From Da Ponte to the Casa Italiana: A Brief History of Italian Studies at Columbia University 9780231546409

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F ROM

Da Pon t e TO TH E

Ca sa Ita l i a na

F ROM

Da Pon t e TO T H E

Ca sa Ita l i a na A B R I E F H I S TO RY O F I TA L I A N S T U D I E S AT C O L U M B I A U N I V E R S I T Y

B A R B A R A FA E D DA

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS

New York

Columbia University Press Publishers Since 1893 New York Chichester, West Sussex cup.columbia.edu Copyright © 2017 Barbara Faedda All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Faedda, Barbara, author. Title: From Da Ponte to the Casa Italiana : a Brief History of Italian Studies at Columbia University / Barbara Faedda. Description: New York : Columbia University Press, 2017. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017027620 | ISBN 978-0-231-18593-6 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 978-0-231-54640-9 (e-book) Subjects: LCSH: Italy—Study and teaching (Higher)—New York (State)—New York. | Columbia University. Casa italiana—History. | Da Ponte, Lorenzo, 1749-1838. | Foresti, E. Felix (Eleutario Felix), 1789-1858. | Prezzolini, Giuseppe, 1882-1982. | Scholars—New York (State)—New York—Biography. | College teachers—New York (State)—New York—Biography. | Columbia University—Biography. | Italy—Relations—United States. | United States—Relations—Italy. Classification: LCC DG465.82.U6 F34 2017 | DDC 945.0071/17471—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017027620

Columbia University Press books are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America

cover image: Photo of Casa Italiana exterior by Louis H. Dreyer from the McKim, Mead & White Collection (PR42), box 13, folder: Columbia University, Casa Italiana. Courtesy of the New-York Historical Society. cover design: Julia Kushnirsky

CONTENTS

Foreword by John H. Coatsworth, Provost of Columbia University in the City of New York ix Foreword by Armando Varricchio, Ambassador of Italy to the United States Foreword by Bill de Blasio, Mayor of New York City

Introduction

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xiii

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1 The Dawn of Italian Studies at Columbia University: Lorenzo Da Ponte (1825–1838) 5 2 After Da Ponte: Eleuterio Felice Foresti and His Successors (1838–1911) 3 The Casa Italiana: The Realization of an Ambitious Dream (1920s) 4

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Giuseppe Prezzolini, Controversial Casa Director, and World War II (1930s and 1940s) 31 Appendix A: From Lorenzo Da Ponte to Charles V. Paterno: Libri Italiani at Columbia University by Meredith Levin 59

Appendix B: Anatomy of the Casa Italiana’s Façade by Francesco Benelli

65

Appendix C:The Casa Italiana Educational Bureau: A Research “Fact-Finding Institution” Studying the Italian-American Community by Javier Grossutti 69 Acknowledgments Notes

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Color plates follow page 50

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“Some day the story of the founding of the Casa Italiana will be written, based on memoirs in archives, on articles in little Italian periodicals of the time, on reminiscences of survivors.Then it will be discovered that the many flaws in the character of the Italians were counterbalanced by the wise moderation of the American administrators of the University, which had donated the parcel of land on the corner of Amsterdam Avenue and 117th Street.” Giuseppe Prezzolini

“Non esiste una storia della Casa Italiana. Si ha solo, in ciclostile, una Historical Survey of the Casa Italiana dell’allora Bibliotecario dell’Università, Roger Howson.” Olga Ragusa

FOREWORD

C

olumbia University is the oldest institution of higher learning in the state of New York and the fifth oldest in the United States. During the last half of the nineteenth century, as Columbia rapidly became a modern university, McKim, Mead & White—the renowned, turn-of-thecentury architecture firm—designed the Morningside Heights campus as an urban academic village. Italy, Italian aesthetics, and Italian culture were already a vivid presence in the administration’s vision for the university, and it was not a coincidence that architect Charles Follen McKim provided Columbia with buildings patterned after those of the Italian Renaissance. Even Low Memorial Library, the architectural centerpiece of the campus, was built in the Roman classical style. Columbia University in the City of New York’s mission is to attract a diverse and international faculty and student body, to support research and teaching on global issues, and to create academic relationships with many countries and regions, expecting all areas of the university to advance knowledge and learning at the highest level and to convey the products of their efforts to the world. In each of these endeavors, Italy, Italian scholars, and the students and faculty of Italian studies are an exemplary realization of Columbia’s loftiest academic and global ambitions. From the arrival of Lorenzo Da Ponte as Columbia’s first Italian professor, to the construction of the historic Casa Italiana in 1927 (another important project by McKim, Mead & White), to the current prestige of the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, the Italian presence on campus has remained significant and productive throughout some of the University’s most complex historical periods. This fascinating and rich history merits detailed preservation and close

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For ewor d

analysis and, as Columbia University Provost, I am delighted that Barbara Faedda, Associate Director of the Italian Academy and Adjunct Assistant Professor in the Department of Italian, has, with this book, undertaken such a project. John H. Coatsworth Provost of the University and Professor of International and Public Affairs and of History, Columbia University

FOREWORD

I

n celebrating the Casa’s ninetieth anniversary, I would like to express my appreciation for this important work, a significant initiative that sheds new light on Italy’s historical and contemporary role on the international cultural scene. Since its inauguration in 1927, the Casa Italiana at Columbia University has represented the vibrant intellectual, academic, political, and cultural connection between Italy and the United States of America. I am particularly proud that Italian studies at Columbia University began, back in 1825, with Lorenzo Da Ponte, Mozart’s famous librettist—and a fellow countryman of mine from the Veneto region. In addition to his promotion of Italian culture—and fascinating personal life—Da Ponte made invaluable contributions to the spreading of Italian literature, poetry, and history at Columbia University, in New York City, and in the United States at large. After Da Ponte, Italian studies at Columbia grew and developed until, in 1927, the Casa Italiana was built and many of the most brilliant minds of the century—intellectuals, scientists, and artists—continued to pass through its halls, and indeed walk them today, enriching the cultural milieu of both Columbia University and New York City. Italy’s presence at Columbia continues to be prominent and productive, as hundreds—indeed thousands—of Italian and Italian-American students and educators flock to Morningside Heights, thus enhancing our longstanding cooperation. Today, thanks to the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies, scholars of all ages from across the United States and beyond have an incredible resource in the field of Italian studies: Columbia’s contribution in this regard cannot be overstated.

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My best wishes therefore go to the Italian Academy and its worthy members, whom I am happy to join in celebrating this important milestone that reminds us once again of the great long-standing friendship, mutual respect, and fruitful cultural exchanges that so happily exist between our great nations—Italy and the United States. Armando Varricchio Ambassador of Italy to the United States

FOREWORD

I

t might be a museum, a pizzeria, or the sound of someone speaking, but when you are in New York City, Italy is never far away. The same is true at our city’s oldest university. Columbia has played an important role in preserving la lingua più bella del mondo and the glories of Italian culture in North America. Along the way it has helped make New York the most culturally rich city on the planet. It is fitting that it all began with an immigrant. Lorenzo Da Ponte may have been more talented and famous than most, but his life reflects those of hundreds of thousands of Italians who came here, made a new life, built New York City, and helped support the study of Italy and its language at Columbia. I have this history in my bones. My immigrant grandparents, Giovanni de Blasio and Anna Briganti, would have understood Da Ponte’s struggles and applauded his successes.Their daughter, my mother, Maria de Blasio Wilhelm, wrote her own book about our homeland. Today, the Casa Italiana stands as a living symbol of Italian culture and functions as a kind of piazza, a public square where Italian is still the lingua franca of daily discourse and Italy’s heritage is celebrated in learning and art. This book recounts a fascinating and largely unknown chapter in Italian-American and New York City history. I want to congratulate Barbara Faedda for telling a story that needed to be told and my alma mater, Columbia University, for its commitment to Italian Studies. Tanti auguri Bill de Blasio

INTRODUCTION

T

oday’s tourists and visitors to the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America seem more interested in the rumored portrait of the Italian dictator Benito Mussolini—the Fascist “Duce” and supporter (not always consistently) of the Casa Italiana—than the actual portrait of Lorenzo Da Ponte, Mozart’s librettist and fascinating figure of New York cultural life in the 1800s. Of the first painting there is no trace (archival documents suggest it was never painted, or never brought to the Casa), while the second not only exists—presiding over the Italian Academy’s sixth-floor Loggia—but also stands as a reminder of the adventurous Italian scholar who was the founding father of Italian studies at Columbia University. Da Ponte and the Casa Italiana have long been the most important expressions of the Italian presence on the Columbia campus. The Casa Italiana was inaugurated in 1927 and was transformed in the early 1990s into the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, with the same focus on Italian culture, history, art, and science. For ninety years, it has raised awareness of Italy and Italian culture in U.S. academic and cultural circles and has permitted a deep reflection on the “new” Italian cultural identity in the United States while also bringing “old” European research and practice together with its American counterpart in interesting, creative, and unique ways. For years the history of Columbia’s Casa Italiana has been haunted by the question of whether there was a link—within its walls—to the Fascist regime. This question has often overshadowed other aspects of the Casa’s history. Although Mussolini’s friendships with the Casa’s director, Giuseppe Prezzolini, and with Columbia’s

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Introduction

President Butler are key elements in understanding the history of Casa Italiana’s politics and institutional relationships, these elements tend to engulf other considerations and analytical approaches to an institution that played a significant role in the history of the cultural, intellectual, scientific, and diplomatic relations between Italy and the United States. Thus, it is instructive to first reflect on the long history of mutual interest between the Italian peninsula and the New World, particularly during the revolutionary era. Early on, America was the country that provided freedom for many Italian patriots, refugees, and exiles. On American soil, most of these exiles were able to cultivate their political ideas and cultural interests, and the American intellectual elite welcomed them with enthusiasm. Their heroic and varied backgrounds seemed to fascinate Americans because of their common cause: the pursuit of freedom from tyranny. The Founding Fathers were deeply interested in the Italian Enlightenment, and the Italian intellectual elite were eager to understand the major events involving the European colonies in North America. Some Founding Fathers read and corresponded with Italian intellectuals, thinkers, and philosophers; some even visited Italy.1 At the same time, Italians such as Filippo Mazzei, Carlo Bellini, and Luigi Castiglioni crossed the ocean to see, understand, and describe America. In 1809 Carlo Botta wrote the History of the War of American Independence 2 and conducted a correspondence with Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.3 American and Italian leaders shared a concern with law. Cesare Beccaria’s treatise On Crimes and Punishments4 was translated into English in 1767—a few years before the birth of America. Beccaria was a familiar figure among lawyers and intellectuals in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, both in the Old and the New World, thanks to his ability to elaborate, summarize, and cleverly publicize the most brilliant new European theories and ideas about law, especially criminal law. Gaetano Filangieri was an Italian philosopher and penal reformer whose volume The Science of Legislation5 was one of the most famous publications of the Italian Enlightenment. Benjamin Franklin was passionate about legal discussion in Italy and thought it was deeply relevant to the United States, as he wrote in a letter to Filangieri in 1783: “I was glad to learn, that you were proceeding to consider the criminal Laws. None have more need of Reformation. They are everywhere in so great Disorder, and so much Injustice is committed in the Execution of them.”6 Along with their political ideals, these Italians also brought their intellectual heritage. Many became professors, contributing to the introduction of Italian language, literature, and culture as new subjects in American academia. Thanks to their lively participation in the cultural life of this country, libraries began buying more Italian books. Presidents and Founding Fathers read books by Italian thinkers, usually

Introduction

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English translations. John Adams’s extensive library contained books on Italian history, including The History of Italy by Francesco Guicciardini, The Annals of Italy by Lodovico Antonio Muratori, and The Florentine Histories by Niccolò Machiavelli. Acquiring and reading Italian books was quite a trend among the American political and cultural elite: Congressman Gulian Verplanck—Lorenzo Da Ponte’s former pupil—arranged a purchase of precious editions from Da Ponte for the Library of Congress. Along with Verplanck, many other Americans at that time became leaders after studying Roman classics and Italian works in the Italian exiles’ boardinghouses or in colleges.7 Books have always played a crucial role in the U.S.-Italy relationship. Student demand for a library was, in fact, the origin of Columbia University’s Casa Italiana in the early twentieth century. This demand led to the conception of this Italian cultural center; then to the design of a Neo-Renaissance palazzo by McKim, Mead & White (when the firm was among the largest architecture offices in the world); and then to the inauguration of the Casa on Columbus Day, 1927, in the presence of the Italian scientist Guglielmo Marconi (1909’s Nobel Prize winner in physics). Just one year later the Casa presented an Italian book fair featuring thousands of volumes of Italian literature from early periods. The Casa’s library eventually contained one of the largest collections of Italian books in the United States, and the most distinguished Italian intellectuals, scholars, scientists, and artists passed through it. Notable examples include Nobel Prize–winning scientist Enrico Fermi (in exile in the United States because his wife was Jewish); musicians such as Ottorino Respighi, Alfredo Casella, Arturo Toscanini, and Beniamino Gigli; historians such as Guglielmo Ferrero (who was invited by President Theodore Roosevelt to give lectures in the United States); critics and essayists such as Emilio Cecchi; mathematicians such as Enrico Bompiani; and writers such as Alberto Moravia, to mention only a few. Books, culture, research, and intense intellectual and scientific exchange fed the dialogue between the United States and Italy through the years, even during difficult times. The archival documents on the daily management of the Casa, especially during the Fascist period, offer rich material through which to observe the continuous molding and shaping of the diplomatic and political relations underpinning that “cultural enterprise” represented by the Casa. This book is a first attempt at such an observation. At the end, the reader will also find three short essays: one tracing the history of Italian books at Columbia (by Meredith Levin); one describing the façade of this building (by Francesco Benelli); and one on a brief but dynamic project at the Casa (by Javier Grossutti).

1 THE DAWN OF ITALIAN STUDIES AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Lorenzo Da Ponte (1825–1838)

T

he founding father of Italian studies at Columbia University was Lorenzo Da Ponte, who, after a lauded and scandalous career in Europe, immigrated to New York to become perhaps the most charming, daring, and adventurous professor in the university’s history. Da Ponte was born in northern Italy in 1749; he was Jewish by birth and then became Catholic when his family converted (and changed his name from Emanuele Conegliano). He was ordained a priest quite young, but his libertine behavior did not adapt to religious ethics and soon generated scandals and talk of concubines, brothels, and illegitimate children. After being banished from the Republic of Venice, Da Ponte moved several times until he found a job as poet and librettist in the Austrian court. Here he authored libretti for Mozart’s Don Giovanni, The Marriage of Figaro, and Così fan tutte, writing prolifically until the death of the king, his principal supporter. He then went to London, where he remained until many debts and bankruptcy forced him to cross the Atlantic Ocean. He arrived in the United States in 1805, finally reuniting with his partner Ann Celestine Grahl (“Nancy”), who had immigrated earlier with her relatives. Da Ponte, having lived in Venice and other great trading cities,1 landed in a New York that was a flourishing commercial city and one of the most promising ports in the United States. It was already a patchwork of people and nationalities. As one observer wrote: New York has been built up by men of too many sorts, and of too many different nationalities to have had any marked leaders in this line. . . . The policy of New York has been one of open handed welcome to the stranger from every quarter of

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Th e Daw n of Ita li a n Studi es at Colum bi a Un iv ersity

the globe; and if this free hospitality has brought her some cares and anxieties, it has also given her strength and numbers.2

At the time, Da Ponte was a rare Italian in the influx of German, Irish, British, and Scandinavian immigrants. The first notable flow of foreigners to U.S. shores came in the early nineteenth century and originated primarily in northern Europe; massive Italian immigration began only at the end of the nineteenth century during the “New Immigration,”3 which was the largest wave of European arrivals in American history and consisted mostly of Jews, Slavs, and Italians. Indeed, according to one source, “between 1880 and 1915, thirteen million Italians emigrated to North and South America, Europe, and the Mediterranean Basin, launching the largest emigration from any country in recorded world history.”4 According to the census of 1800, conducted just five years before Da Ponte’s arrival, the population of the United States was over five million; within twenty years this figure almost doubled.5 Lorenzo and his fellow Italian immigrants of the early 1800s were patriots, political refugees, and exiles; people skilled in agriculture, manufacturing, or the arts; and explorers and geographers.6 Among the Italian political refugees were Giuseppe Avezzana,7 Pietro Maroncelli,8 Pietro Bachi,9 Eleuterio Felice Foresti,10 and many others who had fled political persecution. A considerable number of the American intellectual elite enthusiastically welcomed them.11 Later, many political exiles joined the American Civil War. Luigi Palma di Cesnola, an Italian from Piedmont who later became the first director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City, participated in the Civil War with the Union Army, was decorated, and wrote a book on his imprisonment in the Confederate prison in Virginia.12 Cesnola received an honorary degree from Columbia University in 1880 (LL.D) and married into an American military family: his wife, Mary Isabel Reid, was a daughter of the famous Commodore Samuel Chester Reid.13 Once in America, some exiles from the Italian peninsula became instructors of Italian and other European languages or opened businesses. Lorenzo Da Ponte did both, posting this notice in a local paper when he lived initially in New Jersey:14 Mr. Lorenzo Da Ponte Informs his friends and the public, that he has taken the store formerly occupied by Messrs.Wilbar & Barber, and that he has just received a handsome assortment of Dry Goods, Groceries, Crockery, &c. All of which he offers for sale at very reduced prices . . . Eliz.Town, 13th Oct. 1806.15

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Setting out to teach, Lorenzo considered himself a sophisticated intellectual and did not hesitate to show his disdain for exiles who began teaching despite their lack of experience: “a swarm of exiles had appeared in New York, who, without profession or means and, to their misfortune, without talent, exchanged their bayonets and muskets for dictionaries and grammars and turned to teaching languages.”16 Despite his intelligence and erudition, Lorenzo suffered many financial mishaps. His  New Jersey business failed and he decided to return to New York. This decision was the first step in his path to Columbia University, for he met his future benefactor while chatting in a New York bookstore (owned by Mr. Riley, wellknown in town for specializing in imported law books): “an American gentleman approached and joined our conversation. I was soon aware from his remarks that he was admirably read in a variety of literature.”17 The admirable gentleman, Clement Moore (whom many consider the anonymous author of “A Visit from St. Nicholas”), was the son of Bishop Benjamin Moore, president of Columbia from 1801 to 1811,18 and he was soon able to secure a teaching position for his new friend, Lorenzo: “The fifteenth day of December in the year 1807, I began my career as a teacher in New York, under the happiest auspices, in the house of the venerable Bishop Moore ever of sweet, dear, and honored memory to me. It was there that I laid the cornerstone of my fortunate edifice.”19 In 1825, after years of teaching privately and running business enterprises, Da Ponte was finally offered a teaching position at Columbia under certain conditions: May 2, 1825. A letter from Mr. Da Ponte was received, asking permission to instruct the alumni of the College in the Italian language and to make use of some part of the building for that purpose. The above letter was referred to the Standing Committee. September 5, 1825. Resolved, That a Professorship of Italian Literature be established in this College, but that the Professor be not considered one of the Board of the College, nor subject to the provisions of the second chapter of the statutes. Resolved, That the attendance of the students upon the said Professor be voluntary, and that the hours of attendance be appointed by the Professor, under the direction of the President. Resolved, That Signore Da Ponte be and is hereby appointed to the said professorship, and that he be allowed to receive from the students who shall attend his lectures a reasonable compensation; but that no salary be allowed him from the College.20

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At the time, salaried appointments were rare: according to historian Robert McCaughey, between 1825 and 1843 “there was not a single full-time appointment to the Columbia College faculty. A few non-salaried language teachers came and went . . .”21 Although Da Ponte’s appointment did not come with a salary, it was at least a formal recognition of the role he played in New York City’s educational and academic world. Teaching, however, was not Da Ponte’s original calling: his passions were music and books. A famed librettist, in November 1825 he facilitated the performance of an Italian opera in New York—the first such spectacle in American history. “Signor García”—the Spanish composer, tenor, director, and singing teacher Manuel García22—brought an Italian troupe of the best artists in Europe to perform a selection of pieces from Il Barbiere di Siviglia, Otello, and other Italian operas, and on May 23, 1826, they performed Mozart’s Don Giovanni with libretto by Lorenzo Da Ponte. Da Ponte continued to support opera in the following years: With the departure of the Garcia troupe from New-York, Italian opera disappeared until 1833. The success of Signor Garcia had not been forgotten, however, and Lorenzo da Ponte, an Italian resident, then in his eighty-third year, undertook to raise a subscription to bring out a company complete—orchestra, chorus, and artists. . . . The entire $70,000 was not raised, but enough was secured to enable da Ponte to partly reconstruct the Richmond Hill Theatre, on Varick and Charlton streets, and when fitted up it was renamed the Italian Opera. . . . Da Ponte produced “Mosé in Egitto” in Masonic Hall on Saturday, Dec. 22. The company afterward went to Philadelphia, and then dissolved.23

In 1830 Lorenzo opened a bookstore in New York, as he had many years before in London. Detailed records show what books passed from Lorenzo’s hands into libraries at Columbia University and elsewhere in New York City. (See Appendix A for a short essay tracing the history of Italian books at Columbia.) Lorenzo’s attempts to introduce Italian books, literature, and culture into America were reported in a 1906 article in La Bibliofilia—the Italian journal on the history of printing—by Leonardo Olschki. The author explained that Da Ponte, faced with a limit on personal items when coming to the United States, would not surrender his books; it seems that he brought over 140 volumes of Italian literature. Several of these books were given to the New York Society Library (the city’s first library, founded like Columbia in 1754) which still maintains a “Da Ponte Collection.” Among these books, 14 were printed by the Italian printer, type designer, and typographer Giambattista Bodoni and authored by the Italian letterati Giuseppe Parini, Ugo Foscolo, and Vincenzo Monti.24

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Da Ponte also established a subscription library of Italian books in 1826. The holdings were recorded in a listing entitled “Catalogue of Italian Books, Deposited in the New York Society Library for the Permanent Use of L. Da Ponte’s Pupils and Subscribers.”25 This catalogue was preceded by a salute from “Lorenzo Da Ponte a suoi rispettabili allievi, amici e concittadini” (Lorenzo Da Ponte to his distinguished students, friends, and countrymen).26 Columbia’s library was one of the main recipients of Da Ponte’s books. It is unclear, however, whether its significant holdings were proof of Da Ponte’s commitment to Italian cultural education or of his many recurring financial problems: “Positive report on the acquisition of some books offered by Lorenzo Da Ponte, January 2, 1826 (CU). The Committee, headed by Clement C. Moore, selected 263 of the volumes offered by Da Ponte for acquisition, at a value of $ 364.05.”27 Works by Niccolò Machiavelli and other thinkers such as Vittorio Alfieri and Cesare Beccaria were among the books sold to Columbia.28 Lorenzo was not happy to be separated from his personal collection; in his poem “Un doloroso Addio a’miei libri” (A sad farewell to my books), he expresses his grief at giving up his beloved volumes: Alas, fate takes from me my only treasure! Death would have been less bitter than this last farewell.29 Lorenzo died in 1838 in his home at 91 Spring Street; he was almost ninety years old. His requiem mass was at St. Patrick’s Old Cathedral, the second-oldest Catholic church in Manhattan.30 The solemn service was the final twist in his curious relationship with religion: he was born Jewish and became a Catholic priest in his youth, only to be later defrocked. As one observer wrote: “He may have been the first Jewish-born professor in the College; he may have been the first Catholic priest to have been a professor. He was surely the first to have been one or the other—or both—and to have been thought an Anglican” (since Columbia had been established as an Anglican institution).31 Even beyond his religious peculiarity, which was only one of his many oddities, Da Ponte was perhaps the most colorful and fascinating professor in Columbia’s nearly three-hundred-year history.

2 AFTER DA PONTE Eleuterio Felice Foresti and His Successors (1838–1911)

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robably because of Lorenzo’s outsize personality, his successors on campus were disregarded for some time. After Lorenzo Da Ponte’s death, “the instruction of Italian lapsed at Columbia for nearly half a century” reported Columbia Library Columns in 1958, and “it was revived in 1882 with the appointment of Carlo Leonardo Speranza.”1 This is not entirely accurate: within months of Lorenzo’s death, Columbia offered the Italian teaching position to Eleuterio Felice Foresti,2 another Italian exile. The news even made it into the daily paper: Signor Foresti, formerly of Ferrara, one of the Italian exiles who arrived in this country about two years since, has been appointed Professor of Italian Literature at Columbia College, in the room of Professor Lorenzo Da Ponte, who died last summer.The appointment has been bestowed on a worthy man, learned, virtuous and unfortunate. . . .We have heard that the Professorship of Italian Literature was little more than a barren honor to his accomplished predecessor, who, in a copy of these Latin verses which he wrote with so much facility, once styled himself Professor sine exemplo. It is to be hoped that Signor Foresti will find the appointment a more substantial advantage.3

Eleuterio Felice Foresti, a lawyer and politician, had been an active propagandist for the Carbonari, the secret group revolting against Austrian control. He was arrested for his revolutionary actions in 1818 and sentenced to death in 1821. The sentence was commuted to twenty years of rigorous imprisonment in the Austrian Empire’s

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Spielberg fortress; in 1836 he was deported to America. Foresti arrived alongside other exiles who had suffered the same oppression and violence: Despotism.—A communication in the New York American states that the Austrian brig of war which arrived in that port a few days since, brought eight gentlemen of Italy, who have been State prisoners of the Austrian despotism for political offences, or, in other words, for having shared in a desire to free their native land from the iron grasp of Austria. One, at least, of these victims has endured an imprisonment of eighteen years, during fourteen of which he was loaded with chains. This is Felice Foresti—formerly a member of the bar, and a judge at Venice.4

Foresti was, in his way, as prominent and dynamic as Da Ponte. In the United States he was well known, highly respected, and welcomed with honors because of his documented resistance to tyranny and his dedication to the pursuit of freedom and self-determination, all themes dear to American citizens: The Emperor died in 1835, and his son Ferdinand ascending the throne, immediately passed a decree liberating the Italian patriots, but condemning them to a perpetual exile in America. . . . Immediately upon their arrival here they were received with much consideration by prominent citizens, and a week later their fellow countrymen gave them a banquet at Delmonico’s.5

He continued to promote Italian unification by speaking out for Mazzini and setting up a “Young Italy” group in New York. When the Hungarian patriot Lajos Kossuth visited the United States, Foresti was among those who attended a rally to support his fight against Austrian rule over Hungary: The venerable Italian exile, Felix Foresti, went to Dr. Deane’s yesterday morning, to call on Kossuth. . . . Kossuth overhearing the name, when Foresti was introduced, rushed to him immediately, and shook him warmly by the hand. “I have a letter of introduction to you from Mazzini,” he said, “and am glad to see one of the oldest and truest representatives of the European democracy. The cause of the people is everywhere one.” Foresti returned the salutation as warmly as it was given.6

Foresti also served on city committees, led charity associations,7 and attended important New York events as a “distinguished person.”8 He befriended other Italian

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exiles and refugees in America, especially Giuseppe Avezzana, a famed revolutionary soldier. Foresti was also close to Giuseppe Garibaldi, the republican general and architect of Italian unification, who arrived in New York in 1850 after a defeat in Rome.9 Foresti mentions Garibaldi in an ironic, open letter to Hugh Forbes, a British colonel who had fought in Italy alongside Garibaldi:

Hastings, N.Y. Aug. 7th, 1850. My Dear Colonel: I thank you much, for having sent me the extracts from several journals of New York, which pretended to give accurate details of the biography of Gen Garibaldi. After dinner I gave them to him, and he laughed heartily, at the various stories created by the imagination of nobody knows who. . . . Garibaldi salutes you, Avezzana, Filopanti, Dr. Mott, and other friends, in which I heartily join. Your very affectionate friend. E. Felix Foresti.10

After becoming an American citizen, Foresti was appointed as the American consul to Genoa, but, given his past support and advocacy for Mazzini, the local government initially resisted his nomination to the post. Foresti eventually succeeded, for which he thanked politician and general Daniel E. Sickles. (Foresti had met Sickles through Da Ponte’s adopted—and allegedly biological—child, Maria Cooke, and her husband Antonio Bagioli, an Italian musician and composer; Sickles married their daughter Teresa Bagioli and, years later, murdered Teresa’s lover).11 Foresti was an instructor at Columbia from 1839 to 1856. He also taught at New York University.12 His Crestomazia Italiana: A Collection of Selected Pieces in Italian Prose, designed as a textbook for beginners in the study of the Italian language, was published by New York City publisher D. Appleton & Company in 1846; the author described himself as “professor of the Italian language and literature in Columbia College and in the University of the City of New York.”13 In the preface, Foresti defended his inclusion of contemporary writers and gave a stinging rebuke to the Accademia della Crusca, the ancient academic society advocating for Italian linguistic purity:14 In its compilation, we have aimed more particularly to engage the mind and enlist the feelings of the student; for to read without sympathy, is to acquire distaste for

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learning—to march without making progress. For this reason, principally, we have given the preference to modern authors, most of whom are still living.We do not mean, by so doing, to dispute the universally acknowledged merit of the ancient Italian writers registered in the classic catalogue approved by the despotical dictatorship of the Academy of the Crusca. They are unquestionably masters in purity of language and style; but we think that the subjects upon which they wrote are not the best calculated to inspire with sympathy and interest the young— especially the young American—mind. . . . The selection contained in this volume has been made from the works of eminent men, whose fame rests upon an authority of far more weight and power than that of the Crusca—the united voice of their native country. New-York, Oct., 1846. 15

EUROPEAN EXILES IN THE UNITED STATES In the wake of the uprisings and revolutions in Europe in 1848 and 1871, many patriots and exiles were forced—or chose on their own—to go to America, known as the country of freedom. As noted earlier, these intellectuals and activists with heroic and varied backgrounds fascinated the Americans, including writer Catharine Sedgwick: Her warmest sympathies were aroused by the arrival in New York of the noble band of Italian patriots released by the Austrian government from the dungeons of Spielberg on condition of eternal exile from their native land. She and her brothers were among the first to welcome Confalonieri, Maroncelli, Foresti, and their fellow-sufferers, and to give them, in fervent sympathy and admiration, cordial hospitality and generous assistance, all that a foreign country could offer in compensation for their misfortunes.They came as strangers, but strangers they were not long, for the noble personal qualities of most of these martyrs for freedom soon changed mere respect and compassion into devoted friendship, and the Sedgwick family in especial entered upon intimate relations with nearly all of them.16

Piero Maroncelli was one of the most beloved and admired Italian exiles. Born in Forlì, Italy, in 1795, he was sentenced to death in 1822. When the sentence was

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commuted to twenty years in prison, Maroncelli was instead imprisoned in the Spielberg fortress, along with his close friend Silvio Pellico, until 1830. The eight years Maroncelli and Pellico spent in the Spielberg were immortalized by Pellico in the famous book My Prisons,17 which also detailed Maroncelli’s severe suffering in prison (his left leg was amputated because of gangrene). In 1833, Maroncelli’s wife, Amalia Schneider, a German singer, was offered the opportunity to work in an opera company, formed by the impresario Mr. de Rivafinoli and supported by Lorenzo Da Ponte, that would become affiliated with the first Italian opera theater in New York City. Maroncelli emigrated with her in 1833 to direct the choir of the new Italian Opera House, which was inaugurated on November 18, 1833, with a performance of Rossini’s La Gazza Ladra (The Thieving Magpie).18 The season continued until April 1834, but because of Rivafinoli’s mismanagement, the performers did not achieve financial stability or critical acclaim. As a result, Maroncelli had to make ends meet by teaching music and Italian language, while his wife seized any concert opportunities available to her. Because he hoped to publish an English edition of My Prisons, Maroncelli fostered professional relationships with intellectuals and typographers, and eventually, in 1836—with help from his friend Andrews Norton, a Harvard University professor—he produced a translation of the book (with his own commentary on Pellico’s main text).19 In the meantime, My Prisons had become popular in the United States, solidifying Maroncelli’s reputation as another fascinating and courageous man from Europe. Maroncelli’s story intrigued Edgar Allan Poe, who profiled Maroncelli in his “Literati”: During his twelve years’ imprisonment, Maroncelli composed a number of poetical works, some of which were committed to paper, others lost for the want of it. In this country he has published a volume entitled “Additions to the Memoirs of Silvio Pellico,” containing numerous anecdotes of the captivity not recorded in Pellico’s work, and an “Essay on the Classic and Romantic Schools,” the author proposing to divide them anew and designate them by novel distinctions.There is at least some scholarship and some originality in this essay. It is also brief. Maroncelli regards it as the best of his compositions. It is strongly tinctured with transcendentalism. The volume contains, likewise, some poems, of which the “Psalm of Life” and the “Psalm of the Dawn” have never been translated into English. “Winds of the Wakened Spring,” one of the pieces included, has been happily rendered by Mr. Halleck, and is the most favourable specimen that could have been selected. These “Additions” accompanied a Boston version of “My Prisons,

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by Silvio Pellico.” Maroncelli is now about fifty years old, and bears on his person the marks of long suffering; he has lost a leg; his hair and beard became gray many years ago; just now he is suffering from severe illness, and from this it can scarcely be expected that he will recover. In figure he is short and slight. His forehead is rather low, but broad. His eyes are light blue and weak. The nose and mouth are large. His features in general have all the Italian mobility; their expression is animated and full of intelligence. He speaks hurriedly and gesticulates to excess. He is irritable, frank, generous, chivalrous, warmly attached to his friends, and expecting from them equal devotion. His love of country is unbounded, and he is quite enthusiastic in his endeavours to circulate in America the literature of Italy.20

Maroncelli was close friends with Da Ponte and was even a pall-bearer at Da Ponte’s funeral.21 He also knew Felice Foresti, whom he mentions several times in his additions to Pellico’s My Prisons.

AFTER ELEUTERIO FELICE FORESTI Italian was not among the foreign-language offerings at Columbia between 1858 and 1880, according to Columbia professor Olga Ragusa’s report a century later (in 1994). After many years of absence from the course catalogue, however, Italian language study reappeared, absorbed into the Department of Modern Languages and Foreign Literatures, where it was taught first by the multilingual Charles Sprague Smith and later by Carlo Leonardo Speranza.22 Following a resolution by Columbia University’s trustees in 1880 on the teaching of the “principal languages of Continental Europe, embracing the French, the German, the Italian, and the Spanish,” Bertrand Clover was appointed as a tutor in Italian and Spanish, and Charles Sprague Smith was appointed as an instructor in Italian and Spanish, a position he retained until 1891:23 Bertrand Clover, Jr., ’81, has been appointed tutor in Italian and Spanish, with permission to attend the graduate classes. According to the present rule of the trustees, appointments are only made for one year, so the following named reappointments were made: E. Delevan Perry, tutor in Greek. James Williamson Pryor, tutor in Mathematics. John A. Browning, tutor in Latin. E. Stacey Charlier, instructor in French. Charles Sprague Smith, instructor in Spanish and Italian.24

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Sprague Smith is also known for founding the People’s Institute in 1897, a center that supported adult education, diversity, and immigration. The Italian scholar Carlo Leonardo Speranza also taught at Columbia, starting his experience on campus as a tutor in Italian in 1882. He was born in Padua in 1844 and studied law.25 Active in the movement to make Venice part of the Kingdom of Italy (when it was in Austrian hands), he was arrested and sentenced to death but was released during the Italian army’s occupation of Padua in 1866. He moved to the United States a few years later and taught Italian at Yale University from 1879 to 1882. Once at Columbia, he noticed that the teaching of Italian was not rigorous. In fact, in a special report in 1885 to the president of Columbia, Speranza wrote: When I assumed control of the department last year, some facts gave me the impression that the Italian was considered by the students at large as the “softest” of all the elective studies in the College. Under that unpleasant impression I hastened to state very distinctly to my classes the amount and character of the work I meant to exact from them in the course of the year.26

Speranza was at New York University from 1888 to 1890 and then returned to Columbia, where he became a professor of Italian in 1905. There he stayed until he died on June 17, 1911,27 having witnessed great changes at Columbia: the college became a university in 1896, and moved its campus—the following year—from 49th Street and Madison Avenue to the Upper West Side.

3 THE CASA ITALIANA The Realization of an Ambitious Dream (1920s)

IT STARTED WITH THE CIRCOLO ITALIANO Carlo Leonardo Speranza died in June 1911, and in that same year a group of students of Italian descent established Columbia’s Circolo Italiano, a cultural club1 that would one day give birth to the notion of the Casa Italiana. In October 1911 the Columbia Daily Spectator reported the meeting of the Circolo’s founding members: Organization of “Circolo Italiano” For the purpose of putting on the final touches to the constitution, the organizing committee of the “Circolo ltaliano” will meet this afternoon at 4:30. All men who wish to join are cordially welcome at this meeting.2

A few months later, the Circolo Italiano formally adopted a constitution: At the meeting of the “Circolo Italiano” last night the permanent constitution for the society was duly adopted. One of its striking features is that it makes provision for the admission of interested students from other universities. The officers for the present academic year are: V. Tanzola, President; O. d’Amato, Vice-President; G. Laguardia, Recording Secretary; P. J. Picirilli, Corresponding Secretary; G. J. Tanzola, Treasurer. A large number of new members was also elected. From the faculty, four were elected. Mr. D. Bigongiari; Prof. A. A. Livingston; Prof. Adam Leroy F. Jones; Chaplain R. C. Knox.3

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For many, the Circolo was the most important Italian club on the East Coast, if not in the entire United States, as John Horace Mariano (B.A. 1916) noted in the 1921 book The Italian Contribution to American Democracy.4 Almost all of the club’s members were from East Harlem (a lively “Little Italy” at the time); half of them were at Columbia on scholarship. Of the Circolo’s group of students, three went on to become lawyers, one became a doctor, five became teachers, two became government officials, and one became a priest.5 Garibaldi Laguardia (B.A. 1914) was the Circolo’s first president. Born in Argentina in 1891 to an Italian family, he was an active student and also served as president of the Hispanic-American Club.6 After graduating, Laguardia became an instructor of Spanish at the University of Illinois and at Annapolis.7 The club grew rapidly and by the early 1920s counted seventy-five members. During this period, it was under the guidance of Professor John L. Gerig (1878–1957), chairman of the Department of Romance Languages (a department of Italian did not yet exist).8 Gerig actively promoted Italian culture in New York: in 1921 he founded the Institute of Italian Culture at Columbia University, and he was considered one of the founding fathers of the Casa Italiana and an important member of the Casa’s fundraising group. In 1919 the Columbia Daily Spectator reported on a special meeting of the Circolo: CIRCOLO ITALIANO PLANS FOR FUTURE. Last Saturday evening saw the first meeting of the Circolo Italiano at Luca’s Restaurant, amid great enthusiasm on the part of the members. Professor Gerig in an interesting talk gave an account of what the Circolo might accomplish in the future. He expressed a hope that there should soon be on the campus a Casa Italiana similar to that of the Maison Française. Prompted by this suggestion, a committee was appointed to start a campaign for the same.9

The Maison Française, inaugurated in 1913, had become a model that inspired the Circolo and fueled its plans and projects for the future. The Circolo began thinking seriously of an Italian house that could promote Italian culture and language at a high level, just as the Maison Française had been doing with French culture and language. In 1920, Columbia’s president, Nicholas Murray Butler, received a letter signed by Peter Riccio, a member of the Circolo Italiano. Riccio spoke of the club’s desire for a library devoted to Italian books, and Butler enthusiastically replied to this request. To the Italian students’ great satisfaction, Butler even suggested that an “Italian House on West 117th Street” could become a center of Italian studies much like the Maison Française was (and still is):

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I wish to help with this work in all possible ways, for we ought to be putting constantly increasing thought and strength upon Italian culture, Italian history and Italian literature, because of their great and commanding place in modern life. I am wondering whether the Circolo would think it too ambitious to look forward to an Italian House on West 117th Street, to be made the center for further Italian studies and activities.10

Butler also wrote to Judge John J. Freschi, a New York City notable: I write to you as one whose judgement I value and who has the widest possible acquaintance with Italians and friends of Italy here in New York, to ask for any possible suggestion you are able to make as to where I might turn for assistance in this interesting matter.To purchase and equip a Casa Italiana on west 117th Street, in the immediate vicinity of the University, would require about $30,000, and the annual cost of maintenance thereafter, including taxes, repairs, heating, lighting, telephone services, and general administration would be about $2500. The Maison Française was provided by the gift of a single donor, as was the Deautschers [sic] Haus (now discontinued). I should be very happy to lay this proposal before any gentleman or gentlemen who might be likely to be interested and who are in position to help carry forward an important project of this kind. We should have no difficulty in making the Casa Italiana not only the center of Italian studies here at Columbia, but a center of Italian influence for the whole country. . . . I shall value an early talk with you on the subject of developing Columbia as a center of Italian culture and Italian influence here in America.11

President Butler also wrote: As I have said on many public occasions, we have great need here in America of more of the Latin temperament, the Latin point of view, and the Latin Love of beauty, whether in nature or in art. The Casa Italiana and the Istituto can accomplish wonders in advancing all of these purposes.12

Giuseppe Prezzolini, an early director of the Casa, commented on the Circolo’s request and the birth of the Casa many years later, explaining the initiative within its historical and campus context: The founding of the Casa Italiana of Columbia University was not an isolated event. . . . It sprang from an emulating urge felt by students of Italian extraction

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in the city of New York, particularly by the members of the Italian Club of Columbia University who wished thereby to be taken cognizance of in academic circles.There were already on the campus three small two-story buildings devoted to the teaching respectively of French, German, and Spanish.13

President Butler and Peter Riccio (1898–1990), then a young student, met and decided to launch this large-scale enterprise with Judge Freschi. They sent a letter to the judge and a copy to the Italian ambassador in Washington and the Italian consul general in New York. Everyone eagerly supported the idea.14 The ambassador in Washington, Baron Avezzana, donated a collection of books and $50,15 and the consul general in New York, Romolo Tritonj, promised to ask for books from Italian universities.16 Italian singer Enrico Caruso, one of the most famous operatic tenors in history, also became a promoter of the project and promised to send books as well. Generoso Pope, owner of the leading Italian daily paper Il Progresso Italo-Americano, was among the first to support the creation of an Italian library at Columbia.Through the years his newspaper—noted later for its active support of fascism17—devoted several articles to the Casa. Judge Freschi set up a committee of Italian leaders led by Almerindo Portfolio, who had become treasurer of the city of New York during the administration of Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia and was president of the Bank of Sicily’s New York branch.18 The Circolo first attempted to rouse community interest through a series of plays. The revenue from the spring 1920 production of O Bere O Affogare (Either Drink or Drown), a comedy by Leo di Castelnovo, was used to purchase Italian books.19 The Circolo also held festivities in May 1920 to commemorate the fourhundredth anniversary of the artist Raphael’s death, in hopes that impressive events like these would increase the Circolo’s community-wide visibility.20 The Circolo organized further initiatives such as dances and meetings in the following months.21 Despite the initial excitement about the project, however, the Casa fund had raised only $12,000 by the beginning of 1922; by the spring of 1925, the fund contained just $70,000. At least $180,000 more would have to be raised to build the Casa.22 In 1925–1926, letters flew back and forth among the major supporters of the Casa project and Columbia University. Judge Freschi wrote to President Butler to thank him and the trustees for supporting the creation of an Italian house.23 Other letters were sent from the Paterno brothers—businessmen and land developers Charles, Joseph, and Michael E. Paterno—to Professor John L. Gerig24 and to Peter M. Riccio.25 Letters of support also flowed in from Italian intellectuals such as Benedetto Croce,26 Gaetano DeSanctis, and others.

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At the beginning of 1926, Columbia’s student newspaper, the Spectator 27, officially disclosed news about Columbia’s newest construction project: an Italian House was going to be built on the northeast corner of 117th Street and Amsterdam Avenue, on a plot recently purchased by the university. The preexisting building, Hotel La Porte,28 was razed in 1926 to build the Casa.29 The press amplified the news about the Casa—and the related fundraising campaign—with famous names: Fifty subscribers, among them Thomas A. Edison, have reserved tables at $1,000 each for a dinner to raise $300,000 for the endowment and building fund of Columbia University’s Italian House, now approaching completion at Amsterdam Avenue and 117th Street. The dinner is to be given at the Hotel Commodore on January 6.30

Judge Freschi headed the fundraising committee. His efforts were supported by those of the Paterno brothers and their brother-in-law and business partner Anthony A. Campagna: Joseph Paterno  .  .  .  on behalf of himself, Michael E. Paterno and Anthony A. Campagna, has undertaken to underwrite the cost of constructing immediately a six story fireproof building suitable to the university’s needs and conformable in general style and structure to the architectural system of the university.31

In the 1920s the Paternos were dominant figures in construction in greater New York.32 The Times and other papers often reported their investments, land deals, and ambitious construction projects; in 1923, they had come to possess one of the largest areas of the Upper West Side of Manhattan.33 In the span of time between Riccio’s 1920 letter requesting an Italian library at Columbia and the birth of the Casa Italiana, Benito Mussolini became head of government in the Kingdom of Italy. With the March on Rome on October 28, 1922, the National Fascist Party (PNF) became the only political party in the country, thus putting an end to liberal democracy. This event caused sharp divisions within the Italian-American community,34 divides that would become increasingly evident as Mussolini’s political and cultural influence became more pronounced during the Casa’s construction. More details about the Casa project were released, again by the Spectator, reporting that Mussolini himself, visited by Peter M. Riccio during his trip to Italy, had promised to furnish the future Casa with Italian furniture and pieces of art from the Italian royal palaces.This fine promise soon crumbled, as will be seen later in this chapter.

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Taking charge of the project was architect William Mitchell Kendall, who was the leader of the second generation of partners at McKim, Mead & White, the official architecture firm of Columbia University.35 Kendall had worked on campus for many years, and designed several buildings during Butler’s presidency, according to Columbia historian Andrew Dolkart, the expert on the architecture and development of New York City.36 Henry E. Champoli, an Italian from Abruzzo, was the mason contractor. According to ongoing research by the New York Historical Association, Champoli also worked on major projects in New York City, such as Grand Central Station and the Plaza Hotel. He worked without pay for the Casa Italiana—as did many other Italians and Italian Americans—and for his efforts, he received a medal from Mayor Fiorello La Guardia and another medal from Mussolini.37 At the end of 1925, when the architects in charge of the Casa project had been informed of the Paternos’ decision to contribute to the costs of the Casa’s construction, they, in turn, offered to charge the Paternos no more than 3 percent of the costs: In view of the contribution which you and the Italian people of New York will be required to make to meet the cost of construction, we will be glad to contribute our services, charging you only our costs, and we will further agree that in no event shall our charge to you exceed 3 percent of the cost of the building complete and ready for its furnishings. We trust that you will find this in accordance with the understanding reached at the conference at our office yesterday.38

Now that the official plans for a Casa Italiana at Columbia University had been publicly disclosed, money to fund the project was, of course, even more necessary. Many fundraising initiatives were planned, such as the grand ball in May 1926 organized on the steamer Duilio, which brought together the major Italian and American supporters of the project, many of them diplomats, judges, and politicians.39 In July, the Spectator reported on future portraits that were meant to hang in the Casa: the Italian artist Giuseppe Trotta of Flushing was to paint President Butler, while the French artist Reni-Mel was to paint Mussolini.40 Reni-Mel corresponded with John Gerig: My dear Friend; We will arrive in New York Tuesday evening, the 1st of June. May we make an appointment now for Thursday evening or Friday morning? We depart Friday evening and, before leaving New York, I would love to shake your hand and speak of affairs that concern us.

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The portrait of Mussolini progresses well. It is mostly complete and I will show it to you in New York. I will add the final touches in Rome. Did our friend Riccio receive my letter, in which I asked him to please do whatever was necessary to obtain an audience with Mussolini so that I may finish the portrait?41

Charles Paterno decided to create what would become one of the largest libraries of Italian books in America: A small group of families of Southern Italian extraction was found, willing to supply the millions needed to finish the job. One of its members, who had managed to top off with a doctorate in medicine the wealth acquired as the fruit of his intelligence and of his foresight as to the future development of New York, supplied the Casa with a very useful library that bears his name: Charles Paterno.42

On August 5, 1926, at 5 p.m., President Butler laid the cornerstone of the Casa Italiana, flanked by many delegations of the most important Italian and Italian-American organizations of the day. The Italian ambassador to Washington opened with propagandistic words, mentioning Mussolini and reaffirming that the Italian nation remained solidly with “il Duce.” He also assured his audience that Italy intended to follow only the path of peace. Among the invitees to the ceremony was also the New York chapter of the Fascist League of North America—the Fascio Benito Mussolini.43 A box made of zinc, containing Latin inscriptions prepared by Father Palisi of St. Mary’s Church of Emerson, New Jersey, and a few gold, silver, and copper coins, as well as newspapers and publications charting the development phases of the project,44 was placed under the cornerstone. President Butler seemed keen to make the event very official and important: My suggestion would be that the corner-stone of the Casa Italiana be laid, as is our custom, whenever it is reached in the course of construction and with the ceremonies that are usual on Morningside Heights. These are very brief but significant. One silver trowel has been used for the corner-stone of each building since we began more than thirty years ago.45

Following the cornerstone ceremony, the Paterno family and Mr. Campagna requested a more central role in the Italian House Fund and Columbia’s Institute of Italian Culture, as Joseph Paterno explained in a letter to Judge Freschi: We kindly request that you immediately prepare the necessary papers to increase the directors of the above corporation (Italian House Fund, Inc.) to five;

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electing Mr. Michael E. Paterno, Mr. Anthony Campagna and myself together with you and Dr. Gerig, making a total of five directors. Of course, this will require Mr. Bigongiari’s resignation. . . . We also desire that similar steps be taken immediately to elect us directors and officers with the same authority in The Institute of Italian Culture organization for a period of not less than ten years, having Mr. Cecchini, Mr. Girardon and Mr. Grady resign.46

A firm denial came from Peter Riccio, now general secretary of the Institute of Italian Culture: I believe you are making a serious error if you insist in this proposal. . . . I think it is a great personal insult to Professor Bigongiari  .  .  . he is the head of the Italian Department at Columbia University. . . . [T]he Trustees of the University will want to have complete “say” as to who shall compose the governing board of the Institute of Italian Culture. . . .The Franco-America Society has been donating every year to the Maison Française at Columbia and not a single member or officer of that society has asked to be appointed on the University committee of the French House . . . when large gifts have been bestowed for a medical centre surely the donors did not qualify their gifts by telling what doctors should run the medical centre.47

The fundraising campaign was still ongoing, and a good portion of the donations was collected during the 1927 anniversary of the birth of Rome and in the middle of the building construction phases. The Casa was slated for inauguration in October, on Columbus Day 1927, the day dedicated to the celebration of Genoese Christopher Columbus’s arrival in the Americas. In the meantime, on June 24, 1927, in the Aula Magna of the University of Rome, President Nicholas Butler and Professor John L. Gerig (leader of the Circolo and shortly to become the Casa’s first director) received honorary degrees—Gerig’s in lettere and Butler’s in political science.48 The Paternos were also in Rome at the same time. Butler seemed enthusiastic about their presence and about the close relationship between Columbia University and Italy, mentioning how greatly I enjoyed my visit to Rome, and how notable was the reception that was given me there. . . . Mr. Paterno and Mr. Campagna were splendid and were received with every honor and distinction that can be imagined. . . . I feel that the visit did a splendid work in confirming the already powerful bonds of friendship and attachment that bind our people to those of Italy.49

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At the end of that summer, the Casa got a generous gift: Aurelius De Yoanna, an Italian-born doctor and collector in Brooklyn, donated a collection of documents, portraits, and letters associated with Garibaldi, Mazzini, Cavour, and other Italian patriots, now housed in the Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Columbia University.50 To these he added a handwritten letter from July 14, 1582, by Torquato Tasso, the authenticity of which has been affirmed by the British Museum Manuscript Department.51 On October 11, the night before the inauguration of the Casa, New York mayor James J. Walker and President Butler attended a welcome dinner at the Commodore Hotel for Senator Guglielmo Marconi, who had come to the United States to represent Italy at the inauguration. President Butler presented Senator Marconi with a silver medal engraved with the façade of the Casa. The press reported that Butler lauded Marconi and other Italian scientists and inventors such as Galvani and Volta, as well as the statesmen Cavour, Garibaldi, and Mussolini, as Italian contributors to science and humanities.52 Seated at the table of honor with Butler were Judge Freschi (listed with his fraternal organization title of “Grande Venerabile” of the “Ordine Figli d’Italia Stato di NY”), the Paternos, Albert Smith (governor of New York), Count Ignazio Thaon Di Revel (president of the Fascist League of North America), and Count Alfonso Facchetti-Guiglia (treasurer of the Fascist League of North America).53 The Casa was finally inaugurated on October 12, 1927, on Columbus Day. It was the day to celebrate Italian culture in America with enthusiasm and nationalistic pride—yet this celebration took place less than two months after the execution in Boston of the two Italian anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti. Columbia, like other communities, was debating the case; some months earlier, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn of the International Labor Defense had spoken on campus about the conviction, which some felt “was due to the hysterical feeling against aliens.”54 Professor John Gerig was appointed as the Casa Italiana’s first director, although he remained in that position for only a brief time. He was considered one of the founding fathers of the Casa Italiana and was seen as the natural candidate to direct the Casa in its first few years. He was also an important member of the fundraising committee, although his correspondence demonstrates that his relationships with the Casa’s management, its institutional partners, and the Fascist representatives were not always easy. He complained to the Italian ambassador De Martino in 1930: The practice adopted by certain persons of taking action here in the United States without the knowledge or consent of Americans of non-Italian descent

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and expecting us later to uphold such action makes it very difficult for us who are admirers of the Fascist movement to defend its ideals and methods.55

Despite Gerig’s opposition, President Butler insisted that, with the birth of the Casa, the Institute of Italian Culture was now “an unnecessary duplication of organization and of effort,”56 and the Institute was discontinued.57 In May, 1928, an Italian Book Exhibition—showcasing thousands of examples of literature ranging from Dante to the present day—was inaugurated at the Casa in the presence of the Italian ambassador and Franco Ciarlantini, a member of the Italian parliament and of the Fascist Grand Council.58 Ciarlantini played a major role in shaping Fascist propaganda and was a close friend of Mussolini.59 In 1929 the Casa’s director, John L. Gerig, was replaced by Henry Burchell, a scholar of Greek and Latin at Columbia University, secretary of the Italy-America Society, and, as the Stanford Daily wrote in 1927, “intimately acquainted with the intellectual, political, and social life of Italy”;60 his view of fascism was favorable. Faculty and students welcomed him by hosting a tea: Members of II Circolo Italiano, Crocchio Goliardico and the Barnard Italian Society gathered in the Casa Italiana Friday afternoon to honor Dr. Henry Burchell, recently appointed director of the house. More than 150 persons attended the reception. During the tea, Dr. Burchell announced that the library of the Casa had been made a branch of the main Columbia University Library and will be opened to readers daily from 1 to 4 P.M. The Casa collection, which is said to contain the best of Italian books in America, includes volumes and pictures donated by Benito Mussolini.61

THE FURNITURE The Casa building was widely admired as an example of sophisticated and elegant architecture—a perfect site for Columbia’s prestigious center of Italian culture. An impressive six-floor, Neo-Renaissance, Italian palazzo on Amsterdam Avenue, it was known for having one of the most beautiful façades on campus. (See Appendix B for a short essay on the building’s style and antecedents.) At the time, the Casa was perceived as the most beautiful building in the area: “The one fault we have to find with this edifice,” wrote a student in the Spectator,“is that it is so obviously superior to most

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of our other architectural phenomena that it throws them in the shade.”62 The Casa’s interior has long been the subject of great curiosity. One of the most prominent and mysterious aspects of the Casa’s history is its collection of furniture. At the time the Casa was built, the press had spread the rumor that Benito Mussolini had promised to send original antique furniture from the most beautiful Italian royal residences. This rumor was ostensibly confirmed as truth in correspondence between McKim, Mead & White and President Butler, which mentioned “the furniture, which, we understand, is to be obtained in Italy through the help of Mussolini.”63 In February 1926, many months before the building’s inauguration, the Italian writer and critic Giuseppe Prezzolini had already written to Judge Freschi asking to discuss the “furniture item” once the Casa’s construction plans were firm. He also suggested that some influential members of the Casa or the Institute visit Rome to talk directly with Mussolini.64 Clearly, it was not easy to obtain the furniture promised by Il Duce. Eugene J. Orsenigo was appointed chairman of the furniture subcommittee; he was an Italian-American furniture manufacturer and dealer from Mount Vernon in business with his brother Henry since the beginning of 1900.65 He had extensive experience in the field and often visited Europe to buy antiques.66 He and Peter Riccio were prevented from seeing Mussolini about the furniture by Giorgio Mameli, cabinet chief secretary to Mussolini.67 Faced with the persistent lack of access to members of the Fascist government, Orsenigo felt helpless: “officials ignored completely all data the Ambassador sent repeatedly regarding the furniture, and now it is so ‘balled up’ that Orsenigo doesn’t know what to do.”68 At a certain point, the Italian government suggested that Orsenigo explore possible contributions from furniture manufacturers and importers in modern and antique works of art; following this suggestion, Orsenigo wrote pleading letters to furniture dealers: I would respectfully request that you write me by return mail, and specify what there is that you manufacture, or what you would like to donate, as a gift from your house to the Italian House at Columbia University, New York City. This will be my last appeal, and to those who have responded in the past, and to you all, I wish to express my appreciation for the support you have given me.69

Orsenigo’s attempts to woo domestic dealers were generally successful, and the Casa was furnished through their donations. However, he did not succeed in obtaining the fabled gifts from Mussolini: An unsuccessful attempt in 1926, by the interior decorations committee of the Casa Italiana, headed by Capt. E. J. Orsenigo, to acquire from Mussolini a donation

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in the form of period furniture for the Casa Italiana failed and the Casa’s rooms were eventually furnished by donations from various patrons in the United States.70

Prezzolini was always critical when discussing the “furniture issue,” declaring that just half of the pieces that arrived at the Casa were antique—and even then only partially. (Deceptive manufacturers of antique furniture in Italy, he explained, could create at least five duplicates from an authentic antique using elements from the “real” piece—here a leg, there a back or an arm—and then replicating the remainder). He considered himself fortunate because he was not at the Casa when the furniture was delivered; otherwise, he continued, he would have been truly unhappy. Prezzolini specified that this same hybrid furniture remained in the building, but it was still “unknown” who its “father” was:“the Italians made this bastard furniture, and it is not too bad if this bastard remains with the Americans.”71

• In the 1930s and the war years, the Casa Italiana often came under public scrutiny, partly because of the talented but equivocal man who directed it for a decade. While widely condemned as a nest of fascism, the Casa—today’s readers might be surprised to learn—hosted a Jewish club in the 1930s, and made room for Marxist lectures, for a protest against Nazi anti-Semitism, and for outspoken anti-Fascists. The worsening situation in Europe forced a shift in programs; people inside and outside the Casa altered their positions and disputed their recollections even decades later.

4 GIUSEPPE PREZZOLINI, CONTROVERSIAL CASA DIRECTOR, AND WORLD WAR II (1930s AND 1940s)

PREZZOLINI’S BACKGROUND Giuseppe Prezzolini (1882–1982), an Italian writer and critic, was teaching at Columbia when he was appointed director of the Casa after Henry J. Burchell in 1930;1 Prezzolini kept this role without interruption until he resigned in 19402 (and then he remained on the administrative board).3 A brilliant self-taught Italian intellectual, Prezzolini was one of the most active voices in the European and Italian cultural milieu in the early twentieth century. In 1908 he founded La Voce, a journal dedicated to literature and criticism; in 1915–1916 he wrote for Mussolini’s Il Popolo d’Italia; and after World War I he represented Italy at the League of Nations. Prezzolini was not new to Columbia at the time of his appointment, having already taught there in 1923, 1927, and 1929.4 The first time Prezzolini taught at  Columbia, the American press credited him “for having been the first man to spread Croce’s works abroad when that writer was only too little known even in his own country.”5 Benedetto Croce (1866–1952) was an Italian philosopher, historian, senator, and minister of education. When fascism revealed its totalitarian essence, he became firmly and publicly opposed to it; in 1925 he drafted the important “Manifesto of the Anti-Fascist Intellectuals.” Prezzolini was initially invited to teach at Columbia because he was a noted public intellectual and was recommended by Professor Livingston (a Columbia professor and expert on European literature and culture):

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It was through him [Arthur Livingston] that Prezzolini, who was the Italian correspondent of the Foreign Press Service, among other things negotiating contracts for Italian writers with American publishers, received the invitation to teach at Columbia in the summer of 1923. At that time there was no question of a permanent appointment; as a matter of fact, plans were made to have Papini for the 1924 Summer Session, a project which fell through.6

Prezzolini was probably the second choice for the position, since Giovanni Papini, an Italian author and critic in the United States who had cofounded an Italian literary journal, La Voce, with Prezzolini in 1908, was invited shortly before Prezzolini came to the post: “The Istituto is very happy to announce that Giovanni Papini, the well-known Italian author, and critic, has accepted an invitation of Columbia University to give a course on Contemporary Italian Thought in the coming Summer Session.”7 Unfortunately, Papini could not come to Columbia because of his health: Columbia University’s difficulties with a genius became known yesterday. Last December Columbia asked Giovanni Papini, as a mark of respect for his accomplishments, to deliver a course of lectures at the university this summer. . . . An invitation was formally sent to Papini. He was delighted as a child. He would go to America. The next month, last January, he broke a bone of his heel in an automobile accident. His eyesight, which has always troubled him, became worse. Papini, as he has done again and again in his stormy forty-two years, fell into a mood of depression, took his peasant wife and his children and fled to his little farm.8

At that point, Prezzolini became an appealing alternative. In November 1924 Prezzolini also received an invitation from Peter Riccio “to act as chairman of the foreign committee” of the Institute of Italian Culture.9 The Institute’s Council also initially thought to invite Mussolini and Gabriele D’Annunzio, Italian poet and playwright, to become members of the Honorary Committee.10 In 1929 Prezzolini finally received a formal invitation from Columbia’s Casa Italiana for a visiting professorship with a salary of $7,500. A paid fellowship of $1,200 was also offered to his son Alessandro for the same period. Both of them were to reside in the Casa building.11 It seems that when the invitation was initially sent out, the funds were not yet secured, as the Casa’s director Burchell wrote to President Butler that Prezzolini

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answered my cable accepting the proposition. I have not communicated with him since as we apparently have not yet the $7,500 set aside for the visiting professor by the trustees. . . . In order to secure Professor Prezzolini he ought to be nominated, but, is it possible to do this without having the money?12

A few months later, a letter from the secretary of the university, Frank D. Fackenthal, announced to Prezzolini that the trustees of the university had appointed him as Visiting Professor of Italian, beginning July 1, 1929.13 On March 13, 1930, Fackenthal wrote to Prezzolini again to ask him to serve as acting director of the Casa Italiana during Mr. Burchell’s absence and to replace him permanently after his retirement.14 Prezzolini responded to Fackenthal’s offer and outlined some conditions for his acceptance of the director position. Among these were the creation of an advising committee on the general policy of the Casa, a budget of $20,000 per year (not including funds for events and cultural activities), and the allocation of some rooms in the Casa for his family. Prezzolini also requested that no students live in the building; the rooms would instead be available for visiting professors and for the manager of the Italy-America Society (one of the associations housed in the Casa; its secretary at a certain point was Professor Henry Burchell).15 Fackenthal soon wrote to Prezzolini not only to announce the establishment of the administrative board of the Casa—of which Prezzolini was appointed chairman—but also to confirm Prezzolini’s conditions of directorship. However, with regard to the requested budget, Fackenthal had to clarify that the amount was dependent on the gifts received.16 Prezzolini insisted that a minimum budget was needed to carry out his “program of improvement” for the Casa, because the “Casa Italiana must be first of all the organs of Columbia University for the teaching of Italian, and secondly, a clearing house between the United States and Italy in intellectual matters.”17 He had prepared a long list of initiatives that he wanted to start or revive: Italian courses, lectures for the general public, exchange programs with Italian universities, the purchase of maps and illustrations, a bibliography on contemporary literary criticism in Italy, a choral school of Italian music, a dramatic school, evening conversations on contemporary subjects, a monthly bulletin, regular meetings of the faculty, and more. He also wanted to be in closer contact with the Italian community of New York and invite prominent Italians to speak at the Casa. Finally, on April 1, 1930, after being assured by Fackenthal that his conditions would be met, Prezzolini formally agreed to lead the Casa.

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The director’s first annual report, for 1930–1931, highlighted the cultural activities and acquisitions of the Casa during Prezzolini’s first year as director. In it, Prezzolini listed the equipment kept in the Casa, including maps, atlases, and a phonograph with about two hundred records. Prezzolini had ordered hundreds of slides illustrating various aspects of Italian culture from Italy, and he also mentioned a collection of around three hundred textbooks for Italian instruction. The cultural aspects of the Casa included weekly meetings during which students discussed poetry, social problems, music, and books; a collection of documents related to the history of Italian contributions to U.S. civilization; and a free course in dictation and dramatic art. Prezzolini also reported on an intense correspondence with the Italian Ministry of Education regarding the validity of American degrees in Italian universities. In his report, Prezzolini described how the space in the Casa was used. In addition to providing offices for professors and classrooms, the building hosted a wide variety of Columbia clubs and other organizations, such as the Italy-America Society, the Dante Alighieri Society, the Italian Teachers’ Association, the Camera di Commercio, the Italian Historical Society, the Columbia Circolo, the Barnard College Italian Club, and the Columbia Extension Italian Club.18 The largest dedicated space in the building was the library, which had attracted outsiders even before Prezzolini’s directorship; among its donors were Mrs. Fiorello La Guardia and Herbert L. Matthews (the New York Times correspondent to Italy during fascism).19 A large book fair was held back in 1928: An Italian book fair was officially opened at the Casa Italiana last Wednesday. The fair will last through the entire summer; it was announced by the trustees of the Casa. Thousands of books by Italian authors were brought to the Casa during the last week, and the opening day, Wednesday, found everything in readiness for the large crowd of visitors present. The books represent the literature of Italy, from the early periods to the present day. They include novels, histories, biographies, poetry and other various forms. Prominent speakers were present at the opening and all commended the work of the Casa in trying to promote interest in Italian literature in America. Frederick J. E. Woodbridge, dean of the Graduate Faculties at Columbia, spoke in behalf of the University. He commended highly the past work of the Casa in work of this kind and stressed the fact that the good work be continued. He said the Casa Italiana is gaining a place in Columbia by its interest in the advancement of the study of literature and art.20

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At the book fair’s opening, the Italian ambassador to America spoke, as did a member of the Italian parliament, Franco Ciarlantini, who was sent to New York as a representative of Mussolini and spoke on behalf of the Fascist government. From his very first year as director, Prezzolini lamented the library’s limited space, and he struggled to relocate some books despite opposition from the donor, Dr. Charles Paterno. In a private memo to President Butler, he wrote, “Someone should try to persuade Dr. Paterno that the value of his magnificent gift will not be diminished by transferring some of the volumes from the Casa Italiana to the book shelves of the Columbia University Library.”21 In public (in his first annual report), Prezzolini stressed that the Paterno Library was “not an official dependence of the Casa Italiana.”22 In 1932 the famous Italian opera singer Beniamino Gigli took part in a concert at the Casa to celebrate the centenary of Bellini’s La Sonnambula (The Sleepwalker);23 years before, he had aided in the birth of the Casa: Beniamino Gigli, famous tenor, was among the first artists to support the campaign for the Casa Italiana. One night, attending a dinner at the Men’s Faculty Club, some colored waiters recognized the great artist [but] there was no piano around. Without undue urging, however, Gigli got up, sang several songs, brought the house down and then, to cap the climax, just before departing, he wrote out a check for five hundred dollars as his personal contribution to our cause. What an artist! And what a heart!24

Prezzolini ambitiously aimed to build a distinguished network of institutional relations for the Casa. In 1931 he wrote to Butler suggesting that the Casa pursue relationships with some of the prominent intellectual centers in New York, including the American Academy of Arts and Letters, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Metropolitan Opera Company, the Carnegie Foundation, the Institute of International Education, the International House, and the Juilliard School of Music.25 Prezzolini wanted to transform the Casa into a lively and powerful institution, although, as director, he received no salary,26 and the financial situation of the Casa, in general, was dire. “I am obliged to buy even my desk,” Prezzolini wrote to Fackenthal in 1930.27 The Casa made several arrangements with Italy and Italian Americans with regard to academic initiatives and student exchanges. The Garibaldi Scholarship was established in 1932 to fund students at Columbia who planned to specialize in the study and teaching of Italian. Emanuele Grazzi, the royal Italian consul general of New York, donated $10,000 from the estate of Antonio Comincio and Arancia

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Bertetta, Italian citizens who died in New York without any heirs. He suggested that the money be used to establish the “Giuseppe Garibaldi Memorial Foundation.”28 The first letter regarding the Eleonora Duse Fellowship is dated October 31, 1933.29 Prezzolini sent a memo containing the rules and regulations of the Duse Fellowship to Secretary Fackenthal. The fellowship was an exchange between Columbia University and the Italian government, through funding from the Italy-America Society. Columbia would receive an Italian graduate student, while a Columbia student intending to become an Italian teacher in the United States would be placed in an Italian university. The Eleonora Duse Fellowship was one of the most popular programs at Columbia; the Italian student S. Eugene Scalia (father of the late associate justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, Antonin Scalia) was a recipient in 1934.30 Thanks, probably, to the education he received from the Casa, S. Eugene Scalia translated works by Filippo Mazzei.31 Another fellowship, the Crociera Atlantica, gave exchange students free tuition and room and board and also covered their living expenses. A complete list of fellowships for students of Italian, attached to a letter of April 25, 1934, includes the Eleonora Duse Fellowship of the Italy-America Society, the Crociera Atlantica Fellowship, the Barnard College Fellowship, the Garibaldi Foundation Fellowship, the Professors of Italian Fellowship, and the University for Foreigners of Perugia Fellowship.32 In October 1934, Prezzolini proposed that Italian societies in New York establish a fund at Columbia for future scholarships that would support research and general studies in Italian literature, the sciences, history, and art. The fund was soon launched as the Italian Societies of New York Endowment Fund; prominent Italian businessmen and entrepreneurs (such as Carlo Feltrinelli, director of the Credito Italiano, and Giacinto Motta, director of the Edison Company in Milan) contributed to the fund. Numerous letters, now contained in the Prezzolini central files, show the frenzy of fundraising concerning the Casa Italiana from the 1930s onwards. During this time, the Casa received gifts from organizations, associations, individuals, and Italian government bodies.33 Documents in Prezzolini’s file mention donations from the Bank of Naples and others, including from the governor of Rome (whose gifts continued until 1939). The Italian government donated money for several purposes. An archival document entitled “Historical Survey of the Casa Italiana,” written by university librarian Roger Howson, states, “The Italian government has provided various undertakings connected with the Casa to a total of $13,936.90,” and it lists a series of funds with relevant details. This and other documents show that from 1932 to 1939 the Italian government and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had sent $4,089.90 to the Casa Italiana, $2,347.00 to the Inter-University Office (housed in the Casa),

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and $7,500.00 for the promotion of Italian studies through the Educational Bureau (also housed in the Casa). Outside funding supported specific programs within the Casa. The Council of Humanistic Research gave a grant for the development of the Bibliography of Italian Literature; the U.S. government supported the Educational Bureau. The bureau’s director was the distinguished Italian-American educator Leonard Covello, a former Columbia University student (B.S. 191134) who became a dedicated teacher and pedagogue devoted to the integration of immigrant pupils in the American educational system. The bureau was established in May 1932 but closed in 1936, after, as Covello wrote, the underwriter had decided to withdraw funding because it did not think the study of one “racial group” (Italian American) was appropriate. Despite its short life, however, the bureau was able to produce a considerable number of publications.35 (See Appendix C for a short essay on the bureau.)

THE MIDDLE 1930 S : THE CASA AND FASCISM During the politically tumultuous 1930s, the situation at the Casa was in flux: Prezzolini maintained ambiguous relations with the Fascist regime; the Casa was forced to become more adaptable and flexible about its cultural endeavors; and Columbia University was compelled to reevaluate its initially privileged relationship with Italy. The Casa stood as the prestigious space for the promotion of a national culture, without openly declaring itself either for or against the dictatorship. It seems generally accepted that until the 1935 invasion of Ethiopia, many Americans—including President Butler—did not dislike Mussolini or his brand of fascism.36 Exponents of the Fascist regime enthusiastically visited the Casa, as evidenced in this report from 1928: Prince Lodovico Spada Potenziani, Governor of Rome, will visit the Casa Italiana tomorrow afternoon at four o’clock. He will be accompanied by a number of Italian notables. The governor will speak tomorrow afternoon on the development of Italian culture in Italy and in the United States. He has been an ardent follower of this movement and has advocated several advance measures to forward this, both at home and abroad.The prince will be accompanied by Manuel Grazzi, the Italian Consul-General, and several chiefs of the Fascist government in Italy. Prince Potenziani is a member of one of the noblest families of Italian aristocracy. He has been for many years Governor of Rome. Records there show that he has had at heart the interest of the advancement of Rome in all ways. He is one of

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the strongest leaders in Fascist Italy of the present time and is a hearty follower of Mussolini and Fascism. Other visitors to the Casa will include Judge Freschi, Joseph Paterno, Michael Paterno, Dr. Charles Paterno and Anthony Compagna. These men were the largest contributors to the building of the Casa Italiana. The public is invited to attend the reception to be given to the prince.37

Mussolini was glad of the existence of the Casa Italiana at Columbia University, as he expressed in this official communication in 1933:

Rome 4 July, 1933 Year XI Mr. Director: I have followed with great interest the development of the Columbia University Casa Italiana and am delighted with all that it does in favor of our culture. In the hope that the generosity of the Italians in America continues to accompany this happily-begun enterprise, I extend my most cordial wishes that this fruitful institution have a long and prosperous life. Mussolini.38

Prezzolini regularly informed President Butler of Mussolini’s admiration for the work of the Casa in developing Italian culture in the United States. Butler, in return, was pleased to get attention from him, as he explained in a letter to Prezzolini in 1933: “It is pleasant, indeed, to know that he is following our work and appreciates it. I hope sometime to get back to Italy, in which case I should wish, of course, to pay my respects to him once more.”39 Meanwhile, anti-Fascist protests arose on campus: Five organizations, led by the Columbia Anti-War Committee, will take a stand supporting the Austrian revolt and protesting against interference in Austria by Italy, France, or Germany. Student Board, the Interclass Council of the Independent Party, the Socialist Club, and the Social Problems Club will participate in the demonstration . . . the committee issued an appeal to “all opponents of war and Fascism” to support the mass meeting. . . . They will bear placards appealing for protest against foreign intervention in Austria. The center of their efforts will be the Casa Italiana, the Deutches Haus and the Maison Française, where the Italian, German and French groups on the Campus have their headquarters.40

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The Casa Italiana was a target of such gatherings, but on other occasions it hosted protests against Nazi anti-Semitism: “A protest meeting will be held by the Jewish Students Society on Monday afternoon at 4 o’clock in the auditorium of Casa Italiana where students will be afforded an opportunity to express their opinion concerning the events which have taken place in Germany during the past two weeks.”41 Another unexpected hint of the variety within the Casa during the age of fascism is that in the early 1930s the building hosted both the Jewish Club(s)42 and the Marxist Lectures.43 Not surprisingly, both the Jewish Club’s meetings and the Marxist Lectures were eventually moved to other locations. In 1934, The Nation published a memorable article, “Fascism at Columbia University,” denouncing the Casa as an active pro-Fascist center.44 The accusations in the article were numerous and damning: In spite of definite attempts on the part of unbiased students, outstanding Italian liberals such as Count Sforza, Gaetano Salvemini, now a visiting professor at Harvard, and Guglielmo Ferrero have never been invited to speak at the Casa Italiana. The Casa has several rooms for Italian visitors to this country, but none except Fascists have been housed there. . . . The relation of the Casa to its students is a most questionable one. Student gatherings for the purpose of discussing aspects of fascist rule are forbidden; a critical attitude of mind among students is discouraged.

Many thought that the anonymous author of the article (“A Special Investigator”) was a man named in that passage, Gaetano Salvemini (1873–1957), the Italian historian and politician who was in exile in the United States due to his anti-Fascist position, and who from 1933 on taught the history of Italian civilization at Harvard University. Because of Salvemini’s popularity in the United States, Prezzolini was pressured to allow him to speak, thus forcing President Butler to officially intervene. Prezzolini replied to Butler by citing the university rules regarding protesters: In refraining from inviting Professor Salvemini to the Casa I acted very much as the other foreign houses at Columbia University. The Maison Française never invited Henri Barbusse when he came to the United States. Professor Einstein was not invited to speak at the Deutsch [sic] Haus, nor any others of the emigre professors from Germany. Neither has the Casa de Las Espanas opened its doors to Catalan agitators.45

Prezzolini never invited Salvemini to the Casa. In 1939, in Massachusetts, Gaetano Salvemini founded the Mazzini Society, which, as Philip Cannistraro wrote,

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“attempted to combine exiles with citizens of the host country.”46 In 1948, after being granted American citizenship, Salvemini finally returned to Italy; a year later, he achieved tenure at the University of Florence. A few months after the accusations from The Nation, Prezzolini received a letter of support from Charles Fama, a well-known anti-Fascist.47 This 1935 letter reads: I have not hesitated to state that before you were appointed Director of Casa Italiana, that institution was utilized by many persons connected directly or indirectly with the Italian Fascist Government, to disseminate their views. However, I have openly stated that since you were made Director of Casa Italiana, you have completely forbidden political propaganda, and you have abided by Dr. Butler’s wishes, that is, to use the Casa as a center for Italian culture. . . . After all, politics and political parties come and go, but the great radiant light of Italian culture will remain forever.48

With the promulgation of the Italian Racial Laws in 1938, many Italian Jewish scholars, scientists, and intellectuals left Italy for the United States. People also came from the rest of Europe to escape the Nazi regime, and thus New York City became a haven for many refugees. Among them was Enrico Fermi; he and his Jewish wife, Laura, were under pressure from the Italian Racial Laws. When he won the Nobel Prize in 1938, they used the journey to Stockholm as a first step in their escape to the United States.49 Weeks later, the Casa and the Department of Physics at Columbia organized an event in their honor while Fermi was working on neutrons with a group of colleagues in the laboratories on campus: To slow down neutrons was an old trick for Enrico, from the time when he and his friends in Rome had recognized the extraordinary action of paraffin and water on neutrons. So the group at Columbia—Szilard, Zinn, Anderson, and Enrico— undertook the investigation of fission of uranium under water.Water, in the physicists’ language, was being used as a moderator.50

Relations between Fermi and Columbia remained friendly in the following years. In a letter written in Santa Fe to President Butler, Fermi not only expressed relief at the war’s conclusion but also pointed out that the foundation of his research and experimentation was created right at Columbia years earlier, prior to America’s entry into the war.51

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Another refugee was Paul Oskar Kristeller, among the world’s authoritative experts on Renaissance thought and philosophy. He arrived from Europe in New York in 1939 and, because of his academic expertise, was immediately drawn to the Casa: When I arrived by boat in New York harbor in February 1939, Peter Riccio was at the pier. Introduced himself and said that he had come to welcome me in the name of Prezzolini, Director of the Casa Italiana . . . [later] he [Prezzolini] often invited me for supper. It was for me a period of great personal difficulties, and although our political opinions were quite different, I deeply appreciated Prezzolini’s tact, understanding, and moral support.52

Kristeller’s friend Giovanni Gentile—Italian minister of education in the first Mussolini government and philosopher of the Fascist regime—wrote to Kristeller in August 1939, a few months after Kristeller’s arrival at the Casa, reassuring him about the support guaranteed by both Bigongiari and Prezzolini:

Forte dei Marmi August 28, 1939, XVII Dear Kristeller, I received news from Prof. Bigongiari and Prezzolini, who promised me to do what they can to make sure that your accommodation at Columbia University happens in the most favorable way.You can imagine how pleased I am to know that you are finally settled and are in good condition to resume your studies with tranquility. Aff. mo Gentile.53

Other sources confirmed that Prezzolini was among those who helped Kristeller during his first period at Columbia: He arrived in the summer of 1939 with a one-year contract as an instructor. His salary was so small that he survived only because of a supplementary grant from the Oberlander Trust and because Giuseppe Prezzolini of the Italian department gave him a room to live in on one of the upper stories of Columbia’s Casa Italiana on Amsterdam Avenue. Though he moved out after a year, Kristeller kept his office in Casa Italiana for as long as he taught at Columbia.54

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The constant tensions between intellectual independence and camaraderie among scholars and between cultural promotion and diplomatic relations were always behind the scenes under the decade-long guidance of Prezzolini.

THE START OF WAR AND PREZZOLINI’S RESIGNATION In 1940, Italy declared war on France and Great Britain, an action condemned by the United States. Italy declared war on the United States in 1941. These events obviously spelled the end to any relationship between Columbia and Italy for some years. Prezzolini resigned as director of the Casa Italiana in November 1940, but he remained on the administrative board and continued to teach Italian at Columbia University: Dear Mr. President, For three years I have been contemplating the possibility of discontinuing my activities as Director of the Casa Italiana and confining myself to teaching and writing. . . . I respectfully request you to make such arrangements for the administration of the Casa Italiana as you deem necessary.55

Left unsaid is that these “three years” coincide with the hardening of the Fascist regime, with the enactment of the Racial Laws of 1938 and crumbling relations abroad. Many commented on Prezzolini’s resignation, often with bitter and sarcastic words such as these of Carlo Tresca, editor of the anti-Fascist newspaper II Martello: “I think the only reason he [Prezzolini] resigned is because he is not getting any more money from the Italian Consul or Mussolini. There is no question that he is a Fascist.”56 The year 1940 was also when Prezzolini became an American citizen.57 Although he stepped down from the director’s post, he stayed on for several months in the residential apartments in the Casa. He continued to teach at Columbia University for several years, and in 1948 he was appointed Emeritus Professor of Italian.58 In 1940, with the worsening of the international situation, Peter Riccio apparently wanted to reassure his American colleagues of his loyalties and distance himself from fascism, in spite of his well-known friendship with Fascists and a doctoral thesis in which he profusely celebrated fascism:

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For a long time I have been warning my friends of the direct challenge to the American way of thinking and living in totalitarian political philosophies. . . . My father came to this country as a young boy and never returned to Italy. My children were born here. I naturally feel very deeply my attachment to this country. Realizing the seriousness of the current threat to our American institutions, I want to reassure you of my readiness to do whatever I can to preserve them.59

After Prezzolini’s directorship, Howard R. Marraro accepted Fackenthal’s offer to serve as acting director “until the whole matter can be studied and the future worked out.”60 A scholar of Italian literature and professor of Italian language and literature at Columbia University since 1925, Marraro worked primarily on the cultural and diplomatic relations between Italy and the United States and on the study of Italian culture in the United States. He had been active at the Casa and active in supporting fascism; he wrote many articles trying to explain the positive aspects of fascism or to justify Mussolini’s choices. In 1930 Prezzolini wrote a letter of recommendation for Marraro to Giovanni Gentile, asking him to advise Marraro during his stay in Italy to continue his research on the American view of the Italian Risorgimento (Italian unification movement).61 In 1933 Marraro was awarded an Italian decoration: Dr. Howard Marraro, instructor of Italian, was awarded the Cross of the Order of the Crown of Italy with the rank of Cavaliere, it was announced yesterday. The decoration was conferred by King Victor Emmanuel upon the recommendation of Benito Mussolini as the Head of the Italian Government in recognition of Dr. Marraro’s work in advancing Italian culture in America.62

In 1935 Marraro wrote: “If there have been limitations of liberty, the Italian people accept them because they appreciate their necessity and find them to be not the caprices of an autocrat but essentials in the building of a more prosperous and happy nation.”63 In 1936 he gave a lecture on the Italian system of instruction, and the Spectator reported on it: Describing in detail the various Fascist youth organizations, the speaker characterized them as tending towards a “protection and improvement of the race.” An inculcation of Fascist principles and obtaining of a cultural education have been the results of II Duce’s school program. . . . Military Education in the high

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schools is compulsory, he disclosed. Italian school teachers must wear uniforms even while teaching classes.64

This Italian-American acting director was succeeded before the year’s end by English Professor Harry Morgan Ayres. Ayres’s 1940–41 report opened with the following: I took over the directorship of the Casa Italiana on November 27, 1940. My effort has been to make the Casa Italiana, in the midst of the troubled world, as attractive and tranquil a spot as possible with a view to carrying out its original purpose of being “the seat and center of the University’s work, including advanced instruction and research, in the whole field of Italian culture, including Italian language, literature, government, history and art.”65

The report ended with these words: “Since Italian activities at the Casa have practically ceased, there has been a large decline in number of visitors and readers from off the campus.” Later, Ayres announced that a Columbia University Committee for War Relief would take over the Casa building on January 5, 1942. The Auditorium became a workroom for cutting and sewing garments and making surgical dressings; the Salone was used for meetings of the committee and for daily afternoon tea. In the Salone, conversations dealt with “shopping and marketing on a ration card,” “the soil for defense. Planting and care of a kitchen garden,” “flowers for morale,” and “how to extend the life expectancy of a wardrobe.” The Paterno Library remained open, and concerts were held—but only two of them. In his 1942–43 report, Professor Ayres reviewed again the ongoing activities of the Columbia University Committee for War Relief and the Garden Lectures. The Men’s Infirmary of Columbia University was transferred to the Casa (on the top two floors), and the Casa’s secretarial staff helped Dr. Kristeller of the Philosophy Department in preparing his manuscript on Ficino for publication. There were still funds for the publication of Prezzolini’s great bibliographical project, the Repertorio. The Casa’s little newsletter, Il Giornalino, was published by S. F. Vanni Publishing Company, while for the Paterno Library “purchases of new books and periodicals [were] practically at a standstill.”66 In regards to the academic year of 1943–44, Professor Ayres reported on some measures taken during the war at the Casa, which was now a Columbia center related to the culture of an enemy country: A contribution to the war effort of the University has been made, but the war itself has been fought outside the walls of our beautiful building. When war was

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declared upon us, the white cross of Savoy over the door was by a simple manipulation turned into the Red Cross of mercy and service. Presumably this conversion should stand so long as the War Relief headquarters remains in the building and so long as the present political obscurity continues.

At the same time, Professor Ayres was wise enough to give an optimistic perspective on the future of the Casa: But it is not too early to give thought to the future of the Casa Italiana and the part it is to play in the University and in the world. It cannot be too often repeated that the Casa Italiana was established as the seat and center of the University’s work, including advanced instruction and research, in the whole field of Italian culture, including Italian language, literature, government, history and art.

POLICIES, POLITICS, AND DIPLOMACY ON CAMPUS At this point in the chronology, it can be illuminating to examine the attitudes of both the Casa and the wider university during the period of totalitarianism in Europe. The directors of the Casa before, during, and after Prezzolini’s time, as well as President Butler and other leaders of the university, held a fairly consistent line on Mussolini: they embraced him and fascism (at least early on) while declaring a commitment to banning political talk in cultural centers. Anti-Fascist voices were active in the United States—many bitterly accused Prezzolini and the Casa of supporting the Fascist regime. Public records of these accusations are found in the 1934 article in The Nation, “Fascism at Columbia University,” as well as many years later in the 1972 book Mussolini and Fascism: The View from America by John Patrick Diggins, which was published long after Prezzolini’s time at Columbia University.67 Prezzolini attempted to clarify his relationship with Mussolini and fascism. In a letter written in 1935 to President Butler, he denied any interest in pro-Fascist propaganda and, at the same time, continued to state his pro-Fascist stance: To be frank, I want to declare at this point that I have been for thirty years a friend and an admirer of Mussolini. I never was an adversary of Fascism but I kept myself free from allegiance to the Fascist Party. Now, after twelve years of Fascism in Italy

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and after yearly visits to observe the progress and development of the country, I have come to the conclusion that it is the best Italy could have under the circumstances. But this personal conviction has never influenced my judgments or choices as regards my academic activities and as regards the activities of the Casa.68

In 1976 Prezzolini responded to the many accusations of his having pro-Fascist sympathies in a more public and formal way, publishing a sixty-page booklet titled The Case of the Casa Italiana.69 Prezzolini intended to defend his choices for the Casa— and especially “to avenge his integrity and impartiality.”70 The book does showcase his “impartiality”; it is certainly less warm toward Mussolini than a brief unpublished typescript with a similar title (now in the Academy archives), which was probably Prezzolini’s early draft for the published booklet.71 Significant sentences or entire paragraphs of the typescript did not appear in the published booklet; for example, in the first few pages of the typescript, Prezzolini says he was a personal friend of Mussolini’s since 1908: “When I say personal friend, I mean a friend with no political ties. I was his friend when he was a fervent socialist, and I was not. I remained his friend when he became the leader of the fascist party and I was not fascist.” On page 4 of the typescript he narrates the opening of the Casa on October 12, 1927, and refers to articles in the New York Times, pointing out that the mayor of New York made a speech in praise of Mussolini, that the president of Columbia remembered the great Italian people, and that the audience applauded every reference to the friendship between the United States and Italy, its king, and its prime minister. Prezzolini closes the paragraph with the following sentence: “As these episodes show, Columbia University and the Committee have always acted in accordance and with the support of Mussolini, of the Italian ambassador, and the Italian authorities.” Finally, on page 11 of the typescript Prezzolini writes: The idea of building the Casa may have been wrong; perhaps worse the idea to maintain relations with officials of the fascist government. But it was not my idea to build the Casa, nor have I offered to cooperate with the fascist government.

This part does not appear in the Case of the Casa Italiana. An interesting part of Prezzolini’s published booklet concerns the invitations to political refugees. Once again, Prezzolini uses the example of other “houses” of the university—Deutsches Haus, Maison Française, and Instituto de las Espanas—as cases of institutions where political discussion was avoided. He not only believed that the promotion of culture meant the avoidance of politics, but he also linked political debate to chaos: “If all those Houses had to call meetings of students with the aim to

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discuss aspects of the fascist, republican or Hitler government, there would not have been critical thinking, but rather chaos and pandemonium.” He continues: The scope of the Houses would be canceled and Morningside Heights would be reduced to a shambles. The point to remember is that these Houses, in order to fulfill their function as cultural centers, must maintain friendly relations with the countries whose culture they represent, regardless of the political regime governing at the time.

Prezzolini therefore felt that politics—or at least part of it—was not a component of academic culture and believed that these two spheres of social life should be kept clearly delineated and separate from one another. Prezzolini’s personal ideas about political discussion—or his fear of critical political discussion—were already evident in an exchange with Count Carlo Sforza in the mid-1930s. Carlo Sforza was an Italian diplomat and politician who, after being appointed ambassador to Paris in 1922, resigned at the advent of fascism. In 1927 he was forced to leave Italy and to start a long exile that took him to France, Belgium, Great Britain, and the United States, where he was also a promoter of the Mazzini Society (along with Gaetano Salvemini and other exiles). In 1935, having been informed by President Butler of Sforza’s imminent arrival on campus, Prezzolini wrote: My dear Count Sforza: President Butler has been informed of your projected visit to the United States this autumn and has asked me to invite you to lecture at the Casa. Needless to repeat what I said in my letter of last year, that you are at perfect liberty to choose your own subject, with the exception of political problems which it is our policy to avoid.72

Prezzolini was reassured by a note from Professor Fackenthal: Dear Professor Prezzolini A letter to the President from Count Sforza indicates that . . . his lecture . . . will have no bearing on political questions.73

Despite the warning about political activities, it seems that during his stay at the Casa Sforza managed to meet with the Italian anarchist Carlo Tresca. A friendly relationship continued between Carlo Sforza and Columbia University, for in 1939 President

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Butler wrote to Fackenthal asking for his help in finding a position for the Countess Fiammetta Sforza, daughter of Count Sforza.74 President Butler also discouraged political conversations within the walls of the Casa. In a memorandum sent to Fackenthal in 1942, Butler suggested the organization of a memorial service to honor the respected historian Guglielmo Ferrero, who had recently died. In the letter Butler proposed the Casa as the venue for this event, albeit with some concern regarding the current world war, but left the final decision to Fackenthal and Professor Ayres (the Casa's director at the time). At the end of the letter, Butler also stressed the importance of avoiding any political debate,75 but Michael Rosenthal explains in his biography of Columbia’s President Butler that although Butler was not running a secret Fascist propaganda service, the neat distinction he insisted upon between culture and politics was hardly convincing. . . . Despite the official position that Columbia was nonpolitical and nonpartisan . . . Butler knew that when it came to the Casa Italiana, free and fair discussion was not always appropriate. Fascist sensibilities were more important than others and had to be treated with more care.76

Prezzolini recounted a 1934 visit from his friend Guglielmo Ferrero in a letter to Butler: When Guglielmo Ferrero came to the United States, I went personally to his hotel to invite him to speak at the Casa Italiana. He was compelled to refuse because his manager would not permit him to speak gratuitously. In the name of the Casa Italiana I invited him to lunch at the Faculty Club together with Dean McBain and other professors of International Law, Sociology and Political Economy.77

Guglielmo Ferrero gave a slightly different version in a note to the editors of The Nation: I have never been asked to give a lecture at the Casa Italiana. I was invited to be a guest there while I was in the States in the spring of 1931, but I did not accept this invitation. I lunched once at the Casa Italiana, but not as a guest of the Casa. I was a guest of Mr. Prezzolini, who asked me as a personal friend and not in the name of the institution he is in charge of. At the lunch were five or six professors of Columbia University, but no member of the board of the Casa Italiana. Of this

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board I never saw anyone except Mr. Prezzolini, whom I knew when he was still in Italy. Guglielmo Ferrero, Geneva, Switzerland, December 1, 1934.78

Even before the birth of the Casa Italiana in 1925, the future Casa’s first director, John L. Gerig, had explained his similar thoughts on the political issue: “Whether the French people should prefer the policies of a Poincaré or a Herriot, the Italians those of a Mussolini or a Giolitti, or the Spaniards those of a Primo Ribera or a Unamuno is not for teachers of Romance languages in the United States to decide.”79 Before Prezzolini’s directorship, Fascist propaganda within the Casa clearly posed a problem for the administration. It was not always easy to control the activities and lectures organized by the institutes and associations who were occupants of the building. Professor Gerig expressed his concerns to the Italian Historical Society in 1928, only to receive this letter in reply: I regret very much that you have encountered an unfavorable reaction to some of the lectures which the Society presented at the Casa Italiana last season. Of course, it is inevitable that some people should be dissatisfied with any course that is offered. On the other hand, I agree with you that there is room for improvement and I certainly trust that next season we shall be able to organize a better-balanced course. . . . We made a deliberate effort to alternate the political discussion with other talks which were free from Fascist bias.  .  .  . They were outspokenly proFascist in tone, to a degree, in several cases, which exceeded our own expectations.80

Nonetheless, after a few months Gerig wrote, in a long letter to the Italian Ministry of Education, about the accomplishments of the Italian Historical Society: “The Italian Historical Society . . . of which I had the honor to be President, began a series of eight lectures at the Casa Italiana on the subject of Fascism.The reception given these lectures was so gratifying that they were renewed in 1928–29. It is interesting to note that this is the first time a series of consecutive lectures on an Italian topic was ever inaugurated in this country.”81 Whereas for some activities and initiatives the rule was to remain detached or impartial, other situations seemed to instead permit vague purity of intent and lax adherence to the principles of institutional independence. Politics and political links were indeed always an issue since the Casa’s inception. They were relevant to the fundraising activities of the Casa, as Fackenthal explained to Butler in 1928: “The Italians in this country, even those who are American citizens, are taking their orders from Rome. We can hardly take orders from Rome, but at the same time the Consul and the Americans can block our efforts to raise money for the Casa if they become

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unsympathetic with our management of the House.”82 Prezzolini always denied the accusation that he corresponded with the Italian Fascists abroad, but he also stated that it was the duty of the Casa to be in good relations with the Italian government. He suggested that anti-Fascists should voice their opinions in other buildings on campus, “without necessarily having recourse to the hospitality of a house which was built, largely, with the contributions of Italians who are in overwhelming majority, well disposed to the fascist regime.”83 In the same letter, Prezzolini also underlined that the Casa was an open forum that was accustomed to hosting people of any religion or political faith: “The Casa has housed Jews and Catholics, Fascists and non-Fascists. . . . I can state that an Italian professor (Professor Guido Ferrando) who has signed an anti-Fascist manifesto and has refused to swear allegiance to the Italian Government has been the guest of the Casa Italiana, time and again.” He then named a famous Italian Jewish anti-Fascist scholar: “Among the Anti-Fascists who have recently received prolonged hospitality at the Casa Italiana may be mentioned Mr. Max Ascoli and his wife. Mr. Ascoli is now a professor at the New School of Social Research.”84 Prezzolini also stressed the central role of the Casa in some important academic successes, such as increasing the number of exchange fellowships and advising Italian students who wished to register in American universities and American students who desired to attend Italian universities and “Licei.” He credited these opportunities to the friendly relationship between the Casa and the Italian government. The Fascist colonial politics—in particular the occupation of Ethiopia in 1935—drew much criticism; as a result, a lively discussion about fascism and Italy arose on campus, and Butler—perhaps more than Prezzolini—started to change his stance. A crack gradually formed in the relationship between the Casa and Italy, and Columbia began to distance itself from the Fascist regime. Michael Rosenthal describes this turning point: “The conquest of Ethiopia definitely ended any illusions he harbored about Mussolini. Henceforth, he regarded the Italian dictator as part of the world’s problems rather than as a potential solution.”85 Even if Butler had his own ideas—which were not very progressive—about colonialism and the European powers, he was nonetheless, says another scholar, “appalled when he realized Mussolini meant to conquer Ethiopia by force of arms. For all his admiration of Mussolini, President Butler could not countenance aggression.”86 Despite Butler’s expressed disappointment, however—and Prezzolini’s probable embarrassment and perplexity regarding the Casa’s relationship with Mussolini and fascism— the Casa continued to have ties with the Italian government, to the point where it “soon gained the reputation as a showcase of the cultural achievements of the Fascist regime.”87

Portrait of Lorenzo Da Ponte, currently on display at the Italian Academy. Artist unknown, Portrait of Lorenzo Da Ponte (1749–1838), early 19th century, oil on canvas, 48 × 35 5/8 in. (122 × 90.3 cm), Avery Architectural & Fine Arts Library, Columbia University in the City of New York (C00.37).

The professorial gown most likely worn by Lorenzo Da Ponte while teaching. Lorenzo Da Ponte informal gown, 19th century, Academic Costume and Textiles Collection, Columbia University in the City of New York.

The formal professorial gown most likely worn by Lorenzo Da Ponte during official events and ceremonies. Lorenzo Da Ponte formal gown, 19th century, Academic Costume and Textiles Collection, Columbia University in the City of New York.

This receipt shows a payment to Da Ponte for Italian lessons and books. Da Ponte had to handle all student payments individually; even after he was appointed as a professor at Columbia he was not salaried, but simply permitted “a reasonable compensation” directly from his students. Lorenzo Da Ponte Receipt of Tuition Payment, June 24, 1830, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, General Manuscripts (1789–2013), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Eleuterio Felice Foresti was Columbia University’s second instructor of Italian, after Da Ponte. Michael De Santis, detail from Portrait of Eleuterio Felice Foresti (1789–1858), 1929, oil on canvas, 48 x 36 in., Art Properties, Avery Architectural & Fine Arts Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Ludwig G. Foresti, 1929 (C00.35).

Carlo Leonardo Speranza followed Da Ponte and Foresti as a distinguished instructor of Italian at Columbia. Carlo Leonardo Speranza, Historical Photograph Collection, 1855–2012, Columbia University in the City of New York.

Hotel La Porte was demolished to make way for the Casa Italiana. Its narrow southern façade overlooked 117th Street. Hotel La Porte, Charles Curtis, photographer, Center for Migration Studies of New York.

A rare photograph of Columbia Professor Arthur Livingston (center), who was a crucial figure at the Casa from its inception. Arthur Livingston, Historical Photograph Collection, 1855–2012, Columbia University in the City of New York.

Peter Riccio was a first-generation Italian-American Columbia student from East Harlem who rose to be a Columbia professor and the director of the Casa Italiana. His 1920s doctoral thesis celebrated fascism, but in 1940 he declared his loyalty to the United States. Peter Riccio, Historical Photograph Collection, 1855–2012, Columbia University in the City of New York.

The architects’ presentation sketch captures the brightness of the Casa Italiana and the lively variety of its surfaces. Fritz Stephens, Casa exterior presentation sketch, McKim Mead & White collection, Image #93798d, New York Historical Society.

The blueprints for the Amsterdam Avenue elevation and the 117th Street elevation show the roof ’s original open loggia (now glassed in). Main Elevations, December 1926, Blueprint, Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America.

The 1924 building permit application did not specify residences within this “club” building, but the Casa did eventually have apartments. Building permit for block 1961 lot 37 w/ specs, 1924, McKim Mead & White Collection, Image #93800d, New York Historical Society.

A crowd viewed the ceremonial laying of the Casa’s cornerstone on August 5, 1926. Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Judge John J. Freschi with the cornerstone, which held a zinc box containing coins, Latin inscriptions, newspapers, and publications charting the development of the building project. Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Judge John J. Freschi (right) speaking at the ceremonial laying of the Casa’s cornerstone on August 5, 1926, alongside Columbia President Nicholas Murray Butler (left). Nearly stepping onto the platform at center is the Italian Ambassador, Giacomo De Martino. Cornerstone ceremony, August 5, 1926, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012) Columbia University in the City of New York.

Shortly after this ceremony, Joseph Paterno (far left) sought board seats for himself, his brother, and his brother-in-law. Cornerstone ceremony, August 5, 1926, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

President Butler (right) considered Columbia construction ceremonies “very brief but significant” events; here he is joined by Ambassador De Martino, who wore a formal top hat. Cornerstone ceremony, August 5, 1926, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

President Butler ceremonially shared in the construction of the Casa, wielding the “one silver trowel [that] has been used for the corner-stone of each building since we began more than thirty years ago.” Cornerstone ceremony, August 5, 1926, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

This lavish program celebrated a prominent fund-raising dinner held six months before the building’s inauguration, at which the Italian ambassador and the mayor of New York—among others—heard numerous musical pieces, including the Fascist hymn “Giovinezza.” Banquet pro Casa Italiana of Columbia University, April 21, 1927, Program Cover, Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America.

On the eve of the Casa’s inauguration, a banquet welcomed Senator Guglielmo Marconi, the Nobel Prize–winning chemist who was representing the Italian government. Guglielmo Marconi Banquet, October 11, 1927, Photograph, Peter M. Riccio Papers (1911–1977), Columbia University in the City of New York.

At the table of honor with Senator Marconi were leaders of the Fascist League of North America, President Butler, Judge Freschi, the Paternos, and N.Y.’s mayor and governor. Guglielmo Marconi Banquet (detail), Photograph, Peter M. Riccio Papers (1911–1977), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Portrait of Joseph Paterno, currently on display in the Italian Academy. Artist unknown, Portrait of Joseph Paterno, Early 20th Century, Oil on canvas, 59" × 33.5", Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, Gift from Jacqueline Paterno Kirby, June 2000.

Students flocked to the Casa Italiana for club meetings, lectures, and classes. Students in the Casa Italiana, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

A portrait and a signed letter by Giuseppe Mazzini, from a collection donated to Columbia University by Dr. Aurelius De Yoanna in 1927. Portrait of and Letter by Giuseppe Mazzini, Letters of Italian Patriots (1754–1874), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York.

This autographed portrait of Giuseppe Mazzini was (like the item above) originally acquired by De Yoanna, an Italian-born doctor and collector in Brooklyn. De Yoanna’s donation of portraits, letters, and documents associated with Garibaldi, Mazzini, Cavour, and other Italian patriots (now housed in Columbia’s Rare Book and Manuscript Library) was a rich trove for the new Casa. Autographed Portrait of Giuseppe Mazzini, Photograph, Letters of Italian Patriots (1754–1874), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York.

Note by Giuseppe Mazzini. Part of a gift to Columbia University by Dr. Aurelius De Yoanna, 1927. Note by Giuseppe Mazzini, Letters of Italian Patriots (1754–1874), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York.

Autographed Portrait of Giuseppe Mazzini. Part of a gift to Columbia University by Dr. Aurelius De Yoanna, 1927. Signed Portrait of Giuseppe Mazzini, Drawing, Letters of Italian Patriots (1754–1874), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York.

Medal (front) of King Vittorio Emanuele II. Part of a gift to Columbia University by Dr. Aurelius De Yoanna, 1927. King Vittorio Emanuele II Medal (front), Medal, Letters of Italian Patriots (1754–1874), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York.

Portrait of King Vittorio Emanuele II. Part of a gift to Columbia University by Dr. Aurelius De Yoanna, 1927. Portrait of King Vittorio Emanuele II, Engraving, Letters of Italian Patriots (1754–1874), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York.

Signed letter from King Vittorio Emanuele II. Part of a gift to Columbia University by Dr. Aurelius De Yoanna, 1927. King Vittorio Emanuele II, Letter, Letters of Italian Patriots (1754–1874), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York.

Signed letter from Giuseppe Garibaldi. Part of a gift to Columbia University by Dr. Aurelius De Yoanna, 1927. Giuseppe Garibaldi, Letter, Letters of Italian Patriots (1754–1874), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York.

Portrait of Giuseppe Garibaldi. Part of a gift to Columbia University by Dr. Aurelius De Yoanna, 1927. Portrait of Giuseppe Garibaldi, Engraving, Letters of Italian Patriots (1754–1874), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University in the City of New York.

This portrait of Giuseppe Garibaldi by American cartoonist Thomas Nast was given to Columbia University by the artist’s wife. Thomas Nast, detail from Portrait of Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807–1882), 1900, oil on canvas, 62 × 42 in., Art Properties, Avery Architectural & Fine Arts Library, Columbia University in the City of New York, Gift of Mrs.Thomas Nast (C00.33).

This is perhaps the earliest portrait of the Casa Italiana, with construction ramps at the doorway and scaffolding on the loggia. See Appendix B for discussion of the Casa’s architecture. Warman, Casa Italiana, western façade, February 1927, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Casa Italiana, flyer. Casa Italiana, flyer, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

The completed building, with a clear view of the southern façade. Casa Italiana, southern façade, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Casa Italiana, postcard. Casa Italiana, Postcard, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Casa Italiana western façade, sketch by Anthony Ribando (1931). Casa Italiana western façade, sketch by Anthony Ribando (1931), Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

The façade was soon softened by surrounding trees. Casa Italiana, southern façade, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

In its first decades, the Casa was still flanked by older buildings. Casa Italiana, southern façade, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

The Casa’s entry corridor has a dramatic vaulted ceiling. Casa Italiana, first-floor corridor, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

The original staircase had an ornate, curved wooden banister. Casa Italiana, original first-floor staircase, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Early on, the Casa’s theater had a broad tapestry on the eastern wall. Casa Italiana Auditorium, McKim Mead & White Collection, Image #93799d, New York Historical Society.

The theater’s original windows opened only westward over Amsterdam Avenue. Original Teatro stage & tapestry, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Eventually, windows were cut into the eastern wall as well. Original Teatro entrance & tapestries, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

The Paterno Library on the Casa’s third floor housed one of America’s largest collections of Italian books. Casa Italiana, Paterno Library, north wall, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

The Paterno Library: a view south to the windows that overlooked 117th Street. Casa Italiana, Paterno Library, south wall, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

The size of the Library reflected its importance within the Casa; indeed, demand for an Italian library sparked the development of the building project itself. When petitioned by the Circolo Italiano in 1920, President Butler proposed not just a library but a whole “Italian House on West 117th Street, to be made the center for further Italian studies and activities.” Casa Italiana, Paterno Library, corridor, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Italian newspapers seen on the rack near the fireplace were a prized feature of the rich collection of “over 16,000 volumes which include the special collection of works on Italian literature and history from the Risorgimento (1860) to the present time,” wrote Director Prezzolini in 1934. Casa Italiana, Paterno Library fireplace, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

The Casa served many first-generation college students from immigrant families in Harlem’s Little Italy. Casa Italiana, Students in Paterno Library, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

This may be an early promotional image for the Casa Italiana Library, which was born from the student campaign for a place “where interested American students and foreigners may learn something concerning Italy’s contribution to modern civilization and learning.” Casa Italiana,Woman reading in Paterno Library, Photograph, Historical Photograph Collection (1855–2012), Columbia University in the City of New York.

Giuseppe Prezzolini, a brilliant self-taught Italian intellectual, was appointed director of the Casa in 1930; he held the post during a decade marked by both growth and political tension. Giuseppe Prezzolini, Historical Photograph Collection, 1855–2012, Columbia University in the City of New York.

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Butler could not always be detached in his reactions to the meddling attempts of the regime. At a certain point, he tried to keep the propaganda situation under control with the help of the Paternos: Whatever steps you and your group may take, apart from political and partisan activities, to secure funds for the Casa Italiana will be gratefully followed by us. You, of course, realize that the University as such must hold aloof from purely political and partisan undertakings, whether relating to our own people or to those of any foreign land.88

In 1931, Butler had won the Nobel Peace Prize, and, although he did not want politics discussed in the Casa, he was indeed still active in national and international politics: Butler moved in the realm of politics as easily as he did in that of education. He was a delegate to the Republican convention for the first time in 1888 and for the last in 1936. . . . Butler sought to unite the world of education and that of politics in a struggle to achieve world peace through international cooperation. . . . His association with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace was a fruitful one of thirty-five years.89

Butler had seen Mussolini as a man of hope for Europe and the world, and Mussolini had reassured him during one of their meetings in Rome: “There must be no more wars. Another war would not only ruin Italy, it would destroy civilization.”90 Prezzolini, for his part, spent years trying to explain and justify his peculiar friendship with Il Duce. He wrote that he did not ask to visit Mussolini until 1925, when the committee for the construction of the Casa Italiana sent him a telegram—signed also by his friend Professor Livingston—with a request to introduce a committee member to Mussolini and to ask him for a contribution for the Casa. Prezzolini also stated that he visited Mussolini again only five years later when he was appointed director of the Casa. Prezzolini stressed that they always met as friends and that he never called him “Il Duce.” He also underlined that those meetings were organized as official and institutional encounters on behalf of the Casa, that they were all approved by President Butler, and that they were even described in his reports and reported by the press.91 At a certain point, Peter Riccio had linked Prezzolini to the formation of Fascist thought, and he suggested that Prezzolini was the precursor to Mussolini in his doctoral dissertation, On the Threshold of Fascism, where he also stated: “The Italy that men like Prezzolini, Gentile, and Mussolini cherished was to be a shining example to the other peoples of a new spirit of self-sacrifice, of serious study, of a moral life, of a

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critical, enlightened, but unselfish philosophy, and of a new brotherhood of man.”92 Prezzolini’s position was always ambiguous, as he showed several times in his writings: while he felt repugnance for many facts about fascism and several Fascist individuals, he did not completely object to the philosophy.93 Prezzolini was not alone in piloting the Casa’s course: when he became director, his administrative board included Peter Riccio as well as Dino Bigongiari (1879– 1965), Arthur Livingston, and Carlton Hayes.94 Professor Dino Bigongiari was born in Tuscany in 1879 and came to the United States as a young child. He received a B.A. from Columbia College in 1902 and began teaching Latin there two years later “as an assistant in Latin without salary, according to the custom of that time.”95 In 1915, he took a leave of absence to volunteer in the Italian army, and after the war he returned to Columbia and became one of the founders of the Casa Italiana. He taught ancient and medieval philosophy and the cultural history, political theory, and literature of the early Renaissance. In 1920, Bigongiari went to Italy to present the Nicholas Murray Butler gold medal to Benedetto Croce. Columbia’s trustees had decided to assign the award “in recognition of the completion of Croce’s Filosofia dello Spirito [Philosophy of the Spirit] by the publication in 1917 of the fourth volume.”96 Dino Bigongiari became the Da Ponte Professor in 1929. He was a known supporter of fascism: Then an assistant professor, Mr. Bigongiari headed the New York branch of a group called the Fascisti of North America. He explained that it had been revived to combat radicalism among Italians in this country.97 The head of the Italian Department at Columbia University is Professor Dino Bigongiari, open Fascist in his sympathies and activities. He invited to Columbia as visiting professor of Italian, Giuseppe Prezzolini.98

When Bigongiari retired in 1950, the trustees designated him Emeritus, and Columbia made him an honorary doctor of letters in 1955. Giuseppe Prezzolini started a collection of his essays, which was published as Essays on Dante and Medieval Culture in 1964.99 Also at Columbia was Dino’s cousin, Gino Bigongiari (1885–1962), a member of the Romance Languages faculty for thirty-five years.100 Like Dino, he was a scholar of Dante.101 Arthur Livingston was probably the main supporter of Giuseppe Prezzolini and other Italian scholars at Columbia. He was not only a professor of Romance languages and literature but also a translator and publisher.102 He received his Ph.D. from

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Columbia University in 1910 and was always interested in introducing foreign writers to the U.S. public: Benedetto Croce, Guglielmo Ferrero, Alberto Moravia, Giovanni Papini, Luigi Pirandello, and Giuseppe Prezzolini, among others. Livingston, however, was adamantly opposed to fascism and worried that the Casa was entangled with it. When Livingston left the Casa, Prezzolini made sure to underline that he was not politically pressured to leave, saying that “for the entire scholastic year of 1932–1933 [he] conducted a book-review at the Casa Italiana the third Friday of every month, enjoying full freedom of the choice of books and discussions. No one limited him or the audience. He left of his own accord.”103 Livingston was also a collector with a passion for Venice. His Venetian papers at Columbia contain hundreds of documents relating to Venice and Venetian families from the fifteenth through the eighteenth centuries. The collection also includes some of the family papers of Giovanni Francesco Busenello (a Venetian poet and librettist, author of the famous L’Incoronazione di Poppea [The Coronation of Poppea], with music by Claudio Monteverdi) and a number of other documents related to the Venetian state.104 Livingston remained on the administrative board of the Casa Italiana until 1940.105 In 1938—when the Italian Fascist regime established the Racial Laws against Jews and peoples of the colonies—he had an interesting exchange with Prezzolini, who had invited him to be a speaker at the commemoration of the one-hundredth anniversary of Da Ponte’s death. Livingston replied to Prezzolini’s invitation as follows: “I don’t imagine such a serata would have any interest now, especially since Da P. was also a Jew. Make me the orator, and that would be the finishing touch!”106 Prezzolini then explained his reasons for insisting on both the celebration and Livingston’s participation: I knew very well that Da Ponte was a converted Jew. . . . I invited you knowing full well of Da Ponte’s Jewish ancestry and of your opinions. My invitation is an indication in itself that the Casa Italiana can very well commemorate a Jew, if that Jew is Da Ponte, and have you as the speaker, if you commemorate Da Ponte.107

Four days later, he insisted, saying: “We have never had a large attendance except when we had a ‘prima donna,’ as Mrs. Sarfatti [who was Jewish] or Count Sforza.”108 Carlton J. H. Hayes was a professor of history at Columbia University—where in 1909 he received his Ph.D.—and an expert on nationalism. He was also president of the American Historical Association and the U.S. ambassador to Spain during World War II. In 1932, Professor Hayes gave a lecture on the history of religious hatred at the Casa Italiana in front of the Jewish Graduate Students’ League, explaining that

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“religious intolerance is a complex mixture of blind nationalism, racialism, fear of economic competition and social jealousy.”109 The board’s attitudes surely shaped public perception of the Casa’s alignment with or distance from fascism; likewise, high-profile visitors had an effect. The annual reports and guest registers show a range of political attitudes among visitors. In the academic year 1930–31, Enrico Bompiani (a famous mathematician who did not oppose fascism) was invited as a visiting professor, as were opponents of the regime: the physicist Fermi, Emilio Cecchi (who signed the manifesto of the anti-Fascist intellectuals written by Benedetto Croce), Giuseppe Antonio Borgese (an Italian writer and literary critic, as well as an anti-Fascist exile in the United States), and Mario Casella (an Italian philologist, an anti-Fascist, and also a signatory of Croce’s manifesto). Prezzolini wrote about Casella’s political leanings when trying to prove his own neutrality toward fascism: Professor Dino Bigongiari invited Mario Casella, a professor from the University of Florence, then the best expert on Dante, to teach at Columbia University in 1932. He was not a Fascist. He had signed the anti-Fascist protest initiated by Benedetto Croce. He had even been removed from the erudite Accademia della Crusca because he did not have a Fascist membership card.110

A frequent visitor to the Casa and noted anti-Fascist was Lauro De Bosis. He arrived at the Casa in 1929, but he had already visited Columbia University at the end of 1924 and the beginning of 1925, at the invitation of the Italy-America Society of New York, to give lectures on literature, political thought, Gabriele D’Annunzio, and Minister Giovanni Gentile’s education reforms (he spoke fluent English because of his American mother). He came to Columbia through an exchange program and enjoyed great success in the United States; New York soon became his habitual residence. The New York Times announced his arrival, calling him “friend and pupil of D’Annunzio.”111 His Italian translation of James G. Frazer’s The Golden Bough is an international masterpiece. Although in the early 1920s De Bosis was still a supporter of fascism, he was later remembered as one of the most dedicated anti-Fascists, despite lingering conservative and right-wing attitudes: Soon he and Salvemini became fast friends—though their political opinions could hardly have been more diverse. All Salvemini’s followers were of the Left, Lauro de Bosis was a strong conservative. Lauro’s ambition was to defeat fascism

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by gathering together all the conservative forces of Italy (monarchists, liberals and Catholics) “to rally round the King, the Pope, the Army and the Senate.”112

De Bosis’s adventurous life attracted much attention, especially when his commitment to combatting the Fascist regime became public: De Bosis left the Casa Italiana just before his family in Italy was arrested because of his anti-Fascist propaganda. . . . Mrs. de Bosis, 66-year-old mother of Dr. de Bosis, was placed under arrest but was later released by the Fascist tribunal. From outward appearances, it is believed, no one would ever suspect that Lauro de Bosis was a man who would work against Mussolini. . . .To read that Lauro de Bosis for more than five years was fighting against Benito Mussolini came as a great surprise to many of those who knew him. Despite the interviews de Bosis recently granted in Geneva, in which he admitted his anti-Fascist work, many refuse to believe that he had anything to do with the Alliance Nationale, and say that his confessions are merely to cloak his family. Some holding this opinion are the officials of the Casa Italiana, whose policy it has always been to try to keep political agitators out of the Italian house.113

Lauro De Bosis was initially not enthusiastic about working at the Casa Italiana because of the increasingly pro-Fascist attitude of Columbia’s president, but he needed a job and he accepted the only one available, courtesy of a recommendation from Countess Irene de Robilant. The Countess was, at that time, a manager of the Italy-America Society, as well as an Italian writer and essayist who wrote about the United States and had an interesting correspondence with W. E. B. Du Bois.114 Therefore, in the early summer of 1928 he was offered the post of Executive Secretary of the Italy-America Society of New York . . . at Casa Italiana, for the nominal purpose of promoting cultural good will between the two countries. . . . It is not surprising that (badly as Lauro needed the job) he felt considerable hesitation over accepting it.115

Another such dazzling guest was Margherita Sarfatti, once seen as “the uncrowned queen of Italy.” Sarfatti was a shaper of Fascist cultural policy, as well as the lover and future biographer of Mussolini. The educated and intelligent Sarfatti came from a wealthy Italian Jewish family in Venice. She was a member of the Italian intellectual elite, a position won partially through her publication in La Voce (the Italian literary

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journal founded by Giuseppe Prezzolini and Giovanni Papini in 1908). Despite its short life span, La Voce published works by some of the greatest authors, intellectuals, and scholars of the time, including Antonio Borgese, Luigi Einaudi, Gaetano Salvemini, Giovanni Amendola, and Benedetto Croce. Sarfatti became a friend of Prezzolini’s, and a similar friendship flourished years later with President Butler, whom she met in Rome during his visit to Benito Mussolini.116 In 1931 Sarfatti visited the Casa Italiana, and when in 1938 she was exiled from Italy to Paris (though she had converted to Catholicism, she was still considered a Jew), she wrote to Butler asking him to help her find a job at an American university. Butler was sympathetic to Sarfatti and wrote to several universities trying to procure her a professorship. He received only two responses, both negative; no one wanted to hire her because she was a known Fascist and close to Mussolini. She continued to send letters to Butler, who discussed Sarfatti’s situation with Prezzolini, again to no avail. In August 1939, she managed to get a visa from the ambassador in Paris and went to Montevideo, Uruguay, via Lisbon. On June 10, 1940, she finally received an American visa, but on the same day Germany and Italy declared war on France and the United Kingdom. In an instant, Margherita went from being a mere persona non grata to an enemy of America. Another colorful visitor was a close friend of the poet Ezra Pound (an active proFascist): the activist and writer Olivia Rossetti Agresti. She was born in England and was the daughter of William Michael Rossetti and granddaughter of Gabriele Rossetti, famous poets and patriots. She married the Italian anarchist Antonio Agresti and became a supporter of fascism. Other notables who were drawn in to the Casa (some only in spirit) were the committee members who participated in the Italian Book of the Month Club devised by Director Prezzolini: Sarfatti, Curzio Malaparte, F. T. Marinetti, Ugo Ojetti, and Giovanni Papini. Charles Fama, noted anti-Fascist leader, immediately declared that a protest would be launched if the initiative included Fascist propaganda.117

AFTER THE WAR At war’s end, diplomatic relations and cultural exchange between Columbia and Italy resumed: At the suggestion of the Director, President Butler wrote to the Italian Ambassador, Dr. Alberto Tarchiani at Washington, inviting him to visit the Casa Italiana.

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The Director wrote to Colonel Charles Poletti of the A.M.G. and to Dr. C.R. Myrey of the O.W.I., both now in Italy, asking them to help the Casa secure magazines and publications from Italy.118

In 1945 “Professor Ayres suggested that at a convenient moment the inscription casa italiana be restored over the entrance of the building.”119 With the conclusion of World War II, the first important phase of the Casa’s history also came to an end. The world had changed radically; it now had to deal with the shame of Nazism, fascism, and anti-Semitism. The Casa had to re-imagine itself and start planning a new chapter of its life, with fresh projects, ideals, and objectives. In a world still stunned by World War II, different political alignments emerged, and the Casa entered a new era marked by the tensions of the Cold War.This second stage of the Casa’s life is also full of intricacies and complex relations—ups and downs, exciting developments, and interesting events. All of these will surely deserve a careful and accurate analysis at a later date.

• The Casa Italiana building is now the seat of the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, one of the most prestigious centers of research in the world. In the early 1990s, Columbia University and the Republic of Italy, thanks to the efforts of Professor Maristella Lorch, together envisioned the Academy as a new institute for the promotion of the most thorough research and academic discussion on Italian art, culture, and science. The renovated building was therefore designed as the seat of the Academy’s postdoctoral mission, while the Italian Department, long housed in the Casa, relocated permanently to Hamilton Hall, where—drawing on a distinguished history started with Da Ponte—it continues as perhaps America’s leading program for graduate and undergraduate students. Today the Academy’s Fellowship Program attracts brilliant and promising young scholars and scientists, along with distinguished authorities in the humanities and sciences, year after year. The building—which was named a NewYork City landmark on March 28, 1978— was extensively restored in the 1990s.The year 2017 marks the Casa’s ninetieth anniversary.Today the building is, if possible, even more beautiful and elegant than before, and its fascinating history is undoubtedly a crucial element of its continuous charm.

Appendix A FROM LORENZO DA PONTE TO CHARLES V. PATERNO: LIBRI ITALIANI AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Meredith Levin (Columbia University Libraries)

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he study of the Italian language and the collection of books published in and about Italy have long, parallel histories at Columbia University. Beginning in the first decade of the nineteenth century with the chance meeting of Lorenzo Da Ponte (adventurer, proud son of Italy, and librettist to Mozart) and Clement Clark Moore (son of the president of Columbia College and author of the beloved poem “’Twas the Night Before Christmas”) at Riley’s Bookshop in Lower Manhattan, Italian courses and library books have enjoyed lasting places in Columbia’s academic life. In the following chronology, I endeavor to record these intertwined histories and to trace the legacy of Da Ponte, widely considered to be the founder of Italian culture in the United States, through documentary evidence in the archival collections of Columbia’s Rare Book and Manuscript Library. For nearly two hundred years and counting, scholars at Columbia have heeded the words of Lord Byron’s Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (4.47), inscribed upon the facade of the Casa Italiana when it opened in 1927: “Italy, Mother of Arts, thy hand was once our guardian and is still our guide.”

A CHRONOLOGY OF ITALIAN AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY ca. 1818: An account of books purchased for the Columbia College Library includes only one work on Italy, Battista Nani’s History of the Republic of Venice, likely an English translation.1

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April 30, 1823: Lorenzo Da Ponte writes (in Italian) to his friend, Clement Clark Moore, offering to teach the Italian language gratis to interested Columbia College students, desiring only that they procure the necessary grammar books and dictionaries to successfully participate in the lessons. He also offers, if there is enough interest, to teach Dante both in Italian and in Latin, as he is fervently desirous of ensuring that Italian be spoken and studied in New York beyond his own lifetime.2 September 5, 1825: The Standing Committee of the Trustees of Columbia College “resolved that a Professorship of the Italian Literature be established in this College, but that the Professor be not considered one of the Board of the College. . . . Resolved that Signor Da Ponte be (and hereby is) appointed to the said Professorship & that he be allowed to receive from the students who shall attend his lectures a reasonable compensation but that no salary be allowed him from the college.”3 October 8, 1825: Just one month after his professorship is established, Da Ponte writes to Clement Clark Moore, again in Italian, offering to sell a collection of books to Columbia College for the Library. Da Ponte describes the volumes as “più bel fiore della nostra letteratura” (the most beautiful flower of our literature) and is thrilled to call himself the first to introduce works of Italian literature to New York.4 January 2, 1826: In a report on the books offered for sale by Da Ponte, the Committee on Books of the Trustees recommend their purchase of 263 volumes at a total price of $364. In a signed postscript dated January 5, 1826, the college librarian, Henry James Anderson (Da Ponte’s son-in-law), certifies that all but two of the volumes, which are on loan, have been deposited in the library. A complete title list of the books purchased is no longer available, but the committee’s report calls out the works of Alfieri, Beccaria, Castiglione, Galileo, and Machiavelli, indicating that interest in Italian scholarship extended beyond the literary and into the social and natural sciences.5 November 12, 1829: The trustees purchase an additional 33 volumes from Da Ponte, paying him $140 for the new materials.6 July 6 and November 1, 1830: In an Italian letter to Clement Clark Moore in July 1830, Da Ponte expresses his fears that the Italian language and its literature will be buried along with him upon his death. Da Ponte’s solution would be to add even more Italian volumes to the college library, and he proposes that he and his son give lessons in Italian (to no fewer than one hundred students) so that he can “donate” the books. He signs the letter with a Latin valediction,

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“Non omnis moriar,” or “I shall not wholly die,” once again highlighting his passionate wish for an enduring Italian legacy in New York.7 His November 1830 follow-up letter in English to then college president, William Alexander Duer, reiterates his offer and estimates the cost of the volumes (now numbering more than 1,500) as roughly $1,200.8 There is no documentary evidence confirming that this arrangement was ever ratified, and it seems unlikely that Duer and the trustees, even if Da Ponte had the support of Moore and Anderson, would have agreed to such an exchange. 1838–1882: Between Da Ponte’s death in 1838 and the appointment of Carlo Speranza as an adjunct Instructor of Italian in 1882, there seems to have been little activity surrounding the study of Italian or evidence of the consistent growth of the library’s collection of Italian books.This is likely because of the predominance of French and German (for political and economic reasons) as the foreign languages de rigueur at Columbia. Speranza eventually achieved the rank of Professor of Italian in 1902, a position he held until his death in 1911. 1910–1914: The Circolo Italiano, a student club for Columbia undergraduates consisting mostly of students of Italian descent from Harlem’s Little Italy, is formed. Many of the Circolo members are first-generation college students and sons of immigrants who dream of and fight for a center of Italian studies at the university that would complement the Maison Française and Deutsches Haus. It is their tireless efforts and the guidance of their advisors, Professors Dino Bigongiari and Arthur Livingston, in addition to the support of Columbia’s president, Nicholas Murray Butler, and several key financial backers from the Italian-American community, that promote the development of the Casa Italiana in the 1920s.9 1920: In a promotional letter, Peter M. Riccio, chairman of the Committee on the Circolo Italiano Library at Columbia University (then an undergraduate student and later a professor of Italian and future director of the as-yet-unbuilt Casa Italiana), solicits books, pamphlets, magazines, or a financial contribution to realize a “Circolo Library” “dealing with Italian culture and thought . . . where interested American students and foreigners may learn something concerning Italy’s contribution to modern civilization and learning.”10 Several hundred volumes are donated from patrons in the United States and Italy, forming the genesis of what would eventually become the Paterno Library at the Casa Italiana. July 1923: Bulletin 1 of the newly established Istituto di Coltura Italiana negli Stati Uniti at Columbia is published. Headed by Professor John L. Gerig of Columbia’s Department of Romance Languages, the Istituto, the immediate precursor of the Casa Italiana, was “founded for the purpose of establishing a permanent bureau

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of cultural relations between Italy and America.” Of the Istituto’s 14 listed aims, number 3, “To establish a circulating library of works relating to Italian culture, literature, science and commerce,” picks up Da Ponte’s abandoned dream of an Italian library collection from the nineteenth century.11 December 1925: Dr. Charles V. Paterno, in a letter to one of the Casa’s founders, Judge John J. Freschi, agrees to purchase ten thousand volumes for a library at the Casa in his own name, to “share in some real manner in the consummation of this Casa of Culture.”12 October 10, 1927: On Columbus Day, Columbia University’s Casa Italiana is officially dedicated with much fanfare and celebration, and the building, including the wood-paneled, well-stocked Charles V. Paterno Library, is opened. Charles’s brother Joseph had overseen the Casa’s construction by the family company, Paterno Brothers, ensuring that the Renaissance-style palazzo designed by McKim, Mead & White was perfectly executed.13 October 25, 1934: Casa director and professor of Italian at Columbia, Giuseppe Prezzolini, writes to Charles Paterno about the planned publication of a promotional pamphlet on the Casa Italiana and includes sample text about the Paterno Library: Lodged in the Casa Italiana is the Charles Paterno Library, gift of Dr. Charles Paterno, with over 16,000 volumes which include the special collection of works on Italian literature and history from the Risorgimento (1860) to the present time, as well as contemporary Italian periodicals and newspapers. . . . A circulating department consisting of books of fiction, biography and poetry is at the disposal of the Friends of the Casa Italiana.14

December 1937: Columbia president Nicholas Murray Butler acknowledges the latest gift to the university from Charles Paterno, $30,000 to establish an endowment fund in Paterno’s name, the income from which would be devoted to the purchase of new books for the Paterno Library in perpetuity. Butler profusely thanks Paterno for his “generous interest in the advancement by Columbia University of a knowledge of the Italian people and their culture.” Butler also states that when “the Collection outgrows its quarters” the books would be transferred to a suitable space. This, of course, did transpire later in the twentieth century, and the bulk of the Paterno collection can now be found not in the Casa Italiana, which still features a core library of Italian reference materials, but at Butler Library, named for the very president who helped establish the Casa Italiana as the principal center for Italian studies in America.15

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• I conclude this chronology by circling back to the man whose great aspiration was for Columbia to boast a rich, comprehensive collection of books on Italian history, culture, and literature and a program of instruction in Italian that would ensure that the language would continue to be spoken in America: Lorenzo Da Ponte. Signore Da Ponte, Columbia’s first professor of Italian, bookseller, and devoted promoter of Italian culture, struggled to maintain enrollment in his nineteenth-century language classes but would likely be delighted to learn that for many years there has been a vibrant Italian department and an endowed Chair, the Lorenzo Da Ponte Professor of Italian, currently held by Teodolinda Barolini, a scholar of Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, and the medieval lyric. Charles V. Paterno, whose generosity turned the dream of a library at the Casa Italiana into a reality and whose foresight in establishing an endowment fund for the continuing purchase of Italian books perpetuated Da Ponte’s legacy, has ensured that Columbia University will remain one of a few institutions outside Italy where all things Italian are studied, treasured, and preserved.

Appendix B ANATOMY OF THE CASA ITALIANA’S FAÇADE Francesco Benelli (University of Bologna)

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illiam Mitchel Kendall (1856–1941) received his architecture degree at Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute  of Technology. Soon after, he studied independently in France and Italy, where he was exposed to and impressed by ancient Roman and Renaissance architecture. He then joined the McKim, Mead & White firm in 1882 as Charles McKim’s assistant, and by the time Kendall designed the Casa Italiana, the building in which the Italian Academy is now located, he had reached the position of senior partner. Kendall acted as McKim’s right hand throughout the long process of designing Columbia University’s campus (1892–1901 and 1903–1930), as well as during other important appointments, such as the Pierpont Morgan Library (1902–1906). The Casa Italiana, whose cornerstone was laid by Columbia University president Nicholas M. Butler on August 5, 1926, was quickly completed in 1927 and dedicated on Columbus Day with a ceremony featuring, among other notables, Guglielmo Marconi. The building adheres to a Neo-Renaissance style that McKim, Mead & White broadly and impressively developed over the course of four decades and, in the specific case of Columbia University’s campus project, was much preferred by the university’s trustees, who firmly opposed the use of a Gothic style. The building is positioned outside the boundaries of the main campus but maintains the same cornice line, along with some other stylistic characteristics, of previous buildings built on campus, as requested by the university’s trustees. Whereas certain aspects of the Casa

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Italiana have been repeatedly and heavily modified, the façade is still quite true to the original and thus is a worthwhile site of architectural analysis. Buildings on the Columbia campus, including Havemeyer, Fayerweather, and Schermerhorn, have brick façades where limestone is limited to the quoining, horizontal cornices, and window frames, and where architectural order appears only in each of their central portals, a shared feature that demonstrates a sort of deferential attitude toward Low Library—the visual focus of the campus, completely clad with limestone and characterized by the imposing ionic portico and the dome. Even if these buildings certainly possess a vague French Beaux Arts echo, they are mainly inspired by the Farnese Palace in Rome, designed by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger between 1514 and 1515. The exterior elevation of this building is composed of a public bench under windows in which a lower cornice is supported by scrolled brackets, piercing a heavy brick wall without architectural orders and framed by stone quoining.The layout of this urban, private palace created a successful paradigm for a style of façade that has impacted architecture in not only Italy but across the world for several centuries. To comply with the physical constraints of the lot upon which it was built, the Casa Italiana was conceived as a form of private palace, even though its original function was to house a center for Italian studies and a conspicuous collection of books specializing in Italian culture. For the first time on campus since the construction of Low Library, a building façade was entirely clad with limestone, therefore acquiring the same structural and symbolic dignity as Columbia’s most iconic building. Kendall was certainly aware of the Cancelleria Palace in Rome (on which building commenced in 1489), which was the first private building built in the Eternal City after antiquity. The palace features two main façades entirely clad with travertine and thus imbues the nobilitas of Roman temples and public imperial buildings. New York architects had used the model of the Cancelleria previously, as it inspired J. Armstrong Stenhouse and C. P. H. Gilbert’s 1914 design of the Otto H. Kahn house on Fifth Avenue. Kendall’s project should also be contextualized within its time: during the years of the Casa’s design and construction, America was experiencing great wealth and the economic bubble that preceded the 1929 stock market crash, a seminal year that corresponds in Italy with the fourth year of the Fascist government. These two historical conditions provide a powerful and informative backdrop to an ambitious project formalized by the use of a classicizing architectural language. The main façade facing Amsterdam Avenue is organized in the vertical sequence typical of an Italian palazzo: a rusticated ground level; two piani nobili corresponding to the most representative functions of the building, the theater and the library; and a mezzanine and a loggia. Its horizontal dimension is divided into a central wider

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part containing rows of five windows and two narrow bays, which are further partitioned by quoining framing a single window. Again, such organization is reminiscent of another Roman palace, Palazzo Adimari Salviati, designed by Giulio Romano (ca. 1520), which was also architecturally influenced by the Farnese Palace. What is particularly noteworthy about the decorations of Casa Italiana is the slightly rough pseudo-isodomic rustication—a regular alternation between stone blocks of two different heights—and the lack of vertical gaps, thus emphasizing a sense of horizontality. This technique was previously used by McKim in the nearby façade of the Columbia University President’s House (on which construction began in 1912) and in the American Academy building in Rome (completed in 1913). This kind of rustication ultimately derives from the invention Raphael conceived for the Roman palace of Jacopo da Brescia (1515–1519). This rustication is topped by a flat band that visually supports the balustrade balconies and is strengthened at its center by a recessed string, a simplification of the same cornice used by Raphael in Palazzo Alberini (designed before 1515), by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger in the Farnese palace, and in Casa Crivelli (ca. 1538). All these bands were influenced by the one decorating the cella of the Augustan temple of Mars Ultor. The cornice supporting the upper piano nobile corresponds with the library and duplicates the cornice structure underneath it; it also possesses an inscription and a dentil band, a motif commonly used in Renaissance architecture. The mezzanine floor features windows that alternate with recessed flat panels, following the pattern Raphael adopted in Palazzo Alberini and Palazzo Branconio dell’Aquila (designed after 1518), both drawn from the interior decorations of Junius Bassus’s basilica in Rome. To complete the sequence of the Casa façade’s decoration, a large and heavy entablature frames the top. This entablature lacks the architrave but has a frieze decorated with lilies topped by an egg-and-dart band, as well as with lavishly decorated mullions supporting a projecting cornice. An identical sequence, save for an extra dentil band between the frieze and the egg-and-dart band, forms Michelangelo’s famous entablature of the Farnese palace, whose depiction of lilies in the frieze reflects the Farnese family’s coat of arms. One last comment should be devoted to the five different window frames within this set of decorations. Two of them are typically Roman: the ones on the third floor facing toward the corner are provided with “ears,” a detail whose origin can be found in the temple of Vesta in Tivoli but is also described in the fourth book of Vitruvius’s De Architectura and broadly used in Roman Renaissance windows. The small rectangular windows on the secondfloor mezzanine near the corner are framed by a cornice that is shaped like a section of a balustrade, clearly invoking Baldassarre Peruzzi’s Palazzo Massimo alle Colonne in Rome (built from 1532 on). However, the large, rusticated arched windows of

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the piano nobile act as an exception to the overwhelmingly early-sixteenth-century Roman style that permeates the whole façade. Their shape has more in common with the typical Quattrocento Florentine windows, where the inner arch is traced from a lower center than from the external one.This type of window originated during the Renaissance within the Palazzo Medici (built from 1444 on), and it would be used in many other palaces throughout the century, both within and outside of Florence, but not in Rome, where it instead is used in some nineteenth-century Neo-Renaissance palaces. These Florentine-style windows are constructed with and without pediments—the former also with a balcony—on the fifth floor of the Casa Italiana: their thinness recalls that of Filippo Brunelleschi’s foundling hospital, whose style was influential in the development of Renaissance architecture and enormously successful in the following centuries. The façade of Casa Italiana stands out from the other buildings on the Columbia University campus in large part because it eschews the French Beaux Arts flavor of its architectural siblings in favor of another, pure Italian, and especially Roman, style. What distinguishes it is a set of decorations accurately drawn from the architecture of Rome during the first three decades of the sixteenth century, the period in which Renaissance architectural theory and practice experienced the apex of their success, achieving a monumentality equal to that of the Roman Empire, before being abruptly interrupted by the sack of Rome in 1527. No other period of time in the history of architecture could express so effectively to New York and wider America, whose wealth would also dramatically disappear in 1929, what Italy meant to Columbia University at that time.

Appendix C THE CASA ITALIANA EDUCATIONAL BUREAU: A RESEARCH “FACT-FINDING INSTITUTION” STUDYING THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY Javier Grossutti (Swinburne University of Technology)

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he Casa Italiana Educational Bureau (CIEB) was organized in May 1932 for the purpose of gathering and presenting social and educational data for the study and interpretation of socioeconomic and cultural change among Italian immigrants and their descendants in the United States. This was a new objective: the original tasks of the Casa did not include analysis of Italian immigrants.1 Leonard Covello,2 executive director of the CIEB, believed that only through the objective and rigorous analysis of social events would it be possible to adopt an effective promotional program of educational and social activities in favor of the community. The CIEB was thus organized as a “fact-finding institution” with the aim of guaranteeing a process of gathering and producing information based on scientific criteria. The need to coordinate studies on the social and economic dynamics of the many Italian communities in New York stemmed from awareness of the organizational dispersion and fragmentation that, until then, was characteristic of Italian Americans. According to Covello, Italians represented “an agglomeration of numerous disjointed groupings” rather than a single immigrant community.3 However, in the early 1930s, there were nearly five million first- and second-generation Italians in the United States, constituting, both numerically and culturally, “an important national minority group.”4 The need to unify and coordinate the cultural and educational initiatives aimed at Italians and Italian Americans represented “a pressing matter,” most of all because, as Covello said, “the policy of drifting and of short-sighted opportunism has been all too dominant in shaping the direction of Italian-American community life.”5

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Thus, the “centralization of efforts directed towards the social and cultural advancement of Italian-Americans” represented one of CIEB’s main objectives.6 The CIEB focused its attention on New York City, where the majority of the Italians in the United States lived. However, the bureau was designed to go beyond the city limits to work with and assist all the Italian-American communities in a “consulting capacity.” Covello proposed a workable plan to make the CIEB’s “consulting capacity” operational by setting up an ambitious research program. A series of specific studies on Italian Americans would have investigated, for example, patterns of residence, demographic statistics, the “padrone system,” the language factor in Italian homes, the Italian-language press, juvenile delinquency, the groups that came from the same Italian towns or villages, the close-knit communities formed in America, and professional groups, and it would have also produced an annotated bibliography on Italians in America.7 Indeed, a few of the nine bulletins published by the CIEB between 1932 and 1935 carried out a portion of the study that Covello had proposed.8 Conserving and teaching the Italian language among the communities of immigrants and their descendants represented yet another CIEB objective. With this aim in mind, bureau authorities strove to encourage the diffusion of the Italian language in high schools and colleges in the United States and to foster the study of the role and importance of Italian inside and outside the community.9 They received substantial funds from the Italian government in this endeavor (but only in this specific endeavor). Collaboration with the Italian-American community was considered fundamental to the success of CIEB.The community’s participation would have meant “a sound and complete picture, showing all the ramifications of the role, life, and position of the Italian American in the United States.”10 However, Italian Americans failed to respond in the measure Covello had hoped for. He wrote: “The Italian communities, I regret to say, never understood educational programs of this character . . . and such things as educational research and educational programs even for the propaganda for the Italian language never had any financial support.”11 The administrators of the Casa Italiana did not give much attention to the issues supported by the bureau. This (somehow predictable) lack of interest and frequent economic tightfistedness were indicative of the CIEB’s daily dealings since its onset. The Federal Writers’ Project, which had been established by the U.S. government as part of the Work Projects Administration (WPA) in the city of New York, had been the bureau’s main financial supporter for research activities.12 The staff at the CIEB had been provided by the Emergency Work Bureau, the Civil Works Service, and the Works Division of the Department of Public Welfare. However, Covello recalls

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that in November 1935 the Washington Federal Writers’ Project coordinating committee “decided to discontinue the work at the Casa because they felt that a study of one racial group was not advisable. Their recommendation was that we study predominant racial groups rather than one racial group. Since that was not possible or even feasible, the unit was officially closed.”13 In 1935 the Educational Bureau and its activities were transferred to the East Harlem–based Benjamin Franklin High School (where Covello acted as principal, and where he eventually created an Italian-American Educational Bureau).14 Few are aware that the CIEB represented a unique experience in the ItalianAmerican community. Inside the halls of the prestigious academic institution of Columbia University, the CIEB fostered timely and systematic study on this group of immigrants—on their integration hardships, on the role of their native tongue, and on the generational acculturation process for those born and raised in the United States. Its objective, though limited to Italian Americans, was innovative and continues to be relevant, even a century later.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I

would like to thank David Freedberg and the Italian Academy staff for their endless support and enthusiasm, as well as the Department of Italian—particularly Teodolinda Barolini, who encouraged this project since its inception. John H. Coatsworth (Provost of Columbia University in the City of New York), Armando Varricchio (Ambassador of Italy to the United States), and Bill de Blasio (Mayor of New York City) did us the honor of contributing thoughtful forewords. Special thanks go to collaborators, contributors, and friends: Abigail Asher, Francesco Benelli, Barbara Carnevali, Paolo Carta, Jennifer Crewe and staff, Roberto Ferrari, Javier Grossutti, Meredith Levin, Michael Ryan, and Lucia Wolf. Thank you to the research assistants: Ariana Branchini, Elise Caldarola, Mark Holly, Laura Itzkowitz, D. Ellis Jeter, Isabella Livorni, Adrienne Reitano, Ushma Thakrar, Ione Wang, and Kylie Warner. Additional thanks to Mary Brown, Reinhard Eisendle, Alexis Hagadorn, Emily Holmes, Allison Jeffrey, Jenny Lee, Edward Lewine, Renato Miracco, Lani Muller, Silvana Patriarca, Michael Rosenthal, Harvey Sachs, Remi Silverman, Margaret Smithglass, Caroline Stern, H. E. Weidinger, Edmund White, Jocelyn Wilk, and many others. I would also like to thank and acknowledge the following organizations and institutions: Preservation and Digital Conservation Division, Columbia University; Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University; Avery Library, Columbia University; Art Properties, Columbia University; Columbia University Archives; Columbia University Office of Public Affairs; Center for Migration Studies of NewYork; Museum of the City of New York; New York Historical Society; The White House Historical Association; the Columbia Daily Spectator; and the Library of Congress.

NOTES

Introduction 1. Jefferson visited Lombardy in 1787. 2. Carlo Botta, History of the War of American Independence. Translated by George Alexander Otis (New Haven: Nathan Whiting, 1837). 3. Thomas Jefferson to Carlo Botta, 15 July 1810, Founders Online, National Archives, last modified March 30, 2017, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/03–02–02–0449. [Original source: The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Retirement Series, vol. 2, 16 November 1809 to 11 August 1810, ed. J. Jefferson Looney. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005, pp. 529–530.] See also “To James Madison from Carlo Giuseppe Guglielmo Botta, 12 January 1810 (Abstract),” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified March 30, 2017, http://founders.archives.gov/documents /Madison/03-02-02-0210. [Original source: The Papers of James Madison, Presidential Series, vol. 2, 1 October 1809 to 2 November 1810, ed. J. C. A. Stagg, Jeanne Kerr Cross, and Susan Holbrook Perdue. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1992, p. 175.] 4. Cesare Bonesana di Beccaria, Dei delitti e delle pene [On Crimes and Punishments] (Livorno: Marco Coltellini, 1764). 5. Gaetano Filangieri, The Science of Legislation, from the Italian of Gaetano Filangieri (Bristol: Emery and Adams, 1806). 6. Benjamin Franklin to Gaetano Filangieri, 11 January 1783, Founders Online, National Archives, last modified March 30, 2017, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-3-02-0431. [Original source:The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 38, August 16, 1782, through January 20, 1783, ed. Ellen R. Cohn. New Haven and London:Yale University Press, 2006, pp. 571–573.] 7. Barbara Faedda, “An Italian Perspective on the U.S.-Italy Relationship” in Italy in the White House. A Conversation on Historical Perspectives (Washington, D.C.: The White House Historical Association, 2016), 53–61.

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1. The Dawn of Italian Studies at Columbia University 1. Lorenzo Da Ponte was not the first immigrant who came from Veneto to New York. Peter Caesar Alberti, a successful Venetian merchant who settled in New Amsterdam in the seventeenth century, is generally considered the first. 2. Quoted in Jeannette H. Walworth, History of New York: In Words of One Syllable (Chicago, New York, and San Francisco: Belford, Clarke, & Co., 1888), 184. 3. The United States has always experienced a fairly constant flow of immigration, but between 1820 and 1920 an exceptional number of people—about thirty-five million—arrived from Europe alone. See David A. Gerber, American Immigration: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). 4. Mark I. Choate, Emigrant Nation: The Making of Italy Abroad (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008). 5. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970: Bicentennial Edition, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1975). 6. The most famous Italian explorers at that time were probably Alessandro Malaspina, who after rounding Cape Horn surveyed the northwestern coast of America, and Giacomo Costantino Beltrami, who believed he had found the sources of the Mississippi River. In 1824, after his alleged discovery, Beltrami wrote La découverte des sources du Mississippi et la Riviere Sanglante [The discovery of the sources of the Mississippi and the Bloody River] (New Orleans: Benj. Levi) and in 1828 A Pilgrimage in Europe and America: Leading to the Discovery of the Sources of the Mississippi and Bloody River, 2 vols. (London: Hunt and Clarke). 7. Giuseppe Avezzana, I miei ricordi [My Memories] (Naples: Stamperia già Fibreno, 1881); see also Giuseppina Romano, Episodii della vita del generale Giuseppe Avezzana (Naples: Stabilimento Tipografico, 1880). 8. Theodore Wesley Koch, Dante in America (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1896). See also Sheila Hodges, Lorenzo Da Ponte: The Life and Times of Mozart’s Librettist (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2002). 9. Pietro Bachi, Rudiments of the Italian language, or, Easy lessons in spelling and reading: with an abridgement of the grammar: adapted to the capacity of children (Boston: Carter, Hendee and Co., 1832); see also Pietro Bachi, Conversazione italiana, or A collection of phrases and familiar dialogues in Italian and English (Cambridge and Boston: James Munroe and Company, 1835). 10. Timothy Mason Roberts, Distant Revolutions: 1848 and the Challenge to American Exceptionalism (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2009). See also Bruno Roselli, Italian Yesterday and Today. A History of Italian Teaching in the United States (Boston: The Stratford Company, 1935), 58; Howard R. Marraro, “Pioneer Italian Teachers of Italian in the United States,” The Modern Language Journal 28, no. 7 (1944): 555–582; and Eleutario Felice Foresti Papers 1841–1858, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 11. Paola Gemme, Domesticating Foreign Struggles (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2005), 110. 12. Louis Palma di Cesnola, Ten months in Libby Prison (Philadelphia: 1865), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York, catalog number B973.7 C337. 13. Benson John Lossing, History of New York City: Embracing an Outline Sketch of Events from 1609 to 1830, and a Full Account of Its Development from 1830 to 1884 (New York: The Perine Engraving and Publishing Co., 1884), 2: 836. 14. There are many mentions of Da Ponte’s business adventures; for example, his name is listed as “Daponte, Lorenzo, merchant, Bayard” in John F. Jones, New-York Mercantile and General Directory, for

2. A fter Da Ponte

15. 16. 17. 18.

19. 20.

21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27.

28.

29. 30. 31.

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the 30th Year of American Independence, and of Our Lord, 1805–6 (New York: “Printed for the editor, and for sale at the Bookstore of Samuel Stansbury, no. 114, Water-street,” 1805). See also Pompeo Molmenti, Epistolari veneziani del secolo XVIII [Venetian Epistles of the Eighteenth Century] (Palermo: R. Sandron, 1914). Advertisement in New-Jersey Journal 24 no. 1198 (Elizabethtown: October 14, 1806): 3. Lorenzo Da Ponte, Memoirs of Lorenzo Da Ponte, trans. E. Abbott, ed. and annotated by A. Livingston (New York: New York Review of Books, 2000), 400–401. Ibid. This was his second appointment; the first was in 1775–1776 as president pro tempore. “Columbia University President Profiles,” Columbia University Archives, http://library.columbia.edu/locations /cuarchives/presidents.html. Da Ponte, Memoirs, 400. Minutes, Columbia College, May 2, 1825, and September 5, 1825. “Appointment of Lorenzo Da Ponte” (photocopy of original Columbia College Trustees, Standing Committee New York meeting minutes), September 5, 1825, General Manuscripts (1789-2013), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University. Robert A. McCaughey, Stand, Columbia: A History of Columbia University in the City of New York, 1754–2004 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003). “Garcia Manuel,” Grove Music Online, Oxford University Press. “Opera Fifty Years Ago:This First Italian Company Heard in This City,” NewYork Times, December 18, 1881, 3. Leonardo Olschki, La Bibliofilia (May–June 1906): 41–49; see also Charles Ammi Cutter, Library Journal 31 (R. R. Bowker Company, 1906): 839. Catalogue of Italian Books, Deposited in the New York Society Library for the Permanent Use of L. Da Ponte’s Pupils and Subscribers (New York: Gray and Bunce, 1827). New York Society Library, Rare Books, 1826. Aleramo Lanapoppi, “Lorenzo Da Ponte: A Vision of Italy from Columbia College (1805-1838)” (Venice: Stamperia Cetid, 1991). Catalogue by Aleramo Lanapoppi, Rotunda of the Low Memorial Library (New York: May 6–31, 1991), 17. “Trustees. Committee on Books,” 2p (New York, January 2, 1826) (report on books offered for sale to the college by Lorenzo da Ponte). Photostat of original Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. Lorenzo Da Ponte, “A Sad Farewell to My Books,” trans. Luciano Rebay, Columbia Library Columns 7 (1951–1961): 30–33. “History,” The Basilica of St. Patrick’s Old Cathedral, last modified 2015, http://oldcathedral.org /history. Jack Beeson, “Don Lorenzo: Da Ponte to Columbia,” The Blue and White 7, no. 3 (December 2000): 61.

2. After Da Ponte 1. Aldo Caselli, “Mozart’s Librettist—First Professor of Italian at Columbia University,” Columbia Library Columns 2, no. 3 (May 1958): 29. 2. Catalogue of officers and graduates of Columbia University from the Foundation of King’s College in 1754 (New York: Printed for the University, 1912).

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3. New York Evening Post, January 11, 1839, 2. 4. “Selected Summary,” Boston Traveler 12, no. 34 (Boston: pub. as American Traveler, October 25, 1836): 2. Another source listed eight travelers (plus Foresti): Gaetano de Castillia, Pietro Borsieri, Felice Argenti, Giovanni Albinola, Luigi Tinelli, Alessandro Bargnani, Cesare Benzoni, and Federico Confalonieri. “L’Italia e gli Stati Uniti d’America: La civiltà latina è la madre della civiltà occidentale” (Italy and the United States of America: Latin Civilization is the Mother of Western Civilization), Momento, no. 14 (Philadelphia: May 18, 1918): 2. 5. “E. Felice Foresti” (obituary), author unknown, reprinted in Littell’s Living Age, Third Series, vol. 3, ed. E. Little (New York: Stanford and Delisser, 1858), 366–67. 6. “Kossuth’s First Day in America,” Evening Post, December 6, 1851, 2. 7. He was president of the Italian Benevolent Society, according to G. F. Secchi De Casali, The American Whig Review 5, no. 4 (April 1847): 357–70. 8. “The Crystal Palace. The Ceremony of Erecting the First Column,” New York Weekly Herald 16, no. 4 (November 6, 1852): 357. 9. Lucy Riall, Garibaldi: Invention of a Hero (New Haven:Yale University Press, 2007), 106. 10. “Gen. Garibaldi,” Richmond Whig 27, no. 66 (August 16, 1850): 2. 11. Bagioli was appointed musical director of the Italian opera company of Giacomo Montresor, a French tenor; this was the first Italian opera company to visit the United States. 12. “City Intelligence,” Evening Post, June 30, 1852, 2. 13. “Notice of New Books, Richmond Whig 24, no. 1 (January 1, 1847): 3. 14. This detail was omitted by H. R. Marraro in his article “Eleuterio Felice Foresti.” Reprinted for the Columbia University Quarterly (New York: Italian Historical Society, 1933), 42. 15. Eleuterio Felix Foresti, Crestomazia italiana: a collection of selected pieces in Italian prose, designed as a class reading-book for beginners in the study of the Italian language (New York: D. Appleton & Company, 1875), v. 16. Catharine M. Sedgewick, Life and Letters of Catharine M. Sedgwick, ed. Mary E. Dewey (1871; repr., Whitefish, MT: Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2008), 223. 17. Columbia University’s Rare Book and Manuscript Library owns a copy published in Florence by G. Barbèra in 1871. 18. See also Vera Brodsky Lawrence, Strong on Music:The New York Music Scene in the Days of George Templeton Strong (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 1: 110. 19. The Family Magazine or Monthly Abstract of General Knowledge. Illustrated with several hundred engravings 4 (1839): 43. 20. Edgar Allan Poe, “The Literati [Part II],” Godey’s Lady’s Book, June 1846, 266–72. 21. Piero Maroncelli, Additions to My Prisons, Memoirs of Silvio Pellico, with a biographical notice of Pellico, trans. from the Italian under the superintendence of the author (Cambridge: Charles Folsom, 1836). 22. Olga Ragusa,“Toward a History of the Casa Italiana,” conference address, March 9, 1994, Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, Columbia University in the City of New York. 23. Officers and graduates of Columbia college, originally the College of the province of New York known as King's college. General catalogue 1754–1900. (New York: Printed for the University, 1900). 24. “Annual Meeting of the Board of Trustees,” Columbia Daily Spectator 8, no. 9 (June 21, 1881). 25. In Annual Report—Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, vol. 4–6 (New York, 1909), he is described as a “licenciato in giurisprudencia” (licensee in jurisprudence).

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26. Annual Report of the President of Columbia College, made to the Board of Trustees, May 4, 1885 (New York: Macgowan & Slipperr, Printers), 69. 27. Annual Report—Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, vol. 4–6 (New York, 1909).

3. The Casa Italiana 1. Giuseppe Laguardia, “From a Little East Harlem Acorn into a Sturdy Morningside Oak” (personal reminiscences of student life of Italo-Americans fifty years ago), in Casa Italiana Columbia University 1927–1962,Thirty Fifth Anniversary Souvenir. (New York: Columbia University, 1962). 2. “Organization of Circolo Italiano,” Columbia Daily Spectator 55, no. 22 (October 21, 1911). 3. “Circolo Italiano Adopts Constitutions,” Columbia Daily Spectator 55, no. 60 (December 9, 1911). 4. John Horace, Mariano and F. H. La Guardia, The Italian Contribution To American Democracy (Boston: Christopher Pub. House, 1921). 5. Leonard Covello with Guido D’Agostino, The Heart is the Teacher (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1958). 6. Columbia College, Class of 1914: A History of the Columbia College Class of Nineteen Hundred Fourteen (New York: Columbia University), 70. 7. “Laguardia to Give Talk on Argentina,” Columbia Daily Spectator 60, no. 197 (August 8, 1917). 8. F. H. La Guardia, introduction to The Italian Contribution to American Democracy, by Mariano John Horace (Boston: Christopher Pub. House, 1921). 9. “Circolo Italiano Plans for Future,” Columbia Daily Spectator 43, no. 5 (February 18, 1919). 10. Nicholas Murray Butler to Mr. Peter M. Riccio, April 5, 1920, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Box 283, Columbia University, New York. 11. Nicholas Murray Butler to Judge Freschi, April 19, 1920, Nicholas Murray Butler Papers (1862–1947), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 12. Michael Rosenthal, Nicholas the Miraculous: The Amazing Career of the Redoubtable Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 388. 13. Giuseppe Prezzolini, “The Case of the Casa Italiana,” American Institute of Italian Studies (New York:, 1976), ix. 14. Roger Howson, “How It All Started: From an Historical Survey of the Casa Italiana,” in Casa Italiana Columbia University 1927–1962,Thirty Fifth Anniversary Souvenir (New York: Columbia University Press, 1962). 15. “Il Circolo to Hold Fifth Annual Play,” Columbia Daily Spectator 49, no. 148 (April 29, 1920): 3. 16. Ibid. 17. Antonio Varsori, Gli alleati e l’emigrazione democratica antifascista (1940–1943) [The Allies and the Democratic Antifascist Emigration (1940–1943)] (Florence: Sansoni, 1982), 31. 18. “Portfolio Heads Bank of Sicily,” New York Times, November 27, 1930, 45. 19. “Il Circolo to Give Sixth Annual Play,” Columbia Daily Spectator 49, no. 138 (April 15, 1920): 3. 20. “Circolo Celebrates Raphael Anniversary,” Columbia Daily Spectator 49, no. 156 (May 11, 1920): 2. 21. “Il Circolo Italiano Plans Informal Dance,” Columbia Daily Spectator 44, no. 25 (October 26, 1920): 4; “Circolo Meeting Tonight,” Columbia Daily Spectator 44, no. 28 (October 29, 1920): 3. 22. “$30,000 Is Donated for Italian House,” Columbia Daily Spectator 49, no. 106 (March 4, 1925): 4; “$70,000 Contributed for Italian Center,” Columbia Daily Spectator 49, no. 139 (April 22, 1925): 3. 23. Judge Freschi to Nicholas Murray Butler, December 12, 1935, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York.

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24. Joseph Paterno to Professor John L. Gerig, December 30, 1925, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 25. Michael E. Paterno to Peter Riccio, January 19, 1926, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 26. Croce to Gerig, December 3, 1925, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 27. “New Italian House to Be Added to Columbia as Center for Study of Culture of Italy,” Columbia Daily Spectator 70, no. 70 (January 4, 1926): 3. 28. “‘Italian House’ Will Be Added to Columbia’s Building Group,” New York Herald/Tribune, January 3, 1926, B10. 29. Michael V. Susi, Columbia University and Morningside Heights (Mount Pleasant, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing, 2007), 55. 30. “50 Reserve Tables at $1,000 Each for Italian House Fete,” New York Herald Tribune, November 25, 1926, 23. 31. “New Italian House to Be Added to Columbia as Center for Study of Culture of Italy,” Columbia Daily Spectator 70, no. 70 (January 4, 1926): 3. 32. “Dr. Paterno Buys $100,000 Estate,” New York Times, September 13, 1921, 35; “Masonic Site for Y.M.C.A.,” New York Times, July 12, 1922, 31; “Latest Dealings in Realty Field,” New York Times, April 25, 1923, 37. 33. “Riverside Drive Sale,” New York Times, May 16, 1923, 31. 34. An example was the famous Greco-Carrillo case in 1927, in which two anti-Fascist workers were accused of killing some Fascists in the Bronx. 35. Charles McKim had died in 1909. 36. Andrew S. Dolkart, Morningside Heights: A History of Its Architecture and Development (New York: Columbia University Press), 183. 37. “Drafting Tools in Case,” New York Historical Society, www.nyhistory.org/exhibit/drafting-tools -case. 38. McKim, Mead & White to Joseph Paterno, December 10, 1925, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 39. Columbia Daily Spectator, “Dance to Be Held for Italian House,” 70, no. 160 (May 24, 1926): 1. 40. “Portraits of Mussolini and Butler to Hang in Columbia Casa Italiana,” Columbia Daily Spectator 49, no. 166 (July 6, 1926): 4–6. 41. Reni-Mel to John L. Gerig, May 23, 1926, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 42. Prezzolini, The Case of the Casa Italiana, x. 43. Ornello Simone to J. J. Freschi, July 17, 1926, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 44. “Dr. Butler to Attend Cornerstone Laying,” Columbia Daily Spectator 49, no. 14 (August 4, 1926): 1; “Ambassador De Martino Speaks at Italian House Dedication; President Butler Sets Stone,” Columbia Daily Spectator 49, no. 15 (August 6, 1926): 1. 45. Nicholas Murray Butler to Judge Freschi, May 7, 1926, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 46. Joseph Paterno to Judge Freschi, August 10, 1926, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York.

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47. Peter Riccio to Paterno Brothers and Michael Campagna, August 12, 1926, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 48. Invitation in Italian signed by Provost Del Vecchio, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 49. Nicholas Murray Butler to Judge Freschi, August 3, 1927, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 50. “Collection of Rare Documents Given to Casa Italiana by Dr. De Yoanna,” Columbia Daily Spectator 51, no. 4 (October 3, 1927): 1. 51. Howard R. Marraro, “Unpublished Letters of Italian Patriots of the Risorgimento,” Italica 20, no. 4 (December 1943): 180–188. 52. “Mayor and Dr. Butler Eulogize Marconi,” New York Times, October 12, 1927, 23. 53. “Program of the Banchetto in onore di Guglielmo Marconi” (program of the banquet in honor of Guglielmo Marconi), October 11, 1927, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 54. “Miss Flynn to Talk Tomorrow on Crime. Sacco-Vanzetti Case Will Be Discussed by Social Problems Club,” Columbia Daily Spectator 50, no. 37 (November 9, 1926). 55. John L. Gerig to Ambassador De Martino, January 10, 1930, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 56. Nicholas Murray Butler to John L. Gerig, October 22, 1928, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 57. John L. Gerig to Commissioner of Internal Revenue, January 19, 1929, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 58. “Casa Italiana Opens Exhibition of Books Representing Examples of Its Literature,” Columbia Daily Spectator 51, no. 150 (May 25, 1928). 59. Federico Finchelstein, Transatlantic Fascism: Ideology, Violence, and the Sacred in Argentina and Italy, 1919–1945 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), 219. 60. The Stanford Daily 70, no. 71 (February 1, 1927). 61. “Dr. Burchell Honored by Italian Societies,” Columbia Daily Spectator 52, no. 102 (March 18, 1929). 62. Columbia Daily Spectator 50, no. 31 (October 29, 1926). 63. McKim, Mead & White to Nicholas Murray Butler, June 2, 1926, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 64. Giuseppe Prezzolini to John L. Freschi, February 9, 1926, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 65. Dr. Larry H. Spruill and Donna M. Jackson, Mount Vernon Revisited (Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing), 62. 66. The Upholsterer and Interior Decorator, vol. 65, p. 54; vol. 55, p. 86. 67. Cecchini to John L. Gerig, typescript, May 11, 1951, New York, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 68. Executive Officer to Frank D. Fackenthal, March 3, 1928, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 69. Orsenigo to ?, February 15, 1928, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 70. Casa Italiana: Historical Sketch (New York: Center for Migration Studies). 71. Mussolini e “La Voce,” [Mussolini and “The Voice”], ed. Emilio Gentile (Milan: Sansoni, 1976), 210; Da L’Italiano inutile [The Useless Italian] (Rimini: Rusconi, 1954), 248–258.

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4. Giuseppe Prezzolini, Controversial Casa Director, and World War II (1930 s and 1940 s ) 1. He started as acting director for the balance of the academic year because of Professor Henry Burchell’s leave of absence. See Frank D. Fackenthal to Giuseppe Prezzolini, March 13, 1930, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 2. “With a leave of absence for the Winter Session 1936–37,” Frank D. Fackenthal to Giuseppe Prezzolini, January 27, 1936, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 3. Casa directors after 1927 were John Gerig, 1927–1929 (Romance Languages); Henry Burchell, 1929–1930 (Latin and Greek); Giuseppe Prezzolini, 1930–1940; and Harry Morgan Ayres, 1940–1948 (English and Comparative Literature). 4. “Italian Educators Get Columbia Posts. Giuseppe Prezzolini and Vittorio Macchioro Will Be Visiting Professors,” New York Times, May 29, 1929, 18. 5. “Prezzolini Is Coming from Italy,” Los Angeles Times, June 25, 1923, 13. 6. Olga Ragusa, “Toward a History of the Casa Italiana,” conference address, March 9, 1994, Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, Columbia University, New York, 14–15. 7. Columbia University Archives, Rare Book and Manuscript Library. 8. “Papini in Hiding on Italian Farm,” July 2, 1924, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 9. Peter Riccio to Giuseppe Prezzolini, November 29, 1924, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 10. Minutes of meeting of January 31, 1925, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 11. Henry Burchell to Nicholas Murray Butler, February 27, 1929, Central Files (1890–1984), “Burchell, Henry J., Files, 1929–1930,” Box 667, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 12. Ibid. 13. Frank D. Fackenthal to Giuseppe Prezzolini, May 8, 1929, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 14. Frank D. Fackenthal to Giuseppe Prezzolini, March 13, 1930, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 15. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Frank D. Fackenthal, March 14, 1930, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, NewYork. 16. Frank D. Fackenthal to Giuseppe Prezzolini, March 17, 1930, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 17. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Frank D. Fackenthal, March 20, 1930, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 18. Giuseppe Prezzolini, Memorandum for President Butler, October 5, 1930, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 19. Louis Paolucci,“Concerning the Italian Collection,” Columbia Library Columns 7, no. 3 (May 1958): 34–39.

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20. “Casa Italiana Opens Exhibition of Books Representing Examples of Its Literature,” Columbia Daily Spectator 61, no. 150 (May 25, 1928). 21. Prezzolini, Memorandum for President Butler. 22. Giuseppe Prezzolini, Directors’ Annual Report 1930–1931 (New York: Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, 1931), located in Italian Academy archives. 23. “Music Notes,” New York Times, April 15, 1932, 23. 24. Casa Italiana Columbia University 1927–1967 Fortieth Anniversary Souvenir (Westerley, RI: Utter Co. Printers, 1967), 28. 25. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Nicholas Murray Butler, May 7, 1931, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 26. Frank D. Fackenthal to Giuseppe Prezzolini, June 3, 1930, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 27. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Frank D. Fackenthal, March 20, 1930, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 28. Nicholas Murray Butler to Consul Grazzi, July 26, 1932, Central Files (1890–1984), “Butler, Nicholas Murray, files, 1890–1934,” Box 486, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 29. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Frank D. Fackenthal, October 31, 1933, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 30. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Frank D. Fackenthal, April 25, 1934, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 31. Philip Mazzei, Memorie della vita e delle peregrinazioni del fiorentino Filippo Mazzei [My life and wanderings], trans. S. Eugene Scalia, ed. Margherita Marchione (Morristown, NJ: American Institute of Italian Studies, 1980). 32. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Frank D. Fackenthal, April 25, 1934, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 33. The Italy-America Society also provided financial support to the Casa. 34. Catalogue of Officers and Graduates of Columbia University, 16th ed. (New York, 1916), 232. 35. Peter M. Riccio, Rachel Davis-Dubois, Leonard Covello, and Doyle Henry Grattan are among the authors published in this period. 36. Antonio Varsori, Gli alleati e l’emigrazione democratica antifascista (1940–1943) [The Allies and the Democratic Antifascist Emigration (1940–1943)] (Florence: Sansoni, 1982), 25. 37. “Italian Noble Will Visit Casa Italiana Tomorrow: Governor of Rome to Speak on Development of Italian Culture and Fascism,” Columbia Daily Spectator 51, no. 144 (May 11, 1928). 38. Benito Mussolini to Giuseppe Prezzolini, July 4, 1933, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 39. Nicholas Murray Butler to Giuseppe Prezzolini, September 26, 1933, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York.

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40. “Pacifists to Hold Meeting Today Against Fascism,” Columbia Daily Spectator 57, no. 79 (February 16, 1934). 41. “Demands Action Against Hitler. Jewish Club Circulates Petition Urging Curb on Nazis,” Columbia Daily Spectator 56, no. 104 (March 24, 1933). 42. “College Jewish Group Opens Second Year at Casa Today,” Columbia Daily Spectator 55, no. 21 (October 22, 1931). 43. “Anita Brenner to Speak at Marxist Meeting,” Columbia Daily Spectator 56, no. 105 (March 27, 1933). 44. “Fascism at Columbia University, by a Special Investigator,” The Nation 139, no. 3618 (November 7, 1934): 530–531. 45. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Nicholas Murray Butler, March 14, 1935, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 46. “Philip V. Cannistraro, Luigi Antonini and the Italian Anti-Fascist Movement in the United States, 1940–1943,” Journal of American Ethnic History 5, no. 1 (Fall 1985): 21–40. 47. An article in the Scarsdale Inquirer, no. 8 (January 13, 1928), reads: “Dr. Fama to Speak on Fascism Monday.” . . . His subject will be ‘Fascism,’ which Dr. Fama believes is more subtle, dangerous and insidious than Bolshevism. He will utter a warning against its spread in this country, where he asserts it is making dupes of hundreds of Italians, who are unaware of the character of the organization. Fascism, Dr. Fama holds, is the negation of all that we Americans stand for and he believes that there is no place for it in this country.” 48. Charles Fama to Giuseppe Prezzolini, February 19, 1935, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 49. Laura Fermi, Atoms in the Family: My Life with Enrico Fermi (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954), 121. 50. Ibid., 181. 51. Enrico Fermi to Nicholas Murray Butler, August 16, 1945, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 52. Paul Oskar Kristeller, “Giuseppe Prezzolini at Columbia University: A Commemoration, Thursday, April 7, 1983,” in Giuseppe Prezzolini:The American Years 1929–1962, by Silvia Betocchi (New York: S. F. Vanni, 1994), 103–4. 53. Giovanni Gentile to Paul Oskar Kristeller, August 28, 1939, Paul Oskar Kristeller papers (1910–1989), Box 20, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 54. William Theodore De Bary, Living Legacies at Columbia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 109. 55. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Nicholas Murray Butler, November 8, 1940, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 56. “Prezzolini Called Fascist,” Columbia Daily Spectator 64, no. 50 (December 9, 1940): 1. 57. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Frank D. Fackenthal, December 27, 1940, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 58. Provost Jacobs to Giuseppe Prezzolini, June 22, 1948, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 59. Peter Riccio to Dean Russell, Provost Frank Fackenthal, and Dean Gildersleeve, June 15, 1940, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 60. Frank D. Fackenthal to Howard Marraro, November 13, 1940, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York.

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61. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Giovanni Gentile, October 9, 1930, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 62. “Instructor Awarded Italian Decoration,” Columbia Daily Spectator 57, no. 49 (December 11, 1933). 63. Howard R. Marraro, “The Fascist Record in Italy,” Current History, May 1, 1935, 158–162. 64. “Marraro Lauds Italian System of Instruction,” Columbia Daily Spectator 59, no. 132 (May 6, 1936). 65. Harry Morgan Ayres, Directors’ Annual Report 1940–1941 (New York: Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, 1941), located in Italian Academy archives. Subsequent quotes are from this report. 66. Harry Morgan Ayres, Directors’ Annual Report 1942–1943, (New York: Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, 1943), located in Italian Academy archives. Subsequent quotes are from this report. 67. John P. Diggins, Mussolini and Fascism: The View from America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972). Translated into Italian under the title L’America, Mussolini e il Fascismo (Bari: Laterza, 1972). 68. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Nicholas Murray Butler, March 14, 1935, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 69. Giuseppe Prezzolini, The Case of the Casa Italiana (New York: American Institute of Italian Studies, 1976), xi. 70. Ibid. 71. Prezzolini, “The Case of the Casa Italiana.” Untitled, unpublished typescript (possibly a draft of The Case of the Casa Italiana), located at the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, Columbia University, New York. The following quotations are from this manuscript. 72. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Count Sforza, July 20, 1935, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 73. Frank D. Fackenthal to Giuseppe Prezzolini, October 8, 1935, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 74. Nicholas Murray Butler to Frank D. Fackenthal, December 3, 1940, Central Files (1890–1984), “Butler, Nicholas Murray, files, 1890–1934,” Box 486, Folder 27/38, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 75. “Memorandum for Mr. Fackenthal, Southampton, N.Y.,” August 15, 1942, Butler Nicholas Murray Central Files, Box 487, Folder 31/38, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 76. Michael Rosenthal, Nicholas Miraculous: The Amazing Career of the Redoubtable Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2006), 388. 77. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Nicholas Murray Butler, October 31, 1934, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 78. “A Denial from Ferrero,” The Nation 140, no. 3630 (January 30, 1935): 130. 79. John Lawrence Gerig, “Address Delivered Before State High School Conference of New Jersey (Rutgers),” May 9, 1925, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 80. Harold Lord Varney to John L. Gerig, June 18, 1928, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 81. John L. Gerig to Giuseppe Belluzzo, May 27, 1929, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 82. Rosenthal, Nicholas Miraculous, 389.

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83. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Nicholas Murray Butler, October 31, 1934, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. Incidentally, the proof that Ferrando was a “guest of the Casa Italiana, time and again” can be found in the Casa Italiana Library Register: he signed it often, starting on July 9, 1929. 84. This was also when the New School for Social Research (a progressive institute founded in New York City) began giving Jewish scholars and scientists a refuge in New York.The New School’s website reads: “This University in Exile was given a home at The New School and sponsored more than 180 individuals and their families, providing them with visas and jobs” (www.newschool.edu/nssr /history). 85. Rosenthal, Nicholas Miraculous, 391. 86. Philip V. Cannistraro and Brian R. Sullivan, Il Duce’s Other Woman (New York:William Morrow, 1993), 471. 87. Ibid., 402. 88. Nicholas Murray Butler to Joseph Paterno, Esq., May 14, 1937, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 89. “Nicholas Murray Butler—Biographical,” Nobelprize.org, http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel _prizes/peace/laureates/1931/butler-bio.html. 90. Cannistraro and Sullivan, Il Duce’s Other Woman, 420. 91. Mussolini e “La Voce” [Mussolini and “The Voice”], ed. Emilio Gentile (Florence: Sansoni, 1976), 210; Giuseppe Prezzolini, L’italiano inutile [The Useless Italian] (Rimini: Rusconi, 1954), 248–258. 92. Peter M. Riccio, On the Threshold of Fascism (New York: Casa Italiana, Columbia University, 1929), 117–118. 93. Mussolini e “La Voce,” 248–58. 94. Frank D. Fackenthal to Giuseppe Prezzolini, March 17, 1930, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 95. “Memorial for Professor Dino Bigongiari,” 1965, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 96. “Goes to Italy with Columbia Prize,” New York Times, May 30, 1920, 9. 97. “Morgue Advance Obit—Dino Bigongiari,” July 3, 1958, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 98. Dr. Harry Elmer Barnes, New York World-Telegram Rome—Columbia, November 19, 1934. 99. “Memorial for Professor Dino Bigongiari.” 100. “Prof. Gino Bigongiari,” New York Times, February 11, 1962. 101. John Horace Mariano, The Italian Contribution to American Democracy (Boston: Christopher Pub. House, 1922), 123. 102. He founded the Foreign Press Service in partnership with Paul Kennaday and Ernest Poole. 103. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Nicholas Murray Butler, October 31, 1934, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 104. Arthur Livingston Venetian Papers (ca. 15th–18th centuries), Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 105. Frank D. Fackenthal to Giuseppe Prezzolini, April 15, 1940, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York.

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106. Arthur Livingston to Giuseppe Prezzolini, October 3, 1938, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 107. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Arthur Livingston, October 6, 1938, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 108. Giuseppe Prezzolini to Arthur Livingston, October 10, 1938, Central Files (1890–1984), “Prezzolini, Giuseppe, files, 1929–1950,” Box 357, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 109. “Hayes Traces History of Religious Hatred,” Columbia Daily Spectator 55, no. 114 (April 6, 1932). 110. Prezzolini, The Case of the Casa Italiana, 25. 111. New York Times, September 28, 1924, E5. 112. Iris Origo, A Need to Testify: Portraits of Lauro de Bosis, Ruth Draper, Gaetano Salvemini, Ignazio Silone and an Essay on Biography (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1984), 43. 113. “Italian Scholar Revealed as Leader of Forces Combating Fascist Regime. Dr. Lauro de Bosis, Resident of Casa Italiana, Flees to Geneva to Escape Fate Which Has Already Overtaken His Family and Friends,” Columbia Daily Spectator 54, no. 62 (January 7, 1931). 114. W. E. B. Du Bois Papers (MS 312), Special Collections and University Archives, University of Massachusetts Libraries, Amherst, Massachusetts. 115. Origo, A Need to Testify, 41–42. 116. Rosenthal, Nicholas Miraculous, 384. 117. “Italian Book Club Planned by Columbia,” New York Times, March 28, 1931, 28. 118. Harry Morgan Ayres, Directors’ Annual Report 1944–1945 (New York: Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, 1945), located in Italian Academy archives. 119. Columbia University Archives, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York.

Appendix A 1. Library of Columbia College, account of books purchased for the library, ca. 1818, Columbia College Papers, Series II, Box 8, University Archives, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 2. Lorenzo Da Ponte to Clement Clark Moore, April 30, 1823, Columbia College Papers, Series II, Box 12, University Archives, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 3. Trustees of Columbia College, Resolution that Professor Lorenzo Da Ponte be appointed Professor of Italian Language and Literature, but with no salary from the College, September 5, 1825, Columbia College Papers, Series II, Box 13, University Archives, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 4. Lorenzo Da Ponte to Clement Clark Moore, October 8, 1825, Columbia College Papers, Series II, Box 13, University Archives, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 5. Committee on Books of the Trustees, report on books offered for sale to the college by Lorenzo da Ponte, January 2, 1826, Columbia College Papers, Series II, Box 14, University Archives, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 6. Lozenzo Da Ponte: Una Visione Dell’italia Da Columbia College (1805–1838) [Lorenzo Da Ponte: A Vision of Italy from Columbia College (1805–1838)]. (Venice: Grafica de Valter Ballarin, 1991), 19.

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7. Lorenzo Da Ponte to Clement Clark Moore, July 6, 1830, Columbia College Papers, Series II, Box 16, University Archives, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 8. Lorenzo Da Ponte to William Alexander Duer, November 1, 1830, Columbia College Papers, Series II, Box 17, University Archives, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 9. Olga Ragusa, “Italian Department and Casa Italiana at Columbia University: The Prezzolini Years,” Italiana Americana 13, no. 1 (1995): 63. 10. Peter M. Riccio to President Nicholas Murray Butler, 1920, Peter M. Riccio Papers, Series I, Box 7, folder 1, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 11. Istituto di Coltura Italiana negli Stati Uniti, Bulletin No. 1, July 1923, John Lawrence Gerig Papers, Series II, Box 5, Italian folder, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 12. Dr. Charles V. Paterno to Judge John J. Freschi, December 11, 1925, Peter M. Riccio Papers, Series I, Box 7, folder 1, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 13. Paul Cohen, “Columbia I: Castles, Skyscrapers, and the Charles V. Paterno Library,” Italian Americana 8, no. 1 (1986): 10. 14. Professor Giuseppe Prezzolini to Dr. Charles V. Paterno, October 25, 1934, Peter M. Riccio Papers, Series I, Box 7, folder 1B, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York. 15. President Nicholas Murray Butler to Dr. Charles V. Paterno, January 14, 1938, Peter M. Riccio Papers, Series I, Box 7, folder 2, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, New York.

Appendix C 1. On the aims of the Casa Italiana, see Roger Howson, Historical Survey of the Casa Italiana, s.n.t., 6–7. 2. Leonard Covello (Leonardo Coviello) was born on November 26, 1887, in Avigliano (Basilicata) and brought to the United States by his emigrating parents in 1895. The family settled in the Italian-American enclave of East Harlem, to which Covello remained linked for the rest of his life. Following his graduation from Columbia College (B.S. 1911), he served as a public school teacher and administrator for almost thirty years. He implemented the community-centered school, an innovative concept of education that called for close interaction between the school and the community, following his commitment toward the creation of an educational system that met the needs of immigrant students. Covello was involved in the Italian-American community and the problems relating to the children of Italian and later Puerto Rican immigrants, to whom he dedicated several studies. He died in Messina (Italy) on August 19, 1982. On Covello’s role in the CIEB, see Francesco Cordasco, “Leonard Covello and the Casa Italiana Educational Bureau: A Note on the Beginnings of Systematic Italian-American Studies,” in Studies in Italian American Social History: Essays in Honor of Leonard Covello, by Leonard Covello and Francesco Cordaso (Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1975), 1–9. 3. Leonard Covello, The Casa Italiana Educational Bureau: Its Purpose and Program, Casa Italiana Educational Bureau, Bulletin 4 (ca. 1933), 3. 4. Leonard Covello, The Italians in America: A Brief Survey of a Sociological Research Program of Italo-American Communities, Casa Italiana Educational Bureau, Bulletin 6 (July 1934), 3. 5. Covello, The Casa Italiana Educational Bureau, 3. 6. Ibid. 7. Covello, The Italians in America, 7–12.

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8. In addition to the already cited texts by Leonard Covello (Bulletins 4 and 6), see Rachel DavisDuBois, Some Contributions of Italy and Her Sons to Civilization and American Life (Bulletin 3); William B. Shedd, Italian Population in New York (Bulletin 7); John D’Alessandre, Occupational Trends of Italians in New York City, 1916–1931 (Bulletin 8); and Giuseppe Prezzolini, A Program of Cultural Activities for Italian Clubs or Societies (Bulletin 9). Other research promoted by the CIEB was published by Atlantica (Genoeffa Nizzardini, “Health Among Italians in New York City,” December 1934) and Italy-America Monthly (Marie Lipari, “The Padrone System: An Aspect of American Economic System,” April 1935; and Genoeffa Nizzardini, “Infant Mortality for Manhattan, Brooklyn, Bronx, 1916–1931,” May 1935). 9. The bulletins dedicated to the role of the Italian language were written by Peter M. Riccio (Why English Speaking People Should Study Italian, Bulletin 2) and Henry Grattan Doyle (The Importance of the Study of the Italian Language, Bulletin 5). Additional research was conducted by Leonard Covello. “Language Usage in Italian Families” was published in Atlantica (October/November 1934). 10. Covello, The Italians in America, 14. 11. Cited by Cordasco, “Leonard Covello and the Casa Italiana Educational Bureau,” 7. 12. The New York City Federal Writers’ Project published The Italians of New York (New York: Labor Press, 1939), also in Italian as Gli Italiani di New York. 13. Howson, Historical Survey of the Casa Italiana, 19. 14. Ivi, 13.