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CONTENTS
I Welcome Remarks
II FRANCE AND SINGAPORE Strategic Partners in a Fast-Changing World
III LA FRANCE ET SINGAPOUR Partenaires Stratégiques dans un Monde en Mutation
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FRANCE ANd SINgapore

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The ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) was established as an autonomous organization in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are the Regional Economic Studies (RES, including ASEAN and APEC), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world.

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Singapore Lecture 27 March 2017

FRANCE AND SINGAPORE Strategic Partners in a Fast-Changing World

François Hollande

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Published in Singapore in 2017 by ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo­copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute. © 2017 ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore ISEAS Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Hollande, François. France and Singapore : Strategic Partners in a Fast-Changing World. (Singapore lecture series, 0129-1912 ; [40]) 1. France—Foreign relations—Singapore. 2. Singapore—Foreign relations—France. I. Singapore Lecture (40th : 2017 : Singapore) II. Title. III. Series: Singapore lecture series ; [40]. DS501 I597 no. 40         2017 ISBN 978-981-4786-16-4 (soft cover) ISBN 978-981-4786-17-1 (E-book, PDF) Typeset by International Typesetters Pte Ltd Printed in Singapore by Markono Print Media

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CONTENTS I Welcome Remarks

Tharman Shanmugaratnam 1

II

France and Singapore: Strategic Partners in a Fast-Changing World (English translation)

François Hollande 5

III

France and Singapore: Strategic Partners in a Fast-Changing World (French version)

François Hollande 17

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I Welcome Remarks Tharman Shanmugaratnam Deputy Prime Minister and Coordinating Minister for Economic and Social Policies, Singapore

His Excellency François Hollande President of the French Republic Distinguished Guests Ladies and Gentlemen 1. A very good afternoon to all. We are extremely honoured to have French President François Hollande deliver the 40th Singapore Lecture today. 2. President Hollande’s visit is the first State Visit here by a French President, and marks a significant milestone in our bilateral relations. President Hollande is also the third French leader to deliver the Singapore Lecture. Former French President Giscard D’Estaing delivered the 3rd Singapore Lecture in 1982, and former Prime Minister Raymond Barre delivered the 7th Singapore Lecture in 1986.  3. We are privileged that with President Hollande’s lecture today, we are able to carry on a tradition which reflects the importance that both countries place on our bilateral relations.

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4. President Hollande has had an outstanding career. Like many of his predecessors, he was a graduate of the prestigious École Nationale d’Administration. He joined the Socialist Party in 1972, and began his political career as the Special Advisor for economic matters to President François Mitterand in 1981. President Hollande was first elected as the Municipal Counsellor for Ussel, before going on to win a National Assembly seat in 1988. He was appointed President of the Socialist Party in 2008, and subsequently elected President of the French Republic in May 2012. 5. Singapore-France relations have strengthened under President Hollande’s government. Today, France is Singapore’s 2nd largest trading partner in the EU. French enterprises continue to see Singapore as a natural and competitive gateway to Asian markets, with more than 1,800 French firms already established here. The last five years have also been marked by an exceptionally high number of high-level visits between our two countries, including the exchange of visits by our Prime Ministers in 2012 and 2013, as well as President Tony Tan’s State Visit to France in 2015. 6. A highlight of our bilateral relationship under President Hollande’s leadership was the establishment of a Strategic Partnership in October 2012. The Partnership is a reflection of our common outlook on the challenges and opportunities we face, and deepened cooperation in areas such as defence, trade and investment, education and culture, renewable energies and nuclear safety. 7. To mark the 5th anniversary of our Strategic Partnership, our two countries have released a Joint Declaration of Innovation which will pave the way for greater collaborations in industries of the future including space technology, smart cities planning, FinTech and health and biomedical sciences.

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8. Singapore and France share a common vision of a world that embraces openness, multilateralism, globalisation and the rule of law. This is especially important when there is a rising mood to turn inwards in some parts of the world. We all share common challenges, but the solutions are not to be found from turning inwards. 9. France has offered steadfast support for the EU-Singapore FTA, which will bring tangible benefits for both sides, and help catalyse the deepening of linkages between two important regions of the world: Europe and Asia. We also look forward to the ASEAN-EU Comprehensive Air Transport Agreement which will improve our connectivity and people-to-people ties. 10. How can Singapore and France continue to strengthen our Strategic Partnership? What can we do in the face of disruptive technologies, increasing populism and changing geopolitics? These are some of the questions that President Hollande will address in his speech, titled “France and Singapore, Strategic Partners in a Fast-Changing World”. 11. Without further ado, let me invite President Hollande to deliver the 40th Singapore Lecture.

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II FRANCE AND SINGAPORE Strategic Partners in a Fast-Changing World François Hollande President of the French Republic

Deputy Prime Minister, Ladies, Gentlemen, Ministers, Parliament Members, Distinguished Guests, It is a great honour for me to be invited to this Conference held for the 40th Singapore Lecture. You have held the Conference at the time of my State Visit to Singapore, but also to confirm the strategic partnership uniting our two countries, because Singapore is more than a country with which we just have excellent relations, which is the case. Singapore is a partner that because of its solidity, its stability and its security, we consider an ally. Singapore is also a source of inspiration due to its ability to anticipate the realities of tomorrow and to take the initiative as you have shown in recent years. Indeed, you had with Lee Kuan Yew, an aspiration which made your country a leader in the region and one of the countries with the highest income per capita in the world.

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What is your secret? I did not come here to expose this secret, but to understand it. The secret is first this confidence in opening up, this ability to fully take part in the world, to be aware that your most important quality is that of innovation. Indeed, your geographic location is exceptional, on the coast of the Strait of Malacca at the intersection between the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean. But geography does not explain everything, you have been able to capitalize on this situation to become a genuine international hub. You are now the second biggest port in the world and I am extremely proud that a French company, CMA-CGM, has realized a far-reaching investment plan here with a Singaporean partner, PSA. You have also made the choice to focus on technology so that it would be fully present in your financial activities as well as in your ways of building sustainable cities, in your modes of transport, and in the capacity to connect people with one another. That is how Singapore has become a global intelligent city model where all innovative solutions are developed. This is why, —and this is the third explanation of your secret—, you attract talented people from all over the world, researchers, entrepreneurs, startuppers and you can also be proud of the fact that many French people have relocated here. Some 15,000 according to official statistics, and I am referring to ours, and more if we are to look at the realities of the Singaporean economy. That is a sign that you are a country that attracts talent and young talent. Here is what I have understood from your model:

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opening up, confidence in the future, innovation, appeal and the ability to be one step ahead. These principles are also our principles. France would like to be an open, innovative country, able to take initiative, concerned with finding a place for its young people and able to invest all of its potential in innovation. We, Singapore and France, must therefore defend these principles and this model because it is currently being threatened. Threatened by inward-looking behaviour, by protectionism, by isolationism, by extremism, by nationalism. This temptation to turn inwards is not only dangerous but it brings us to an impasse, which requires our vigilance with regard to all of these re-emerging solutions that unfortunately proved to be extremely damaging not so long ago. The only path forward that should be recommended to the world if it is to be safer and fairer is the defence of a few simple principles. The first being the commitment to multilateralism, in other words, international institutions, international law, and international and regional cooperation. These principles must also include independence, respect and the affirmation that openness is a condition for progress. Ladies and gentlemen, our course must be especially clear since threats have now been added to uncertainties. Uncertainties can arise from elections, their expectations or their outcome. Uncertainties are also hesitations on the part of world leaders. Uncertainties can also be different powers struggling to find their balance. We are living in a world of uncertainties, if we add economic and climate challenges to the mix, we are inevitably facing a world in which we cannot foresee and plan with the same criteria or under the same conditions as in the past.

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But these uncertainties are compounded by threats. The first is terrorism. France was hit extremely hard and it is fully engaged in the fight against this scourge that can happen anywhere. The influence of Daesh that we are tackling at this time even in Iraq and Syria with the international coalition is a danger to us all. More than 1,000 citizens of Southeast Asian countries are fighting on the Iraqi-Syrian front alongside hundreds of European citizens who can return to their home countries at any time to commit terrorist attacks there. And we are also aware that there are isolated individuals who can use Daesh propaganda to attack us. Fighting terrorism therefore requires more cooperation between governments and intelligence services, between police forces, between judicial institutions and joint efforts to combat radicalization and the different types of trafficking that finance terrorist groups. We are also aware that we must use technology-related weapons against those who precisely want to use technology to destabilize or destroy our information systems. I am thinking of cyber security and cyber defence that must be a priority for countries intending to protect themselves against external influences and also terrorist attacks. Our victory will depend on our determination and our ability to join forces when it comes to prevention, protection and responses and I know that France and Singapore share exactly the same approach. In this fight we must also be true to ourselves, respect our rule of law and refuse to accept any hate speech or discrimination. Even when France was attacked, I made sure as President of

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the French Republic to preserve national cohesion and unity because that is what terrorists want to chip away, undermine, and damage, and they want to create in our country, in our societies, a separation, a division that could be fatal. We must now be careful to avoid making generalizations and to be clear about the way in which we would like to live together. In France we have a word for expressing this ability to be both free and at the same time respectful, it is laïcité (secularism) and it is what we have been able to uphold. All individuals are free to practise the religion of their choice or no religion at all and must respect common law. At the same time, in addition to the neutrality that it must practise, the State has the obligation to protect all places of worship. But we are involved in a war on terrorism that is going to last a long time and that means our societies must be prepared. It also means that our political leaders must be aware that it will take more than a law, additional legislation or additional resources to be done with this scourge. It will require action that must be conducted on an appropriate scale, which today means worldwide, and with crucial determination, which means using all means necessary to achieve our goal, apart from those that lead us to act outside the rule of law. But we clearly see that the fear of terrorism, with in addition wars that can occur far from home but, with the globalization of information, are on our doorstep. We clearly see that populists and extremisms can use the fears—albeit legitimate —that these situations provoke to try to impose solutions that would go against the interests of each of our countries. The temptation that I mentioned earlier, to turn inwards, can be present in large countries, in large democracies, and can concern entire continents. Therefore, we must also explain what the

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consequences of these choices would be and what it would mean to close our borders, build walls, promote close—not to say selfish—national interests or an unfair and inappropriate migration policy since it would only target nationals of one country and one country only. We must therefore show that there is another way to act. It involves what I call regulated globalization that should be based on the sovereignty of nations but also on the role of international institutions and particularly the United Nations. And all those who would like to criticize the United Nations, in the end, reduce the capacity of global governance to take action to address the very causes of the conflicts. Nations cannot be strengthened to the detriment of the international regulatory system. We can be sure of what we are without having to challenge everything that happened after the Second World War, and which has made it possible, despite a few shortcomings, to avoid conflicts or at least to settle the most important ones. Likewise, economically speaking, although it is easy to convince public opinions that with customs barriers, with taxes, it will be possible to defend employment. We know that these proposals would have exactly the opposite effect, because all of the global growth over these last sixty years has been driven by global trade. That does not mean that free trade, without regulations, without controls, without standards, would be the solution. It quite simply means that if it is not possible to trade goods and services, and to facilitate the movement of knowledge, expertise, and technology, there is a risk of an overall weakening, a shrinking of horizons, a decrease in investments and ultimately, an elimination of jobs.

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These are not theoretical debates. These are not academic or economic debates. They are realities that have been demonstrated in the past. We must never believe that new ideas are actually new. There is always a trace from the past, an origin. Protectionism is as old as trade. It is a debate that was already taking place in the middle of the 19th century in Europe and that resurfaced in the middle of the 20th century before the Second World War and that inevitably has returned today in the early 21st century. Therefore, in the face of protectionism, we should show that respect for an international order is ultimately the best solution and that entire continents should have trade agreements. I would once again like to point out that this is what we did between Europe and Singapore or between Europe and ASEAN very soon. I would also like to stress how important it is for us to move away from power struggles that would end up calling the international order into question. International law is what enables us, in our world, to have rules and to enforce them. Among these rules, it is precisely because of the law of the sea and free movement that France, which is present in the Pacific Ocean, regularly exercises its right of passage in the South China Sea, in close connection with its European allies, because we want these principles to be preserved. I would like to talk about another threat, which concerns you in Asia, but which concerns us all, and that is the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. A few months ago, we were able to sign a nuclear agreement with Iran. In it, we found a balance that has allowed us to ensure that Iran will not acquire nuclear weapons. But we also know that there are temptations in North Korea,—more than a temptation—, there is a desire to

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acquire an operational nuclear weapon. There again, we must do everything in our power, including through sanctions, to prevent this situation that could undermine the security of populations and the balance in the region. With regard to this non-proliferation challenge, France took part in Exercise Deep Sabre in October 2016, which was organized by Singapore. We consider it to be an effective response and the right path for working together. I would like to finish with one last threat, which is climate change. With regard to this issue as well, Singapore and France have shared the same opinion and have demonstrated the same commitment. Here the challenge can be seen in the increasing number of heavy rains in Southeast Asia, forest fires and a sea level rise. Many countries are at risk. I am thinking of Bangladesh, which could lose up to a third of its territory, Vietnam, whose two big deltas, the Mekong and Red River Deltas, are concerned by rising water levels and soil salinization. In the face of these risks,— which we are already experiencing, which are no longer just hypotheses, which are certain, if we do not act—, we must once again invest and honour the commitments we have made. I would like to commend Singapore’s commitments and investments, particularly with regard to supplying safe drinking water and to developing cutting-edge construction expertise. I would like to commend the work of your Foreign Minister, which enabled the Paris Conference to reach a crucial compromise. That is why we must do everything we can so that the Paris Agreement is fully respected and implemented. It is irreversible and no country, no power, can separate themselves

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from this problem. And we need to go even further. That is what you have done in Singapore with the carbon tax for 2019, because carbon must have a price if we want investments, both physical and financial, to include this price dimension so that optimal choices can be made regarding the allocation of capital. We must also find innovative solutions for the transition, which we have done, particularly with India with regard to the International Solar Alliance or to develop low-carbon economies everywhere in the world. That is what lies ahead, uncertainties, threats, but we are not powerless and let alone indifferent. We can act, it is the role of States to do so. And France considers that it has a special duty, not because it is more qualified than other States to take today’s realities and tomorrow’s challenges into account because of its past, but because we uphold the principles we share with Singapore and that apply to us and the entire world. What we are defending are universal values, not special interests but the planet’s interest. We are constantly aspiring to promote stability, security, progress and development. We believe that globalization should be governed and we are not afraid to say that there should be global governance, since today the world has become our horizon, our environment. It is undoubtedly because they had this lucidity regarding the role that Asia and Europe could play that Jacques Chirac and Lee Kuan Yew wanted to create ASEM, a forum for dialogue and exchange between the Heads of State and Government of the two continents. This dialogue must absolutely continue because today it is more necessary than ever since Europe is the number one economic power in the world, the number one trade power in the world and since Asia is a continent of the world’s future.

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Singapore is one of the founding members of ASEAN, which will soon celebrate its 50th anniversary. Europe just celebrated its 60th anniversary of the signature of the Treaty of Rome. We should encourage the development of relations between these two major organizations. The European Union should be more involved with ASEAN, be more active in terms of investment, official assistance and technological exchanges and should have a structural relationship with ASEAN. Likewise, the European Union is negotiating trade agreements with several countries in the area, including Singapore but also the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, where I will be in a few days. The aim is for the European Union and ASEAN to have a strategic partnership. In the same vein, I know that ASEAN would like to enhance its integration, and that this decision could develop trade with the European Union. In any case, you can be assured, Deputy Prime Minister, that France will support the agreement between Singapore and the European Union, especially with regard to the transport dimension. So ladies and gentlemen, what I came to deliver to you today is a message of lucidity because the world is being threatened, but a message of truth, because we must act and we have the power to act. And lastly, a message of will, because it is possible to undertake action. Through what we are, Europe, Asia, that is to say, a large portion of the world, policies that can produce stability, security and development. I would like to remind you that France wanted to be fully present in Asia. French companies have set up business here. We have been able to double our trade for example with Singapore in ten years’ time. We have built major partnerships focusing on aviation, but now on energy, the environment and sustainable

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cities, and we intend to make French technology very present in Asia. This will require even larger investments than those we have made thus far, even if in ten years’ time, the stock of investments that have been made by French companies in Asia has tripled to reach €100 billion. Similarly, France is willing to welcome even more investments from Asia, which have likewise tripled over the last ten years. But to establish this relationship, we must have confidence. This confidence must be given carefully because it is extremely important in the areas of defence, industry and technology, to know with whom we are working. France has confidence in Singapore because here you have provided all of the necessary conditions for investors, companies, researchers and academics to work freely and with potential for development. And I would like to believe that you also have confidence in France, because France has this capacity for invention, innovation, and at the same time, freedom. It is because we are aware that the values we uphold are universal and that France has a role to play in Asia that I wanted, at the end of my term of office, to make this visit to Singapore, tomorrow to Malaysia, and the day after tomorrow to Indonesia. I know that France will be warmly welcomed. Thank you.

Source:  .

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III LA FRANCE ET SINGAPOUR Partenaires Stratégiques dans un Monde en Mutation François Hollande Président de la République Française

Monsieur le vice Premier ministre, Mesdames, Messieurs, Ministres, Parlementaires, invités, C’est beaucoup d’honneur que de m’inviter ici pour cette conférence dans le cadre du 40ème Singapore lecture. Vous le faites à l’occasion de ma visite d’Etat ici à Singapour, mais aussi pour confirmer le partenariat stratégique qui unit nos deux pays, car Singapour est plus qu’un pays avec lequel nous aurions des relations excellentes, ce qui est le cas. Singapour est un partenaire qui par sa solidité, sa stabilité, sa sécurité est pour nous un allié. Singapour est aussi une source d’inspiration par son aptitude à anticiper sur les réalités de demain, et par sa capacité d’initiative comme vous l’avez prouvé ces dernières années. En effet, vous aviez avec Lee Kuan Yew, une aspiration qui a fait de votre pays un des leaders dans la région et un des pays qui dispose du revenu par habitant, parmi les plus élevés du monde.

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Quel est le secret qui est le vôtre? Je ne suis pas venu là pour le percer, mais pour le comprendre. Le secret, c’est d’abord cette confiance dans l’ouverture, cette capacité a être pleinement dans le monde, à être conscient que la première qualité qui doit être la vôtre, c’est celle de l’innovation. Certes vous êtes placés géographiquement sur une position exceptionnelle, sur le détroit de Malacca au croisement de l’Océan Indien et de l’Océan Pacifique. Mais la géographie n’explique pas tout, vous avez été capables d’utiliser cette situation pour être véritablement un hub à l’échelle mondiale. Vous êtes ainsi le deuxième port au monde et je suis d’ailleurs très fier qu’une entreprise française CMA-CGM ait pu réaliser ici un très grand plan d’investissement avec un partenaire singapourien PSA. Vous avez également fait le choix de la technologie, pour qu’elle soit pleinement présente aussi bien dans vos activités financières, dans vos modes de construction de la ville durable, dans vos modes de transports, que dans la capacité de relier les citoyens les uns aux autres. C’est ainsi que Singapour est devenue une référence mondiale de la ville intelligente, là où sont développées toutes les solutions innovantes et c’est la raison pour laquelle, et c’est la troisième explication de votre secret, vous attirez tous les talents du monde entier, les chercheurs, les entrepreneurs, les startupeurs et vous pouvez également vous flatter qu’il y ait beaucoup de Français qui soient venus s’installer ici. 15 000 selon les statistiques officielles, je parle des nôtres, davantage selon les réalités de l’économie singapourienne.

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C’est le signe que vous êtes un pays qui attire les talents et les jeunes talents. Voilà ce que j’ai compris de votre modèle, l’ouverture, la confiance dans l’avenir, l’innovation, l’attractivité et la capacité à prendre un temps d’avance. Ces principes là sont aussi les nôtres, la France veut être un pays ouvert, innovant, capable d’initiatives, soucieux de donner une place à sa jeunesse et pouvant offrir toutes les potentialités à l’innovation. Nous devons donc, Singapour et la France, défendre ces principes, ce modèle parce qu’il est aujourd’hui menacé. Menacé par le repli, par le protectionnisme, par l’isolationnisme, par l’extrémisme, par le nationalisme et cette tentation du repli, elle est non seulement dangereuse, mais elle est une impasse, ce qui suppose que nous soyons vigilants par rapport à toutes ces résurgences de solutions qui hélas avaient démontré leur nocivité, il n’y a pas si longtemps. La seule voie qui doit être proposée au monde s’il veut être plus sûr, plus juste, c’est la défense de quelques principes simples, d’abord l’attachement au multilatéralisme, c’est-à-dire aux institutions internationales, au droit international, à la coopération internationale et régionale. Les principes, ce doit être aussi, l’indépendance, le respect et également l’affirmation que l’ouverture est la condition du progrès. Mesdames et Messieurs, notre cap doit être d’autant plus clair que les menaces s’ajoutent aux incertitudes. Les incertitudes peuvent être provoquées par les scrutins, leur attente ou leur résultat. Les incertitudes, ce sont aussi les hésitations des dirigeants du monde. Les incertitudes, ce peut être aussi les rapports de force qui peinent à trouver leur résultante. Nous sommes dans un monde d’incertitudes, si on y ajoute en plus les aléas

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économiques, climatiques, nous avons devant nous forcément un monde que nous ne pouvons pas prévoir avec les mêmes critères ou les mêmes conditions que dans le temps passé. Mais s’ajoutent à ces incertitudes des menaces. La première, c’est le terrorisme, la France a été durement touchée, elle est pleinement engagée dans le combat contre ce fléau qui peut frapper partout. L’influence de Daesh que nous faisons reculer en ce moment même en Irak et même en Syrie dans le cadre de la coalition internationale est un péril pour tous. Plus d’un millier de ressortissants des pays d’Asie du sud-est sont présents sur le front irako-syrien et ils côtoient des centaines de ressortissants européens qui peuvent à tout moment revenir dans leur pays d’origine pour y commettre des attentats. Et nous sommes également conscients qu’il y a des individus isolés qui peuvent utiliser la propagande de Daesh pour nous frapper. La lutte contre le terrorisme exige donc un surcroît de coopération entre les gouvernements et les services de renseignements, entre les polices, entre les institutions judiciaires et une lutte commune contre la radicalisation, contre les trafics qui alimentent les groupes terroristes. Nous avons également conscience que nous devons utiliser les armes de la technologie contre ceux qui veulent utiliser précisément la technologie pour venir nous déstabiliser ou détruire nos systèmes d’informations. Je pense donc à la cyber sécurité, à la cyber défense qui doit être une priorité pour les pays qui entendent se protéger par rapport aux influences extérieures et aussi aux actions terroristes.

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Notre victoire dépendra de notre détermination et de notre capacité à faire front commun en matière de prévention, de protection et de réaction et je sais qu’entre la France et Singapour, nous partageons exactement cette démarche. Dans cette lutte nous devons aussi être fidèles à nousmêmes, respectueux de notre état de droit et refuser tout discours de haine ou de toute discrimination, même quand la France a pu être frappée, j’ai veillé comme président de la République, à préserver la cohésion nationale, l’unité, car c’est ce que veulent ébrécher, entamer, abîmer les terroristes et créer dans nos pays, dans nos sociétés, une séparation, une division qui pourrait être mortelle.  Alors nous devons veiller à chaque fois à écarter tous les amalgames et à être clair sur la façon dont nous voulons vivre ensemble. En France nous avons un mot pour exprimer cette capacité à être à la fois libre et en même temps respectueux, c’est la laïcité et c’est ce que nous avons pu faire prévaloir, la liberté pour chacun d’avoir la religion de son choix ou de n’en avoir aucune et la nécessité de respecter la loi commune. Et en même temps, l’obligation faite à l’Etat au-delà de la neutralité qui doit être la sienne, de protéger tous les lieux de culte. Mais nous sommes dans une guerre contre le terrorisme qui va durer longtemps et qui suppose que nos sociétés soient préparées, que des responsables politiques soient également conscients qu’il ne suffira pas simplement d’une loi, une loi de plus ou de moyens supplémentaires pour en avoir terminé avec ce fléau, qu’il s’agit d’une action qui doit être menée avec l’envergure nécessaire, c’est-à-dire à l’échelle mondiale et avec la détermination indispensable, c’est-à-dire en utilisant tous les moyens pour parvenir à nos fins, sauf ceux qui nous écarteraient de l’Etat de droit.

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Mais nous voyons bien que la peur du terrorisme, avec aussi les guerres qui peuvent être plus ou moins lointaines mais qui sont, avec la mondialisation de l’information, toutes proches. Nous voyons bien que les populistes, les extrémismes peuvent utiliser les peurs légitimes d’ailleurs, que ces situations provoquent pour chercher à imposer des solutions qui seraient contraires aux intérêts de chacun de nos pays. C’est la tentation que j’évoquais, du repli sur soi, elle peut toucher des grands pays, elle peut toucher de grandes démocraties, elle peut concerner des continents entiers , donc nous devons là aussi expliquer ce que seraient les conséquences de ces choix et ce que signifierait la fermeture des frontières , la construction de murs, la promotion d’intérêts nationaux étroits pour ne pas dire égoïstes ou de politique migratoire qui serait injuste et inappropriée, dès lors qu’elle viserait des ressortissants d’un pays et d’un pays seulement. Nous devons donc montrer qu’il y a une autre façon d’agir et c’est ce que j’appelle la mondialisation régulée qui doit être fondée sur la souveraineté des nations mais aussi sur la place des institutions internationales et notamment des Nations unies. Et tous ceux qui veulent s’en prendre aux Nations Unies, finalement, réduisent la capacité de la gouvernance mondiale à pouvoir agir sur les causes mêmes des conflits. Il ne peut pas y avoir de renforcement de la nation au détriment du système de régulation internationale.  Nous pouvons être sûrs de ce que nous sommes sans qu’il soit besoin de mettre en cause ce qui a été tout le produit de l’après seconde guerre mondiale, et qui a permis, malgré un certain nombre d’insuffisances, d’éviter des conflits ou permis d’en régler parmi les plus importants.

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De la même manière, sur le plan commercial, s’il est facile de laisser croire aux opinions publiques qu’avec des barrières douanières, avec des taxes, il sera possible de défendre l’emploi, nous, nous savons que ces propositions auraient exactement l’effet inverse, parce que toute la croissance mondiale de ces soixante dernières années a été portée par le commerce mondial. Il ne s’agit pas de laisser penser que le libre-échange sans règles, sans contrôles, sans normes, serait la solution. Il s’agit de dire tout simplement que s’il n’y a pas possibilité d’échanger des marchandises, des services, de faciliter la circulation de la connaissance, du savoir, des technologies, alors, il y a un risque d’affaiblissement généralisé, de rétrécissement des horizons, de diminution des investissements, et au bout de la chaîne, de disparition des emplois. Ce ne sont pas des débats théoriques, ce ne sont pas des débats académiques, économiques, ce sont des réalités qui se sont en plus démontrées dans le passé, il ne faut jamais croire que les idées nouvelles sont vraiment nouvelles. Il y a toujours une trace, une origine. Le protectionnisme est aussi vieux que le commerce, et c’est un débat qui avait déjà cours au milieu du 19ème siècle, en Europe, qui est revenu au milieu du 20ème siècle, avant la seconde guerre mondiale, et qui, comme une fatalité, revient aujourd’hui au début du 21ème siècle. Alors, nous devons face au protectionnisme, montrer que le respect d’un ordre international est finalement la meilleure des solutions, et que des continents entiers doivent avoir des accords commerciaux, et j’y reviendrai, c’est ce que nous avons fait entre l’Europe et Singapour ou entre l’Europe bientôt et l’ASEAN. Je veux également souligner combien nous devons écarter les rapports de puissance qui reviendraient à mettre en cause

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le droit international. Le droit international, c’est ce qui nous permet, sur notre planète, d’avoir des règles et de les faire respecter. Et parmi ces règles, justement, le droit de la mer, la libre circulation, c’est la raison pour laquelle, la France, qui est présente dans l’Océan Pacifique, exerce régulièrement son droit de passage en mer de Chine du Sud, en lien étroit avec ses alliés européens, parce que nous voulons justement que ces principes puissent être préservés. Je veux ajouter une autre menace, qui vous concerne en Asie, mais qui nous concerne tous, c’est la prolifération des armes de destruction massive. Nous avons été capable, il y a quelques mois, de signer un accord avec l’Iran sur le nucléaire. Et nous avons trouvé, là, un équilibre qui nous permet de nous assurer que l’Iran n’accèdera pas à l’arme nucléaire.  Mais nous savons aussi qu’il y a en Corée du Nord des tentations, plus que cela, une volonté de se doter d’une arme nucléaire opérationnelle. Là aussi, nous devons tout faire, y compris par la voie des sanctions, pour ne pas avoir cette situation qui vienne mettre en cause la sécurité des populations et l’équilibre dans la région. Sur cet enjeu de non-prolifération, la France a d’ailleurs participé en octobre 2016 à l’exercice Deep Sabre, organisé par Singapour, et nous considérons que c’est une bonne réponse et une bonne voie pour travailler ensemble. Je veux terminer sur une dernière menace, qui est celle du changement climatique. Sur ce sujet aussi, Singapour et la France partagent le même constat et font preuve du même engagement. Ici, l’enjeu, vous le mesurez, à travers l’augmentation des épisodes de fortes précipitations en Asie du sud-est, les feux de forêt, la montée du niveau des mers.  De nombreux pays d’Asie sont exposés.  Je pense au Bengladesh, qui pourrait perdre jusqu’à

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un tiers de son territoire, au Vietnam, dont les deux grands deltas, Mékong et Fleuve Rouge, sont concernés par la montée des eaux et la salinisation. Face à tous ces risques, que nous connaissons, qui ne sont plus des hypothèses, qui sont des certitudes, si nous n’agissons pas, il faut, là encore, investir, et respecter les engagements qui ont été passés. Je salue les engagements pris par Singapour, et les investissements qui ont été faits, notamment pour l’approvisionnement en eau potable et pour développer une compétence de pointe en matière de construction. Je veux saluer le rôle de votre ministre des Affaires étrangères, qui a permis à la Conférence de Paris d’aboutir au compromis indispensable, et c’est la raison pour laquelle nous devons tout faire pour que l’accord de Paris soit pleinement respecté, mis en œuvre. Il est irréversible, et aucun pays, aucune puissance ne peut s’en détacher. Et nous devons même aller plus loin, ce que vous avez fait à Singapour avec la taxation du carbone à l’horizon 2019, parce que le carbone doit avoir un prix, si on veut que les investissements, que ce soit les investissements physiques ou les investissements financiers, puissent intégrer cette dimension du prix pour réaliser, de manière optimale, les choix d’allocation du capital. Nous devons également trouver des solutions innovantes pour la transition, ce que nous avons fait, notamment avec l’Inde pour l’Alliance Solaire Internationale ou pour développer partout les économies bas-carbone. Voilà ce que nous avons en face de nous, des incertitudes, des menaces, mais nous ne sommes pas impuissants, et encore moins indifférents. Nous pouvons agir, c’est le rôle des Etats de le faire. Et la France considère qu’elle a une mission particulière, non pas parce

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qu’elle serait, par son histoire, plus apte que d’autres à prendre en compte les réalités d’aujourd’hui et les défis de demain, mais parce que nous portons des principes que nous partageons avec Singapour et qui valent pour nous-mêmes et pour le monde entier. Ce sont des valeurs universelles que nous défendons, pas des intérêts particuliers, mais l’intérêt de la planète. Nous aspirons à chaque fois promouvoir la stabilité, la sécurité, le progrès, le développement. Nous avons une conception de la mondialisation qui doit être gouvernée, et nous n’avons pas peur de dire qu’il faut qu’il y ait une gouvernance mondiale, puisqu’il y a un monde qui, aujourd’hui, est devenu notre horizon, notre environnement. C’est sans doute parce qu’ils avaient cette lucidité sur le rôle que pouvaient jouer l’Asie et l’Europe que Jacques CHIRAC et Lee Kuan Yew avaient voulu créer l’ASEM, c’est-à-dire une enceinte de dialogues et d’échanges entre les chefs d’Etat et de gouvernement des deux continents. Ce dialogue doit être absolument poursuivi parce que, il est plus que jamais nécessaire, parce que l’Europe, c’est la première puissance économique du monde, première puissance commerciale du monde parce que l’Asie est le continent d’avenir du monde. Singapour est l’un des membres fondateurs de l’ASEAN, ASEAN qui va fêter son 50ème anniversaire. L’Europe vient de fêter son 60ème anniversaire de la signature du Traité de Rome. Nous devons encourager le développement des relations entre ces deux grandes organisations, l’Union européenne doit s’investir encore davantage avec l’ASEAN, être davantage présente en termes d’investissements, en termes d’aides publiques, en termes d’échanges de technologies et doit avoir avec l’ASEAN une relation structurelle.

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De la même manière, l’Union européenne négocie des accords commerciaux avec plusieurs pays de la zone, Singapour mais également, les Philippines, la Malaisie, l’Indonésie, où je serai dans peu de jours. L’objectif, c’est que nous puissions avoir entre l’Union européenne et l’ASEAN un partenariat stratégique, de la même manière, je sais que l’ASEAN veut renforcer son intégration, et que cette décision permettra de favoriser les échanges avec l’Union européenne. Soyez sûr, en tout cas, Monsieur le vice-Premier ministre, que la France soutiendra l’accord entre Singapour et l’Union européenne, et notamment sur la dimension des transports. Voilà, Mesdames et Messieurs, ce que j’étais venu vous délivrer ici, un message de lucidité, parce que le monde est aujourd’hui menacé, mais un message de vérité, parce que nous devons agir, et nous pouvons agir. Et enfin, un message de volonté, parce qu’il est possible d’engager. A travers ce que nous sommes, l’Europe, l’Asie, c’est-à-dire une grande partie du monde, des politiques qui peuvent aboutir à la stabilité, à la sécurité et au développement. Je rappelle que la France a voulu être pleinement présente, ici, en Asie, les entreprises françaises y sont installées, nous avons pu doubler nos échanges par exemple avec Singapour, en dix ans. Nous avons pu construire des grands partenariats autour souvent de l’aéronautique, mais aujourd’hui, autour de l’énergie, de l’environnement, de la ville durable, et nous avons la volonté de donner à la technologie française toute sa place en Asie, ce qui supposera des investissements encore plus importants que ceux qui ont été réalisés jusqu’à présent, même si, en dix ans, le stock des investissements qui ont été faits par des entreprises françaises en Asie a triplé pour atteindre 100 milliards d’euros.

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De la même façon, la France est tout à fait disposée à accueillir encore davantage d’investissements venant d’Asie, là, encore, leur montant a triplé ces dix dernières années. Mais pour établir ce rapport-là, cette relation, il faut de la confiance. Cette confiance, elle doit être donnée avec vigilance, parce que c’est très important en matière de défense, en matière d’industries, en matière de technologies, de savoir à qui on a affaire, la France a confiance en Singapour, parce que, ici, vous avez donné toutes les conditions pour que les investisseurs, les entreprises, les chercheurs, les universitaires puissent travailler en liberté et en capacité de développement. Et je veux croire que vous avez aussi confiance en la France, parce que la France a cette capacité d’invention, d’innovation, et en même temps, de liberté. C’est parce que nous sommes conscients que les valeurs que nous portons sont universelles, et conscients que la France a une place à jouer en Asie, que je voulais, au terme de mon mandat, faire cette visite, ici, à Singapour, demain, en Malaisie, et après-demain, en Indonésie, parce que je sais que la France y sera bien accueillie. Merci.

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FRANÇOIS HOLLANDE H.E. François Hollande was born on 12 August 1954 in Rouen, France. He has four children. Mr Hollande became the 7th President of France’s Fifth Republic in May 2012. He was National Assembly Deputy for the Corrèze Department (1988–1993 and 1997–2012), First Secretary of the French Socialist Party (1997–2008), Mayor of Tulle (2001–2008), and President of the Corrèze conseil général (2008–2012). He studied at HEC Paris and Sciences Po, the Paris Institute of Political Studies. He graduated from the French National School of Administration (ENA) “Voltaire Year” in 1980. He joined the Socialist Party in 1979. After completing his studies at ENA, he became an Auditor at the French Court of Auditors in 1980. During this time, he was also a lecturer at the Paris Institute of Political Studies. In 1981, following the election of François Mitterrand as President of the French Republic, Mr Hollande became a Special Adviser to the Presidency. During the legislative elections in June 1981, he ran for election in the Corrèze Department. In 1983, he was appointed Head of the Private Office of two successive spokespersons of the Pierre Mauroy Government: Max Gallo and Roland Dumas. In 1984, he became an advising magistrate at the Court of Auditors. In the legislative elections of 1988, following the election of François Mitterrand, he was elected Deputy in the first constituency of the Corrèze Department.

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From 1988 to 1991, he was a Professor of Economics at the Paris Institute of Political Studies. In 1993, Mr Hollande lost his seat as a Deputy in the National Assembly and became President of the “Témoin” (Witness) club of Jacques Delors, remaining in the position until 1997. He became National Secretary of the Socialist Party with responsibility for economic issues in November 1994, and was named Socialist Party Spokesperson by Lionel Jospin in 1995. In 1997, following the victory of the left-wing coalition, Mr Hollande regained his Corrèze seat in the National Assembly and became First Secretary of the Socialist Party. He officially declared his candidacy for the Socialist Party primary contest in March 2011 and was announced as winner in October 2011.

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THE SINGAPORE LECTURE SERIES

Inaugural Singapore Lecture 14 October 1980 The Invisible Hand in Economics and Politics by MILTON FRIEDMAN Professor of Economics, University of Chicago 2nd Singapore Lecture 30 October 1981 American Foreign Policy: A Global View by HENRY KISSINGER U.S. Secretary of State 3rd Singapore Lecture 2 December 1982 Peace and East-West Relations by GISCARD D’ESTAING President of France 4th Singapore Lecture 10 November 1983 The Soviet Union: Challenges and Responses as Seen from the European Point of View by HELMUT SCHMIDT Chancellor of the Republic of Germany 5th Singapore Lecture 8 November 1984 The Future of the Western Alliance and Its Implications for Asia by JOSEPH M.A.H. LUNS Secretary-General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)

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32 6th Singapore Lecture 5 December 1985 Deficits, Debts, and Demographics: Three Fundamentals Affecting Our Long-Term Economic Future by PETER G. PETERSON Chairman of the Blackstone Group 7th Singapore Lecture 25 November 1986 Trends in the International Financial System by RAYMOND BARRE Prime Minister of France 8th Singapore Lecture 27 November 1987 The Challenge of Change in the Asia-Pacific Region by BOB HAWKE Prime Minister of Australia 9th Singapore Lecture 14 December 1988 Regionalism, Globalism and Spheres of Influence: ASEAN and the Challenge of Change into the 21st Century by MAHATHIR BIN MOHAMAD Prime Minister of Malaysia 10th Singapore Lecture 15 October 1989 Trade Outlook: Globalization or Regionalization by BRIAN MULRONEY Prime Minister of Canada 11th Singapore Lecture 3 April 1991 International Economic Developments by R.F.M. LUBBERS Prime Minister of the Netherlands

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33 12th Singapore Lecture 4 January 1992 U.S. Policy in the Asia-Pacific Region: Meeting the Challenges of the Post Cold-War Era by GEORGE BUSH President of the United States of America 13th Singapore Lecture 8 September 1994 India and the Asia-Pacific: Forging a New Relationship by P.V. NARASIMHA RAO Prime Minister of India 14th Singapore Lecture 17 January 1996 Australia, Asia and the New Regionalism by PAUL KEATING Prime Minister of Australia 15th Singapore Lecture 14 January 1997 Reforms for the New Era of Japan and ASEAN: For a Broader and Deeper Partnership by RYUTARO HASHIMOTO Prime Minister of Japan 16th Singapore Lecture 6 March 1997 South and Southern Africa into the Next Century by NELSON R. MANDELA President of the Republic of South Africa 17th Singapore Lecture 30 November 1999 China and Asia in the New Century by ZHU RONGJI Premier of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China

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34 18th Singapore Lecture 14 February 2000 Global Values: The United Nations and the Rule of Law in the 21st Century by Kofi A. Annan Secretary-General of the United Nations 19th Singapore Lecture 27 November 2000 Peace on the Korean Peninsula and East Asia by KIM DAE-JUNG President of the Republic of Korea 20th Singapore Lecture 14 January 2002 Japan and ASEAN in East Asia: A Sincere and Open Partnership by JUNICHIRO KOIZUMI Prime Minister of Japan 21st Singapore Lecture 9 April 2002 India’s Perspectives on ASEAN and the Asia-Pacific Region by ATAL BIHARI VAJPAYEE Prime Minister of India 22nd Singapore Lecture 6 July 2002 EU-Asia Relations: Sharing Diversity in an Inter-regional Partnership by ROMANO PRODI President of the European Commission 23rd Singapore Lecture 13 May 2003 Investments into the Future: State and Economy at the Beginning of the 21st Century by GERHARD SCHRÖDER Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany

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35 24th Singapore Lecture 30 April 2004 Global Challenges in the 21st Century: A View from Chile by Ricardo Lagos President of Chile 25th Singapore Lecture 16 February 2005 Indonesia: The Challenge of Change by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono President of the Republic of Indonesia 26th Singapore Lecture 21 April 2005 Africa’s Season of Hope: The Dawn of a New Africa-Asia Partnership by thabo mvuyelwa mbeki President of the Republic of South Africa 27th Singapore Lecture 1 February 2006 Evolution of Enlightened Societies on Our Planet by A.P.J. ABDUL KALAM President of the Republic of India 28th Singapore Lecture 11 April 2006 Asia-Middle East Cooperation: Opportunities and Challenges by PRINCE suLtan bin abdul aziz al-sAud Crown Prince and Deputy Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 29th Singapore Lecture 12 August 2008 Australia, Singapore, Our Region and the World by kevin rudd Prime Minister of Australia

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36 30th Singapore Lecture 23 October 2009 Towards New Global Partnerships: Economics, Governance, Values by JAN PETER BALKENENDE Prime Minister of the Netherlands 31st Singapore Lecture 2 June 2011 by ANGELA MERKEL Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany 32nd Singapore Lecture 13 March 2012 The Importance of Governance for Sustainable Developments by HELEN CLARK Administrator of the UN Development Programme and Former Prime Minister of New Zealand 33rd Singapore Lecture 26 July 2013 Japan and ASEAN, Always in Tandem: Towards a More Advantageous Win-Win Relationship through My “Three Arrows” by SHINZO ABE Prime Minister of Japan 34th Singapore Lecture 22 April 2014 The Future of ASEAN by HIS MAJESTY SULTAN HAJI HASSANAL BOLKIAH MU’IZZADDIN WADDAULAH Sultan and Yang Di-Pertuan of Brunei Darussalam 35th Singapore Lecture 29 June 2015 Our Common Challenges: Strengthening Security in the Region by TONY ABBOTT Prime Minister of Australia

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37 36th Singapore Lecture 7 November 2015 Forging a Strong Partnership to Enhance Prosperity of Asia by Xi Jinping President of the People’s Republic of China 37th Singapore Lecture 23 November 2015 India’s Singapore Story by narendra modi Prime Minister of India 38th Singapore Lecture 30 August 2016 Strengthening Partnership for Regional Sustainable Development by tran dai quang President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam 39th Singapore Lecture 24 November 2016 The Netherlands, Singapore, Our Regions, Our World: Connecting Our Common Future by mark rutte Prime Minister of the Netherlands 40th Singapore Lecture 27 March 2017 France and Singapore: Strategic Partners in a Fast-Changing World by FRANÇOIS HOLLANDE President of the French Republic

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