord, Itur-Mer reclined at the main gate and this man [Ur-Šulpaʾeʾa] began to state all his claims with regard to a slave of his; but the Babylonian messengers Puzur-Marduk and Ili-tillati had not taken him. I am dispatching this man to my lord. My lord should hear his words.”

5.4.d.i.3c.  Abi-mekin, a diplomat, wrote ARM 26 458 to Zimri-​Lim. Mari City, the palace, the temples, and the workshops are all in good order. Another matter: Ever since the sacrifices to (the goddess) Diritum, 5 oxen have been missing from Mari. Itur-Mer was made to circumambulate the city itself. On the fourth day of the god circumambulating (it), 1 bull belonging to Sin-naṣir, son of Yadratum, and 1 bull belonging to IIum-gamil, son of Zikri-Addu, a groom, were found in Sumu-ḫadum’s home. Of these 2 bulls, I seize the meat and their skins. 64

63.  The statue of Aštabi-El, likely a deity incarnated into an ancestor, operated as did the tĕrāpîm in the Hebrew Bible. See note to 5.1.a. Similar in function is the use of the god Itur-Mer. 64.  Sumu-ḫadum was a major Mari official in the early days of Zimri-​Lim, who had benefited from Zimri-​Lim’s largesse; see ARM 10 57 at 6.1.a.iii.1b.

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5.4.d.i.4.  Protecting caravans.  Šunuḫra-halu (the king’s secretary) sent FM 7 52 to his “brother” Belšunu (an official). 65 Assemble all the tools for our caravan. The cattle that are to travel must be fattened. As to taking the gods before you, you must not leave them behind. Make (the necessary) assignments for all of you before moving out. Have the men . . . and the young man drink a širaḫum potion. 66

5.4.d.ii.  Weapons of the god. 67 5.4.d.ii.1.  Weapon of Addu.  Sumu-ila, likely a high officer in Terqa, posted FM 7 5 (A.1858 = LAPO 18 982) early in Zimri-​Lim’s reign. The weapons of Addu of Aleppo have arrived here. I am now storing them in the temple of Dagan of Terqa, and will do whatever my lord orders me (about them). 68

5.4.d.ii.2.  Curse.  A.4510 (Charpin 1984: 62–63) is a draft copy of a curse to be attached to the weapon of Nergal. It begins in medias res. Whoever dislodges this weapon from the hand of Nergal, replacing it by another so as to enter it into his treasury (or) erases my inscribed name so as to inscribe his 65.  The king’s secretary is likely corresponding with members of his household, taking advantage of a trip abroad for personal business. 66. This širaḫum (etymology unclear) is likely to be a potion administered when truth or loyalty needs to be secured. It may be related to the ittum Queen Šiptum had personnel drink before quizzing them on prospects for her husband’s battle; see ARM 26 207 at 5.7.c.ii.1. Durand has kindly communicated these lines from an unpublished letter (M.7375:6′–11′) attributed to an official, “. . . ‘The governor (šāpiṭum) and the majordomo (abu bītim) must drink širaḫum in the presence of (the god) Itur-Mer before they can lead the people here.’ But Yaṣi-Eraḫ answered as follows, ‘Let him go in our stead and drink the širaḫum in Zimri-Lim’s presence’.” The action may remind us of Num 5 (sôtâ), when a woman drinks a potion to alleviate the suspicions of a jealous husband. An interesting incident that involves giving a potion (not specifically a širaḫum) to a diviner is reported in FM 6 45:3′–13 (M.9717; van Koppen 2002: 356–57; also 316–18). It has to do with theft from the estate of a former official (Sammetar) whose reputation suffered after his death, “. . . (the muḫḫûm-ecstatic of Nergal) Erra-gamil will drink. A chair now in the storeroom of Sammetar’s house is set before the god Šamaš, with Erra-gamil sitting on it. In the presence of the governor and the leader of the land, (he will say) ‘My declaration (is under) Sammetar’s shadow/protection: Whatever is recorded in this tablet belongs to the household of Sammetar’.” It is possible to interpret this text as summoning Sammetar’s spirit to affirm what had been in his home before the theft. If so, we might evoke the effort of Saul to summon the testimony of the dead Samuel (1 Sam 28). 67.  For divine paraphernalia used in ascertaining ownership of fields, see also ARM 26 404, at 1.6.c.i.1. 68.  Addu of Aleppo is said to have sent the weapon with which he battled the sea (Yam); see below for the prophecy that Nur-Sin posted from Aleppo, FM 7 38 at 5.8.b.iii. The two shipments of weapons were not connected, as the prophecy dates very late in Zimri-​Lim’s reign while Sumu-ila was governor of Terqa before ZL 4. The thunderbolt (birqum) of Addu and the weapon of Šamaš are set flat (rabāṣum) in a disputed field to adjudicate its ownership; see ARM 26 404: 44–7 (1.6.c.i.1).

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Religion — 5.4.  Paraphernalia (uninscribed) place—May Anu and Enlil overturn his throne; may Nergal, owner of (this weapon), shatter his weapon.

5.4.d.iii.  Pillars (sikkānum, ḫumūsum, râmum) 69 5.4.d.iii.1.  Holy pillar. Lanasum, ḫazannum at Tuttul (see at 2.1.d.ii), posted FM 8 15 (A.1948) to King Zimri-​Lim. My lord wrote this to me, “There is a large boulder at ‘Dagan’s Nose.’ Entrust 10 men to Puzur-Mamma for them to lift up this boulder and transport it to me.” Having myself heard the tablet my lord conveyed here, I took along with me to “Dagan’s Nose” Yanṣib-Addu, La-Amurum’s son, as well as the smith Puzur-Mamma, whom my lord sent here. I also took with me my lord’s sacrifice. We found that boulder and what is there is much more massive than my lord indicated to me. I took it upon myself to look into the matter, and would keep on seeking information about this site. This site is indeed “strong” (holy?) and absolutely no one wants in any way to be in contact with it. With Yasmaḫ-Addu [the previous king], there was a matter (similar) to this, and a transgression came to be associated with him because of it. I therefore came to fear this matter in my own heart. Yet, eventually my lord must not say, “You could have made an effort to look into the matter of this site. Why did you not write to me one way or another? ” 69.  The literature on the maṣṣebâ (“pillar, betyl, stone slab, menhir,” or the like) in biblical lore is now vast. We know about them from the third-millennium Ebla documents on, with details in Imar (Emar) documents suggesting that a city gate led specifically to them and that they played a role in the enactment of installation rituals (many details in Fleming 1992: 74–79 and in Marti 2011). The richest attestations from one archive, however, come from Mari and they are collected in Durand 2005a. There, the objects are called sikkānum (a West Semitic formation from sakānum, “to set up”), rāmum (also West Semitic from *rwm, “to set up”), and ḫumūsum, this latter term applying to a metal bas-relief (FM 8 38; see above), wooden pole (see FM 8 34), or a pile of stones forming a (commemorative) monument. Oaths can be taken or vows made in their presence, much as Jacob did at Bethel (Gen 28:18–22). How they acquire sacrality is difficult to assess. One text (FM 8 15) implies that they come from a sacred area, but we do not know what made the area sacred. Several records testify to the importance of such monuments to witness solemn agreements. Thus, in FM 8 34:23–58 (A.3592), Ḫammanum, a governor of Yabliya, writes to Yasmaḫ-Addu: “A force of 300 men from Suḫu assembled. From [. . .] to Ḫarbe, their elders assembled in [. . .]. From among the elders that had assembled, 15 elders were selected and they took oaths by (the gods) Itur-Mer, Yabliya, Ḫanat, Šamaš, and Addu. The elders of Suḫu took this oath, ‘Puli-ila holds wadis while Barḫalanum holds the steppe. Between them is a stela. There is no Barḫalanum entitlement to the wadis.’ With the elders of Suḫu having declared for the oath (adû), I set up a (divine) ḫumūsum and slaughtered rams. The people of Ḫurban demolished the (divine) ḫumūsum and put fire to the rams. Whether the (divine) ḫumūsum could be demolished and rams could be put to fire, my lord can [. . .] here. My lord should now question Ila[. . .]” The incident is featured in two other letters, FM 8 35 and 37. In FM 8 36, Samsi-Addu urges his son to punish those who have destroyed the monument and burned the ram. Worth noticing here is the burning of sacrifices, likely an Amorite practice. In southern Mesopotamia, normally, cooked meals were set before the gods. Also worth noticing is the demolition of sacred objects by the displeased, as was done by Gideon (Judg 6:25–26).

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Just now, I am writing to my lord in my servant status. My lord should take omens over the stone that I have conveyed, and I will do whatever my lord commands. The smith Puzur-Mamma is staying with me until a decision, this way or that, reaches me from my lord.

5.4.d.iii.2.  Pillar for sacrifice.  Bannum (tribal leader) sent FM 8 12:3–10 (A.652) to Zimri-​Lim. Note the linkage of sacrifice for Ištar and the need for a stone pillar. My lord wrote to me about the sacrifice for Ištar: “This particular sacrifice is upon us, but there is no pillar (sikkānum) for it yet. Promptly send 100 men and a capable person who can cut the pillar. They need to cut in Lasqum 4 pillars, each of 12 cubits [18 feet!].” This is what my lord wrote to me. In accordance with my lord’s order, I have now sent to Lasqum 100 men and a capable person who can cut the pillar. They will cut the 4 pillars my lord had requested and will convey to Mari. With regard to wine about which my lord wrote to me, “Wine is no longer available to me; yet the kings of Yamutbal and Šubartu are set to come here, I having told them, ‘The sacrifice for [Ištar] needs to be done; come here and let us make a pact.’” [Rest damaged]

5.4.d.iii.3.  Carving pillars. Uṣur-awassu, palace majordomo for Yasmaḫ-Addu, posted this note (ARM 26 292). Concerning the 7-reed (long) pillar that was cut in Šaḫidan, my lord had instructed me when he was still in Mari, “This pillar should be cut into 3 pillars of (almost) 2 reeds each.” This is what my lord instructed me. I consulted with Tarim-šakim and he said, “The 7-reed pillar has the shape of a god on it. 70 I worry lest the king (Samsi-​ Addu) hear about the matter and say, ‘A 7-reed pillar has been cut in Mari!’.” My lord should consult with his father and then write to his servant Tarim-šakim in accordance with the consultation with his father, one way or another.

5.4.d.iv.  Snakes.  ARM 13 19 = LAPO 16 101. Mukannišum, chief of palace stock in Mari, to Zimri-​Lim. 71 My lord had written the following about the snake (muš = ṣērum) of Yašub-Nār (metal artisan), “If this snake looks like the one you have seen (earlier), go ahead with making it.” The snake that Yašub-Nar has crafted, until yesterday it was just Yašub-Nār who worked on it. But now Ḫimit-Erra has taken up this snake, opened its mold?, and tested its [. . . .] and has [. . .]. We saw its mold? and it is very nice. I have undertaken the work and he gave his approval. I gave to him the (bronze). Ḫimit-Erra and Iddin-Annu are ready to pour (the metal) for the rods of the mold? of this snake. So work on this snake should be ready for my lord’s journey. Now I have given strict instruction to Yašub-Nar about shielding the coating of all the snakes, saying this, “Shield all the snakes and get them ready. . . . [Rest damaged.] 70.  See Durand 2005a: 158 for conjecture on the shallow signs. I expect, however, that the qualm was about cutting a fine-sized—presumable rarer to find—slab into run-of-the mill smaller segments. Heimpel (2003: 286 n. 8) may be offering a similar notion. 71.  In biblical lore, Moses had a snake of brass (Nehushtan) placed on a pole, to cure snake bites for onlookers (Num 21:4–9).

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5.4.d.v.  Groves.  Išme-Dagan writes ARM 1 136 (LAPO 16 202) to his brother, Yasmaḫ-Addu. I am having an orchard for Addu/Tešub planted in Arrapḫa. Because the orchard is for God, it should be filled with junipers. I am now sending you one of the irrigators. Write in my behalf so that juniper seed(lings) are given to me to have the orchard for Addu/Tešub filled.

5.5.  Caring for the Gods 5.5.a.  Priests.  The priests of Mari (šangûm, occasionally West Semitic kumrum) were temple managers who had close contacts with the gods and their paraphernalia. They are mentioned readily, but mostly in passing, as when reporting a dream (ARM 26 238) or when appearing in one (ARM 26 237, at 5.7.d.ii). A number of cult personnel, such as the kurgarrû and the luḫšum, are cited in ritual texts, among them the ritual for Ištar (at 5.3.b). Not clear is whether or not the performers mentioned in it have temple association. The same can be said about labels attached to persons who relay messages from the gods, such as the āpilum (“answerer; mouthpiece”), muḫḫûm (“ecstatic”), and nabûm (“summoned” by deity), the first two with female equivalents, āpiltum and muḫḫūtum. Whether or not they are occasional rather than fixed is also subject to debate. Diviners (bārûm) belong to the sphere of royal advisers, although their involvement in sacrificing for omen-taking naturally might bring them to the temple. 5.5.a.i.  Obtaining the office. A.12, not yet published, is translated in Durand 2008a: 382. Itur-asdu, then governor of Mari, writes Zimri-​Lim. 72 My lord has given me the following instruction about Puzur-Mamma, the priest (šangûm), “Set Puzur-Mamma as head of the priests of the temples. If not, Iddin-Sin should pay all the money that Puzur-Mamma has kept and get back to his office.” These are the instructions of my lord. With all the priests gathered, Puzur-Mamma said the following, “I am ready to pay ½ mana of silver to be appointed head of the priests.” This is what Puzur-Mamma said. For his part, Iddin-Sin said, “I am ready to pay 1⁄3 mana of silver to get back to my office.” The priests then said, “If Iddin-Sin pays double the amount and gives all the silver that was lost by the temple of the goddess, he could get back to his office. If not, we will simply neglect our duties in the temples and the money will be lost.” This is what they answered me. 73

72.  Iddin-Sin was priest during Yasmaḫ-Addu’s reign; see comments to LAPO 18 1185 in Durand 2000: 373–76. Although Puzur-Mamma succeeded him, one text (M.18174; Jacquet 2011: 167–68) from the time of Zimri-​Lim (ZL7) labels him a priest of “the father of the gods,” the phrase likely referring to Dagan. To be a “father” of a powerful person means to be his adviser; this metaphor is also found in Gen 45:8, where Joseph attributes to God his role as “father to Pharaoh.” 73.  How priestly control of a shrine is achieved is illustrated in a text from Emar (Imar) (Arnaud 1991: 143–44, text no. 87). This rendering is adapted from van der Toorn 1995: 48;

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I have therefore installed Puzur-Mamma. Iddin-Sin has now gone to my lord. My lord should decide his case. Mari and the palace are in good order.

5.5.a.ii.  The assinnum. What exactly is an assinnum is debated. It is a male connected to a temple. 74 Šiptu sent ARM 26 213 (ARM 10 7 = LAPO 18 1137; Nissinen 2003: 47–48) to her husband. The palace is in good order. On the 3rd (of the month), Šelebum had a trance while in the temple of Annunitum. Annunitum said: “Zimri-​Lim, you will be tested by rebellion. Keep safe. Surround yourself with your experienced servants, those you cherish. Have them stand by you to protect you. Do not wander about by yourself. I shall deliver into your hand those men who are testing you.” Now I am conveying herewith to my lord hair and garment fringe of the assinnum. 75

5.5.b.  Priestesses.  Several terms are associated with temple women, although their exact role is difficult to unravel. The terminology is fluid across Old Babylonian cultures. Sumerian nin.dingir can be entum, but at Mari it likely stood for an ugbabtum (see at 1.3.a.iii.1b), where elsewhere it also was translated nadītum. Other terms for priestesses in Mari were periphrastic or sobriquets, for example, dumu.munus ilūtim was “sacred young woman,” āpiltum was a “spokeswoman,” a muḫḫūtum experienced visionary seizure, while a qammatum had a striking coiffure. 76 5.5.b.i.  The ugbabtum.  How priestesses acquired their position is not easy to decide. In Mari and elsewhere, they seem to come from royal families. 77 (A curiosity is that discussion in connection with the temples of Joash, Gideon’s father (Judg 6), and of Micah (Judg 17) is in Sasson 2014: 343–44. In the days of Limi-malik son of Irʾib-Baal, Pilsu-Dagan [son of X-m]alik built a temple for Nergal-of-the-Betyl. He made the elders of the city of Emar sit down and they wrote this tablet: “From this day on, Pilsu-Dagan is the priest of the temple of Nergal-of-theBaetyl. His sons and his grandsons will be priests of the Nergal temple forever. No other man shall raise claims against Pilsu-Dagan concerning the Nergal temple. Should someone raise claims, he shall pay 1,000 šekels of silver. May Nergal destroy the family and descendant of anyone altering these words. (In addition,) he shall build another temple, a duplicate of the temple of Pilsu-Dagan. 74.  In the literature, the suggestion is that an assinnum is a eunuch, a cultic prostitute, or a “pederast”; see Huffmon 2004. I think the term is applied to a male with gender-neutral sensibility, such as the berdache. In fact, a person known as an assinnum elsewhere (Šelebum) is titled a šangûm in ARM 7 180:iv′:34′. For Ili-ḫaznaya, an assinnum who conveys a message from the goddess Annunitum, see ARM 26 212:1′–16′ at 5.7.c.ii.2. 75.  See also ARM 26 197, at 5.5.b.ii, where a qammatum is also featured. 76.  Barberon (2012) is a major study of consecrated women, albeit in Babylon, with several references to Mari occurrences. KAR 321, a first-millennium text with Old Babylonian, has this to say about them (adapted from Foster 2005: 878): “Women who are knowledgeable in their tasks: high-priestesses (nin.dingir.ra.meš = ugbabātum) who are faithful to their husbands; / Cloistered women (lukur.meš = nadiātum) who are skilled in keeping the womb healthy; holy women (munus.nu.gig.meš = qašdātum) who set [babies] in purifying water,/ Who respect taboos (ikkibū) and adhere to what is sacred, they bless [   ] . . . , / Caring for the meek, mindful of virtue. . .” 77.  Ḫaya-sumu of Ilanṣura’s daughter was such a priestess (Arkhipov 2012: 343–44) and so were daughters and sisters of Zimri-​Lim, one of whom, Inib-šina (see below), was termed an aššat

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some aunts and nieces in this post seem to have the same name, suggesting a traditional name assignment after induction.) They were provided with a dowry. 78 5.5.b.i.1.  Prestige.  Where to lodge a priestess is discussed in letters Kibri-Dagan of Terqa sent to the king, one of them being ARM 26 178 (ARM 3 42 = LAPO 18 958). Dagan and Yakrubel (Yakrub-El) are well; Terqa, city and district, is in good order. Another matter: Following what my lord wrote to me earlier, I have had omens taken about the house where the ugbabtum of Dagan is to live. The omens I had taken on the house of the previous ugbabtum were clear. With God giving me a positive answer, I undertook to fix this house by (first) inspecting the damage. The ugbabtum that my lord wants to lead to Dagan can live in this house. 79

5.5.b.i.2.  Sanctity.  Zimri-​Lim writes ARM 10 123 (LAPO 18 1169) to Šiptu, fearing divine anger for the treatment of priestesses. No doubt he arrived at this knowledge after omen-taking. I fear that you may hear some news and become anxious. However, the enemy has not become forceful enough to face me. All is well, and you should not be in the least anxious. ilim, “wife of God.” Zimri-​Lim’s scribes registered several “wives” of deities, captured late in his reign in a series of victories in the Upper Ḫabur (FM 2 72, FM 2 73, and M.12441; see Ziegler 1999b). These priestesses were listed ahead of others, including queens and family members of the kings. I cite this summary from Ziegler 1999b: 14: From Admatum: 1 wife of Dagan, 4 wives of Sin, 3 wives of Kulmiš, 1 wife of Addu From Kalbiya: 1 wife of Sin From Ašlakka: 2 wives of Sin, 1 wife of Šamaš From Tarmanni: 1 wife of Šamaš. Wives of gods though they may have been, captive priestesses could be treated very unceremoniously, as suggested by letters Zimri-​Lim posted to his wife; see ARM 10 125 and 126 at 1.3.a.iii.1a and at 1.3.a.iii.1b. 78.  ARM 22 154:1–8 (see Ziegler 1999a: 193 n. 755): garments “for 4 women given as (part of the) dowry for Darkatum, ugbabtum of Addu.” Darkatum was a daughter of Yaḫdun-Lim, so rather aged when consecrated in ZL5. She may have been the widow of an official by then. 79.  In a related letter (ARM 26 179 = LAPO 18 959), we learn that the place has been taken over by weavers, garment workers, and other craftsmen; that it lay too close to one of the palace’s courtyard; and that Kundulatum, the maker of gruel, lives there. Still, Kibri-Dagan is ready to fix it if that is what the king wants. In ARM 3 8 (LAPO 17 801), Kibri-Dagan gives his excuse for not accompanying a newly designated ugbabtum (possibly a Mari princess) to Terqa: “My lord has written me about my travel to Mari to escort the ugbabtum. Here I must have work done, and the area on which I must have work done is inferior/demanding—it is harsh and inaccessible. Just now, by staying here, I can keep the work force focused; but afterward, if I were to abandon the work so as to head (your way), this work force will disband and work will be abandoned, and my lord’s land will thirst for water. May my lord come here in full serenity to kiss the foot of Dagan, who loves him. I am having work done and I simply can’t move away.” In effect, Kibri-Dagan is telling the king to escort the priestess himself!

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Yet, Adad of Kulmiš has created this havoc because of the ugbabtum-priestesses due to him. 80 In the list of captives that I have dispatched, the ugbabtum-priestesses of Kulmiš and those of the (other) gods are recorded on a tablet, separately and by name. The ugbabtum-priestesses of Kulmiš should now be identified by themselves for departure. Outfit them with clothing and have them ride either a two-wheel chariot pulled by parûm-mules or on kūdanum-mules. The servants who led them down from here should deliver them to me safely, traveling in one group. There is (also) a daughter of Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka). Keep her there; do not send her.

5.5.b.i.3.  Status.  Zimri-​Lim writes ARM 10 124 (LAPO 18 1170) to Šiptu, his wife. Concerning the young daughter of Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka), the šugītum, about whom you wrote to me. There is a report reaching here that says, “She is an ugbabtum of Addu.” Now make inquiry about this youngster with. . . . If this woman (is an ugbabtum of Addu) and she has lodged a complaint (take her out). She should stay in the house of. . . . But if she has not lodged a complaint, she should then stay (in the palace) and should have a guard. 81 On news of omen-taking about which you wrote this to me: “I have had omens taken on the well-being of my lord: the enemy is delivered into my lord’s control.” What you write is the same as in my omen-taking here: The enemy is indeed delivered to me. I am well. News of the palace’s safety should be continuous.

5.5.b.ii.  Inib-šina, a daughter of Yaḫdullim—hence also a sister (but not likely uterine) of Zimri-​Lim—was a nin.dingir.(ra) who was also termed a dam.dingir, aššat ilim, so “wife of the god.” She lived in the palace. 82 In ARM 26 197 (ARM 10 80 = LAPO 18 1203; Nissinen 2003: 28–29), she writes to her “Star,” a term of affection that daughters also used for Zimri-​Lim. 83 Previously, when Šelibum, the assinnum, gave me an oracle, I sent (it) to you. 84 Now, a (woman) qammatum of Dagan of Terqa came here to tell me this, “Peace proposals from the ruler of Ešnunna are but deceit: Beneath straw flows water. 85 I 80.  “This” havoc is what likely gave the queen anxiety. 81.  The issue has to do with discriminating between an ugbabtum, with sacral connotations, and šugītum, ordinarily a woman functioning as a secondary wife to the husband of a nadītum; see Barberon 2012: 81–82. 82.  A number of letters are sent under that name, some of them likely to be assigned to a (minor) wife of Zimri-​Lim by the same name; see Ziegler 1999a: 46–49. This discrimination can be reasoned circularly, in that several Inib-šina postings may be assigned to Zimri-​Lim’s wife rather than to his sister because they deal with mundane topics. 83.  Here, a qammatum is paired with an assinnum, and so qammatum may refer to a woman with gender-neutral sensibility, the counterpart to an assinnum. 84. It is not likely that the message Šelebum entrusted to Inib-šina is conveyed in the much-damaged ARM 26 198 (Nissinen 2003: 29–30). There he conveys despair and misery, at one point complaining of “living in shit and piss” and eating reed. Whether the language is hyperbolic or not cannot be assessed. Still, whoever sent the message to Zimri-​Lim does take sample of hair and garment, a normal process when testing for likelihood of the message. 85.  Three different correspondents relay this same enigmatic message. Nissinen (2003: 28– 29) gives a bibliography that includes my study (Sasson 1995a) of phrase and contexts.

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5.5.b.iii.  The nadītum. Best reported in the Old Babylonian period are these (mostly) elite women consecrated as secondary wives of a god. 88 5.5.b.iii.1.  None of the Mari nadītums is as well documented as is Erešti-Aya, likely the daughter of Zimri-​Lim, consecrated to Šamaš in Sippar. 89 She writes several letters to her “Star,” Sun,” and/or “father,” all haunting in their demand for attention or affection. Here are two of them. [5.5.b.iii.1a. ARM 10 38 = LAPO 18 1195] May my Lord (Šamaš) and my Lady (Aya) keep you well for my sake. May they lead you to wherever you signal. Am I not your own emblem, an advocate who enhances your prestige at the Ebabbar-​ temple? Why have you cut off the two maidservants trained by me? 90 You have sent me rings, but are cutting off one maidservant. Now then, send me the two maidservants trained by me as well as my clothing. In the presence of the custodian of foreigners, I have donated to my Lady (Aya), who keeps you in health, the garment and container you have sent me. [5.5.b.iii.1b. ARM 10 39 = LAPO 18 1199] May Lord and Lady keep you well for my sake. When, O when—I have wailed—when will the affluence of my father’s house rise up to me, so that death for me becomes life? I have written to you: You sent me a year ago two maidservants, but one died. So there: two maidservants were brought here and one died. I am an emblem for your dynasty; so why am I not cared for, not given money or ointment? I was pleased over the king (2 damaged lines) and have given (him) a garment such as yours, yet I got no gift (back).

86.  For this phrase, see CAD L 92 (5b). It might be noted that this oracle proved true, for Ešnunna was humbled by Elam within a few years before being absorbed by Hammurabi’s Babylon. 87.  Or: “He is ceaselessly moving about by himself.” 88.  Barberon 2012, with introductory remarks at pp. 1–7. The nadītum of Sippar was associated with Šamaš and his wife Aya. Several women in the Mari documents seem to live the cloistered but privileged life associated with the nadītum. But not every nadītum likely led a safe life; see ARM 5 82 at 4.5.a.i. 89.  Her name means “Aya’s Request,” Aya being the wife of Šamaš. Elsewhere (ARM 10 43 = LAPO 18 1202) she speaks of the gagûm, the cloister mostly connected with Sippar. There is a brief note (FM 3 140 = A.2574) from Manatan, a security official late in Zimri-​Lim’s reign, that reports: “Arriving here from Babylon were my lord’s servants, Šamaš-ḫazir, Yazraḫ-Dagan, and Yawi-​Addu—Rim-Addu and Akiya being their escorts. Two servants of Erišti, the nadītum, brought to my lord a tattalikum-coffer.” Whether this Erišti is the same as Erišti-aya is debatable. It may be that Zimri-​Lim sent more than one daughter to Sippar. 90.  From a fuller edition of ARM 10 42 (LAPO 18 1197), we learn that two servants were to be part of the dowry (nudunnûm) she was to receive on marrying Šamaš.

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5.5.b.iv.  qadištum/qaššatum (pl.). The status of women bearing this title is not yet established. Derivation from the root *qdš, “to consecrate,” and linkage with Hebrew qĕdēšâ have suggested such disparate assessments as a temple devotee (so a hierodule), a prostitute, a secondary wife, an independent woman, or the like. 91 A.1186 is a letter Yarim-Addu, a diplomat and merchant, sent to Zimri-​Lim that is not yet fully edited. I adapt a translation from the French of Durand 2008a: 408. 92 In this letter, the qadištum is treated as if a nadītum. Kaʾalalum may be the same as the Mari guard in FM 11 182 (see at 1.3.c.iii.2). Regarding Kaʾalalum, about which my lord wrote (to me) saying, “A servant of yours must come with him.” This man is a slave of a qadištum. When as a young girl her father consecrated her as a qadištum (uqaddišuši) and set her up as a qadištum, Kaʾalalum was given to her as her collar (unqum) and as her inheritance (niḫlatum). This man is, consequently, a slave—not a freeman (dumu awīlim). Now when his master, the father of the young girl, died, Iddinma-ilum deceived him, saying, “Come to me and I will adopt you as an heir.” So (Kaʾalalum) took away the assets of his mistress: an ox, 11 sheep, 2,400 liters of grain, and gave them to Iddinma-ilum. To secure for himself the assets of his mistress, having placed his own name on him, he (Iddinma-ilum) brought him out (of the town) and was ready to be on his way. Before he could go, she took hold of him and shouted in outrage, “You are my slave; he who seized you from me should come here.” Iddinma-ilum came to me, grabbed him and said, “You are my male son. I have adopted you as heir!” But I told him, “Is it acceptable that I validate the adoption of a slave, born non-free, and belonging to a qadištum? ” This is what I told Iddinma-Ilum. I am now herewith sending him to my lord. My lord should consider his case. A free woman, a qadištum, must not be wronged. 93 (Kaʾalalum) is a slave; he is no free man.

5.5.c.  Devotion.  See also above at 1.3.b. In the Mari records, there are references to demands from the gods for booty and prisoners, and there is information about 91.  Stemming from a broad span of time and space, the Mesopotamian evidence suggests diversity of functions that may reflect local application. Barberon 2012: 207–8 discusses their presence during other women’s pregnancy through birth-giving. In Mari, there are lists of qadištums in which they are linked to husbands, less often fathers or brothers. ARM 23 236 is one of many documents of oath-taking imposed on diverse segments of the Mari population. This one is from the tenth year of Zimri-​Lim and lists almost 60 women from diverse hamlets that did so. Most are given as wives of such-and-such, some are labeled almattum (widows) and others as qaššatum, obviously distinguished by a different status. 92.  Durand has kindly placed a transliteration of the text at my disposal. 93.  ARM 10 59 (LAPO 18 1104) is a note from Addu-duri in which she reports a bizarre occurrence involving a qadištum and a Yarim-Addu. Because of the many individuals by that name, the events reported in the two texts may not be related. She writes, “This man was brought back, together with his escaped woman (napṭartišu). She is a qadištum of (the goddess) Annunitum, a Simʾal tribeswoman; the man is from the Suḫum (south of Mari). I have conveyed all the money that I found in his leather bag. When Asqudum saw this money, he said, ‘This is from the delivery of Yarim-Addu. . . .’”

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deliveries of spoils to them or to their temples; see Guichard 1999. An individual who partook of booty reserved for one god was unmasked and fined (ARM 5 72 = LAPO 17 462); but unlike Achan (Josh 7), he and his family escaped the ultimate punishment. There is a sense that unexpected deaths can be due to gods who were robbed of consecrated objects. 94 There are examples of mass killing of soldiers, the murder of all males of a conquered village, and the total devastation of a town; but they are not explicitly tied to divine commands. When all is said and done, nothing from daily records, of Mari or elsewhere, gives evidence to fully parallel the Hebrew ḥērem, in which God is said to inspire combats that end in a complete liquidation of spoils, as they belong to God who chooses what to do with them. 5.5.c.i.  From spoils of wars.  ARM 26 194 (Nissinen 2003: 24–25). A person, who titles himself as the āpilum of Šamaš, writes to “Zimri-​Lim,” thus written as if to a person of equal if not of inferior status. 95 The letter comes from late in Zimri-​Lim’s reign. Šamaš says, “I am lord of the land! A large throne for my preferred dwelling place and the daughter I have requested from you must be promptly delivered to Sippar, City of Life. 96 Now, the kings who stood in your path and have kept raiding you have now

accepted your authority. From here is given the wooden gurnatum of/in the land. Regarding objects consecrated to Addu—(about which) I sent Kanisanum to you prior to (your) victory—do gather all of it so that it can be transported to Ḫalab, to the temple of Addu. 97 As to the gift to Dagan, about which the āpilum has told you, give this so that it would deliver to you health and life. Another matter: The god Nergal of Ḫubšalum stood by your side and by your armies in victory. Beyond what you have offered (as vow), have a large cutlass of bronze made so that it could be taken to Nergal, king of Ḫubšalum. 98 Furthermore, says Šamaš, “Hammurabi, king of Kurda, has told you lies and his hand is poised somewhere else. You will capture him and proclaim a remission (andurārum) in his land. 99 Now then, the whole country is given over to you. As soon as you capture the city and proclaim a release, your reign will endure permanently.” Another matter: Zimri-​Lim, deputy of Dagan and Addu, must hear this message and send my opponent to Ḫimdiya (of Andarig). 94.  See ARM 26 280:5–16 at 6.7.a.i.2. 95.  From ARM 26 414:29–42 (Nissinen 2003: 74–76), a letter Yasim-El sent from Karana, we learn the name of the āpilum and something about context: “Another matter: Atamrum, an āpilum of Šamaš, came here to tell me, ‘Send me a discreet scribe so that I could dictate the message that Šamaš has sent me for the king.’ This is what he told me. I dispatched Utukam and he wrote this tablet. This man then had witnesses stand by and then told me, ‘Promptly send this tablet so that he (Zimri-​Lim) could act according to what it says.’ This is what he said to me. I am herewith conveying this tablet to my lord.” The āpilum (more likely than the scribe) brings along witnesses when delivering the letter. It is too bad that we do not know how they participated in the project. We note that this particular āpilum could not write; but likely others too. 96.  This daughter might well be Erišti-Aya; see ARM 10 38 and 39, at 5.5.b.iii.1. 97.  This would be in fulfilment of what the Hebrews would term a ḥerem. 98.  A fine sword weighing 12 pounds that Luluʾanum son of Azizum (place unknown) dedicated to Nergal of Ḫubšalum has been published; see the comments of Charpin 1987. 99. On andurārum, see at 1.4.a.ii.

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5.5.c.ii.  Donating to deity.  Aḫassunu, a songstress kept in Mari when Zimri-​Lim took over, writes ARM 10 97 (LAPO 18 1215) to the king. May my lord concern himself about my mother (ummum). 100 Furthermore, I am constantly writing letters about my mother, dispatching them so that my lord will not forget. In fact, I heard it said, “Your mother is registered to be offered as a gift (qištum).” I have been very anxious about this matter, so to my lord I pressed on, saying, “I fear that she will be given as a gift.” Does she not carry out her assignment? My lord should strive to undertake her release. My mother wrote me to say, “I really fear that they may give me away as a gift. Strive to write to your lord so that I might be taken out.” If my lord consecrates (to God) my mother, he should convey a copy of the tablet to me so that I am re­ assured. 101 My lord should write me whatever his decision. When my lord would have written me, “I have consecrated your mother; you should not be troubled at all,” I would have been very pleased. 102

5.5.c.iii.  Offering Refreshment.  OBTR 79 (Dalley 1976: 72–73) is a letter Aqba-​ aḫum of Qaṭṭara (Tell al-Rimaḥ) wrote his wife Iltani. The ice (house) of Qaṭṭara should be unsealed, so that the goddess, you, and Belassunu could drink from it as needed. But the ice must remain under guard. 103

5.5.d.  Travel 104 5.5.d.i.  Shrine visiting.  Two letters are from Kibri-Dagan, governor of Terqa Province, to Zimri-​Lim. The names of the correspondents for the third are lost. [5.5.d.i.1. ARM 3 48 = LAPO 18 990] On the day I have this tablet of mine conveyed to my lord, Dagan is making his way (here). Ikrubel (Yakrub-El) is here already. Ḫaya-Sumu (of Ilanṣura) has entered Terqa itself. [5.5.d.i.2. ARM 13 111 = LAPO 18 991] When the gods Lagamal and Ikšudum arrived at Terqa from Mari, I right away summoned Terqa. The sacrifice to God from my lord and the country is done and God has graciously accepted it. Moreover, there was heavy rain until midnight. [4 lines damaged.] 100. An ummum, “mother,” can also refer to a nanny; see at 6.4.a.iv and ARM 26 298, at 1.7.a.iii.2. 101.  The suggestion here is that consecrating a woman to the gods makes her less liable to shuttle among owners. Note too that such consecration was accompanied by a written deed. 102.  Aḫassunu writes of the future as if it has already happened, more or less equivalent to prophetic language. 103.  The climate of the region makes ice a precious commodity. See discussion at 6.3.a.iii. 104.  In the Mari age, gods or their symbols traveled frequently, visiting other shrines within their area of influence (FM 2 122 [Lady of Nagar]; ARM 6 73 = LAPO 17 712 [Dagan]; ARM 3 48 = LAPO 18 990 [Dagan and Ikrub-El], crossing frontiers to witness treaties (ARM 26 420; list in Charpin 1990b: 115 n. 30), or moving to where they can undergo ritual scrubbing (temrum) and steeping in oil (rummukum) (A.1579, Durand 2008a: 371; Jacquet 2011: 299–300). Occasionally, they made courtesy calls: to accept a sacrifice (M.8491, Durand 2008a: 363) and to validate oath-taking (ARM 27 116 [Itur-Mer]; M.6607 and A.3597 [Lagamal and Ikšudum], Durand 2008a: 363, 364).

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Religion — 5.6.  Divine Power [5.5.d.i.3. A.3597; Durand 2008a: 364 (not yet fully published)] My lord wrote to me about the gods Lagamal and Ikšudum. The troops of the city will go with the gods; but for now the troops wait for backup. Without about 100 men, the gods cannot make the journey. Just now, until conditions calm down, the gods cannot make the journey. Once conditions calm down, the gods can then make the journey.

5.5.d.ii.  Goddess visiting.  Ḫuziri of Hazzi/akkannum writes FM 2 122 (A.221; Gui­ chard 1994: 237–40) to Zimri-​Lim. 105 I have heard my lord’s message that he conveyed to me. My lord wrote to me about the festival (at Der), saying, “Come!” However, from here Belet-Nagar—who is protecting my lord and keeping him healthy for endless years—will be taken on a tour into the Heartland. I myself must welcome her in the town of Iluna-aḫi while Ḫaya-sumu (of Ilanṣura) must welcome her in Miškilum. As for me, I must also welcome her in behalf of Ḫaya-abum (of Šeḫna) and make sacrifices to her in Ḫazzakkannum itself. For this reason I have not come to meet my lord, but I have just dispatched to my lord Ewri, who knows what is going on. Another matter now: Why does my lord not write to Kaḫat about Akin-amar? Is this man, Akin-amar, just my enemy but not also my lord’s enemy? Why does he remain on good terms with my lord? Once, this man sat by my lord and drank a cup (of friendship). Having elevated him, my lord reckoned him among worthy men, clothing him in garments, and supplying him with a ḫuburtum-headdress. Yet, turning around, (Akin-Amar) dropped excrement into the cup he used, becoming hostile to my lord. Now that the entire country has turned into my lord’s, with the city Kaḫat also my lord’s—how acceptable is it when my enemy remains under my lord’s protection? My lord should write Kabiya (of Kaḫat) to have this man either delivered to my lord or driven out from the heartland. My lord must turn his attention to this matter.

5.6.  Divine Power 5.6.a.  Bestowing victory.  The capacity (or desire) of gods to grant victory to their favorites is as commonplace in the ancient Near East as in the Bible. Kings seek this favor and regularly attribute their success to the gods. 5.6.a.i.  Theodicy. The merḫûm Ibal-El sent this note (A.1068; Guichard 2011: 71–3) to Zimri-​Lim. 106 105.  Text partially cited also at 1.5.b.ii. We have two separate matters in this letter. In the first, Ḫuziri evades an invitation to participate in a Mari festival, doubtless to avoid renewal of onerous pledges. His excuse is perfect because it also entails devotion to gods. In the second portion, we have a very crude reference to abuse of a suzerain’s protection. Ḫuziri is implying that Zimri-​Lim is naïve—not a good tactic. Charpin (2010g: 41–42) thinks that the gesture negates the curse that normally sustains an alliance consecrated by ceremonial drinking. 106.  For a similar theological assessment by Ibal-El, see comments in the Introduction (at 0.4.b) on the three deaths of Zuzu (A.350+ = LAPO 16 333). On Samsi-Eraḫ, see note to A.2417 (LAPO 17 607) at 1.1.e.ii, citing M.6009 (Guichard 2011: 67–71).

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Dagan, Addu, and Iturmer are marching in support of my lord. The gods of my lord are bringing to account anyone who transgresses against my lord. My lord therefore remains firmly on his throne. Now then, Samsi-Eraḫ, who has stirred so much trouble in the land of Yapṭurum, was killed in Ulaya City. In the past, I have myself kept after this man and even urged my lord to kill him; so now my lord’s god settled his account. My lord should rejoice. After (posting) this letter of mine, I head to Gaššum. I shall write to the elders of Yapṭurum, and will send a complete report about them to my lord.

5.6.a.ii.  Divine help.  In this excerpt from the as yet unpublished A.489 (fullest translation in Durand 1997b: 59), Ripʾi-Lim writes. . . . I said, “When my lord won a victory over Išme-Dagan and drove Yasmaḫ-Addu out of Mari, and when the Yaminites fought with my lord, my lord wrote to all of you about sending troops, but you did not give them to him. On order of the gods Dagan and Itur-Mer, my lord did triumph over his enemies, turning their cities into mounds and heaps and annihilating them one after the other. . . . Yet, you did not show my lord any good-will.” 107

5.6.b.  Avenging slight.  An unknown diplomat sent this note (ARM 26 385:5′– 22′) to Zimri-​Lim. I cite only the recto of a damaged tablet that provides the reaction of Hammurabi of Babylon to the evil acts of Rim-Sin of Larsa. [Hammurabi is speaking] “. . . Aside from the great gods who have come to my aid, there is no other (ruler) like Zimri-​Lim, king of the Simʾal tribes, who has made life and limb commitment with me. Now, the king of Larsa has outraged my land through repeated raids. Ever since the great gods have ripped out the claw of the Elamite ruler from this land and have rewarded the Larsa ruler with many benefits, he has not returned the(ir) favor. I have now appealed to Šamaš and Marduk and they have answered me positively. I would certainly not have risen to this attack without (consulting) God.” To his troops [Hammurabi] said this, “Go and may God go before you. If on your arrival, the city opens (its gate) at your approach, accept its surrender. (Although Rim-Sin) has scorned an oath by Šamaš and Marduk, do not do harm to this city. If, however, the city does not open . . . write to me.” 108 This is the order (Hammurabi gave) his troops. . . .

107.  I find too modern Durand’s suggestion (1998a: 465) that “it might be to obtain this support that Zimri-​Lim gave up his true connection to Ḫadni-Addu and proclaimed himself son of Yaḫdun-Lim.” 108.  A harsher version of this order is set in Deut 20:10–12 (TNK): “When you approach a town to attack it, you shall offer it terms of peace. If it responds peaceably and lets you in, all the people present there shall serve you at forced labor. If it does not surrender to you, but would join battle with you, you shall lay siege to it.” The warriors are then instructed to kill all (adult) males on capturing the town, taking women and children as booty. In Mari, adult males were deemed too valuable to waste in carnage; see at 1.3.c.ii–iv.

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5.6.c.  Making rain.  Ili-(w)aqra sent OBTR 16 (Dalley 1976: 27–28) to Ḫatnu-rapi of Qaṭṭara. See now (how) because of the friendship of Ištar, Lady of the Corral (tarbaṣum)— this goddess being your own—my father had a sacrifice sent to Ištar, Lady of the Corral. I/he offered the sacrifice before the goddess with so much reverence that it began to rain. I am therefore very pleased because of my father’s sacrifice, for it is my father that the goddess loves. My father should now question his servant (the messenger) about the rain. 109

5.6.d.  Maiming 5.6.d.i.  “It is because of his sacrifice. . .”  ARM 14 10 (LAPO 18 988) and ARM 14 11 (LAPO 989) are letters with similar contents Yaqqim-Addu, governor of Saggaratum province by the Ḫabur River, posted, respectively, to the king and to Šunuḫraḫalu, his private secretary. Amu(m) is an avatar of Nergal of the netherworld. 110  111 ARM 14 10 = LAPO 18 988 To my lord (Zimri-​Lim)

ARM 14 11 = LAPO 18 989 To Šunuḫra-ḫalu

I had asked my lord about my trip to Qattunan and he told me: “I shall be going myself; come along then with me.”

When my lord sent me (on errand) to the nomads, he left me in Qattunan some flour and sheep for the sacrifice to the god Amuof-Teḫran—he constantly reminded (about) this sacrifice.111 Now, as I departed from Mari, a [lion] killed a young servant of mine during the journey. Reaching Saggaratum, (I found that) two servant-women in the household had died. I I arrived at Saggaratum (to find that) two servant-women had died and my whole looked into the matter and (heard) the 109.  Correspondents (and diviners) kept notice of rain, likely when unusually heavy or out of season—for example, at ARM 5 79 (LAPO 18 974) or ARM 10 25 (LAPO 18 1133). Interesting is ARM 23 102:1–8: “On [x] of Ḫibirtum (5th month), when the king was staying in Saggaratum, during the night, mid-watch, there was thunder (“Addu roared”) and it rained as if Spring. . . .” Another memorandum (ARM 23 90) has: “At the close of 22.Ulūlu (vi), there was thunder. This tablet is recorded just to observe as test. [22.Ulūlum.Ibni-Addu].” On these two tablets, see the discussion in Durand 1988a: 493–94. 110. Worth noticing here is the way Yaqqim-Addu repackages the information to suit two different audiences: the king and a colleague. He is more forthcoming when addressing the latter. He was so busy that he may have neglected the sacrifices. The signs of the god’s anger are brutal: a servant is killed by a lion; two others died under circumstances that made everyone recall Yaqqim-Addu’s neglect. To the king, Yaqqim-Addu says nothing about his own neglect of duty but uses the signs of divine anger to justify his inability to join the king just yet. He nicely emphasizes that he will pray on behalf of his lord. In this text, the god is directly responsible for the horrors. In Mari documents, there are several references to the “hand of a god” or simply “God” when speaking of epidemics and deaths; but it is not clear whether this is a metaphor or figurative language rather than a direct attribution. In ARM 3 61 (at 6.6.b.i.2), the imagery is of a devouring god. 111.  I follow the translation of Arkhipov and Leosov 2013: 24.

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following: “It is because of the sacrifice due the god Amu-of-Teḫran.”

household was anxious. I looked into the matter and (heard) the following: “The god Amu-of-Teḫran; it is because of his sacrifice.” If it suits my lord, I must go and placate this As I was fearful about the sacrifice to him, god. Going there and coming back should I did not go to my lord, but to Qattunan. take about 5 days; I will certainly not tarry Please make it clear to my lord that I must there long. During that sacrifice, I plan to go to offer this sacrifice and to pray for my pray for my lord. lord.

5.6.d.ii.  Angry God. Niqmi-Addu of Šeḫna writes RATL 85 (L.87-639; Eidem 2011: 155–57) to his “big brother,” King Till-abnu. This letter is a generation later than the fall of Mari. Previously, I wrote to you about my sheep and you said, “Consign the sheep to Aḫanda; they should be taken there.” This is what my big brother said to me. As the sheep were being taken to Aḫanda, God struck (them). So until I satisfied God, I have kept the sheep with me. Now the sheep of Nilibšinnu were consigned to Aḫanda. Afterward, when I had satisfied God, the chief herdsman Yaqbiya spoke of Kuzaya for the sheep, so he consigned the sheep to Kuzaya. The sheikh of Kuzaya, however, chased away my sheep. Now my big brother should send his servant along with mine, as my sheep ought not be chased away from Kuzaya.

5.6.e.  Healing.  FM 7 50 (A.2879; Durand 2002a: 167–68). On a mission to Aleppo, Šunuḫra-ḫalu writes to the king. Regarding the young Abban who was ill: I was on my way to Tuttul when Dadi-​ḫadun wrote to my lord. I had omens taken concerning this child. Itur-Mer revealed himself to me (ilêm). I had the pirikkum of Itur-Mer deposited at Abattum (capital of Dadi-ḫadun) and the young boy offered a sacrifice. The young boy is now recovered, the god of my lord having held his hand. 112

5.7.  Communicating the Will of God 113 112.  Abban (or Abba-Il) will grow up to be a king of Yamḫad, with its capital in Aleppo, and he will be featured in the Alalaḫ tablets. Abban and his baby brother, Yarim-Lim, named after his grandfather, are both sons of Hammurabi of Aleppo. They are sent to Mari for healing. On the god Itur-Mer, who acts as a healer, see Sasson 2001a. His statue can be used as a teraph to solve difficult questions. The pirikkum belongs to the divine paraphernalia, and here it is offered to the god before sacrifice. Suggestions range from an animal representation (usually lion) to a sacral pool. It may well be an altar; see Jacquet 2011: 32–34. Yasmaḫ-Addu and one of his father’s wives, Akatiya, correspond about Gabetum, a favorite wife of ex-king Yaḫdullim, being led to a pirikkum bereft of her jewelry (M.7420 = LAPO 18 1040). 113.  For all the obvious reasons, the many ways in which gods relayed messages to Mari elites—dreams, visions, prophecies, unusual signs, but above all via the inspection of entrails of sheep (extispicy, hepatoscopy)—have received a good deal of attention from scholars of the Bible, with a goodly output of translations as well as studies. The material is edited (and reedited) in Durand 1988a. The fullest compilation in English—with translations, transliterated Akkadian,

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5.7.a.  Divination 114 5.7.a.i.  Keeper of secrets. The merḫûm Ibal-pi-el writes ARM 26 104 to the king. Išar-Lim, Mutu-ḫadqim, and Rim-Addu, servants of Išme-Dagan (of Ekallatum), displaced (Babylonian) dignitaries and became members of Hammurabi’s private council. He does not discount their opinions. When (the diviners) Ḫali-ḫadun and Inib-Šamaš took omens several times and when they reported (the results) of the omens, Išar-Lim, Mutu-ḫadqim and Rim-Addu would not step aside. They would stand by and would listen attentively to the results of the omen (inquiry)—Beyond the secret conveyed by a diviner, what other secret (could there be)? So while his own servants do not listen to the secret conveyed by a diviner, they in fact do. Aside from them, (not even Hammurabi’s servant heard these reports) (damaged lines) . . . These men—along with Išme-Dagan—want to set bad will between Hammurabi and my lord. I have pondered over what I saw and (decided to) write them to my lord. My lord should listen to this tablet of mine and should keep aware (lit., in his heart) about this for whatever end.

5.7.a.ii.  Protocol for diviners.  ARM 26 1:1–16; see Lenzi 2008: 42–43. This is a protocol for diviners regarding their duties. Restorations are based on other prototypes. – When inspecting the omens for my lord Zimri-​Lim, when performing a ritual procedure—whatever are the signs that I observe; or when inspecting the omens for a commoner, when performing a ritual procedure—all that I observe, the bad finding or good—I shall surely report it to my lord; I shall not conceal it. – If I observe a bad or good finding when omen-taking for my lord Zimri-​Lim, whether manifested in an aborted fetus (izbum) or a deformed birth (izmum), I shall report it to no individual whosoever. as well as copious bibliographies—is in Nissinen 2003. I limit the selection to representative examples. For obscure reasons that may include personal predilection, the reign of Zimri-​Lim has given us the largest evidence for divine communication by means other than the exta of animal. Cited below (at 2.2.c.i.2) is ARM 26 196, in which Zimri-​Lim demands to hear any oracle revealed in the Terqa temples. For similar sentiments, see also FM 7 39 (cited at 5.7.b.iii). 114.  The many means of divination included observing cosmic phenomena, inspection of the behavior of inert material (flour, oil, incense) when activated, and examining extraordinary manifestations (monstrous birth, flights of birds, movements of ants). In the Mari era, the most utilized method—because deemed most reliable—was extispicy, the inspection of an animal’s organs for clues by a bārûm, haruspex, or diviner. Whatever the technique, divination did not aim to foresee the future so much as to assess the auspiciousness of a contemplated activity in order to develop a strategy on how to proceed on it. The art had much to do with posing inquiry with skill before killing the animal and with ascertaining the usefulness of the answer by repeating the procedure with an inverse version of the same inquiry; see below at 5.7.a.v. Apprentice diviners learned to “read” a liver by focusing counterclockwise on a dozen or so components of the liver and gall bladder that were deemed to carry meaningful signs. For a nice listing of these elements, see Heimpel 2003: 656–57. On divination at Mari, fundamental is Durand’s monographic study in 1988a: 3–373. A briefer overview is in Durand 2008a: 492–528. See also Snell 1974 and Glassner 2005.

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– Whatever secret information Zimri-​Lim tells me on which to take omens; or whatever I hear Zimri-​Lim tell a diviner, a colleague of mine; or if I observe that finding in the performance of omen-taking allotted to a diviner colleague of mine—I shall surely keep this information secret. . . .

5.7.a.iii.  Liver models.  Diviners created clay models of organs used in extispicy, molding them into the forms they had when associated with specific omens. Excavations have produced clay intestines and lungs; but the most commonly found are liver models, among many sites from Ugarit, Hazor, and Mari. Mari diviners were known to reproduce in clay the shape of a liver carrying a specific (most often troubling) conjunction of signs and to ship them to the king should he wish to subject them to further omen taking. (See also note to 5.7.a.vi.1b.) 5.7.a.iii.1.  Troubling omens.  ARM 26 186 is a report by an official whose name is lost. I have had omens taken about Mari’s safety. The diviners have said, “The omens are mixed. Be attentive about guarding the city and the Bank of the Euphrates. Our omens are not favorable. Give us (many) sheep and tomorrow we will once again take omens for the (same) round.” I have now sealed in a basket these omens from the previous day and have had them conveyed to my lord. My lord must not neglect (taking omens) for the city Mari, the (temple of the) gods, and the workshops. 115

5.7.a.iii.2.  Nothing to worry about.  Išme-Dagan sent ARM 4 54 (LAPO 18 952) to his brother, Yasmaḫ-Addu. The omens were likely set on modeled clay. See below, ARM 26 153 at 5.7.a.vi.4b. You have sent me the omen from our sacrificial offerings. I have inspected them. You had written, “The fat around the heart is dark to the right. This heart is dark, right and left, but there is also a šitḫum-protrusion.” The dark spot on the left— perhaps it has not soothed you? I am herewith returning these omens to you. I have inspected them. With the dark spots distinct and the presence of the protrusion, there is nothing to worry about.

5.7.a.iii.3.  Inscribed liver models.  Rutten (1938) has published two dozen inscribed liver models found in room 108 of the palace. None is generated by the diplomacy of the period; rather, they were used for instruction and were likely copies and thus may date to a much earlier moment of the Old Babylonian period. In this selection, the point to remember is often not made explicit: that what you read is an accounting or explanation for the shape of the liver under inspection. Worth noticing are 115.  The diviner Erib-Sin is more precise about creating the liver models: “I have baked these omens, sealed them in a basket, and had them sent to my lord.” The notion is that Erib-Sin had modeled in clay what he has seen, baked (ṣarāpum) it, and sent it to the king. There are several letters that mention or request such shipments; among them are ARM 2 97 (LAPO 18 945), ARM 2 134 (LAPO 18 957), ARM 6 75 (LAPO 18 948), ARM 26 109 and 123. In ARM 26 92, one diviner (Apil-ilišu) reports to King Yasmaḫ-Addu on his inspection of omens sent to him, presumably as clay models.

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their (mostly) inauspicious flavor. Some models bear more than one observation, not always related. Those with verbs in the first person likely refer to the person commissioning the omen-taking rather than a diviner. 116 “Historic” contents 5.7.a.iii.3a.  Mari.1177 (#1) “Liver-omen (model) of Kish, re: Sargon.” 5.7.a.iii.3b.  Mari.1175 (#3) “Liver-omen (model) of Naram-Sin, re: he took Apišal.” 5.7.a.iii.3c.  Mari.1188 (#4) “Liver-omen (model) of Agade’s collapse.” 5.7.a.iii.3d.  Mari.1163 (#5) “Liver-omen of Šulgi [Ur III] who dropped his crown.” 5.7.a.iii.3e.  Mari.1164 (#7) “When the land of Ibbi-Sin [Ur III] rebelled against him, this (liver-omen) looked like this (model).” 5.7.a.iii.3f.  Mari.1160 (#11) “If public opinion turns. Liver-omen (model) of dominion, re: in Kish a breach was made facing the army and the army of Ishma-Dagan [Isin] was captured.” Conflicts 5.7.a.iii.3g.  Mari.1176 (#19) “If the enemy plots an attack against any town, yet his plan becomes known; this (liver-omen) would look like this.” 5.7.a.iii.3h.  Mari.1184 (#21) “If a king presses a country (the liver-omen would look like this).” 5.7.a.iii.3i.  Mari.1189 (#22) “When a king annexed an enemy country, this (liver-omen) looked like this” [remainder broken]. 5.7.a.iii.3j.  Mari.1162 (#23) “If a ruler plans to attack another, this (liver- omen) would look like this. Valid for both kings.” 5.7.a.iii.3k.  Mari.1190 (#26) “In his dream, I saw (an omen about) a šakkanakkum.” 5.7.a.iii.3l.  Mari.1171 (#30) “If he plots hostility against a friend, but the secret comes out. . . .” 5.7.a.iii.3m.  Mari.1172 (#29) “If I am to take booty and be safe (returning) to the city, this (liver-omen) would look like this.” 5.7.a.iii.3n.  Mari.1187 (#32) “If the secret goes out to an enemy”; “If the secret of the palace has come out.” 5.7.a.iv.  Inquiries. 117 Yamṣi-ḫadnu and Mašum write ARM 26 170 to Sumu-dabi, king of the Yaminite Yaḫruru tribe. 116.  Numbers in parentheses are those assigned by their first editors. 117.  This is one of a series of remarkable texts exchanged by Zimri-​Lim’s enemies. What is striking is how often the diviners (no less than their Hebrew equivalent in prestige, the prophets

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We have taken omens for a ten-day interval on the well-being of our lord. Our omens demand troops. This is how we performed our inquiry: “If Zimri-​Lim along with his army advance against our lord Sumu-Dabi—must our lord Sumu-Dabi— with troops few, many, or however many he might muster behind him—block Zimri-​Lim’s advance? Must he do battle with him? ” [The condition:] If favorable (would mean) he will be victorious and stand triumphant. This is the procedure I performed. My omens demand troops; therefore, even if troops are available to our lord, he must not engage in warfare. [A few damaged lines.] Just after we send this tablet to our lord, we will get started on harvesting. Following it, we will harvest the grain across the river. As to the grain (following) gushes of the wadi—had there been just one outpour, grain might have sprouted as if in an irrigated area. Much grain did sprout, but from lack of rain, it became stunted. We are gleaning enough grain (to recover) our investment. Still, our lord must not be anxious about the grain. When our lord’s spirit is vigorous, grain is plentiful; so, our lord must protect himself in the territory where he lives and in his travels. The grain will not go anywhere! Now about the bull for sacrifice my lord requested, writing “Bring me a bull for me to immolate.” A bull is available; but because Zimri-​Lim might be crossing this area I worried about it and I did not convey this bull. For this reason, my lord must not think badly on this. Mišlan (City) is secure, your brother Yagiḫ-Addu is well, and the army is safe. We, your servants, are well. There will be no negligence in protecting fortress and city gate.

5.7.a.v.  Multiple avenues; repeated inquiries. To minimize potential ambiguities that occur when reading the signs, diviners—and the priests of Israel for that matter—avoided questions with potentially ambiguous responses (altering them when repeating the test), framed them as a set of interlocking queries, and collated answers drawn from multiple divinatory techniques. See Sasson 2008a and note to 1.6.c.ii.2a (ARM 26 160). The queries below were posed when Zimri-​Lim was sending an army to his ally Hammurabi in a joint effort against Elam (1765). 118 [5.7.a.v.1. ARM 26 185-bis:18–26 (LAPO 18 1145); full text cited at 1.3.d.vii.2. Zimri-​Lim writes to his wife, Šiptu] For now, inquire about Hammurabi of Babylon: “Will this man die? Will he be honest with us? Will he battle against us? If I go of Israel) seem ready to interfere in diplomatic and military matters or even are wont to take personal credit for the success they read in the innards of sheep; see also ARM 26 108 at 2.3.b.ii.4. Their motivation, couched as it is in the logic of extispicy, escapes easy decipherment; nonetheless, we may note that Zimri-​Lim’s diviners were better at the task, since Sumu-dabi lost that battle. On another occasion, however, Zimri-​Lim’s diviners did not do as well. They advised their king (ARM 26 160; see note to 1.6.c.ii.2a) not to share with Babylon control of Id (Ḫit), a town on the Euphrates that was rich in naphtha and prestigious as a place for river ordeals. (For the latter, see ARM 26 468:19′–29′.) Their advice proved dire: Hammurabi, a poster-child for shrewd patience, was good at turning slights into causes. Eventually, he got to take control of Mari. 118.  Despite their sharp tone, the queries were more diagnostic than a prelude to a military confrontation. In fact, Mari and Babylon remained allies until the end of Zimri-​Lim’s reign.

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Religion — 5.7.  Communicating the Will of God north, will he besiege us? What?’ Inquire about this man. Once you inquire, follow with another (round) of inquiries and send me a report about him on all you have found out by inquiring. [5.7.a.v.2. ARM 26 100-bis:29–34. Erib-Sin, a diviner, writes to the king] I then made another round of omen-taking (inquiring as follows), “My lord’s army, which he sent Hammurabi: this army, will Hammurabi not stir it to revolt; not exterminate it; not have it exterminated? Will he keep it captive, for harm or good? Having left Mari’s gate alive, will its men reenter Mari alive? . . . ”

5.7.a.vi.  Omen-taking for the occasion 119 5.7.a.vi.1.  For dealing with foreign soldiers during harvest.  Kibri-Dagan, governor of Terqa province, writes ARM 3 30 (LAPO 17 841) to Zimri-​Lim. Dagan and Yakrub-El are well; Terqa, city and district, is in good order. Another matter: On the day in which I sent this letter to my lord I have had omens taken concerning reaping the barley in the Terqa bottomland (ḫamqum = ʿemeq). As the omens were propitious for up to 3 days, I had the whole town assembled—including the youngsters—and had them out to reap the barley in the bottomland. I then picked a select group of men, Terqa citizens, and had them set with specific orders at the security outposts (bazaḫātum). Further, as my lord had written me, the soldiers from Yamḫad who live in Šalabatum have arrived here. I have had omens taken; they turned out propitious. I therefore issued to them the following decree (šipṭam addinšunūšim): “You must stay in Mulḫe until the barley of the bottomland is gathered.” This is what I told them, but they did not agree with me; yet troops must not assemble in the city Terqa. Not having agreed with me, they are now staying at the city’s edges. My lord should write whatever decision to the general in command of these soldiers; these troops must remain in Mulḫe.

5.7.a.vi.2.  Before undertaking a voyage. A.2705 (Durand 1988a: 35; see Durand 2008a: 504–5) is an excerpt from an as yet unpublished letter that Yasmaḫ-Addu sent his ally and father-in-law, Išḫi-Addu of Qatna. I have had omens taken, and they were negative (laptā). I have had them taken once more and they were (also) negative. 120 I have transferred the army and had omens taken in Appan. They were negative in the same way. So you must not begin the journey; but let me send (someone) to you. At the end of this month, I will clear (the harmful prognostication), and will convey to you the omens, troops, and messengers. 119.  The taking of omens in such circumstances allows officials a cover for decisions that might not have had support. There were many reasons for taking omens but most often to establish the safety of places or troops during a circumscribed period. Taking omens to confirm or calibrate other omens or to establish a precise interval for their validity was common, leading to a staggering slaughter of sheep. In one particular year of Zimri-​Lim, almost 5,000 sheep were killed. Yet it also meant that the palace and its residents could depend on a steady meat diet. 120.  Nothing gave more reassurance (or worry) than when omens on the same measure, but taken separately, harmonized: see ARM 10 124 at 5.5.b.i.3.

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5.7.a.vi.3.  For pinpointing fault. This excerpt from A.3993 is cited from Durand 1988a: 15 n. 42. . . . when a couple of times in the omens that are the lot of a diviner there occurred a (negative) portent (šīrum; lit., ‘flesh’), he told me, “The civilians of the city are continuously coming out.” This is what the diviner told me. I have just had the matter reconsidered and have had omens taken for the people of the city, clan by clan. 121 The omens he took for Ḫurran were unfavorable. For this reason, I spoke to him saying, “Are you having the civilians of my own lord, the people of the town, continuously coming out? ” This is what I told him in front of witnesses. As I was sending him to my lord, this man got anxious and said, “I fear that in the future someone will disseminate my word, adding, ‘In this way, he has overlooked Ḫurran. . . ’.”

5.7.a.vi.4.  For validating authenticity of messages 5.7.a.vi.4a.  Via hair and fringes. Aqba-aḫum of Qaṭṭara (Tell al-Rimaḥ) writes OBTR 65 (Dalley 1976: 64–65; see Durand 1988a: 40) to his wife Iltani. About the lock (of hair) and (garment) fringes of the young man that you conveyed to me: I took omens over the lock and fringes, and they are favorable. The young man on whom is settled the “hand of God” (likely epilepsy) will fully restore (to health), as there is no damage. Here too is a young man on whom is settled the “hand of God,” and there is absolutely no damage on him. So, on whom is settled the “hand of God,” that one, a young man, was gradually restored (to health).

5.7.a.vi.4b.  Via lumps of earth.  An unknown writer sent ARM 26 153 to the king (Yasmaḫ-Addu). 122 My lord had earlier written me about news from Tuttul. Even before my lord would write, my letters regularly went out to (merḫûm) Ḫabduma-Dagan and (governor) Sumḫu-rabi. I would also regularly send my servants to guard against blunders. They have now taken omens on the safety of Tuttul. (Diviner) Yassi-El had results from these omens recorded individually and sent to me. I am having the tablet that Yassi-El sent to me conveyed herewith to my lord. As well, a lump of earth (kirbānum) from Tuttul was brought to me. I have kept with me half on which to have omens taken, but I am herewith conveying (the other) half to my lord. I have also written about conveying to me lumps of earth from Zalpaḫ, Ṣerda, and Aḫuna, but as yet they have not been conveyed to me. A servant of mine has promptly picked up the lump from Tuttul and is on his way. . . (a few lines missing).

121.  This is standard procedure to eliminate parties not responsible for a possible fault, in Mesopotamia as in Israel, where a series of lots were cast to pinpoint a source, as in Jonah and elsewhere. 122.  Striking here is the shuttling of omen models. See also ARM 4 54, at 5.7.a.iii.2. Huro­ witz (1992) has shown that we must understand the notice in Num 22:7 about the elders from Moab and Midian going to Balaam uqĕsāmîm bĕyādam in the same sense: they were taking to him a sample of the omens they were reading.

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5.7.a.vi.4c.  Forwarding lumps of earth.  Itur-asdu (in Naḫur) writes ARM 26 184 to Zimri-​Lim. The Mari diviners (he likely was one) apparently kept clods from diverse power centers at hand, in case omens were needed on issues that concerned them. Regarding the lump of earth about which my lord wrote to me, I am herewith conveying to my lord a lump from Urgiš, from Ašlakka, and from Šuruzum. My lord should take omens over these lumps.

5.7.a.vi.4d.  Omen taking without lumps of earth. The merḫûm Ibal-pi-El sent ARM 26 103 to Zimri-​Lim. The note suggests that Babylonian diviners dispensed with using lumps from diverse sites when taking omens. Hammurabi (of Babylon) has sent (the diviners) Ḫali-ḫadun and Inib-Šamaš, servants of my lord, to his diviners. With them, they devised taking omens on the safety of the Bank of the Euphrates, Kurda, Andarig, Ekallatum, and Assur. Once they did (take omens), I consulted by telling Ḫali-ḫadun and Inib-Šamaš (a few lines damaged). . . . [Ḫali-ḫadun or Inib-Šamaš asked the Babylonian diviner], “How do you take omens without a lump of earth? He answered me, ‘We make our round (of inquiry) so; we take our omens without (using) lumps.’ This is what he told us.” This is what Ḫali-ḫadun and Inib-Šamaš told me. I have had omens taken on the safety of my lord’s troops and of (. . .) until the end of the month. The omens are favorable: the troops may change their position 2 to 3 double-hours, upstream or downstream.

5.7.a.vii.  “Prophets” as diviners. Tebi-gerrešu posts this note (ARM 26 216) to Zimri-​Lim, early in his reign. 123 On the day after I reached Ašmad, I gathered the “prophets” (lú nabî.meš) of the nomads and had (them? take) omens on sacrifices about the welfare of my lord. I said, (find out) “whether my lord will enter the city safely upon performing his ablutions as he stays 7 days beyond the city-walls? ” [Lines missing, Tebi-gerrešu speaking,] “. . . when my lord goes out to (the shrine) of Annunitum-beyond-the-city-walls, my lord ought to protect himself by keeping soldiers at his ready disposal. The sentry for the city must be strengthened. My lord must not be negligent when protecting himself.”

5.7.b.  Prophecy 5.7.b.i.  Truth to Power.  ARM 26 371 (Nissinen 2003: 73–74). The merchant/diplomat Yarim-Addu reports to Zimri-​Lim prophetic denunciations of Išme-Dagan of Ekallatum and of his host Hammurabi of Babylon. 123.  Ašmad was a merḫûm, a nomad army chief (see at 2.1.c). Whether in this text nabûm is a “prophet,” as in its Hebrew cognate nābîʾ, or simply a specialized type of diviner depends on how one parses Tebi-gerrešu’s statement: Is he gathering these men for them to be the omen-takers or is he asking them to witness (for corroboration?) the omen-taking of diviners? Yet, gathering them would be superfluous if their presence had nothing to do with sorting out an answer to the queries. The term nabî is now attached to 2 personal names on a legal document from Terqa (Terqa 9–1; Rouault 2011: 55–56) from the šakkanakkum period, the earliest attestations of the term thus far; see Charpin 2013c.

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About the news my lord keeps on hearing that Išme-Dagan was going up toward Ekallatum: he is in fact not doing so. There have been rumors of it and they began to circulate about him. An āpilum of Marduk stood up at the palace gate and kept on declaiming, “Išme-Dagan will not escape from Marduk’s grasp. It will tighten the (hunting) net and he shall be destroyed by it.” 124 These words he kept on declaiming in front of the palace gate, but no one would tell him anything. He forthwith stood at Išme-Dagan’s door and in front of the whole citizenry he kept on declaiming, “You went seeking peace and good-will from the viceroy of Elam; but in so doing you have had the treasures of Marduk and the city Babylon brought out to the viceroy of Elam. Because you have emptied silos and my storehouses, you have not returned the favors I have done you. How then could you make your way (back) to Ekallatum? Anyone who has brought out my treasure cannot request its increase from me.” No one talked to him as he kept on declaiming before the whole citizenry [few lines broken]. . . . As to Išme-Dagan, he is so gravely ill that his life is in doubt. 125

5.7.b.ii.  Sympathetic magic.  ARM 26 206 (A.3893; see Nissinen 2003: 38–39). Envelope broken, but undoubtedly from Yaqqim-Addu, governor of Saggaratum province, to Zimri-​Lim. An ecstatic (muḫḫûm) of Dagan came to me, saying, “Most certainly now, what shall I eat (akkal) that belongs to Zimri-​Lim? Give me a lamb for me to eat (lūkul).” I gave him the lamb and he ate it (īkulšu) raw (“alive”) at the city gate. He/I gathered the elders at Saggaratum’s city gate, and he said, “There will be consumption (ukultum). Require the many towns to return consecrated objects. Anyone having committed assault must be expelled from the city. For the sake of your lord Zimri-​ Lim, you must provide me with a garment.” This is what he told me and for the sake of my lord I have provided him with a garment. I have now recorded the oracle that he pronounced and I am conveying it to my lord. [PS] He did not deliver his oracle in secret; rather, he delivered it at the assembly of the elders. 126 124.  Barberon 2012: 168 n. 984 thinks this is the only example of a male religious official associated with Marduk of Babylon. He may not have been one. 125.  The exceptional aspect of this letter is the political role played by the āpilum to whom Marduk had conferred a message. His verbal attacks against Išme-Dagan of Ekallatum, then seeking refuge in Babylon, is also a thinly-veiled condemnation of his host, Hammurabi of Babylon. The writer, a merchant/diplomat named Yarim-Addu, knows that Išme-Dagan, whose brother once ruled Mari, was not favored in Mari. The public nature of the denunciation is exceptional, as is the recorded reaction of those hearing it. Yarim-Addu himself seems so struck by the fact that the āpilum could make charges without being challenged that he twice commented on it. At Hammurabi’s palace, he blasted Išme-Dagan; but at Išme-Dagan’s lodge, he was indicting Hammurabi, allegedly for allowing the Elamites access to Marduk’s holdings. The last charge parallels the indictment Isaiah leveled against Hezekiah (ordinarily a “good” king) for permitting Marduk-apla-iddina’s emissaries to inspect holy treasures (2 Kgs 20:12–19). 126.  The gist of the prophetic action is based on several plays on akālum, “to eat.” The ecstatic devours a lamb raw (balṭūssu, lit., “alive,” as in Hebrew ḥay, 1 Sam 2:15) before declaring

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5.7.b.iii.  A bogus prophecy.  Nur-Sin, representing Zimri-​Lim near Aleppo, posts to his king FM 7 38 (A.1968; Nissinen 2003: 21–22) and FM 7 39 (A.1121+ = LAPO 18 984; Nissinen 2003: 17–21). I.  FM 7 39:13–33127

II.  FM 7 39:34–62

III.  FM 7 38128

Formerly, when I lived in Mari, I would report to my lord whatever information male and female respondents would tell me. Now that I am living in another land, should I not write to my lord what I hear or what they tell me? If in the future In the presence of Zu-ḫatnim, Abi-šadi and Zuḫan, Alpan told there comes to be a misfortune me the following about needing of whatever sort, will my lord not say the following: “Why did to offer the zukrum to Addu, you not write me the message “Offer the zukrum—bulls and the āpilum told you when cows.” So my lord [Addu] had told me to hand over the zukrum demanding the shrine? ” I have herewith written my lord. My in the presence of these men, lord should know this. saying, “Henceforth, he must not break his covenant with me.” I have imposed witnesses on him. My lord should know (this). I have written to my lord as much as five times about needing to give the zukrumsacrifice to the god Adad and about the niḫlatum- property that Addu, Lord of Kallassu, is requesting from us.

  127  128

that a “consumption” (i.e., plague, ukultum) will break out. It is not clear whether or not by this act the prophet is actually warding off the calamity. Far-fetched but worth noting is an irony about having a ravenous prophet, for, unlike divination that relies on the killing of sheep (that later feed the multitude), prophecy is normally bloodless. The ecstatic is speaking for a god and so can mention the king by name rather than by a title such as “my lord.” It is interesting, too, that the governor felt the need to report that the act was public, possibly to deflect criticism for allowing such a shocking revelation to unfold so publicly or even for reporting the demand of a potentially deranged person. As it happens, a dated document, M.18192 (= ARM 30, p. 323 = Durand 2008b), gives this information, “1 mardatum-cape; one set of blinkers for lagu-donkey, received by the ecstatic, that were conveyed (there); in Saggaratum [14.iii.ZL5′].” The muḫḫûm evidently received his due. 127.  FM 7 39 [columns I and II] is written in the form of a diplomat’s dispatch, where each of four blocks of information ends with “my lord should know this.” But as it opens with “I have written as often as 5 times to my lord,” we know that Nur-Sin had earlier broached these requests: zukrum (sacrifices) for Addu of Aleppo and a niḫlatum (reassigned property) for Addu of Kallassu. A harmony of the contents of FM 7 38 and 39 shows that the second column in the table (FM 7 39:46–62), is actually a pastiche Nur-Sin himself created out of versions of two separate divine messages, one of which (7 38) from his recall of it, as it was already sent. As such, it must not be treated as a revelation at all. How many prophecies now ascribed to Hebrew prophets are composite products of similar manipulation is an issue that may indeed be raised. 128.  Nur-Sin reports on messages from diverse North Syrian manifestations of the god Addu (Adad). The prophecy in FM 7 38 [column III] is conveyed through an āpilum of Addu of Aleppo. As is often the case, it is accompanied by samples of hair and fringes that permits, through divination, to confirm that there was indeed a true message to convey.

Religion — 5.7.  Communicating the Will of God During the taking of omens, Addu, Lord of Kallassu, stood (129) by, saying, “Am I not Addu, Lord of Kallassu, who has raised him between my thighs and has restored him to his ancestral throne? Having restored him to his ancestral throne, I decided also to give him a dwelling place. Now since I restored him to his ancestral throne, I shall take from his estate a property in perpetuity. If he does not hand (it) over, I—the lord of throne, territory, and cities—can take away what I have given. But if it is otherwise, and he does hand over what I am requesting, I shall give him throne upon throne, estate upon estate, territory upon territory, town upon town; I shall give him a land, from its eastern to its western (corners).”

Abiya, āpilum of Addu, Lord of Another matter: The āpilum of Addu, Lord of Ḫalab, came Ḫalab, came by to tell me, here along with Abu-ḫalim and told me the following, “Write to your lord,

‘Am I not Addu, Lord of Ḫalab, who has raised you in my groin and has restored you to your ancestral throne? Ought I not request something from you?

When a wronged person, male or female, appeals to you, be there to decide their case. This is what I want from you. If you do what I have just written to you, paying heed to my word, I shall give you a land, from its eastern to its western (corners), your own land (thus becoming) many.’ ”

This is what the āpilū said —with (Addu) remaining time and again there during the taking of omens. Now, moreover, an āpilum of Addu, Lord of Kallassu, is demanding the shrine at Alaḫtum as property in perpetuity.131 My lord should know this.

   129   130 

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This is what the āpilum of Addu, Lord of Ḫalab, told me in the presence of Abu-ḫalim. My lord should know this.

“Addu says, ‘I had given all the land to Yaḫdun-Lim, and by means of my weapons he had no opponent. When he abandoned me, the land I had given him, I gave to Samsi-Addu. Then when Samsi-Addu [. . .] I wanted to bring you back. I brought you back on your father’s throne and I handed you the weapon with which I battled against Sea.130 I rubbed you with oil from my numinous radiance so that no one could stand up to you. Now listen to my only wish: Whenever anyone appeals to you for judgment, saying, “I am aggrieved,” be there to decide his case and to give him satisfaction. This is what I desire of you. When you go out (to war), don’t do so without consulting the omens. When I am the one standing at my omens, then proceed. If otherwise, do not come out of your door.’” This is what the āpilum told me. Now then, I am sending my lord hair and garment fringe from the āpilum.

 131

129.  The equivalent in Hebrew is for gods or angels to stand by/over someone or something, construed with the verb yṣb, most often in the hitpaʿel; see Sasson 2004b: 181–84. 130.  For the storage in Terqa of weapons sent by Addu of Aleppo, see above. 131.  Alaḫtum (Alalaḫ of later time?) is a town Aleppo sold to Zimri-​Lim, after much negotiation; see at 1.3.e.iv.

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5.7.c.  Visions 5.7.c.i.  Apocalypticizing vision of gods pledging to preserve Mari; see Sasson 1995b: 287–88. 5.7.c.i.1.  Water of judgment.  To her husband, battling Elam, Šiptu relates this heavily apocalypticizing vision (ARM 26 208 = ARM 10 9 = LAPO 18 1142; Nissinen 2003: 42–43). 132 The palace is fine. Qišti-Diritum, the āpilum of Deritum, came to the palace gate on the second day of the month and said this to me, “No one will rise against the throne of Mari. The Upper (area) is given to Zimri-​Lim and the lance of the Elamite (will break). So (he sent me). . . .” Another matter: [damaged lines . . . . . . .] “Let us recall an oath where there is water.” Having summoned (the god) Asumum, Asumum [went/came] promptly and [spoke to] Ea. I did not hear what Asumum [told] Ea. Ea proceeded by saying, “Because we shall make [an oath], doorpost dirt (“dirt and doorpost”) from Mari’s gate has to be taken for us to conform to the oath.” Doorpost dirt from Mari’s gate was taken and soaked in water and the gods and goddesses drank (it). 133 Said Ea to the gods, “Stand up, those who would do harm to Mari’s brickwork or to its protective guardian!” The gods and goddesses [said], “We will do no harm to Mari’s brickwork or to its (protective) guardian.”

5.7.c.i.2.  City of God.  Šamaš-naṣir is majordomo in Terqa, from where he sends ARM 26 196 (LAPO 18 1142; see Nissinen 2003: 26–27). 134 Tišpak is the storm-god of Ešnunna, hence the message is heavily political in tenor. 132.  The war against mighty Elam created much alarm and evoked powerful reactions in Zimri-​Lim’s kingdom. Apocalypticism, the notion that the gods can (be provoked to) bind themselves to the cause of a human leader or a nation, is displayed in a handful of prophecies, dreams, and visions from Mari; see Sasson 1995b. Asumum is probably identical with Usumu, the Janus-faced vizier of Ea. Šunuḫra-ḫalu, Zimri-​Lim’s private secretary, sent a letter (M.13014:3–17; Charpin and Durand 2003: 64–69) that opens with these lines: “After we have had people take a sacred oath (of loyalty) beyond the fortified area and as we were (re)entering the city behind the gods, at the gate of (the goddess) Annunitum, a man, the slave of a commoner who had been bound, called to us while being fettered. He said, ‘When Elam’s army devoured the Subartu region, we heard (news of the king) coming up against Elam. The mother of Igmil-Sin, my master, told him, “(As Zimri-​ Lim) comes up against Elam, as many as there is now in your household should enter a strongly fortified area and be ready for us.” This is what his mother told him. . . .’  ” The remainder is largely restored, but the gist is that Igmil-Sin did not agree with his mother and convinced many followers to withstand Elam. Whether the slave was bound and blocked (passage not clear) so as to stage a symbolic act cannot be decided. An Igmil-Sin was known to have sworn allegiance to the king at precisely this time; see Charpin and Durand 2003: 71 n. 21. 133.  There is a large literature on what exactly the gods are being asked to do; among these ideas, Charpin turns to testimony from pre-Islamic times in which oaths were taken on imbibing Zamzam water, in which sweepings had been steeped (2010g: 38–39). 134.  Because of damage, there are diverse readings of what actually happens as well as assignments of voices. Van der Toorn (1998) thinks the whole is a theatrical drama in which prophets

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When my lord was preparing for a journey, he instructed me as follows, “You are living in the city of God; send me whatever oracle you hear occurring in the temple.” Since that day . . . (several broken lines). (Dagan said) “Tišpak should be summoned; I want to issue a decree.” Tišpak was summoned, and to him Dagan said, “From Šinah, you have ruled the land. Now then, your day has departed/come and you shall meet your day as (did) Ekallatum.” This occurred in Dagan’s presence. But Yaqrub-El said, “Says (the goddess) Ḫanat, ‘Do not neglect the order you have issued.’” 135 Another matter. The grain (produced) by the plows of the Terqa district palace is now is storage in Terqa.

5.7.c.ii.  Inducing visions 5.7.c.ii.1.  Against Ekallatum.  Šiptu posted ARM 26 207 (ARM 10 4 = LAPO 18 1144; see Nissinen 2003: 39–41) to her husband. For a report on the campaign that my lord wants to undertake, I gave everyone (lit., male and female) signs to drink. 136 I queried (them), and the portent (igerrûm) concerning my lord is favorable. However, when I similarly queried everyone, the portent concerning Išme-Dagan was not favorable. The report is now set under my lord’s foot. They are saying (as one person): “My lord lifted the ḫumāšum (mace or belt); against Išme-Dagan he lifted the ḫumāšum saying, ‘I will prevail with the ḫumāšum. Struggle as you might, I will prevail in the struggle.’” I asked, “Will my lord engage in combat? ” They answered: “There will not be a battle; as it nears, his allies will be scattered. Išme-Dagan’s head will be cut and placed at my lord’s feet.” (Further, they said) the following, “Išme-Dagan’s army is numerous; but even when so, his allies will be scattered.” As to my own allies, they are Dagan, Šamaš, Itur-Mer, and Belet-Ekallim. Furthermore, it is Addu, Lord of Decision, who marches at my lord’s side.” My lord might be thinking, “Through deception, she had them speak.” In no way, had I make speak. They spoke (thus); they came to agree (thus), saying, “Išme-​Dagan’s allies are convicts, they support him treacherously and without allegiance. They do not respect him. Facing my lord, his army will scatter.

5.7.c.ii.2.  About Babylon.  Šiptu sent ARM 26 212:1′–16′ (ARM 10 6 = LAPO 18 1146; see Nissinen 2003: 46–47) to Zimri-​Lim. The palace is in good order. Ili-ḫaznaya, an assinnum of (the goddess) Annunitum, came here to see me [. . . . a few damaged lines mentioning Babylon]. Regarding matters about Babylon, I gave signs to drink and made enquiry. This man (Hammurabi of Babylon) plots many things against this land; but he will not prevail. act as gods. I find this too plucky. Heimpel (2003: 250–51) partially follows van der Toorn, but assigns the whole to a vision. 135. Heimpel (2003: 250–51) renders the last clause, “This ⸢he said⸣ before Dagan and Yakrub-El. Ḫanat (said), ‘Do not neglect (enforcement of) the decree that you gave!” 136.  See also note to FM 7 52 at 5.4.d.i.4.

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Religion — 5.7.  Communicating the Will of God My lord will witness what God will do to this man. You will capture him and stand over him. His days are numbered; he will not live long. My lord should know this. Even before the message of Ili-ḫaznaya that Annunitum sent through him—5 days ago in fact—I myself posed (a similar) query. The message that Annunitum sent you and the information I obtained through inquiry are one and the same.

5.7.c.iii.  Politics and prophets.  ARM 26 199 (new edition Durand 2012a). Sammetar, then governor of Terqa province, posted this letter to Zimri-​Lim. 137 Lupaḫum, an āpilum of Dagan, arrived here from Tuttul. The mission my lord entrusted to him in Saggaratum (was), “Entrust me (to the care of) Dagan of Terqa.” 138 Carrying out this mission, he was given the following answer, “Wherever you go, happiness will constantly greet you. Battering ram and siege-tower are given to you. They travel by your side, as do companions.” These are the words they told him when in Tuttul. No sooner did he arrive here from Tuttul than I had him escorted to Der so that he could carry (door) bolts to the goddess Deritum. Previously, he had carried a šernum, saying (to Deritum), “The šernum is not fastened and water will soak (it). Re­inforce the šernum.” Now that he carried (door) bolts, this is what was communicated (to Deritum), “You may count on a peace treaty with the lord of Ešnunna and therefore have become negligent; however, your watchmen should be strengthened more than previously.” Speaking to me, this is what he said, “The king may be planning to take a binding oath with the lord of Ešnunna without consulting God. This will be like the previous occasion when the Yaminites came down to settle in Saggaratum: did I not tell the king, ‘Do not make covenants (‘kill a donkey-foal’) with the Yaminites; I shall send them among the . . . their clans and God River will finish them off for you’? Now then, without consulting God, he ought not take a binding oath.” Lupaḫum spoke these words to me. Later—the day after, in fact—a qammatum-​ woman of Dagan of Terqa came here to tell me, “Beneath straw runs water. 139 To make peace, they are constantly writing you and sending you their gods, but in their hearts they devise an entirely different ‘wind’. The king must not commit himself (to a treaty) without consulting God.” She requested and I gave her a laḫarum-garment and an erretum-broach. (By the way, she gave the high-priestess Inib-šina her message at the temple of the goddess Belet-ekallim.) Now I am sending to my lord all these messages that were reported to me. My lord should consider them and act according to his royal majesty. 137.  This text can be precisely dated by M.11436 (Durand 1988b: 396), “1 šekel of silver, by the market-weight, to Lupaḫum, ‘answerer’ of Dagan, when he went to Tuttul [7.viii.ZL5].” Durand cites another document (A.3796) that finds him receiving another gift, “1 donkey, disbursement for Lupaḫum, from the donkeys taken as spoils from Idamaraṣ, in the land of Šude; Yanṣib-Dagan’s unit [?.v.ZL12].” The time lapse between the two expenditures confirms that both title and attribution had longevity. 138.  For the full phrase, see CAD Š/3 248 (KAR 58 20); Š/1 261 (BMS 11:26). 139.  See also ARM 26 197, at 5.5.b.ii. Because it was so enigmatic, the qammatum’s report is relayed verbatim by three different correspondents of the king. It obviously carried a warning; see Sasson 1995a for suggestions. Jer 15:13 uses “unreliable water” as a metaphor.

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About Yanṣib-Dagan, the soldier from Dašran whose head my lord ordered me to cut. I instantly sent Abi-epuḫ and when he could not find this man, he took into slavery his home and household. The next day a letter from Yasim-Dagan reached me saying that this man has just arrived there. My lord should now give me some indication whether or not I should release his household.

5.7.d.  Dreams.  (See also ARM 10 94 at 6.4.a.v and Durand 2014a.) 5.7.d.i.  Viability. 140 5.7.d.i.1.  ARM 26 82.  Asqudum, a prominent diviner, writes Zimri-​Lim. Yasim-​ Dagan is likely a military officer. Yasim-Dagan had a dream. The dream is important and worrisome. I have had omens taken about his dream, and it has indeed occurred (“seen”). [Omen takers] must come here and take omens (about the safety of the town). My lord must give strict orders about protecting the fortifications.

5.7.d.i.2.  ARM 26 142 is a report to Zimri-​Lim by the diviner Šamaš-in-matim (“Šamaš, Eye of the Land,” an obvious nom de métier). He writes from Terqa and it is piquant to know that Sammetar was its governor at that time. I have taken omens for a full 30-day month concerning the enemy’s non-incursion into the left bank area from Šaruna to Ḫidar. At first (inspection), the “fringe” was tied and in that first inspection, the coils (of the colon) were swollen. Toward the left, the stomach was blackened. I verified (by another omen-taking): The stomach was blackened on both right and left. I have conveyed them (to you). They are sound (i.e., no incursion) for those particular days. I have also taken omens about the dream of Sammetar. That dream (occurred) at the first watch. It was (therefore) not seen.

5.7.d.ii.  Validation by vision/prophecy. 141 ARM 26 237 (ARM 10 50 = LAPO 18 1094; Nissinen 2003: 67–69). To my lord (Zimri-​Lim), from Addu-duri, “your maidservant.” Since the peace/end (šulmum) of your father’s house, I have never had a dream such as this. Previous portents of mine were as this pair. In my dream, I entered the chapel of Belet-ekallim (“Lady of the Palace”); but Belet-ekallim was not in residence! Moreover, the statues before her were not there either. Seeing this, I 140.  With so much riding on the message gods can send through dreams, diviners took omens to decide on whether or not it carried a message. In the second example (ARM 26 142), a diviner decided that the dream of his own governor, Sammetar, did not carry a message, as it came during a period of the night in which gods would not have contacted humans. 141.  There is a document (M. 7160; Charpin 2014d: 32–33) with a lost ending that seems also to link a dream to a prophecy. Ḫammi-šagiš, an important official, understandably decided to confide in Šunuḫra-ḫalu, the king’s secretary, rather than in the king: “The dream I had for the king was not good. This dream indeed is worrisome. So I am saying (to myself), ‘Ought I reveal (repeat) this dream?’ (Just then) Yasim-sumu came to me and said, ‘The woman ecstatic (muḫḫûtûm) of the Bisra Ištar came to me and said this, “To protect . . . I shall protect . . . (rest damaged)’.”

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Religion — 5.7.  Communicating the Will of God broke into weeping. This dream of mine occurred during the first watch. I turned around, 142 and Dada, priest of the Bisra Ištar, was standing at the gate of Beletekallim’s chapel; but an eerie voice kept uttering: “Return (to me), O Dagan; return (to me), O Dagan.” This is what it kept on uttering. 143 Another matter: A woman-ecstatic (muḫḫûtum) rose in Annunitum’s temple to say, “Zimri-​Lim, you must not go on a journey. Stay in Mari, and I shall continue to be communicating (with you).” My lord should not neglect his personal safety. I have now personally placed sampling from my hair and garment under seal and have sent them to my lord.

5.7.d.iii.  Twice-seen.  Kibri-Dagan of Terqa writes ARM 26 234 (ARM 13 112 = LAPO 18 935; see Nissinen 2003: 65) to the king. Dagan and Ikrub-El (Yakrub-El) are well; Terqa, city and district, is in good order. The work my lord assigned me [a few lines missing]. He dreamed that God was saying, “This house in ruin, you must not build it. If this house is built, I will have it fall into the river.” The day he saw this dream, he did not reveal it to anybody. The next day, he once more had a dream. It was God saying, “This house, you must not build it. Build it, and I will have it fall into the river.” 144 I am now herewith dispatching to my lord a fringe from his garment and a tuft from his head. Since this (very) day, this young man has been ill. 145 142.  Or: “Once again, (I dreamed). . . .” 143.  This dream by a close relative of the king—she might have been his (step-)mother or aunt—acquires its tension through ambiguity. In the opening, the word šulmum means both peace as well as end. (Less likely, the word may be related to šullumum, “restoration,” which is normally used of wealth). In this way, Zimri-​Lim might have puzzled over Addu-duri’s setting for her dream. The eerie (nakrum, “foreign, strange”) voice repeats the phrase tūra Dagan, begging Dagan to return, presumably to his pedestal in the temple. In Mesopotamia, as well as in Israel, the absence of the god is a sure sign of disfavor, if not also of impending calamity. As it happens, Tura-Dagan was the name of an earlier ruler in Mari and the voice may be alerting to a lesson attached to his reign. What makes this letter such a rich resource is the sense of prickly dread that suffuses it. Addu-​duri reports on a prophecy that confirms her foreboding and takes personal responsibility for dispatching symbols that when tested would confirm that she had indeed had a true dream. Yet we know that Addu-duri dies less than halfway through the rule of Zimri-​Lim, at a time when the king was having his most secure moments on the throne, thus confirming that Addu-duri is a Cassandra. I have suggested (Sasson 1994: 306–7) that the letter comes from Zimri-​Lim’s first year as Mari’s king. If so, his reassurance is posted in ARM 10 142 (LAPO 18 1098), for which see 2.1.b.ii.1b. 144.  Both Joseph (Genesis 37) and pharaoh (Genesis 41) have dreams that are variations on a single theme. When Joseph interprets the dream for pharaoh, he says (Gen 41:32), “As for the twofold repeat of a dream to pharaoh, it means that the matter is truly from God and that God will carry it out promptly.” 145.  Note how gingerly Kibri-Dagan brings out a matter that surely is not likely to please the king. When first seen, the dream is not reported and the blame is on the seer. Upon its reoccurrence, the message is stated more tersely. After stating his dispatch of the obligatory fringes and

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5.7.d.iv.  Zimri-​Lim’s dream.  ARM 26 225 cites a dream that Zimri-​Lim communicated, likely to a courtier attending one of his queens, Dam-ḫuraṣi. 146 The name of the sender is lost. 147 I have listened to the letter my lord sent me. My lord wrote, “The dream I had is worrisome. I fear that Sutu-tribesmen will capture you and Dam-ḫuraṣi, saying, ‘As long as you don’t give us back our residents (tāšubātum, possibly cognate with Hebrew tôšāb), we will not release them!’” This is what my lord wrote me. As soon as I heard my lord’s letter, I summoned the diviners and posed the following query, “My lord wrote to me forcefully; what do you advise? ” This is what I asked them [remainder of text lost].

5.7.d.v.  Malik-Dagan’s dream.  This is the earliest Mari dream report to be published (A. 15 = Dossin 1948 = Dossin 1983: 169–79; see Nissinen 2003: 62–65, with bibliography) and remains the most complex example. I cite it here from ARM 26 233. Itur-asdu, then an official in Mari, writes the king. On the very day I send this tablet of mine to my lord, Malik-Dagan of Šakka (near Mari) came here to tell me, “In my dream I—along with a man accompanying me—was set to go from the Saggaratum district, through the upper district, to Mari. Ahead of me, I entered Terqa. As I was entering, I entered the temple of Dagan and I went prostrate before Dagan. During my prostration, Dagan opened his mouth to say this, ‘Have the Yaminite kings and their troops made peace with the troops of Zimri-​Lim who has come up?’ 148 I said, ‘They did not.’ Just before I left, he said, ‘Why are Zimri-​Lim’s messengers not before me on a regular basis? Why is he not locks of hair, Kibri-Dagan adds that the visionary has been ill ever since. It is left up to Zimri-​Lim to figure out whether the illness is punishment for failing to communicate the first dream or an indication of the youth’s insincerity. Durand (1988: 458) has connected this event with what is reported in ARM 26 243. If so, Kibri-Dagan’s name should be restored there. It reads, “The ecstatics (muḫḫû) of Dagan are constantly pressing me in this way about the house of Sammetar that in the past had begun to sag, ‘God has cursed the bricks of this house. Earthwork should be scooped into the bedroom (area) itself and (on the) brick foundation.’ This is what the ecstatics of Dagan have pressed on me. Now that I am writing my lord, my lord should reflect, and in accordance with the deliberation that my lord undertakes, an answer to my tablet should come to me. If my lord orders (it), I will have the bricks of that house hauled away to the top of the fortifications and earthwork [rest damaged]. . . .” On this translation, see van Koppen 2002: 323–24. 146.  There is much speculation about this queen, with suggestions that she was first married to Yasmaḫ-Addu but ended up in Zimri-​Lim’s harem before being consecrated as a priestess in Terqa; see Ziegler 1999a: 52–54. Partial dossier in Durand 2000: 295–304; contra Sasson 2010a: 245–47. 147.  The sender is someone close to the queen. ARM 26 224:5–11 is not likely related; but it gives a sense of how dreams are treated by a diviner. Sumu-(ḫadu?) writes to the king: “The dream is very auspicious for my lord. On the road, my lord should offer sacrifice to (the goddess) Annunitum at Samanum; or my lord should touch a male sheep so that it could be taken and sacrificed (there in his behalf). My lord should do as it seems best.” 148.  The god is being sarcastic, for he knows that Zimri-​Lim had not come to terms with the Yaminites. The main point that Dagan wants to make, however, is found in his next statement.

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Religion — 5.7.  Communicating the Will of God setting before me full reports? Had it been otherwise, long ago, I would have delivered the Yaminite kings into Zimri-​Lim’s hand. Now go! I am sending you to Zimri-​Lim and you are to tell him, ‘Send your messengers to me and set a full report before me and I will set before you the Yaminite kings, having them wriggle in a fisherman’s (wooden) casket.’” This is what the man saw in his dream, revealing it to me. I am now writing this (report) to my lord. My lord should look into this dream. Another matter: If it pleases my lord, he should set a full report before Dagan. Messengers from my lord should be regular. Because the man who told this dream is to make a pagrûm-offering to Dagan, I have not sent him to my lord. Moreover, because this man is reliable, I have not taken from his hair or (garment) fringe. 149

5.7.e.  Signs 5.7.e.i.  Aborted fetus.  ARM 26 241. Sumḫu-rabi, an early governor of Saggaratum province, writes Zimri-​Lim. 150 A deformed sheep was born in Greater Zarru, among the sheep belonging to Zazum, the sheikh (sugāgum). But because I was staying with my lord in Mari, no one informed me (about it). Once I returned to my province, it was brought to me and I was told (that) its head is of one piece; its face is that of a ram; its chest, heart, and viscera are of one piece, but from its navel toward its tail it has two bodies. However, when it was born, its right side was torn away and its head was damaged. Now then, I have had it brought to my lord so that he can look at it.

5.7.e.ii.  Eclipse of the moon.  The diviner Asqudum sent ARM 26 81 to the king. On the 14th day, there occurred an eclipse of the moon (antallûm ša dSin). Now this type of occurrence for an eclipse is disquieting. I therefore took omens on the welfare of my lord and of the Upper District. The omens were favorable. Now my lord may want to have omens taken on his welfare and that of the city Mari (where he is) there, and so avoid worry. My lord should also send me a response to my letter so that I won’t have to worry. 151 149.  Remarkable here is how Itur-asdu actually espouses the dreamer’s vision and supports Dagan’s demands. Normally, officials are noncommittal, leaving to the king (and his diviners) to judge and interpret statements from the gods. 150.  There is also this extract from a letter (ARM 26 242:2′–12′) to the king from an unknown correspondent: “. . . (The ants) climbed up from the ground facing the wooden latch; they climbed from the šuddurû (likely “beets”) warehouse toward the house of the bath-keepers/ barbers by the door of the šuddurû (warehouse). At two spots, they climbed from the house of the bath-keepers/barbers to the door of the Dagan temple. Asqudum has already been told (about it), and when he offered purificatory sacrifices for the welfare of my lord, the omens were favorable. I have placed under seal and conveyed to my lord these ants as well as clumps from the šuddurû warehouse.” 151.  Prognostications based on cosmic events (eclipses and the like) are rarely the subject of correspondence in the Mari letters and generally also in the Old Babylonian period. They are more frequently discussed in the Neo-Assyrian archives. Nonetheless, Mari scribes did collect lore about them (ARM 26 248; see Durand 2008a: 495), tied to the month in which they could

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5.7.e.iii.  Fire strikes a temple. ARM 26 244. The merḫûm (nomad army chief) Meptum writes Zimri-​Lim. Fire struck the temple of Tišpak in Ešnunna. It took hold, blazing all night long. The next day, only with great effort was it extinguished. Now the omen that is repeatedly affecting my lord is extremely affirming, and he ought to rejoice. There is a stream of fugitives and informants reaching me.

5.8. Ordeals 152 5.8.a.  Contested territory.  When suzerains fail to settle disputes among vassals by arbitration, they called on the gods to adjudicate. The dossier on ordeals of territorial disputes is large, with Mari (through its diplomats) often playing the role of arbitrator, hence the reports. It is important to note that, even when the disputants had access to nearby rivers, the ordeals took place in Ḫit, a town often referenced after occur. According to that text, bad events are likely to happen if such an event coincided with the months of Tammuz, Elul, Araḫsamnu, and Kislev. Asqudum might also have found troubling conjunction with its occurrence on the 14th, just before a full moon. In A.1288.i.18–21, a chronicle of events associated with the dynasty of Samsi-Addu includes this startling notice: “In (the eponymy of) Dadiya [less likely, Inaya]: Samsi-Addu was born. [In the eponym of Puzur-Ištar,] there was a darkening (naḫdur) of Šamaš (solar eclipse): death of Aminum”; see Durand and Guichard 1997: 42–43. The historicity of such literary products is debatable. (This chronicle is posted online at http://www​.livius.org/li-ln/limmu/limmu_2.html; September 10, 2012.) 152.  Throughout the ancient world and well into our own days, diverse applications of ordeals have existed, corporeally in which those physically tested undergo trials by challenging the elements (from water to fire) or by taking hold of sacred paraphernalia (in the U.S., our oath on the Bible being one of its manifestations). Ordeals are coded into legal compilations at least since the Sumerian Ur-Namma (likely Šulgi’s) code, are specifically rehearsed in living juridical documents, and are recalled in literary texts. The institution has not yet received full monographic treatment. Overviews are in the Reallexikon der Assyriologie 10:124–30, 11:72–98, 346–54. In the Mari documents, when disputes could not be easily resolved—because of the absence of reliable testimony or because they involved personal or diplomatic complication—ordeals led to prompt (and hopefully unambiguous) outcomes. Arriyuk of Kalḫu is a vassal of Zimri-​Lim about whom much ink has been spilled (needlessly) because his name seems to recall that of Arioch of Ellasar (Gen 14:1, 9); see most recently Durand 2005b. Zimri-​Lim accuses him of negligence by allowing marauding tribesmen to cross the river without challenge. He writes, “I am loyal to my father (“hold the fringes of his garment”) and my troops are with him. I am doing this; but if my father does not trust me, may the River (god) exonerate me” (ARM 28 155:29–32). The Mari material is nicely surveyed in Durand 2008a: 539–46 and Jacquet 2008: 379–88. It is discussed in Heimpel 1996. A fundamental collection of texts is in Durand 1988a: 509–28. In the Bible, several such tests are recorded, none more studied than the one that aims to remove irrational or unfounded doubt a husband has regarding his wife’s fidelity (Num 5). Also discussed in the literature are other occasions that require the imbibing of water: Moses forcing Israel to absorb powder from the golden calf (Exod 32:20) and Gideon’s triage of appropriate combatants (Judg 7:5–7). For an expansive list of biblical cases, see K. van der Toorn in the Anchor Bible Dictionary (under “Ordeal”). In fact, most oaths and curses are forms of ordeals that are poised to be launched in cases of infraction; see several sections in Kitz (2014).

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the River god as dídki = Nārum (with inconsistent applications of the ideograms). Ironically, Ḫit itself was an object of significant confrontation between Mari and Babylon (see ARM 26 449 at 1.6.a.iv and ARM 26 469 at 1.6.c.ii.2a). The town remained a center for resolving difficult squabbles late in Mesopotamian history, as it is made the focus of a Neo-Babylonian literary text, “The King [Nebuchadnezzar or Nabonidus] of Justice”; text in Foster: 1996: 748–52, esp. 751–52. ARM 28 91 and ARM 26 249 deal with a dispute between two vassals of Zimri-​ Lim in the Upper Baliḫ region, Šubram of Susa (on the Upper Ḫabur, not in Elam/ Persia) and Ḫaya-sumu of Ilanṣura, the latter having married two of Zimri-​Lim’s daughters. 5.8.a.i.  Process.  ARM 28 91:4–19. Šubram of Susa writes this note to Zimri-​Lim. See also ARM 28 95 at 1.4.d.i. I have more than once stated my grievance before my father about the towns that Ḫaya-sumu (of Ilanṣura) is keeping. Now the people of Kurdubaḫḫu have taken the town Kalmatam. Ḫaya-sumu and I came before my father for judgment and my father assigned my elders and those of Ḫaya-sumu to the River. A woman of Ḫaya-sumu fell. 153 The god of my father has judged me and I stood vindicated. My father had given the following decision, “One city pulls another.” My father should therefore send me a full decision. . . . [The remaining portion deals with a different topic.]

5.8.a.ii.  For loyalty.  ARM 26 249. The merḫûm Meptum reports to Zimri-​Lim. 154 About the group that my lord sent to plunge (in the River) for Šubram and Ḫayasumu, I sent trustworthy examiners along with this group of plungers and from the outset a woman was made to plunge. She came out. After her, a (town’s) elder was made to plunge. He was absolved by moving about 80 fields (distance) into (the River) God and coming out. 155 After him, a second woman was led (into the water) and she came out. After her, a third woman; but the River (-god) overcame (her). Because the elder had established an 80-fields (distance), but the River (-god) overwhelmed the third woman, the men of Ḫaya-sumu did not agree for 3 153.  In ordeal documents, maqātum, “to fall,” likely means “to fail a test.” This woman likely was carried away by the water. A full context is in ARM 26 253. See below for the text. 154.  The second portion deals with an ordeal that had been forced on the servant of a queen. The accusation against the queen is, frankly, a fishing expedition, citing a roster of potential faults. The death of the unfortunate servant must have sealed the queen’s fate. See also at 5.8.d. Šimatum, a daughter of Zimri-​Lim married to Ḫaya-sumu of Ilanṣura, was once accused of using herbs to bewitch her father (ARM 26 314; cited at the note to 1.8.a). She likely suffered from epilepsy, so was a prime candidate for the charge. She also had a sister, Kiru, married to the same man, to spread the accusation. 155.  It is hard to figure out what the elder did. In ARM 2 131, two towns are said to be separated by a distance of just 30 “fields.” CAD (E 251) translates the term “miles” in that passage; but given the context, this is too much distance. Heimpel (2003: 272) translates the passage: “After her, they made an elder take the plunge, and he resolved (the claim of) 80 (dikes of land) inside the god and came out.” I find this not quite appropriate, if only because the dispute involves towns.

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more women to plunge. They confirmed the following, “Town and land are not ours!” The elder fell at the feet of Šubram’s men, saying, “You must not make other women die by taking the plunge. We will produce a document of non-contest for the town and territory. In the future, no one will contest (over them), for the town and the territory are Šubram’s!” In the presence of examiners, Babylonian palace functionaries and (elders) of the town had a no-contest document drawn up. I am now sending to my lord the group of plungers so that my lord could question them. Another matter: On the plunging group of Yarkab-Addu (king of Ḫanzat) about which my lord inquired earlier, the priest (of the River god) and Aštamarum, governor of Ḫit, came to me. They told me as follows about Amat-sakkanim, a woman related to Samsi-Addu and who was overwhelmed by River, “We had her take the plunge with these (questions): (May it be so) if your mistress performed sorcery on her lord Yarkab-Addu; (if) she had let out palace matters (secrets); (if) another man opened the thigh of your mistress; (if) your mistress has not transgressed against her lord.” On these (questions) was she made to plunge. River overwhelmed her; she did not rise up [a couple of lines are damaged].

5.8.a.iii.  Buying influence.  M.8142:16– (Charpin 1992a). This notice is embedded in a large list of fields, thus giving a “historical” setting for land concession. The text likely dates from the reign of Zimri-​Lim, at least two decades after the event. 70 acres: field, new pasture area. About this property, Abi-matar and Alpan went to court. Abi-matar came before Yaḫdun-Lim, bringing to him 10 pounds of silver and 1,000 sheep. He said, “Help me! If it is Alpan’s property, a servant of Alpan should lift a grindstone and transport (it) across the river.” The servant of Alpan lifted a grindstone, but during his crossing, he [sank]. A servant of Abi-matar lifted a grindstone and transported (it) across the river. Abimatar took the property and Yaḫdun-Lim came to his help (lit., “held his hand”). Witness: Sin-tappe, Yaḫdun-Lim’s vizier. 156

5.8.b.  Treason.  ARM 28 20 (LAPO 16 252). The letter is sent by an ally of Zimri-​ Lim, king Yatar-Ami (Yatar-Amum; see FM 7 49 at 6.4.a.iii.3b) of Carchemish, who had just succeeded his father, Aplaḫanda. 157 Before you now are the two men I have dispatched with Napsuna-Addu. About this matter being reported regarding the city of Irrid, these men were cited in this

156.  The bribe is not to influence the result of the ordeal but to allow the ordeal to take place. 157.  Because of his junior status, he calls Zimri-​Lim “father.” The matter involves two men who are accused of secret dealings with Zimri-​Lim’s enemy, king Bunuma-addu of Niḫriya, and are to be tested through ordeal. Worth noticing is the legal conjunction with article 2 of the Hammurabi Code: “If a man accuses another of witchcraft, but cannot prove it, the one accused of witchcraft, upon going to the river, shall plunge in the river, and if the river has overwhelmed him, his accuser shall take over his estate. If the river clears this man by (his) survival, the person accusing him of witchcraft shall be killed; the survivor shall take over the estate of his accuser”; see Roth 1995: 81.

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Religion — 5.8.  Ordeals way, “They have talked with Mebisa, a servant of Bunuma-Addu and, therefore, are aware of the affair.” Now therefore, I have had these men taken to the god River (= Ḫit). But their accuser (LÚmāḫiṣ qaqqadīšunu) is being kept in jail under guard. Together with Napsuna-​Addu, one of your trustworthy servants ought to lead these men to the god River. If these men survive the ordeal, I shall burn their accuser; but if these men die, right here I shall give their house(hold) and their servants to their ac­ cuser. 158 My father should report their matter (i.e., how they fared) back to me.

5.8.c.  Witchcraft 5.8.c.i.  Sorcery on husband. See 5.8.a.ii, second portion of ARM 26 249. 5.8.c.ii.  Absolution.  ARM 26 253. The merḫûm Meptum reports to Zimri-​Lim. A detachment from Yamḫad came down here. This detachment was taking a girl, a boy, and a woman to plunge in River. I too went along on order of the king (of Yamḫad). Because there was no document from my lord, I detained the detachment. I questioned (its members) and they said [broken segment]. . . . This is what they had her say, “[I swear] that my daughter Marat-Ištar performed no witchcraft against Ḫammi-epuḫ, son of Dadiya; that this woman nowhere within the (city) gate or elsewhere has given me sticks (for) sorcery; that she (or I) never had Ḫammi-​epuḫ, son of Dadiya, fed (bewitched) food, solid or liquid, or whatever.” 159 Once they had her say this, she fell into the midst of the (River) god, but died. She did not absolve herself. 160 The young man, however, is absolved from (accusation of) witchcraft. I am now sending this message to my lord. However, in another case, if any plunging-party comes here, (it should not do so) without a tablet from my lord. As to not detaining the Yamḫadian detachment (about which) my lord wrote to me: even before my lord’s tablet reached me, I had questioned [someone] and the detachment had gone on its way. My lord should not be concerned.

5.8.d.  Slander and adultery.  It is tempting to find a common thread in the two texts discussed below, as they both have to do with a Sin-Iddinam, reconstructing a situation worthy of an HBO special. 5.8.d.i.  Lost and found. ARM 26 252. Yaqqim-Addu, governor of Saggaratum province, writes to the king. About Rumatum, the travel-mate 161 of Sin-iddinam of Saggaratum who was named by the wife of Sin-Iddinam as prospect for plunging, my lord has written me to have her sent (to him). Following my lord’s instruction, I have posted strict orders about Rumatum, the travel-mate of Sin-iddinam. There is no Rumatum who might be a 158.  On burning individuals, see also at 2.1.a.vi.2 (ARM 3 16). 159.  The text has “in bread, food, or beer.” 160.  As a consequence of the mother’s failure to vindicate her daughter, the daughter’s fate could not have been enviable. 161.  šiʾat bābim, “door companion,” likely a concubine for a specific travel interval. The arrangement recalls the nikāḥ al-mutʿâ contracts in some Shiʿi communities.

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travel-mate of Sin-iddinam. So they looked in Dur-Yaḫdullim and a woman named Rumatum was found over there. I am having this woman brought to my lord.

5.8.d.ii.  Reticence.  ARM 26 488:29–41. 162 This segment is extracted from a long diplomatic report that Buqaqum, a Mari official and diplomat, had posted to Zimri-​ Lim. The wife of Sin-iddinam has made the following attestation: “Before Sin-iddinam could marry me, I agreed with father and son, so that whenever Sin-iddinam left his home, the son of Asqudum would notify me, ‘I want to have you!’ He kissed my lips and touched my vagina; but his penis did not penetrate my vagina, for I thought, I will not sin against Sin-iddinam who has not sinned against me. I have not done in my own house what I am not to do.” The wife is safe.

5.8.e.  Theft of spoils?  Yaqqim-Addu, governor of Saggaratum, sent ARM 26 254 to Zimri-​Lim. I reached the 1,000 soldiers at Ḫit and, as instructed by my lord, Ripʾi-Dagan (a Ḫit official), Yarim-Dagan, a palace functionary, and I officiated as water was poured over the hand of Iddin-iltum’s wife. 163 Early that morning, this woman was made to recite the text of my lord’s tablet: “This is what Iddin-iltum says: ‘Until I dispatched Yaddin-Samsi here, I discarded garments; but on my return, among the garments that soldiers discarded when in flight, (there were) 2 garments, 3 cloaks, and 1 bronze vessel, about which I have already told my lord I had previously verified.” She/He substantiated it the presence of River. He also said (via his wife?), “I saw my brother killing a handmaid by striking her. Moreover, I observed (it).” This is what he said. The River (god) exculpated this woman when she came up. We are now sending this handmaid to my lord. 164 162.  Collations are in Marti 2001. 163.  The pouring of water on the hand is a form of engagement in a legal undertaking and might be compared with Pontius Pilate’s famous ceremonial act on condemning Jesus (Matt 27:24). Zimri-​Lim’s diplomats pour water on Hammurabi’s hand the day before he took an oath of concord with Zimri-​Lim (ARM 26 469). 164.  The entire episode, reported by Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum during a trip south, is difficult to recreate. At least three women are involved in this matter. There is Iddin-iltum’s wife (aššatum), who is subjected to a hand-washing ceremony on the eve of the trial. There is a woman (his wife or one of her servants, sinništum in line 13) who makes the assertion on behalf of the accused Iddin-iltim. There is also a servant (amtum) who undergoes the water test (likely in line 27), survives, and is sent to the king for verification (line 29). The accusation is itself murky. Iddin-iltum, much like Achan in Joshua, likely kept a number of items recovered from a battle, items that should have gone to the king (or the temple). He apparently tried to clear himself by speaking to the king, but it was not enough and he was forced to submit to an ordeal. Totally obscure (to me) is the relevance of the other testimony about his brother’s murder of a handmaid (yet another amtum, in line 25). Iddin-iltum might just have been an apple rotten to the core.

C

h a p t e r

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Culture* 6.1. Population 1 6.1.a.  Residents.  We may differentiate between two types in each of two major centers, urban as well as rural: the awīlū, “notables” (also wedûtum, mār damqūtim) and the muškēnū, “commoners.” Slaves, wardū, could come from these groups but most often from those captured in war or purchased from merchants. 6.1.a.i.  The awīlū, “notables,” are assigned diverse attributes—among them kabtum, “respected,” rabûm, “great,” wēdûm, “prominent”—without us being able to significantly evaluate differences. Members of this group likely filled important posts, whether individuals rise to such levels or they are recruited because they belong to them; see Administration (chap. 2) for diverse entries. 6.1.a.ii.  What exactly a muškēnum was is still debated. In old Babylonian legal collections, the muškēnum is sandwiched between the awīlum, “freeman,” and the wardum, “slave,” but in living documents (such as in the Mari letters), the term suggests a broader range of functions. 2 * The subject of society, classes, and culture at Mari has not yet received monographic treatment, although many of its components and aspects have received focused attention. Stol 2004 is a good overview on Old Babylonian society, with many insights drawn from Mari documents. 1.  See Durand 1992b. At best, one may only estimate the population of Mari and its environment. Charpin (2005) cites Millet Albà 2001 when suggesting a population of 40,000 persons during the reign of Zimri-Lim. Villages and towns were much smaller. When scribes established rosters for people deported from conquering towns, the largest had about 400 persons; see Lion 1997. 2.  See Stol 1997 and the CAD M/2, s.v. Von Dassow 2014 reviews diverse theories on how best to differentiate between these two categories. Such terms seem to me much more flexible than is generally allowed, in that they adapted slightly differently to different contexts. What took place in Babylon (let alone in the artificially constructed laws of Hammurabi) may not have been the same in, for example, Mari, where the population was likely much more mixed and fluid. An illustrative case for diversity of approaches on the same matter is the way Mari and Babylonian diviners were at loggerheads regarding how to conduct divination. They parted ways on the sequence of posing questions and the process of reading signs; see ARM 26 103, at 5.7.a.vi.4d.

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6.1.a.ii.1.  Status 6.1.a.ii.1a.  Yawi-ila, then in charge of Yasmaḫ-Addu’s estate in Šubat-Enlil (ARM 13 141 = LAPO 18 1026), to his king. Mašiya is a high official who had just died, leaving his estate to the palace. Mašum is in charge of local viticulture. My lord wrote to me about 2 boys of Mašiya. I have looked into their case; their mother is a sister of Mašum and does not belong to the palace. She is not registered under my authority. Their father is a commoner (muškēnum). I cannot come near them. These boys are just kids, not under my authority. I fear that if I take these boys, their father will come before the king [Samsi-Addu]. Now may my lord say, “Whether they are kids or commoners, they should be brought to me.” My lord should write one decision or another, for me to have these 2 boys conveyed. They are just kids and commoners (as well). My lord should know this. 3

6.1.a.ii.1b.  Šattam-kiyazi, a harem woman during the reigns of Yasmaḫ-Addu and Zimri-Lim, writes this brief note ARM 10 89 (LAPO 18 1260). 4 May my lord keep well. The road is long, so I have not been able to convey the provision (piqittum) to my lord. My lord should keep in mind my destitute condition (muškēnūtum).

6.1.a.ii.2.  Influence. Commoners had much clout in deciding matters, as these three notes suggest. 6.1.a.ii.2a.  A Qattunan governor (likely Zikri-Addu) sent FM 2 71 (A.3020; Durand 1994a: 112–14) to the king. 5 When I had omens taken for a one-month safety (prognosis) of the district and the city Qattunan, they were unfavorable. I divided and had omens taken for 15 days and they were favorable. 6 The district and the city Qattunan are safe. Another matter: Regarding Yaminite troops that are kept with me, they have used up the (supply of) grain from the palace, with just 1-month supply of grain still available. My lord should write to me and act so that these men are registered. Ḫabdiya, who now assists me, has gotten hold of the nomads for palace work and had them 3.  Yawi-ila is obviously troubled about his king’s demand and is delaying by multiplying the need to think about the matter. 4.  As we know that she held (disputed) land in Saggaratum, the reference to her status may be hyperbolic or alluding to her origins. Note, however, how Princess Kiru berated her (alienated) husband, king Ḫaya-sumu: “You are king; but as for me, am I a commoner’s handmaid? ” (ARM 10 33:14–15 = LAPO 18 1230). On Kiru’s tormented story, see at 1.8.b. 5.  On the author’s attribution, see Lafont 1994: 218 n. 28. 6.  The verb used here (qasāmum) is of Amorite coinage. It means to practice divination, but goes back to the base meaning (now in Arabic) to “divide.” In this context, the diviner divides the number of days from 30 to 15. Both these meanings are applicable to the use of Hebrew qāsam in Ezekiel’s famous parable (21:26 [RSV 21:21]), “For the king of Babylon has stood at the fork of the road, where two roads branch off, to perform divination (liqsom-qāsem): He has shaken arrows, consulted teraphim, and inspected the liver” (TNK).

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Culture — 6.1.  Population brought in. By showing them respect and giving them plots of land, he provoked negative sentiments among the commoners [damaged lines]. . . . these men would kill me. Šubiša was the head of trouble-making. In the city Qattunan, it was first argued (“opened”) that the king is no king, the governor no governor. Once these men took up this position, I am no longer safe.  7 Had these men seized and despoiled me, then troops in jail and set to dig trenches might have escaped; not just one trauma might have occurred. I am now staying by the district. My lord should know.

6.1.a.ii.2b.  Šarrum-ṣulluli sent Zimri-Lim ARM 26 377, with news of remarkable events. Despite its belligerence, Ešnunna heretofore had had a relatively stable kingdom until it fell to a coalition led by Elam. The Elamites have looted the city Ešnunna and it has retreated to Diniktum. It plans to withdraw to its land from there. My lord should be pleased. The Ešnunna military have on their own installed a king. The man that they installed to rule over them, this man is a commoner (muškēn). He is not of royal blood (madārum), his name being Ṣilli-Sin. He used to be a section leader. This is what I heard, “This man will hold a throne! Let him take control of our land!” This is what I heard about Ešnunna. [The rest of the tablet is heavily damaged.]

6.1.a.ii.2c.  Išme-Addu of Ašnakkum writes A.3206 (LAPO 16 438; see Charpin 1993b: 176–78; Heimpel 2003: 510) to berate Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka. The whole world (“the land, from all four corners”) has made peace, yet you are raising torches inside your land. Are you not aware of yourself? Who is to answer you and whom do you wait for? Zimri-Lim? The entire land has paid tribute to the Elamite sukkalmaḫ (Grand Vizier) and now there is peace and goodwill all over the heartland. Yet, you keep raising torches in the heartland. When kings equal (“brothers”) to you, their own commoners truss them and bring them to me, do I not protect them? Are they not now in their own (royal) homes? Moreover, during the Ḫissalum and Admatu (affair), did I do anything to them? Did I not send to you servants with a bronze spear? 8 You must not listen to anyone, but just protect your land. (Do what is needed to protect) your throne. [Lines damaged] Your throne is yours! If it has no future, you must not take me to task. Do send a reply to this letter, whatever it is.

6.1.a.ii.3.  Corvée.  Yaqqim-Addu writes ARM 14 48 (LAPO 17 651) to the king. He cites a pledge the king made to the commoners (muškēnū), restricting demands for corvée duty. Full text at 1.3.d.v.2. 6.1.a.iii.  Slaves.  Urban people and nomads can own slaves; the sources of slaves were those who were born as slaves, captives in war (often captured slaves), and loss of independence through sale, the latter not rarely by family members. 9 7.  On the role of commoners in dethroning a king of Apum, see A. 4406 (note to 0.4.b). 8.  Likely meaning “I sent you help.” Less likely is that he had many servants carry just one bronze spear to Ibal-Addu. 9.  See also at 3.3.a.ii.1 (ARM 26 363, slaves can be mobilized in war); at 3.4.b.vii (ARM 1 29 = LAPO 17 474, conquered turned into spies rather than slaves); at 3.3.b.i.5 (ARM 28 51,

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6.1.a.iii.1.  Status 6.1.a.iii.1a.  Disputed status.  Baḫdi-Lim sent ARM 6 40 (LAPO 18 1025) to the king: 10 Yasarti-El of Ḫišamta—his sheikh has enlisted him as a soldier (piḫrum). Yasim-​ sumu (chief controller) has seized him, saying, ‘(He is) a palace slave, registered as such in palace records.’ But his brothers said, ‘. . . [Damaged lines].’ Yasim-sumu has sent his (Yasarti-El’s) brother to my lord. My lord should investigate his case. If he is truly a palace slave, he should go back there. But if he is indeed a freeman (mār awīlim), let him be enlisted as a soldier. My lord should write me either way.

6.1.a.iii.1b.  Changed status.  Addu-duri, a close relative of the king, takes up the cause of a slave (ARM 10 57 = LAPO 18 1102). Dagan-tillassu was raised in this palace since his youth. Yet, at the tip (lit., horn) of his old age, you are giving him as a gift to Sumu-ḫadum. His kin, the palace attendants, have convened with me; but I could not satisfy them.

6.1.a.iii.2.  War captive.  RATL 58 (L.87-436; Eidem 2011: 126–28), a letter Ilaḫadnu posts to his “brother” Till-abnu of Šeḫna. 11 Concerning the men from Apum about whom my brother once wrote to me. I questioned those who captured them, and this is what they said, “We captured them during hostilities.” So I told the servant of my brother, “Have them take an oath about all those slaves they captured: was it during peace-time that they captured them? ” This is what I told my brother’s servant. Had these men been here, would I not have led them to my brother? A soldier took them as is his right as soldier and they had them moved there. Since that time, my brother had not gotten around to write me, but now he wrote to me about his case [lines damaged]. When the troops stayed in camp, my troops were staying with the troops of my brother Buriya, and it was with the troops of Buriya that they took these men. Now if my brother Buriya had told you, “These men were not taken in battle but while peace prevailed,” then my brother might complain of this (situation). Did we go there for our pleasure? [End damaged].

6.1.a.iii.3.  Kidnapping.  Yamṣi-ḫadnu of Kaḫat posted this note to Till-abnu of Šeḫna (RATL 67 = L.87-611; Eidem 2011: 138–39). 12 given as gifts); at 5.7.c.iii (ARM 26 199, family of wanted man taken into slavery); at 4.2.b.i (ARM 2 94), slavery for debt); and at 6.2.c.i.1, on escaping from the palace (2 texts). 10.  See Durand’s comments on this text in his 2000: 198–99, as well as A.1186 (Durand 2008a: 406–10) at 5.5.b.iv. 11.  See also A.556 (FM 2 116) at 1.3.a.i.1 (“. . . He who is without a slave, let him take one for himself; he who is without a woman slave, let him take one for himself; he who is without an agallum-donkey, let him take one for himself ”); ARM 2 13 (LAPO 17 457) at 1.3.a.ii.3. 12.  See also at 4.2.b.ii (ARM 14 51 = LAPO 18 1054) and at 5.4.d.i.3b (A.1890; see Durand 2009a). The return of runaway slaves is a clause of some treaty formulations; see RATL 75:15–22 (= L.87-1396; Eidem 2011: 144–45), full text at 1.6.c.vi: “. . . When I placed you under a sacred oath, I told you this, ‘Whenever there is a run-away slave from my land and should he be seen in your land, I shall send you his owner so that the slave can be returned to his owner.’. . .”

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Culture — 6.1.  Population With what justification have you assumed control over people of my land by seizing them? In the past, your servants grabbed the shepherds of Nilibšinnum, sold them in Zurra (or) set them up for ransom. Now, please, why did they keep Zimri-Ištar’s shepherd within the city gates? They should release his shepherd. They must not detain him.

6.1.a.iii.4.  Markings 6.1.a.iii.4a.  Variety. The diviner Išḫi-Addu sent ARM 26 115 (see Durand 2012b) to Zimri-Lim. Interesting here are the three ways slaves are marked, with different verbs elucidating each of the methods. Just before he left, my lord instructed me about taking omens in this way, “Go back again to your previous round of omen-taking.” This is what my lord instructed me. Now then, as my lord instructed me (I have taken omens) concerning a slave (who had) a slave-lock (abbuttum), shackle (kurṣûm), or cuff (maškanum) [asking], “Whether, as it concerns the slave-lock, the shackle, or cuff, a slave of the palace or one belonging to a commoner, his slave-lock is shaved, his shackle broken, his cuff released, so that he could move in and out of town—let these (choices) be propitious.” Having made this (inquiry), God was propitious. I have conveyed those omens to my lord; my lord should look over these omens.

6.1.a.iii.4b.  Slave lock.  Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) posted RATL 65 (L.87-400; Eidem 2011:135–36) to Till-abnu of Šeḫna. The bearer of this tablet of mine has paid money to ransom Nizari of Uršum from a ḫabbātum, who released him (to him). He has not shaved his head, so there is no slave lock (appatum = abuttum). Now this man has escaped. You must order that his slave should be led back to him, so that the investor (“owner of the money”) would not be harmed. If not, hand over those kin of his who are found so that he can place them under oath.

6.1.a.iii.5.  Slave trade 6.1.a.iii.5a.  Commissioning purchase.  See at ARM 27 117, at 2.1.a.viii; diverse legal documents at 4.7.b. 6.1.a.iii.5b.  As ransom payment.  Ḫadnu-rabi of Qaṭṭara wrote ARM 28 173 to his “brother” Zimri-Lim. The bearer of this tablet had married Tadala[. . .], a young woman. With Ṭab-​ šarrumma, the merchant Zuqanum, and Ḫaqbu-bali as witnesses, he gave 1 maidservant and 4 šekels of silver as bride-wealth (terḫatum). Listen to his petition, render a judgment following the testimony of his witnesses, and release his wife. Another matter: Two men, brothers of the bearer of this tablet, are now in your land. These men were taken away during combat. I am herewith conveying to my brother two slaves as their ransom. My brother should look (into this), accept their ransom (price), and release these men. However, if these men are not in your land,

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my brother should write me about where these men are, for them to be kept well and not vanish. May I experience my brother’s friendship through these acts.

6.1.a.iv.  ḫarimātum (harlots or unattached women?).  Zakira-ḫammu, governor in Qattunan, writes ARM 27 60 to Zimri-Lim. I had informed my lord about the matter of harlots (ḫarimātum) that have entered my lord’s palace. After my lord complained to Aqba-ḫammu, the town’s elders, Aqba-aḫu, and Laʾum sat down and the matter was laid out in their presence. Once the matter was ascertained, the assistant of the (palace’s) majordomo was beaten with donkey sticks. But the majordomo took up the matter with Aqba-aḫum, saying, “Is there news of him? [Lines lost].” What I have informed my lord is confirmed. My lord! (The servants) of Laʾum and Iddin-Dagan are sent to my lord.

6.1.b.  Tribes.  Many documents, especially in chap. 2, Administration, pertain to tribes and tribal structures. While nomads can be led by their own “kings,” who normally ruled from nonfortified or impermanent settlements, they differ from the settled by the degree to which they customarily (that is, without military inducement) recognize palace authority. 6.1.b.i.  Classes.  A differentiation existed also between nomads who are well-to-do (lú.meš damqūtum) and those who were less fortunate (lú.meš lapnūtum). In this letter (ARM 2 1 = LAPO 17 645), Samsi-Addu instructs his son about registering diverse population elements—nomadic and settled groups—each with infinite gradations. I have given you copper with which to make heads for lances. On hearing this tablet of mine, write to Mari and have the manufactured heads of lances rushed to me. Another matter: From among the nomads you are registering, take hold of 400 select troops to serve at the gate of my palace. From these troops, 200 men—that is, one squad—should be well-to-do men (lú.meš damqūtum) and 200 men—that is, one squad, should be young but poor and in need (eṭlūtum lapnūtum naqdû). The young but poor I will nicely outfit from palace (resources). The well-to do, however, must be supplied from their family’s assets. So, promptly register the nomads, then consult with (the merḫûm) Yarim-Addu for the (troops) to gather either at Gaššum or at Šurʾum, where there is access to water. The troops from the Bank of the Euphrates (i.e., the Mari area) should gather in Saggaratum. The operation is for the beginning/end of the month. As I have written to you, you are to go with me. Take up the needed equipment and be ready to go.

6.1.b.ii.  ʿaṣabiyya is the term used by ʿAbdul Raḥman Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) for tribal solidarity due to kinship, especially when facing a common enemy. In this letter (A. 3080 = LAPO 17 733; see Durand 1990b), an Ubrabu (Yaminite) leader, Ḫammi-ištamar, counters Zimri-Lim’s charge of ignoring a call to arms against Elam. Zimri-Lim is of Simʾal origin. I have listened to the letter you sent me. My lord had written about the troops. The troops had already gathered when my lord sent me a long message. May God

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Culture — 6.1.  Population not bring the wicked enemy to the Bank of the Euphrates. 13 May your god and Dagan-Lord-of-the-Land shatter the weapons of the Elamites. Should they come to the Bank of the Euphrates, would they not stand out like ornaments in a necklace when one is white, the other black? 14 It is said, “This town is Simʾal; this one is Yaminite!” Are they not like the torrent of a river that evens out (when meeting) from upstream to downstream? Why did my lord write me such a letter? Because I have not yet come before my lord, he must not get angry with me. My lord knows that sheikhs and tribesmen are with me in Samanum. In fact, because for quite a long time they have not met with their kinfolk who live in town, they have prolonged their stay. Until I satisfy them, my lord ought not be angry with me. I will come to my lord the day following this dispatch of mine.

6.1.b.iii.  Fluidity in affiliation.  I cite unpublished A.981 only for lines 32–56 (Durand 1992b: 117–18). The letter is from Sammetar to the king and it startlingly suggests that people could switch allegiance from one tribe to another through a donkey sacrifice. 15 . . . The elders of Dabiš [a Yaminite town] came here and said, “In origin, we were not yaradum among the Yaḫurra-tribe; but in the encampment we have neither a ḫibrum (authoritative body) nor a kadûm (chiefs). We are therefore zurûḫātum 16 for/ at the Yaḫrur-tribe. We want, therefore, to move into the Simʾal-tribe itself, among the people of Niḫad, and slaughter a donkey-foal. When I answered (them), “I must write, to the king,” they said, “Do so!” I kept them waiting a full day and after I questioned them (again), they said, “Do write, to the king!” A third time I asked them and still they answered me in a similar vein. Now then, the God of my lord should declare whether because the towns of Ura, Šakka, and Puzurran slaughtered a donkey-foal, Dabiš, Ilum-Muluk, and Samanum ought to do the same. My lord should promptly convey a reply to my tablet if I am to slaughter the donkey-foal of Dabiš.

6.1.b.iv.  Consanguinity (ḫipšum, salûtum; see Durand 2008c: 316–18). Yarkab-​ Addu of Ḫanzat writes to Zimri-Lim (ARM 28 36): “About the wife of Ḫali-ḫadnu: This woman is from Yamutbal. Investigate her and release her. This woman is no servant but was married on payment of a bride-wealth (terḫatum). The Simʾal nomads and people of Yamutbal have tribal ties (ḫipšum) capable of making consanguineous alliances (salûtum) with each other. So investigate her and release her. The land must not have cause to complain.” 13.  “Bank of the Euphrates” is the name of the Mari kingdom. 14.  The word rimmatum could be a bead or an insect, the latter obviously decorative; I render it neutrally by “ornament.” 15.  The elders of Dabiš felt a loss of status among the Yaḫurra, a component of the Yamina (Benjamin) tribe. They hoped a Mari official might negotiate their transfer into the Simʾal tribe, to which Zimri-Lim belonged, via a donkey ritual. Think of the terms proposed for merging the clans of Jacob and of Hamor in Gen 34. 16.  Durand (1992b: 119) speculates that the word may be related to the Hebrew ʾezrāḥ, often translated as a “native.”

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6.1.c.  Other Groups 6.1.c.i.  umšarḫum 17 6.1.c.i.1.  Status.  Yamṣi-ḫadnu writes RATL 63 (L.87-390; Eidem 2011: 133–34) to his “brother” Till-abnu: About Yasitna-abu you have written me this: “This man is an umšarḫum. Have him brought here.” This is what you wrote to me. But this man—it is you who gave him (away) as a gift, having said, “This man is your gift.” So why are you now asking for his return? About this man, Buriya keeps writing me: “This man is a slave.” I am now detaining (the slave) for him. If I release him to you, Buriya will get angry. But if I release him to Buriya, you will be angry. To avoid both of you getting angry, this man should be with me. 18

6.1.c.i.2.  Išme-Dagan sent ARM 4 86 (LAPO 17 772) to his brother. When the king (Samsi-Addu) wrote to me, I sent Laʾum to him. On reaching the king, this is what he told him. Yasmaḫ-Addu has asked me to augment the number of umšarḫū and of troops; but I did not give or reserve them for him. So, as substitute for umšarḫū, reinforce and equip the (political) refugees (nasīḫū). Those who are to resettle in Išme-Dagan’s (territory), Immerdannu and Zikri-Ištar should scrutinize the refugees in accordance with older registers—those dead or living—so as not to control you while here by being authoritarian. Once there is a check-list among the refugees, they can stay (there) as replacement for the dead. [A few lines damaged] . . . they should work the fields that are allocated for them. All those who are not set (with work) or cannot do fieldwork should be kept as supplement. They are the ones who are kept as supplement; but they should regularly receive (rations of) grain, oil, and wool (garments) from the palace. I am in this way restoring them (to their status), so that while here they neither keep evoking the downfall of their family estate (“house of their fathers”) nor act authoritarian; (else) their fields and homes will be taken away. This is what the king instructed Laʾum. What I have kept on writing and telling you for a while now about the refugees, unquestionably the king has resolved (the matter) about them. Give strict orders that the refugees, as many as are loose within the territory, be scrutinized.

17. Under umzarḫu, the CAD (U 156–57) speculates that the term applies to a “native” or to a “household slave.” Eidem (2011: 134) suggests that the term may mean a “free man functioning within his native context.” He is reacting to Durand (1998a: 563–64) who, citing M.5413:7–14 (Guichard 2014d: 92–94), thinks it applies to a rank or function. In that text extract, the king of Zalluḫan (Zakura-abum) writes to Zimri-Lim, “. . . By decree of my lord, no umšarḫu is to come out for mercenary activity (lú umšarḫu ana ḫabirūtim ul uṣṣi). 5 umšarḫū of mine are in the Ašnakkum district, so (these) 5 umšarḫū are with Šubram. As Šubram is not handing them over, I have kept the Ḫarba. . . .” Guichard himself thinks (2014d: 87–89) the label applies to “people of the plain,” more or less bound to the land of the major area ruler. 18.  I doubt that this Solomonic decision would have pleased anyone but the writer.

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Culture — 6.1.  Population Another matter: I have written to you about requesting from the king the land of Šubat-Šamaš. In answer to my tablet, you had this sent, “As it suits you, write him.” In writing (me), you were not candid. Maybe you do not agree with what I wrote to you? Do write me now, one way or another, that which pleases you so that I can act exactly as you write.

6.1.c.ii.  nasīḫū are people who, forcibly or willingly, are transferred (nasāḫum) from one place to another, for one reason or another, not entirely negative. The sense is that the transfer is temporary, but that it can easily turn permanent. 19 The term “deportees” that one finds in the literature is only occasionally applicable to their condition; “(political) refugees” might be more appropriate. Two of these letters date from a Turukku revolt, led by a Lidaya, with many changing fortunes; see Eidem 2001: 52–55; Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 106–7. Notice the opposite implication for the verb nasāḫum: in the first two, refugees are being helped; in the third, the person affected has lost control of his fate. 6.1.c.ii.1.  Aiding refugees. Išme-Dagan sent ARM 4 35 (LAPO 17 531) to his brother, Yasmaḫ-Addu. On the land of Šušarra about which you wrote to me: have Išar-Lim tell you how troubled is the land, such that we cannot hold it. The Turukku Lidaya and the Turukku-men who are with him and who are staying in this land are belligerent. They have annihilated 2 towns. When I went to help (them), (the Turukkus) retreated into the mountains. We have consulted, and since this land is beyond control, I have transferred (the inhabitants) of this land, settling this land, including slaves and maidservants, in Arrapḫa and in the territory of Qabra. The troops are released within the land. I am well; you must not worry.

6.1.c.ii.2.  Short-term transfer.  Samsi-Addu writes ARM 2 2 (LAPO 16 150) to Yasmaḫ-​Addu. Ili-Dagan the construction worker, why is he there (in Mari)? Why is he idle? There, there is no temple to build, and no palace to build (either). Send him to Šubat-Enlil. He will not be transferred permanently here. His family can remain there (in Mari) and he will continue to be in charge of construction workers, just as before. So send him to Šubat-Enlil where the temple of (Enlil, Enki, or Sin) needs to be built. He should build that temple . . . [rest damaged].

6.1.c.ii.3.  Samsi-Addu wrote ARM 4 5 (LAPO 18 1027) to Yasmaḫ-Addu, his son. 19.  This fluidity is clear from a notice Asqudum sent the king (ARM 26 37:10′–26′), “From the nomads that came here with (the merḫûm) Ašmad I keep on hearing conflicting opinions. They say, ‘Select people of Rapiqum that were parceled out from those we transferred (nissuḫam) among the towns and give them to us as captives (šallūtum).’ I said, ‘These (folks) are to be taken to fortifications within the land.’ But they said, ‘(the land) will take fright.’ Since then, I have fulfilled (it); so the nomads are not well-disposed. I fear that they will lay hands on them by plundering the locals. My lord should confer on this and come as head of an army, either to Ḫanat or any place that suits him. If not, my lord should give strict orders, so as to send . . . or sheikhs. . . .” See also ARM 26 38 (at 2.1.c.i.2a).

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Uštan-šarri son of Ullum-tišni, a Turukku, who was transferred to Babylon, is now with Mašum in Saggaratum. The palace has confiscated Mašum’s household. 20 Now look into this man’s situation. He should be seized wherever he is and soldiers should bring him to me in Šubat-Enlil. The Babylonian (king) is requesting him from me. 21

6.1.c.ii.4.  Forcible transfer.  Ḫasidanum, governor of Karana, writes ARM 5 35 (LAPO 17 629) to Yasmaḫ-Addu (see Durand and Ziegler 2014). My lord had written me about registering the transfers. I have registered them and I am herewith conveying a tablet with the names of the dead and runaways. 22 Idasum has just sent me a tablet of those under obligation (to the palace). All the runaways are now staying in Sin-tiri’s district (the Šubartum). My lord should write the king (Samsi-Addu) for these people to be seized. I myself will detain even the single person who is staying by me in the Heartland. Another matter: Sumu-ḫammu of Muḫatum—(the one whose) brother was killed—that one the king has released. Yantin-El son of Tiš-ulme, of Rabbatum, the king has released. Ṣabuk of Ziyyatum and Zakku of Ṣubatum: their father and kin have run away, with nothing left behind. Not to let their homes be vacant, I have kept them under guard. They are in bad shape as there is nothing left in their homes.

6.2.  The City Mari 6.2.a.  Fortifications.  Mari had three concentric layers of defenses. A moat doubled as a catch basin for flood-waters as well as a nice fish pond. It fronted an outer layer of brick walls that was three meters thick. A glacis-like heap leaned on the interior, rising perhaps as much as 10 meters. The area immediately beyond the walls (the 20.  This is standard procedure after the death of most major officials, since their holdings are due to the palace’s allocations; see van Koppen 2002. 21.  ARM 2 18 (LAPO 16 84) features a transferred person who has escaped, but a brother of his replaces him. This transfer is likely the result of economic conditions rather than war. In ARM 5 18 (LAPO 17 458), the verb has to do with relieving a commanding officer of his duty. In FM 2 86 (A.3961; see Cadelli 1994: 159–62), Zimri-Lim gives this order to Ḫamman, a sheikh in Der: “Qatarinum and Balu [x], brothers of Ibalum, were transferred from Der to Tuttul. Release them to their brother. . . . Another matter: I must certainly have written you about chariots. You need to have 300 chariots made. These days are propitious for cutting timber, so dry out (or have cut) the ‘eyes’ of 300 chariots.” Refugees that are given land might abandon the property when transferring elsewhere or returning home, resulting in requests to occupy what they left behind. Complaining of starvation and of being cheated from promised lands, the musician Rišiya (see at 2.3.c.i) writes FM 9 24 and 25 to request acres left by refugees. 22.  This tablet is likely to be M.5881 and is treated in Durand and Ziegler 2014. In lines 73–85, there is this summary: “Total: 44 runaway transfers from the land of Karana. Among them not one is in the Heartland—they are in Šubartum. My lord should write to have them taken into custody. In the month of Mana (vi); eponym: Ikuppiya son of Šalim-Ašur.” For “Heartland,” see ARM 5 73:3′–19′ (note to 2.3.c) and ARM 1 85 (at 3.4.a.i).

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kīdum) was inhabitable. On the inside was the adaššum, “the lower city,” where can be found the gupārum, likely a group of casernes, and the bīt napṭarim, barracks for safely lodging foreign soldiers. 300 meters inward was the kirḫum, “citadel,” with its own massive walls. Fundamental for understanding this layout are two letters of Itur-asdu, then governor of Mari, regarding permitting a visiting monarch to settle in distinct sections of Mari. For the documents (A.2830 = LAPO 16 266 and A.826 = LAPO 16 267), see at 2.1.b.ii.1c. 6.2.b.  Gates.  Mari had many gates, some within the city opening to the palace and to the temples. While it is not possible to discriminate among them, for apo­tropaic reasons it is likely that those of the city were named according to gods (among them, Annunitum, Dagan, Ḫišametum, Itur-Mer, Nergal). There is reference also to a Royal Gate (abullat šarrim). 23 Those of the palace were guarded and locked at night (ARMT 13 9:26–30; LAPO 16 104 24) and for the siesta (ARM 26 298; cited at 1.7.a.iv.2). In a dramatic moment, Qišti-Diritum (name meaning “Diritum’s Gift”) reports a vision of gods binding themselves to the safety of Mari by imbibing a potion mixed with soil from its gate; see ARM 26 208 at 5.7.c.i.1. 6.2.b.i.  Sealing shut.  Zimri-Addu of Qattunan province writes ARM 27 99 to the king. Kaʾala-El is in charge of a nomad garrison in Mari. Kaʾala-El went with my lord as far as Ṣuprum. When he came back, he told me, “My lord gave me instruction, he said this, ‘You—Zimri-Addu and Abi-meki—must be together when sealing the gates of Mari and together when opening (them).’” This is what Kaʾala-El told me on arriving here. But the next day, he proceeded to say, “Why must you and I seal (them)? Abi-meki alone should seal and open the gates.” Now, because these men are native to the same city, I became anxious and wrote this to my lord, “I fear that Kaʾala-El might challenge me in my lord’s presence and I will not be able to answer him.” My lord should consider the matter and give me answer one way or another so that I can act in accordance with my lord’s order.

6.2.c.  Palace 25 6.2.c.i.  Fabricating gates.  Mukannišum writes ARM 13 7 (LAPO 16 126) to the king (see Durand 1997a: 260–62). My lord wrote to me about the panel of cedar to produce for placement to match the panel at the Uṣur-pi-šarrim’s Gate. 26 The (door) post for the panel that was 23.  On the last, see Joannès 1994: 142–43. 24. Mukannišum, apparently late in sending objects the king had requested, writes: “. . . When my lord’s letter reached me, it was night-time and the bolts of the palace were in place. I could not, therefore, retrieve these lances.” 25.  See Ziegler 1994: 19–21. Zimri-Lim had palaces in other towns as well, although some of them might simply be large houses. Main structures were in provincial seats, such as at Terqa, Saggaratum, and Qattunan; but there were others elsewhere. 26.  Durand (1997a: 261) cites a letter (A.105) from Ṣidqi-Epuḫ, chief controller of the Mari palace, that shows this gate to be internal to the palace.

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brought from Carchemish—this post I shall not handle as long as my lord has not inspected it. I have measured comprehensively the pivot of the panel at the Uṣurpi-šarrim Gate: 2 reeds, 4 cubits, 8 fingers [just over 8 meters] is its entire span. The frame (meḫṣum) is 2 reeds and 10 fingers [about 7 meters]. For the size of this panel with its double casing of 2 cubits (1 meter) each, I am taking one veneer casing [. . .]. My lord should know.

6.2.c.ii.  Quarters.  A number of letters refer to (attempted) escapes by slaves and by detainees of workhouses (nēparātum). 27 These two letters deal with the same incident, albeit as recorded by two senders. The details give us a sense of the topography of Mari. Worth noticing are the descriptive discrepancies. 6.2.c.ii.1.  We take credit.  This letter (FM 2 2 = ARM 13 26 = LAPO 18 1038; see Ziegler 1994: 17–18) has two senders, Yasim-sumu and Manatan, the latter a factotum who also served as a security officer (see Ozan 1997). It has, however, just one voice. The city Mari, the temples, the palace, and workhouses are in good order. Two palace slaves have escaped the queen’s quarters and, heading towards the Itur-Mer Gate, they climbed over the middle fortification wall. Yarʾip-Dagan immediately notified me. I was about to catch up with them, but they had dropped down the wall where there are peepholes (takkapum). I hailed a gardener beyond the walls, and they were seized.

6.2.c.ii.2.  I take credit.  Not to have his own role obscured, Yarʾip-Dagan wrote FM 2 1 (A. 174; see Ziegler 1994: 12–17) to his “father,” the king’s secretary, Šunuḫra-ḫalu. Two individuals from the administrative center evaded the doorkeeper, leaving at night. But I immediately gave notice to Manatan, who gave specific instruction at the city gate. These men did not try to leave via the city gate; instead, they scaled down the middle fortification—the one with loopholes—between the great fortification and the ice house. Guards called gardeners and they promptly seized these men. A letter from Yasim-sumu and Manatan about the wicked criminals has been sent to the king. If it pleases my father, let him do what is for the best. As my father 27.  List in Ziegler 1994: 19 n. 33; it includes ARM 10 150 (LAPO 1112), 2 103 (LAPO 18 1037), ARM 27 61. In the years when Samsi-Addu was regional king, many professionals (among them cooks, artisans, and barbers) seem to take flight toward Mari, likely on their way to other territories. The older compilation in Sasson 1968: 51 may still be useful. In writing ARM 1 28:17–43 (LAPO 16 2), Samsi-Addu gives us a nice example. A valet and 5 cooks have escaped to join Yasmaḫ-Addu’s household. “They have come to you just for dissipation, for the tavern, and for amusement; without chief or superior, they simply unwind. When (such folks) come up to you, what do you give them? Do you give them pure silver or barley? And where is the silver or barley to give them? Now I am sending Išme-Addu to you; bind these men and put manacles on them. Tie a rope around their waist (to link them), strengthen their guards, and have them brought to me. Wherever I am, have them brought to me. In the future, before I write to you, bind all those who flee toward you and have them brought before me.” Samsi-Addu, as is his wont when writing to Yasmaḫ-Addu, is nastily sarcastic.

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Culture — 6.3.  Court Life gets to Mari, I shall present him with a fitting compensation. 28 My father should write to reassure me.

6.2.c.iii.  Provincial palace.  Enlil-epuš, a majordomo at the Dur Yaḫdun-Lim palace, writes FM 9 3:3–24 (A.4202; Ziegler 2007: 32–36). My lord gave me this instruction just before he left, “You must not be negligent about work on the residence (temmenum). (Make it) for men.” I took 2 apartments (sakannum) from Ṭab-eli-matim, which residents had occupied, and I am now taking charge of the restricted (ša niṣirtim) residence within the palace. Ipṭur-Sin said, “People must not occupy these residences. The palace must occupy (them); that is, the concubines of my lord should take them.” This residence for a woman is difficult of access and in disrepair. A year’s labor will not be enough. The residence is in bad shape. The palace must rebuild (it). If my lord lingers there a bit longer, he should write me and I will give my lord an account on this residence. Just as though I come to Mari and (find) the palace of my lord is demolished, I shall certainly construct (it) by the time of my lord’s voyage. I have taken whatever (is necessary) for the needs of music-making. . . . 29

6.2.c.iv.  Mores.  Asqudum, diviner extraordinary, writes ARM 26 57 to the king. Ḫišamta is in the Terqa district. About the woman who lives by herself in the Ḫišamta palace (in the Terqa district). This matter is inappropriate (“does not meet the eye”). It would have been fine had there been 5 women staying by her weaving wool. Instead, the woman keeps to herself. If my lord agrees, this woman should be escorted to Terqa or to Ṣuprum. She must not keep to herself, alone, like an owl.

6.3.  Court Life The Mari archives are court archives. Therefore, almost every document cited in other sections bears testimony to court life, rule, and administration. Below are a few notices. 6.3.a.  Banquets. 30  For gods no less than for kings, official meal-taking occurred twice daily. Major officials always kept their own table (naptān awīlim); but we know best the meals of royalty (naptān šarrim, occasionally naptān šarratim), which took place whether the king was in town or on journeys. At his table (paššur šarrim), the king was joined by major officials, visiting dignitaries, and allies and their military officers. 31 In some cases, the queen attended the festivities (see ARM 10 74 28. On nēbeḫum, a baksheesh, see several texts at 1.3.c.ii. Yarʾip-Dagan, an official important enough to have his own cylinder seal, wants to make sure the king knows about his effort. 29.  Remaining lines are damaged. They have to do with arresting and jailing Milki-El, a dancer/acrobat (ḫuppûm) for reasons as yet unknown. 30.  Sasson 2004a; Charpin 2013b. 31.  The numbers can be astonishing. One Yasmaḫ-Addu period text (M.10337; see B. Lafont 1985: 175, #17) gives the types and number of personnel that partook of the royal table: “12 section leaders, 16 lieutenants, 25 well-to-do, 188 courtiers, 4 (recruits) from Suḫu, 76 (recruits) from

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at 1.8.c.i.1). Musicians and acrobats entertained. Elaborate codes of conduct were staged around these moments, the goal being to include those deemed worthy of belonging to the king’s circles, but also to exclude those unworthy of the honor. Samsi-​ Addu tells his son to refrain from having extravagant meals (ARM 1 52 = LAPO 16 1 32); but a good table (A. 4265; Ziegler 2008: 52) strengthens bonds. 6.3.a.i.  Seating. Two fragments without envelopes give a sense of formality at banquets: [6.3.a.i.1. M.8535 = LAPO 16 5; B. Lafont 1985: 177–78] . . . they will squat down before the king. Ḫabi-Dagan, their escort, will certainly squat down. 33 He will have a full bowl (of food) to consume just by himself. Three lieutenants will kowtow and receive 2 bowls (of food). Because all members of the troops were not given garments, they were set to speak to Ḫammurabi; but when I heard about the matter, I shouted in outrage and did not allow them to speak. Now if my lord wishes to give an order, the troops should come here. . . . [rest lost.] [6.3.a.i.2. A.3451 = LAPO 16 4; see B. Lafont 1985: 178–79]. “. . . 3 times they bow down, and when they enter for the banquet, they will also bow down 3 times.” I said, “Bowing down twice is sufficient. But when they sit by me for the banquet, they should bow down in accordance with the number of dishes I will carry to them.” With your servants sitting in my presence for the banquet, the kind of meal that I have enjoyed, that meal I left (for them); so that when I carried to your servant he bowed down. I thought, “The meal must have pleased him.” So, I increased the allotment when a second time I carried the meal. . . . [rest damaged].

6.3.a.ii.  Food and water. 34  The archives yield extensive information on the raw ingredients, on the personnel that processed them into food, and on the tables that Elam, 21 couriers, 25 palanquin-carriers, 24 builders, 22 spear-carriers, 26 bath-workers (barbers), 8 extras, 80 (recruits) from Šinamu, 10 drink-servers, 10 irrigators, 15 from Elam [sic]. Total: 562 troops that the king led into the settlement (kaprum).” The occasion is more explicitly described in M.10338 (B. Lafont 1985: 171, #4): “110 soldiers, 9 notables, 120 troop members in the section of Meniḫum. Total: 239 troops who had a meal across the river, in the king’s settlement [24.viii*. Ikunpiya].” 32.  “Rather than opening beer-vats and spending money, satisfy the troops themselves, natives of the region, who might come to Mari and defend the city. Ration handsomely those who cannot farm for lack of oxen, those who have no flour, who have no wool, who have no oil, who have no [beer?]. Set them by your side, for them to defend you and thus strengthen Mari’s foundation. They should regularly be at a meal with you. Don’t have them eat anything extravagant; yet always do feed them liberally” (ARM 1 52:1535 = LAPO 16 1). 33.  As Ḫabi-Dagan is known to represent Mari in Babylon (ARM 27 153 and 155), the cited Ḫammurabi is the king of Babylon. Elsewhere (B. Lafont 1985: 167), the distinction is between those who sit on a chair and those who squat (muppalsiḫum), the latter most commonly said to be soldiers. 34.  The list of ingredients cited in the Mari records is large, but when we hear about it, it tells us more about their transport than their application in a cuisine: Grain—barley, a variety of wheat (whole, cracked or ground); legumes—chickpeas, broad beans, and peas/lentils; allium—garlic, onions, leek; fruits—dates, figs, medlar or plums, pears, and (crab) apples; oils—from sesame (linseed?), olive, animal fats, including lard. Sweets were made from honey (bees or dates). Nuts

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received them. While they also record the transfer of foodstuff, they rarely address how satisfied consumers were with their meals. 35 We have this complaint from a ruler: “When I came to Babylon, pork, fish, and pistachio were regularly offered to Zimri-​ Lim’s servants; but no one paid attention to me” (ARM 26 384:67′–69′). Opinions on the caliber of meals are indeed embedded in our letters; but on close inspection, they prove only tangentially enlightening. 6.3.a.ii.1.  Manatan posted FM 3 153 (A.202; Ozan 1997: 303–4) to the king. It is well with the City Mari, the palace, the temples, the workshops, and my sentry. Another matter: My lord charged me with testing the spring waters. I have diverted the water and it has gone into the spring. The water is good. Kaʾalalum, Gabbum, and I were standing by. The water that entered is good. Moreover, about the ice my lord charged me, I was not negligent. The water reservoir at the Baliḫ Gate is full.

6.3.a.ii.2.  Manatan (?) posted FM 2 77 (A.217) to Zimri-Lim. The City Mari, (the temples), the workshops are in good order. On the 14th (of the month), I have filled up 2 reservoirs at the King’s Gate. On the 15th, I filled up 1 reservoir by the water-outlet of the King’s Gate. Regarding testing the water from the spring about which my lord wrote to me: I did not test the water because it was included pistachio. Spices were added to food and include cumin, black cumin, coriander, mint and saffron(?). Wine and beer were perfumed with essence drawn from myrtle and reed. Picklers (lurakkûm, lurakkītum) used fennel and likely also salt to preserve fish, eel, crayfish, and a variety of locusts. Meat was plentiful, if only because so many sheep were slaughtered for divination. ARM 7 224 accounts for 1,300 sheep slaughtered for an undetermined period, of which only 10 were destined for the gods. M. 11293 (Durand 1988a: 36–38) mentions more than 4,000 sheep killed during a 9-month stretch. Meals also included the flesh of goats, cattle, deer, rabbits, maybe even bear. A variety of fish (from moats and ponds) and birds were raised or caught. As to dairy products, we read little about milk (ARM 2 140 = 17 854), easily ruined in a warm climate, ghee (clarified butter), but surprisingly hardly anything about milk products (cheese, butter, yoghurt) that could be obtained from culturing, curdling, churning, and clarifying. Details on all of the above can be found in Sasson 2004a. 35.  Among the gifts sent by diverse officials, many were meant for the king’s table: ostrich eggs (Yaqqim-Addu, ARM 14 86 = LAPO 16 486); truffles (lots! See Durand 1997a: 311–13). This note is from Ḫabduma-Dagan, a top official for both Yasmaḫ-Addu and Zimri-Lim (M.10999; Guichard 1997b: 323–25): “My lord wrote to me about 9 ostriches. I kept an eye out for 9 ostriches. A nomad. . . . When I come to my lord, he will give it. If there are more ostriches, because banned by my lord, they will be reserved for him.” Another note (A.866, see Charpin 2010c: 244) tells why an official ate some of the truffles and ostrich eggs that were brought to him. The same shipment is made by Ḫadni-ilumma, likely a Qattunan official (FM 2 62 = A.1937 = Durand 1994a: 104): “The city Qattunan and the district are in good order. Rain had settled in and truffles can now be found in the district. I am conveying to my lord truffles and 2 ostrich eggs.” ARM 28 88 is a brief note that Ḫaya-Sumu of Ilanṣura sent to his father-in-law Zimri-Lim, “I listened to the tablet you sent me. When they brought me the kamārum-fish that you sent me, I ate them. They tasted awfully good to me. Now then, I will forever keep on eating the kamārum-fish that you send me. On another matter: there is no news that has reached me, right or left. For this reason, I have not sent an escort with your servant.” For this and allied topics (with bibliographies), see Sasson 2004a: 187 nn. 19, 20 and 207 n. 76.

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(too) warm for the ice. But I will test the water from the spring on the 17th. I have handed over the tablet that my lord sent me to the inspectors. Šamaš-mušezib and Abu-waqar, a Babylonian, and 1 man from Karana are in transit.

6.3.a.iii.  Refreshment: ice.  Mari offers a rare focus on the gathering and use of ice; see Joannès 1994. When added to drinks or chilled fruits and dessert, ice refreshed the soul, at all times but especially in the summer. At 1.6.b.ii (ARMT 13 32), ice helped mollify angry diplomats and at 5.5.c.iii (OBTR 79), it was offered to the goddess. 36 Below are 3 notes concerned with ice. 6.3.a.iii.1.  Collection.  Manatan, a functionary, writes A.4314 (FM 2 76; see Heimpel 1997b) to the king. On collecting ice about which my lord wrote to me, at dusk (tirik šadîm, “glance of the mountain,” a metaphor), I sent a work detail of commoners and artisans to collect ice. In trenches that were filled with water, I was able to collect 3 tracts (about 3,600 quarts) of ice. In the pasture area, the ice had not yet congealed; but it was so in the trenches. Another matter: all is well with the city Mari, the workplaces, the palace, and the temples.

6.3.a.iii.2.  Storage.  Zimri-Lim had an ice storage facility built in Terqa. There were similar constructions in Mari and Saggaratum. The text of the inscription is repeated on 3 tablets; see Frayne 1990: 625. Zimri-Lim, son of Yaḫdun-Lim, King of Mari, Tuttul, and the land of nomads, maker of a storehouse for ice, that no king since time immemorial had built on the bank of the Euphrates, (to which) I had ice of . . . transported, (building) a storehouse in Terqa, a city Dagan loves.

6.3.a.iii.3.  Relay.  FM 2 80 (A.421) is a memorandum (or a headless letter) about transporting ice. Yakrub-El-tillati is a wine specialist. 37 Yakrub-El-tillati is staying in Qattunan. Once ice from Mari is made to reach him, he will dig out the ice, basket by basket, and keep it secure. He will detain the exhausted men who had brought him ice from Mari but will assign rested men to quickly have them reach the king. He must stay in Qattunan until the king writes to him. Once the king writes him, of the 20 men who are with him, he will assign 10 of them over (the transfer of) wine and 10 over the ice. He must go with them.

6.3.a.iv.  Entertainment.  We do not have (as yet?) a schedule of activities at a palace event, likely in connection with banquets. That festivities may have followed the pattern of rituals, as set forth in one connected with Ištar (A.3165; see at 5.3.b), is a guess; but it may not be far off the mark. Certainly some of the performers—such as the musicians, singers, dancers, acrobats—also displayed their talents at these venues. 36.  Ice could be manufactured artificially by directing cool air over shallow ponds; however, it was most often harvested during cold spells before it was stored, under guard, in deeply grounded ice houses. 37.  The same topic is discussed in a parallel text, also headless: FM 2 79 (A.2875; see Joannès 1994: 146–47).

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6.3.a.iv.1.  Guests, with musicians. 38  ARM 12 747 (reedited in Jacquet 2011: 223– 24) is an inventory for meat outlays to (mostly) foreign messengers at a banquet held before the king and troops during one of several such days. The display approximates the original layout. 39 Sheep (pl.) malākū-cuts of meat: 40 1 (cut) Babylon m(essenger) 1 Hazor m. 2 Yamḫad m. 1 Carchemish m. 1 Eluḫut m. 1 Azuḫinnu m. 1 Niḫriya m. 1 Imar m. 2 musicians 1 declaimer (muštawû) 2 artisans 1 Ešnunna m. 1 palace-donkey attendant 1 Ḫaya-sumu (Ilanṣura king) 1    wine stewards 1 sheep     8 malākū-cuts 2 (sheep) for cooking pots 2 lambs for the king’s table 1 lamb for gibbum sacrifice 1 lamb for the ḫerṣum        1 (cut) for the (divine) chariot 2 sheep, disbursement,        3 (cuts) received by the musician, Warad-ilišu day 28         2 sheep for the artisans 2 (sheep)  for the meals, day 29 1(sheep)   8 cuts dispensed to the messengers Day 30 Dispensed to the palace Total: 16 disbursements Cuts for dispensing to the messengers For 1 day. 41 38.  See also letters under 2.3.c, highlighting the chief musicians, mostly of Yasmaḫ-Addu’s time. 39.  The date for this particular occasion is not yet secure; but see Bonechi 1992: 16, who sets it early in Zimri-Lim’s reign. For two fragments on the formal seating arrangement that takes place at such occasions (A.3451 = LAPO 16 4 and M.8535 = LAPO 16 5), see at 6.3.a.i. 40. A malākum seems to be a good-sized chunk of sheep meat. 41.  ARM 23 243 is another document from the same interval. It includes different configurations of messengers, courtiers, apprentice acrobats, diviners, and family members, suggesting a very busy period of banqueting, and ends (on line 33) with, “Meal of the king and the troops.”

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6.3.a.iv.2.  Music units.  FM 4 37 (A.2541; Ziegler 1999a: 216) describes two ensembles under Ilšu-ibbišu and Rišiya; see also at 2.3.c. They entertained Yasmaḫ-​Addu, privately or at banquets, and likely also at the shrines of gods (see A.3165 at 5.3.b). 42 23 accompanists (šitrêtum) 21 kanšātum 44 kezrētum 43 6 Amorite singers 44    Total 94 women, (unit of) Ilšu-ibbišu. 49 kanšātum, unit of Rišiya.

6.3.a.iv.3.  Women ensemble.  Zimri-Lim writes ARM 10 137 (FM 7 12; LAPO 18 1160) to Šiptu, his wife. 45 I am just now heading (to Mari), making the trip. Reach Saggaratum ahead of me. As you head out, bring with you to Saggaratum a seven-women ensemble (šitrum), the songstress Aḫatum who is now by you, and the musical instruments made with gold. 46

6.3.a.iv.4.  Blinding boys. 47  Uṣur-awassu, palace majordomo, writes ARM 26 297 to Yasmaḫ-Addu. My lord wrote this to me about black alum: “My father (Samsi-Addu) has (provided me) with alum from Nurrugum. I shall test this alum. If it is effective, I shall send you lots of it.” But no alum has been brought to me. My lord also wrote to me about the untrained boys under (the music instructor) Ilšu-ibbišu, “I have told you about blinding them (“putting their eyes to sleep”); 42.  It is worth recalling this sarcasm, as reported in ARM 27 162:41–44 (full text at 1.1.d.iii.): “A messenger from the son of Aplaḫanda of Carchemish came here, seeking singers. Hammurabi, however, answered as follows, ‘Anyone lacking in singers cannot be of noble blood (ul mār awīlim šū)’.” 43.  The exact specialty of these women is not yet clear, but a kezretum is not likely to be the “prostitute” of the dictionaries. 44.  From another of Ilšu-ibbišu’s notes to Yasmaḫ-Addu, we have these lines (FM 9 52:8′–9′ = A.979; Ziegler 2007: 217–20): “Another matter: On the Amorite women that (general) Samadaḫu has brought here, they are all taciturn (“cold”) and old; there is not one (appealing) woman among them.” Sama/idaḫu is a general sent to fight in the West, alongside Qatna; see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 101–2. The women were captives brought back to Mari. See also ARM 2 13 at 1.3.a.ii.1 and ARM 1 13 at 3.1.b.ii.2. 45.  Šiptu occasionally left Mari, once to offer sacrifices in Ḫišamta (ARM 10 128) and once to join her husband in Terqa (ARM 10 8). The latter event likely coincides with what is said in ARM 21 143: “5 manas of grease for the wooden vehicle of the wooden [. . .], when Šiptum [sic] headed to Saggaratum ahead of the king [8.v.ZL13].” 46.  The seven-women ensemble is mentioned also in ARMT 13 22:40–47, at 2.2.d.v.1. In a note that the music instructor Ilšu-ibbišu sent Yasmaḫ-Addu (FM 9 50 = M.13868; Ziegler 2007: 214–15), we read about an ensemble of 15 women. 47.  See Ziegler 2007: 21–23. In one of his notes (FM 52:5′–7′ = A.979; Ziegler 2007: 17–20), Ilšu-ibbišu reports dispatching a blind boy to the king.

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Culture — 6.3.  Court Life why have you not done so? ” On that same day, they were blinded. I have entrusted them in good health to Ilšu-ibbišu. [Remaining lines damaged.]

6.3.a.v.  Dancers/Acrobats.  Several mentions of performers (so far only male) called ḫuppûm and aluzinnum are collected in Ziegler 2007: 261–80. 48 FM 9 67 (at 6.3.b.iii.3c) may well be from such a ḫuppûm, Piradi. 6.3.a.vi.  Musical instruments.  Ziegler’s work (2007: 71–76) gives us an overview of the musical instruments mentioned in documents; undoubtedly, there were others, including castanets, woodwinds, brass, and cymbals. Among those mentioned are: Drums (membranophones): algasurrûm (“friction drum”), alûm (gran casa), 49   ḫalḫallatum, lilissum (kettledrum) Strings: kinnārum, 50 mērītum (“Mari” lyre), paraḫšītum, urzababītum    (“King Ur-zababa” lyre), īnum (lute), pitnum (strings and instruments) Undetermined: lēʾum, murumšûm. 51 48.  For mention of the home of an aluzinnum, see M.10556, note to 4.7.d.ii.2. 49.  This must have been a giant of a drum. Uṣûr-awassu writes the following to Yasmaḫ-Addu (ARM 26 286: 4′–19′; see Ziegler 2007: 74–75): “Another matter: I wrote to my lord about the 40 manas of bronze for the alûm-drum. But my lord wrote to me, ‘Take 1 talent of bronze that I weighed out there for sending.’ I have weighed out the bronze—these make just 50 manas. And about the skins of oxen. We have sought out as many skins as are here and they are not enough. As my lord is now in that land, my lord should seek out 4 large skins of oxen and convey them here. This way, the work will be completed before the arrival of my lord.” When Zimri-Lim sent an alûm to Aleppo, he charged Asqudum with its transport. The dossier is published as ARM 26 18–20. Here is a sample from ARM 26 18:4–21: “. . . When it came to transporting the alûm-drum, Ḫammu-samar, my guide, told my lord, ‘If this alûm-drum could be made to reach Tuttul, I can have it transported from Tuttul to Aleppo.’ This is what he said in my lord’s presence. During my trip by boats, cold weather grabbed hold of me and the whole team was cut to the quick by the cold, such that they could not pull the boats. I moved on, leaving all my provisions on the boats, but taking provisions for only 5 days. I headed upstream. As was said in my lord’s presence, ‘8 men can lift the alûm-drum.’ 8 men lifted it, but could not budge it. 12 men lifted it, but failed. 16 men did lift it. Of the porters that were given to me, 5 were released. These men were strong. I selected (them) and imposed the alûm-drum (on them). From the soldiers who are traveling with me, I assigned men who could relieve them, succeeding to have this alûm-drum reach Tuttul.” Asqudum goes on to explain how his heroics will get the drum to Aleppo. Another letter (ARM 26 20), however, makes it clear that his travails were far from over. 50.  The stock controller Mukannišum posted ARMT 13 20 (LAPO 16 121; Ziegler 2007: 72–73) to Zimri-Lim. Regarding the five lyres (kinnarātum) about which my lord wrote to me: Of the five lyres assigned to Qišti-nunu and Ḫabdu-Ḫanat, Ḫabdu-Ḫanat has produced two while Qišti-​ nunu has not produced (any). I am conveying now the two lyres that Ḫabdu-Ḫanat has produced. 51.  The musician Ibbi-Ilabrat writes ARM 5 76:5–12 (FM 9 33; Ziegler 2007: 153–54) to Yasmaḫ-Addu, as his “servant and friend”: “You keep writing me about Ea-napšeram. The words that you constantly write me—these words are not appropriate. Your father (Samsi-Addu) has never had even one murumšûm-specialist, and you wish to have two! Will you not be censured? Get one for yourself and let your father have one.”

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6.3.b.  Insults and Slander.  In the Mari records, there is a surprisingly large dossier on the accusations, backbiting, and justification among courtiers. 52 Generating this corpus is the fear that the king, arbitrator of all truth, may give credence to slander, as expressed by Arriyuk, likely of Kalḫu (ARM 28 155:10–12): “Look here, I have been slandered many times (“5 times”) before my lord. My father believes (them) even without confirmation.” He offers to undergo a river ordeal. In fact, the gods are deemed as the ultimate judges of false accusations; see ARM 26 312:36′–39′ at the note to 1.8.a. 6.3.b.i.  Humiliation 6.3.b.i.1.  Dishonor.  Išḫi-Addu of Qatna writes (ARM 5 20 = LAPO 16 256) to Išme-Dagan of Ekallatum. The latter is a brother of Yasmaḫ-Addu of Mari. This letter was not forwarded, as it was found in Mari. This matter ought not be discussed; yet I must say it now and vent my feelings. You are a great king. When you placed a request with me for 2 horses, I indeed had them conveyed to you. Yet you, you sent me (just) 20 pounds of tin. 53 Without doubt, when you sent this paltry amount of tin, you had no desire to have honorable discourse with me. Had you planned sending nothing at all—by the god of my father!—I might be displeased! Among us in Qatna, the value of such horses is 600 šekels [= 10 pounds] of silver. But you sent me just 20 pounds of tin! What would anyone hearing this say? Would he not mock us? This house is your house. What is lacking in your house that a brother cannot fulfill the need of his equal? Had you not planned to send me any tin, I might not be upset over it. 54 Are you not a great king? Why have you done this? This house is your house!

6.3.b.i.2.  Shame.  Erešti-Aya, daughter of Zimri-Lim and nadītum in Sippar (see at 5.5.b.iii), writes ARM 10 43 (LAPO 18 1202) to her “mother” the queen. May my Lord (Šamaš) and Lady (Aya) keep you well for my sake. Why have you not worn my garment? By sending it back, you have added insult to injury. I am daughter of a king and you are wife of a king. Except for the dowry that you and your husband have had me enter into a cloister, could soldiers improve my lot from what they take as spoils? As for you, do improve my lot. May my Lord and Lady 52.  Several constructions based on the verbs ṭapālum and nuggurum have to do with insulting an individual. But most often we meet with the noun karṣum, something “pinched or broken off ” (karāṣum). With the verb akālum, “to eat or partake,” karṣum creates an idiom (karṣam akālum) we may render by “slander” and “defamation.” 53.  Yasmaḫ-Addu himself was berated by another leader for short-changing in the matter of gifts. Mekum, king of Apišal (west of Carchemish), had shipped Mari wine for which he receives only half of its value in tin. He makes bland accusations of lies; see Charpin and Zeiger 1997. 54.  The claim is repeated in lightly modified language twice in this letter, with differences in the application of modal particles and the mention of tin. The notion, therefore, is that not getting anything angers; but getting so little tin is worse, for it insults and displays scorn.

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Culture — 6.3.  Court Life improve your (standing) in full sight of the town and its citizens. I shall soon convey a nursemaid to you. 55 Send me something that will give me cause to rejoice. You must not neglect me.

6.3.b.i.3.  Snub.  The nadītum Amat-Šamaš writes OBTR 134 (Dalley 1976: 108–9) to Queen Iltani of Qaṭṭara, her sister. Aqba-ḫammu is Iltani’s husband. May my Lord (Šamaš) and Lady (Aya) for my sake keep you well. When earlier Aqba-ḫammu came to Sippar, I had him honored (as befits) my nadītum-status and he had me honored. He told me then, “When I leave for Karana, write to me and I will convey to you what you desire by the boatful. Offer your Lord a blessing for me.” Now that I wrote to him, he provided me with 2 young male servants; but you did not wish me well. You did not even convey for me a bowl of scented oil, with the request, “Bring (it) to your Lady with a blessing for me.” Instead, you thought, “What am I for? As if there is no one else but you! If for one day a maidservant washes her master’s feet, she no longer provides for her sister.” 56 Yet the slaves that my father has given me are now grown old. I am just now sending to the king half a mana of silver; continue to support me and have him send me recently captured slaves that are sturdy. In wishing you well, I am conveying to you [x] mana of fine wool for a wig and a basket of shrimp.

6.3.b.ii.  Slights.  Governor Kibri-Dagan of Terqa writes ARM 3 36 (LAPO 17 704) to the king. Ṣura-ḫammu is a Yaminite chief. Ṣura-ḫammu stopped me just at the city gate and told me the following: “Even if as of now you have appropriated my (inherited) estate (niḫlatum) in my own town and have seized my servant, just now too my lord supported me in returning my servant. So give me my servant; turn him back for him to serve me.” This is what this man said to slight me. Now I was just about to take hold of this man and send him to hell but had respect for my lord. 57 For this reason, I did not touch this man and said nothing hurtful to his face. Yet this man did slight me and said incredible things to my face. Now, I am writing to my lord so that he can do what suits him.

6.3.b.iii.  Defamation 6.3.b.iii.1.  Defending a defamed.  Dadi-ḫadun, a Yaminite ruler in Abattum, writes ARM 10 156 = LAPO 18 1134) to Queen Šiptu. Hammurabi, a recent king of Yamḫad, is Šiptu’s brother: I have listened to the message you conveyed to me. I set before Hammurabi (of Yamḫad) a complete account of what you sent me, and he seems satisfied. Here is 55.  The line is incongruous, given Erešti-Aya’s sense of neglect and isolation. Perhaps she is quoting what she hopes the queen will tell her, about sending a nursemaid to Sippar. 56.  This sentence has the flavor of a common saying. Whether they are attributed to Iltani or to Amat-Šamaš is not clear; but Iltani is being accused of sundering her sisterly relationship because Amat-Šamaš is now in a convent. 57.  The word I render “hell” is in fact ḫirītum, “ditch,” and in Akkadian it does not have a figurative meaning; but in an Amorite world, Kibri-Dagan may be reaching for the equivalent of Hebrew šaḥat, “ditch,” or bôr, “pit,” both of which are metaphors for Sheol.

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more: I broached the matter by saying, “By Addu, the lord of Ḫalab and (by) the god of your father! A year ago Ḫammi-dadum has . . . as follows, saying, ‘My lord Hammurabi has written that Šiptu cares little about him.’ So I got very angry. On this matter, it is possible that she was slandered in your presence so as to embitter you.” Said Hammurabi, “This is true: She was slandered in my presence and I got angry with her.” So I have now appeased him and there is now no offence whatsoever. As I have taken up your cause, may Šamaš take up mine. 58

6.3.b.iii.2.  Slandered.  Nigḫatum writes ARM 2 66 (LAPO 18 1251) to Zimri-Lim, her “brother.” I know that you are angry with me. Yatarum has slandered me and you have heeded his words. I have therefore discussed it with Yawi-ila; he may or may not have reported (it) to you. Another matter; I have told my wish to Yawi-ila. In Qatna my sheep are depleted. If it is your pleasure, please assign me as many sheep as you could.”

6.3.b.iii.3.  Alerting about slander.  FM 9 67 (A.440; Ziegler 2007: 270–73) was likely sent by Piradi, a ḫuppûm (dancer/acrobat), to Zimri-Lim. [Opening lines missing, possibly citing an accusation] “. . . he demeaned me at the conservatory (“house of musicians”).” What have I done and how have I humiliated my lord? fAḫassunu has already left my home, having collected (goods from it). Ḫabdu-Ami has taken away 2 maidservants and a tailor from my home. Those before my lord might be saying, “He is deceitful.” Another matter: Yarʾip-Addu and 3 musicians have come before the chief musician to demean me and now they are saying, “A Yamḫad dancer/acrobat will be coming.” I myself heard this. Now, I have a tough task ahead of me, with no one standing by me. My lord has given me Yarim-Dagan to assist me; but Yarʾip-Dagan (told) him, “Just flee (from here)! Don’t assist him!” He also took another man, Puzu, whom my lord has given me. Yarʾip-Addu has set (wooden) fetters on him. (I fear) that the chief musician will now come and will demean me before my lord. My lord must not listen to him until my lord investigates me. They might say, “Piradi has demeaned the arts school (mummum).” In his heart, my lord knows whether (when) I demean or not. Until my lord comes here, he should hand me over to just one person. No one must pester me. Servants of my lord—12 young men under my responsibility—are ready to take up wrestling (abarātum). 59 [Rest damaged]. 58.  Dadi-ḫadun is claiming to have taken Šiptu’s cause as mitzvah, hoping for divine favor in return. Not all interventions had such altruistic bases. Zakira-ḫammu of Qattunan writes this to Šunuḫra-ḫalu (ARM 27 36:30–40): “Ever since I have come to Qattunan, (Nabu-naṣir) has kept sullying my reputation in the district’s estimation, fomenting problems for me in the district. If in truth you are my brother, make it possible to transfer this man from my district. Once you have transferred this man from this district, your baksheesh will be on me. I am now sending you 20 liters of madder (dye).” For nēbeḫum, “baksheesh,” see at 1.3.c.ii. 59.  What the young men are ready to do is not clear; but if display of prowess is meant, we might have a distant reminder of the confrontation between Abner and Joab, a wrestling match as ordeal, reported in 2 Sam 2:12–16.

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6.3.b.iv.  Disdain.  Asqudum writes ARM 26 74 to Yassi-Dagan. I have heard the tablet you have sent to me. You said: “People from Mišlan approached the king with the complaint, ‘Asqudum is holding (our land)’.” Much as a dog does not covet gold, I myself covet neither their field nor (anything belonging to) them. 60 As to you, regarding their estates, why are you making problems before the king? You know well how unruly are their groups. Now then, about the fields in Zarri on which you wrote me: Ṣura-ḫammu (Yaminite leader) is now with the king and speaks (to him) whatever is on his mind. He has now accepted half of what is in the storeroom of the Multicolor Court just for the asking! 61

6.3.b.v.  Justification 6.3.b.v.1.  By an official.  Tarim-šakim, an official who feels slandered, writes ARM 5 34 (LAPO 16 21). In the past, when my lord (Yasmaḫ-Addu) conveyed to me news about his trip to Agade, there was no mention of my status as servant. The next time he had a tablet sent to me, instead of it being addressed to me as to a servant, there was written “To Tarim-šakim, the snitch (munaggirum).” Whether I (am accused of) having snitched on my lord Yasmaḫ-Addu or on a servant of my own class, is this not a reprehensible accusation? You must know who is slandering me; so do please look into the matter and write me back something or other. 62

6.3.b.v.2.  Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka writes ARM 28 63 to Zimri-Lim, his overlord and father-in-law. 63 How much longer will Šubram (of Qirdaḫat) keep on sending me such vile notes, ascribing to me unbelievable acts? While I give him advice to improve his lot, he only plots vile action. Just now by his deeds he has encouraged Išme-Addu (of Ašnakkum) to act. He has not yet given up his plans. Instead of collecting soldiers or moving out as a unit when the enemy of our lord (Zimri-Lim) remains whole, he spews insults. Because of his activity, the confidence of the land is tentative and proceeds without resolution. Once I observed his deed, I decided not to go out of Ašlakka. Now then, my lord ought to hear his messages before trusting the words he keeps sending me. How much longer will I not be believed in the House of my lord? They certainly have reached me, all those slanders of the past year that have gone to my lord, claiming that “Ibal-Addu is forcing the country out of your control!” Now, moreover, for what reason does he speak in the same way? I am now challenged 60.  Asqudum’s allusion reflects on the dog’s tenacity and not on its less attractive traits. As in Israel, the dog is featured in Mesopotamian personal names. Dogs were kept as pets in Mari; see at 6.5.c.i. 61.  “. . . ana erēšim . . .” might also be rendered “for cultivation.” But I take this line as hyperbole, deeply ironic; see Durand 1988a: 214. If so, it would not reflect well on Zimri-Lim’s judgment. The “Multicolor Court” is a major space within the Mari palace. 62.  Tarim-šakim dies suddenly—who knows if not from shattered pride? 63.  For happier relations with Išme-Addu, see ARM 4 20 at 1.5.a.iii.

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even in Ašlakka with this, “In holding Ašlakka, you plan to foment revolt in the land.” Yet, he is the blocker, the wall, the. . . , while it is I who readily goes to his help. 64 My lord can verify all these statements. 65

6.3.b.v.3.  The musician Rišiya (see at 2.3.c.i) posted this note to Yasmaḫ-Addu (FM 9 17:4–41′ = A.2806; see Ziegler 2007: 109–13). The opening lines are damaged. Another matter: My lord wrote me this: “Take charge of 60 young women and give the remaining to Ilšu-ibbišu.” Previously, there were 42 young women (under my control). (Among them, there were 16 young women as well as 2 blind young women that my lord removed to give to Ilšu-ibbišu; but my lord gave me 18 young women of Yaḫdullim as replacement. So the total count, including the 18 young women of Yaḫdullim, is 42, most certainly. 66) Now among the 42 young women, there are 24 young women who hold important (musical) posts. Of those remaining, among them are 18 young women singers (zammertum). If my lord writes me, I can give him charge of all of them. Now about bringing up the blind women, my lord wrote me: “A lion does not plow; he hinders plowmen.” As for me, have I not done good work in your House? (Therefore), that person who has slandered me is indeed the plowman while it is I who hinders plowmen! 67 It is I who have done well by your House while (the slanderer) has ruined the good in your House ever since he came here. When my lord enters Mari in good health, let him test my work and that of the person slandering me; he will promptly realize the good. . . .

6.4.  Life Cycle I: Childhood Information about home life is incidental and haphazard in the palace archives, which accent administration and diplomacy. 6.4.a.  Birth-giving and Childhood 6.4.a.i.  Birth-giving.  We read only about women giving birth, such as when Šimatum gave birth to twins (ARM 10 26, at 1.8.b.iv.1) or when her sister (and arch-rival) Kiru delivered a boy (ARM 26 352, note to 1.8.b.iv.2). Several administrative notices record outlay of oil to women, “on recovery (from delivery)” (inūma išlimu), among them: 6.4.a.i.1. ARM 7 50: 5 liters of fine oil, for Damiqtum, on recovery from delivery. [9.iii*.Tab-ṣilli-Aššur bis]. 64.  The apothegmatic nature of the final lines (36–37) is highlighted in Durand 2006: 12, 17. Compare the construction to the interpretation of the proverb in FM 9 17, at 6.3.b.v.2. 65.  This letter has all the elements of a classic justification. Ibal-Addu casts himself as a juste souffrant. His virtues are sterling: he is loyal, not just to his suzerain but also to those who do not deserve it. His enemy is the opposite: he lacks civility, is ungrateful, and is a devoted spinmeister. He is also devious, using third parties to stir up hostility. 66.  This comment is inserted to account for the number of women under his control. 67.  By commenting on what is likely a proverb, Rišiya has turned it into repartee that aims to sting his opponent.

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Culture — 6.4.  Life Cycle I: Childhood 6.4.a.i.2. ARM 7 55: 5 liters of fine oil, for Ištar-putri, the king’s servant, on recovery from delivery. [21.iii*.Tab-ṣilli-Aššur bis]. 6.4.a.i.3. ARM 7 61: 5 liters of fine oil, for Laḫwi-maliku, on recovery from delivery; Sin-naṣir, supervisor. [30.iii*.Tab-ṣilli-Aššur bis]. 6.4.a.i.4. ARM 7 32: [5] liters of fine oil, for Ištar-bašti, on recovery from delivery; Sin-naṣir, supervisor. [17.iv*.Tab-ṣilli-Aššur bis]. 68

6.4.a.ii.  niddah?  Debated is whether or not women in Mari were distanced from others when discharging blood from the vagina—periodically, after birth, or in illhealth. 69 The anonymous FM 4 59 (M.11343; Ziegler 1999a: 232–33), which may (or may not) inform this situation, is fragmentary. . . . my father had (said this): “News of the palace’s well-being should come (to me) regularly.” Now then, the king’s maidservant purified herself (īlil) and entered the palace. 3 days after she entered the palace, her sister, brother, her young nephew, and a servant have come here from Urgiš. The king’s maidservant told me this, “My sister should be with me”; but I did not give her permission. My father should write me one way or another whether or not she should enter. Another matter: My (father) had told me this about women who must not leave, “They should not be upset. Wood for burning should be given to them. . . .”

6.4.a.iii.  Wet-nurse (mušēniqtum) 6.4.a.iii.1.  Suckling princes. An as yet unpublished note (A.2594; see Ziegler 1997b: 51 n. 34) conveys secret information from a governor of Qattunan. It is revealed that “the infants of Sumu-dabi are to be suckled in his home, while those of Dadi-​ḫadun at the home of a commoner.” The two Yaminite rulers were at one point enemies of Zimri-Lim. 6.4.a.iii.2.  Wet-nurse in demand.  Aqba-ḫamu of Qaṭṭara writes OBTR 84 (Dalley 1976: 75–76) to Iltani. I have written to send the wife of Nur-Šamaš, the cattle-fattener, but you have not sent (her) to him. If she is still suckling Yadruk-Addu, you may keep the wife of the man. (Otherwise,) on hearing this, promptly send this woman on. 70 68.  Slightly fuller list, including 2 from the household of Zimri-Lim, is in Ziegler 1997: 47. It will be noticed that these outlays to women are within 6 weeks of each other, with only one among them expressly stated to be a “servant of the king.” As it is unlikely to have so many women birthing for the king in such a small period of time, we may imagine that the outlays were for palace workers who at one point or another recovered from giving birth, perhaps over a long period. That the outlays are done just as Yasmaḫ-Addu was about to be ousted—in fact, in mid-month vi*, suggests that the palace was trying hard to earn the support of its women. 69.  See Guichard and Marti 2013: 74–76. In ARM 26 13 (cited at 1.7.b.iii.3), Asqudum reveals Yarim-Lim’s interest in his daughter’s cohabitation with her (future) husband. She is to be with her husband for all but 5–6 days (a month). 70.  In OBTR 83 (Dalley 1976: 75), we learn that the woman is named Aya-yaḫar and that she has been relocated to another place. In yet another note about the child (OBTR 124, at 6.6.a.ii.3g), we learn that he wrenched his arm at the armpit.

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6.4.a.iii.3.  Transporting infants 6.4.a.iii.3a.  In a wagon.  A.3892 (most recently, Arkhipov 2010: 414–15) has lost its envelope; it may have to do with a voyage to Yamḫad, so likely from middle of the rule of Zimri-Lim. . . . the king just sent Yaqqim-Addu to Yamḫad. So I thought, “To have (infants) ride palanquins with a bed is not adequate. These kids are young (naḫrum, see Hebrew naʿar) and, without their nurses riding with them, how could they stay put? Would they not start bawling loudly? Moreover, a palanquin is much too prestigious.” I have thought about all these things (and decided) that I will have them ride just one mayyaltum-litter (on wheels), their nurses with them. Four oxen will pull this litter. I have had omens taken and, on their favorable result, I have (assigned) a group of 50 Terqa men . . . [rest damaged].

6.4.a.iii.3b.  In winter.  In FM 7 49 (A.3462; Durand 2002a: 165–67), Šunuḫra-ḫalu, the king’s private secretary on a mission to Aleppo, reports on a baby who was to go to Mari. 71 Regarding the child Yarim-Lim, about whom my lord wrote to me, I spoke to Hammurabi (of Yamḫad). He said, “Winter is arriving; how could this child travel? Come now, if this child goes, (along with) the horses, the oxen and whatever gifts I would convey to my brother (Zimri-Lim) that accompany the youngster—with all the muck and cold, how could he go? He simply cannot travel. He suckles now. He is still a baby, not yet weaned (separated). The child Yarim-Lim is just now two months old. He must be weaned (first). Until better times, it would not be good for transport.” This is what Hammurabi gave me in answer. Concerning the illness of Aplaḫanda (of Carchemish), about which I wrote to my lord. Hammurabi has sent Yatar-Amum and he went as far as Dur-Sumu-epuḫ (by the Euphrates). But since Aplaḫanda got better, he proceeded to return to Ḫalab. My lord should know. 72

6.4.a.iv.  Nannies (tārītum).  Once the infants (of elite) are weaned, they are turned over to a tārītum. 73 In the case of Prince Yaggid-Lim, the same woman who suckled him, Taruba, stayed with him to raise him. 74 Šewirum-parat (Šewrum-pirite) had 71.  Durand (2002a: 164) suggests that the baby is the son of Hammurabi (of Yamḫad). He is probably to be raised in Mari. For reasons of security, the practice of raising babies away from their own home (thus, away from immediate enemies of their fathers) was practiced among the elite; see A.2594 above at 6.4.a.iii.1. 72.  For the death of Aplaḫanda, see ARM 26 281 (below at 6.7.b.i.2). 73.  The oddity is that all those labeled as such in the Mari archives have names that begin with the element abī, “my father”: a professional name that may have been acquired for prophylactic reasons, likely among them to ward off the jealous eye for their real father. See Ziegler 1997: 51–52. 74.  These women can also be called ummum, “mother,” as in ARM 26 298 (see at 1.7.a.iii.2), possibly also in ARM 10 97 (5.5.c.ii). In some cases, it is difficult to distinguish between a natural mother and a nanny. Queen Šiptu was raised by an ummum who accompanied her to Mari. The latter may have been a concubine of Yarim-Lim, so Šiptu may have been her daughter, rather than

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been a member of Yasmaḫ-Addu’s harem, likely a musician. 75 Early in Zimri-Lim’s reign, she was moved elsewhere, likely to Saggaratum. From there she writes ARM 10 92 (LAPO 18 1211), an achingly sad (and poetic) note. Without me (personally) hearing your order, you handed me to this place. I am being wronged there (Mari), so you must wipe away my tears. Sin-mušallim has wronged me by taking away my nanny, so she is now part of his household. Had my lord actually taken her or had she been part of my lord’s household, I would have been satisfied. 76 Sin-mušallim has simply wronged me. Now, since you have spread light all over the land, please spread light for me also. 77 Give me my nanny and I shall bless you before Addu and Ḫebat. May my lord not keep this woman from me. (Even) here, I am your handmaid—totally yours! Stamp your name on me. 78

6.4.a.v.  Naming. Within the Mari royal family, princes bore names of ancestors. Whether any of Zimri-Lim’s many daughters bore his mother’s name cannot be resolved until we are certain about the latter’s identity. 79 There is this unusual note (ARM 10 94 = ARM 26 239, LAPO 18 1221) that Princess Šimatum (and Ilanṣura’s queen; see at 1.8.a) sent to her father. 80 of the king’s consort, Gašera. (There is, in ARM 10 139 = LAPO 18 1191, an honorific allusion to Šiptu as Gašera’s daughter.) 75.  For notices about her, see Durand 2000: 412–15, who suggests that she was turned into a priestess somewhere in the North. Because of the mention of Sin-mušallim, a high official in Saggaratum with a history of shenanigans (Lion 2001: 182), I rather think she was moved to the Saggaratum palace when Zimri-Lim took over Yasmaḫ-Addu’s harem. The fact that she cites him by name in the address suggests that it was early in his reign. 76.  Notice how Esther shapes her protest against Haman by appealing to Ahasuerus (Esth 7:2–4, TNK): “On the second day, the king again asked Esther at the wine feast, ‘What is your wish, Queen Esther? It shall be granted you. And what is your request? Even to half the kingdom, it shall be fulfilled.’ Queen Esther replied: ‘If Your Majesty will do me the favor, and if it pleases Your Majesty, let my life be granted me as my wish, and my people as my request. For we have been sold, my people and I, to be destroyed, massacred, and exterminated. Had we only been sold as bondmen and bondwomen, I would have kept silent; for the adversary is not worthy of the king’s trouble’.” 77.  An anonymous writer tells the king (ARM 26 282:5–13): “When I did not hear my lord’s tablet, I was not happy. My foot in its entirety was ailing, such that I have not been able to step on the ground. I was transported on a bed to the bath (barber) house. Otherwise, I would have gazed at my lord’s face, much as I thirst for the face of Šamaš. . . .” Similarly, Meptum (A. 4263; cited by Durand 1988: 407): “I have not seen the face of my lord for which I thirst, (my lord) to whom Dagan and Itur-Mer are giving a powerful weapon and a (lasting) reign.” 78.  The metaphor reminds of Song of Songs 8:6: “Set me as a seal on your heart, as a seal on your arm.” 79.  Many Mari specialists identify Addu-duri as his mother. Zimri-Lim’s three sons had the names of a father (Yaḫdullim), a grandfather (Yaggid-Lim), and another ancestor (Ḫadni-Addu). At least two did not survive their father. Princesses had names that were borne by aunts (Atrakatum, Baḫlatum, Inib-šina, Tiṣpatum). In administrative lists, the names of infants and very young children tend not to be registered, likely because they do not count as long as they do not receive rations individually. It is possible that names were not formally assigned until children passed the mortality threshold. 80.  Šimatum may be indulging her father’s fervent interest in learning the will of the gods; see at 5.7.d. Her “lord” applies to both her husband, Ḫaya-sumu of Ilanṣura, and her father, Zimri-Lim.

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Ever since I left (Mari or Ilanṣura), I have toured a lot and visited all the villages: those that are residence of my lord (husband) no less than those . . . of my lord (father). If now my lord (father) has plans to travel to Ilanṣura (lost segment). . . . With regard to the daughter of Tepaḫum, in my own dream a man manifested himself (“stood”) to say, “The infant girl, the daughter of Tepaḫum, she must be named Tagid-nawu.” 81 This is what he told me. My lord ought to investigate the matter through a diviner. If this dream had occurred, my lord must name the little girl Tagid-nawu. She must be called that! Now, news of my lord’s well-being should be constant.

6.4.a.vi.  Ceremonies. Diverse ceremonies took place at diverse moments of a child’s life, likely to celebrate crucial developments. Two are mentioned here, albeit their purpose and goals are not clear. 6.4.a.vi.1.  Presentation?  Queen Šiptu writes ARM 10 27 (LAPO 18 1136; see Durand 1984). About the coverlet for the son of Šamaš-naṣir: this coverlet has been left in Terqa itself. So I wrote this to (the priestess) Ḫuššutum, “Place under seal and convey to me this coverlet for the bottom of the child, son of Šamaš-naṣir.” But she answered [many lines damaged]. Now then, write so as to have a coverlet given to me for the bottom of the child. Another matter: Had you entrusted me this child for the purification (ceremony), would anything (be like this?).

6.4.a.vi.2.  Dedication? OBTR 200 (Dalley 1976: 200–201) lists Queen Iltani of Qaṭṭara. 1 goat, offering of Iltani to Išḫara of Aritanaya; 1 goat, offering of Iltani to Ištar of Ninet (Nineveh); 1 spring lamb, offering of Iltani to Ištar of Qaṭṭara, when she dedicated (a votive) statue of Yadruk-Addu; 82 1 lamb, offering of Iltani to Sin [8.x*.Ṣabrum].

6.5.  Life Cycle II: Adulthood 6.5.a.  Marriage.  Marriage ceremonies in the Old Babylonian period used formulas that are reminiscent of establishing contractual alliances (or vice versa), such as sissiktam kaṣārum (“knotting the fringe” of a garment) or sissiktam rakāsum (binding the fringe). Its dissolution required the “cutting of a fringe” (sissiktam batāqum). 83 81.  Tepaḫum is a senior musician in Mari’s palace; see Ziegler1999: 285. The name is surely symbolic and is based on nawûm, “flock.” 82.  On the child (Y)adruk-Addu see OBTR 84 at 6.4.a.iii.2. 83.  See Charpin 2014: 197–98. The English expression for marriage, “to tie the knot,” has obscure origins; but it may reflect a similar application. At 1.7 and 1.8 are featured dossiers for the marriage of queens and princesses. At 4.7.a is a marriage contract from the reign of Yaḫdun-Lim. In a note to 1.3.c.ii, an extract from FM 2 40 suggests that high officials received a gift on the marriage of members of their community. A popular saying (extracted from OBTR 134:25–26; see at 6.3.b.i.3) implies that a marriage alters a

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A woman (name lost) writes this note (A.3568; Ziegler 2014: 901–7), presumably to her brother Addiya. The story reads like a Hellenistic novella, with the writer telling a third party what had happened to her over the years. Notice her mention of a previous husband. Indeed, even when in a marriage, non-elite women were occasionally shuttled from one relationship to another, often when taken captive (ARM 5 8 at 1.3.a.iv.3), occasionally to pay a debt (ARM 5 82 at 4.5.a.i), but also to give them shelter when abandoned by their husbands (FM 9 36 at 6.5.a.i.3). May [Šamaš] and Dagan, god of your city, for my sake keep you well for a long time. I have heard that you live there (Kaḫat/Terqa?), (that) your position (foundation) is stable, (that) you are getting along well with our lord, and (that) you are being made chief of animal trainers. When I heard this, I was overjoyed, thinking, “Addiya is not dead! Addiya has recovered,” and I glowed like the sun [a couple of lines damaged]. . . . Now (when) my sister Belassunu was living with Addiya in Kaḫat, her mother took her and donated her to the city god. I was slandered (by others) and while she wrote to me a couple of times, you did not give me away. Later, you gave me to be with Ištar-andulli and he gave me over to his son (in marriage?). I lived then in Šubat-Enlil; but when Yatadda ransomed me from Qarni-Lim, I came with her to Ešnunna. Together with my kinfolk I lived in Samiya’s house. When my previous husband met with the king, he had me taken out; but Samiya kept my kinfolk [many lines damaged] . . . so as to pray for you before Šamaš and Dagan.

6.5.a.i.  Arrangement 6.5.a.i.1.  All arranged.  Warad-Sin, likely governor in Andarig or Allaḫad, writes M.5389 (Ziegler 1999c) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. In the tablet that my lord conveyed to me, my lord wrote: “Why did you write to Addu-Muballiṭ, ‘You must not marry a daughter of Yaḫdullim’.” My lord wrote this to me. Yet, it is a fact that I (once) said this: “For lack of elite women, my lord should give him a daughter of Yaḫdullim.” I am just now writing to Addu-muballiṭ, “Because giving her (to you) is fine with my lord (you can marry her).” My lord should know this. 84 woman’s obligations to her siblings: “If for one day a maid washes her master’s feet, she no longer provides for her sister.” 84.  Marriage arrangements among non-royal elites normally begin when two fathers agree on binding their families through the marriage of children. Ḫabdu-malik, a merchant in Kaneš (in Cappadocia), opens and ends his letter (A.2881; Durand 2001: 121–25) to his “father,” Iddiyatum (Iddin-Numušḏa), a Mari official with these lines: “. . . I thought, ‘He is in Mari while I, in Aššur and Kaniš, (am) a man with a reputation. While we are alive, he and I must converse. I will convey to him what he wishes and he will convey to me what I wish’. . . . May Aššur and Šamaš (preserve you). News of your well-being should keep coming to me. Now if you wish (for us) to speak frankly, let me give you my son and you, give me a daughter.” Another letter from the same correspondents (ARM 13 101 = LAPO 18 1015; see Durand 2001: 126–29) is damaged, but in its center are these difficult lines (6–23): “Now about fAbulaya, I have informed you about the good news. (Your son) has good reason to be pleased. Now if you really care for him, have the young man speak to me. Both of us—he and I—should go with

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6.5.a.i.2.  Retaining family bonds.  Wanni posted ShA1 60 (SH.874; Eidem and Læs­ søe 2001: 130–32) to his overlord Kuwari. I have listened very attentively to the words my father sent me. These are fine words. Since you are on your way to my lord (a god or Samsi-Addu), you must kiss the foot of my lord. I will (also) now go to my lord and will kiss the foot of my lord. Notables will be going with me and they too will (kiss) the foot of my lord and listen to his pronouncements. Don’t delay about (going) to the town Abšeniwe or about the trip. My lord’s patience (face) is vast. I do hope that my father will not delay gathering for the country. Should you stay in Abšeniwe, the (planned) trip will be canceled. About your daughter, you once told me: “Either give me your daughter or let me give you my daughter.” Actually, give me your daughter for my son so that family bonds between us not sever. 85

6.5.a.i.3.  An unfortunate shidduch.  The musician Ibbi-Ilabrat writes FM 9 36 (A.2511; Ziegler 2007: 158–60) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. Lipit-Enlil 86 has pestered my lord for no reason, by saying, “My family is being kept.” (In fact,) for 4 years now counting from this one, he managed to feed his family; but he has now gone ahead and left. I have brought his wife and children to the palace and until now regularly they have gotten grain, oil, and wool (from there). Lipit-Enlil had approached me for protection and, supporting him, I had given him the household and wife of Akšaya, the singer. He consumed all that I had given him before he proceeded to run away. So I summoned his wife and in the presence of a messenger from my lord I said, “Where are the slave, the donkey, and sheep that your (second) husband left you? ” She said, “He left me nothing.” In fear of my lord, I am hereby sending his wife. My lord can question her about what he has left her. Another matter: why does my lord address me like this when he writes me, “Tell Ibbi-Ilabrat, so says Yasmaḫ-Addu”? Does everyone not know that I serve my lord? Why does my lord not write in his messages, “Tell Ibbi-Ilabrat, so says Yasmaḫ-​ Addu, your lord.” Unless it does not seem appropriate to my lord, my lord should address me with this (form of) message.

6.5.a.ii.  Wedding procession. 87  General Mut(u)-Bisir writes A.1124 (LAPO 18 1014) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. Binum is an official in Terqa and Laʾum is a senior official presents and realize a marriage (ḫatanūtam i nīpuš). . . . Let me give him (Iddiyatum) Zabiʾum as a son. In City Mari, he should kiss his lips so that he might come to Aššur (where) I shall establish their future. . . .” (Durand has different translations for some crucial lines.) 85.  It is not clear whether Kuwari was actually suggesting exchange of daughters for themselves to marry. If so, Wanni is disabusing him of the notion. 86.  The name is written lipti-Enlil, suggesting that it was pronounced as one word, *Liptenlil. 87.  ARM 23 375:14–15: “1 kuššatum-garment for Nanna-manse, on the occasion of the marriage procession (ḫuddušum) of f Ḫišaya (10.i.ZL9).” Similarly, ARM 24 65:15–20: “5 jars of wine (dispensed) when the messengers in the procession for Sibkuna-Addu sat in the presence of the king in the Palm Court. . . . [1.ii.ZL7].”

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of Yasmaḫ-Addu. 88 I have (He has) had the bride enter (the home) of my lord’s servant. About news of the (marriage) procession: there is now the sacrifice for Nergal, who protects the life of my lord. I shall depart (then). For this reason, I have not gone to my lord and have not met with him. My lord must not be vexed with me over these matters. In four days (will be) the procession. My lord should know this. Your father is well. I have spoken to the king about the son of Binum and the daughter of Laʾum. The king was very, very happy. Now as to this Laʾum, he will arrive the day after (I arrive). He will provide my lord with a full report.

6.5.a.iii.  The bride’s gods. Sibkuna-Addu of Šuda writes to Zimri-Lim ARM 28 27. 89 You have given the princess bride (kallatum) to this House. I/She has now set up your gods and acquired strength. Be happy.

6.5.b.  Adult and Married Life 6.5.b.i.  Flirting and teasing 6.5.b.i.1.  Remember me.  Belum (likely a nickname, “lord”) writes ARM 10 141 (LAPO 18 1256) to Ištar-šamši and Laḫwi-malik as their “brother.” 90 Be well! I am well; both of you, do send me your greeting. Why were you (both) not pleased at my messenger’s presence? Now to another matter: to Ištar-šamši: in my own heart, I do know that you are bearing misfortune. My sisters must inform me under oath that you are both not vexed. Their reassurance should reach me. Should I not yet come close to you in all ways? Once more: when I hear your name, Ištar-šamši, I am very happy. As you enter and leave (the temple), touch your nose toward the goddess Belet-ekallim. 91 There was 88.  Different attribution of “father” and “king” at http://www.archibab.fr/4DCGI/listestextes3.htm?WebUniqueID=3574613. 89. The princess in question is Ḫazala, on whom see Ziegler 1999: 63–64. On nameless brides, see comments to ARM 26 10 at 1.7.b.iii.1. Princesses carried their (or their father’s) gods to their new homes, whether they themselves install them there or their husband did the honor. Brides also went back to their father’s palaces for special devotions. See ARM 2 51 at 1.7.a.iv.4. The word kallatum for a bride is the same as Hebrew kallâ. 90. The letter may well be written using a pseudonym. Laḫwi-malik and Ištar-Šamši are known from registers of palace women. Among several women named Ištar-šamši is a scribe. If she is one of the addressees, it may explain the cheeky nature of the exchange. The whole may be a spoof, exchanged by women in the harem. Durand 2000: 486–88 has a different understanding of both the text and the situation. 91.  Likely a prayer posture, as we see on the Hammurabi stela. CAD (L 87) reads dub.ba-ki, “address(?) your tablet.” Other expressions that build on anatomical touching include “touching the throat” (indicates political commitment; see at 1.6.c) and “touching the chin” (connotes conferring authority; see note to 1.2.c).

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a sign when it rained: so remember me; do not forget me. 92 Henceforth, you must both not be vexed.

6.5.b.i.2.  Paying mind.  Ḫaqba-ḫammu of Qaṭṭara sent OBTR 58 (Dalley 1976: 60) to his wife Iltani. 93 Ḫammi-ṣuri told me that you had a celebration (isinnam tēpuši), yet no one paid you attention. How is this possible? For myself, I certainly want to pay attention to you! So, no one pays you attention? Alright then; when I myself come, you will see how I will treat anyone who pays you no attention. You have written about Tubkiya, the physician. For my needs I have sent for him in Kissinum. Alright then, when I myself come, he will come with me. I should arrive there for the monthly (essēsum) festival.

6.5.b.i.3.  Teasing.  Napsuna-Addu writes OBTR 42 (Dalley 1976: 52–53) to Iltani. The taste of a small town ruler for small fish is contrasted with that of a dweller in big towns. 94 May Šamaš and Marduk keep you well. Concerning what you have written to me, “I have sent you small fish that Aqba-ḫammu favors.” Just as your husband Aqba-​ ḫammu has experienced small fish in Qaṭṭara and Karana, I have for some time favored big fish in Šubat-Enlil, Ekallatum, Mari, and Babylon. With big fish not available (to you), you are conveying small ones; but who would eat them?

6.5.b.i.4.  Flattering.  Zakura-abum, a merḫûm before becoming king in Zalluḫan, writes this flattering note (A. 3356; Guichard and Ziegler 2004: 230–31) to Yanuḫ-​ samar, a man of influence with many portfolios. 92.  On rain and its omens, see at 5.6.c. 93.  The give and take between husbands and wives is especially brought out in the correspondence when men (rulers) kept in touch with women (queens) while they travel. The other side of Aqba-ḫammu’s solicitude is displayed in OBTR 158 (Dalley 1976: 129–30), which is worth quoting. Iltani writes to her husband: My lord wrote this to me about releasing the cattle, sheep, and donkeys of Tazabru: “If you do not release the cattle, sheep, and donkeys, I will cut you up into 12 pieces!” (This is) what my lord wrote to me. Why would my lord threaten (write) to end my life? Yesterday, I told my lord, ‘For a while now, his own shepherds have kept his cattle and sheep that he is grazing in Yašibatum (Iltani’s land).’ This is what I told my lord. My lord now should write to have the cattle and sheep taken (out) from Yašibatum. Had I taken any of the cattle and sheep, my lord should impose punishment on me. Would I, without my lord’s permission, lay hand to take anything? Why would my lord threaten to end my life? Cutting a wife into twelve pieces is actually the incident that initiates internecine war among the Hebrews (Judges 19). 94.  Additionally, in sequence, Šubat-Enlil, Ekallatum, Mari, and Babylon were dominant capitals. Interesting is that Napsuna-Addu had once written a matter-of-fact note to Iltani (OBTR 41; Dalley 1976: 52): “May Šamaš and Marduk keep you well. You have asked about me. News about you should not stop coming. The fish you sent were brought to me.” Why he became playful and allegorical is beyond recovery.

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Culture — 6.5.  Life Cycle II: Adulthood Earlier, I listened to the tablet that you sent me, where you said, “You are wise, and my father has augmented for you wisdom beyond wisdom. As my father has done you favors, you should do me favors. Speak about me to Qarni-Lim, king of Andarig. I have just now sent Ḫiṣniya to you.” Now that I have reached (Andarig), I told Qarni-Lim about your virtue. I then went to Mari and brought out Mari (citizenry) and all. All the people from Ekallatum who dwell there are well and have departed. Ḫaletar is well and has departed. Another matter: King Qarni-Lim has requested your sister, who has been given as a servant to Ili-rabi, as he would have her honored; she must now not come out. 95 [Rest unclear.]

6.5.b.ii.  Expressions 6.5.b.ii.1.  Solicitude.  Queen Šiptu sent a series of solicitous notes to her husband. [6.5.b.ii.1a. ARM 10 17 = LAPO 18 1129] May my lord defeat his foes and reenter Mari in peace and happiness. Now then, my lord should set on his shoulders the garment and shirt that I myself have made. 96 [6.5.b.ii.1b. ARM 10 11 = LAPO 1148] The palace is in good order, as are the temples and the workshops. I have had omens taken about the well-being of my lord through this month. The omens for my lord’s well-being are favorable. My lord ought to protect himself from sun-stroke. The omen is set and my lord should act in accordance with God’s command. So, if anyone among kings speaks frankly with my lord, he would be speaking deceptively with my lord. [6.5.b.ii.1c. ARM 10 24 = LAPO 18 1149] I have heard this from my sources, “From the (besieged) city, the king is being approached (hostilely) . . . these men.” I heard this, and I was very apprehensive. Now, a tablet should come from my lord in answer to my tablet, so that I can be reassured. 97

6.5.b.ii.2.  Requests.  Yasim-Dagan, a military officer on a campaign, makes a request of his capable wife, Baḫlatum (ARM 10 173 = LAPO 18 1210). I have not yet decided on the course of my journey. What more can I write you? You are certainly the lady in charge of your home; but do reassure me about your well-being and that of my children. Another matter: On the garments for my wardrobe you are making—I have told you a couple of times, “Let the garments be a full cubit longer than is now, as the garments that you make now are. . . .” I am now sending you (sample) garments from this country for you to examine.

6.5.b.iii.  Fidelity 95.  This woman may be featured in A.3885, for which see note at 1.2.c.i. 96.  Šiptu sent several such brief notes to the king; but this one is the most personal. 97.  Greetings can be very welcome. Sin-išmeanni sent ShA1 65:5–12 (SH.918; Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 139) to Namra-šarur, likely the same person mentioned in ARM 1 8 (at 6.7.b.ii.1): “Bullattal has brought me your greetings and I was very pleased. I felt as if you and I have actually met and kissed each other. Now I am well here. Be pleased.”

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6.5.b.iii.1.  In flagrante delicto.  An official whose identity is lost writes M.5001 (LAPO 18 1064; see Durand 1988a: 524–25) to a king. The merchant Waraya came before me to say, “I caught a palace bondsman, an attendant, with my wife. I tied them with ropes and brought them out for display. 98 There are men who seized them with me as my witnesses.” I have sought information on this woman [many lines damaged]. I have written to my lord. My lord should write me one decision or another. 99

6.5.b.iii.2.  Polyandry?  Yamṣi-ḫadnu writes RATL 76 (L.87-1426; Eidem 2011: 146) to Till-abnu of Šeḫna/Šubat-Enlil. The wife of Aritawar of Nilibšinum has not been seen for 3 years; but now she has been found with Taḫe of Kiran. Aritawar took his wife back, but Taḫe said this, “I had weighed out to Awištulla of Šubat-Enlil 15 šekels of silver as bride-wealth (terḫatum).” Order that the silver that Awištulla took be returned to him. He must not be abused. 100

6.5.b.iv.  Seduction.  Durand (1998b: 10) gives this excerpt from A.582, in translation only. Two Numḫâ men and a man from Nuruggum, having come from Dumatum, had seduced two women, telling them, “Come along and be our wives.” They had brought with them two mares and were going to the river. Three Simʾal tribesmen, one from Ḫišamta and two from Ḫimmaran, saw them at the edge of the Ḫabur River. They began to pasture animals with them. At night they slept in a grove. . . . That same night, these abominations of God killed them below the field area. They kidnapped the two women and the mares and planned to sell them. . . . 101

6.5.b.v.  Divorce. 102  These three letters come from Tell al-Rimah (Qaṭṭara) and concern Princess Belassunu’s difficult relations with her husband, Abdu-šuri. Many seem to have gotten involved in the matter. The order of these letters may not be chronological. On the background, see Eidem 1989: 74–75. On her child, see OBTR 200 at 6.4.a.vi.2. 6.5.b.v.1.  Distressed.  Belassunu sends OBTR 141 (Dalley 1976: 115) to “My Lady,” Queen Iltani. 98.  ana maḫārim: I have in mind a famous Sumerian case from Nippur of a man who ties up his wife and her lover while in bed and brings out the whole before judges and witnesses; see most recently Roth 1998. The scene is also reminiscent of Hephaistos chaining Aphrodite and her lover Ares in bed, a subject of numerous renaissance paintings. 99. See Durand’s LAPO treatment for the reconstructed final segment. It appears that Waraya refuses to take back his wife and that she claims to be rejected (by her husband or lover). 100.  There must be a juicy story behind this, including, perhaps, that Aritawar was in cahoots with Awištulla. 101.  Durand (1988a: 86) cites another passage from the same letter that tells of the official ordering the confiscation of the property of those involved. 102.  For the process of divorce, see at ARM 10 33 at 1.8.b.vi. (Kiru’s divorce).

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Culture — 6.5.  Life Cycle II: Adulthood Since harvest time, I keep writing to you, but you don’t answer me at all. The king told me this, “Stay in Ṣarbat, until I come. Uṣi-nawir will come with me and I/he will let you clear yourself.” 103 Now then, why do you keep silent? Either he will not let me clear myself or he will not release me. There, you are close to the ruler where you are; please write so that they may take me back to him. What have I done and why have you hardened yourself and do not plead my case? Who will look into the matter (for me) and who will intercede for me?

6.5.b.v.2.  Mistreated.  Consulted on the matter, Azzu (elsewhere Azzu-ena) writes OBTR 143 (Dalley 1976: 116–17) to Iltani. You must not keep writing me about Belassunu. This woman does not want to live with her husband. Let her go with her sons to her father-in-law’s home. 104 You are near her there; but I live far away, so I cannot send to Mutu-ḫadkim. 105 This woman wants to go to Andarig. Moreover: as to Belassunu, her husband Abdu-šuri is constantly mistreating her, and I am distressed by her complaints. This woman is just too close to me.

6.5.b.v.3.  Servant.  Yarim-Lim sent OBTR 161 to his “sister” Belassunu; see Dalley 1976: 132. Yesterday, you conveyed a tablet to me, in which you said, “Act to accomplish the departure of Mutu-ḫadkim’s (maidservant).” As for me, since in Babylon I was nearing my voyage to Mutu-ḫadkim, he had sent a tablet to Aqba-ḫammu in which he said, “Even if he should not release her; we should arrive to the terms of the tablet.” So your servant and whatever you leave (are) on the tablet. Be pleased.

6.5.b.vi.  Desertion? A.3935+ (LAPO 16 83; Joannès 1992). Altiš-qallu, likely a prospective majordomo in a small town, writes Yasmaḫ-Addu. The motivations for each of the actors in this finely told drama are murky, so it is not easy to know what is at stake. I am supposing that Qabisatum has abandoned her husband Zuzum, finding refuge with Altiš-qallu. An officer (Mubalsaga) tries to get back to her aggrieved husband. Other takes are also possible. My lord had written to me, “You must act on orders of Samiya and Zimri-Addu. You must also keep tight control over the palace servants. If Mubalsaga removes palace servants, solicit the help of Samiya and Zimri-Addu to frighten him.” This is what my lord wrote me. Now the palace servants have asked, “Why is Altiš-qallu opportuned while he/they have not [. .] them all? ” Now Qabisatum, the wife of Zuzum, who is being brought to my lord—Binama-​ aḫum escorted her from Qabra and had her stay by me. For a while now, Mubalsaga has been menacing her, saying, “Why has Zuzun [sic] gone to the king to make 103.  For this passage, see Birot RA 72(1978) 190. 104.  The noun yabamum is West Semitic, equivalent to Hebrew yābām/yĕbēmet, there designating a brother/sister-in-law. Here it is likely referring to a father-in-law, the root having to do with relations based on marriage. 105.  Mutu-ḫadkim is likely an officer of Hammurabi, so commissioner at Qaṭṭara.

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outrageous accusations before him? Once he tells the king, investigators get sent here.” When I heard these matters from my sources, I removed this woman. Thereupon, one evening, Mubalsaga came here from Ḫarisanum. When I saw him I hid this woman under straw. He came into his home and said, “Qabisatum, the wife of the farmer Zuzum, who was escorted here from Qabra, where is she? ” The animal fattener Ili-Lim said, “There, the inspector has hid her under the straw.” Coming here, Mubalsaga together with his servants and his followers took to the loft a ladder and a grappling hook. Surrounding the loft, he said to his servants, “The first to jump into the loft gets the flour!” They rushed into the loft itself saying, “Where is the woman? ” I said, “Go away till the dawn. I will hand the woman over to you at dawn.” (He) said, “This is the answer you are giving me? . . . [3 lines damaged]. [Mubalsaga] questioned (everyone about) the woman. There was no (answer). (Once he left) we proceeded to Ekallatum. Separately, we left toward Zimri-Addu and (Sumiya); but they were not there. Sumiya was in Nurrugum, so before him I set this matter as well as what is killing us. This is what my lord (said) to raise my confidence, “When I come here, I will install a majordomo, then you will be able to accompany me to Mari so that he could see at my side he who dutifully toils on his lord’s behalf.” [Mubalsaga] treated me as if I were not my lord’s servant. Were I to give an order, the bureaucrats are sure to say, “No one should give him bread or beer.” Now then, the mortal blow that we are suffering should abate so that I could make my way to my lord.

6.5.c.  Pets 106 6.5.c.i.  Dogs 6.5.c.i.1.  Rabies.  Girnisa wrote ARM 26 271 to a Mari king, possibly Yasmaḫ-Addu. My lord wrote to me about Bissi (Bisri) dogs. 107 There were many Bissi dogs; but they had rabies and died. There are no more, so I sent none to my lord.”

6.5.c.i.2.  More rabid dogs.  Ili-imitti sent ARM 26 272 to a Mari king. My lord’s note about the Bisri dogs reached me. By your guardian angels! Rabies (mešgûm) caught them and they died or disappeared over the past three years. 108 What kind of dogs are they that I keep them from my lord? [Rest damaged]. . . ? ”

6.5.c.i.3.  Transfer of dogs.  Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum writes ARM 14 39 (LAPO 16 208). My lord wrote to me about the transfer to Mari of a palace dog and of the dog of Yaṣṣibum as well. Of the 3 dogs that my lord saw in (the town of) Barḫan, 1 just died. I am now conveying to my lord, in accordance with his request: 2 palace dogs, 106.  In contrast with the Hebrews, who treated non-working dogs as scavengers (they ate carcasses and excrement), Mari kings kept them as pets and canine paw-prints were found in the palace. Yet, a dog was tossed to a lion stuck in a loft to keep the lion alive; see ARM 2 106 and ARM 14 1 at 2.1.a.vii.1. 107.  Bisri (Bissi) is likely Jebel Bishri in Syria. 108. Hebrew mĕšuggaʿ (“a mad person”) seems etymologically related to mešgûm.

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Culture — 6.6.  Life Cycle III: Health 1 dog of Yaṣṣibum; 1 dog of a commoner; 1 bitch of Umu-šakim [a trapper], caught by the river; 1 bitch of a commoner; and 2 black dogs from [. . .]. As to the bitch that birthed the dog at Barḫan about which my lord wrote me, this bitch is now dead.

6.6.  Life Cycle III: Health 109 6.6.a.  Illness 6.6.a.i.  Physicians 6.6.a.i.1.  Famous for its physicians.  Dariš-libur writes A.2928 (unpublished, cited from Durand 1988a: 559 n. 135) to the king. On my arrival at Aleppo, Eliliš talked to me about the son of Šamaš-naṣir, “The hand of God is on him. Twice already, when he lived with the king, he was struck (by illness). I am always hearing from all around me that in Mari there are those who can cure him. Those from here who are struck go to Mari and are cured.” 110

6.6.a.i.2.  Two on Meranum 6.6.a.i.2a.  An official sent ARM 26 125:1′–11′, likely to Yasmaḫ-Addu, apparently during a battle or a siege. There is mention of corpses. . . . My lord must give strict orders so that the physician Meranum is conveyed to me by boat. He must reach me promptly. My lord should also send with him the diviner Išḫi-Addu. As Išḫi-Addu takes omens, Meranum can bandage (wounds). My lord must give strict orders so that these men can arrive here either by boat or by chariot. [Lines damaged.]

6.6.a.i.2b.  Yasmaḫ-Addu posted ARM 1 115 (LAPO 16 168) to his father. I once talked to Daddy about the coming here of Meranum, the physician. He has not yet reached here. Rišiya (the musician) is now in bed for his life. He is very ill. If it pleases Daddy, Meranum must arrive here quickly if he is to restore Rišiya’s life. He must not die.

6.6.a.i.3.  Also an animal trainer.  Tarim-šakim writes ARM 26 270 (LAPO 16 169) to Yasmaḫ-Addu. I have spoken a couple of times with my lord about Ipiq-Enlil. This man is very capable as an animal trainer (a veterinarian) as well as a physician. My lord should observe this man. I have requested him from the king (Samsi-Addu). He is very capable. My lord ought not let this man behind. 109.  Durand’s pages in 1988a: 543–84 offer a useful overview. See also his 1997a: 303–17. 110.  Eliliš seems to be an agent of Queen Šiptu; see ARM 10 161 (at 1.3.e.v.1) and FM 2 39 (at 1.3.e.v.2).

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6.6.a.ii.  Disease 6.6.a.ii.1.  Preventing infection.  Zimri-Lim sent ARM 10 129 (LAPO 18 1164) to Queen Šiptu. I have heard “Nanna has an infection (simmum).” 111 Since she is often at the palace, it will infect the many women who are with her. Now give strict orders: No one is to drink from the cup she uses; no one is to sit on the seat she takes; no one is to lie on the bed she uses, lest it infect the many women who are with her. This is a very contagious infection! 112

6.6.a.ii.2.  Purifying infected spot.  Tilani-ḫesud (a lamentation priest) posted ARM 26 279 to the king. Attuzar, maidservant of Ḫuššutum, was filled with “God’s retribution” (šērat ilim). I brought this woman out of the palace. Men (associated with the) Chief Lamenter must come here and purify the palace.

6.6.a.ii.3.  Reporting illness. 113 6.6.a.ii.3a.  Final days.  Išar-Lim sent (the as yet unpublished) M.7595 to Yasmaḫ-​ Addu, from which comes this excerpt; see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 137 n. 501. The king [Samsi-Addu] is weakening (sullulu). Ṭab-eli-ummanišu should ride his donkeys or his . . . and bring to you news of the king.

111.  Ziegler (1999: 113) identifies Nanna with a palace worker (a drawer of water), hence her contact with other palace members. 112.  The form is an iterative causative from aḫāzum, so a disease (simmum, likely a skin disease) that makes someone catch something repeatedly or endlessly. The verb seems to be patterned by the scribe on other forms. Another note (ARM 10 130:1–15 = LAPO 18 1165) from Zimri-Lim to his wife is equally stark in recognizing the danger of contagion: “You have written me (about Summudum)—many women will catch this infection because of the illness of this woman. This woman must remain in a separate house. No one must enter into her presence. Now I fear that a separate house may not be available. Once omens concerning Summudum have proven unfavorable. . . . (How should) this woman be treated? Whether she dies or lives, many women in either case will become ill because of this woman. Just this woman should die. . . .” A close parallel to this series of injunctions and its contagion is in Lev 15:19–23 (TNK), but it applies to menstrual “impurity”: “When a woman has a discharge, her discharge being blood from her body, she shall remain in her impurity seven days; whoever touches her shall be unclean until evening. Anything that she lies on during her impurity shall be unclean; and anything that she sits on shall be unclean. Anyone who touches her bedding shall wash his clothes, bathe in water, and remain unclean until evening; and anyone who touches any object on which she has sat shall wash his clothes, bathe in water, and remain unclean until evening. Be it the bedding or be it the object on which she has sat, on touching it he shall be unclean until evening.” 113.  See also ARM 26 276 at 2.2.a.ii.1 (Sammetar’s illness) and M.14895 at 5.3.c.iii.1 (Išme-​ Dagan’s gout). See also the anonymous note ARM 282 at 1.2.c.iv.2.

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6.6.a.ii.3b.  Recovered.  Warad-ilišu, on a mission to Aleppo, writes FM 7 11 (A.2936; Durand 2002a: 36–37) to the king. Since receiving instruction (from my lord), I was ready to travel but I became ill. I am now better. I will set forth within five days of sending this note of mine to my lord.

6.6.a.ii.3c.  Divine help.  Yasim-El, on a mission to Andarig, posted ARM 26 403 to Zimri-​Lim. I have been seriously ill since the beginning of the year. In fact, both servants of my lord died. Just now, my illness has gotten worse. I have had omens taken a couple of times by a diviner about my illness. The omens about me are grave. (I was advised) this: “Go and kiss the foot of the gods, and thus strengthen your body. If it pleases my lord, my stay in Andarig. . . . My lord should send Ḫaššum. If I get stronger, (I would want to go) kiss the foot of my lord, offer sacrifices to my gods, then at the end of five days go back to Andarig. I fear that my illness might worsen and that I might no longer be able to serve my lord (“abandon my lord’s control”). 114

6.6.a.ii.3d.  Fever onset.  Ikšud-appašu, governor of Šubat-Šamaš, writes ARM 26 261 to Yasmaḫ-Addu. My lord wrote me about my voyage. My lord knows that I would not delay a voyage. The journey was ready, my lord having sent tough instruction about the boats. I had stood by for 3 days at the place where they would be getting them equipped when fever burned me up. I was sick and I could not travel to my lord. 115 On an114.  About omen-taking for a solution, see also Sin-ešmeʾanni’s note to Kuwari of Šušarra (ShA1 34:10–20 = SH.826; Eidem and Læssøe 2001: 104): “Another matter: Your brother who loves you—(that is) I who loves you—am well. Your household is well, but Šip-šarri, your handmaid, is ill. I took omens and lifted the hand of Ištar. She recovered, and the youngsters, your children, as well.” Another omen-taking with a happy ending involves Abban, a future king of Yamḫad; see FM 7 50 at 5.6.e. Omens were also taken to reassure that an illness would not recur. Kibri-Dagan writes ARM 3 63 (LAPO 16 176) to Zimri-Lim: “Kunši-matum (a priestess), who was ill, has improved. I have had omens taken about her (future) well-being and they are favorable. My lord must not worry at all.” An earlier note (ARM 3 64 = LAPO 16 175) gave a prognosis on its duration. A medical issue may require multiple approaches. Ripʾi-Addu writes Terqa 7–9:4–24 (Rouault 2011: 33–34) to Ali-Abi (possibly his wife) who lives in Terqa: “Is it acceptable that I send to you men as well as the young Iddiniatum and you do not write me even one word? Now about what you wrote to me, I said, ‘I shall once again meet with him.’ So, once again I (queried) the diviner, and now that I have (observed) the omina, I shall again—and for the third time—meet the diviner and have (him) inspect (the omens). Another matter: Should Sin-remeni write to you, answer him this, ‘Being ill, the gentleman (Ripʾi-Addu) boarded a boat and has gone to sacrifice to Itur-mer (in Mari)’.” Ripʾi-Addu continues with more instructions on diverse aspects of life. 115.  An unknown writer gave a similar reason for delaying a journey (ARM 26 266: 2′–17): “. . . On the same day that I was planning to set out, while still in the palace, a sharp (pain) shot up in my leg all throughout my nerves, surging downward to the sole of my foot and then upward

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other matter: God struck in Zurubban and has not yet relented. Now he is striking in Zapad. My lord should know this.

6.6.a.ii.3e.  Abscessed.  Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum writes ARM 26 278 to the king. The abscess (simmum) that previously opened up at the side of f  Te[. . .] broke out. When my lord sent a physician here and he bandaged the abscess, she got better. Now, however, this abscess has reappeared at. . . . Before this abscess re-emerges, my lord should send a physician to bandage this abscess.

6.6.a.ii.3f.  Lesion.  Yaqqim Addu sent ARM 14 3 (LAPO 16 172) to Zimri-Lim. A servant attending me is ill. An abscess has broken out below his ear. Two physicians attending me are bandaging him, but the lesion is not changing. Now then, my lord should send me either a physician from Mardaman or an experienced (ḫakamum) physician to inspect the lesion and to bandage him, so as to shorten its duration.

6.6.a.ii.3g.  Dislocation.  Yatar-Aya posted OBTR 124 (Dalley 1976: 99–100) to Queen Iltani of Qaṭṭara. The child of Belassunu is discolored. In lifting him, his arm was wrenched at the armpit. The king said, “Once Yadruk-Addu calms down, Yaptuna should come here to bandage him. Once this child calms down, he should not rise up from the ground. So, if the child Yadruk-Addu calms down, Yaptuna should come and bandage him. If otherwise, and Yadruk-Addu had not calmed down. . . .” (Rest fragmentary)

6.6.b.  Epidemics.  The language for epidemics or pestilence is constructed around divine manifestations, either by implicating the deity’s hand (qāt ilim) or his appetite (ukulti ilim). When the outbreak lessens, the god is said to calm down. It is difficult to decide whether this language is literal, hence implying divine anger for human faults, or metaphoric, hence purely evocative. 6.6.b.i.  Outbreak.  An epidemic in the days of Yasmaḫ-Addu (likely in the eponym Aššur-​malik; see Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 111) has generated several notices from his officers, among them the following. 6.6.b.i.1.  Report 1.  Laʾum sent ARM 26 259 to Yasmaḫ-Addu. On the epidemic about which my lord wrote to me. In Tuttul, there is disease, but death is rare. In Dunnum, below Lasqum, there is a heap of dead (kurullum): Within two days, about 20 people died. The people of Dunnum abandoned (it), escaping to Mt. Lasqum. Muban and Manuḫatan, towns in the vicinity of Dunnum, are safe. Dunnum is infested. Mari is safe; the land is safe.

6.6.b.i.2.  Report 2.  Kibri-Dagan of Terqa sent Zimri-Lim ARM 3 61 (LAPO 16 173). to my groin (rebībitum). For this reason, I delayed my trip. . . . Within five days, my leg should get better and I shall take up the lead of the army. . . .”

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Culture — 6.7.  Life Cycle IV: Death and Burial Dagan and Ikrubel (Yakrub-El) are well; Terqa, city and district, is in good order. Another matter, in Kulḫitum God has set himself to devour beast and humans. In one day, two to three men died. 116

6.6.b.ii.  Termination 6.6.b.ii.1.  Purification.  Someone (Laʾum?) sent ARM 26 263 to Yasmaḫ-Addu. God has relented all over the land. (He struck) from the 25th day of (Abum, xi) through the close of the 5th day of Tirum (xii). Anyone ill who was struck dissipated. On Tirum 10, I have had omens taken on burying the heap (of corpses), and God answered (favorably). All of them that . . . buried the corpse (of a related dead). On the 14th of Tirum, diviners and lamenters purified the city. God is now done with the land. My lord should know this. 117

6.6.b.ii.2.  Records.  Mašiya, in charge of royal land outside of Mari, wrote ARM 26 264 to Yasmaḫ-Addu. About the hand of God that has lessened in the land, I have had a register drawn for dead people among women weavers, farmers . . . and workhouses and conveyed it to my lord. My lord should inspect this tablet. [Damaged lines]. 118

6.7.  Life Cycle IV: Death and Burial 6.7.a.  Deaths 6.7.a.i.  Family tragedies 6.7.a.i.1.  Opportunism?  Laʾum sent ARM 5 87 (LAPO 18 1017) to Yasmaḫ-Addu, likely during the pestilence in Aššur-malik. The household of your servant Baḫlu-gayim has been wiped out in an epidemic (“devouring of God”); all his children died. No one remains to be responsible for the household. If it pleases my lord, from among those servants of my lord, he should assign Sammetar, my lord’s servant, over this home. 119 My lord should send this man to (Baḫlu-gayim’s) house, so that it will not perish.

6.7.a.i.2.  Future destroyed.  (Author lost) sent this notice (ARM 26 280:5–16). It may belong to the same calamity occurring during the Aššur-malik eponym. 116.  When the governor sent a servant to look into the matter, the town’s elders beat him up; see ARM 3 83 (LAPO 16 174). 117.  Another message from Laʾum on the epidemic is at ARM 26 260:5–15: “The hand of God has eased over the Bank of the Euphrates and the entire land. (It has not struck again) when (previously) on one day, 10 people and 5 youngsters had died. Now, the hand of God eased and not one person (died) over a single day. God is reconciled (salāmum). I have had omens taken about (burying) the heap (of dead). I shall post a complete report after sending this tablet of mine to my lord.” 118.  Another note (ARM 26 265:30–33), likely by the same writer, covers similar ground. 119.  Sammetar is Laʾum’s son. He will play a major role in the administration of Zimri-Lim.

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Three sons of Bataḫrum, the (sheikh?) have all died together. They got sick the previous day. Bataḫrum sent to me for a diviner and I sent him one. The next day, just before night-time, they died together. They were kept in bed overnight and were then taken out and buried. There is no posterity (left). I have heard from my sources, ‘There remains with him (x) mana of silver, consecrated to (God/ king). . .’.” 120

6.7.a.i.3.  Inspecting remains.  Kibri-Dagan of Terqa writes ARM 3 39 (LAPO 18 1016) to the king. Dagan and Ikrub-El (Yakrub-El) are well; Terqa, city and district, is in good order. After consulting, the people of Terqa came to tell me this: “10 days after the 20th of the month, (the merchant) Aqbu-dadi (died) (lines damaged, implying death of his household).” 121 This is what they told me. I then told them, “As long as my lord does not instruct me (adi uznī la iptû 122), I cannot open the home of Aqbu-dadi (for inspection). Now then. . . . [Damaged lines before reporting on a mission, also damaged.]

6.7.a.ii.  Death of individuals 6.7.a.ii.1.  Drowning.  Yaqqim-Addu of Saggaratum writes this note (ARM 14 4 = LAPO 18 1019). Asqudum was a prominent diviner and adviser to Zimri-Lim. See at 2.3.b.i. The day after the 20th of the month, I got the following words, “Asqudum—as well as the people who were riding with him—while in a boat, a wave flipped it/him and he died (“joined to his fate”).” I am right away writing to my lord. Burqan who was with him also died. I have not yet heard how many other people who were with him died. I will write to my lord whatever confirmation of the matter I hear. As to his house over there, I have given strict instruction so that his servants or whatever (property) will not be (wrongly) appropriated. 123

6.7.a.ii.2.  Thrombosis.  In ARM 26 275, Sammetar announces to the king the death of Sumḫu-rabi, a high official in Saggaratum (Lion 2001: 177–78). On the day I am conveying the letter to my lord, Sumḫu-rabi—may God not have willed it—in less than 2 days fell ill. On that very day he was saying, “my foot/leg 120.  The implication is that this calamitous event is due to Bataḫrum’s sacrilege. 121.  This is an odd way of speaking of the end of the month. Durand 2000: 186–87 (see also Jacquet 2011 42–43) suggests a taboo to avoid associating death with specific moments of the month, in this case its end. See also ARM 14 4 (at 6.7.a.ii.1), reporting on when Asqudum died. 122.  The idiom, “to open the ear = to inform,” is known in Hebrew, with the ear the object of the verb galâ, “uncover”; see Ruth 4:4. 123.  A brief note (ARM 26 149:5′–10′) by the diviner Yalʾa-Addu has this notice: “Regarding the corpse of Asqudum about which I wrote. I myself went and saw it. My sources tell me that the corpse was lying upstream of Ḫalabit.” Yet another note (M.8436; Durand 1988a: 77) gives a slightly different version of where his body(?) was found. On what happened to his estate, see van Koppen 2002: 330–31. For another diviner close to a boating incident, see ARM 26 108 at 2.3.b.ii.4.

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Culture — 6.7.  Life Cycle IV: Death and Burial is hurting.” At once with his foot/leg, he said, “my hand/groin is hurting,” and just then he dropped dead. I fear that when they hear about it in his house, his slave, male or female, will take fright. My lord should give direction so that in no way must (anyone) take fright. 124

6.7.a.ii.3.  Report.  Inib-šina, Zimri-Lim’s sister, laconically announces (ARM 26 277) Sammetar’s own death within weeks of the above. A young officer informed me that Sammetar has died. My Star should know that.

6.7.a.ii.4.  Death of a baby.  TH 85.86 (Charpin 2012f: 23) briefly registers the death of a child. 1 dead infant girl, not (yet) weaned, daughter of Azziya, captive from Kunnum, unit of Yaḫatti-El, supervision of Muta-El, Ištar-kabar, Laḫkabi, (and) Umanni-suta [12.vii*. (Eponym) Rigmanum].

6.7.b.  Mourning 6.7.b.i.  (Public) mourning (sipittum) 125 6.7.b.i.1.  Public wailing.  Išme-Dagan sent ARM 4 61 (LAPO 18 961) to his brother. The mourning is obviously for a member of the royal family. For three days now, the land wails in mourning, while you emit loud cries . . . [Many lines missing]. . . . Write to me.

6.7.b.i.2.  Mourning delayed for sacrifices.  Ištaran-naṣir, a merchant who traded in Carchemish, posted this note to Zimri-Lim (ARM 26 281). Aplaḫanda has died. The news was hidden for 4 days until the sacrifices for Nubandag were completed. By the 18th of Kinunum (vii), the matter was revealed and (a) mourning (period, sipittum) was set. This is the news that Yatar-Amu (son of) Abi-Dagan sent me (a couple of lines damaged, likely containing, “My lord should know this”). 126

6.7.b.ii.  Traditions.  We do not know exactly how the dead were mourned in Mari. But in letters reporting unusual events, we have references to specific terms that doubtless evoke mourning activities, among them guarding the corpse, participating 124.  In Akkadian, šēpum is both the foot and the leg. The word for the other anatomical spot mentioned is broken. It could be rittum, “hand, palm,” or rebī(bi)tum, “lower abdomen, groin area.” The symptoms could also suggest thrombosis or blood clot. I thank my brother, Dr. Victor Sasson, for suggesting that it was likely a Deep Vein Thrombosis, a blood clot that forms in the leg. The fear for members of his household is about the fate awaiting them when the dead man’s holdings revert to the king. 125.  See also FM 9 46:5–12 at the note to 2.3.c.iii. 126.  From FM 7 49:22–28 (full text at 6.4.a.iii.3b) we learn that this Yatar-Amu(m) was a physician who had been dispatched from Aleppo when Aplaḫanda was recovering from illness. Obviously, he reached Carchemish too late the second time around.

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in the funeral, and partaking of a meal. The obsequies (sipittum) could last for several days: two weeks in the case of a king (ARM 10 70 at 6.7.b.ii.2) and a queen-mother (ARM 26 10 and 11, at 1.7.b.iii.1 and 1.7.b.iii.2. 6.7.b.ii.1.  Sequence.  Samsi-Addu writes ARM 1 8 (LAPO 17 679) to his son, urging the murder of hostages (līṭum) in such secrecy as to avoid normal funerary rituals. About the members of the Yaʾilanum tribes that are with you. I had told you to keep them under guard in case there is a peace agreement later on. But now that there is no peace possible with the Yaʾilanum, I am ordering their seizure. Order that each member of the Yaʾilanum, as many as are with you, should die during the same night. There must be no guarding (the corpse, maṣṣartum), watch (naḫādum), or meal (ukkulum). 127 They should dig graves (qubūrum) for themselves and be buried (in them). Sammetar, his blood, . . . You must not detain his wives. 2 pack donkeys and a servant should be assigned to them and have them brought to me. Under the control of Sammetar’s wives there is a mana (pound) of gold and 2 manas of silver. A servant of Mananna . . . must not say (anything [a damaged line]). The servant to Mananna must not come near (Sammetar’s) wives. Their headdress and their clothing should be removed. Take their silver and gold, but have these women brought to me. There are for each (murdered Yaʾilanum?) 2 women-singers (of) Namra-šarur, and their (Yaʾilanum) women. Keep these women with you, but have the wives of Sammetar brought to me. I am posting you this note of mine on the 15th of Tirum (5th month).

6.7.b.ii.2.  Wailing (bikītum).  Princess Inib-šarri sent ARM 10 79 (LAPO 18 1246) to her “brother” Šunuḫra-ḫalu. Zakura-abum, king of Zalluḫan, was Inib-šarri’s first husband. She had a very unhappy second marriage to Ibal-Addu of Ašlakka; see dossier at 1.8.c.i. When Zakura-abum became ill, I wrote to my lord (Zimri-Lim). When he died, however, I did not weep over him (the full) 15 days (before) they made me leave the city, and I departed to Naḫur. 128 I have conveyed a letter to my lord, so please bring it to his attention. 127.  These terms are sometimes taken to apply to their status as prisoners; but, as argued by Finet 1987: 236–37, it would be odd to give such an order about murdered folks. Hence, these must be steps associated with mourning under normal circumstances. I have therefore accepted the language of the CAD M/1 377b (1977), even if in subsequent allusions to this passage (for example in 2010 at U 58b) the CAD offers “guard, watch, provisions.” 128. When death overtakes a leader or his immediate kin, all foreign dignitaries are asked to leave the city during the obsequies; see ARM 26 10 (at 1.7.b.iii.1). The inference from her eviction is that Inib-šarri, who was likely childless, was not treated as queen and widow, possibly because it was known that her father planned to give her to Ibal-Addu, an enemy of the departed king. On Inib-šarri, see also ARM 26 10 and 11 at 1.7.b.iii.1, 1.7.b.iii.2. For the two-week duration, see also ARM 26 10 and 11, cited at 1.7.b.iii.1 and 1.7.b.iii.2. Princess Inib-šarri sent ARM 10 79. Wailing for the dead was also done by professionals, such as the bakkêtum, who received barley for their effort; see ARM 9 175:8–9.

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Culture — 6.7.  Life Cycle IV: Death and Burial About Libur-beli, the vintner, a servant in Yaḫdullim’s household: once I learned that this man belonged to the household of Yaḫdullim, I paid cash to buy him. Now, however, this man is in Zalluḫan (a few fragmentary lines). If you are my brother, bring (this matter) to the king’s attention.

6.7.b.ii.3.  Grime (malûm).  Ḫabdu-malik writes Zimri-Lim (ARM 26 397) about attending the funeral of a person dear to Atamrum of Andarig (possibly his son 129), only to discover that Šunuḫra-ḫalu, the king’s private secretary, had already been there. Atamrum did not volunteer to talk to me or to reveal his sorrow. About Ḫaštuttu, once I spoke to him as though my own situation (calamity), he broke into weeping. In truth, my lord has been sending Šunuḫra-ḫalu to him—Yet, my lord had not hinted to me that he might be sending Šunuḫra-ḫalu. Having ignored my words, [Atamrum] did share words with Šunuḫra-ḫalu, saying, “See here, my lord, I have not yet washed my matted (body)!” He shared many other words (with him). I have sent this letter of mine to my lord as the sun has set.

6.7.c.  Burial. 130  In the Amorite period, burials were done in the home, in jars beneath living areas, or in specially built places in the ḥosh (Arabic for “courtyard”). 131 6.7.c.i.  Process 6.7.c.i.1.  Baḫdi-Lim sent a note (ARM 6 37 =LAPO 17 635) with lugubrious contents, raising issues galore about the burial of the head of an assassinated vassal king, with the body missing: whether to do it, where, and according to which protocol. The City Mari, the palace, and the district are in order. I am not neglectful about storing the threshed grain. Another matter: Ḫabdu-Ištar, Maṣi-Ištar, and YanṣibAddu, 3 men from Bit-naḫlim who were led (captive) to Ešnunna in the days of Dannu(m)-taḫaz, have arrived here naked, having escaped from Atamrum (of Andarig). 132 I have provided each of them with a cloak and sent them to my lord. [A few lines missing] . . . I have given strong instruction to Yaqqim-Addu (of Saggaratum) and to Zimri-Addu (of Qattunan) to make the rounds of the villages. They searched but could not locate his corpse. 133 Now I have heard this: “His corpse was shrouded (qubburum) in a garment and abandoned to the Ḫabur 129.  There is an Elamite emissary by that name; but Atamrum’s reaction is too personal to be caused by a diplomat’s death; see the comments of Charpin 2008: 230 and Heimpel 2003: 341. 130.  See Jacquet 2012 and Charpin 2008. 131.  Yaḫdun-Lim was buried beneath the Terqa palace, with his tomb remaining accessible to certain administrators, who mined it for its bronze sarcophagus; see A.2177 at 1.3.a.i.3. Margueron 2008: 150–51 observes that in Amorite Mari the normal interment is in a jar buried under any section of the home. When Mari was a wealthier city, a couple of generations earlier (the šakkanakkum period), burial was more varied (directly in the ground, in jars, in cavities, and in a sarcophagus). The burial of prince Zinuba, son of Iddin-ilum, included ceramic, jewelry, bronze vessels, and a cylinder-seal bearing his name. 132.  On the circumstances, see ARM 14 104+, at 3.5.b.ii. 133.  The victim is Qarni-Lim of Andarig. For more on his assassination, see Charpin 1994, with a large dossier on it. It occurred late in Zimri-Lim’s reign (ZL10).

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River.” While I have not yet located his corpse, his head can be found in Qattunan. Should his head be buried (naqburum)? In which town should it be buried? The place where it is to be buried, should it be done outside the city or within it? When we bury it (qubburum), should we do it according to the ritual (terṣum)? I am at a loss. Whatever his decision, my lord should write me. As to his belongings, some in Qattunan now and others in Saggaratum, about which my lord wrote me, I want to bring them inside Terqa. 134

6.7.c.ii.  Funeral (qubūrum) 6.7.c.ii.1.  Bringing gifts to a funeral. In the early 20th century bce, a “brother” sends OBLTA 11 (1931-T299; see Whiting 1987: 48–51) to King Bilalama of Ešnunna. I am your brother, your flesh and blood. As for me, when an enemy is hostile, I stand at your beck. So you must listen to me. Honor me in the eyes of the Amorites: Whatever promised objects of Abda-El that are delayed—You know them all: 1 gold vessel, 3 silver vessels, 1 quality lamḫuššum-garment for your shoulders, many bronze vessels, 1 copper pot—convey them to me; do not withhold them from me. Messengers from all over the country will be coming here for the burial of Abda-El. The Amorites will assemble. Whatever you plan to bring for the burial of Abda-El, your “father,” send (it) separately. 135 (Also,) send me a servant; do not withhold him from me. Considering you are my brother, send me a servant from Maškan­ šarrum. Do not withhold him (from me). Establish a good reputation for me. (Rest fragmentary.)

6.7.c.ii.2.  Establishing continuity.  This is an excerpt from A.2821 (Charpin 2008: 70) that a nomad chief, Ḫali-ḫadun, sent to Zimri-Lim. Once Qarni-Lim (of Andarig) buried Turum-natki in Apum, he assembled the kings at Šubat-Enlil’s borders, and they all wailed (for him). Qarni-Lim fell prostrate, then installed the son of Turum-natki on the throne of Šubat-Enlil. 136 134.  Everything about this burial is exceptional. First, only the head is retrieved, creating a problem about having just a fragment of a whole body within the same grave. More troubling is that Qarni-Lim was not from Mari, and burying in the area must have raised severe issues, including what to do about commemorations. A biblical illustration is in Gen 23. Abraham would like to consider himself a “resident alien” (gēr-wĕtôšāw), so likely within his right to own a burial site so as to begin mourning (mispēd and bĕkî) for his dead wife (Sarah). The community was willing to sell him such a plot, but only because he is a nĕśî ʾelōhîm, so either “an important chieftain” or a “delegate of God.” In the event, Abraham’s foreign status cost him very dearly, 400 šekels (Gen 23:15). Jacob got nice acreage in Shechem for 100 šekels (Gen 33:18–20), while David purchased a temple site for just 50 (2 Sam 24:24). 135.  Another letter to Bilalama (from Ilum-lu-watar) also speaks about funeral gifts, albeit in a fragmentary condition (OBLTA 15:2′–13′ = 1931-T205: Whiting 1987: 59–63): “Isue has sent a burial gift for your grandfather and your father. If you are my brother, send me a fine weapon as a nice gift for his burial. . . . Send my messenger promptly, as the ritual is to occur at the end of the month.” 136.  Excerpts from other portions of the letter are cited hither and yon, and they speak about events during ZL4, among them the raising of torches all around Kurda; see list in Birot 1993: 20 n. 86.

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6.7.c.iii.  Tomb/grave (kimaḫḫum).  Gifts sent in connection with burial. 137 6.7.c.iii.1.  Oil.  [ARM 7 58] 1 liter of cooking (“pot”) oil; 1 liter of cedar oil, for the tomb (kimaḫḫum) of Aḫatani, the bride/daughter-in-law (kallatum) of (general) Mut-bisir [25.iii*. Eponym: Ṭab-ṣilli-Aššur II]. 6.7.c.iii.2.  Jewelry.  [ARM 25 539]   ½ šekel of silver, the weight of several headfixtures; 1 šekel of silver, the weight of 1 ring, for the tomb of Yaḫdun-Lim, son of the king [12.i.ZL7], for Yaḫdun-Lim, son of the king. 6.7.c.iii.3.  Ornamental weapon.  [ARM 25 17] 1 silver katāpum-dagger, with gold “eyes” and “pegs,” for the tomb of Yarim-Lim (of Yamḫad) [18.vii.ZL10]. 6.7.c.iii.4.  Clothing.  [ARM 21 347] 1 quality ḫawûm-garment, for the tomb of (Lady) Patiḫa [3.ii.ZL12]. 6.7.d.  Commemoration.  Commemorations came in two major forms: the kispum, to which is related the offering for the mālikums, and the (ḫ)idirtum. 6.7.d.i.  kispum. In administrative inventories of food outlays (breads, porridge, beer, oil, sauces, honey, and the like), disbursements for the kispum occur on the 1st and less so also on the 16th of the month. Often cited is the phrase ana šarrāni, “for the kings” (rarely: ša abbê, “for the ancestors”). The ceremony involved meal-taking in the presence of “dead” kings, and if the term is taken at its etymological value (not always prudent), the main act is of “breaking” bread. Those dead “kings” are not just dynastic predecessors but any famous king of old deemed an ancestor. 6.7.d.i.1.  Kispum-ritual for dead ancestors. 138  M.12803 (Birot 1980) = FM 3 4 (Durand and Guichard 1997: 66–70; Jacquet 2011: 43–46). Toward the end of the first day of the month niggallum, a kispum takes place in the whole region (lit., “city and environs”). The meal comes out of the palace: 139 a sheep shall be offered in the “chamber of chairs” for the statues/spirits of Sargon and Naram-Sin and a sheep shall be offered for the altar. 140 Before the king’s departure, the sacrifice of the “chamber of chairs” having taken place and the meat having been boiled, the best meat portion is allotted to Šamaš. As long as they are not allotted to Šamaš, the kispum will not have taken place; but as soon as they are allotted to Šamaš, the kispum for Sargon, Naram-Sin, the Yaradu-tribesmen, as 137.  More such notices are in Charpin 2008: 75–76. The noun qubūrum also means “grave.” 138.  This is a ritual for a kispum commemorative, probably undertaken during the reign of Yasmaḫ-Addu, whose father, Samsi-Addu, was devoted to the memory of third-millennium Agade kings. Unlike the precisely choreographed ceremony for the worship of Ištar, this is a memorandum of diverse sacrifices occurring over a couple of days and involving the king. Noteworthy is the gimkum, at which time a donkey is killed. On the diversity of donkey sacrifice see the note to ARM 26 404, at 1.6.c.i.1. 139.  That is, the meals are charged to the palace and not offered by the population. 140.  The chairs are for ghosts to use as they partake of meals; see Veenhof: 2008: 116–17. See also FM 6 45 (note to 5.4.d.i.4) for the use of a chair in a séance.

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also for those belonging to Numḫa (ancestors) and the unassigned men (i.e., those without proper status), this kispum will have taken place. The sacrifice of king and the commoners will take place in the temples [lines damaged]. . . . On the day the moon is invisible—they ought not be sacrificed. In the presence of Sin-of-Heaven they are burned. The meal of the god or goddess is presented in the kissikkum-chamber. On the day of the gimkum, vehicles will be set up. A donkey is slaughtered. The gods and the cultic paraphernalia will come out from the vehicles. God heads to his shrine and the king to his palace will go, just as the donkey-foal is slaughtered [damaged lines]. . . . The king will go ahead of the ḫumṭum and lead it into the temple of the goddess. Four sheep, the king’s sacrifice, will be sacrificed to Šamaš in the courtyard of the temple of the goddess. Once the king (has entered), his sacrifice to [. . .] will be 1 cow, 8 sheep and 4. . . . [remaining lines damaged].

6.7.d.i.2.  For a ghost.  Kibri-Dagan sends ARM 26 221 (ARM 3 40 = LAPO 18 941) to the king. This kispum was likely extra-calendric and deemed exceptional, because it was requested by a god. Dagan and Ikrub- El (Yakrub-El) are well; Terqa, city and district, is in good order. Another matter: On the day I sent this letter of mine to my lord, an ecstatic (muḫḫûm) of Dagan came here to tell me the following: “God has sent me. Write promptly to the king so that commemorative offerings (kispum) are made to the ghost (iṭemmum) of Yaḫdun-Lim.” This is what this ecstatic told me and I am writing it to my lord. My lord should do as he pleases.

6.7.d.ii.  Offerings ana mālikī (Jacquet 2002).  These occasions seem to coincide with the kispum on the 1st of the month and are presented before (the statues? of) dead members of the royal family, mālikum being applied once to a newly-born prince. 141 6.7.d.ii.1.  A much-weakened Išme-Dagan (of Ekallatum) sent A.674 (LAPO 18 967) to Zimri-Lim. Everything about its content is obscure. In prayer I have sought out a mālikum and a mālikum has appeared. Yet here, there is no one who knows the ritual for a mālikum. Send one of your servants with one of mine, so as to promptly bring to me someone who knows the ritual for a mālikum. 142

6.7.d.iii.  Commemorative celebration ([ḫ]idirtum). 143  They likely occurred yearly, and the first may have come at the tail end of the funerary service for a departed royalty; see ARM 26 11 at 1.7.b.iii.2. 141.  FM 4 26:4–6 (M.7141): “5 garments, among gifts for (queen) Yatar-aya, when she gave (birth) to a mālikum-prince.” Ziegler (1999: 56 n. 359 and 197) cites a parallel text (T.108) that uses the more normal phrase, “when she gave birth (išlimu).” It is dated late in Zimri-Lim’s reign. 142.  Durand 1997: 546–47 finds a continuation of the story in ARM 2 119 (= LAPO 16 351). Ibal-pi-El and Buqaqum, two high officials, reached Ekallatum and tried some incantations on the ill Išme-Dagan. The text, however, is too pockmarked for clear understanding. See also the obscure reference to the mālikum of Addu, ARM 26 246 at 2.1.d.ii.5. 143.  In FM 7 45 (see below), we read about a major meal at the court of Hammurabi of Yamḫad on the occasion of the ḫidirtum rabītum of/for Sumu-epuḫ. Unless one imagines this to be

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6.7.d.iii.1.  “Jorzeit/Jahrzeit.”  An excerpt from FM 7 45:3–14 (full text at 1.6.b.iii) suggests that commemorating a departed was (relatively) festive, with guests sharing the royal table. It also suggests that the occasion might have been linked to other cultic activities, so expanding the guest list. Šunuḫ-raḫalu opens his report on negotiations regarding the purchase of Alaḫtum, with this notice. During the pagrāʾum/pagrûm-presentation for Dagan, Šalaš (Nin.ḫursagga), and Ḫebat, we sat in the palace for Sumu-epuḫ’s great commemoration (idirtum rabītum). Now Hammurabi (of Yamḫad) had set the meal before the gods and as we sat by him for the meal, he called to us, me and Zu-ḫadnum. He told me: “There is a confidential matter I want to share with you. Come close to the palace gate early next morning, I will share this matter with you. Write this message on a tablet and convey it to your lord.” This is what he told me.

6.7.d.iii.2.  Zimri-Lim writes ARM 28 17 to Hammurabi of Yamḫad recalling the commemoration for his father-in-law. You have written me this about cedar chips. “Your eyes have seen the house that is being built. Once this house is completed, you will see the wood that I am giving you.” This is what you wrote. Now even before I was to hear a report on the commemoration (ḫidirtum), I had repeatedly sent one good report after another. Now when I was staying by my father (Yarim-Lim), during his lifetime he told me: “Get to Mari and (I will deliver to you) 20 trunks of cedar, each 40 cubits long and 1½ cubits in diameter. . . .” [2–3 lines damaged]. Ask Gašera (your mother) and (minister) Ṭab-balaṭi who heard (it) from your father’s mouth. They should tell you all that was promised to be given. Now then, may my life and yours be spared. The cedar-wood and desired objects from Tukriš are plentiful and hardly flawed. a funeral for a prince named after Hammurabi’s grandfather (unlikely given the tenor of the discussion), it is best to treat the term broadly enough to cover commemorations as well as funerary orations. The commemorations were tied to meals offered to diverse deities.

C

h a p t e r

7

Reflections In the previous chapters, I have presented translations and light annotations for about 750 documents—mostly letters—and excerpted a hundred more. I have covered dozens of subjects, featured several institutions, and elucidated many traits and mores. Yet, it must not be thought that this endeavor has done justice to the wealth of details that the Mari archives have already revealed in published documents or is sure to do in hundreds more texts that are not yet available to most of us. To begin with—and as noted in the Introduction—I have avoided presenting long letters with multiple subjects, those with conspicuously political contents, or those so pockmarked or fragmentary as to challenge comprehension. I have not touched the archives from the šakkanakkum period, which is just earlier than the texts presented here. Ahead, we may look forward to editions of dossiers that feature such important personalities as Išme-Dagan, Laʾum, Sammetar, Itur-asdu, Zimri-Addu and many others. Furthermore, there will be studies on the work of the Mari scribal schools. The glory of the Mari archives, however, is not just in its rich treasure of letters, but also in its extensive administrative documentation, of which you are reading hardly a fraction in this book. These texts tend to be formulaic and full of words that are not always understood; yet, it is in their study—the patient sifting and collating of their contents—that the wealth of details about Mari and its culture emerges. I must also bemoan my lack of expertise in helping to integrate this essentially epigraphic portrayal of Mari with the rich archaeological resources that A. Parrot, J.-C. Margueron, and Pascal Butterlin have made available since 1933—with some gaps during hostilities (WW II and since 2010). Internationalism.  A century ago, James Henry Breasted of Chicago (1865– 1935) was so struck by the vigor, syncretism, and diffusion of Amarna culture (15th through 13th centuries) that he termed it an age of The Earliest Internationalism (Berkeley, 1919). I fancy that he would shift this term to the era a half millennium earlier had he known the archives that are selectively featured in these pages. In his day, aside from recovery of documents that allude to the Hammurabi dynasty, knowledge of civilization in the Old Babylonian period had hardly found secure anchor. From clandestine excavations, scattered information was available for the Isin, Larsa, and Babylonian states. Familiarity with Old Assyrian society, with its mooring in both Cappadocia and Assur, also existed. Without having full access (when writing 343

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in 1919) to the big discoveries at Nuzi (1925–31), Ugarit (since 1929), Alalaḫ (since 1937), and Emar (1972–76), Breasted could not assimilate the Old Babylonian period into his magisterial overviews of the Bronze Age; but these discoveries might have only sharpened his instinct about it. Ethnic diversity. Though largely restricted to palace archives for its support, the portrait that I have drawn for you is of a messy, multiethnic, pluralistic, pugilistic world; one of multiple cultures and diverse social groups. Ethnically, the area was diverse, with Elamites on the Iranian plateau and Hurrians in northeastern Mesopotamia (the Turukkus and the Lullus of the Zagros regions may have been congeners). Semites included remnants of Akkadians in the Babylonian south and Assyrians, with their merchant colonies in central Anatolia. Arameans may have made an early appearance as Sutu nomads and later as Aḫlamus. Amorites had the largest presence, but they belonged to a great number of tribes, among them Numḫa of Yamutbal, the Yaminites likely the largest confederation, and the Simʾalites, to which the Lim dynasty belonged. Kingship.  Politically, the region was a vast Serengeti Plain, in which ravenous predators operated in packs and their prey feared striking out on their own. There was much scurrying toward or away from overlords rummaging for vassals. Control of territory was never permanent or guaranteed, and “musical thrones” was the tune heard in many capitals. While every power in that world differed in its own special way, the Old Babylonian (some might call it Amorite) culture at its core lent a uniformity to the behavior of kings, with only their personal sagacity, shrewdness, and capacity to forge political links allowing them to safely bequeath a throne. Babylon was among the few major centers that was able to boast of dynastic continuity. In most other cities, change occurred suddenly and frequently. Mari itself typified this condition: in two score years, four rulers sat on its throne. We imagine conditions may have differed in the West, where the kingdoms of Yamḫad and Qatna ruled; but this impression may just be due to the scarcity of evidence. A corollary to this situation is that, in most states of the region, allegiance was to an individual and limited to the cities in which the ruler had set a throne. Control of outlying territory was never permanent or guaranteed. For this reason, rulers stayed on the move or forced their vassals to do the same. They relied much on relatives or tribal kinfolk and shipped off daughters and sons to enlarge family ties. Under these circumstances, combat was endemic, and I cannot point to any appreciable stretch of time in which Mari kings were not embroiled in it, whether it was their choice or not. Nonetheless, kings were not lawless and certainly not without adherence to conventions. In fact, if there is anything that the Mari archives have foregrounded, it is how much diplomacy and its outcome—in loyalty pledges, sacred oaths, and treaty formulations—were central to its other institutions, including ceremonies, worship, and trade. 1 1.  I have lifted these observations from Sasson 2008b and 2013b.

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Administration.  Palace bureaucrats (see chapter 2) dutifully paid lip service to their current master, and they knew better than to invest their lives in blind loyalty. We therefore find their attachment to one ruler when just a few months earlier it was to his rival. Yet, rare were the rulers who punished resourceful servants for having launched their careers under different sponsorship. It may, however, have been different for the merḫûms, leaders of tribal forces pledged to the king then current, for they owed their appointments to the victorious usurpers. For this reason, a merḫûm such as Bannum is exceptional, and it may well be that his adaptability proved a challenge to his continued success. The resource for diplomacy astonishes for its scale. Aside from the dozens of messengers, couriers, and diplomats (“donkey riders”) that were kept at beck and call, anyone on the road was a potential instrument: merchants, physicians, secretaries, diviners, Kapellmeister, stewards, valets, tribal leaders, and governors among them. Princesses becoming brides of vassals were potential diplomats (or spies). Scribes were attached to the heads of diplomatic missions, and they seem to take with them endless supplies of clay. Warfare.  The chapter on war (chapter 3) provides few startling revelations. In an age when horses were exchanged in very small numbers as gifts among the elites and when chariots were for locomotion or for ceremonies, the most sustained military engagements took place outside of moated and well-fortified cities, pitting substantial forces on either side. Heavy instruments could be brought to damage or scale walls; but time seems to have been an enemy of the besiegers. Worth noticing, too, is the presence of mercenaries, among them Ḫabirus. In the literature, these soldiers of fortune have often been treated wrongly as the product of Late Bronze Age rootlessness. Merchants played a crucial role in restoring harmony after wars, moving freely across frontiers to ransom prisoners and then returning them to their homes for profit. Detailed dossiers can be constructed about the release (for money) or assignment of prisoners of both sexes and of all ages. Remarkable is Mesopotamia’s earliest attestation of an epic praising a king (Zimri-Lim) for his superior military skills and instincts (see at 1.2.b.i). Society.  Law and justice (chapter 4) are themes that belong to the earliest manifestations of Mesopotamian culture. Given its palace origins, the Mari archives have not delivered a substantial record of legal judgments and private contracts. What we do learn of legal processes or about decisions with legal implications are incidental to reports by officials, and it is not always clear whether their actions are ad hoc or applications of traditional remedies for civil or criminal acts. While there is (as yet) no evidence of royal sponsorship of a legal compilation (codification) by Mari scribes, there are juicy references to acts of remissions (andurārum), sure evidence of royal interference in economic transactions. Again, because our evidence from Mari is largely restricted to palace transactions, allusions to commercial transactions tend to reflect the affairs of kings. Among the goods and products they received or supplied were people (slaves), livestock, grain,

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oils, wine, and honey. Raw materials—wool, leather, wood, reed, stones, metals— were purchased and processed locally or acquired as basic stock (mostly textiles and pottery). While exchanges of such goods and services are extensively documented in the administrative archives, the label “trade” cannot easily be applied to them, for in this period the exchange of gifts was obligatory, with equivalence in value being the major control. To give too much risked bankrupting a poorer recipient; to receive too little was a gross insult. Unexpected (and scarcely duplicated in later archives) was the evidence of kings purchasing towns extra-territorially or owning fully-staffed estates in distant cities. Welcome are details on extensive travel of artisans, musicians, physicians, and diviners. Religion.  As far as religious institutions are concerned (Chapter 5), Mari offers little that is distinctive from other Old Babylonian city-states. As befits a (relatively) richer state with control over the shrines of many localities and access to those of many vassals, the Mari temples sheltered gods from diverse regions. Oddly enough, while we read about a diversity of religious personnel, and especially so about priestesses, details about acts of worship are haphazard or limited to libretti for rituals before specific deities. The administrative documents teem with references to activities tied to religious occasions (inūma. . . ; “at the time of . . .”), although often lacking useful description. The creation and dedication of diverse religious implements—statues, thrones, paraphernalia—is nicely charted across many documents, sometimes also over many years. Unparalleled is a dossier on the carving and display of pillars (maṣṣebôt) on ceremonial, commemorative, or religious occasions. Distinctive, however, is the documentary evidence on diverse methods used to actively solicit the will of God, through dreams, oracles, prophecies, and divination. What distinguishes this literature is its “embeddedness” within a sizeable correspondence, albeit principally from the Zimri-Lim period. Distinctive, too, is the large corpus of documents on ordeals, whether to resolve political, criminal, or civil infringements. Culture.  I have left to the final chapter (6) threads of information on a broad variety of subjects. The details are rich and supple, as befits their emergence from an archive that, although largely palatial, is singularly intimate and personal, hardly matched by any other save that excavated from Old Assyrian Kanish. In the letters, passions remain raw years after their initial provocation, and shock and anger are barely contained. Moments from life-cycles are chronicled, from birth to death, shedding light on their actual emotional imprint. I find such testimonies to be enticing; in reflecting on the sentiments they convey, occasionally I see them as a bridge from that distant world to ours. Beyond Old Babylonian Mari.  The Mari that survived Zimri-Lim was a pale shadow of its Old Babylonian manifestation. Hammurabi moved the population elsewhere and had his scribe cull its archives before destroying the town. Mari is

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occasionally cited in later Old Babylonian documents (as in AbB 2 88); but it became part of the kingdom of Ḫana, with Terqa as its major town, a few decades after a revolt against the Babylon of Samsuiluna. Mari is sporadically recalled in the late Bronze Age (Nuzi, Ugarit, Middle Assyrian among them), but the references are fleeting or tangential. In the 12th and 11th centuries, a minor kingdom called Mari was established on the edge of the Ḫabur River, near Tell Bderi and Tell Taban. Whether the name was consciously adopted from surviving traditions or only etymologically accidental—for example, from mārum, “son,” or marrum, “bitter” (for its waters)—is debated. 2 The names of the kings of Mari had echoes in history. Zimri-Lim gave his sons a family name—Yaggid-Lim, Ḫatni-Addu, and Yaḫdun-Lim—living to bury the last cited. What happened to the other two sons, if they survived their father, is not yet known. In Zimri-Lim’s own time, the name Yaḫdun-Lim and Yasmaḫ-Addu were current. A few months before the end of Mari, a Yaḫdun-Lim of Carchemish visited Terqa soon after he murdered his brother to gain his throne. I do not know what happened to him subsequently. To my knowledge, the name of Sumu-yamam, who ruled Mari for a few fleeting months, was never invoked for any other throne name. Samsi-Addu’s son, Yasmaḫ-Addu, was likely murdered by the merḫûm Bannum and is not mentioned in any meaningful way in the documents from Zimri-Lim’s period. However, a Yaminite chieftain was named Yasmaḫ-Addu, and others were called similarly. Zimri-Lim’s own name had a better future. A king by that name ruled the kingdom of Ḫana from Terqa around 1700. Other kings from that kingdom bore names crafted with the element Lim (Iggid-Lim, Išar-Lim), so it is possible that the coinage was in homage to the Mari kings, whether or not there were shared blood ties. In later periods, the name Zimri-Lim surfaces here and there, with speculative explanations for connecting it to the Mari ruler. It might be fair (albeit hardly considerate) of me to say, however, that the Mari displayed for you in the above pages had largely vanished for dozens of centuries. I am happy that in our times it has been making a deserved reentry into our consciousness. 2.  See the opening paragraphs of Shibata 2007: 63–64.

Works Consulted Abbreviations AB ABD ANET 3 AOAT ARM(T)

CANE FM

Anchor Bible Anchor Bible Dictionary. see Freedman 1992. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. see Pritchard 1969 Alter Orient und Altes Testament Archives royales de Mari (in transliteration and translation, listed by editors)    1: see Dossin, 1950b    2: see Jean 1950    3: see Kupper 1950    4: see Dossin 1951    5: see Dossin 1952    6: see Kupper 1954    7: see Bottéro 1957    8: see Boyer 1958    9: see Birot 1960    10: see Dossin and Finet 1978    11: see Burke 1963    12: see Birot 1964a    13: see Dossin et al. 1964    14: see Birot 1974    18: see Rouault 1977b    21: See Durand 1983    22: see Kupper 1983    23: see Bardet (et al.) 1984    24: see Talon 1985    25: see Limet 1986    26/1: see Durand 1988a    26/2: see Charpin (et al.) 1988    27: see Birot 1993    28: see Kupper 1998    30: see Guichard 2005    31: see Durand 2009b    32: see Arkhipov 2012 Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. see Sasson 1995 Florilegium marianum (1–14) (authored volumes as listed below)    4: see Ziegler 1999    5: see Charpin and Ziegler 2003    7: see Durand 2002a    8: see Durand 2005    9: see Ziegler 2007    10: see Marti 2008    11: see Chambon 2009    12: see Jacquet 2011    14: see Guichard 2014

348

Works Consulted LAPO 16–18 MARI NABU OBLTA OBO OBTR RA RATL RIMA RIMB ShA1 Terqa WZKM

349

Littératures anciennes du Proche-Orient. see Durand 1997–2000 Mari: Annales de Recherches Inter-disciplinaires Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires see Whiting 1987 Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis see Dalley 1976 Revue d’assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale see Eidem 2011 The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods. see Grayson 1987 The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Babylonian Periods. see Frayne 1990 see Eidem and Læssøe 2001 see Rouault Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes

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“Siege Mentality: Fighting at the City Gate in the Mari Archives.” Pp. 463–76 in S. Yona, M. I. Gruber, E. L. Greenstein, P. Machinist, and S. Paul (eds.), Marbeh Hokmah: Studies in the Bible and the Ancient Near East in Loving Memory of Victor Avigdor Hurowitz. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns. Sasson, J. M. et al. (eds.) 1995 Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. 4 volumes. New York: Scribners = 2 volumes, Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 2000. Schaeffer, Claude F.A. 1939 Ugaritica I. Mission de Ras Shamra III. Paris: Geuthner. Scouflaire, M.-F., 1987 “Quelques cas de détentions abusives à l’époque du royaume de Mari.” Akkadica 53: 25–35. 1989 “Premières réflexions sur l’organisation des ‘prisons’ dans le royaume de Mari.” Pp. 157–60 in M. Lebeau and P. Talon (eds.), Reflets des Deux Fleuves: Volume de Mélanges Offerts à André Finet. Akkadica Supplementum 6. Leuven: Peeters. Shibata, Daisuke 2007 “Middle Assyrian Administrative and Legal Texts from the 2005 Excavation at Tell Taban: A Preliminary Report.” al-Rāfidān 28: 63–74. Snell, Daniel C. 1974 “The Mari Livers and the Omen Tradition.” Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University 6: 11721. Stol, Marten 1997 “Muškenu.” Reallexikon der Assyriologie 8/7–8: 492–93. 2004 “Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in altbabylonischer Zeit.” Pp. 649–975 in Pascal Attinger (ed.) Mesopotamien: Die altbabylonische Zeit. OBO 160/4. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht. 2007 “Suicide in Akkadian.” NABU 2007/13: 13. Talon, Philippe 1982 “L’offrande ikribum à Mari.” Annuaire de l’Institut de Philologie et d’Histoire Orientales et Slaves 26: 109–17. 1985 Textes administratifs des salles Y et Z du palais de Mari. ARM 24. Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations. 1997 Old Babylonian Texts from Chagar Bazar. Akkadica Supplementum 10. Brussels: Fondation Assyriologique Georges Dossin. Toorn, Karel van der 1986 “Judges XVI 21 in the Light of the Akkadian Sources.” Vetus Testamentum 36: 248–53. 1995 “The Domestic Cult at Emar.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 47: 35–49. 1998 “A Prophetic Role-Play Mistaken for an Apocalyptic Vision (ARM XXVI no. 196).” NABU 1998/2: 3–4. Thureau-Dangin, François 1936a “Iaḫdunlim, roi de Ḫana.” RA 33: 49–54. 1936b “Textes de Mari.” RA 33: 169–79. Tuchman, Barbara W. 1978 A Distant Mirror: The Calamitous Fourteenth Century. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Veenhof, Klaas R. 2008 “The Death and Burial of Ishtar-Lamassi in Karum-Kanesh.” Pp. 97–121 in B. van der Spek et al. (eds.), Studies in Ancient Near Eastern World View and Society: Presented to Marten Stol on the Occasion of his 65th birthday, 10 November 2005, and His Retirement from the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Bethesda, Md.: CDL. Vidal, Jordi 2012 “La guerra de asedio en el período paleobabilónico según los textos de Mari.” Pp. 21–37 in Jordi Vidal and Borja Antela (eds.), Fortificaciones y Guerra de asedio en el mundo antiguo. Zaragoza: Pórtico librerías.

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Villard, Pierre 1984 “Textes No 535 à 627.” Pp. 453–585 in Bardet et al. (eds.) 1984. 1986 “Un roi de Mari à Ugarit.” Ugarit Forschungen 18: 387–411. 1992 “Parade militaire dans les jardins de Babylone.” FM 1: 137–51. 1994 “Nomination d’un Scheich.” FM 2: 291–97. 2001 “Les administrateurs de l’époque de Yasmaḫ-Addu.” Amurru 2: 9–140. Vollemaere, Benjamin 2014 “Ekallâtum dans la région du Sindjar, durant les années ZL 11 et ZL 12.” NABU 2014/82: 130–31. Von Dassow, Eva 2014 Awīlum and muškēnum in the Age of Hammurabi.” Pp. 291–308 in Lionel Marti (ed.), La famille dans le Proche-Orient ancien: réalités, symbolismes, et images. Proceedings of the 55th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale at Paris 6–9 July 2009. Winona lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns. Wasserman, Nathan 2003 Style and Form in Old Babylonian Literary Texts. Cuneiform Monographs 27: Leiden: Styx / Brill. 2012 Most Probably: Epistemic Modality in Old Babylonian. Languages of the Ancient Near East 3. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns. Whiting, Robert M. 1987 Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar. Assyriological Studies 22. Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Wu, Yuhong 1994 A Political History of Eshnunna, Mari and Assyria during the Early Old Babylonian Period (from the end of Ur III to the death of Šamši-Adad). Changchun, China: Institute of History and Ancient Civilizations. Yamada, Shigeo 2011 “A pudûm Rotation List from Tell Taban and the Cultural Milieu of Ṭabatum in the Post-Hammurabi period.” RA 105: 137–56. Zgoll, Annette 2006 Traum und Weiterleben im antiken Mesopotamien: Traumtheorie und Traumpraxis im 3.–1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. als Horizont einer Kulturgeschichte des Träumens. AOAT 333. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Ziegler, Nele 1994 “Deux esclaves en fuite à Mari.” FM 2: 11–21 1996 “Ein Bittbrief eines Händlers.” WZKM 86 (= Festschrift für Hans Hirsch): 479–88. 1997a “L’armée,–quel monstre!” FM 3: 145–52. 1997b “Les enfants du palais.” Ktèma 22: 45–57. 1999a Le Harem de Zimri-Lim: La population féminine des palais d’après les archives royales de Mari. FM 4. Mémoires de NABU 5. Paris: SEPOA. 1999b “Le Harem du vaincu.” RA 93: 1–26. 1999c “A Questionable Daughter-in-Law.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 51: 55–59. 2000 “Aspects économiques des guerres de Samsî Addu.” Pp. 13–33 in Andreau, Jean, Pierre Briant and Raymond Descat (eds.), Économie antique: La guerre dans les économies antiques. Entretiens d’Archéologie et d’Histoire 5. Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges: Musée archéologique départemental. 2002 “Le royaume d’Ekallâtum et son horizon géopolitique.” FM 6: 211–74. 2006 “Briefe aus Mari.” Pp. 38–76 in Bernd Janowski and Gernot Wilhelm (eds.), Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments, Neue Folge 3, Briefe. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus. 2007 Les Musiciens et la musique d’après les archives de Mari. FM 9. Mémoires de NABU 10. Paris: SEPOA. 2008 “Samsî-Addu et ses soldats.” Pp. 49–55 in Philippe Abrahami and Laura Battini (eds.), Les armées du Proche-Orient ancien (IIIe–Ier mill. av. J.-C.). Actes du colloque international or-

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ganisé à Lyon les 1er et 2 décembre 2006. Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée. BAR International Series 1855. Oxford: John and Erica Hedges Ltd. 2011a “Music, the Work of Professionals.” Pp. 288–312 in Karen Radner and Eleanor Robson (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2011b “Iddin-Dagan, un gestionnaire à Ṭâbatum.” RA 105: 17–34. 2014a “Akkade à l’époque paléo-babylonienne.” Pp. 177–90 in Nele Ziegler and Eva Cancik-​ Kirschbaum (eds.), Entre les fleuves – II. D’Aššur à Mari et au-delà. Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient 24. Gladbeck, Germany: Pe-We Verlag. 2014b “Le ‘coeur du pays’ libbi mâtim.” Pp. 273–89 in Nele Ziegler and Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum (eds.), Entre les fleuves – II. D’Aššur à Mari et au-delà. Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient 24. Gladbeck, Germany: Pe-We Verlag. 2014c “Kriege und ihre Folgen. Frauenschicksale anhand der Archive aus Mari.” Pp. 885–907 in Hans Neumann, Reinhard Dittmann, Susanne Paulus, Georg Neumann, and Anais Schuster-​ Brandis (eds.), Krieg und Frieden im Alten Vorderasien. RAI 53, 2006. AOAT 401. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Ziegler, Nele, and Dominique Charpin 2004 “Une lettre de Samsî-Addu découverte à Hazor.” NABU 2004/84: 85–6. 2007 “Amurritisch Lernen.” WZKM 97 [= Festschrift für Herman Hunger zum Gerburtstag gewidmet von seinen Freunden, Kollegen und Schülern]: 55–77.

Concordances and Indexes A. Concordances 1.  By Paragraph to Translations Translation

Notes to ¶

Publication #

0.4 0.4.a 0.4.b 0.4.b 0.4.b 0.4.b 1.1.a 1.1.a 1.1.b 1.1.b 1.1.b 1.1.c 1.1.d.i.1 1.1.d.i.1 1.1.d.i.2 1.1.d.ii.1 1.1.d.ii.1 1.1.d.ii.2 1.1.d.ii.2 1.1.d.iii 1.1.d.iii 1.1.d.iii 1.1.e.i 1.1.e.i 1.1.e.ii 1.1.e.ii 1.1.e.ii 1.1.f.i 1.1.f.ii.1a 1.1.f.ii.1a 1.1.f.ii.1a

note to

ARM 1 76:20–29

Museum # A.2995+

note to note to note to

ARM 1 47 ARM 10 122 A.350+ A.4406

LAPO # LAPO 16 58 LAPO 16 310 LAPO 16 19 LAPO 18 1140 LAPO 16 333

OBTR 118:3–12 A.2231 ARM 28 148

note to note to

TH 72.5:5–18 ARM 1 113 A.257 A.49

note to note to note to note to

ARM 14 88 ARM 28 49:14–32 FM 6 18 ShA1 16:15–30 ShA1 17 ARM 13 109:7–19 ARM 27 162

note to

LAPO 16 36 LAPO 16 300 LAPO 16 355

A.4182 SH.883 SH.906+ LAPO 18 1021 A.2757

ARM 26 236

LAPO 18 1139

note to

A.1348+ A.2417 A.2226:12′–21′ M.6009:3–30 A.6182

note to note to ARM 23 238 ARM 23 495

A.4305

367

LAPO 17 607 LAPO 16 285 LAPO 16 51

368 Translation 1.1.f.ii.1a 1.1.f.ii.1a 1.1.f.ii.1b 1.1.f.ii.2 1.1.f.ii.2 1.1.f.ii.2 1.1.f.ii.3 1.1.f.iii 1.1.f.iii 1.2.a 1.2.b.i 1.2.c 1.2.c 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.ii 1.2.c.ii 1.2.c.iii 1.2.c.iv.1 1.2.c.iv.2 1.2.c.iv.3 1.2.c.iv.3 1.2.d 1.2.d 1.3.a.i.1 1.3.a.i.2 1.3.a.i.3 1.3.a.i.3 1.3.a.ii 1.3.a.ii.1 1.3.a.ii.2 1.3.a.ii.3 1.3.a.ii.3 1.3.a.ii.4 1.3.a.ii.5 1.3.a.iii.1a 1.3.a.iii.1b 1.3.a.iii.2a 1.3.a.iii.2b 1.3.a.iii.2c 1.3.a.iii.2d

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Notes to ¶

Publication #

FM 4 33 FM 4 34 FM 4 35 note to

Museum # M.6822 M.7780 A.3696 M.5462 M.7178 M.6167 M.5719

note to note to note to

note to

A.450 ARM 28 122:4–5 ARM 28 145:6′–11′ M.8426+ A.3885:16′–23′ ARM 28 124 ARM 3 8:25–27 FM 9 8 FM 3 6 OBTR 150 ARM 26 282:5–13

LAPO 17 801 A.27 A.1258

LAPO 16 22

A.4263 ARM 13 27 ARM 13 47 FM 2 116 ARM 1 64 ARM 1 38

LAPO 16 157 LAPO 16 90 A.556 LAPO 16 15 LAPO 17 663 A.2177 A.482:8′–9′

note to

note to

LAPO 16 52

ARM 26 423:38–59

note to note to

LAPO 16 50

ARM 26 401:31–36 M.7259 Yaḫdun-Lim disc Zimri-Lim epic

note to note to note to note to

LAPO #

ARM 2 13 KTT 55a ARM 2 60 ARM 25 622 OBTR 5 FM 6 16 ARM 10 125 ARM 10 126 ARM 5 27 ARM 10 140 OBTR 160 KTT 373

LAPO 17 457 LAPO 17 632 A.1141 A.366 LAPO 18 1167 LAPO 18 1166 LAPO 17 627 LAPO 18 1184

369

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation 1.3.a.iii.3 1.3.a.iii.4 1.3.a.iv.1 1.3.a.iv.2 1.3.a.iv.3 1.3.a.iv.3 1.3.a.iv.4a 1.3.a.iv.4b 1.3.a.iv.5 1.3.a.iv.5 1.3.a.iv.5a 1.3.a.iv.5b 1.3.a.iv.5c 1.3.a.iv.5d 1.3.a.v.  1.3.b.i.1 1.3.b.i.2 1.3.b.i.3 1.3.b.i.4 1.3.c.i 1.3.c.i.1 1.3.c.i.2 1.3.c.i.2 1.3.c.i.3 1.3.c.i.4 1.3.c.ii 1.3.c.ii 1.3.c.ii.1a 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.3.c.iii 1.3.c.iii.1 1.3.c.iii.2 1.3.c.iii.3 1.3.d.i 1.3.d.i 1.3.d.i.1a 1.3.d.i.1b 1.3.d.ii.1 1.3.d.ii.2 1.3.d.ii.3

Notes to ¶

Publication #

Museum #

LAPO #

ARM 27 85

note to

note to note to

FM 6 50 ARM 28 161 ARM 5 7 ARM 5 8 RATL 153 ARM 28 97b ARM 22 263 ARM 26 421:15′–21′ ARM 8 78 ARM 8 77 ARM 23 80 FM 8 43

A.757 A.1286 LAPO 18 1028 LAPO 18 1029 L.87-457

M.11351 A.2470+ A.3185 A.2178

ARM 23 556 TH 87.112 Yaḫdun-Lim Brick (51–66)

note to ARM 26 318 ARM 10 121 note to

note to note to

FM 2 40:4–12

LAPO 18 1141 M.9738 A.885:4–18 A.673 M.9726 A.2442

ARM 26 350 ARM 28 122 note to note to note to note to

A.2636:5–20 A.55:3–14 ARM 28 111:9′–16′ ARM 31 24 ARM 5 26 FM 11 182

LAPO 16 6

M.5756 LAPO 16 257 A.822

note to note to

ARM 2 55:5–13 ARM 13 110:5′–14′ ARM 5 24 FM 2 131 ARM 1 86 ARM 13 25 FM 2 46

LAPO 17 705 LAPO 18 1074 LAPO 16 80 LAPO 18 971 LAPO 18 970

370 Translation 1.3.d.ii.4 1.3.d.iii 1.3.d.iii.1 1.3.d.iii.2 1.3.d.iv.1 1.3.d.iv.2 1.3.d.v.1 1.3.d.v.2 1.3.d.vi.1 1.3.d.vi.2 1.3.d.vi.3 1.3.d.vi.4 1.3.d.vii.1 1.3.d.vii.2 1.3.d.vii.2 1.3.d.vii.3 1.3.d.vii.3 1.3.d.vii.4a 1.3.d.vii.4b 1.3.d.vii.5 1.3.e.i 1.3.e.ii.1 1.3.e.ii.2 1.3.e.iii.1 1.3.e.iii.2 1.3.e.iv.  1.3.e.iv.  1.3.e.v.1 1.3.e.v.2 1.4.a.i 1.4.a.ii 1.4.a.iii 1.4.a.iii 1.4.a.iii.1 1.4.a.iii.2 1.4.b.i.1 1.4.b.i.2 1.4.b.i.2 1.4.b.ii 1.4.c.i 1.4.c.ii 1.4.c.ii.1 1.4.c.ii.2

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Notes to ¶ note to

Publication #

Museum #

FM 2 52 ARM 25 758 ARM 25 376 ARM 7 93 ARM 23 100 ARM 27 3 ARM 3 6 ARM 14 48

A.161

LAPO #

M.11440

LAPO 17 800 LAPO 17 651 A.2052+:32–47

ARM 18 7

LAPO 18 909 A.229

ARM 13 96 FM 2 49 ARM 26 185-bis note to note to

LAPO 18 876 LAPO 18 1145 A.265:18–28

ARM 3 66 ARM 14 56 FM 3 136 Tell Sakka 2 OBTR 95 ARM 1 017

LAPO 18 1044 LAPO 18 1020 A.2254

A.2293+ A.16

note to

note to note to

note to

ARM 26 534 ARM 26 539 FM 7 36 RATL 89:27–43 ARM 10 161 FM 2 29 FM 2 45 ARM 26 445 ARM 8 33

LAPO 16 417 LAPO 18 855 LAPO 18 912

A.1257 L.87-939 LAPO 18 1181 M.9238 A.447

A.2654 M.11009+ M.8161 ARM 6 76 ARM 26 512:5–12

LAPO 18 1084 LAPO 17 732

A.868 ARM 4 70 ARM 27 131 note to

LAPO 16 33 Yaḫdun-Lim Brick (28–50)

ARM 26 119 A.2966:16–22

371

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation 1.4.d.1 1.4.d.2 1.4.e.i 1.4.f 1.5.a.i 1.5.a.ii 1.5.a.ii 1.5.b.i 1.5.b.ii 1.5.b.iii 1.5.b.iii.1 1.5.b.iii.2 1.5.b.iii.3 1.5.b.iii.3 1.5.b.iii.4 1.5.b.iii.5 1.5.b.iii.5 1.5.b.iv.  1.5.c 1.5.c 1.5.c 1.6.a.i 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.iii 1.6.a.iii 1.6.a.iv.1 1.6.a.iv.2 1.6.b.i 1.6.b.i 1.6.b.i 1.6.b.ii 1.6.b.ii 1.6.b.iii 1.6.b.iii 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.2 1.6.c

Notes to ¶

Publication #

Museum #

LAPO #

A.1251 A.4304

LAPO 18 1000

note to

ARM 28 95 ARM 8 085+ ARM 26 232 FM 2 129 ARM 28 77 ARM 4 20 ARM 26 302:16–27

note to

FM 2 122:34–44 ARM 26 511:56–58 ARM 28 44bis ARM 28 44 ARM 28 98

note to Note to

note to

MARI 7 10 ARM 25 447 MARI 7 12 ShA1 1 ARM 26 537:2′–9′ ARM 28 16

note to note to note to note to

note to

note to note to note to

note to note to

note to note to

LAPO 18 1262 A.476 LAPO 16 436 A.3194 A.221:34–44

A.1025:13–19 A.2939 M.7411 SH.809

A.1101 A.482:22–27 ARM 26 392:45–48 FM 7 1:11′–32′

FM 2 117 FM 2 118:6′–23′ ARM 26 449 ARM 26 468 ARM 2 76 ARM 26 384:68′–70′ ARM 26 392:1–16 ARM 13 31:5–22 ARM 13 32 FM 7 45 FM 7 6:4–13 FM 7 7 FM 7 8 FM 6 6 FM 2 128

LAPO 17 545 LAPO 16 296

A.3089 A.861 A.2119 A.433+ A.3186

LAPO 18 857 LAPO 16 230

LAPO 17 442

LAPO 16 404

LAPO 16 407 LAPO 16 408 A.2428 A.2968: 73–81 A.4490 A.3447+ A.2451+ M.9597 A.720 A.721

372

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances

Translation

Notes to ¶

1.6.c 1.6.c 1.6.c.i.1 1.6.c.i.2 1.6.c.ii.1 1.6.c.ii.2a 1.6.c.ii.2a 1.6.c.ii.2b 1.6.c.ii.2b 1.6.c.iii 1.6.c.iii 1.6.c.iii.1 1.6.c.iii.1 1.6.c.iii.1 1.6.c.iii.2 1.6.c.iv.1 1.6.c.iv.2 1.6.c.iv.2 1.6.c.v 1.6.c.v 1.6.c.vi 1.7 1.7.a.i 1.7.a.i 1.7.a.i 1.7.a.ii 1.7.a.iii 1.7.a.iv.1 1.7.a.iv.1 1.7.a.iv.2 1.7.a.iv.2 1.7.a.iv.3 1.7.a.iv.4 1.7.b.i 1.7.b.ii 1.7.b.iii.1 1.7.b.iii.2 1.7.b.iii.3 1.7.b.iii.4 1.8 1.8.a 1.8.a 1.8.a

note to note to

Publication # RATL 54 ARM 26 404

Museum #

LAPO #

A.3354+:17–20 L.87-227 A.3851:1′–15′

note to note to note to note to note to note to

ARM 26 372 ARM 26 160 ARM 26 469 ARM 26 389:20–31 ARM 26 393 ARM 1 37:19–26

RATL 185 RATL 75 ARM 2 40 ARM 1 46 ARM 1 77:14′–15′ ARM 1 77:8–14

A.96 A.4626 A.2988+ A.1289+:iii: 28–37 A.361 L.87-937 A.1265 L.87-1396

A.3158 ARM 5 15 note to note to

note to note to note to note to

LAPO 16 290

CUNES 49–4-176

note to

note to note to

LAPO 16 280 A.2968:73–81 M.6435+

note to

note to

LAPO 16 287

A.2548 A.4471:18–23 ARM 13 9:22–30 ARM 26 298 ARM 26 136 ARM 2 51 ARM 26 9 ARM 25 616 ARM 26 10 ARM 26 11 ARM 26 13 ARM 26 14

LAPO 17 602 LAPO 18 1006 LAPO 18 1005 LAPO 18 1005 LAPO 18 1008 LAPO 17 722 LAPO 18 1010 LAPO 18 1011 LAPO 16 104

LAPO 17 453

A.3838 ARM 26 303:16′–25′ ARM 26 312:36′–39′ ARM 26 314:26–30

LAPO 16 291 LAPO 16 286 LAPO 16 282 LAPO 16 281 LAPO 16 292

373

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation 1.8.a.i 1.8.a.i 1.8.a.i 1.8.b.i 1.8.b.i 1.8.b.ii 1.8.b.ii 1.8.b.ii 1.8.b.iii 1.8.b.iv 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.vi 1.8.b.vi 1.8.b.vi 1.8.b.vi 1.8.c.i.1 1.8.c.i.1 1.8.c.i.2 1.8.c.i.3 1.8.c.ii 1.8.c.iii 2.0 2.1 2.1 2.1.a.i 2.1.a.i 2.1.a.ii 2.1.a.ii 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.2 2.1.a.iii.3 2.1.a.iii.3 2.1.a.iii.3a 2.1.a.iii.3b 2.1.a.iii.3b 2.1.a.iii.4

Notes to ¶ note to note to

note to note to

note to note to note to note to note to note to

Publication #

Museum #

M.5753 ARM 10 34+ ARM 10 113+ ARM 2 115 ARM 10 46:1′–11′ ARM 10 95:3′–12′ ARM 10 35 ARM 10 26 ARM 10 31:7′–10′ ARM 10 32 ARM 26 315:50–52 ARM 10 33 ARM 10 135 ARM 14 118 ARM 26 304:37–46 ARM 10 74 ARM 10 77 ARM 10 76 ARM 2 113 ARM 10 98 ARM 10 84

LAPO 18 1224 LAPO 18 1224 LAPO 18 1226 LAPO 18 1237 LAPO 18 1225 LAPO 18 1227 LAPO 18 1128 LAPO 18 1223 LAPO 18 1228 LAPO 18 1228 LAPO 18 1230 LAPO 18 1143 LAPO 16 365

A.2724

note to note to note to note to note to note to note to

ARM 1 18 ARM 1 62:5′–14′ ARM 10 153 ARM 14 81 ARM 3 45 ARM 13 123 ARM 6 5 ARM 6 6 ARM 6 8 ARM 6 9 ARM 6 12 A.250

note to note to note to

note to

LAPO #

ARM 22 322 ARM 31 27

ARM 3 11 ARM 2 136:4–13 ARM 27 64:4–18 ARM 3 62 ARM 27 28 ARM 27 29:13–20 ARM 14 80

LAPO 18 1242 LAPO 18 1250 LAPO 18 1243 LAPO 18 1244 LAPO 18 1239 LAPO 18 1232 LAPO 16 49 LAPO 16 43 LAPO 17 639 LAPO 18 1178 LAPO 17 752 LAPO 18 985 LAPO 17 849 LAPO 17 794 LAPO 17 795 LAPO 17 821 LAPO 17 822 LAPO 17 823 LAPO 17 813 LAPO 16 161 LAPO 16 177 LAPO 16 178

LAPO 17 742

374

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances

Translation

Notes to ¶

Publication #

2.1.a.iv 2.1.a.iv.1 2.1.a.iv.1 2.1.a.iv.2 2.1.a.iv.2 2.1.a.iv.2 2.1.a.v 2.1.a.vi.1 2.1.a.vi.2 2.1.a.vi.3 2.1.a.vi.4 2.1.a.vi.4 2.1.a.vi.4 2.1.a.vi.5 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.vii.2 2.1.a.viii 2.1.a.viiii 2.1.a.viiii 2.1.a.x.2 2.1.a.x.2 2.1.a.x.2 2.1.b 2.1.b.i 2.1.b.i 2.1.b.ii.1a 2.1.b.ii.1b 2.1.b.ii.1c1 2.1.b.ii.1c2 2.1.b.iii 2.1.c 2.1.c.i.1 2.1.c.i.2a 2.1.c.i.2b 2.1.c.ii.1 2.1.c.ii.1 2.1.c.ii.2 2.1.c.ii.2 2.1.c.ii.2 2.1.c.ii.3 2.1.c.ii.4

note to note to

ARM 1 6:5–21 ARM 14 61:4–13 ARM 14 62 ARM 13 108:1′–16′ ARM 14 64 ARM 26 314:31–40 ARM 6 19 ARM 3 12 ARM 3 16 ARM 2 92 ARM 14 84+ ARM 26 30 ARM 26 420:3–11 ARM 3 18 ARM 2 106 ARM 14 1 ARM 14 2 ARM 27 116 ARM 27 117 ARM 8 16+ ARM 8 84+ FM 3 138 FM 2 55 FM 2 56

note to note to

note to note to

note to

note to

note to note to

note to

Museum #

LAPO 17 641 LAPO 17 647 LAPO 17 648 LAPO 18 1080 LAPO 17 560 LAPO 16 429 LAPO 17 748 LAPO 17 682 LAPO 17 681 LAPO 17 700

LAPO 18 1060 LAPO 16 214 LAPO 16 215 LAPO 16 216

M.7592 A.862 A.856 A.713

ARM 26 5:3–42 ARM 26 6 ARM 13 29 ARM 10 142

FM 2 50 ARM 14 46

LAPO #

A.2830 A.826 A.4209

LAPO 18 981 LAPO 18 1098 LAPO 16 266 LAPO 16 267 LAPO 16 82

A.1098:20–38; 6′–15′ ARM 26 38

note to note to note to

A.3591 A.158 M.8762 ARM 26 302:4–25 ARM 26 311:4–22 A.486+ M.18738 A.1212

LAPO 16 55

LAPO 17 554 LAPO 17 579 LAPO 18 1271 LAPO 17 605

375

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation 2.1.c.ii.4 2.1.c.ii.5 2.1.c.ii.5 2.1.c.ii.6 2.1.c.iii.1a 2.1.c.iii.1b 2.1.c.iii.2 2.1.c.iii.2 2.1.c.iii.2 2.1.c.iii.3 2.1.c.iii.3 2.1.d.i 2.1.d.ii.1 2.1.d.ii.2 2.1.d.ii.3 2.1.d.ii.4 2.1.d.ii.5 2.2.a.i 2.2.a.ii 2.2.a.ii.1 2.2.b.i 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.iii.1 2.2.b.iii.2 2.2.b.iii.3 2.2.b.iii.4 2.2.b.iv 2.2.b.v 2.2.c.i 2.2.c.i 2.2.c.i 2.2.c.ii 2.2.c.iii.1 2.2.c.iii.2 2.2.c.iii.3 2.2.c.iv 2.2.c.v 2.2.c.vi.1 2.2.c.vi.2a 2.2.c.vi.2b

Notes to ¶

note to

Publication #

Museum #

LAPO #

A.1604+

LAPO 17 604 LAPO 17 830

ARM 2 28 ARM 27 2:27–37 ARM 26 93 ARM 28 120 A.1026 ARM 2 37

note to note to

A.1056 A.2226:3–18 A.2730:30–50 A.2730:1–29 ARM 13 143 ARM 2 137 ARM 26 247 FM 6 4 ARM 26 215 ARM 26 246 ARM 1 120

note to

note to

LAPO 16 283 LAPO 16 284 LAPO 16 285

LAPO 16 303 LAPO 16 335 A.402

LAPO 16 57 A.2920:28–45

ARM 26 276 ARM 13 36:5–24 ARM 13 49 ARM 27 83 ARM 27 84 FM 2 7 FM 6 47 FM 6 48 FM 6 46 FM 6 49 ARM 13 53 FM 6 71 ARM 10 12 ARM 10 82 ARM 13 14 ARM 18 5 ARM 18 6 ARM 13 10

LAPO 16 242 LAPO 16 265

M.11416 M.5754 M.11645 M.12087 LAPO 16 66 A.2663

A.1285 ARM 6 39 ARM 18 23 ARM 18 29 ARM 18 37 ARM 18 36

LAPO 18 1152 LAPO 18 1205 LAPO 17 652 LAPO 17 666 LAPO 16 133 LAPO 16 134 LAPO 16 135 LAPO 16 145 LAPO 16 218 LAPO 16 143 LAPO 16 223 LAPO 16 219

376 Translation 2.2.d.i 2.2.d.ii 2.2.d.ii 2.2.d.iii 2.2.d.iv 2.2.d.v.1 2.2.d.v.1 2.2.d.v.2 2.2.e 2.2.e.i.1 2.2.e.i.2 2.2.e.i.3 2.2.e.i.4 2.2.e.i.5 2.2.e.i.6 2.2.e.ii.1 2.2.e.ii 2.2.e.ii.2 2.2.e.iii 2.2.e.iii 2.2.e.iv.1 2.2.e.iv.2 2.2.e.iv.3 2.2.e.v.1 2.2.e.v.2 2.2.e.v.3 2.2.f.i.1 2.2.f.i.1 2.2.f.i.2 2.2.f.i.3 2.2.f.i.3 2.2.f.ii 2.2.f.ii 2.3 2.3 2.3.a 2.3.a 2.3.a 2.3.a.i 2.3.a.ii.1 2.3.a.ii.2 2.3.a.ii.2 2.3.a.ii.3

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Notes to ¶

Publication #

Museum #

FM 11 188 note to

note to note to

LAPO 16 224 A.337+

ARM 26 538 FM 11 177 ARM 13 126 ARM 13 22 ARM 10 18:5–14′ ARM 6 49 RATL 150:16–25 ARM 26 373 ARM 1 45 FM 7 16

LAPO 18 1156 LAPO 16 228 LAPO 16 262 LAPO 18 1132 LAPO 16 112 L.87-560 LAPO 16 322 A.186 A.3889

note to

note to

ARM 5 38 ARM 3 68 RATL 46 ShA1 11 RATL 137 ARM 6 14 ARM 3 59 ARM 1 97

L.87-502 A.2435 SH.920 L.87-1397

A.266

LAPO 16 384 LAPO 16 329 LAPO 16 324 LAPO 16 298 LAPO 16 415 LAPO 16 434

A.3625 A.2671+ A.2701

note to note to

ARM 26 384:2′′–6′′

note to

ARM 25 143 ARM 26 106 ARM 4 80:5′–13′

note to

LAPO 18 1272 LAPO 16 326 LAPO 18 1068

ARM 2 123 ARM 2 121

note to note to note to note to note to

LAPO #

A.427 + M.8431 M.10522 LAPO 17 729 M.6845

ARM 28 109:5–8 A.2674:18–20 A.4215:3–10 ARM 26 396 ARM 28 108 ARM 26 340:16–29 ARM 26 374 ARM 26 335

LAPO 16 65 LAPO 16 64

377

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation 2.3.a.iii.1 2.3.a.iii.2b 2.3.b.i.1a 2.3.b.i.1b 2.3.b.i.1c 2.3.b.i.1d 2.3.b.i.2a 2.3.b.i.2a 2.3.b.i.2b 2.3.b.i.2c 2.3.b.ii.1 2.3.b.ii.1 2.3.b.ii.2 2.3.b.ii.2 2.3.b.ii.4 2.3.b.ii.5 2.3.b.ii.5 2.3.b.ii.5a 2.3.b.ii.5b 2.3.b.ii.6 2.3.c 2.3.c 2.3.c 2.3.c 2.3.c.i.2 2.3.c.i.3 2.3.c.ii 2.3.c.ii 2.3.c.iii 2.3.c.iii.1 2.3.c.iv.1 2.3.c.iv.2 2.3.c.iv.2 2.3.d.i.1 2.3.d.i.2 2.3.d.i.3 2.3.d.i.3 2.3.d.i.3 2.3.d.i.4 2.3.d.ii 2.3.d.iii.1 2.3.d.iii.2 3.1.a

Notes to ¶

note to

note to note to note to note to

note to note to note to

note to note to

note to

note to note to

note to

Publication # ARM 10 29+ ARM 10 78 ARM 26 4 ARM 26 5 ARM 26 74 ARM 26 7 ARM 26 25 ARM 26 383:13′–21′ ARM 28 14 ARM 26 22 ARM 26 145 ARM 26 146:12–22 ARM 26 114 OBTR 65 ARM 26 108 FM 7 23 ARM 26 112 ARM 26 122 ARM 26 138 ARM 5 73:3′–19′ FM 3 143 FM 9 57 FM 9 13 FM 9 16 FM 9 52:8′–9′ FM 9 51 FM 9 46:5–12 FM 9 43 ARM 10 139 FM 9 4 ARM 10 2:4–10 ARM 18 25 ARM 18 26 ARM 18 14 ARM 18 27 ARM 18 28 ARM 13 20 ARM 26 222 ARM 10 105 ARM 26 107 FM 2 135

Museum #

LAPO # LAPO 18 1233 LAPO 18 1248

A.2937 M.11371:4′–13′ LAPO 18 957 LAPO 17 763 M.5116 LAPO 16 13 A.597:6–13 M.6851 A.4466 A.979 A.3115 M.10739 A.1185 LAPO 18 1191

A.2997

A.467:5–8

LAPO 18 1088 LAPO 16 142 LAPO 16 124 LAPO 16 221 LAPO 16 184 LAPO 16 140 LAPO 16 121 LAPO 18 1220 LAPO 18 1238

378

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances

Translation

Notes to ¶

3.1.a 3.1.a.i 3.1.a.ii 3.1.b 3.1.b 3.2.a.i 3.2.b 3.2.b.i.2 3.2.b.i.2 3.2.c.i 3.2.c.ii 3.2.c.iii 3.2.c.iv 3.2.c.v 3.2.c.vi 3.2.c.vi 3.2.c.vi 3.2.c.vii 3.2.c.viii.1 3.2.c.viii.2 3.2.c.viiii 3.3.a.i.1 3.3.a.i.2 3.3.a.ii.1 3.3.a.ii.2 3.3.a.ii.3a 3.3.a.ii.3b 3.3.a.iii 3.3.a.iii 3.3.a.iv.1a 3.3.a.iv.1b 3.3.a.iv.1c 3.3.a.iv.2 3.3.a.iv.2 3.3.a.iv.3 3.3.b.i.1 3.3.b.i.1 3.3.b.i.1 3.3.b.i.2 3.3.b.i.3 3.3.b.i.4 3.3.b.i.5 3.3.b.i.6

note to

Publication #

Museum #

LAPO #

A.2675:15–19 ARM 26 386 ARM 2 118 ARM 26 39

note to

LAPO 17 577 A.4330 A.6 A.1314

LAPO 17 556 LAPO 16 251

TH 72.015

LAPO 16 247

ARM 26 306:36–38 ARM 26 362 ARM 26 412:2–30 ARM 1 24+ ARM 3 15 ShA1 6 note to note to

ARM 5 16 ShA1 69:26′–32′ ARM 26 519

LAPO 16 330 LAPO 17 726 SH.872 A.49:46–57 LAPO 17 443 SH.802+ A.2962

ARM 26 156 ARM 4 24 ARM 14 70 ARM 3 19 ARM 26 363 ARM 6 38+ ARM 2 92

note to

note to

ARM 1 42 ShA1 64:3–22 ARM 26 314 FM 6 10 FM 6 13 ARM 4 74 ARM 24 170+:1′–5′

LAPO 17 506 LAPO 17 698 LAPO 17 563 LAPO 17 561 LAPO 17 681 LAPO 17 448 SH.827 A.533+ M.6853+ LAPO 17 541 A.731:6–18

note to note to

ARM 14 50 ARM 27 116:30–32 ARM 28 46:1′–7′ RATL 42 ARM 28 117

LAPO 17 662

L.87-473+ A.2126

ARM 28 51 MARI 7 10:11–25

A.2939:11–25

LAPO 16 296

379

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation

Notes to ¶

Publication #

3.3.b.ii 3.3.b.ii.1a 3.3.b.ii.1b 3.3.b.ii.1c 3.3.b.ii.2a 3.3.b.ii.2b 3.3.c.i 3.3.c.ii 3.3.c.ii 3.3.c.ii.1 3.3.d.i.1 3.3.d.i.2 3.3.d.i.3 3.3.d.i.3 3.3.d.i.3 3.3.d.ii.1 3.3.d.ii.2 3.4.a.i 3.4.a.ii 3.4.a.iii 3.4.a.iii 3.4.a.iii 3.4.a.iv 3.4.b.i 3.4.b.ii 3.4.b.iii 3.4.b.iii 3.4.b.iv 3.4.b.v 3.4.b.vi 3.4.b.vii 3.4.b.vii 3.4.c.i.1 3.4.c.i.2 3.4.c.ii 3.4.d.i 3.5.a.i 3.5.a.i 3.5.a.i 3.5.a.ii 3.5.a.iii 3.5.b.i 3.5.b.i

note to

ARM 28 40:6′–11′ RATL 12 RATL 110 RATL 171 RATL 60 RATL 62

note to note to

note to note to

ARM 2 13 ARM 5 18:12–16 ShA1 9 ARM 1 38 ARM 18 10 ARM 4 66 ARM 13 144:31–38

Museum #

LAPO #

L.87-240 L.87-744 L.87-566 L.87-784 L.87-226 A.510 LAPO 17 457 LAPO 17 458 SH.882

A.3918 A.3918

ARM 26 111

LAPO 17 663 LAPO 17 668 LAPO 17 664 LAPO 16 304 LAPO 18 960

A.1389 ARM 1 85+ ARM 26 168 ARM 4 85 note to note to

note to

note to

LAPO 17 449 LAPO 17 621 A.1975 A.3006

ARM 26 140 ARM 1 5 ARM 2 22 ARM 26 357:3′–32′ FM 2 127 ARM 26 526 RATL 11 ARM 4 49 ARM 1 10:3–25 ARM 1 29 ARM 4 31

LAPO 17 517 LAPO 17 585 A.47 L.87-651

A.56 A.1866 note to note to

note to

ARM 6 35 ARM 5 37:1′–11′ OBLTA 9 ARM 14 101:2′–14′ ARM 6 29 ShA1 39 ARM 1 90 ARM 26 320:11–16

LAPO 17 525 LAPO 17 475 LAPO 17 474 LAPO 17 502 LAPO 17 683 LAPO 17 622 LAPO 17 569 LAPO 17 510

1931-T.197 LAPO 16 362 LAPO 17 597 SH.913 LAPO 17 497

380 Translation 3.5.b.ii 3.6.a.i.1 3.6.a.i.1 3.6.a.i.2 3.6.a.i.2 3.6.a.i.3 3.6.b.i 3.6.b.ii 3.6.c.i 3.6.c.ii 3.6.c.ii 3.6.d 4.1.a.i.1 4.1.a.i.1 4.1.a.i.2 4.1.a.ii 4.2.a.i.1 4.2.a.i.2 4.2.a.ii.1 4.2.a.ii.2 4.2.a.ii.3 4.2.a.iii 4.2.b.i 4.2.b.ii 4.2.b.iii 4.3.a.i 4.3.a.i 4.3.a.ii 4.3.a.iii 4.3.a.iv 4.3.b 4.3.b 4.3.b.i 4.3.b.ii 4.3.b.ii 4.3.c 4.3.d 4.4.a 4.4.b 4.5 4.5.a.1 4.5.a.ii 4.5.b.i

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Notes to ¶

Publication #

Museum #

ARM 14 104+ ARM 4 33 note to note to

note to

note to

note to

note to note to note to note to

LAPO # LAPO 17 548 LAPO 17 527

M.5694+:5–18 ARM 1 69+ ARM 1 92 OBTR 72 ARM 2 24+:4–32 ARM 1 13 ARM 4 25 ARM 26 269 FM 9 71:19′–36′ ARM 28 126 ARM 10 90 ARM 10 91:3′–15′ Terqa 8–5 ARM 5 39 ARM 27 69 ARM 27 70 RATL 70 RATL 71 RATL 72 RATL 83 ARM 2 94 ARM 14 51 ARM 7 263 ARM 6 43 FM 2 30:5–12 ARM 27 115 ARM 3 71 FM 2 130 ARM 27 118:1′–15′

LAPO 17 452 LAPO 17 530 LAPO 17 586 LAPO 17 454 LAPO 17 531 LAPO 18 1034 A.3917 LAPO 17 727 LAPO 18 1185 LAPO 18 1186 LAPO 18 1072 LAPO 18 1058 L.87-827 L.87-1314 L.87-1352 L.87-1315 LAPO 18 1023 LAPO 18 1054 LAPO 18 1062 M.9315 LAPO 18 1063 LAPO 18 1061 A.317 A.815:5–18

ARM 26 453 ARM 1 89 ARM 5 31 ARM 14 111 ARM 1 30

LAPO 18 1066 LAPO 18 1065 LAPO 18 1057 LAPO 18 1045 TH 72.16

note to

ARM 28 163 ARM 10 150:4–11 ARM 5 82 ARM 8 71 ARM 10 160

LAPO 18 1112 LAPO 18 1051 LAPO 18 1180

381

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation 4.5.b.ii 4.5.c.i.1 4.5.c.i.1 4.5.c.i.2 4.5.c.ii 4.5.c.iii 4.5.c.iv.1 4.5.c.iv.2 4.5.c.iv.2 4.6.a 4.6.b.i 4.6.b.ii 4.6.b.ii 4.6.c.i 4.6.c.ii 4.6.c.iii 4.6.c.iv 4.6.c.v 4.7.a 4.7.a 4.7.b 4.7.c.i 4.7.c.ii 4.7.d.i 4.7.d.ii.1 4.7.d.ii.2 4.7.d.ii.2 4.7.d.ii.2 4.7.e.i 4.7.e.ii 4.7.e.iii.1 4.7.e.iii.2 4.7.e.iv 4.7.e.v 4.7.f.i 4.7.f.ii 5.1.a 5.1.a 5.1.a 5.1.a 5.1.a 5.1.a 5.1.a

Notes to ¶

Publication #

Museum #

LAPO #

M.10648 A.285:19′–26′ A.2776

note to ARM 27 57

A.1401

note to note to

ARM 26 77 ARM 2 48 ARM 14 78

LAPO 17 559 LAPO 18 929 A.1215:11–23 A.1945

ARM 3 73 ARM 26 257 note to

LAPO 18 1067 A.2071:10–19

ARM 1 57 ARM 13 107 ARM 14 7+ FM 6 3 Terqa 9–4 note to

note to note to

LAPO 18 1076 LAPO 18 1069 A.402 A.1220+ A.3680

LAPO 17 829

A.2154+ ARM 8 1 ARM 8 9 ARM 8 10 ARM 8 12+ ARM 8 5 ARM 8 13 ARM 22 328:ii.46–47 M.10556 ARM 8 23 M.11264 ARM 8 33 ARM 8 31+ ARM 8 48 ARM 8 75 ARM 8 66 ARM 8 68 ARM 23 264 ARM 24 263

note to note to note to

A.1146:39–44 A.4540 M.15090

LAPO 16 38

382 Translation 5.2.a.i 5.2.a.ii 5.2.a.iii 5.2.a.iv 5.2.a.iv 5.2.b 5.2.c.i 5.2.c.ii 5.2.c.ii 5.2.c.iii.1a 5.2.c.iii.1b 5.2.c.iii.3 5.2.c.iv 5.3.a.i 5.3.a.ii 5.3.b 5.3.b 5.3.c.i 5.3.c.ii.1 5.3.c.ii.2 5.3.c.ii.3 5.3.c.ii.4 5.3.c.iii.1 5.3.c.iii.2 5.3.d.i 5.3.d.ii 5.3.d.iii 5.3.d.iii 5.3.d.iii 5.3.d.iv.  5.3.e.1 5.3.e.ii 5.3.f.i.1 5.3.f.i.1 5.3.f.i.2 5.3.g 5.4.a 5.4.a.i 5.4.a.ii.1 5.4.a.ii.2 5.4.a.iii 5.4.a.iii 5.4.a.iii

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Notes to ¶

Publication #

Museum #

ARM 1 3 ARM 26 191

LAPO # LAPO 18 931

M.6765 M.11266

note to

FLP 1674 ARM 26 84 ARM 26 311:34–8 RATL 28

FM 9 10 ARM 24 260

L.87-1317

A.93+ A.3735

note to

ARM 13 29:5–14 ARM 26 285:3–17 FM 3 2 ARM 5 25 FM 6 20

LAPO 18 981 A.3165 LAPO 18 986 A.2703 T.135

ARM 28 24 ARM 10 15

LAPO 18 1208 M.14895

note to note to

ARM 14 66 FM 7 3 FM 8 23 ARM 23 436 FM 11 85

LAPO 16 327 LAPO 18 983 LAPO 17 817

A.512

note to

note to

note to note to note to

ARM 1 10:9′–15′ ARM 26 220 ARM 18 38 ARM 28 169 ARM 28 174 RATL 5 ARM 26 294 FM 8 1 ARM 3 43 ARM 13 116 ARM 1 74 ARM 13 110:5–12 ARM 18 16+

LAPO 17 475 LAPO 18 978 LAPO 18 968

L.87-538 A.1191 A.3609 LAPO 16 93 LAPO 16 94 LAPO 16 91 LAPO 18 1074 LAPO 16 92

383

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation 5.4.a.iii 5.4.a.iv.1 5.4.a.iv.2 5.4.b.ii 5.4.b.ii 5.4.b.ii 5.4.c 5.4.c 5.4.c.i 5.4.d.i.1 5.4.d.i.2 5.4.d.i.3a 5.4.d.i.3b 5.4.d.i.3c 5.4.d.i.4 5.4.d.i.4 5.4.d.i.4 5.4.d.ii 5.4.d.iii 5.4.d.iii.1 5.4.d.iii.2 5.4.d.iii.3 5.4.d.iv 5.4.d.v 5.5.a.i 5.5.a.i 5.5.a.ii 5.5.b.i 5.5.b.i.1 5.5.b.i.1 5.5.b.i.2 5.5.b.i.3 5.5.b.ii 5.5.b.ii 5.5.b.iii.1 5.5.b.iii.1a 5.5.b.iii.1b 5.5.b.iv 5.5.b.iv 5.5.c.i 5.5.c.i 5.5.c.ii 5.5.c.iii

Notes to ¶

Publication #

note to note to note to

Terqa 8–5:30–32 ARM 18 2 ARM 18 3 ARM 25 626 FM 2 17

note to note to

FM 8 38:15–24 FM 7 17

Museum #

LAPO # LAPO 16 96 LAPO 16 97

A.3325 M.7658 A.572 A.975 M.7515 M.7161 M.6607

ARM 1 53+

LAPO 17 478 A.747 A.1890

note to

ARM 26 458 FM 6 45:3′–13′ FM 7 52

note to note to

note to

FM 7 5 FM 8 34:23–58 FM 8 15 FM 8 12:3–10 ARM 26 292 ARM 13 19 ARM 1 136 Emar 87

M.9717 A.4363 M.7375:6′–11′ A.1858 A.3592 A.1948 A.652

LAPO 18 982

LAPO 16 101 LAPO 16 202 A.12

note to note to

note to note to

note to

ARM 26 213 ARM 22 154:1–8 ARM 3 8 ARM 26 178 ARM 10 123 ARM 10 124 ARM 26 197 ARM 26 198 FM 3 140 ARM 10 38 ARM 10 39 ARM 23 236

LAPO 18 1137 LAPO 17 801 LAPO 18 958 LAPO 18 1169 LAPO 18 1170 LAPO 18 1203 A.2574 LAPO 18 1195 LAPO 18 1199 A.1186

note to

ARM 26 194 ARM 26 414:29–42 ARM 10 97 OBTR 79

LAPO 18 1215

384 Translation 5.5.d.i.1 5.5.d.i.2 5.5.d.i.3 5.5.d.ii 5.6.a.i 5.6.a.ii 5.6.b 5.6.c 5.6.c 5.6.c 5.6.d.i 5.6.d.ii 5.6.e 5.7.a.1 5.7.a.ii 5.7.a.iii.1 5.7.a.iii.2 5.7.a.iii.3a 5.7.a.iii.3b 5.7.a.iii.3c 5.7.a.iii.3d 5.7.a.iii.3e 5.7.a.iii.3f 5.7.a.iii.3g 5.7.a.iii.3h 5.7.a.iii.3i 5.7.a.iii.3j 5.7.a.iii.3k 5.7.a.iii.3l 5.7.a.iii.3m 5.7.a.iii.3n 5.7.a.iv 5.7.a.v.1 5.7.a.v.2 5.7.a.vi.1 5.7.a.vi.2 5.7.a.vi.3 5.7.a.vi.4a 5.7.a.vi.4b 5.7.a.vi.4c 5.7.a.vi.4d 5.7.a.vii 5.7.b.i

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Notes to ¶

Publication #

Museum #

ARM 3 48 ARM 13 111 FM 2 122

note to note to

ARM 26 385:5′–22′ ARM 23 102:1–8 OBTR 16 ARM 23 90 ARM 14 11 RATL 85 FM 7 50 ARM 26 104 ARM 26 1:1–16 ARM 26 186 ARM 4 54

LAPO # LAPO 18 990 LAPO 18 991

A.3597 A.221 A.1068 A.489

LAPO 18 989 L.87-639 A.2879

LAPO 18 952 Mari.1177 (#1) Mari.1175 (#3) Mari.1188 (#4) Mari.1163 (#5) Mari.1164 (#7) Mari.1160 (#11) Mari.1176 (#19) Mari.1184 (#21) Mari.1189 (#22) Mari.1162 (#23) Mari.1190 (#26) Mari.1171 (#30) Mari.1172 (#29) Mari.1187 (#32)

ARM 26 170 ARM 26 185-bis:18–26 ARM 26 100-bis:29–34 ARM 3 30

LAPO 18 1145 LAPO 17 841 A.2705 A.3993

OBTR 65 ARM 26 153 ARM 26 184 ARM 26 103 ARM 26 216 ARM 26 371

385

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation 5.7.b.ii 5.7.b.ii 5.7.b.iii 5.7.b.iii 5.7.c.i.1 5.7.c.i.1 5.7.c.i.2 5.7.c.ii.1 5.7.c.ii.2 5.7.c.iii 5.7.c.iii 5.7.c.iii 5.7.d.i.1 5.7.d.i.2 5.7.d.ii 5.7.d.ii 5.7.d.iii 5.7.d.iii 5.7.d.iv 5.7.d.iv 5.7.d.v 5.7.e.i 5.7.e.i 5.7.e.ii 5.7.e.ii 5.7.e.ii 5.7.e.iii 5.8 5.8.a.i 5.8.a.ii 5.8.a.iii 5.8.b 5.8.c.ii 5.8.d.i 5.8.d.ii 5.8.e 6.1.a.i.1 6.1.a.ii.1a 6.1.a.ii.1b 6.1.a.ii.1b 6.1.a.ii.2a 6.1.a.ii.2b 6.1.a.ii.2c

Notes to ¶

Publication #

Museum #

LAPO #

ARM 26 206 note to FM 7 38 FM 7 39 ARM 26 208 note to

M.18192 A.1968 A.1121+ M.13014:3–17

ARM 26 196 ARM 26 207 ARM 26 212: 1′–16′ ARM 26 199 note to note to

LAPO 18 1142 LAPO 18 1144 LAPO 18 1146 A.3796 M.11436

ARM 26 82 ARM 26 142 ARM 26 237 note to note to note to

note to note to note to note to

LAPO 18 984 LAPO 18 1142

LAPO 18 1094 M.7160

ARM 26 234 ARM 26 243 ARM 26 224:5–11 ARM 26 225 ARM 26 233 ARM 26 241 ARM 26 242:2′12′ ARM 26 81 ARM 26 248

A.15

A.1288.i.18–21 ARM 26 244 ARM 28 155:29–32 ARM 28 91:4–19 ARM 26 249 M.8142

note to

ARM 28 20 ARM 26 253 ARM 26 252 ARM 26 488:29–41 ARM 26 254 ARM 6 40 ARM 13 141 ARM 10 33:14–15 ARM 10 89 FM 2 71 ARM 26 377

LAPO 16 252

LAPO 18 1025 LAPO 18 1026 LAPO 18 1230 LAPO 18 1260 A.3020 A.3206

LAPO 16 438

386 Translation 6.1.a.iii.1a 6.1.a.iii.1b 6.1.a.iii.2 6.1.a.iii.3 6.1.a.iii.3 6.1.a.iii.4b 6.1.a.iii.5b 6.1.a.iv 6.1.b.i 6.1.b.ii 6.1.b.iii 6.1.b.iv 6.1.c.i.1 6.1.c.i.1 6.1.c.i.2 1.5.b 6.1.c.ii 6.1.c.ii.1 6.1.c.ii.2 6.1.c.ii.3 6.1.c.ii.3 6.1.c.ii.4 6.1.c.ii.4 6.2.b 6.2.b.i 6.2.c.1 6.2.c.ii 6.2.c.ii.1 6.2.c.ii.2 6.2.c.iii 6.2.c.iv 6.3.a 6.3.a 6.3.a 6.3.a.i.1 6.3.a.i.2 6.3.a.ii 6.3.a.ii 6.3.a.ii 6.3.a.ii 6.3.a.ii 6.3.a.ii.1 6.3.a.ii.2

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Notes to ¶

Publication #

note to

ARM 6 40 ARM 10 57 RATL 58 RATL 67 RATL 75:15–22 RATL 65 ARM 28 173 ARM 27 60 ARM 2 1

Museum #

LAPO 18 1025 LAPO 18 1102 L.87-436 L.87-611 L87-1396 L.87-400

A.3080 A.981:32–56 ARM 28 36 RATL 63 note to

note to note to note to

note to

note to note to note to

note to note to note to note to note to

LAPO 17 645 LAPO 17 733

L87-390 M.5413:7–14

ARM 4 86 note to note to

LAPO #

LAPO 17 772 A.2822+:51–63

ARM 26 37:10′–26′ ARM 4 35 ARM 2 2 ARM 4 5 FM 2 86 ARM 5 35

LAPO 17 531 LAPO 16 150 LAPO 18 1027 A.3961 LAPO 17 629 M.5881

ARM 13 9:26–30 ARM 27 99 ARM 13 7 ARM 1 28:17–43 FM 2 2 FM 2 1 FM 9 3:3–24 ARM 26 57 ARM 1 52:15 35

LAPO 16 104

A.174 A.4202

LAPO 16 1 M.10338 M.10337 M.8535 A.3451

ARM 7 224 FM 2 62

ARM 28 88 FM 3 153 FM 2 77

LAPO 16 126 LAPO 16 2 LAPO 18 1038 LAPO 18 1038

A.1937 M.10999 M.11293 A.202 A.217

LAPO 16 5 LAPO 16 4

387

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation 6.3.a.iii.1 6.3.a.iii.2 6.3.a.iii.3 6.3.a.iv.1 6.3.a.iv.1 6.3.a.iv.2 6.3.a.iv.2 6.3.a.iv.3 6.3.a.iv.3 6.3.a.iv.4 6.3.a.v 6.3.a.v 6.3.a.v 6.3.b 6.3.b.i.1 6.3.b.i.2 6.3.b.i.3 6.3.b.ii 6.3.b.iii.1 6.3.b.iii.2 6.3.b.iii.3 6.3.b.iii.3c 6.3.b.iv 6.3.b.v.1 6.3.b.v.2 6.3.b.v.3 6.4.a.i.1 6.4.a.i.2 6.4.a.i.3 6.4.a.i.4 6.4.a.ii 6.4.a.iii.1 6.4.a.iii.2 6.4.a.iii.3a 6.4.a.iii.3b 6.4.a.iv 6.4.a.v 6.4.a.vi.1 6.4.a.vi.2 6.5.a 6.5.a 6.5.a.i.1 6.5.a.i.1

Notes to ¶

note to note to

note to note to note to note to

note to

Publication #

Museum #

FM 2 76

A.4314

FM 2 80 ARM 23 243:33 ARM 12 747 ARM 27 162:41–44 FM 4 37 ARM 10 137 ARM 21 143 ARM 26 297 ARM 5 76:5–12 ARM 26 18:4–21 ARM 26 286: 4′–19′ ARM 28 155:10–12 ARM 5 20 ARM 10 43 OBTR 134 ARM 3 36 ARM 10 156 ARM 27 36:30–40 ARM 2 66 FM 9 67 ARM 26 74 ARM 5 34 ARM 28 63 FM 9 17:4–41′ ARM 7 50 ARM 7 55 ARM 7 61 ARM 7 32 FM 4 59

A.421

LAPO #

A.2541 LAPO 18 1160

LAPO 16 256 LAPO 18 1202 LAPO 17 704 LAPO 18 1134 LAPO 18 1251 A.440 LAPO 16 21 A.2806

M.11343 A.2594

OBTR 84 FM 7 49 ARM 10 92 ARM 10 94 ARM 10 27 OBTR 200

A.3892 A.3462 LAPO 18 1211 LAPO 18 1221 LAPO 18 1136 A.3568

note to note to note to

OBTR 134:25–26 ARM 13 101:6–23

LAPO 18 1015 A.2881

388 Translation 6.5.a.i.1 6.5.a.i.2 6.5.a.i.3 6.5.a.ii 6.5.a.iii 6.5.b.i.1 6.5.b.i.2 6.5.b.i.2 6.5.b.i.3 6.5.b.i.3 6.5.b.i.4 6.5.b.ii.1a 6.5.b.ii.1b 6.5.b.ii.1c 6.5.b.ii.1c 6.5.b.ii.2 6.5.b.iii.1 6.5.b.iii.2 6.5.b.iv.  6.5.b.v.1 6.5.b.v.2 6.5.b.v.3 6.5.b.vi 6.5.c.i.1 6.5.c.i.2 6.5.c.i.3 6.6.a.i.1 6.6.a.i.2a 6.6.a.i.2b 6.6.a.i.3 6.6.a.ii.1 6.6.a.ii.1 6.6.a.ii.2 6.6.a.ii.3a 6.6.a.ii.3b 6.6.a.ii.3c 6.6.a.ii.3c 6.6.a.ii.3c 6.6.a.ii.3d 6.6.a.ii.3d 6.6.a.ii.3e 6.6.a.ii.3f 6.6.a.ii.3g

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Notes to ¶

note to note to

Publication #

Museum #

LAPO #

ShA1 60 FM 9 36

M.5389 SH.874 A.2511 A.1124

LAPO 18 1014

ARM 28 27 ARM 10 141 OBTR 58 OBTR 158 OBTR 41 OBTR 42

LAPO 18 1256

A.3356

note to

ARM 10 17 ARM 10 11 ARM 10 24 ShA1 65:5–12 ARM 10 173 RATL 76

LAPO 18 1129 LAPO 18 1148 LAPO 18 1149 SH.918 M.5001 L.87-1426 A.582

LAPO 18 1210 LAPO 18 1064

OBTR 141 OBTR 143 OBTR 161 A.3935+ ARM 26 271 ARM 26 272 ARM 14 39

LAPO 16 83

LAPO 16 208 A.2928

note to

note to note to note to

ARM 26 125:1′–11′ ARM 1 115 ARM 26 270 ARM 10 129 ARM 10 130:1–15 ARM 26 279 FM 7 11 ARM 3 63 ARM 26 403 ShA1 34:10–20 ARM 26 261 ARM 26 266: 2′–17 ARM 26 278 ARM 14 3 OBTR 124

LAPO 16 168 LAPO 16 169 LAPO 18 1164 LAPO 18 1165 M.7595 A.2936 LAPO 16 176 SH.826

LAPO 16 172

389

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Translation 6.6.b.i.1 6.6.b.i.2 6.6.b.ii.1 6.6.b.ii.1 6.6.b.ii.2 6.7.a.i.1 6.7.a.i.2 6.7.a.i.3 6.7.a.ii.1 6.7.a.ii.1 6.7.a.ii.2 6.7.a.ii.3 6.7.a.ii.4 6.7.b.i.1 6.7.b.i.2 6.7.b.ii.1 6.7.b.ii.2 6.7.b.ii.3 6.7.c.i.1 6.7.c.ii.1 6.7.c.ii.1 6.7.c.ii.2 6.7.c.iii.1 6.7.c.iii.2 6.7.c.iii.3 6.7.c.iii.4 6.7.d.i.1 6.7.d.i.2 6.7.d.ii 6.7.d.ii.1 6.7.d.iii.1 6.7.d.iii.2

Notes to ¶

note to

note to

Publication #

Museum #

ARM 26 259 ARM 3 61 ARM 26 260:5–15 ARM 26 263 ARM 26 264 ARM 5 87 ARM 26 280:5–16 ARM 3 39 ARM 14 4 ARM 26 149:5′–10′ ARM 26 275 ARM 26 277

LAPO # LAPO 16 173

LAPO 18 1017 LAPO 18 1016 LAPO 18 1019

TH 85.86

note to

ARM 4 61 ARM 26 281 ARM 1 8 ARM 10 79 ARM 26 397 ARM 6 37 OBLTA 11 OBLTA 15:2′–13′

note to

ARM 7 58 ARM 25 539 ARM 25 17 ARM 21 347 FM 3 4 ARM 26 221 FM 4 26: 4–6 FM 7 45:3–14 ARM 28 17

LAPO 18 961 LAPO 17 679 LAPO 18 1246 LAPO 17 635 1931-T299 1931-T205 A.2821

M.12803 LAPO 18 941 M.7141 A.674

LAPO 18 967

390

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances

2.  By Publication Numbers 2a.  Mari Documents in Series Archives Royales de Mari Publication # ARM 1 3 ARM 1 5 ARM 1 6:5–21 ARM 1 8 ARM 1 10: 3–25 ARM 1 10:9′–15′ ARM 1 13 ARM 1 17 ARM 1 18 ARM 1 24+ ARM 1 28:17–43 ARM 1 29 ARM 1 30 ARM 1 37:19–26 ARM 1 38 ARM 1 38 ARM 1 42 ARM 1 45 ARM 1 46 ARM 1 47 ARM 1 52:15 35 ARM 1 53+ ARM 1 57 ARM 1 62:5′–14′ ARM 1 64 ARM 1 69+ ARM 1 74 ARM 1 76:20–29 ARM 1 77:14′–15′ ARM 1 77:8–14 ARM 1 85+ ARM 1 86 ARM 1 89 ARM 1 90 ARM 1 92 ARM 1 97 ARM 1 113 ARM 1 115

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to note to

note to

note to note to

note to

note to note to note to note to

note to note to

5.2.a.i 3.4.b.i 2.1.a.iv 6.7.b.ii.1 3.4.b.vii 5.3.d.iv.  3.6.b.ii 1.3.e.i 2.1 3.2.c.iii 6.2.c.ii 3.4.b.vii 4.3.d 1.6.c.iii 1.3.a.i.3 3.3.d.i.1 3.3.a.iii 2.2.e.i.2 1.7.a.i 0.4.b 6.3.a 5.4.d.i.2 4.6.c.i 2.1 1.3.a.i.2 3.6.a.i.2 5.4.a.iii 0.4 1.7.a.i 1.7.a.i 3.4.a.i 1.3.d.ii.1 4.3.b.ii 3.5.b.i 3.6.a.i.2 2.2.e.iv.3 1.1.c 6.6.a.i.2b

Publication # ARM 1 120 ARM 1 136 ARM 2 1 ARM 2 2 ARM 2 13 ARM 2 13 ARM 2 22 ARM 2 24+:4–32 ARM 2 28 ARM 2 37 ARM 2 40 ARM 2 48 ARM 2 51 ARM 2 55:5–13 ARM 2 60 ARM 2 66 ARM 2 76 ARM 2 92 ARM 2 92 ARM 2 94 ARM 2 106 ARM 2 113 ARM 2 115 ARM 2 118 ARM 2 121 ARM 2 123 ARM 2 136:4–13 ARM 2 137 ARM 3 19 ARM 3 6 ARM 3 6 ARM 3 8 ARM 3 8:25–27 ARM 3 11 ARM 3 12 ARM 3 15 ARM 3 16 ARM 3 17:27–31

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to note to note to

2.2.a.i 5.4.d.v 6.1.b.i 6.1.c.ii.2 1.3.a.ii.1 3.3.c.ii 3.4.b.ii 3.6.b.i 2.1.c.ii.5 2.1.c.iii.2 1.7 4.5.c.iv.1 1.7.a.iv.4 1.3.d.i 1.3.a.ii.3 6.3.b.iii.3 1.6.b.i 2.1.a.vi.3 3.3.a.ii.3a 4.2.b.i 2.1.a.vii.1 1.8.c.i.3 1.8.b.ii 3.1.a.ii 2.2.e.v.3 2.2.e.v.2 2.1.a.iii.3 2.1.d.ii.1 3.3.a.i.2 1.3.d.v.1 6.6.b.i.2 5.5.b.i.1 1.2.c.ii 2.1.a.iii.2 2.1.a.vi.1 3.2.c.iv 2.1.a.vi.2 1.3.d.iv

391

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Publication # ARM 3 18 ARM 3 30 ARM 3 36 ARM 3 39 ARM 3 43 ARM 3 45 ARM 3 48 ARM 3 59 ARM 3 62 ARM 3 63 ARM 3 66 ARM 3 68 ARM 3 71 ARM 3 73 ARM 4 5 ARM 4 20 ARM 4 24 ARM 4 25 ARM 4 31 ARM 4 33 ARM 4 35 ARM 4 49 ARM 4 54 ARM 4 61 ARM 4 66 ARM 4 70 ARM 4 74 ARM 4 80:5′–13′ ARM 4 85 ARM 4 86 ARM 5 7 ARM 5 8 ARM 5 15 ARM 5 16 ARM 5 18:12–16 ARM 5 20 ARM 5 24 ARM 5 25 ARM 5 26 ARM 5 27 ARM 5 31 ARM 5 34 ARM 5 35 ARM 5 37: 1′–11′

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

2.1.a.vi.5 5.7.a.vi.1 6.3.b.ii 6.7.a.i.3 5.4.a.ii.1 2.1.a.ii 5.5.d.i.1 2.2.e.iv.2 2.1.a.iii.3a 6.6.a.ii.3c 1.3.d.vii.3 2.2.e.ii.1 4.3.a.iii 4.6.b.i 6.1.c.ii.3 1.5.a.ii 3.2.c.viiii 3.6.c.i 3.4.c.i.1 3.6.a.i.1 6.1.c.ii.1 3.4.b.vi 5.7.a.iii.2 6.7.b.i.1 3.3.d.i.3 1.4.b.ii 3.3.a.iv.2 2.3 3.4.a.iii 6.1.c.i.2 1.3.a.iv.3 1.3.a.iv.3 1.7.a.iii 3.2.c.vi 3.3.c.ii 6.3.b.i.1 1.3.d.i.1a 5.3.c.i 1.3.c.iii.1 1.3.a.iii.2a 4.3.b.ii 6.3.b.v.1 6.1.c.ii.4 3.5.a.i

Publication # ARM 5 38 ARM 5 39 ARM 5 73:3′–19′ ARM 5 76:5–12 ARM 5 82 ARM 5 87 ARM 6 5 ARM 6 6 ARM 6 8 ARM 6 9 ARM 6 12 ARM 6 14 ARM 6 19 ARM 6 29 ARM 6 35 ARM 6 37 ARM 6 38+ ARM 6 39 ARM 6 40 ARM 6 43 ARM 6 49 ARM 6 76 ARM 7 32 ARM 7 50 ARM 7 55 ARM 7 58 ARM 7 61 ARM 7 93 ARM 7 224 ARM 7 263 ARM 8 1 ARM 8 5 ARM 8 9 ARM 8 10 ARM 8 12+ ARM 8 13 ARM 8 16+ ARM 8 23 ARM 8 31+ ARM 8 33 ARM 8 48 ARM 8 66 ARM 8 68 ARM 8 71

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to note to

note to note to note to note to note to

note to

2.2.e.i.6 4.1.a.ii 2.3.c 6.3.a.v 4.5.a.1 6.7.a.i.1 2.1.a.iii.1 ??????? 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.1 2.2.e.iv.1 2.1.a.v 3.5.a.ii 3.4.d.i 6.7.c.i.1 3.3.a.ii.2 2.2.c.iv 6.1.a.i.1 4.3.a.i 2.2.d.v.2 1.4.b.i.1 6.4.a.i.4 6.4.a.i.1 6.4.a.i.2 6.7.c.iii.1 6.4.a.i.3 1.3.d.iii.2 6.3.a.ii 4.2.b.iii 4.7.b 4.7.d.ii.1 4.7.c.i 4.7.c.ii 4.7.d.i 4.7.d.ii.2 2.1.a.viiii 4.7.e.i 4.7.e.iii.2 4.7.e.iii.1 4.7.e.iv 4.7.f.i 4.7.f.ii 4.5.a.ii

392 Publication # ARM 8 75 ARM 8 77 ARM 8 78 ARM 8 84+ ARM 8 85+ ARM 10 2:4–10 ARM 10 11 ARM 10 12 ARM 10 15 ARM 10 17 ARM 10 18:5–14′ ARM 10 24 ARM 10 26 ARM 10 27 ARM 10 29+ ARM 10 31:7′–10′ ARM 10 32 ARM 10 33 ARM 10 33:14–15 ARM 10 34+ ARM 10 35 ARM 10 38 ARM 10 39 ARM 10 43 ARM 10 46:1′–11′ ARM 10 57 ARM 10 74 ARM 10 76 ARM 10 77 ARM 10 78 ARM 10 79 ARM 10 82 ARM 10 84 ARM 10 89 ARM 10 90 ARM 10 91:3′–15′ ARM 10 92 ARM 10 94 ARM 10 95:3′–12′ ARM 10 97 ARM 10 98 ARM 10 105 ARM 10 113+ ARM 10 121

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Notes to ¶ Translation

note to note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

4.7.e.v 1.3.a.iv.5b 1.3.a.iv.5a 2.1.a.viiii 1.4.d.2 2.3.c.iv.2 6.5.b.ii.1b 2.2.c.i 5.3.c.ii.4 6.5.b.ii.1a 2.2.d.v.1 6.5.b.ii.1c 1.8.b.iv.1 6.4.a.vi.1 2.3.a.iii.1 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.vi 6.1.a.ii.1b 1.8.b.i 1.8.b.iii 5.5.b.iii.1a 5.5.b.iii.1b 6.3.b.i.2 1.8.b.ii 6.1.a.iii.1b 1.8.c.i.1 1.8.c.i.2 1.8.c.i.1 2.3.a.iii.2b 6.7.b.ii.2 2.2.c.i 1.8.c.iii 6.1.a.ii.1b 4.1.a.i.1 4.1.a.i.1 6.4.a.iv 6.4.a.v 1.8.b.ii 5.5.c.ii 1.8.c.ii 2.3.d.iii.1 1.8.b.i 1.3.c.i.2

Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

ARM 10 122 ARM 10 123 ARM 10 124 ARM 10 125 ARM 10 126 ARM 10 129 ARM 10 130:1–15 ARM 10 135 ARM 10 137 ARM 10 139 ARM 10 140 ARM 10 141 ARM 10 142 ARM 10 150:4–11 ARM 10 153 ARM 10 156 ARM 10 160 ARM 10 161 ARM 10 173 ARM 12 747 ARM 13 7 ARM 13 9:22–30 ARM 13 9:26–30 ARM 13 10 ARM 13 14 ARM 13 19 ARM 13 20 ARM 13 22 ARM 13 25 ARM 13 27 ARM 13 29 ARM 13 29 ARM 13 31:5–22 ARM 13 32 ARM 13 36:5–24 ARM 13 47 ARM 13 49 ARM 13 53 ARM 13 96 ARM 13 101:6–23 ARM 13 107 ARM 13 108:1′–16′ ARM 13 109:7–19 ARM 13 110:5–12

note to

note to note to

note to note to

note to note to

note to

note to

note to note to note to note to

0.4.b 5.5.b.i.2 5.5.b.i.3 1.3.a.iii.1a 1.3.a.iii.1b 6.6.a.ii.1 6.6.a.ii.1 1.8.b.vi 6.3.a.iv.3 2.3.c.iv.1 1.3.a.iii.2b 6.5.b.i.1 2.1.b.ii.1b 4.5 2.1.a.i 6.3.b.iii.1 4.5.b.i 1.3.e.v.1 6.5.b.ii.2 6.3.a.iv.1 6.2.c.1 1.7.a.iv.2 6.2.b 2.2.c.iii.2 2.2.c.i 5.4.d.iv 2.3.d.i.4 2.2.d.v.1 1.3.d.ii.2 1.2.d 2.1.b.ii.1a 5.3.a.ii 1.6.b.ii 1.6.b.ii 2.2.b.i 1.2.d 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.iv 1.3.d.vi.4 6.5.a.i.1 4.6.c.ii 2.1.a.iv.2 1.1.d.iii 5.4.a.iii

393

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

Publication #

ARM 13 110:5′–14′ ARM 13 111 ARM 13 116 ARM 13 123 ARM 13 126 ARM 13 141 ARM 13 143 ARM 13 144: 31–38 ARM 14 1 ARM 14 2 ARM 14 3 ARM 14 4 ARM 14 7+ ARM 14 11 ARM 14 39 ARM 14 46 ARM 14 48 ARM 14 50 ARM 14 51 ARM 14 56 ARM 14 61:4–13 ARM 14 62 ARM 14 64 ARM 14 66 ARM 14 70 ARM 14 78 ARM 14 80 ARM 14 81 ARM 14 84+ ARM 14 88 ARM 14 101:2′–14′ ARM 14 104+ ARM 14 111 ARM 14 118 ARM 18 2 ARM 18 3 ARM 18 5 ARM 18 6 ARM 18 7 ARM 18 14 ARM 18 16+ ARM 18 23 ARM 18 25 ARM 18 26

note to

ARM 18 27 ARM 18 28 ARM 18 29 ARM 18 36 ARM 18 37 ARM 18 38 ARM 21 143 ARM 21 347 ARM 22 154:1–8 ARM 22 263 ARM 22 322 ARM 22 328:ii.46–47 ARM 23 80 ARM 23 90 ARM 23 100 ARM 23 102:1–8 ARM 23 236 ARM 23 238 ARM 23 243:33 ARM 23 264 ARM 23 436 ARM 23 495 ARM 23 556 ARM 24 170+:1′–5′ ARM 24 260 ARM 24 263 ARM 25 17 ARM 25 143 ARM 25 376 ARM 25 447 ARM 25 616 ARM 25 622 ARM 25 626 ARM 25 758 ARM 26 1:1–16 ARM 26 4 ARM 26 5 ARM 26 5:3–42 ARM 26 6 ARM 26 7 ARM 26 9 ARM 26 10 ARM 26 11 ARM 26 13

note to note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to note to note to

note to note to

1.3.d.i 5.5.d.i.2 5.4.a.ii.2 2.1.a.ii 2.2.d.iv 6.1.a.ii.1a 2.1.d.i 3.3.d.i.3 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.vii.1 6.6.a.ii.3f 6.7.a.ii.1 4.6.c.iv 5.6.d.i 6.5.c.i.3 2.1.c 1.3.d.v.2 3.3.b.i.1 4.2.b.ii 1.3.d.vii.3 2.1.a.iv.1 2.1.a.iv.1 2.1.a.iv.2 5.3.c.iii.2 3.3.a.i.1 4.5.c.iv.2 2.1.a.iii.4 2.1.a.i 2.1.a.vi.4 1.1.d.i.2 3.5.a.i 3.5.b.ii 4.3.c 1.8.b.vi 5.4.a.iv.1 5.4.a.iv.2 2.2.c.ii 2.2.c.iii.1 1.3.d.vi.2 2.3.d.i.3 5.4.a.iii 2.2.c.v 2.3.d.i.1 2.3.d.i.2

Notes to ¶ Translation note to

note to note to note to note to note to note to note to note to note to

note to

note to Note to note to note to note to

note to

2.3.d.i.3 2.3.d.i.3 2.2.c.vi.1 2.2.c.vi.2b 2.2.c.vi.2a 5.3.e.ii 6.3.a.iv.3 6.7.c.iii.4 5.5.b.i 1.3.a.iv.5 1.8.a.i 4.7.d.ii.2 1.3.a.iv.5c 5.6.c 1.3.d.iv.1 5.6.c 5.5.b.iv 1.1.f.ii.1a 6.3.a.iv.1 5.1.a 5.3.d.iii 1.1.f.ii.1a 1.3.b.i.3 3.3.a.iv.2 5.2.c.iv 5.1.a 6.7.c.iii.3 2.2.f.ii 1.3.d.iii.1 1.5.b.iii.5 1.7.b.ii 1.3.a.ii.3 5.4.b.ii 1.3.d.iii 5.7.a.ii 2.3.b.i.1a 2.3.b.i.1b 2.1.b.i 2.1.b.i 2.3.b.i.1d 1.7.b.i 1.7.b.iii.1 1.7.b.iii.2 1.7.b.iii.3

394 Publication # ARM 26 14 ARM 26 18:4–21 ARM 26 22 ARM 26 25 ARM 26 30 ARM 26 37:5–16 ARM 26 37:10′–26′ ARM 26 38 ARM 26 39 ARM 26 57 ARM 26 74 ARM 26 74 ARM 26 77 ARM 26 81 ARM 26 82 ARM 26 84 ARM 26 93 ARM 26 100-bis:29–34 ARM 26 103 ARM 26 104 ARM 26 106 ARM 26 107 ARM 26 108 ARM 26 111 ARM 26 112 ARM 26 114 ARM 26 119 ARM 26 122 ARM 26 125:1′–11′ ARM 26 136 ARM 26 138 ARM 26 140 ARM 26 142 ARM 26 145 ARM 26 146:12–22 ARM 26 149:5′–10′ ARM 26 153 ARM 26 156 ARM 26 160 ARM 26 168 ARM 26 170 ARM 26 178 ARM 26 184 ARM 26 185-bis

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Notes to ¶ Translation note to

note to note to note to

note to note to

note to

1.7.b.iii.4 6.3.a.v 2.3.b.i.2c 2.3.b.i.2a 2.1.a.vi.4 1.5.b 6.1.c.ii 2.1.c.i.2a 3.1.b 6.2.c.iv 2.3.b.i.1c 6.3.b.iv 4.5.c.iii 5.7.e.ii 5.7.d.i.1 5.2.c.i 2.1.c.ii.6 5.7.a.v.2 5.7.a.vi.4d 5.7.a.1 2.2.f.ii 2.3.d.iii.2 2.3.b.ii.4 3.3.d.ii.1 2.3.b.ii.5a 2.3.b.ii.2 1.4.c.ii.1 2.3.b.ii.5b 6.6.a.i.2a 1.7.a.iv.3 2.3.b.ii.6 3.4.a.iv 5.7.d.i.2 2.3.b.ii.1 2.3.b.ii.1 6.7.a.ii.1 5.7.a.vi.4b 3.2.c.viii.2 1.6.c.ii.2a 3.4.a.ii 5.7.a.iv 5.5.b.i.1 5.7.a.vi.4c 1.3.d.vii.2

Publication # ARM 26 185-bis:18–26 ARM 26 186 ARM 26 191 ARM 26 194 ARM 26 196 ARM 26 197 ARM 26 198 ARM 26 199 ARM 26 206 ARM 26 207 ARM 26 208 ARM 26 212: 1′–16′ ARM 26 213 ARM 26 215 ARM 26 216 ARM 26 220 ARM 26 221 ARM 26 222 ARM 26 224:5–11 ARM 26 225 ARM 26 232 ARM 26 233 ARM 26 234 ARM 26 236 ARM 26 237 ARM 26 241 ARM 26 242:2′12′ ARM 26 243 ARM 26 244 ARM 26 246 ARM 26 247 ARM 26 248 ARM 26 249 ARM 26 252 ARM 26 253 ARM 26 254 ARM 26 257 ARM 26 259 ARM 26 260:5–15 ARM 26 261 ARM 26 263 ARM 26 264 ARM 26 266: 2′–17 ARM 26 269

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to

note to note to

note to

note to

note to

5.7.a.v.1 5.7.a.iii.1 5.2.a.ii 5.5.c.i 5.7.c.i.2 5.5.b.ii 5.5.b.ii 5.7.c.iii 5.7.b.ii 5.7.c.ii.1 5.7.c.i.1 5.7.c.ii.2 5.5.a.ii 2.1.d.ii.4 5.7.a.vii 5.3.e.1 6.7.d.i.2 2.3.d.ii 5.7.d.iv 5.7.d.iv 1.4.e.i 5.7.d.v 5.7.d.iii 1.1.e.i 5.7.d.ii 5.7.e.i 5.7.e.i 5.7.d.iii 5.7.e.iii 2.1.d.ii.5 2.1.d.ii.2 5.7.e.ii 5.8.a.ii 5.8.d.i 5.8.c.ii 5.8.e 4.6.b.ii 6.6.b.i.1 6.6.b.ii.1 6.6.a.ii.3d 6.6.b.ii.1 6.6.b.ii.2 6.6.a.ii.3d 3.6.c.ii

395

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Publication # ARM 26 270 ARM 26 271 ARM 26 272 ARM 26 275 ARM 26 276 ARM 26 277 ARM 26 278 ARM 26 279 ARM 26 280:5–16 ARM 26 281 ARM 26 282:5–13 ARM 26 285:3–17 ARM 26 286: 4′–19′ ARM 26 292 ARM 26 294 ARM 26 297 ARM 26 298 ARM 26 302:4–25 ARM 26 302:16–27 ARM 26 303:16′–25′ ARM 26 304:37–46 ARM 26 306:36–38 ARM 26 311:4–22 ARM 26 311:34–38 ARM 26 312:36′–39′ ARM 26 314 ARM 26 314:26–30 ARM 26 314:31–40 ARM 26 315:50–52 ARM 26 318 ARM 26 320:11–16 ARM 26 335 ARM 26 340:16–29 ARM 26 350 ARM 26 352:24–25 ARM 26 357:3′–32′ ARM 26 362 ARM 26 363 ARM 26 371 ARM 26 372 ARM 26 373 ARM 26 374 ARM 26 377 ARM 26 383:13′–21′

Notes to ¶ Translation

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6.6.a.i.3 6.5.c.i.1 6.5.c.i.2 6.7.a.ii.2 2.2.a.ii.1 6.7.a.ii.3 6.6.a.ii.3e 6.6.a.ii.2 6.7.a.i.2 6.7.b.i.2 1.2.c.iv.3 5.3.b 6.3.a.v 5.4.d.iii.3 5.4.a 6.3.a.iv.4 1.7.a.iv.2 2.1.c.ii.2 1.5.a.ii 1.8.a 1.8.b.vi 3.2.b.i.2 2.1.c.ii.2 5.2.c.ii 1.8.a 3.3.a.iv.1a 1.8.a 2.1.a.iv.2 1.8.b.v 1.3.c.i.1 3.5.b.i 2.3.a.ii.3 2.3.a.ii.2 1.3.c.ii.1a 1.8.b.iv.2 3.4.b.iii 3.2.b.i.2 3.3.a.ii.1 5.7.b.i 1.6.c.ii.1 2.2.e.i.1 2.3.a.ii.2 6.1.a.ii.2b 2.3.b.i.2a

Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

ARM 26 384:68–70 ARM 26 384:2′′–6′′ ARM 26 385:5′–22′ ARM 26 386 ARM 26 389:20–31 ARM 26 392:1–16 ARM 26 392:45–48 ARM 26 393 ARM 26 396 ARM 26 397 ARM 26 401:31–36 ARM 26 403 ARM 26 404 ARM 26 412:2–30 ARM 26 414:29–42 ARM 26 420:3–11 ARM 26 421:15′–21′ ARM 26 423:38–59 ARM 26 445 ARM 26 449 ARM 26 453 ARM 26 458 ARM 26 468 ARM 26 469 ARM 26 488:29–41 ARM 26 511:56–58 ARM 26 512:5–12 ARM 26 519 ARM 26 526 ARM 26 534 ARM 26 537:2′–9′ ARM 26 538 ARM 26 539 ARM 27 2:27–37 ARM 27 3 ARM 27 28 ARM 27 29:13–20 ARM 27 36:30–40 ARM 27 57 ARM 27 60 ARM 27 64:4–18 ARM 27 69 ARM 27 70 ARM 27 83

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1.6.b.i 2.2.f.i.3 5.6.b 3.1.a.i 1.6.c.ii.2b 1.6.b.i 1.6.a.ii 1.6.c.ii.2b 2.3.a.i 6.7.b.ii.3 1.1.f.iii 6.6.a.ii.3c 1.6.c.i.1 3.2.c.ii 5.5.c.i 2.1.a.vi.4 1.3.a.iv.5 1.2.c 1.4.a.ii 1.6.a.iv.1 4.3.b.i 5.4.d.i.3c 1.6.a.iv.2 1.6.c.ii.2a 5.8.d.ii 1.5.b.iii 1.4.b.i.2 3.2.c.vii 3.4.b.iv 1.3.e.iii.1 1.5.c 2.2.d.ii 1.3.e.iii.2 2.1.c.ii.5 1.3.d.iv.2 2.1.a.iii.3b 2.1.a.iii.3b 6.3.b.iii.2 4.5.c.i.2 6.1.a.iv 2.1.a.iii.3 4.2.a.i.1 4.2.a.i.2 2.2.b.ii

396

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances

Publication # ARM 27 84 ARM 27 85 ARM 27 99 ARM 27 115 ARM 27 116 ARM 27 116:30–32 ARM 27 117 ARM 27 118:1′–15′ ARM 27 131 ARM 27 162 ARM 27 162:41–44 ARM 28 14 ARM 28 16 ARM 28 17 ARM 28 20 ARM 28 24 ARM 28 27 ARM 28 36 ARM 28 40:6′–11′ ARM 28 44 ARM 28 44bis ARM 28 46:1′–7′ ARM 28 49:14–32 ARM 28 51 ARM 28 63 ARM 28 77

Notes to ¶ Translation

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2.2.b.ii 1.3.a.iii.3 6.2.b.i 4.3.a.ii 2.1.a.vii.2 3.3.b.i.1 2.1.a.viii 4.3.b 1.4.c.i 1.1.d.iii 6.3.a.iv.2 2.3.b.i.2b 1.5.c 6.7.d.iii.2 5.8.b 5.3.c.ii.3 6.5.a.iii 6.5.b.iv 3.3.b.ii 1.5.b.iii.2 1.5.b.iii.1 3.3.b.i.1 1.1.d.ii.1 3.3.b.i.5 6.3.b.v.2 1.5.a.i

Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

ARM 28 88 ARM 28 91:4–19 ARM 28 95 ARM 28 97b ARM 28 98 ARM 28 108 ARM 28 109:5–8 ARM 28 111:9′–16′ ARM 28 117 ARM 28 120 ARM 28 122 ARM 28 122:4–5 ARM 28 124 ARM 28 126 ARM 28 145:6′–11′ ARM 28 148 ARM 28 155:10–12 ARM 28 155:29–32 ARM 28 161 ARM 28 163 ARM 28 169 ARM 28 173 ARM 28 174 ARM 31 24 ARM 31 27

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Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

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6.3.a.ii 5.8.a.i 1.4.d.1 1.3.a.iv.4b 1.5.b.iii.3 2.3.a.ii.1 2.3.a 1.3.c.ii.1b 3.3.b.i.3 2.1.c.iii.1a 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.ii 3.6.d 1.2.c.i 1.1.b 6.3.b 5.8 1.3.a.iv.2 4.4.b 5.3.f.i.1 6.1.a.iii.5b 5.3.f.i.1 1.3.c.iii 1.8.a.i

Florilegium marianum Publication # FM 2 1 FM 2 2 FM 2 7 FM 2 17 FM 2 29 FM 2 30:5–12 FM 2 40:4–12 FM 2 45 FM 2 46 FM 2 49 FM 2 50 FM 2 52

Notes to ¶ Translation

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6.2.c.ii.2 6.2.c.ii.1 2.2.b.ii 5.4.b.ii 1.3.e.v.2 4.3.a.i 1.3.c.ii 1.4.a.i 1.3.d.ii.3 1.3.d.vii.1 2.1.b.iii 1.3.d.ii.4

FM 2 55 FM 2 56 FM 2 62 FM 2 71 FM 2 76 FM 2 77 FM 2 80 FM 2 86 FM 2 116 FM 2 117 FM 2 118:6′–23′ FM 2 122

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2.1.a.x.2 2.1.a.x.2 6.3.a.ii 6.1.a.ii.2a 6.3.a.iii.1 6.3.a.ii.2 6.3.a.iii.3 6.1.c.ii.3 1.3.a.i.1 1.6.a.iii 1.6.a.iii 5.5.d.ii

397

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Publication # FM 2 122:34–44 FM 2 127 FM 2 128 FM 2 129 FM 2 130 FM 2 131 FM 2 135 FM 3 2 FM 3 4 FM 3 6 FM 3 136 FM 3 138 FM 3 140 FM 3 143 FM 3 153 FM 4 26: 4–6 FM 4 33 FM 4 34 FM 4 35 FM 4 37 FM 4 59 FM 6 3 FM 6 4 FM 6 6 FM 6 10 FM 6 13 FM 6 16 FM 6 18 FM 6 20 FM 6 45:3′–13′ FM 6 46 FM 6 47 FM 6 48 FM 6 49 FM 6 50 FM 6 71 FM 7 1:11′–32′ FM 7 3 FM 7 5 FM 7 6:4–13 FM 7 7 FM 7 8

Notes to ¶ Translation

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1.5.b.ii 3.4.b.iii 1.6.b.iv.2 1.4.f 4.3.a.iv 1.3.d.i.1b 3.1.a 5.3.b 6.7.d.i.1 1.2.c.iv.1 1.3.d.vii.4a 2.1.a.x.2 5.5.b.iii.1 2.3.c 6.3.a.ii.1 6.7.d.ii 1.1.f.ii.2 1.1.f.ii.2 1.1.f.ii.2 6.3.a.iv.2 6.4.a.ii 4.6.c.v 2.1.d.ii.3 1.6.b.iv.1 3.3.a.iv.1b 3.3.a.iv.1c 1.3.a.ii.5 1.1.d.ii.1 5.3.c.ii.1 5.4.d.i.4 2.2.b.iii.3 2.2.b.iii.1 2.2.b.iii.2 2.2.b.iii.4 1.3.a.iv.1 2.2.b.v 1.6.a.ii 5.3.d.i 5.4.d.ii 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1

Publication # FM 7 11 FM 7 16 FM 7 17 FM 7 23 FM 7 36 FM 7 38 FM 7 39 FM 7 45 FM 7 45:3–14 FM 7 49 FM 7 50 FM 7 52 FM 8 1 FM 8 12:3–10 FM 8 15 FM 8 23 FM 8 34:23–58 FM 8 38:15–24 FM 8 43 FM 9 3:3–24 FM 9 4 FM 9 8 FM 9 10 FM 9 13 FM 9 16 FM 9 17:4–41′ FM 9 36 FM 9 43 FM 9 46:5–12 FM 9 51 FM 9 52:8′–9′ FM 9 57 FM 9 67 FM 9 71:19′–36′ FM 11 85 FM 11 177 FM 11 182 FM 11 188 MARI 7 10 MARI 7 10 MARI 7 12

Notes to ¶ Translation

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6.6.a.ii.3b 2.2.e.i.3 5.4.c.i 2.3.b.ii.5 1.3.e.iv.  5.7.b.iii 5.7.b.iii 1.6.b.iii 6.7.d.iii.1 6.4.a.iii.3b 5.6.e 5.4.d.i.4 5.4.a.i 5.4.d.iii.2 5.4.d.iii.1 5.3.d.ii 5.4.d.iii 5.4.c 1.3.a.v.  6.2.c.iii 2.3.c.iv.2 1.2.c.iii 5.2.c.iii.3 2.3.c.i.2 2.3.c.i.3 6.3.b.v.3 6.5.a.i.3 2.3.c.iii.1 2.3.c.iii 2.3.c.ii 2.3.c.ii 2.3.c 6.3.b.iii.3c 3.6.c.ii 5.3.d.iii 2.2.d.iii 1.3.c.iii.2 2.2.d.i 1.5.b.iii.4 3.3.b.i.6 1.5.b.iii.5

398

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances

2b.  Mari Documents by Museum numbers Publication # A.6 A.12 A.15 A.16 A.27 A.47 A.49 A.49:46–57 A.55:3–14 A.56 A.93+ A.96 A.158 A.161 A.174 A.186 A.202 A.217 A.221 A.221:34–44 A.229 A.250 A.257 A.265:18–28 A.266 A.285:19′–26′ A.317 A.337+ A.350+ A.361 A.366 A.402 A.402 A.421 A.427 + M.08431 A.433+ A.440 A.447 A.450 A.467:5–8 A.476 A.482:22–27

Notes to ¶ Translation

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3.2.a.i 5.5.a.i 5.7.d.v 1.3.e.ii.2 1.2.c.iii 3.4.b.iii 1.1.d.i.1 3.2.c.vi 1.3.c.ii.1b 3.4.c.i.2 5.2.c.iii.3 1.6.c.iii.1 2.1.c.ii.1 1.3.d.ii.4 6.2.c.ii.2 2.2.e.i.4 6.3.a.ii.1 6.3.a.ii.2 5.5.d.ii 1.5.b.ii 1.3.d.vi.3 2.1.a.iii.1 1.1.d.i.1 1.3.d.vii.2 2.2.e.v.1 4.5.c.i.1 4.3.a.iv 2.2.d.ii 0.4.b 1.6.c.iv.2 1.3.a.ii.5 2.1.d.ii.3 4.6.c.iii 6.3.a.iii.3 2.2.f.i.3 1.6.a.iii 6.3.b.iii.3c 1.4.a.i 1.2.c 3.1.a 1.4.f 1.6.a.i

Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

A.482:8′–9′ A.486+ A.489 A.510 A.512 A.533+ A.556 A.572 A.582 A.597:6–13 A.652 A.673 A.674 A.713 A.720 A.721 A.731:6–18 A.747 A.757 A.815:5–18 A.822 A.826 A.856 A.861 A.862 A.868 A.885:4–18 A.975 A.979 A.981:32–56 A.1025:13–19 A.1026 A.1056 A.1068 A.1098:20–38; 6′–15′ A.1101 A.1121+ A.1124 A.1141 A.1146:39–44 A.1185 A.1186

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1.3.a.ii 2.1.c.ii.2 5.6.a.ii 3.3.c.i 5.3.d.iii 3.3.a.iv.1b 1.3.a.i.1 5.4.b.ii 6.5.b.iv.  2.3.c 5.4.d.iii.2 1.3.c.i.4 6.7.d.ii.1 2.1.b 1.6.b.iv.2 1.6.c 3.3.a.iv.3 5.4.d.i.3a 1.3.a.iii.4 4.3.b 1.3.c.iii.3 2.1.b.ii.1c2 2.1.a.x.2 1.6.a.ii 2.1.a.x.2 1.4.b.i.2 1.3.c.i.3 5.4.c 2.3.c.ii 6.1.b.iii 1.5.b.iii.3 2.1.c.iii.1b 2.1.c.iii.2 5.6.a.i 2.1.c.i.1 1.5.c 5.7.b.iii 6.5.a.ii 1.3.a.ii.3 5.1.a 2.3.c.iii.1 5.5.b.iv

399

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Publication # A.1191 A.1212 A.1215:11–23 A.1220+ A.1251 A.1257 A.1258 A.1265 A.1285 A.1286 A.1288.i.18–21 A.1289+:iii: 28–37 A.1314 A.1348+ A.1389 A.1401 A.1604+ A.1858 A.1866 A.1890 A.1937 A.1945 A.1948 A.1968 A.1975 A.2052+:32–47 A.2071:10–19 A.2119 A.2126:3–18 A.2154+ A.2177 A.2178 A.2226:3–18 A.2226:12′–21′ A.2231 A.2254 A.2293+ A.2417 A.2428 A.2435 A.2442 A.2451+ A.2470+ A.2511

Notes to ¶ Translation

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5.3.g 2.1.c.ii.4 4.5.c.iv.2 4.6.c.iv 1.4.d.1 1.3.e.iv.  1.2.c.iv.1 1.6.c.v 2.2.c.iii.3 1.3.a.iv.1 5.7.e.ii 1.6.c.iv.2 3.2.b 1.1.e.i 3.3.d.ii.2 4.5.c.ii 2.1.c.ii.4 5.4.d.ii 3.4.c.ii 5.4.d.i.3b 6.3.a.ii 4.6.a 5.4.d.iii.1 5.7.b.iii 3.4.a.iii 1.3.d.vi.1 4.6.b.ii 1.6.a.ii 3.3.b.i.4 4.7.a 1.3.a.i.3 1.3.b.i.2 2.1.c.iii.2 1.1.e.ii 1.1.a 1.3.d.vii.4a 1.3.e.ii.1 1.1.e.ii 1.6.b.iii 2.2.e.ii.2 1.3.c.ii 1.6.b.iv.1 1.3.a.v.  6.5.a.i.3

Publication # A.2541 A.2548 A.2574 A.2594 A.2636:5–20 A.2654 A.2663 A.2671+ A.2674:18–20 A.2675:15–19 A.2701 A.2703 A.2705 A.2724 A.2730:1–29 A.2730:30–50 A.2757 A.2776 A.2806 A.2821 A.2822+:51–63 A.2830 A.2879 A.2881 A.2920:28–45 A.2928 A.2936 A.2937 A.2939 A.2939:11–25 A.2962 A.2966:16–22 A.2968:73–81 A.2988+ A.2995+ A.2997 A.3006 A.3020 A.3080 A.3089 A.3115 A.3158 A.3165 A.3185

Notes to ¶ Translation

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6.3.a.iv.2 1.7.a.iv.1 5.5.b.iii.1 6.4.a.iii.1 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.4.a.iii 2.2.b.v 2.2.f.i.1 2.3.a 3.1.a 2.2.f.i.2 5.3.c.ii.1 5.7.a.vi.2 2.0 2.1.c.iii.3 2.1.c.iii.3 1.1.d.iii 4.5.c.i.1 6.3.b.v.3 6.7.c.ii.2 1.5.b 2.1.b.ii.1c1 5.6.e 6.5.a.i.1 2.2.a.ii 6.6.a.i.1 6.6.a.ii.3b 2.3.b.ii.5 1.5.b.iii.4 3.3.b.i.6 3.2.c.viii.1 1.4.c.ii.2 1.6.c.iii 1.6.c.iv.1 0.4.a 2.3.d.i.1 3.4.a.iii 6.1.a.ii.2a 6.1.b.ii 1.6.a.ii 2.3.c.ii 1.7.a.ii 5.3.b 1.3.b.i.1

400

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances

Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

Publication #

A.3186 A.3194 A.3206 A.3325 A.3354+:17–20 A.3356 A.3447+ A.3451 A.3462 A.3591 A.3592 A.3597 A.3609 A.3625 A.3658 A.3680 A.3696 A.3735 A.3796 A.3838 A.3851:1′–15′ A.3885:16′–23′ A.3889 A.3892 A.3917 A.3918 A.3935+ A.3961 A.3993 A.4182 A.4202 A.4209 A.4215:3–10 A.4263 A.4304 A.4305 A.4314 A.4330 A.4363 A.4406 A.4466 A.4471:18–23 A.4490 A.4540

note to

A.4626 A.6182 M.5001 M.5116 M.5389 M.5413:7–14 M.5462 M.5694+:5–18 M.5719 M.5753 M.5754 M.5756 M.5881 M.6009:3–30 M.6167 M.6435+ M.6607 M.6765 M.6822 M.6845 M.6851 M.6853+ M.7141 M.7160 M.7161 M.7178 M.7259 M.7375:6′–11′ M.7411 M.7515 M.7592 M.7595 M.7658 M.7780 M.8142 M.8161 M.8426+ M.8535 M.8762 M.9238 M.9315 M.9597 M.9717 M.9726

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1.6.a.iii 1.5.b.i 6.1.a.ii.2c 5.4.b.ii 1.6.c 6.5.b.i.4 1.6.b.iv.1 6.3.a.i.2 6.4.a.iii.3b 2.1.c.i.2b 5.4.d.iii 5.5.d.i.3 5.4.a.i 2.2.f.i.1 6.5.a 4.6.c.v 1.1.f.ii.1b 5.3.a.i 5.7.c.iii 1.8 1.6.c.i.2 1.2.c.i 2.2.e.i.5 6.4.a.iii.3a 3.6.c.ii 3.3.d.i.3 6.5.b.vi 6.1.c.ii.3 5.7.a.vi.3 1.1.d.ii.1 6.2.c.iii 2.1.b.iii 2.3.a 1.2.c.iv.3 1.4.d.2 1.1.f.ii.1a 6.3.a.iii.1 3.1.b 5.4.d.i.4 0.4.b 2.3.c.i.3 1.7.a.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 5.1.a

Notes to ¶ Translation

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1.6.c.iii.2 1.1.f.i 6.5.b.iii.1 2.3.c 6.5.a.i.1 6.1.c.i.1 1.1.f.ii.2 3.6.a.i.1 1.1.f.ii.3 1.8.a.i 2.2.b.iii.2 1.3.c.iii 6.1.c.ii.4 1.1.e.ii 1.1.f.ii.2 1.6.c.iii.1 5.4.d.i.1 5.2.a.iv 1.1.f.ii.1a 2.3 2.3.c.i.2 3.3.a.iv.1c 6.7.d.ii 5.7.d.ii 5.4.c.i 1.1.f.ii.2 1.1.f.iii 5.4.d.i.4 1.5.b.iii.5 5.4.c 2.1.a.x.2 6.6.a.ii.3a 5.4.b.ii 1.1.f.ii.1a 5.8.a.iii 1.4.a.iii.2 1.2.c.i 6.3.a.i.1 2.1.c.ii.1 1.3.e.v.2 4.3.a.i 1.6.b.iv.1 5.4.d.i.4 1.3.c.ii

401

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

Publication #

M.9738 M.10337 M.10338 M.10522 M.10556 M.10648 M.10739 M.10999 M.11009+ M.11264 M.11266 M.11293 M.11343 M.11351 M.11371:4′–13′ M.11416 M.11436 M.11440 M.11645 M.12087 M.12803 M.13014:3–17 M.14895 M.15090 M.18192 M.18738

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Mari.1160 (#11) Mari.1162 (#23) Mari.1163 (#5) Mari.1164 (#7) Mari.1171 (#30) Mari.1172 (#29) Mari.1175 (#3) Mari.1176 (#19) Mari.1177 (#1) Mari.1184 (#21) Mari.1187 (#32) Mari.1188 (#4) Mari.1189 (#22) Mari.1190 (#26) T.135 TH 72.5:5–18 TH 72.15 TH 72.16 TH 85.86 TH 87.112 Yaḫdun-Lim brick (28–50) Yaḫdun-Lim brick (51–66) Yaḫdun-Lim disc Zimri-Lim epic

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1.3.c.i.2 6.3.a 6.3.a 2.2.f.ii 4.7.d.ii.2 4.5.b.ii 2.3.c.iii 6.3.a.ii 1.4.a.iii.1 4.7.e.ii 5.2.a.iv 6.3.a.ii 6.4.a.ii 1.3.a.iv.5d 2.3.b.ii.5 2.2.b.iii.1 5.7.c.iii 1.3.d.iii.1 2.2.b.iii.3 2.2.b.iii.4 6.7.d.i.1 5.7.c.i.1 5.3.c.iii.1 5.1.a 5.7.b.ii 2.1.c.ii.3

Notes to ¶ Translation

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5.7.a.iii.3f 5.7.a.iii.3j 5.7.a.iii.3d 5.7.a.iii.3e 5.7.a.iii.3l 5.7.a.iii.3m 5.7.a.iii.3b 5.7.a.iii.3g 5.7.a.iii.3a 5.7.a.iii.3h 5.7.a.iii.3n 5.7.a.iii.3c 5.7.a.iii.3i 5.7.a.iii.3k 5.3.c.ii.2 1.1.b 3.2.c.i 4.4.a 6.7.a.ii.4 1.3.b.i.4 1.4.c.ii

note to

1.3.c.i

note to

1.2.a 1.2.b.i

2c.  Other Archives Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

Publication #

CUNES 49-4-176 Emar 87

note to note to

FLP 1674

1.6.c.iii.1 5.5.a.i

Notes to ¶ Translation 5.2.b

Tell Asmar Publication # OBLTA 9 OBLTA 11

Notes to ¶ Translation 3.5.a.i 6.7.c.ii.1

Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

OBLTA 15:2′–13′

note to

6.7.c.ii.1

402

Concordances and Indexes — A.  Concordances

Tell al-Rimaḥ Publication # OBTR 5 OBTR 16 OBTR 41 OBTR 42 OBTR 58 OBTR 65 OBTR 65 OBTR 72 OBTR 79 OBTR 84 OBTR 95

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to

1.3.a.ii.4 5.6.c 6.5.b.i.3 6.5.b.i.3 6.5.b.i.2 2.3.b.ii.2 5.7.a.vi.4a 3.6.a.i.3 5.5.c.iii 6.4.a.iii.2 1.3.d.vii.5

Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

OBTR 118:3–12 OBTR 124 OBTR 134 OBTR 134:25–26 OBTR 141 OBTR 143 OBTR 150 OBTR 158 OBTR 160 OBTR 161 OBTR 200

note to

note to

1.1.a 6.6.a.ii.3g 6.3.b.i.3 6.5.a 6.5.b.v.1 6.5.b.v.2 1.2.c.iv.2 6.5.b.i.2 1.3.a.iii.2c 6.5.b.v.3 6.4.a.vi.2

Tell Leilan Publication # RATL 5 RATL 11 RATL 12 RATL 28 RATL 42 RATL 46 RATL 54 RATL 58 RATL 60 RATL 62 RATL 63 RATL 65 RATL 67 RATL 70

Notes to ¶

note to note to

Translation

Publication #

5.3.f.i.2 3.4.b.v 3.3.b.ii.1a 5.2.c.ii 3.3.b.i.2 2.2.e.ii 1.6.c 6.1.a.iii.2 3.3.b.ii.2a 3.3.b.ii.2b 6.1.c.i.1 6.1.a.iii.4b 6.1.a.iii.3 4.2.a.ii.1

RATL 71 RATL 72 RATL 75 RATL 75:15–22 RATL 76 RATL 83 RATL 85 RATL 89:27–43 RATL 110 RATL 137 RATL 153 RATL 171 RATL 185

Notes to ¶

note to

note to note to

Translation 4.2.a.ii.2 4.2.a.ii.3 1.6.c.vi 6.1.a.iii.3 6.5.b.iii.2 4.2.a.iii 5.6.d.ii 1.3.e.iv 3.3.b.ii.1b 2.2.e.iii 1.3.a.iv.4a 3.3.b.ii.1c 1.6.c.v

Shemshara Publication # ShA1 1 ShA1 6 ShA1 9 ShA1 11 ShA1 16:15–30 ShA1 17

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

1.5.b.iv.  3.2.c.v 3.3.c.ii.1 2.2.e.iii 1.1.d.ii.2 1.1.d.ii.2

Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

ShA1 34:10–20 ShA1 39 ShA1 60 ShA1 64:3–22 ShA1 65:5–12 ShA1 69:26′–32′

note to

note to note to note to

6.6.a.ii.3c 3.5.a.iii 6.5.a.i.2 3.3.a.iii 6.5.b.ii.1c 3.2.c.vi

403

Concordances and Indexes — Tuttul

Sakka Publication #

Notes to ¶ Translation

Tell Sakka 2

1.3.d.vii.4b

Terqa Publication # Terqa 8–5 Terqa 8–5:30–32

Notes to ¶ Translation 4.1.a.i.2 5.4.a.iii

Publication # Terqa 9–4

Notes to ¶ Translation 4.7.a

Tuttul Publication # KTT 55a

Notes to ¶ Translation 1.3.a.ii.2

Publication # KTT 373

Notes to ¶ Translation 1.3.a.iii.2d

B. Correspondents 1. From–To From

To

? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? (a diplomat) ? (a diplomat) ? (diviner) ? (elders) ? (sister) “Brother” Abi-epuḫ (Suḫu governor) Abi-mekim (Mari diplomat) Abi-mekim (Mari diplomat) Abi-Mekim and Laʾum (diplomats) Abi-mekim (Mari diplomat) Addu-duri (aunt or mother of ZL) Addu-duri (aunt or mother of ZL) Aḫassunu (palace songstress)

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim ? ? Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Bilalama Zimri-Lim ? ? ? Zimri-Lim ? Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim ? ? ? Yasmaḫ-Addu ? Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Addiya Bilalama of Ešnunna Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Notes to ¶ Translation

404

note to

note to note to note to note to

note to

note to note to note to note to

1.2.c.i 1.2.c.iv.1 1.2.c.iv.3 1.6.c.iii.2 1.6.c.v 2.3.b.ii.5 3.4.a.iii 3.5.a.i 4.1.a.i.2 5.4.d.i.1 5.5.c 5.5.d.i.3 5.6.b 5.7.a.vi.3 5.7.a.vi.4b 5.7.d.iv 5.7.e.i 6.4.a.iii.3a 6.5.b.iii.1 6.5.b.iv.  6.6.a.i.2a 6.6.a.ii.3d 6.7.a.i.2 1.6.b.i 4.6.b.ii 1.6.c.ii.2a 1.8 6.5.a 6.7.c.ii.1 3.2.c.viii.2 5.4.d.i.3c 4.3.b.i 1.6.c.ii.2a 1.6.a.iv.2 5.7.d.ii 6.1.a.iii.1b 5.5.c.ii

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents From

To

Akšak-magir Akšak-magir (Qattunan majordomo) Altiš-qallu Amat-Šamaš (nadītum) Amat-Šamaš (nadītum) Amud-pa-el (of Šuduḫum) Amud-pa-el (of Šuduḫum) Amut-pi-El (of Qatna) An official Apil-ilišu (diviner) āpilum of Šamaš Aplaḫanda (of Carchemish) Aplaḫanda (of Carchemish) Aqba-aḫum Aqba-aḫum (of Qaṭṭara) Aqba-aḫum (of Qaṭṭara) Aqba-ḫamu (of Qaṭṭara) Arriyuk (of Kalḫu) Arriyuk (of Kalḫu) Asdi-[x] Ašmad (merḫûm) Ašmad (merḫûm) Ašmad (merḫûm) Ašmad (merḫûm) Ašmad (merḫûm) Ašmad (merḫûm) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) and Ašmad (merḫûm) Asqur-Addu (of Karana) Aštamar-Addu Atamrum (of Andarig) f Atrakatum f Atrakatum

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Mukannišum (chief of stock) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Mutiya (of Šeḫna) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Mukannišum (chief of stock) Yassi-Dagan (general) Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yassi-Dagan (general) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Mutiya (of Šeḫna) Hammurabi (of Kurda) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

405

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to note to

note to note to

1.3.d.vii.1 2.1.b.iii 6.5.b.vi 6.3.b.i.3 6.5.a 1.3.c.i.2 1.6.c.i.2 2.3.b.i.2b 4.5.c.i.1 2.1.c.ii.6 5.5.c.i 1.3.a.iv.3 1.3.a.iv.3 1.3.a.iv.1 5.5.c.iii 5.7.a.vi.4a 6.4.a.iii.2 5.8 6.3.b 3.3.b.ii.1a 1.3.a.v.  1.3.d.ii.4 1.3.d.vi.3 1.6.a.ii 2.1.c.i.2b 5.3.g 2.1.a.vi.4 2.2.c.v 2.3.b.i.1c 2.3.b.i.2c 5.2.c.i 5.7.d.i.1 5.7.e.ii 6.1.c.ii 6.2.c.iv 6.3.a.v 6.3.b.iv 2.1.c.i.2a 5.3.f.i.1 5.3.f.i.2 3.5.a.i 3.3.b.i.4 3.3.a.iv.1b

406

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

From

To

Azzu-ena (of Ašal) f Azzu(-ena of Ašal) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari majordomo) Bali-Addu Bannum (merḫûm) Bannum (merḫûm) Bannum (merḫûm) Bannum (merḫûm) Bannum (merḫûm) Bannum (merḫûm) Bannum (merḫûm) Belassunu (princess) Belatum (princess) Beltum (= Inbatum?) Belum Bunu-Ištar (of Kurda) Bunu-Ištar (of Kurda) Buqaqum (diplomat) Buriya (of Andarig) Buriya (of Andariq) Dadi-ḫadun (Yaminite) Dadi-ḫadun (Yaminite) Dadi-ḫadun (Yaminite) Dadi-ḫadun (Yaminite) Dadu-rabi Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat)

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Asqudum (diviner) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Asqudum (diviner) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) “lord” Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Ištar-šamši and Laḫwi-malik Ḫadnu-rabi (of Qaṭṭara) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Sammetar (counselor) Šiptu (queen) Ḫaqba-ḫammu (of Qaṭṭara) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Mukannišum (chief of stock)

f

Notes to ¶ Translation

notes to

note to

note to

note to

note to note to

note to

3.3.a.iv.1c 3.1.a.ii 1.4.b.i.1 2.1.a.iii.1 2.2.d.v.2 2.2.e.iv.1 3.3.a.ii.2 3.4.d.i 3.5.a.ii 4.3.a.i 6.1.a.i.1 6.1.a.iii.1a 6.7.b.i.2 1.4.c.ii.1 2.1.a.v 2.2.c.iv 6.7.c.i.1 4.5.c.iv.1 4.5.c.iii 2.1.b.i 2.1.b.i 2.1.c.i.1 2.3.b.i.1b 2.3.b.i.1d 3.4.c.i.2 5.4.d.iii.2 6.5.b.v.1 5.3.c.ii.4 2.3.a.iii.1 6.5.b.i.1 1.3.a.ii.4 4.4.b 5.8.d.ii 2.2.e.ii 3.3.b.i.2 1.3.b.i.1 1.6.c 2.2.a.ii.2 6.3.b.iii.1 1.3.d.vii.5 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 2.3.d.i.1

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents From

To

Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur? (valet/diplomat) Diviner Diviners (many) Ea-Malik Ea-Malik Elders (of Talḫayum) Enlil-epuš Enlil-ipuš (Tuttul official) Erešti-Aya (nadītum) Erešti-Aya (nadītum) Erešti-Aya (nadītum) Erib-Sin (diviner) Etellum Ewri Ewri Girnisa Ḫabbusum Ḫabbusum Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Ḫabdu-malik (merchant) Ḫabdu-malik (merchant) Ḫabduma-Dagan Ḫabduma-Dagan Ḫabduma-Dagan (Saggaratum governor) Ḫadni-ilumma Ḫadnu-rabi (of Qaṭṭara) Ḫali-ḫadun Ḫali-ḫadun and Kaʾalalum Ḫalu-rabi Ḫamman (of Der) Ḫammanum Ḫammanum (governor of Yabliya) Ḫammi-ištamar (Ubrabû Yaminite) Ḫammi-ištamar (Ubrabû Yaminite)

Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Sumu-dabi (Yaḫruru Yaminite) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim? Zimri-Lim? “the Queen” Zimri-Lim Kuwari (of Šušarra) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Take ? Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Iddiyatum Iddiyatum Yasmaḫ-Addu (?) Yasmaḫ-Addu or Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu (Yariḫu Yaminite) Zimri-Lim

407

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to note to note to

note to

note to note to note to note to note to

note to note to note to note to

note to

note to note to note to note to

2.3.d.i.2 2.3.d.i.3 2.3.d.i.3 6.6.a.i.1 1.6.a.ii 5.4.c 3.4.a.ii 5.2.c.ii 5.2.c.ii 1.1.e.ii 6.2.c.iii 5.4.c 5.5.b.iii.1a 5.5.b.iii.1b 6.3.b.i.2 5.7.a.v.2 3.5.a.iii 3.3.b.ii.1b 3.3.b.ii.1c 6.5.c.i.1 1.1.b 1.1.b 1.6.a.ii 1.6.b.i 1.6.c.ii.2b 1.6.c.ii.2b 2.3.a.i 6.7.b.ii.3 6.5.a.i.1 6.5.a.i.1 1.3.b.i 6.3.a.ii 5.4.d.i.3a 6.3.a.ii 6.1.a.iii.5b 6.7.c.ii.2 1.3.c.iii.2 1.6.c 2.3.b.ii.1 1.4.a.iii.1 5.4.d.iii 5.1.a 6.1.b.ii

408

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

From

To

Ḫammi-ištamar (Ubrarû Yaminite) Ḫammi-kun (of Šaduḫum) Ḫammi-šagiš (merchant/diplomat) Ḫammi-šagiš (merchant/diplomat) Ḫammi-šagiš (merchant/diplomat) Hammurabi (of Aleppo) Ḫaqba-aḫum (diplomat) Ḫaqba-ḫammu (diviner) Ḫaqba-ḫammu (of Qaṭṭara) Ḫaqba-ḫammu (of Qaṭṭara) Ḫaqba-ḫammu (of Qaṭṭara) Ḫasidanum (governor) Ḫasidanum (governor) Ḫasidanum (governor) Ḫasidanum (governor) Ḫasidanum (governor) Ḫaya-Sumu (of Ilanṣura) Ḫazzum (official) Ḫulalum (secretary) Ḫuziri (of Ḫazzikannum) Ḫuziri (of Hazzikkannum ) Ḫuziri (of Hazzikkannum) Ḫuziri (of Hazzikkannum) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (diviner) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm)

Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Itani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Mukannišum (chief of stock) Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (secretary) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Notes to ¶ Translation note to

note to

note to

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note to note to

note to

note to note to

note to note to

4.2.b.i 1.3.c.ii.1b 2.2.e.v.1 3.3.a.iv.3 5.7.d.ii 2.2.e.i.4 3.2.a.i 1.4.f 2.3.b.ii.2 3.6.a.i.3 6.5.b.i.2 2.2.e.i.6 3.5.a.i 4.1.a.ii 6.1.c.ii.4 6.1.c.ii.4 6.3.a.ii 2.2.c.vi.1 2.2.f.i.2 1.5.b.ii 5.5.d.ii 1.6.b.iv.2 3.4.b.iii 1.1.d.ii.1 1.5.a.i 3.3.b.i.5 6.3.b.v.2 0.4.b 1.1.e.ii 1.1.e.ii 1.5.b.i 2.1.c.iii.2 2.1.c.iii.2 2.1.c.iii.2 2.1.c.iii.3 2.1.c.iii.3 5.6.a.i 2.3.b.ii.4 0.4.a 1.1.d.i.1 1.6.a.ii 2.1.c.ii.1 2.1.c.ii.2 2.1.c.ii.3

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents From

To

Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-el (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (of Ešnunna) Ibbi-Amurrum Ibbi-Ilabrat Ibbi-Ilabrat (musician) Iddin-Sin (priest) Iddiyatum (diplomat) Iddiyatum (diplomat) Iddiyatum (diplomat) Iddiyatum (diplomat) Ikšud-appašu Ila-ḫadnu Ileliš Ili-(w)aqra Ili-rabi Ili-imitti Ili-Sumu (of Ašlakka) Ilšu-ibbišu (musician) Ilšu-ibbišu (musician) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Ilum-lu-watar Ilušu-naṣir (Qattunan governor) Ilušu-naṣir (Qattunan governor) Inbatum (princess) Inib-šarri (princess) Inib-šarri (princess) Inib-šarri (princess) Inib-šarri (princess) Inib-šarri (princess) Inib-šarri (princess) Inib-šina (priestess; sister of ZL) Inib-šina (priestess; sister of ZL) Inib-šina (priestess; sister of ZL) Inib-šina (priestess; sister of ZL) Išar-Lim

Sammetar (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šamaš-in-matim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Šiptu (queen) Ḫatnu-rapi (of Qaṭṭara) Zimri-Lim ? Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Ḫaqba-ḫammu (of Qaṭṭara) Bilalama of Ešnunna Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu

409

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to

note to note to note to

note to

note to note to note to note to

note to

note to

2.1.c.ii.4 2.1.c.ii.4 2.1.c.ii.5 2.2.f.i.3 3.1.b 3.4.b.ii 3.6.b.i 4.6.a 5.7.a.1 5.7.a.vi.4d 1.6.c.iv.2 2.3.b.ii.3 6.5.a.i.3 6.3.a.v 5.3.a.i 1.4.b.i.2 1.5.b.iii 3.2.c.vii 3.4.b.iv 6.6.a.ii.3d 6.1.a.iii.2 1.3.e.v.1 5.6.c 1.3.c.ii.1b 6.5.c.i.2 1.5.b.iii.3 2.3.c.ii 2.3.c.ii 6.5.b.i.2 6.7.c.ii.1 1.3.d.iv.2 2.1.c.ii.5 1.8.c.iii 1.8.c.i.1 1.8.c.i.1 1.8.c.i.2 1.8.c.i.3 2.3.a.iii.2b 6.7.b.ii.2 6.7.a.ii.3 2.2.c.i 5.5.b.ii 5.5.b.ii 6.6.a.ii.3a

410

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

From

To

Išḫi-Addu (diviner) Išḫi-Addu (diviner) Išḫi-Addu (diviner) Išhi-Addu (of Qatna) Išḫi-Addu (of Qatna) Išḫi-Addu (of Qatna) Išḫi-Addu (of Qatna) Išḫi-Dagan (diplomat) Išḫi-Dagan and Yanṣib-Addu (diplomats) Išḫi-madar Išḫu-Addu (of Qatna) Iškur-saga (Saggaratum majordomo) Iškur-saga (Saggaratum majordomo) Išme-Addu (of Ašnakkum) Išme-Addu (of Ašnakkum) Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Ištaran-naṣir Ištaran-naṣir Itur-asdu Itur-asdu Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Itur-asdu (Mari governor)

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Išme-Dagan Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Notes to ¶ Translation

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2.3.b.ii.2 2.3.b.ii.5a 2.3.b.ii.5b 1.7.a.iv.4 1.7.a.ii 1.7.a.iii 6.3.b.i.1 1.6.c 1.6.a.iv.1 1.6.a.iii 3.2.c.vi 2.1.a.iii.3 2.2.d.i 1.5.a.ii 6.1.a.ii.2c 1.4.b.ii 3.6.a.i.1 3.6.a.i.1 5.4.d.v 6.1.c.i.2 6.1.c.ii.1 2.3 3.2.c.viiii 3.3.a.iv.2 3.3.d.i.3 3.4.a.iii 3.4.b.vi 3.4.c.i.1 3.6.c.i 3.6.c.ii 5.7.a.iii.2 6.7.b.i.1 6.7.d.ii.1 5.2.c.iii.3 6.7.b.i.2 1.1.d.i.1 1.4.c.ii.2 1.6.b.iii 1.6.c.iii 2.1.b.ii.1c1 2.1.b.ii.1c2 5.3.d.iii 5.4.d.i.3b

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents From

To

Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Kaʾalalum (security officer) Kabiya (of Kaḫat) Kabiya (of Kaḫat) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor)

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

411

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to note to

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5.5.a.i 5.7.d.v 1.2.c.iii 1.3.a.ii 1.3.c.ii 1.5.b.iii.4 1.6.a.i 1.6.c.v 3.2.c.vi 3.3.b.i.6 5.7.a.vi.4c 2.2.f.ii 1.2.c.ii 3.6.d 1.1.d.iii 1.2.c.ii 1.3.d.i 1.3.d.iv 1.3.d.v.1 2.1.a.ii 2.1.a.ii 2.1.a.iii.2 2.1.a.iii.3a 2.1.a.iv.2 2.1.a.vi.1 2.1.a.vi.2 2.1.a.vi.3 2.1.a.vi.5 2.2.d.iv 2.2.e.ii.1 2.2.e.iv.2 3.2.c.iv 3.3.a.i.2 3.3.a.ii.3a 4.3.a.iii 4.6.b.i 4.6.c.ii 5.3.e.1 5.4.a.ii.1 5.4.a.ii.2 5.4.a.iii 5.5.b.i.1 5.5.b.i.1 5.5.d.i.1

412

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

From

To

Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan? (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kiru (princess) Kiru (princess) Kiru (princess) Kiru (princess) Kiru (princess) Kiru (princess) Kiru (princess) Kititum (goddess) Kuzuzzu Laʾum (counselor) Laʾum (counselor) Laʾum (counselor) Laʾum (counselor) Laʾum (counselor) Laʾum (counselor) Laʾum (counselor) Laʾum (Qattunan governor) Laʾum (Qattunan governor) Laʾum and Mašiya Laʾum? (counselor) Laʾum, Ikšud-appašu and Mašiya Lamassi-Aššur (Ekallatum queen) Lamassi-Aššur of Ekallatum Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Laʾum (diplomat) f Liqtum (of Burundum)

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Ibal-pi-el II (of Ešnunna) Mutiya (of Šeḫna) Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Samsi-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Notes to ¶ Translation note to

note to note to

note to

note to note to note to note to

note to

note to

5.5.d.i.2 5.6.d.i 5.7.a.vi.1 5.7.d.iii 5.7.d.iii 6.3.b.ii 6.6.a.ii.3c 6.6.b.i.2 6.7.a.i.3 6.7.d.i.2 1.8.b.i 1.8.b.i 1.8.b.iii 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.vi 6.1.a.ii.1b 5.2.b 2.2.e.iii 2.3.a 2.3.b.i.1a 4.3.b 4.5.a.1 6.6.b.i.1 6.6.b.ii.1 6.7.a.i.1 2.1.a.x.2 2.1.a.x.2 1.3.a.i.3 6.6.b.ii.1 1.3.c.iii.3 5.3.c.iii.1 2.3.c.iv.2 1.3.c.i.3 1.3.c.i.4 2.1.d.ii.1 2.1.d.ii.2 2.1.d.ii.3 2.1.d.ii.4 2.1.d.ii.5 4.6.c.iii 5.4.d.iii.1 1.6.b.i 1.4.a.iii.2

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents From

To

Manatan (security officer) Manatan (security officer) Manatan (security officer) Mašiya Meptum (merḫûm) Meptum (merḫûm) Meptum (merḫûm) Meptum (merḫûm) Meptum (merḫûm) Meptum (merḫûm) Meptum (merḫûm) Meptum (merḫûm) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mut(u)-bisir (general) Mut(u)-bisir (general) Mutiya (of Šeḫna) Mutu-ḫadkim (Bab. General) Naḫimum (Yaminite) Nanip-Šawuri (of Ḫaburatum) Napsuna-Addu Napsuna-Addu Naram-Sin (diviner) Naramtum (princess) Nigḫatum (ZL sister) Niqmi-Addu Niqmi-Addu Numušda-naḫrari Nur-Addu (diviner) Nur-Sin (diplomat) Nur-Sin (diplomat) Nur-Sin (diplomat) Piradi (ḫuppûm) Pišente (of Itabalḫum) Qarni-Lim (of Andarig) Ripʾi-Dagan (officer)

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim ? Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Etel-pi-šarrim and Yaḫatti-El Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Šepallu Zimri-Lim Asqudum (diviner) Zimri-Lim Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Iddiyatum Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim ? Zimri-Lim Mukannišum (chief of stock)

413

Notes to ¶ Translation

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6.3.a.ii.1 6.3.a.ii.2 6.3.a.iii.1 6.6.b.ii.2 1.2.c.iv.3 1.3.e.ii.2 2.2.e.v.3 3.3.c.i 3.6.c.ii 5.7.e.iii 5.8.a.ii 5.8.c.ii 1.7.a.iv.2 2.2.b.iv 2.2.c.i 2.2.c.iii.2 2.2.d.v.1 2.3.d.i.4 3.3.d.ii.1 5.4.d.iv 6.2.b 6.2.c.1 2.3.b.ii.6 6.5.a.ii 3.4.b.v 1.3.a.ii.5 3.1.b 1.3.b.i.2 6.5.b.i.3 6.5.b.i.3 1.7.a.iv.3 1.8.b.ii 6.3.b.iii.3 4.2.a.iii 5.6.d.ii 1.3.d.vi.4 3.4.a.iv 1.3.e.iv.  5.7.b.iii 5.7.b.iii 6.3.b.iii.3c 3.2.c.vi 5.3.f.i.1 2.2.c.vi.2a

414

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

From

To

Ripʾi-Dagan (officer) Ripʾi-Lim Riš-Addu Rišiya (musician/diplomat) Rišiya (musician/diplomat) Rišiya (musician/diplomat) Rišiya and Asqudum Rišiya and Asqudum Rišiya and Asqudum Šadum-labua (of Ašnakkum) Šadum-labua (of Ašnakkum) Šaknum (diplomat) Samadaḫum (general) Samadaḫum (general) Samadaḫum (general) Šamaš-(ḫ)inaya (diviner) Šamaš-in-matim (diviner) Šamaš-naṣir (Terqa majordomo) Sammetar (counselor) Sammetar (counselor) Sammetar (counselor) Sammetar (counselor) Sammetar (counselor) Sammetar (counselor) Sammetar (Mari governor) Sammetar (of Ašnakkum) Sammetar (Terqa governor) Sammetar (Terqa governor) Sammetar (Terqa governor) Sammetar (Terqa governor) Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu

Mukannišum (chief of stock) Zimri-Lim f   Iltani (of Qaṭṭara) Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Mukannišum (chief of stock) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Kuwari (of Šušarra) Kuwari (of Šušarra) Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-addu Kuwari (of Šušarra) Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu

Notes to ¶ Translation

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2.2.c.vi.2b 5.6.a.ii 1.1.a 1.7.b.i 2.3.c.i.3 6.3.b.v.3 1.7.b.iii.1 1.7.b.iii.2 1.7.b.iii.3 2.3.a 2.3.a.ii.1 1.3.c.ii.1a 1.3.a.ii.1 3.1.a 3.3.c.ii 2.3.b.ii.1 5.7.d.i.2 5.7.c.i.2 1.4.b.i.2 1.5.c 2.2.a.ii.2 5.3.e.ii 5.7.c.iii 6.7.a.ii.2 6.1.b.iii 1.3.a.iv.4b 0.4.b 1.7.b.iii.4 3.4.a.iii 4.7.a 0.4 0.4.b 1.1.d.ii.2 1.1.d.ii.2 1.1.d.iii 1.3.a.i.2 1.3.a.i.3 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.3.d.ii.1 1.3.e.i 1.5.b.iv.  1.6.c.iii 1.7.a.i 1.7.a.i

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

415

From

To

Notes to ¶ Translation

Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Šarrum-ṣulluli Šattam-kiyazi (harem woman) Šeprarum (of ?) Šepratu (of ?)

Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Kuwari (of Šušarra) Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Kuwari (of Šušarra) Yasmaḫ-Addu Kuwari (of Šušarra) Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu or Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Kuwari (of Šušarra)

note to note to

note to

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1.7.a.i 1.7.a.iv.1 1.7.a.iv.1 2.0 2.1 2.1 2.1.a.iv 2.2.e.i.2 2.2.e.iii 2.2.e.iv.4 2.3.c 2.3.c.i.2 3.2.c.iii 3.2.c.v 3.3.a.iii 3.3.c.ii.1 3.3.d.i.1 3.4.a.i 3.4.b.i 3.4.b.vii 3.4.b.vii 3.5.b.i 3.6.a.i.2 3.6.a.i.2 3.6.b.ii 4.3.b.ii 4.3.d 4.5.c.i.1 4.6.c.i 5.3.c.ii.1 5.3.d.iv.  5.4.a.i 5.4.a.iii 5.4.d.i.2 6.1.b.i 6.1.c.ii.2 6.1.c.ii.3 6.2.c.ii 6.3.a 6.7.b.ii.1 6.1.a.ii.2b 6.1.a.ii.1b 1.3.a.iv.2 3.3.a.iii

416

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

From

To

Šewirum-parat (songstress) Sibkuna-Addu (of Šuda) Ṣidqi-epuḫ (controller) Ṣidqi-epuḫ (controller) Ṣidqu-lanasi (of Carchemish) Ṣidqu-lanasi (of Carchemish) Ṣidqum-lanasi (of Carchemish) Ṣidqum-lanasi (of Carchemish) Ṣidqum-lanasi (of Carchemish) Ṣidqum-lanasi (of Carchemish) Šimatum (princess) Šimatum (princess) Šimatum (princess) Šimatum (princess) Sin-ešmeʾanni Sin-ešmeʾanni Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Sitriya Šub-nalu (Mari majordomo) Šub-nalu (Mari majordomo) Šubram (of Susa) Šubram (of Susa) Šukrum-Tešub (of Eluḫut) Sumḫu-rabi (Saggaratum governor) Sumḫu-rabi (Saggaratum governor) Sumu-(ḫadu?) (Mari governor) Sumu-ḫadu (Mari governor) Sumu-ḫadu (Saggaratum governor) Sumu-ila (Terqa official) Sumu-lanasi (of Abi-ili) Šunuḫra-halu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor)

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasim-sumu (controller) Zimri-Lim Asqudum (diviner) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Namra-šarur Kuwari Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu “My Lady” (Šiptu) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Belšunu (an official) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Notes to ¶ Translation

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note to

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6.4.a.iv 6.5.a.iii 1.2.c 1.3.d.vii.2 1.3.e.iii.1 1.3.e.iii.2 1.5.c 2.2.b.v 2.2.d.ii 2.2.d.ii 1.8.b.ii 1.8.b.ii 1.8.b.iv.1 6.4.a.v.1 6.5.b.ii.1c 6.6.a.ii.3c 1.1.e.i 2.2.c.i 2.2.d.v.1 5.5.a.ii 5.7.c.i.1 5.7.c.ii.1 5.7.c.ii.2 6.4.a.vi.1 6.5.b.ii.1a 6.5.b.ii.1b 6.5.b.ii.1c 3.4.c.ii 4.5.b.i 5.4.b.ii 1.4.d.1 5.8.a.i 1.3.e.iv.  2.2.e.v.2 5.7.e.i 5.7.d.iv 2.1.a.iii.1 1.3.a.i.1 5.4.d.ii 1.1.d.ii.1 5.4.d.i.4 1.6.b.iii 5.6.e 5.7.c.i.1

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents From

To

Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Ṣuri-larim (security officer) Take Tamarzi (of Tarmanni) Tarim-šakim Tarim-šakim Tarim-šakim Tarim-šakim (counselor) Tarim-šakim (counselor) Tarim-šakim (counselor) Tarim-šakim (counselor) Tebi-gerrešu Tebi-gerrešu Terru (of Urgiš) Terru (of Urgiš) Terru (of Urgiš) Tilani-ḫesud (a lamentation priest) Tiṣpatum (princess) Tiṣpatum (songstress?) Ur-samana (land assessor) Ušareš-ḫetil (official) Uṣur-awassu Uṣûr-awassu Uṣur-awassu (Mari majordomo) Uṣur-awassu (Mari majordomo) Uṣur-awassu (Mari majordomo) Uṣur-awassu (Mari majordomo) Wanni Warad-ilišu Warad-ilišu (chief musician) Warad-ilišu (chief musician/diplomat) Warad-ilišu (diplomat and chief musician) Warad-Ilišu (musician) Warad-Ištar Warad-Sin (Andarig governor) Yadur-nassi Yaḫdun-Lim (Yaminite) Yaḫmid-Lim Yakṣuran Yakun-ašar Yakun-Dir (of Tarmanni) Yakun-Dir (of Tarmanni)

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Till-abnu Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim? Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim king ? Zimri-Lim Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Yasmaḫ-Addu Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Kuwari Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu ? Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yaḫdun-Lim (of Mari) Zimri-Lim Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

417

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to note to

note to

note to

note to

note to note to note to

note to

note to

6.4.a.iii.3b 6.7.d.iii.1 4.3.a.iv 2.2.e 1.2.c.i 1.3.a.iii.2a 6.3.b.v.1 6.6.a.i.3 1.3.c.iii.1 1.3.d.i.1a 4.3.b.ii 5.3.c.i 5.7.a.vii 1.3.a.iii.4 1.5.b.iii.1 1.5.b.iii.2 3.3.b.i.1 6.6.a.ii.2 1.8.c.ii 2.3.d.iii.1 2.3.c 2.3.d.ii 6.3.a.iv.4 6.3.a.v 1.7.a.iv.2 5.3.b 5.4.a 5.4.d.iii.3 6.5.a.i.2 6.6.a.ii.3b 2.2.e.i.3 2.3.b.ii.5 5.4.c 2.3.c.iii.1 1.3.a.iv.4a 6.5.a.i.1 1.5.b.iii.5 5.3.c.ii.3 1.3.b.i.4 1.3.d.i.1b 3.3.b.ii.2a 1.2.c.i 1.3.c.ii.1b

418

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

From

To

Notes to ¶ Translation

Yalʾa-Addu (diviner) Yamṣi-ḫadnu Yamṣi-ḫadnu Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Yamṣi-ḫadnu and Mašum Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yanṣib-Addu Yanuḫ-samar (diplomat) Yapḫur-Lim (of Izallu) Yapḫur-Lim, Ḫimdiya and Yadraḫam  (sheikhs) Yaqbi-Addu (of Ašnakkum) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor)

Zimri-Lim Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Sumu-dabi (Yaḫruru Yaminite) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim? Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Ibal-El (merḫûm)

note to

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Dam-ḫuraṣi (queen) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

note to

note to note to note to note to note to note to note to note to

note to note to note to

note to

note to note to

note to

6.7.a.ii.1 6.1.c.i.1 6.5.b.iii.2 4.2.a.ii.3 1.6.c.vi 3.3.b.ii.2b 4.2.a.ii.1 4.2.a.ii.2 6.1.a.iii.3 6.1.a.iii.4b 5.7.a.iv 1.3.c.i.1 1.5.a.ii 1.8.a 1.8.b.iv.2 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.vi 2.1.a.iv.2 2.1.c.ii.2 2.1.c.ii.2 2.3.a.ii.2 2.3.a.ii.3 3.2.b.i.2 3.3.a.iv.1a 3.5.b.i 5.2.c.ii 1.4.a.ii 3.4.b.iii 3.3.b.i.3 2.1.c.iii.1a 1.6.b.iv.1 5.8.e 1.1.d.i.2 1.3.c.ii 1.3.d.v.2 1.3.d.vii.3 1.3.e.v.2 1.8.b.vi 2.1.a.i 2.1.a.i 2.1.a.iii.4 2.1.a.iv.1 2.1.a.iv.1

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents From

To

Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yarʾip-Dagan Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yarim-Lim Yarim-Lim (of Aleppo/Yamḫad) Yarkab-Addu (of Ḫanzat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat)

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Belassunu (princess) Yašub-yaḫad (of Der) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

419

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to note to

note to note to

note to note to note to note to note to

2.1.a.iv.2 2.1.a.vi.4 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.c 2.2.e.ii.2 3.3.a.i.1 3.3.b.i.1 3.5.b.ii 4.2.b.ii 4.3.a.i 4.3.c 4.5.c.iv.2 4.6.c.iv 5.3.c.iii.2 5.3.d.i 5.3.d.ii 5.6.d.i 5.7.b.ii 5.8.d.i 6.5.c.i.3 6.6.a.ii.3e 6.6.a.ii.3f 6.7.a.ii.1 6.2.c.ii.2 1.6.c.ii.1 2.2.e.i.1 2.2.e.iv.3 2.3.a.ii.2 3.2.b.i.2 3.3.a.ii.1 5.5.b.iv 5.7.b.i 6.5.b.v.3 3.2.b 6.5.b.iv 1.1.f.iii 1.2.c 1.3.a.iv.5 1.6.c.i.1 1.7 2.1.a.vi.4 3.2.c.ii

420

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

From

To

Yasim-El (diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Yasim-ḫammu (diplomat) Yasim-ḫammu (diplomat) Yasim-Sumu (controller) Yasim-Sumu (controller) Yasim-Sumu (controller) Yasim-Sumu (controller) Yasim-sumu (controller) Yasim-sumu (controller) Yasim-sumu (controller) Yasim-sumu (controller) Yasim-sumu (controller) Yasim-sumu (controller) Yasim-sumu (controller) Yasim-Sumu and Manatan Yasitna-Abum Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu (of Yariḫu) Yasmaḫ-Addu (Yamḫad messenger) Yassi-Dagan (general) Yassi-Dagan (general) Yassi-Dagan (general) Yassi-Dagan (general) Yassi-Dagan (general) Yassi-Dagan (general) Yatar-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yatar-Ami (of Carchemism) Yatar-Aya Yatar-kabkab Yatar-kabkab (diplomat) Yatarum (general) Yatarum (registrar) Yawi-Ila (of Talḫayum) Yawi-Ila (of Talḫayum) Yawi-Ila (of Talḫayum) Yawi-ila (Šubat-Enlil majordomo)

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Išḫi-Addu (of Qatna) God (Nergal) Samsi-Addu Sumḫu-rabi Samsi-Addu Išḫi-Addu (of Qatna) Samsi-Addu Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Sammetar (counselor) Baḫlatum (princess) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu

Notes to ¶ Translation note to note to note to note to

note to

note to

note to note to note to note to note to note to

note to

note to note to

4.6.c.v 5.5.c.i 6.6.a.ii.3c 2.2.f.i.3 2.3.b.i.2a 1.2.d 1.2.d 1.3.d.ii.2 1.6.b.ii 1.6.b.ii 2.1.b.ii.1a 2.2.b.i 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.ii 5.3.a.ii 5.4.b.ii 6.2.c.ii.1 1.2.c.iv.2 3.3.c.ii 5.2.a.i 1.1.c 1.3.a.iii.2d 2.2.a.i 5.7.a.vi.2 6.6.a.i.2b 1.3.d.i 2.3.c.iii 1.3.e.ii.1 1.5.b.iii.3 2.1.b 2.3.a 4.5.c.iv.2 6.5.b.ii.2 3.2.c.viii.1 5.8.b 6.6.a.ii.3g 1.3.d.vi.1 1.6.c.iv.1 3.1.a 1.3.d.vii.4a 2.1.d.i 3.3.b.ii 3.3.d.i.3 6.1.a.ii.1a

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents From

To

Yeškid-El (officer) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (qattunan governor) Zakura-abum (of Zalluḫan) Zakura-abum (of Zalluḫan) Zakura-abum (of Zalluḫan) Zakura-abum (of Zalluḫan) Zikri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zikri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim note to Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim note to Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) note to Zimri-Lim note to Zimri-Lim note to Zimri-Lim note to Yanuḫ-samar Zimri-Lim note to Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim note to Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim note to Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim note to Šiptu (queen) note to Abi-samar and Ikšud-lašemešu Kabiya (of Kaḫat) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) f   Liqtum (of Burundum) Šiptu (queen) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Šiptu (queen) Kibri-Dagan (governor) note to Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yarim-Lim (Yamḫad/Aleppo) Šiptu (queen) note to Laʾum (Qattunan governor) note to f Addu-duri

421

Notes to ¶ Translation 3.1.a.i 1.3.a.iii.3 2.1.a.iii.3 2.1.a.iii.3b 2.1.a.iii.3b 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.ii 3.3.a.ii.3b 4.2.a.i.1 4.2.a.i.2 4.5.c.i.2 6.1.a.iv 6.3.b.iii.2 1.1.e.i 6.1.c.i.1 1.5.b 6.5.b.i.4 1.6.a.iii 6.1.a.ii.2a 1.1.d.iii 1.4.c.i 2.1.a.vii.2 2.1.a.viii 3.3.b.i.1 4.3.a.ii 4.3.b 6.2.b.i 6.3.a.iv.2 0.4.b 1.1.b 1.3.a.ii.3 1.3.a.iii.1a 1.3.a.iii.1b 1.3.a.iii.2b 1.3.c.i.2 1.3.d.ii.3 1.3.d.vi.2 1.3.d.vii.2 1.3.d.vii.3 1.4.a.i 1.5.c 1.8.b.vi 2.1.a.x.2 2.1.b.ii.1b

422

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

From

To

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zudiya f   Zunana f   Zunana

Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Šiptu (queen) Asqudum (diviner) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) f  Gašera (of Yamḫad) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Tiš-ulme (of Mardaman) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Yarim-Lim (Yamḫad/Aleppo) Addu-duri (aunt or mother) God (River) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Ḫamman (of Der) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Hammurabi (of Yamḫad) Šiptu (queen) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat)

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to note to

note to note to note to note to

note to note to

2.2.c.ii 2.2.c.iii.1 2.2.c.iii.3 2.2.d.iii 2.3.b.i.2a 2.3.c 2.3.c.iv.1 2.3.d.i.3 3.2.c.i 3.3.d.i.2 3.3.d.i.3 4.4.a 4.5 5.2.a.ii 5.4.a.iii 5.4.a.iv.1 5.4.a.iv.2 5.5.b.i.2 5.5.b.i.3 5.7.a.v.1 6.1.c.ii.3 6.6.a.ii.1 6.6.a.ii.1 6.7.d.iii.2 6.3.a.iv.3 2.3.c.iv.2 1.4.e.i 2.3.d.iii.2

423

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

2. To–From To

From

? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? “lord” “My Lady” (Šiptu) “the Queen” Abi-samar and Ikšud-lašemešu Addiya Addu-duri (aunt or mother) Addu-duri (aunt or mother) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Baḫlatum (princess) Belassunu (princess) Belšunu (an official) Bilalama Bilalama of Ešnunna Bilalama of Ešnunna Dam-ḫuraṣi (queen) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Etel-pi-šarrim and Yaḫatti-El Gašera (Yamḫad queen) God (Nergal) God (River) Ḫadnu-rabi (of Qaṭṭara)

Warad-Ištar ? ? Pišente (of Itabalḫum) Meptum (merḫûm) ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Girnisa Ili-imitti ? Belatum (princess) Šub-nalu (Mari majordomo) Erešti-Aya (nadītum) Zimri-Lim [sister] Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Ṣidqum-lanasi (of Carchemish) Bannum (merḫûm) Zimri-Lim Naḫimum (Yaminite) Bali-Addu Yassi-Dagan (general) Yarim-Lim Šunuḫra-halu (counselor) ? “Brother” Ilum-lu-watar Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Ušareš-ḫetil (official) Tiṣpatum (songstress?) f   Zunana Mukannišum (chief of stock) Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Zimri-Lim Bunu-Ištar (of Kurda)

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to note to

1.3.a.iv.4a 1.6.c.iii.2 1.6.c.v 3.2.c.vi 3.3.c.i 5.4.d.i.1 5.5.c 5.5.d.i.3 5.7.a.vi.3 6.4.a.iii.3a 6.5.b.iii.1 6.5.b.iv.  6.5.c.i.1 6.5.c.i.2 6.6.a.ii.3d 5.3.c.ii.4 4.5.b.i 6.3.b.i.2 1.1.b 6.5.a 4.5 2.1.b.ii.1b 2.2.d.ii 2.3.b.i.1d 2.3.b.i.2a 3.1.b 4.5.c.iii 6.5.b.ii.2 6.5.b.v.3 5.4.d.i.4 3.5.a.i 6.7.c.ii.1 6.7.c.ii.1 2.1.a.i 2.3.d.ii 2.3.d.iii.1 2.3.d.iii.2 2.2.b.iv 2.3.c.iv.1 5.2.a.i 5.2.a.ii 1.3.a.ii.4

424

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

To

From

Ḫamatil Ḫamman (of Der) Hammurabi (of Kurda) Hammurabi (of Yamḫad) Ḫaqba-ḫammu (of Qaṭṭara) Ḫaqba-ḫammu (of Qaṭṭara) Ḫatnu-rapi (of Qaṭṭara) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-el II (of Ešnunna) Iddiyatum Iddiyatum Iddiyatum Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) Išḫi-Addu (of Qatna) Išme-Dagan Ištar-šamši and Laḫwi-malik Itani (Qaṭṭara queen) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Kabiya (of Kaḫat) Kibri-Dagan (governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) king ? Kuwari Kuwari Kuwari (of Šušarra) Kuwari (of Šušarra) Kuwari (of Šušarra)

Liter-šarussu Zimri-Lim note to Atamrum (of Andarig) note to Zimri-Lim Dadu-rabi Iltani (Qaṭṭara queen) note to Ili-(w)aqra Ḫammi-kun (of Šaduḫum) note to Išme-Addu (of Ašnakkum) Išme-Addu (of Ašnakkum) Yapḫur-Lim, Ḫimdiya and Yadraḫam (sheikhs) Goddess Kititum Numušda-naḫrari Ḫabdu-malik (merchant) note to Ḫabdu-malik (merchant) note to f Azzu-ena (of Ašal) Yasitna-Abum Ḫaqba-ḫammu (of Qaṭṭara) note to Aqba-aḫum (of Qaṭṭara) Aqba-aḫum (of Qaṭṭara) Amat-Šamaš (nadītum) Aqba-ḫamu (of Qaṭṭara) Amat-Šamaš (nadītum) Ḫaqba-ḫammu (of Qaṭṭara) Napsuna-Addu note to Napsuna-Addu Belassunu (princess) f Azzu(-ena of Ašal) Yatar-Aya Riš-Addu note to Yasmaḫ-Addu Išḫi-Addu (of Qatna) Belum Ḫaqba-ḫammu (of Qaṭṭara) Zimri-Lim note to Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim note to Ḫammi-ištamar (Ubrarû Yaminite) Tilani-ḫesud (a lamentation priest) Wanni Sin-ešmeʾanni note to Samsi-Addu note to Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu

Notes to ¶ Translation 5.3.c.ii.2 6.1.c.ii.3 3.5.a.i 6.7.d.iii.2 1.3.d.vii.5 6.5.b.i.2 5.6.c 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.5.a.ii 6.1.a.ii.2c 2.1.c.iii.1a 5.2.b 1.3.d.vi.4 6.5.a.i.1 6.5.a.i.1 1.3.a.iii.2c 1.2.c.iv.2 2.3.b.ii.2 5.5.c.iii 5.7.a.vi.4a 6.3.b.i.3 6.4.a.iii.2 6.5.a 6.5.b.i.2 6.5.b.i.3 6.5.b.i.3 6.5.b.v.1 6.5.b.v.2 6.6.a.ii.3g 1.1.a 5.7.a.vi.2 6.3.b.i.1 6.5.b.i.1 3.6.a.i.3 2.3.c 1.3.a.ii.3 1.3.d.vii.3 4.2.b.i 6.6.a.ii.2 6.5.a.i.2 6.6.a.ii.3c 1.1.d.ii.2 1.1.d.ii.2 1.5.b.iv. 

425

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents To

From

Kuwari (of Šušarra) Kuwari (of Šušarra) Kuwari (of Šušarra) Kuwari (of Šušarra) Kuwari (of Šušarra) Laʾum (Qattunan governor) Liqtum (Burundum queen) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mutiya (of Šeḫna) Mutiya (of Šeḫna) Namra-šarur Šamaš-in-matim Sammetar (counselor) Sammetar (counselor) Sammetar (counselor) Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Šepallu Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen)

Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Šepratu (of ?) Samsi-Addu Etellum Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Aqba-aḫum Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Asqudum (diviner) Ḫazzum (official) Ripʾi-Dagan (officer) Ripʾi-Dagan (officer) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Zimri-Lim Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Sammetar (counselor) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Asdi-[x] Aštamar-Addu Sin-ešmeʾanni Ibbi-Amurrum Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Dadi-ḫadun (Yaminite) Yassi-Dagan (general) Yasmaḫ-Addu Laʾum and Mašiya Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Mutiya (of Šeḫna) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Notes to ¶ Translation

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2.2.e.iii 3.2.c.v 3.3.a.iii 3.3.c.ii.1 3.5.a.iii 2.1.a.x.2 1.3.a.iii.2b 1.3.a.iv.1 1.3.d.vi.2 2.2.c.ii 2.2.c.iii.1 2.2.c.iii.3 2.2.c.v 2.2.c.vi.1 2.2.c.vi.2a 2.2.c.vi.2b 2.3.d.i.1 2.3.d.i.2 2.3.d.i.3 2.3.d.i.3 2.3.d.i.3 3.3.d.i.2 3.3.d.i.3 5.3.e.ii 5.4.a.iii 5.4.a.iv.1 5.4.a.iv.2 3.3.b.ii.1a 5.3.f.i.2 6.5.b.ii.1c 2.3.b.ii.3 2.1.c.ii.4 2.2.a.ii 4.5.c.iv.2 1.1.c 1.3.a.i.3 2.2.a.i 6.6.a.i.2b 3.4.b.v 0.4.b 1.3.a.iii.1a 1.3.a.iii.1b 1.3.c.i.2 1.3.d.vii.2

426

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

To

From

Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Sumḫu-rabi Sumu-dabi (Yaḫruru Yaminite) Sumu-dabi (Yaḫruru Yaminite) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (secretary) Take Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna)

Ileliš Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Dadi-ḫadun (Yaminite) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu Diviners (many) Yamṣi-ḫadnu and Mašum Yasim-Sumu (controller) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Yasim-sumu (controller) Šadum-labua (of Ašnakkum) Yassi-Dagan (general) Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Šadum-labua (of Ašnakkum) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Beltum (= Inbatum?) Inib-šarri (princess) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Ḫammi-šagiš (merchant/diplomat) Yarʾip-Dagan Zakira-ḫammu (qattunan governor) Inib-šarri (princess) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ewri Šukrum-Tešub (of Eluḫut) Ḫalu-rabi Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Take Buriya (of Andarig) Buriya (of Andariq) Ewri Yakun-ašar Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat)

Notes to ¶ Translation note to

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1.3.e.v.1 1.8.b.vi 2.2.d.iii 5.5.b.i.2 5.5.b.i.3 5.7.a.v.1 6.3.a.iv.3 6.3.b.iii.1 6.6.a.ii.1 6.6.a.ii.1 1.3.a.iii.2d 3.4.a.ii 5.7.a.iv 1.2.d 2.1.c.iii.2 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.ii 2.3.a 2.3.a 2.3.a.i 2.3.a.ii.1 2.3.a.ii.2 2.3.a.ii.2 2.3.a.ii.3 2.3.a.iii.1 2.3.a.iii.2b 3.3.a.ii.3b 5.6.d.i 5.7.d.ii 6.2.c.ii.2 6.3.b.iii.2 6.7.b.ii.2 2.1.c.ii.1 3.3.b.ii.1c 1.3.e.iv.  1.6.c 1.6.c.vi 2.2.e 2.2.e.ii 3.3.b.i.2 3.3.b.ii.1b 3.3.b.ii.2a 3.3.b.ii.2b 4.2.a.ii.1

427

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents To

From

Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Till-abnu (of Šeḫna) Tiš-ulme (of Mardaman) Yaḫdun-Lim (of Mari) Yanuḫ-samar Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yarim-Lim (Yamḫad/Aleppo) Yarim-Lim (Yamḫad/Aleppo) Yasim-sumu (controller) Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu

Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat Niqmi-Addu Ea-Malik Ea-Malik Niqmi-Addu Ila-ḫadnu Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Yamṣi-ḫadnu (of Kaḫat) Yamṣi-ḫadnu Yamṣi-ḫadnu Zimri-Lim Yaḫmid-Lim Zakura-abum (of Zalluḫan) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Ṣidqum-lanasi (of Carchemish) Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samadaḫum (general) Tarim-šakim Lamassi-Aššur of Ekallatum Tebi-gerrešu Aplaḫanda (of Carchemish) Aplaḫanda (of Carchemish) Samsi-Addu Laʾum, Ikšud-appašu and Mašiya Tarim-šakim (counselor) Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Ḫammanum Išme-Dagan Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Uṣur-awassu (Mari majordomo) Naram-Sin (diviner) Išhi-Addu (of Qatna) Samsi-Addu

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4.2.a.ii.2 4.2.a.ii.3 4.2.a.iii 5.2.c.ii 5.2.c.ii 5.6.d.ii 6.1.a.iii.2 6.1.a.iii.3 6.1.a.iii.4b 6.1.c.i.1 6.5.b.iii.2 3.2.c.i 1.3.b.i.4 6.5.b.i.4 1.3.d.ii.3 1.4.a.i 1.5.c 4.4.a 2.2.b.v 0.4 0.4.b 1.1.d.iii 1.3.a.i.2 1.3.a.i.3 1.3.a.ii.1 1.3.a.iii.2a 2.3.c.iv.2 1.3.a.iii.4 1.3.a.iv.3 1.3.a.iv.3 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.3.c.iii.3 1.3.d.i.1a 1.3.d.ii.1 1.3.e.i 1.4.a.iii.1 1.4.b.ii 1.6.c.iii 1.7.a.iv.1 1.7.a.iv.1 1.7.a.iv.2 1.7.a.iv.3 1.7.a.iv.4 2.0

428

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

To

From

Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu

Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Iškur-saga (Saggaratum majordomo) Samsi-Addu Iškur-saga (Saggaratum majordomo) Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Ḫulalum (secretary) Išme-Dagan Laʾum (counselor) Laʾum (counselor) Ibal-pi-El (diviner) Mut(u)-bisir (general) Ur-samana (land assessor) Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Rišiya (musician/diplomat) Ilšu-ibbišu (musician) Ilšu-ibbišu (musician) Warad-Ilišu (musician) Samadaḫum (general) Samsi-Addu Išḫu-Addu (of Qatna) Abi-epuḫ (Suḫu governor) Išme-Dagan Samsi-Addu Išme-Dagan Samadaḫum (general) Samsi-Addu Išme-Dagan Samsi-Addu Išme-Dagan Samsi-Addu Išme-Dagan Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Išme-Dagan Sitriya Ḫasidanum (governor) Samsi-Addu Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu

Notes to ¶ Translation

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2.1 2.1 2.1.a.iii.3 2.1.a.iv 2.2.d.i 2.2.e.i.2 2.2.e.iv.4 2.2.f.i.2 2.3 2.3.a 2.3.b.i.1a 2.3.b.ii.4 2.3.b.ii.6 2.3.c 2.3.c 2.3.c.i.2 2.3.c.i.3 2.3.c.ii 2.3.c.ii 2.3.c.iii.1 3.1.a 3.2.c.iii 3.2.c.vi 3.2.c.viii.2 3.2.c.viiii 3.3.a.iii 3.3.a.iv.2 3.3.c.ii 3.3.d.i.1 3.3.d.i.3 3.4.a.i 3.4.a.iii 3.4.b.i 3.4.b.vi 3.4.b.vii 3.4.b.vii 3.4.c.i.1 3.4.c.ii 3.5.a.i 3.5.b.i 3.6.a.i.1 3.6.a.i.1 3.6.a.i.2 3.6.a.i.2

429

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents To

From

Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu

Samsi-Addu Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Ḫasidanum (governor) Laʾum (counselor) Samsi-Addu Tarim-šakim (counselor) Samsi-Addu Laʾum (counselor) Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Asqudum (diviner) Uṣur-awassu (Mari majordomo) Tarim-šakim (counselor) Samsi-Addu Lamassi-Aššur (Ekallatum queen) Samsi-Addu Uṣur-awassu (Mari majordomo) Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Ḫammanum (governor of Yabliya) Uṣur-awassu (Mari majordomo) Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan ? Yawi-ila (Šubat-Enlil majordomo) Samsi-Addu Išme-Dagan Išme-Dagan Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Ḫasidanum (governor) Ḫasidanum (governor) Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Uṣur-awassu Ibbi-Ilabrat (musician) Uṣûr-awassu Tarim-šakim Rišiya (musician/diplomat) Warad-Sin (Andarig governor) Ibbi-Ilabrat Mut(u)-bisir (general)

Notes to ¶ Translation

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3.6.b.ii 3.6.c.i 3.6.c.ii 4.1.a.ii 4.3.b 4.3.b.ii 4.3.b.ii 4.3.d 4.5.a.1 4.5.c.i.1 4.6.c.i 5.2.c.i 5.3.b 5.3.c.i 5.3.c.ii.1 5.3.c.iii.1 5.3.d.iv.  5.4.a 5.4.a.i 5.4.a.iii 5.4.d.i.2 5.4.d.iii 5.4.d.iii.3 5.4.d.v 5.7.a.iii.2 5.7.a.vi.4b 6.1.a.ii.1a 6.1.b.i 6.1.c.i.2 6.1.c.ii.1 6.1.c.ii.2 6.1.c.ii.3 6.1.c.ii.4 6.1.c.ii.4 6.2.c.ii 6.3.a 6.3.a.iv.4 6.3.a.v 6.3.a.v 6.3.b.v.1 6.3.b.v.3 6.5.a.i.1 6.5.a.i.3 6.5.a.ii

430

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

To

From

Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu Yasmaḫ-Addu (Yariḫu Yaminite) Yasmaḫ-Addu or Zimri-Lim Yasmaḫ-Addu or Zimri-Lim Yassi-Dagan (general) Yassi-Dagan (general) Yašub-yaḫad (of Der) Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Altiš-qallu ? Tarim-šakim Išar-Lim Ikšud-appašu Laʾum (counselor) Laʾum (counselor) Laʾum? (counselor) Mašiya Laʾum (counselor) ? Išme-Dagan Samsi-Addu Tarim-šakim (counselor) Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Samsi-Addu Išḫi-Addu (of Qatna) Išḫi-Addu (of Qatna) Ḫasidanum (governor) Enlil-ipuš (Tuttul official) Ḫammi-ištamar (Ubrabû Yaminite) Šattam-kiyazi (harem woman) Ḫabduma-Dagan Asqudum (diviner) Asqudum (diviner) Yarim-Lim (of Aleppo/Yamḫad) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Sammetar (Terqa governor) Ḫabbusum Ḫabbusum Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Itur-asdu Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Sumu-lanasi (of Abi-ili) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Šiptu (queen) Zakura-abum (of Zalluḫan) Elders (of Talḫayum) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm)

Notes to ¶ Translation

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note to note to note to note to note to note to

note to note to note to

6.5.b.vi 6.6.a.i.2a 6.6.a.i.3 6.6.a.ii.3a 6.6.a.ii.3d 6.6.b.i.1 6.6.b.ii.1 6.6.b.ii.1 6.6.b.ii.2 6.7.a.i.1 6.7.a.i.2 6.7.b.i.1 6.7.b.ii.1 1.3.c.iii.1 1.7.a.i 1.7.a.i 1.7.a.i 1.7.a.ii 1.7.a.iii 2.2.e.i.6 5.4.c 5.1.a 6.1.a.ii.1b 6.3.a.ii 2.3.b.i.1c 6.3.b.iv 3.2.b 0.4.a 0.4.b 0.4.b 1.1.b 1.1.b 1.1.d.i.1 1.1.d.i.1 1.1.d.i.2 1.1.d.ii.1 1.1.d.ii.1 1.1.d.iii 1.1.d.iii 1.1.e.i 1.1.e.i 1.1.e.ii 1.1.e.ii 1.1.e.ii

431

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents To

From

Notes to ¶ Translation

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Yasim-El (diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Ṣidqi-epuḫ (controller) Yakun-Dir (of Tarmanni) Tamarzi (of Tarmanni) ? Kabiya (of Kaḫat) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) ? ? Meptum (merḫûm) Yasim-Sumu (controller) Sumu-ḫadu (Saggaratum governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Mutu-ḫadkim (Bab. General) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Šeprarum (of ?) Sammetar (of Ašnakkum) Yasim-El (diplomat) Ašmad (merḫûm) Dadi-ḫadun (Yaminite) Nanip-Šawuri (of Ḫaburatum) Yamṣum (diplomat) Amud-pa-el (of Šuduḫum) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum gov.) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Šaknum (diplomat) Yakun-Dir (of Tarmanni) Ili-rabi Ḫali-ḫadun and Kaʾalalum Yasmaḫ-Addu (of Yariḫu) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Yakṣuran Yasim-Sumu (controller) Ašmad (merḫûm) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Ilušu-naṣir (Qattunan governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yatar-kabkab Ašmad (merḫûm)

note to note to note to note to note to

note to

note to note to note to note to

note to

note to

note to note to

note to note to note to

1.1.f.iii 1.2.c 1.2.c 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.ii 1.2.c.ii 1.2.c.iii 1.2.c.iv.1 1.2.c.iv.3 1.2.c.iv.3 1.2.d 1.3.a.i.1 1.3.a.ii 1.3.a.ii.5 1.3.a.iii.3 1.3.a.iv.2 1.3.a.iv.4b 1.3.a.iv.5 1.3.a.v.  1.3.b.i.1 1.3.b.i.2 1.3.c.i.1 1.3.c.i.2 1.3.c.i.3 1.3.c.i.4 1.3.c.ii 1.3.c.ii 1.3.c.ii.1a 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.3.c.iii.2 1.3.d.i 1.3.d.i 1.3.d.i.1b 1.3.d.ii.2 1.3.d.ii.4 1.3.d.iv 1.3.d.iv.2 1.3.d.v.1 1.3.d.v.2 1.3.d.vi.1 1.3.d.vi.3

432

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

To

From

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Akšak-magir Ṣidqi-epuḫ (controller) note to Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yatarum (registrar) Yassi-Dagan (general) Meptum (merḫûm) Ṣidqu-lanasi (of Carchemish) Ṣidqu-lanasi (of Carchemish) Nur-Sin (diplomat) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) f   Liqtum (of Burundum) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Iddiyatum (diplomat) note to Sammetar (counselor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Itur-asdu Šubram (of Susa) f   Zunana Ḫaqba-ḫammu (diviner) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Yamṣum (diplomat) note to Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ḫuziri (of Ḫazzikannum) Iddiyatum (diplomat) note to Terru (of Urgiš) Terru (of Urgiš) Ili-Sumu (of Ašlakka) Yassi-Dagan (general) note to Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Yadur-nassi Ṣidqum-lanasi (of Carchemish) note to Sammetar (counselor) note to Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) note to Dariš-libur? (valet/diplomat) note to Ašmad (merḫûm) note to Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Išḫi-madar Zikri-Addu (Qattunan governor) note to Išḫi-Dagan and Yanṣib-Addu (diplomats) Abu-mekim (Mari diplomat) Laʾum (diplomat) ? (a diplomat) note to

Notes to ¶ Translation 1.3.d.vii.1 1.3.d.vii.2 1.3.d.vii.3 1.3.d.vii.4a 1.3.e.ii.1 1.3.e.ii.2 1.3.e.iii.1 1.3.e.iii.2 1.3.e.iv.  1.3.e.v.2 1.4.a.iii.2 1.4.b.i.1 1.4.b.i.2 1.4.b.i.2 1.4.c.i 1.4.c.ii.1 1.4.c.ii.2 1.4.d.1 1.4.e.i 1.4.f 1.5.a.i 1.5.a.ii 1.5.b.i 1.5.b.ii 1.5.b.iii 1.5.b.iii.1 1.5.b.iii.2 1.5.b.iii.3 1.5.b.iii.3 1.5.b.iii.4 1.5.b.iii.5 1.5.c 1.5.c 1.6.a.i 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.iii 1.6.a.iii 1.6.a.iv.1 1.6.a.iv.2 1.6.b.i 1.6.b.i

433

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents To

From

Notes to ¶ Translation

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Yasim-Sumu (controller) Yasim-sumu (controller) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Yaqbi-Addu (of Ašnakkum) Ḫuziri (of Hazzikkannum) Dadi-ḫadun (Yaminite) Išḫi-Dagan (diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Amud-pa-el (of Šuduḫum) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) ? (diviner) Abi-Mekim and Laʾum (diplomats) Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Yatar-kabkab (diplomat) Ibal-pi-El (of Ešnunna) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Yasim-El (diplomat) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Rišiya (musician/diplomat) Rišiya and Asqudum Rišiya and Asqudum Rišiya and Asqudum Sammetar (Terqa governor) ? (elders) Yamṣum (diplomat) Kiru (princess) Kiru (princess) Šimatum (princess) Naramtum (princess) Šimatum (princess) Kiru (princess) Šimatum (princess) Yamṣum (diplomat) Kiru (princess) Kiru (princess) Yamṣum (diplomat) Kiru (princess)

note to note to

note to note to

note to note to note to

note to note to note to note to note to note to note to

note to note to

note to note to

note to note to

1.6.b.i 1.6.b.ii 1.6.b.ii 1.6.b.iii 1.6.b.iii 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.2 1.6.c 1.6.c 1.6.c.i.1 1.6.c.i.2 1.6.c.ii.1 1.6.c.ii.2a 1.6.c.ii.2a 1.6.c.ii.2b 1.6.c.ii.2b 1.6.c.iii 1.6.c.iv.1 1.6.c.iv.2 1.6.c.v 1.7 1.7.a.iv.2 1.7.b.i 1.7.b.iii.1 1.7.b.iii.2 1.7.b.iii.3 1.7.b.iii.4 1.8 1.8.a 1.8.b.i 1.8.b.i 1.8.b.ii 1.8.b.ii 1.8.b.ii 1.8.b.iii 1.8.b.iv.1 1.8.b.iv.2 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.vi

434

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

To

From

Notes to ¶ Translation

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum gov.) Yamṣum (diplomat) Inib-šarri (princess) Inib-šarri (princess) Inib-šarri (princess) Inib-šarri (princess) Tiṣpatum (princess) Inbatum (princess) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Sumu-ḫadu (Mari governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum gov.) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yamṣum (diplomat) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Asqudum (diviner) Yasim-El (diplomat) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum gov.) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Laʾum (Qattunan governor) Laʾum (Qattunan governor) Yassi-Dagan (general) Bannum (merḫûm) Bannum (merḫûm) Yasim-sumu (controller) Itur-asdu (Mari governor)

note to note to note to

note to notes to note to note to

note to note to note to note to

note to note to

note to

note to note to

1.8.b.vi 1.8.b.vi 1.8.c.i.1 1.8.c.i.1 1.8.c.i.2 1.8.c.i.3 1.8.c.ii 1.8.c.iii 2.1.a.i 2.1.a.ii 2.1.a.ii 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.2 2.1.a.iii.3 2.1.a.iii.3a 2.1.a.iii.3b 2.1.a.iii.3b 2.1.a.iii.4 2.1.a.iv.1 2.1.a.iv.1 2.1.a.iv.2 2.1.a.iv.2 2.1.a.iv.2 2.1.a.v 2.1.a.vi.1 2.1.a.vi.2 2.1.a.vi.3 2.1.a.vi.4 2.1.a.vi.4 2.1.a.vi.4 2.1.a.vi.5 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.vii.2 2.1.a.viii 2.1.a.x.2 2.1.a.x.2 2.1.b 2.1.b.i 2.1.b.i 2.1.b.ii.1a 2.1.b.ii.1c1

435

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents To

From

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Akšak-magir (Qattunan majordomo) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum gov.) note to Bannum (merḫûm) Asqudum (diviner) and Ašmad (merḫûm) Ašmad (merḫûm) Yamṣum (diplomat) note to Yamṣum (diplomat) note to Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ilušu-naṣir (Qattunan governor) note to Apil-ilišu (diviner) Kurranu (of Ašušik) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) note to Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Yawi-Ila (of Talḫayum) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Sammetar (counselor) Yasim-sumu (controller) Yasim-sumu (controller) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Šiptu (queen) note to Inib-šina (priestess; sister of ZL) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Ṣidqum-lanasi (of Carchemish) note to Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Šiptu (queen) note to Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Warad-ilišu (chief musician) Hammurabi (of Aleppo) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor)

Notes to ¶ Translation 2.1.b.ii.1c2 2.1.b.iii 2.1.c 2.1.c.i.1 2.1.c.i.2a 2.1.c.i.2b 2.1.c.ii.2 2.1.c.ii.2 2.1.c.ii.2 2.1.c.ii.3 2.1.c.ii.4 2.1.c.ii.5 2.1.c.ii.5 2.1.c.ii.6 2.1.c.iii.1b 2.1.c.iii.2 2.1.c.iii.2 2.1.c.iii.3 2.1.c.iii.3 2.1.d.i 2.1.d.ii.1 2.1.d.ii.2 2.1.d.ii.3 2.1.d.ii.4 2.1.d.ii.5 2.2.a.ii.1 2.2.b.i 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.ii 2.2.c.i 2.2.c.i 2.2.c.i 2.2.c.iii.2 2.2.c.iv 2.2.d.ii 2.2.d.iv 2.2.d.v.1 2.2.d.v.1 2.2.d.v.2 2.2.e.i.1 2.2.e.i.3 2.2.e.i.4 2.2.e.ii.1 2.2.e.ii.2

436

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

To

From

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Ḫammi-šagiš (merchant/diplomat) Sumḫu-rabi (Saggaratum governor) Meptum (merḫûm) Yasim-ḫammu (diplomat) Ibal-pi-el (merḫûm) Kaʾalalum (security officer) Bannum (merḫûm) Yasim-ḫammu (diplomat) Amut-pi-El (of Qatna) Asqudum (diviner) Šamaš-(ḫ)inaya (diviner) Ḫamman (of Der) Išḫi-Addu (diviner) Warad-ilišu (chief musician/dipl.) ? Išḫi-Addu (diviner) Išḫi-Addu (diviner) Manatan (security officer) Yasmaḫ-Addu (Yamḫad messenger) Zudiya Mukannišum (chief of stock) Yatarum (general) Yeškid-El (officer) Baḫdi-Addu (general) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Ḫaqba-aḫum (diplomat) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yasim-El (diplomat) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Iddiyatum (diplomat) Yatar-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Yamṣum (diplomat) Babylonian officers Babylonian officers

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to

note to note to note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

2.2.e.iv.1 2.2.e.iv.2 2.2.e.iv.3 2.2.e.v.1 2.2.e.v.2 2.2.e.v.3 2.2.f.i.3 2.2.f.i.3 2.2.f.ii 2.3.b.i.1b 2.3.b.i.2a 2.3.b.i.2b 2.3.b.i.2c 2.3.b.ii.1 2.3.b.ii.1 2.3.b.ii.2 2.3.b.ii.5 2.3.b.ii.5 2.3.b.ii.5a 2.3.b.ii.5b 2.3.c 2.3.c.iii 2.3.c.iv.2 2.3.d.i.4 3.1.a 3.1.a.i 3.1.a.ii 3.1.b 3.2.a.i 3.2.b.i.2 3.2.b.i.2 3.2.c.ii 3.2.c.iv 3.2.c.vi 3.2.c.vii 3.2.c.viii.1 3.3.a.i.1 3.3.a.i.2 3.3.a.ii.1 3.3.a.ii.2 3.3.a.ii.3a 3.3.a.iv.1a 3.3.a.iv.1b 3.3.a.iv.1c

437

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents To

From

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Ḫammi-šagiš (merchant/diplomat) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Terru (of Urgiš) Yapḫur-Lim (of Izallu) Aziran (commissioner in Gaššu) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Yawi-Ila (of Talḫayum) Yawi-Ila (of Talḫayum) Mukannišum (chief of stock) ? Sammetar (Terqa governor) Nur-Addu (diviner) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Yanuḫ-samar (diplomat) Ḫuziri (of Hazzikkannum) Iddiyatum (diplomat) Bannum (merḫûm) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Yamṣum (diplomat) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Meptum (merḫûm) Kabiya (of Kaḫat) f Atrakatum f Atrakatum ? Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum gov.) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Ṣuri-larim (security officer) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Abi-mekim (Mari diplomat) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Bunu-Ištar (of Kurda) An official Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari majordomo)

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to note to

note to note to note to note to

note to

note to

note to

note to note to

note to

note to

note to

3.3.a.iv.3 3.3.b.i.1 3.3.b.i.1 3.3.b.i.1 3.3.b.i.3 3.3.b.i.4 3.3.b.i.5 3.3.b.i.6 3.3.b.ii 3.3.d.i.3 3.3.d.ii.1 3.4.a.iii 3.4.a.iii 3.4.a.iv 3.4.b.ii 3.4.b.iii 3.4.b.iii 3.4.b.iv 3.4.c.i.2 3.4.d.i 3.5.a.ii 3.5.b.i 3.5.b.ii 3.6.b.i 3.6.c.ii 3.6.d 4.1.a.i.1 4.1.a.i.1 4.1.a.i.2 4.2.a.i.1 4.2.a.i.2 4.2.b.ii 4.3.a.i 4.3.a.i 4.3.a.ii 4.3.a.iii 4.3.a.iv 4.3.b 4.3.b.i 4.3.c 4.4.b 4.5.c.i.1 4.5.c.i.2 4.5.c.iv.1

438

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

To

From

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) note to Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) ? (a diplomat) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yasim-El (diplomat) Sammetar (Terqa governor) note to Yamṣum (diplomat) note to Ištaran-naṣir Iddin-Sin (priest) Yasim-sumu (controller) Yaḫdun-Lim (Yaminite) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Qarni-Lim (of Andarig) Asqur-Addu (of Karana) note to Ašmad (merḫûm) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) note to Yasim-sumu (controller) Šub-nalu (Mari majordomo) Warad-ilišu (diplomat and chief musician) Diviner note to Ḫabduma-Dagan (Saggaratum governor) Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Abi-mekim (Mari diplomat) Sumu-ila (Terqa official) Lanasum (ḫazannum-commissioner) Bannum (merḫûm) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Šiptu (queen) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) note to Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Inib-šina (priestess; sister of ZL) Inib-šina (priestess; sister of ZL) note to Manatan (security officer) note to Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat)

Notes to ¶ Translation 4.5.c.iv.2 4.6.a 4.6.b.i 4.6.b.ii 4.6.c.ii 4.6.c.iii 4.6.c.iv 4.6.c.v 4.7.a 5.2.c.ii 5.2.c.iii.3 5.3.a.i 5.3.a.ii 5.3.c.ii.3 5.3.c.iii.2 5.3.d.i 5.3.d.ii 5.3.d.iii 5.3.e.1 5.3.f.i.1 5.3.f.i.1 5.3.g 5.4.a.ii.1 5.4.a.ii.2 5.4.a.iii 5.4.b.ii 5.4.b.ii 5.4.c 5.4.c 5.4.d.i.3a 5.4.d.i.3b 5.4.d.i.3c 5.4.d.ii 5.4.d.iii.1 5.4.d.iii.2 5.4.d.iv 5.5.a.i 5.5.a.ii 5.5.b.i.1 5.5.b.i.1 5.5.b.ii 5.5.b.ii 5.5.b.iii.1 5.5.b.iv

439

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents To

From

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

āpilum of Šamaš Yasim-El (diplomat) Aḫassunu (palace songstress) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Ḫuziri (of Hazzikkannum ) Ibal-El (merḫûm) Ripʾi-Lim ? Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Erib-Sin (diviner) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Itur-asdu (Naḫur governor) Ibal-pi-El (merḫûm) Yarim-Addu (merchant/diplomat) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Nur-Sin (diplomat) Nur-Sin (diplomat) Šiptu (queen) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šamaš-naṣir (Terqa majordomo) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Sammetar (counselor) Asqudum (diviner) Šamaš-in-matim (diviner) Addu-duri (aunt or mother of ZL) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Sumu-(ḫadu?) (Mari governor) ? Itur-asdu (Mari governor) Sumḫu-rabi (Saggaratum governor) ? Asqudum (diviner) Meptum (merḫûm) Kibri-Dagan? (Terqa governor) Arriyuk (of Kalḫu) Šubram (of Susa) Meptum (merḫûm) Yatar-Ami (of Carchemism) Meptum (merḫûm) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor)

Notes to ¶ Translation note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to note to

5.5.c.i 5.5.c.i 5.5.c.ii 5.5.d.i.1 5.5.d.i.2 5.5.d.ii 5.6.a.i 5.6.a.ii 5.6.b 5.6.d.i 5.6.e 5.7.a.1 5.7.a.v.2 5.7.a.vi.1 5.7.a.vi.4c 5.7.a.vi.4d 5.7.b.i 5.7.b.ii 5.7.b.iii 5.7.b.iii 5.7.c.i.1 5.7.c.i.1 5.7.c.i.2 5.7.c.ii.1 5.7.c.ii.2 5.7.c.iii 5.7.d.i.1 5.7.d.i.2 5.7.d.ii 5.7.d.iii 5.7.d.iv 5.7.d.iv 5.7.d.v 5.7.e.i 5.7.e.i 5.7.e.ii 5.7.e.iii 5.7.d.iii 5.8 5.8.a.i 5.8.a.ii 5.8.b 5.8.c.ii 5.8.d.i

440

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents

To

From

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim

Buqaqum (diplomat) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Kiru (princess) Zikri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Šarrum-ṣulluli Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Addu-duri (aunt or mother of ZL) Ḫadnu-rabi (of Qaṭṭara) Zakira-ḫammu (Qattunan governor) Ḫammi-ištamar (UbrabuYaminite) Sammetar (Mari governor) Zakura-abum (of Zalluḫan) Zakura-abum (of Zalluḫan) Asqudum (diviner) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Mukannišum (chief of stock) Yasim-Sumu and Manatan Enlil-epuš Asqudum (diviner) Ḫadni-ilumma Ḫaya-Sumu (of Ilanṣura) Manatan (security officer) Manatan (security officer) Manatan (security officer) Zimri-Addu (Qattunan governor) Asqudum (diviner) Arriyuk (of Kalḫu) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Nigḫatum (ZL sister) Piradi (ḫuppûm) Ibal-Addu (of Ašlakka) Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Šewirum-parat (songstress) Šimatum (Ilanṣura queen) Šiptu (queen) Sibkuna-Addu (of Šuda) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Šiptu (queen) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Dariš-libur (valet/diplomat) Warad-ilišu

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to note to note to note to

note to note to

note to note to

5.8.d.ii 5.8.e 6.1.a.i.1 6.1.a.ii.1b 6.1.a.ii.2a 6.1.a.ii.2b 6.1.a.iii.1a 6.1.a.iii.1b 6.1.a.iii.5b 6.1.a.iv 6.1.b.ii 6.1.b.iii 6.1.c.i.1 1.5.b 6.1.c.ii 6.2.b 6.2.b.i 6.2.c.1 6.2.c.ii.1 6.2.c.iii 6.2.c.iv 6.3.a.ii 6.3.a.ii 6.3.a.ii.1 6.3.a.ii.2 6.3.a.iii.1 6.3.a.iv.2 6.3.a.v 6.3.b 6.3.b.ii 6.3.b.iii.3 6.3.b.iii.3c 6.3.b.v.2 6.4.a.iii.3b 6.4.a.iv 6.4.a.v 6.4.a.vi.1 6.5.a.iii 6.5.b.ii.1a 6.5.b.ii.1b 6.5.b.ii.1c 6.5.c.i.3 6.6.a.i.1 6.6.a.ii.3b

441

Concordances and Indexes — B.  Correspondents To

From

Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim Zimri-Lim? Zimri-Lim? Zimri-Lim? Zimri-Lim?

Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) note to Yasim-El (diplomat) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Yaqqim-Addu (Saggaratum governor) Yalʾa-Addu (diviner) note to Sammetar (counselor) Ištaran-naṣir Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) note to Ḫabdu-malik (diplomat) Baḫdi-Lim (Mari governor) Ḫali-ḫadun Kibri-Dagan (Terqa governor) Išme-Dagan Šunuḫra-ḫalu (counselor) Yanṣib-Addu Erešti-Aya (nadītum) Erešti-Aya (nadītum) Tebi-gerrešu

Notes to ¶ Translation 6.6.a.ii.3c 6.6.a.ii.3c 6.6.a.ii.3e 6.6.a.ii.3f 6.6.b.i.2 6.7.a.i.3 6.7.a.ii.1 6.7.a.ii.1 6.7.a.ii.2 6.7.b.i.2 6.7.b.i.2 6.7.b.ii.3 6.7.c.i.1 6.7.c.ii.2 6.7.d.i.2 6.7.d.ii.1 6.7.d.iii.1 1.4.a.ii 5.5.b.iii.1a 5.5.b.iii.1b 5.7.a.vii

C.  Subject Index

Subject Advice (giving) Allegory Alliance (choices) Alliance (proposal) Allocation (of estate) Allocation (of estate) Appeal (canal blockage) Appeal (release of mother) Appropriation (of estate) Appropriation (of estate) Arbitration (by governor) Arbitration (by governor) Arbitration through ordeal Army (clothing) Army (cobbling) Army (enrollment of soldiers) Army (gifts after victory) Army (gifts) Army (impressing soldiers) Army (mobilization of troops) Army (on alert) Army (payment in silver) Army (quota of conscripts) Army (rations) Army (rations) Army (registration of soldiers) Army (release) Army (serene) Army (size) Asylum (for Hazor thief) Asylum (for king’s secretary) Audience gift (tāmartum) Audience gift (tāmartum) Audience gift (tāmartum) Audience gift (tāmartum) Baksheesh (nēbeḫum) Baksheesh (nēbeḫum) Baksheesh (nēbeḫum) Baksheesh (nēbeḫum) Baksheesh (nēbeḫum)

Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to note to

note to

Subject

1.4.b.ii 6.5.b.i.3 1.6.c.iv.1 1.5.a.ii 1.3.d.vii.2 1.3.d.vii.3 2.3.d.iii.2 2.3.d.iii.1 1.3.d.vii.1 1.3.d.vii.2 2.1.a.viiii 2.1.a.viiii 1.4.d.1 3.3.a.iv.1c 3.3.a.iii 3.3.a.i.1 3.3.a.iv.2 3.3.a.iv.2 3.6.b.ii 3.3.a.ii.1 3.4.a.iv 3.3.a.iv.3 3.3.a.ii.2 3.3.a.iv.1a 3.3.a.iv.1b 3.3.a.i.2 3.6.b.i 3.1.a.ii 3.3.a.iii 4.4.a 4.4.b 1.3.c.iii 1.3.c.iii.1 1.3.c.iii.2 1.3.c.iii.3 1.3.c.ii 1.3.c.ii 1.3.c.ii.1a 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.3.c.ii.1b

442

Notes to ¶ Translation

banquet (music for the elite) note to Banquet (roster for king’s note to meal) Banquet (roster for king’s note to meal) Banquets (frugal meals) note to Banquets (seating arrangement) Banquets (seating arrangement) Battle (formation) Battle (logistics) Battle (preparing for assault) Beheading note to Beheading Beheading Betrayal Birth (of a prince) note to Birth (twins) Bride (concern for) Bride (neglect of) Bride (neglect of) note to Bridewealth (for princess Šimatum) Bridewealth (for princess note to Šimatum) Bridewealth (for queen Šiptu) Burial (of decapitated head)

6.3.a.iv.2 6.3.a

Calendar (menology) Calendar (menology) Captive (as gift) Captive (as gift) Captive (as gift) Captive (assigning) Captive (assigning) Captive (assigning) Captive (handsome) Caravan (equipping) Children (mortality) Children (naming) Children (presentation) Children (sending wet-nurse)

5.3.a.i 5.3.a.ii 1.3.a.iii.2b 1.3.a.iii.2c 1.3.a.iii.2d 1.3.a.iii.1a 1.3.a.iii.1b 1.3.a.iii.2a 1.3.a.iii.3 1.3.e.i 6.4.a.vii 6.4.a.v 6.4.a.vi.1 6.4.a.iii.2

6.3.a 6.3.a 6.3.a.i.1 6.3.a.i.2 3.4.a.iii 3.4.a.i 3.4.a.ii 1.5.b.iii 1.5.b.iii.4 1.5.b.iii.5 0.4.a 6.7.d.ii 1.8.b.iv 1.7.a.ii 1.7.a.iv.1 1.7.a.iv.1 1.8.a.i 1.8.a.i 1.7.b.ii 6.7.c.i.1

443

Indexes: Subject Index Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Children (suckled by nurses) Children (tranporting in winter) Children (transporting infants) Children (votive offering) City (fortified) note to City (locking gates) Combat (abandoing towns) Combat (ambush and spies) Combat (ambush) Combat (ambush) note to Combat (at city gate) note to Combat (crushing defeat) Combat (fire-signals) Combat (fire-signals) Combat (fire-signals) Combat (great victory) note to Combat (great victory) Combat (how to make spies) note to Combat (making spies) Combat (proverb on strategies) Combat (riding horses) Commemoration (kispum for ancestors) Commemoration (kispum for ghost) Commemoration (of an ancestror) Commerce (purchase in Imar) Commissioner (conspiring against) Commissioner (requesting) Commoners (as king of Ešnunna) Commoners (dethrone Zuzu note to of Apum) Commoners (revolt by muškēnums) Commoners (revolt by muškēnums) Confiscation (estate) Conflict (over city) Conscription (evading) note to Conscription (evading) Conscription (military, resisting) Conscription (register) Conscription (tēbibtum) Conscription (tēbibtum) note to Consellor (praised) note to Consignment of Cedar Wood Contribution (igisûm-ox) Contribution (igisûm-ox) Contribution (igisûm-ox) Contribution (igisûm-ox) Contribution (in arrears) Corpse (of drowned Asqudum) note to Corvée Corvée

6.4.a.iii.1 6.4.a.iii.3b 6.4.a.iii.3a 6.4.a.vi.2 3.5.a.i 6.2.b.i 3.4.b.vi 3.4.b.iii 3.4.b.ii 3.4.b.iii 3.4.a.iii 3.6.a.i.2 3.4.c.i.1 3.4.c.i.2 3.4.c.ii 3.6.a.i.2 3.6.a.i.3 3.4.b.vii 3.4.b.vii 3.4.b.i 3.4.b.v 6.7.d.i.1 6.7.d.i.2 6.7.d.iii.1 2.3.b.i.2c 2.1.d.ii.1 2.1.d.i 6.1.a.ii.2b 0.4.b 6.1.a.ii.2a 6.1.a.ii.2c 1.3.d.vii.4a 1.6.a.iv.1 2.1.a.iv.2 3.3.a.ii.3b 3.3.a.ii.3a 2.1.a.iv.2 2.1.a.iv.1 2.1.a.iv.1 2.3.a 6.7.d.iii.2 1.3.d.ii.1 1.3.d.ii.2 1.3.d.ii.3 1.4.c.i 1.3.d.ii.4 6.7.a.ii.1 1.3.d.v.1 1.3.d.v.2

Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Council (roster of members) note to Counselor (appointing) Counselor (benevolence) Counselor (blamed) note to Counselor (function) note to Counselor (function) Counselor (requests-bull-fulfilled) Counselor (requests-shoes) note to Counselor (requests-slaves-fulfilled) Covenant (blood and oath) Covenant (blood and oath) Covenant (with a bull and a note to goat) Covenant (with a puppy and a goat) Covenant (with donkey note to slaughter) Crime (abduction of a cook) note to Crime (abduction of a man) Crime (abduction of a note to woman) Crime (accusation of favor) Crime (accusation of theft) Crime (attempted murder) Crime (corpse of a girl) note to Crime (fraud) Crime (kidnapping) note to Crime (mutilated corpse of note to king) Crime (mutilation of infant) Crime (parricide) Crime (post-murder inquiry) Crime (theft of sacred property) Cult (accounts for making note to votive statue) Cult (decorating votive note to palanquin) Cult (depiction of goddess) note to Cult (divine scene on note to monument) Cult (inscribing votive objects) Cult (making deities) Cult (making deities) Cult (making deities) Cult (making statue of Addu) note to Cult (making throne for note to Dagan) Cult (orchard for Addu) Cult (pillar note to Cult (pillar carving) Cult (pillar quarrying) Cult (pillars and sacrifice) Cult (placing Zimri-Lim statue)

2.3 2.2.a.i 2.3.a.ii.1 2.3.a 2.3.a 2.3.a.i 2.3.a.ii.3 2.3.a.ii.2 2.3.a.ii.2 2.1.c.iii.3 2.1.c.iii.3 2.1.c.iii.2 2.1.c.iii.2 2.1.c.iii.2 4.3.b 4.3.b.i 4.3.b.ii 4.2.b.i 4.2.b.ii 4.3.a.iii 4.3.a.i 4.3.d 4.3.b 6.7.b.i.2 4.3.a.i 4.3.a.ii 4.3.a.iv 4.3.c 5.4.a.iii 5.4.b.ii 5.4.c 5.4.c 5.4.b.ii 5.4.a.ii.1 5.4.a.ii.2 5.4.a.i 5.4.a.iii 5.4.a.iii 5.4.d.v 5.4.d.iii 5.4.d.iii.3 5.4.d.iii.1 5.4.d.iii.2 5.4.c

444

Indexes: Subject Index

Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Subject

Cult (repairing votive statues) Cult (repairing votive statues) Cult (snake object) Cult (work on votive chariot)

note to note to

5.4.a.iv.1 5.4.a.iv.2 5.4.d.iv 5.4.b.ii

Death (Asqudum drowns) Death (for sacrilege) note to Death (inspection) Death (of a diviner) note to Death (of princess) Death (of Sammetar) Death (of Sumḫu-rabi) Death of a Child Deities (avenging treachery) Deities (cause rain after sacrifices) Deities (demand donations) Deities (Dumuzi’s burial?) note to Deities (Dumuzi’s death and note to rebirth) Deities (Dumuzi’s entrance) note to Deities (guiding army) Deities (kill animals and note to people) Deities (kill because of sacrifice) Deities (kill sheep) Deities (Letter from God) Deities (letter to God) Deities (letter to God) Deities (list of gods) Deities (list of gods) Deities (list of gods) Deities (protecting caravans) Deities (refrain from killing) Deities (resolving disputes) Deities (solving crime) Deities (solving crime) Deities (solving crime) Deities (Terqa list) Deities (theodicy) Deities (travel of Dagan) Deities (travel of Lagamal and Ikšudum) Deities (travel of Lagamal and Ikšudum) Deities (victory for favored king) Deities (weapons of Addu) Deities (welcoming a goddess) Delivery (garments and note to weapons) Delivery (oil, perfume) note to Delivery (oil, shoes) Delivery (share of spoils) note to Denouncing (a diviner)

6.7.a.ii.1 5.5.c 6.7.a.i.3 2.3.b.ii.5 2.3.d.ii 6.7.a.ii.3 6.7.a.ii.2 6.7.a.ii.4 5.6.b 5.6.c 5.5.c.i 5.1.a 5.1.a

Deportation Desertion? (of wife) Detention (“must not die”) Detention (condition of jailed) Detention (escape from jail) note to Detention (indenture) Detention (no travel permit) note to Detention (no travel permit) Detention (of a wife) Detention (threatening an official) Detention (workhouses) Devotion (attending Ištar feast) Devotion (demanding a pagrāʾum) Devotion (demanding a pagrāʾum) Devotion (expiation guild) note to Devotion (expiation sacrifices) Devotion (kissing God’s foot) Devotion (meal for expiation note to guild) Devotion (on Ištar’s entrance) Devotion (partaking sacrificial meat) Devotion (sharing sacrificial meat) Devotion (sharing sacrificial note to meat) Devotion (weeping before a god) Devotions (kissing Dagan’s note to foot) Devotions (opening a deity’s note to mouth) Diatribe (against Asqudum) note to Diplomacy (protocols) Diviner (high reputation) Diviner (importance) Diviner (protocol) Diviner (queries) Donation ( to palace, for infraction) Donation (girl as temple miller) Donation (girl as temple miller) Donation (nēmettum) note to Donation (nēmettum) Donation (nēmettum) Dream (negated via divination) Dream (propitious for king) note to Dream (queen kidnapped) Dream (substantiated via divination) Dream (substantiated via vision) Dream (To reveal or not) note to Dream (twice seen) Dream (with a vision of Dagan) Drowning (escaped) Dynasty (restoration) note to

5.1.a 5.4.d.i.2 5.6.d.i 5.6.d.i 5.6.d.ii 5.2.b 5.2.a.i 5.2.a.ii 5.1.a 5.1.a 5.1.a 5.4.d.i.4 5.6.e 5.4.d.i.1 5.4.d.i.3a 5.4.d.i.3b 5.4.d.i.3c 5.1.a 5.6.a.i 5.5.d.i.1 5.5.d.i.2 5.5.d.i.3 5.6.a.ii 5.4.d.ii 5.5.d.ii 2.3.d.i.3 2.3.d.i.3 2.3.d.i.3 1.3.a.ii 2.3.b.i.1b

Notes to ¶ Translation 3.6.c.i 6.5.b.vi 4.5.c.iii 4.5.c.ii 4.5 4.5.a.ii 4.5.c.i.1 4.5.c.i.1 4.5.a.1 4.5.c.i.2 4.5.b.i 5.3.c.ii.3 5.3.e.1 5.3.e.ii 5.3.d.iii 5.3.d.iii 5.3.c.iii.1 5.3.d.iii 5.3.c.iii.2 5.3.f.i.2 5.3.f.i.1 5.3.f.i.1 5.3.g 1.2.c.ii 5.4.a 2.2.d.ii 1.1.d.iii 2.3.b.ii.6 5.7.a.1 5.7.a.ii 5.7.a.iv 4.5.b.ii 5.2.a.iv 5.2.a.iv 1.3.d.iii 1.3.d.iii.1 1.3.d.iii.2 5.7.d.i.2 5.7.d.iv 5.7.d.iv 5.7.d.i.1 5.7.d.ii 5.7.d.ii 5.7.d.iii 5.7.d.v 2.3.b.ii.4 1.1.b

445

Indexes: Subject Index Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Epic (Zimri-Lim) Epidemic Epidemic Epidemic (“hand of God”) note to Epidemic (loss of family) Epidemic (loss of sons) Epidemic (toll) Escapees (from queen’s quarters) Escapees (from queen’s quarters) Escapees (to Mari, for note to pleasure) Evocation (of alliances past) note to Execution (as example) Execution (hostage) note to Execution (of a traitor) note to Execution (of officials and note to kin) Execution (strangling) Execution (summary judgment) Exiles (escaping) note to Exiles (return) note to Extortion (by palace) Extradition (negotiating) Extradition (negotiating) Extradition (negotiating)

1.2.b.i 6.6.b.i.1 6.6.b.i.2 6.6.b.ii.1 6.7.a.i.1 6.7.a.i.2 6.6.b.ii.2 6.2.c.ii.1 6.2.c.ii.2 6.2.c.ii

Favor seeking Favors (dummuqtum) Feast (taxes) Fee (appointment as sheikh) Fee (appointment as sheikh) Fee (sugāgūtum) for land Fee (sugāgūtum) for land Festival (lustration ceremony) Fish (snares requested) Flattery (of king) Flattery (of king) Flattery (of king) Flattery (of king) Flattery (of king) Flattery (of king) Flirting (paying mind) Flirting (recalling) Food (building an ice house) Food (collecting ice) Food (enjoying fish) Food (ice for goddess) Food (ostriches) Food (receives fish) Food (reporting on water)

6.5.b.i.4 1.3.b.i.1 2.1.d.ii.4 1.3.d.i.1a 1.3.d.i.1b 1.3.d.i 1.3.d.i 5.3.d.iv.  2.2.c.v 1.2.c 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.i 1.2.c.ii 1.2.c.iv.3 6.5.b.i.2 6.5.b.i.1 6.3.a.iii.2 6.3.a.iii.1 6.3.a.ii 5.5.c.iii 6.3.a.ii 6.5.b.i.3 6.3.a.ii.1

note to note to

note to note to note to

note to

note to note to note to

1.6.b.iv.1 4.5.c.iv.1 1.1.d.ii.2 1.5.b 1.1.f.iii 4.6.c.iii 2.1.d.ii.3 1.6.b.iv.1 1.1.b 4.6.c.iv 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.1 1.6.b.iv.2

Subject Food (reporting on water) Food (slaughter of sheep) Food (slaughter of sheep) Food (transporting ice) Food (truffles. ostrich eggs) Fortifications (cannot be taken) Fortifications (building) Fortifications (solid) Fortress (besieging) Fortress (besieging) Fortress (capturing) Fortress (moving into) Funeral (gifts) Funeral (gifts) Furniture (for king) Garment (angry instruction) Garment (instruction) Garment (lack of wool) Garment (requested) Garments (for husband) Garments (for king) Gift (appropriated) Glass (for decoration) Gods (as judges) Gold (disbursement) Grain (gift to officials) Grain (shortage) Grain (to Naḫur) Grain (withheld) Grain supplies Grapes (harvesting) Greetings Harem (woman entering) Harlots (in Qattunan palace) Hierarchy (military, general) Hierarchy (military) Hierarchy (military) Hostages (murder) House (ownership) Illness (“hand of God”) Illness (abcess) Illness (abcess) Illness (amidst a plague) Illness (dislocated arm) Illness (infectuous) Illness (infectuous) Illness (of counselor)

Notes to ¶ Translation note to note to note to note to

note to note to note to

note to note to note to note to

note to note to

note to note to

note to

6.3.a.ii.2 6.3.a.ii 6.3.a.ii 6.3.a.iii.3 6.3.a.ii 3.5.a.i 3.5.a.i 3.5.a.ii 3.5.b.i 3.5.b.i 3.5.a.iii 3.5.a.i 6.7.c.ii.1 6.7.c.ii.1 2.3.d.i.2 2.2.c.iii.3 2.2.c.iii.1 2.2.c.iii.2 2.2.c.vi.1 6.5.b.ii.2 2.3.d.i.1 1.3.c.ii.1b 1.3.b.i.2 4.1.a.i.2 2.2.d.v.1 2.2.b.v 1.5.c 2.2.b.i 1.5.c 2.1.d.ii.2 2.2.d.i 6.5.b.ii.1c 1.2.c.i 6.1.a.iv 3.3.c.ii.1 3.3.c.ii 3.3.c.ii 6.7.b.ii.1 2.3.b.i.1d 6.6.a.i.1 6.6.a.ii.3e 6.6.a.ii.3f 6.6.a.ii.3d 6.6.a.ii.3g 6.6.a.ii.1 6.6.a.ii.1 2.2.a.ii.1

446

Indexes: Subject Index

Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Subject

Illness (of priestess) Illness (of Samsi-Addu?) Illness (of Warad-ilišu) Illness (omen taking) Illness (omen-taking) Illness (queen’s sunstroke) Illness (queen) Illness (shooting pain) Impost (miksum) Impost (miksum) Impost (miksum) Impost (miksum) Information (false) Inscription (commemorative) Inscription (copies) Inscription (devotion to gods) Inscription (Yaḫdun-Lim) Inscription (Yaḫdun-Lim) Insults Inthronisation (at funeral) Inventory (of royal holdings) Inventory (of royal holdings) Inventory (of royal holdings) Inventory (of royal holdings)

note to

Law (settling cases) Law (settling cases) Legal (adoption contract) Legal (avoiding andurārum-remission) Legal (in lieu of interest) Legal (land sale) Legal (land sale) Legal (land transfer) Legal (loan guarantee) Legal (loan, with guarantee) Legal (loan) Legal (marriage contract) Legal (penalty for contesting note to judgment) Legal (receipt for investment) Legal (slave purchase contract) Legal (slave purchase contract) Legal (symbolic act) note to Legal (symbolic act) note to Legal (time-set loan) Legal (workers guarantee) Lèse majesté note to Letter (2, piggy-backed) Letter (circular) Lion (captured and at large) note to Lion (captured and at large) Lion (reward for killing) note to Lion (trapping) Lioness (trapping) Locust (harvesting) note to Locust (pickling) note to Locust (swarming) Locusts (swarming and harvesting) Locusts (swarming and note to harvesting) Loyalty (to king) Loyalty oath (wives of officials) Loyalty oath (administrators) Loyalty oath (auditors) Loyalty oath (governors) Loyalty oath (men) Loyalty oath (officials) Loyalty oath (officials) Loyalty oath (officials) Loyalty oath (stock controllers) Loyalty oath (wives of officials) Loyalty oath (wives of officials) Majordomo (abu bītim, appointment) Marriage (arrangement) note to Marriage (arrangement) note to Marriage (arrangement)

Judge (“of the king”) Justification (of an official) Justification (of self) Justification (of self) Justification (of self) Justification of self

note to

note to

note to

note to

note to

6.6.a.ii.3c 6.6.a.ii.3a 6.6.a.ii.3b 6.6.a.ii.3c 6.6.a.ii.3c 1.7.a.iv.2 1.7.a.iv.3 6.6.a.ii.3d 1.3.d.vi.1 1.3.d.vi.2 1.3.d.vi.3 1.3.d.vi.4 0.4.b 1.3.c.i 1.1.a 5.2.a.iii 1.2.a 1.4.c.ii 1.5.b.ii 6.7.c.ii.2 2.2.b.iii.1 2.2.b.iii.2 2.2.b.iii.3 2.2.b.iii.4 4.1.a.i.2 2.1.b.iii 1.5.a.ii 2.3.b.i.1c 2.3.c.i.3 1.1.c

Kidnapping (for sale or ransom) King (as judge) King (assassination) note to King (leading battles) Kingship (acclamation) Kingship (aspirant) Kingship (aspirant)

6.1.a.iii.3 4.1.a.i.1 1.1.e.ii 1.4.c.ii.1 1.1.e.i 1.1.d.i.1 1.1.d.i.2

Land (dispute) note to Land (request, with bribe) Land (swap) note to Land control by king Land purchase (king) Law (annul judgment) Law (contempt for) Law (indictment for corruption) Law (jurisdiction) Law (jurisdiction) Law (settling cases)

2.1.c.ii.5 2.1.c.ii.5 1.3.e.iv.  1.4.d.2 1.3.e.iv.  4.2.a.iii 4.1.a.ii 4.2.b.iii 4.2.a.i.1 4.2.a.i.2 4.2.a.ii.1

Notes to ¶ Translation 4.2.a.ii.2 4.2.a.ii.3 4.7.b 4.7.e.ii 4.7.e.iv 4.7.d.ii.1 4.7.d.ii.2 4.7.d.i 4.7.f.i 4.7.e.iii.2 4.7.e.iii.1 4.7.a 4.7.a 4.7.e.v 4.7.c.i 4.7.c.ii 4.7.d.ii.2 4.7.d.ii.2 4.7.e.i 4.7.f.ii 2.1.b.i 2.3.b.i.2a 2.1.c.i.2b 2.1.a.vii.1 2.2.f.ii 2.2.f.ii 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.vii.1 2.1.a.iii.3 2.1.a.iii.3 2.1.a.iii.3a 2.1.a.iii.3b 2.1.a.iii.3b 2.1.c.iii.1a 1.1.f.ii.2 1.1.f.ii.1a 1.1.f.ii.3 1.1.f.i 1.1.f.ii.1b 1.1.f.ii.1a 1.1.f.ii.1a 1.1.f.ii.1a 1.1.f.ii.1a 1.1.f.ii.2 1.1.f.ii.2 2.1.b.i 6.5.a.i.1 6.5.a.i.1 6.5.a.i.1

447

Indexes: Subject Index Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Marriage (arrangement) Marriage (bride’s gods) Marriage (distress) Marriage (interdynastic; negotiation) Marriage (interdynastic) note to Marriage (interdynastic) Marriage (interdynastic) note to Marriage (interdynastic) note to Marriage (interdynastic/ note to 2 sisters) Marriage (interdynastic/gifts) Marriage (interdynastic/negotiation) Marriage (interdynastic/ note to soliciting) Marriage (interdynastic/terms) Marriage (interdynastic/voyage) Marriage (mistreatment) Marriage (procession) Marriage (unfortunate shidduch) Marriage(procession) note to Memorandum Mercenary (acting as a ḫābirum) Mercenary (ḫabbātum) note to Mercenary (ḫābirum) Mercenary (ḫābirum with chutzpah) Mercenary (hostile ḫābirum) Mercenary (inconstant ḫābirum) Mercenary (large number of ḫabbātū) Mercenary (living as a note to ḫābirum) Mercenary (raiding ḫabbātū) Mercenary (raiding ḫabbātū) Mercenary (restive ḫābirū) merḫûm(appointing) Message (blocked) note to Message (confidential) note to Message (oral) note to Message (prophet requests note to scribe) Messages (who hears them) note to Messenger (from Ugarit) Messengers (arrested) note to Messengers (captured) Messengers (compensated) note to Messengers (conscripted) Messengers (courrier, release) Messengers (detained) Messengers (detoured when blocked) Messengers (instruction on) note to Messengers (instruction on) Messengers (instruction on)

6.5.a.i.2 6.5.a.iii 6.5.b.v.1 1.7.b.i 1.7 1.7.a.i 1.7.a.i 1.7.a.i 1.8.a 1.7.b.iii.2 1.7.b.iii.1 1.8 1.7.b.iii.3 1.7.b.iii.4 6.5.b.v.2 6.5.a.ii 6.5.a.i.3 1.8.a.i 2.2.f.i.1 3.3.b.i.2 3.3.b.ii 3.3.b.i.1 3.3.b.i.6 3.3.b.i.5 3.3.b.i.4 3.3.b.ii.1a 3.3.b.i.1 3.3.b.ii.1b 3.3.b.ii.1c 3.3.b.i.3 2.1.c.i.1 2.2.a.ii 2.3 0.4 5.5.c.i 2.1.c.ii.1 2.2.e.i.4 2.3.b.i.2a 2.2.e.v.1 2.2.e 2.2.e.i.2 2.2.e.i.6 2.3.b.i.2b 2.2.e.iv.3 2.1.a.x.2 2.1.a.x.2 2.1.a.x.2

Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Messengers (killed and plundered) Messengers (meat outlay for note to banquet) Messengers (meat outlay for banquet) Messengers (memorandum on stationing) Messengers (movement) Messengers (multiplicity) Messengers (multiplicity) Messengers (reliability) Messengers (reliability) note to Messengers (secret route) Messengers (stationing abroad) Messengers (types) Migration (ḫabārum) note to Military (kept by ally) Military (parade, gifts) Mores (appropriating a nanny) Mores (in flagrante delicto) Mores (menstruation taboo?) Mores (Polyandry?) Mores (seduced and note to abandoned) Mores (seduction) Mores (woman alone in palace) Mourning (delayed) Mourning (grime) Mourning (public) Mourning (wailing) Murder (of diplomat on note to palanquin) Music (“dead in Mari”) Music (7 women ensemble) Music (blinding boys) Music (instruments/construction) Music (lyre production) Music (making a giant drum) note to Music (roster of orchestras) Music (seeking a specialist) note to Music (transporting a giant note to drum) Musician (kvetching for a field) Musicians (Amorites) Musicians (death of a note to songstress) Musicians (escapees) note to Musicians (praising) note to Musicians (requesting a songstress) Musicians (requesting a songstress) Musicians (retrieving) note to Musicians (unattractive note to Amorites)

2.2.e.v.2 6.3.a.iv.1 6.3.a.iv.1 2.2.e.i.5 2.2.e.iv.1 2.2.e.ii.1 2.2.e.ii.2 2.2.e.iii 2.2.e.iii 2.2.e.iv.4 2.2.e.i.3 2.2.e.i.1 3.3.b.i.1 2.1.c.ii.3 2.1.c.ii.2 6.4.a.iv 6.5.b.iii.1 6.4.a.ii 6.5.b.iii.2 4.3.b.ii 6.5.b.iv.  6.2.c.iv 6.7.b.i.2 6.7.b.ii.3 6.7.b.i.1 6.7.b.ii.2 1.4.b.i.2 2.3.c.i.2 6.3.a.iv.3 6.3.a.iv.4 2.3.c.iii.1 2.3.d.i.4 6.3.a.v 6.3.a.iv.2 6.3.a.v 6.3.a.v 2.3.c.ii 2.3.c 2.3.c.iv.2 2.3.c 2.3.c 2.3.c.iv.1 2.3.c.iv.2 2.3.c 2.3.c.ii

448 Subject

Indexes: Subject Index Notes to ¶ Translation

Musicians (Yaminite women) note to Mutilation (blinded threshers) note to Mutilation (for alleged murder) Mutilation (prisoner as note to substitute)

2.3.c.iii 4.5.c.iv.2 4.6.c.v 4.5.c.iv.2

Negotiation (over city) Negotiation (over city) News (correcting) News (false information) News (verifying) Nomades (poor and well-off) Nomades (solidarity) Nomades (switch identity)

1.6.a.iv.2 1.6.c.ii.2a 2.2.f.i.3 2.2.f.i.3 2.1.c.ii.2 6.1.b.i 6.1.b.ii 6.1.b.iii

note to note to

Oath (altering terms) note to Oath (by officials) Oath (contents) Oath (disdain of) Oath (language) note to Oath (language) note to Oath (language) note to Oath (procedure) Oath (too harsh) note to Offices (division of tasks) note to Official (keeping in the loop) Officials (appointing) note to Officials (appointing) Officials (appointing) Officials (compensating) Officials (division on duty) Officials (duties) Oil gift for burial Omen (after smearing the forehead) Omen (ants climbing) note to Omen (clods from diverse towns) Omen (deformed fetus) Omen (different traditions) Omen (eclipse of moon) Omen (eclipse of the sun) note to Omen (eclipses at diverse note to months) Omen (fire strikes a temple) Omen (for a commoner) Omen (for harvest) Omen (for journeying) Omen (for voyage) note to Omen (for voyage) Omen (for voyage) Omen (historical contents: Agade) Omen (historical contents: Ishma-Dagan)

1.6.c.iii 2.0 1.6.c.iii.1 1.6.c.vi 1.6.b.iii 1.6.c.iii.1 1.6.c.iii.1 1.6.c.iii.2 1.6.c.iii 2.1.b 2.2.b.iv 1.1.d.iii 2.1 2.1 2.1.a.i 2.2.c.iv 2.1.a.ii 6.7.c.iii.1 2.3.b.ii.2 5.7.e.i 5.7.a.vi.4c 5.7.e.i 5.7.a.vi.4d 5.7.e.ii 5.7.e.ii 5.7.e.ii 5.7.e.iii 2.3.b.ii.3 5.7.a.vi.1 5.7.a.vi.2 2.3.b.ii.5 2.3.b.ii.5a 2.3.b.ii.5b 5.7.a.iii.3c 5.7.a.iii.3f

Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Omen (historical contents: Naram-Sin) Omen (historical contents: Naram-Sin) Omen (historical contents: Sargon) Omen (historical contents: Šulgi Omen (modeled in clay) Omen (modeled in clay) Omen (of conflicts) Omen (of conflicts) Omen (of conflicts) Omen (of conflicts) Omen (of conflicts) Omen (of conflicts) Omen (of conflicts) Omen (of conflicts) Omen (on ceding city) note to Omen (over hair and fringes) note to Omen (queries) Omen (queries) Omen (to establish fault) Omen (to validate message) Omen (via clods of earth) Omens (rain) note to Omens (rain) note to Ordeal (drinking a potion) note to Ordeal (for harlotry) Ordeal (for loyalty) Ordeal (for slander) Ordeal (for theft of spoils) Ordeal (for treason) Ordeal (for witchcraft) Ordeal (process) Ordeal (prophet drinking a note to potion) Ordeal (to prove loyalty) note to Ordeal (when buying influence) Ostrich (capture) note to

5.7.a.iii.3b 5.7.a.iii.3e 5.7.a.iii.3a 5.7.a.iii.3d 5.7.a.iii.2 5.7.a.iii.1 5.7.a.iii.3g 5.7.a.iii.3h 5.7.a.iii.3i 5.7.a.iii.3j 5.7.a.iii.3k 5.7.a.iii.3l 5.7.a.iii.3m 5.7.a.iii.3n 1.6.c.ii.2a 2.3.b.ii.2 5.7.a.v.1 5.7.a.v.2 5.7.a.vi.3 5.7.a.vi.4a 5.7.a.vi.4b 5.6.c 5.6.c 5.4.d.i.4 5.8.d.ii 5.8.a.ii 5.8.d.i 5.8.e 5.8.b 5.8.c.ii 5.8.a.i 5.4.d.i.4

Palace (fabricating gates) Palace (gates) note to Palace (locking gates) note to Palanquin (for kings) Palanquin (for officials) Peace (among tribes) Peace-making note to Peace-making Penury (complaint) note to Perfume (requested) Petition (for release) Petition (justice) Petition (keeping mother in palace) Petition (land)

6.2.c.1 1.7.a.iv.2 6.2.b 1.4.b.i.1 1.4.b.i.2 3.6.d 1.6.c.ii.2b 1.6.c.ii.2b 1.1.d.ii.1 2.2.c.vi.2b 2.1.c.ii.6 1.4.e.i 5.5.c.ii 1.4.a.i

5.8 5.8.a.iii 6.3.a.ii

449

Indexes: Subject Index Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Petition (land) Petition (to king) Petition (to queen) Pets (dogs die from rabies) Pets (dogs die from rabies) Pets (transferring dogs) Physician (also a veterinarian) Physician (at battlefield) Physician (needed) Plunder (justification) Plunder (king’s share) note to Plunder (king’s share) Plunder (king’s share) Plunder (memorandum) Plunder (of royal toms) Plunder (sharing) Plunder (treasures) Population (umšarḫum status) Population (umšarḫum) note to Population (umšarḫum and refugees) Power (domino effect) Power (level) Power (protocol) note to Power (protocol) note to Power (protocol) Power (protocol) note to Power (source) note to Priest (assinnum whining) note to Priest (founding a temple) note to Priest (payment for office) Priestess (escorting to Terqa) note to Priestess (garments for dowry note to women) Priestess (gift from Sippar) note to Priestess (list of qadištums) note to Priestess (lodging an ugbabtum) Priestess (of Kulmiš) Priestess (qadištum) Priestess (status) Priestess (whining) Priestess (whining) Prince (birth) Princess (as spy) note to Princess (channels God) note to Princess (defends husband) Princess (defends husband) Princess (fears expressed) Princess (fears expressed) Princess (ignored by husband) Princess (ignored) note to Princess (kept at home) note to

1.4.a.ii 1.2.c.iv.1 1.2.c.iv.2 6.5.c.i.1 6.5.c.i.2 6.5.c.i.3 6.6.a.i.3 6.6.a.i.2a 6.6.a.i.2b 1.3.a.ii.3 1.3.a.ii.3 1.3.a.ii.4 1.3.a.ii.5 1.3.a.ii.2 1.3.a.i.3 1.3.a.ii.1 1.3.a.i.1 6.1.c.i.1 6.1.c.i.1 6.1.c.i.2 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.i 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.ii 1.6.a.iii 1.6.a.iii 1.1.e.i 5.5.b.ii 5.5.a.i 5.5.a.i 5.5.b.i.1 5.5.b.i 5.5.b.iii.1 5.5.b.iv 5.5.b.i.1 5.5.b.i.2 5.5.b.iv 5.5.b.i.3 5.5.b.iii.1a 5.5.b.iii.1b 6.7.d.ii.1 1.8.c.i.1 1.8.b.v 1.8.c.ii 1.8.c.iii 1.8.b.iii 1.8.b.v 2.3.a.iii.1 1.8.b.ii 1.8.b.vi

Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Princess (kvetching) Princess (kvetching) Princess (lament) Princess (report on vintner) Princess (threatens suicide) note to Princess (threatens suicide) Princess (to visit home) note to Princess (visit) Princesses (of defeated kings) Prophecy (apocalypticizing vision) Prophecy (apocalypticizing vision) Prophecy (by a qammatum) Prophecy (by an assinnum) Prophecy (from Addu of Aleppo) Prophecy (from Addu of Aleppo) Prophecy (induced vision-Babylon) Prophecy (induced vision-Ekallatum) Prophecy (cursed home) note to Prophet (as diviners) Prophet (denouncing kings) Prophet (in Terqa document) note to Prophet (receive gifts) note to Prophet (receive gifts) note to Prophet (receive products) note to Prophet (sympathetic magic act) Prophet (warns against Ešnunna) Protocol (allegiance) Protocol (clothing diplomats) Protocol (feeding diplomats) note to Protocol (feeding diplomats) Protocol (language) note to Protocol (meal-taking) note to Protocol (meal-taking) note to Protocol (officials of vassals) Protocol (table diplomacy) Punishment (blinding a slave) Punishment (Burning a household) Punishment (jailed without hope) Punishment (made to disappear) Punishment (or undergo ordeal) Punishment (peg in mouth) note to Purification (God) Purifying Infected Spot

1.8.c.i.2 1.8.c.i.3 1.8.c.i.1 2.3.a.iii.2b 1.8.b.v 1.8.b.vi 1.8.b.vi 1.7.a.iv.4 1.3.a.i.2 5.7.c.i.1 5.7.c.i.2 5.5.b.ii 5.5.a.ii 5.7.b.iii 5.7.b.iii 5.7.c.ii.2 5.7.c.ii.1 5.7.d.iii 5.7.a.vii 5.7.b.i 5.7.a.vii 5.7.c.iii 5.7.c.iii 5.7.b.ii 5.7.b.ii 5.7.c.iii 1.5.d 1.6.b.i 1.6.b.ii 1.6.b.ii 1.5.c 1.6.b.i 1.6.b.i 1.1.f.iii 1.6.b.iii 4.6.a 4.6.b.i 4.6.c.i 4.6.c.ii 4.6.b.ii 4.6.b.ii 6.6.b.ii.1 6.6.a.ii.2

Queen (meets king in Saggaratum) Raid (tribal) Raid and capture (denied) Raiding (kickbacks) Ransom (Mari citizen) Ransom (of woman)

6.3.a.iv.3

note to

note to

3.2.c.iv 1.4.f 1.3.a.v.  1.3.a.iv.5 1.3.a.iv.2

450 Subject Ransom (price) Ransom (price) Ransom (price) Ransom (record) Ransom (record) Ransom (record) Ransom (record) Ransoming (from ḫabbātū) Ransoming (protocol) Ration (oil at birthgiving) Ration (oil at birthgiving) Ration (oil at birthgiving) Ration (oil at birthgiving) Reassigning (estate) Reassigning (estate) Rebellion (assassination) Rebellion (assassination) Rebellion (failed) Rebellion (fomenting) Reciting (royal heroics) Refugees (helping) Refugees (releasing) Refugees (resettling) Refugees (seizing) Refugees (seizing) Regicide Regicide Regicide (warning) Register (dead and missing transfers) Register (dead and missing) Release (of troops) Release (of woman) Release (of woman) Remission (andurārum) Remission (andurārum) Remission (andurārum) Remission (andurārum) Remission (andurārum) Report (on activities of ally) Request (a field for his diviner) Request (a field) Resettling (a songstress) Resettling refugees Ritual (ad hoc sacrifice, storm) Ritual (ad hocsacrifice) Ritual (daily bird sacrifice) Ritual (date for a sacrifice) Ritual (for Ištar) Ritual (garment)

Indexes: Subject Index Notes to ¶ Translation

note to

note to note to

note to note to

note to note to

note to note to note to note to

note to

note to

note to

1.3.a.iv.4a 1.3.a.iv.4b 1.3.a.iv.5 1.3.a.iv.5a 1.3.a.iv.5b 1.3.a.iv.5c 1.3.a.iv.5d 3.3.b.ii.2a 1.3.a.iv.1 6.4.a.i.1 6.4.a.i.2 6.4.a.i.3 6.4.a.i.4 1.3.d.vii.4b 1.3.d.vii.5 1.1.e.ii 1.1.e.ii 3.2.c.ii 1.1.d.i.1 1.2.c.iii 6.1.c.ii.1 6.1.c.ii.3 6.1.c.ii 6.1.c.ii.2 6.1.c.ii.3 2.1.c.ii.4 2.1.c.ii.4 2.1.a.vi.5 6.1.c.ii.4 2.1.a.iv.2 1.5.a.i 1.3.a.iv.3 1.3.a.iv.3 1.4.a.iii 1.4.a.iii 1.4.a.iii 1.4.a.iii.1 1.4.a.iii.2 1.6.c.ii.1 2.3.b.ii.1 2.3.b.ii.1 3.6.c.ii 3.6.c.ii 5.3.d.ii 5.3.d.i 5.3.c.ii.1 5.3.c.i 5.3.b 5.3.b

Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Ritual (monthly sacrifice) Ritual (woman sacrificing)

5.3.c.ii.2 5.3.c.ii.4

Sacrifice Sacrifice (to a goddess) Scribe (trained from youth) note to Seal (inscribed) note to Secret (spilling, when drunk) note to Secrets(keeping) Sheep (joint pasture) Sheikh (appointing) note to Siege (of Razama) Sin (of the Lullus) note to Slander (accusation) Slander (alert) Slander (by diviner) Slander (defending against) Slander (disdain) Slander (dishonor) Slander (insult) Slander (justification) Slander (justification) Slander (justification) Slander (protest against) Slander (reporting slander) Slander (transfering slanderer) note to Slave (escaped) Slave (giving away) Slave (transfer) Slaves (as ramsom) Slaves (captured in war) Slaves (changed status) Slaves (disputed status) Slaves (provision on escaped note to slaves) Slaves (unmarked) Soldier (AWOL) Solicitude Solicitude Solicitude Sorcery (accusation) note to Sorcery (by daughter) note to Spy (recruiting) note to Spying (for king) note to Spying (on enemy) note to Status (muškēnum woman) Status (of a princess) note to Status (youngsters with muškēnum father) Stock (requested) Symbolism (blood) Symbolism (blood) note to

2.1.d.ii.5 2.1.b.ii.1b 2.2.f.i.1 1.8.b.ii 2.1.c.ii.2 2.1.c.ii.1 1.7.a.iii 2.1.c 3.5.b.ii 3.4.a.iii 1.8.b.ii 6.3.b.iii.3c 2.3.b.i.1a 6.3.b.iii.1 6.3.b.iv 6.3.b.i.1 6.3.b.ii 6.3.b.v.1 6.3.b.v.2 6.3.b.v.3 6.3.b 6.3.b.iii.3 6.3.b.iii.2 3.3.b.ii.2b 6.1.a.iii.1b 6.5.b.v.3 6.1.a.iii.5b 6.1.a.iii.2 6.1.a.iii.1b 6.1.a.iii.1a 6.1.a.iii.3 6.1.a.iii.4b 3.4.d.i 6.5.b.ii.1a 6.5.b.ii.1b 6.5.b.ii.1c 1.8.a 1.8.a 2.1.a.vi.4 4.1.a.i.1 2.1.a.vi.4 6.1.a.ii.1b 6.1.a.ii.1b 6.1.a.ii.1a 2.2.c.vi.2a 1.6.c.v 1.6.c.v

451

Indexes: Subject Index Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Symbolism (finger of the king) note to

5.2.c.ii

Tablet (not delivered) Tablet (opened by non-recipient) Tablet (retrieval) note to Tablet (retrieval) Tablet (retrieval) Tablet (wrongly delivered) Taunts note to Tax in grain (šibšum, for commoners) Tax in grain (šibšum) Tax in grain (šibšum) Territory (restoration) Theodicy Threat (cut wife into 12 note to pieces) Timber (request) Tin (disbursement) Tomb (garment) Tomb (jewelry) Tomb (weapon) Trade (purchasing tin) Trade (queen) Trade (queen) Trade (royal) Trade (royal) Trade (tin) Trade (wine) Traffic control transfers (register) Traveler (disappear) Treaty (deceptive) Treaty (Ešnunna-Mari) Treaty (negotiation) note to Treaty (oath-taking) Treaty (terms setting) note to Treaty making (face to face) Treaty making (gods sent) note to Tribe (consanguinity) Tribe control Tribe control (edict) Tribe control (women conspiring) Tribe control (Yaminite plot) Tribute (biltum, imposing) Tribute (biltum, refusal) note to Tribute (imposing) Tribute (sīrum, hexing) Tribute (sīrum, skipping) Troops (reassuring)

2.2.e.iv.2 2.2.e.v.3 2.2.c.i 2.2.c.i 2.2.c.i 2.2.f.i.2 1.5.b.iii.3 1.3.d.iv 1.3.d.iv.1 1.3.d.iv.2 3.2.c.i 0.4.b 6.5.b.i.2 1.3.b.i.4 1.3.b.i.3 6.7.c.iii.4 6.7.c.iii.2 6.7.c.iii.3 2.1.a.viii 1.3.e.v.1 1.3.e.v.2 1.3.e.ii.1 1.3.e.iii.1 1.3.e.ii.2 1.3.e.iii.2 2.1.a.v 6.1.c.ii.4 2.1.a.vii.2 3.4.b.iv 1.6.c.iv.2 1.6.c 1.6.c.i.2 1.6.c 1.6.c.i.1 1.6.c 6.5.a.iv 2.1.a.vi.1 2.1.a.vi.3 2.1.a.vi.2 2.1.a.vi.4 1.3.c.i.1 1.3.c.i.2 1.3.c.i.2 1.3.c.i.4 1.3.c.i.3 2.1.c.i.2a

Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

Vassal (claims loyalty) Vassal (claims loyalty) Vassal (gift of throne) note to Vassal (in danger) Vassal (inconstancy) Vassal (switching allegiance) note to Vassal (treatment) Vassalage (evocation of the past) Vassalage invitation Vassals (fate) Vctory (reporting) note to Vengeance (for a brother) Vessels (for wine stewards) Vessels (retrieval) Visit (home) Visit (home) Visit (of a king, how to greet) Visit (of a king, where to lodge) Visit (of a king) Visit (state, Yamraṣ-El of Abiya ) Visit (state, Yamraṣ-El of Abiya ) Visit (state, Yamraṣ-El of Abiya ) Visit (state, Yamraṣ-El of Abiya ) Visits (of dignitaries) note to Vow (fulfilled in sheep) Vow (neglected) Vow (neglected) Vow (to Ištar, fulfilled) Vow (to Ištar, fulfilled) Vow (unfulfilled) Vowed (to Nergal, a singer) Voyage (ZL’s to Ugarit)

1.5.b.iii.2 1.5.b.iii.3 1.6.c.iv.2 1.5.b.iii.1 1.5.b.iv.  1.2.c 1.1.d.ii.2 1.1.d.ii.1 1.1.b 1.5.b.i 0.4.b 2.1.c.iii.1b 2.2.d.v.2 2.2.d.v.1 1.8.b.i 1.8.b.i 2.1.b.ii.1c1 2.1.b.ii.1c2 2.1.b.ii.1a 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.ii 2.2.b.ii 2.1.a.ii 5.2.c.iv 5.2.c.ii 5.2.c.ii 5.2.c.iii.1a 5.2.c.iii.1b 5.2.c.i 5.2.c.iii.3 1.4.c.ii.2

War (against Elam, anecdote) War (as retribution) War (assisting with troops) War (bribe to open) War (bribe to open) War (cost of) War (cost of) War (deceitful registration) War (declaration of war) War (for insult) War (gloating on victory) War (glory of) War (glory of) War (great victory) War (invitation to spoil-taking) War (led by king) War (massacre after deceit)

5.7.c.i.1 3.2.c.viii.1 3.2.c.iii 3.2.c.vi 3.2.c.vi 3.1.b 3.1.b 6.1.a.i.1 3.2.b 3.2.c.vii 3.6.a.i.1 3.1.a 3.1.a 3.6.a.i.1 3.2.c.vi 3.3.c.i 3.2.c.viiii

note to

note to note to note to

note to note to note to

452 Subject War (on omen taking) War (predatory Elam) War (resources) War (ultimatum) War (ultimatum) War (victory) Wealth (controlling) Weapons (arrowheads) Weapons (depositing) Weapons (disbursement) Weapons (diverse) Weapons (javelins) Weapons (making) Weapons (retrieval) Weapons (shields as metaphor) Weapons (shields) Weapons (shields) Well wishes Whining (neglect) Whining (shame)

Indexes: Subject Index Notes to ¶ Translation

note to Note to

note to note to

note to note to

Subject

Notes to ¶ Translation

3.2.c.viii.2 3.2.b.i.2 3.2.c.v 3.2.a.i 3.2.b.i.2 3.1.a.i 1.3.d.vii.3 3.3.d.i.2 1.5.b.iii.5 3.3.d.ii.2 3.3.d.ii.1 3.3.d.i.1 1.3.a.i.3 2.2.c.ii 3.3.d.i.3

Wine (purchase) Wine (sent to vassal) Wine (types) Wisdom (foundation of a House) Wisdom (shift in alleagiance) Women (protecting) Women (status) Women (status) Work (assembling force) Work (on Baliḫ breach) Work (on canals and ditches) Work (on Terqa gate) Workforce (enrolling Yaminites)

3.3.d.i.3 3.3.d.i.3 1.1.a 6.3.b.i.3 6.3.b.i.2

Year-name (proposed label) note to Year-name (proposed label) Year-names (of Zimri-Lim, Terqa)

1.2.d 1.2.d 5.4.a.iii

Zimri-Lim (family of)

1.1.d.iii

note to

note to

notes to note to note to

note to

2.2.d.ii 2.2.d.iv 2.2.d.iii 1.6.a.ii 6.5.a 2.1.a.i 6.1.b.iv 6.5.a 2.1.a.iii.4 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.1 2.1.a.iii.2 2.1.a.iv

D.  Biblical Citations (All references are in the notes to cited paragraphs)

Books

Note to

Genesis   14:1, 9  14:21–24  19  23  23:15  24  24:10  24:21–22  24:65  28:20–22  34  34  37  38  41  45:8  49:11

1.7.a.iii.; 5.8.a 1.1.f.ii.1b 2.1.a.vii.2 1.3.e.iv 6.7.c.i.1 1.7 2.2.b.i 1.7.a.i 1.8.c.i.3 5.4.d.iii 3.2.c.ix 6.1.b.iii 4.5.c.iv.2; 5.7.d.iii 4.6.b.i 5.7.d.iii 5.5.a.i 2.1.c.iii.2

Exodus  8:15  10:19  11:3  12:36  31:18  32  32:20  34:29

5.2.c.ii 2.1.a.iii.3 1.7.a.ii 1.7.a.ii 5.2.c.ii 5.3.b 5.8 5.4.c

Leviticus  11:22  15:19–30  20:14  21:9

2.1.a.iii.3 1.7.b.iii.3 4.6.b.i 4.6.b.i

Numbers  4:7  5  6:24–26  6:25  21:4–9

5.3 5.8 5.2.a.ii 1.3.c.ii.1b; 1.7.b.iii.2 5.4.d.iv

453

Books

Note to

Deuteronomy  9:10  20:11–12  28:42

5.2.c.ii 5.6.b 2.1.a.iii.3

Joshua  7

4.6.b.i.; 5.5.c

Judges  1:8–15  6  6:25–26  7:5–7  8:1–3  9:4  10:4  11  11:3  11:9–10  12:1–6  12:14  14:1  17  19  20:38-40

1.8.c.ii 5.5.a.i 5.4.d.iii 5.8 1.6.c.i.1.; 1.3.a.i.1 3.5.b.ii 2.2.e 3.2.b 2.1.c.iii.1a 1.1.e.i 1.3.a.i.1 2.2.e 4.6.b.i 5.5.a.i 6.5.b.i.2 3.4.c

1 Samuel  2:15  1–5  9–10  10:17–27  11:1–15  14:47  17:54  20:24  28  29:9  30:21–25

5.7.b.ii 5.5.c.ii 1.1.e.i 1.1.e.i 1.1.e.i 1.3.a.ii.1 1.5.b.iii.5 1.3.a.ii.1 5.4.d.i.4 1.5.b.iii.5 1.3.a.ii.1

2 Samuel  2:12–16

6.3.b.iii.3c

454

Indexes: Biblical Citations

Books

Note to

Books

Note to

2 Samuel (cont.)  3:7  6:2  6:20–23  8  14:26  16:20–23  24  24:24

1.3.a.i.2 5.4.b.ii 1.8.b.vi 1.3.a.ii.1 4.7.e.i 1.3.a.i.2 2.1.a.iv 6.7.c.i.1

Nahum  3:17

2.1.a.iii.3

Psalms  8:4  66:12

5.2.c.ii 1.1.e.ii

1 Kings  2  9:11–14

Job  7:15

2.1.d.ii.3

1.3.a.i.2 1.3.e.iv

2 Kings  20:12–19

Ruth  4:4  4:7

6.7.a.i.3 5.2.b

5.7.b.i

Isaiah  7:10–11

4.6.c.ii

Canticles  3:9  8:6

1.4.b.i.1 6.4.a.iv

Jeremiah  6:1  15:13

3.4.c 5.7.c.iii

Esther  7:2–4  7:2–4

1.2.c.iv.2 6.4.a.iv

1 Chronicles  13:6

5.4.b.ii

Sirach  13:26

1.7.b.iii.2

Matthew  27:24

5.8.e

Ezekiel   21:26 [rsv 21:21] 6.1.a.ii.2a Joel  1:4

2.1.a.iii.3

Jonah  1

1.2.c.i