Forging a Cherokee-American Alliance in the Creek War : From Creation to Betrayal [1 ed.] 9780817388515, 9780817318758

Citation preview

Forging a Chero­kee-­Ameri­can Alliance in the Creek War

a

Forging

Chero­kee-Ameri­can Alliance in the

Creek War

From Creation to Betrayal Susan M. Abram

The University of Ala­bama Press Tuscaloosa

The University of Ala­bama Press Tuscaloosa, Ala­bama 35487–0380 uapress.ua.edu Copyright © 2015 by the University of Ala­bama Press All rights reserved. Inquiries about reproducing material from this work should be addressed to the University of Ala­bama Press. Typeface: Baskerville and Plantagenet Cherokee Manufactured in the United States of America Cover illustration: Broken Trust, painting by John Daniel “Dee” Smith, Eastern Band of Chero­kee Nation, 1991, from the permanent collection of the Chero­kee Heritage Museum and Gallery; photograph by Dr. R. Michael Abram, used by permission Cover design: Emma Sovich ∞ The paper on which this book is printed meets the minimum requirements of Ameri­can National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Abram, Susan M.   Forging a Cherokee-American alliance in the Creek War : from creation to betrayal / Susan M. Abram.   pages cm   ISBN 978-0-8173-1875-8 (hardback) — ISBN 978-0-8173-8851-5 (ebook)   1. Creek War, 1813–1814. 2. Creek War, 1813–1814—Campaigns. 3. Cherokee Indians—Government relations—History. 4. Cherokee Indians—History—19th century. 5. Cherokee Indians—History— 18th century. I. Title.   E83.813.A27 2015  975.00497557—dc23 2015007047

Contents

List of Illustrations

vii

Acknowledgments

ix

Introduction

1

1

Real Men: Chero­kee Masculinity, Honor, and Spirituality Connected to Warfare 8

2

Chero­kee War, Leadership, and Politics: From the Chickamauga Era to Lighthorse Law 14

3

Toward the Clouded and Dark Path: The Road to War

35

4

Chero­kees in the Creek War: A Band of Brothers

57

5

Postwar Challenges and Ameri­can Betrayal: Chero­kee Conflict and Community Crisis 83

Conclusion

100

Appendix

113

Notes

171

Bibliography

201

Index

215

Illustrations 1

Map of Horseshoe Bend National Military Park

2

2

“Map of the Former Territorial Limits of the Chero­kee ‘Nation of ’ Indians” 27

3

John Ross, Chero­kee principal chief

53

4

“Battle of Horseshoe Bend, Fought March 27, 1814”

77

5

Major Ridge

87

6

The Whale’s rifle

108

7

Engraving on The Whale’s rifle

108

8

Beaded bandolier bag

109

Acknowledgments This book is an act of love for me—love for my topic, for the Chero­kee p ­ eople (past and present), and for all those who have supported my remarkable journey of discovery and interpretation. I long had wanted to explore the Chero­ kee participation in the Creek War. My interest in Chero­kee history began when my husband and I went on our honeymoon to Chero­kee, North Caro­lina, and the surrounding Great Smoky Mountains. We fell in love with the area and its p ­ eople, eventually moved there, collected the largest contemporary collection of Chero­kee arts and crafts in the world, placed it into a museum setting, and raised a family. Working at the Chero­kee Heritage Museum and Gallery only increased my hunger to know more and to pose questions to explore. For instance, why is the only thing presented about how Chero­kees’ participation in the Creek War affected them offered in a dramatized version of the Chero­kee removal, Unto These Hills? Why do most books barely mention the Chero­kee involvement in the war that helped to propel Andrew Jackson to the presidency, where he then encouraged Indian removal? I read widely, but I could only gather bits and pieces, disjointed facts sprinkled throughout the literature. There had to be more. With her encouragement and enthusiasm, southeastern Indian scholar Kathryn E. Holland Braund further inspired my quest. Her support throughout this process has been invaluable, and I am appreciative. I also thank Thomas A. Foster, who incorporated a version of chapter 1 called “Real Men: Masculinity, Spirituality, and Community in Late Eighteenth-­Century Chero­kee Warfare,” into his New Men: Manliness in Early America (New York: New York University Press, 2011). I appreciate Tom’s inclusion of the Chero­kee perspective in this gender study.

x

Acknowledgments

I want to express my appreciation to William L. Anderson, the editor in chief of the Journal of Chero­kee Studies, and Kristofer Ray, the editor of the Tennessee His­tori­cal Quarterly, and Ann Toplovich, the executive director of the Tennessee His­tori­cal Society, for working with me to publish articles that emerged while I was writing this book. They kept me focused and had many wonderful suggestions. Two of the articles are the bases for chapters in this book: “Shedding Their Blood in Vain: Chero­kee Challenges after the Redstick War,” Journal of Chero­kee Studies 28 (2010): 31–59; and “‘To Keep Bright the Bonds of Friendship’: The Making of a Chero­kee-­Ameri­can Alliance during the Creek War,” Tennessee His­tori­cal Quarterly 71 (Fall 2012): 229–257. A version of another chapter in this book was published as “Chero­kees in the Creek War: A Band of Brothers,” in Tohopeka: Rethinking the Creek War and the War of 1812, edited by Kathryn E. Holland Braund (Tuscaloosa: University of Ala­bama Press, 2012), 122–145. This essay was the result of a symposium on the Creek War and the War of 1812 sponsored by the wonderful group of scholars from Auburn’s Department of History; the Caroline Marshall Draughon Center for the Arts and Humanities, with Jay Lamar and her energetic and competent staff; and all the great ­people at Horseshoe Bend National Military Park and the National Park Service. Being included in such a prestigious group of scholars encouraged me to complete this book as the commemoration of the Chero­kee participation in the Creek War began in the fall of 2013. Other in­di­viduals graciously assisted me throughout the research and writing process. I would like especially to thank Ove Jensen, a former park ranger at Horseshoe Bend National Military Park (and now the park director at Fort Toulouse-­Jackson Park), Ala­bama, and the rest of the staff, who gave me access to the park’s records. I spent many a humid Ala­bama weekend exploring the park, getting a feel for the battle and the p ­ eople who fought and died there. Those hikes with time for solitary reflection will always be precious to me. I am grateful to Donna Cox Baker, history acquisitions editor at the University of Ala­bama Press, for offering encouragement and astute direction. The editorial staff, in­clud­ing Jon Berry and Merryl Sloane, made this book better with their guidance, suggestions, and keen eyes. In addition, no acknowledgment would be complete without recognizing the many archivists and librarians who selflessly assisted in my research, in­clud­ing those at the Ala­bama Department of Archives and History, Montgomery; the Georgia Archives, Morrow; the National Archives and Records Administration, Wash­ing­ton, DC, par­ticu­ larly the staff working in the Old War series of Military Records, and the re-



Acknowledgments

xi

gional fa­cility in Morrow, Georgia; the Tennessee State Library and Archives, Nashville; and archivist George Frizzell in West­ern Caro­lina University’s Special Collections, and the wonderful librarians and archivists at Auburn University and the University of Oklahoma. I wish to thank Kathryn Braund for her discerning recommendations for images. Her assistance has been invaluable. Others who helped with images include Meredith McLemore and Debbie Pendleton of the Ala­bama Department of Archives and History, Montgomery; Heather Tassin and the staff at Horseshoe Bend National Military Park, along with Superintendent Doyle W. Sapp; and Michelle Maxwell of the Gilcrease Museum, Tulsa, Oklahoma. I also wholeheartedly thank James Louis “Arrow” Smith and the rest of the family of Eastern Band Chero­kee artist John Daniel Smith, who signed his artwork as “Dee,” for permission to use Broken Trust on the cover of the book. I do this in tribute to a very talented artist whom we all loved and greatly miss. Finally, I dedicate this book with love to my husband, Dr. R. Michael Abram, and our children, Christa and Wade, and their precious families for all the delightful moments we have shared. You have never wavered in your support and love. Without each and every one of you, I could not have done this.

Forging a Chero­kee-­Ameri­can Alliance in the Creek War

Introduction As the United States commemorated the bicentennial of the War of 1812, scholars became aware that they needed to remember the south­ern theater of the conflict. Particularly, they needed to pay closer attention to the Creek War of 1813–1814. Although historians were aware of this civil war between federally affiliated Creeks and their Red Stick counterparts, they tended to gloss over it to focus more extensively on the climactic battle of the south­ern theater: New Orleans in early 1815. Those who have delved into the Creek War have traditionally used it as a vehicle to examine the roles of white leaders, or to ­chronicle the origins of Andrew Jackson’s meteoric rise to national prominence after his decisive victory at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend on March 27, 1814.1 It is the intention of this study to reveal the importance of the Creek War in shaping Chero­kee affairs both during and after the event. When they have been mentioned in the historic literature, the Chero­kee actions in the war have been treated cursorily. It is my purpose to correct this glossing over of criti­­cal events and their momentous consequences for the Chero­kees. This study, therefore, will examine the motivation of the Chero­kee warriors who joined the US mili­ tary campaign and the significance they placed on this joint operation. In addition, this book will demonstrate how Chero­kee leadership sought to embrace the Ameri­can civilization policy by adapting their men’s traditional perception of the warrior’s role to meet the expectations and demands of their Ameri­can allies. By doing so, the Chero­kees hoped that their service would stand as a testament to their fidelity and their commitment to the civilization program and would reinforce the worth of their presence. This study reveals how their military contributions in the Creek War both encouraged and manifested changes in the larger Chero­kee society and its leadership.

2

Introduction

1. Map of Horseshoe Bend National Military Park. Courtesy of the National Park Service.

The Chero­kees greatly contributed to the Ameri­can victory in the Red Stick Creek War. Up until now, most historians have belittled or even ignored the contributions and sacrifices of these Ameri­can allies. Scholars have viewed the events from a variety of perspectives while disregarding those of the Chero­ kees. This has left several important questions unaddressed. What did their military participation represent? Why did in­di­vidual Chero­kee men choose to fight? How did this joint venture forge future Chero­kee leaders? And how were their efforts and achievements received by the US government and by the Ameri­can soldiers they fought alongside? One reason that the Chero­kees chose to fight alongside the United States in the Red Stick War is related to the idea that “indigenous warfare in proximity to an expanding state is probably related to that intrusion.”2 With this in mind,



Introduction

3

the following chapters will explore the relationship between the groups involved in the war and the effects of the war’s outcome on the Chero­kees as the United States looked to its own needs and ambitions in expansion and provided security against foreign threat, even at the cost of minimizing the contributions of former allies, who quickly became viewed as expendable obstacles to these goals. Earlier scholars explained the Creek War as only an appendage of the War of 1812 with Great Britain. In one example an author claimed that the US campaign against the Red Stick Creeks was “scarcely more than a series of raids” until the ultimate engagement in March 1814 at Horseshoe Bend. The author’s sole focus, however, was on how the war provided support to the founding fathers’ “sys­tem for national defense,” which they painstakingly forged for the young United States.3 This meant that the United States did not rely upon a standing army but placed its faith in state and territorial militias. Though the author’s treatment of Andrew Jackson’s campaign “Down the Coosa” is an accurate account of Tennessee’s military thrust, which supposedly broke the Red Stick resistance at Horseshoe Bend, he, like many writers before him, ignored the essential role of the Chero­kees.4 In other past examples, writers focusing on Chero­kee studies considered the early nineteenth-­century Chero­kees to be a civilized tribe that was assimilating to white culture. It was their contention that the outcome of the war forever altered the frontier and thus America’s history. They discussed the events from an Ameri­can perspective, and some sought to identify the Creek viewpoint. Yet if they did not entirely forget the Chero­kees in their discussions, most included them only with the most superficial consideration. Most failed to recognize Chero­kee participation at all, other than to casually append the warriors to Jackson’s troops. While occasionally pointing out that some Chero­kee troops aided the Ameri­cans, little detail has been forthcoming except for a slightly better accounting of their more familiar participation during the ­Battle of Horseshoe Bend.5 One scholar even cynically stated that the “Chero­kees did not save the day for Jackson” though grudgingly admitted that “they did enable Jackson’s trap to close completely.”6 In one of the classic studies of this time period, Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands: The Creek War and the Battle of New Orleans, historian Frank L. Owsley Jr. skillfully wove the Red Stick War into the larger War of 1812. He emphasized how the successful war in the south­ern theater against the Red Sticks and the later criti­cal Gulf Coast battle at New Orleans, which saw the defeat of the in-

4

Introduction

vading British forces, brought the future president Andrew Jackson to America’s attention.7 Of course, Owsley concentrated on Ameri­can troops’ actions in suppressing the armed rebellion of the Red Sticks, essentially leaving out the actions of Chero­kee troops. Though written almost thirty years earlier, Robert S. Cotterill’s The South­ern Indians: The Story of the Civilized Tribes before Removal remains one of the best overall treatments of the events that led to the numerous Indian removals of the 1830s. He devoted a chapter to the Creek War and discussed the Creek, Chero­kee, and Choctaw roles in the hostilities. Recognizing that this began as a civil war among Creek factions, Cotterill competently expanded on the skirmishes and battles that culminated at Horseshoe Bend. Yet, inexplicably, he claimed that “there are many indications that the full-­blood Chero­kees were . . . apathetic to the war.”8 This is especially odd and exasperating considering that a review of his sources reveals that he accessed what used to be known as the Retired Classified Files at the National Archives as a primary source of information, which emphatically refutes his statement, as this book will un­equivo­cally demonstrate. It is evident that he did not check the Chero­kee Muster Rolls housed in this Old War section, which has provided evidence that disproves this notion. In addition, disappointingly, Cotterill failed to provide any details about specific engagements in which the Chero­kees fought, other than to casually mention their presence as if they were mere impotent shadows. This book will correct this misinterpretation and provide explicit information about Chero­kees’ involvement in the several campaigns of the war, placing them solidly in the center of the action. Other classic studies only focused on the well-­documented Battle of Horseshoe Bend, either barely mentioning the other battles of the Red Stick War or entirely bypassing them, such as one of the early standards on the subject, Judge C. J. Coley’s “The Battle of Horseshoe Bend.”9 Written in 1952, this short essay discussed the battle while concentrating on its legendary white heroes, in­clud­ing General John Coffee, Ensign Sam Houston, Major Lemuel Montgomery, and, of course, General Jackson. To Coley’s credit, he did render some justice to the Indians by at least mentioning the famous Shawnee Tecumseh, who journeyed into Creek country seeking allies, and Menawa, a Red Stick leader who survived the war. Nevertheless, this author blatantly misinformed his readers that the gallant frontiersman David Crockett participated in the Horseshoe Bend ­battle, which is entirely false, though he did serve in the war both earlier and later. As for the Chero­kees there, Coley limited their presence to two sentences:



Introduction

5

they swam the Tallapoosa River for canoes and fired the Red Stick village to create a diversion so Jackson could make his frontal attack.10 Even though these two facts are correct, his fleeting treatment of Chero­kee actions completely buried their relevance to the outcome of the battle. Sixteen years later, another article told a similar though more extensive story of the Battle of Horseshoe Bend. James W. Holland, like Coley, viewed the war through an Ameri­can-­centric lens. Calling the Creek War “America’s forgotten war,” Holland stressed that the “big story of Horseshoe Bend” was how his­ tori­cal forces in the present state of Ala­bama forged a future Ameri­can president, Andrew Jackson.11 Holland did provide more information about the origins of the war and its various conflicts prior to the Battle of Horseshoe Bend, while acknowledging the actions of the Georgia and Mississippi Territory militias in addition to those of Jackson’s Tennesseans.12 He recognized that the conflict began as a Creek civil war and discussed several important Red Sticks, in­ clud­ing Peter McQueen, William Weatherford, Josiah Francis, M ­ enawa, and High Head Jim. Yet while he was more inclusive about Jackson’s opponents, Holland’s references to any Chero­kee contributions during the war were super­ ficial, vague, and indifferent; he perfunctorily remarked on their role in guarding forts and occasionally alluded to their presence at some of the military engagements prior to Horseshoe Bend. Yet, in all fairness, his treatment of that crucial battle did some justice to the Chero­kees under their white officer, Colo­ nel Gideon Morgan. Holland succinctly described their assault on the rear of the fortified Red Stick encampment and subsequent procurement of prisoners.13 I expound further on these incidents in this study to reveal the import of Chero­kee actions in the events. Numerous authors of specialized Chero­kee studies also have failed to examine how the Red Stick War played a part in shaping Chero­kee history, creating a huge void in our knowledge and understanding of the Chero­kees within the larger disciplines of south­ern and Ameri­can history. Still, some scholars incorporated some notable discussion in their books. For instance, one of the best treatments of the Chero­kee role in the war appeared in William G. McLoughlin’s seminal study Chero­kee Renascence.14 He devoted an entire chapter to the Creek War and provided an outline of Chero­kee actions under Jackson.15 Yet, disappointingly, McLoughlin merely used this narrative to springboard into an exploration of the division shortly after the war between those Chero­kees who voluntarily emigrated west and the nationalists who stayed behind to re-

6

Introduction

sist the growing Ameri­can sentiment that favored forced Indian removal in the nascent Jacksonian Age. Another Chero­kee study took a similarly sympathetic look at an even later po­liti­cal fracture between two leading Chero­kee nationalists, Major Ridge and Principal Chief John Ross (Cooweescoosee, Guwisguwi), during the removal crisis. Major Ridge and his few supporters signed the unauthorized Treaty of New Echota with the US government in 1835, which ceded all eastern Chero­kee land in exchange for land in the western Indian Territory. Ross and the majority of the Chero­kee Nation adamantly refused to acknowledge the Treaty Party’s illicit actions and legally fought removal all the way to the US Supreme Court. Decidedly sympathetic to the Ridge perspective, author Thurman Wilkins paid tribute to Ridge and some other Chero­kee warriors in an early chapter covering the Creek War.16 He acknowledged that both Ridge and Ross served well at this time, resulting in their firm establishment as Chero­kee pub­lic servants in the postwar period. In the seminal biography of John Ross, early chapters included some discussion of his role as adjutant for the Chero­kee troops during the Creek War and as a business partner of Timothy Meigs, a son of Chero­kee Indian agent Return Jonathan Meigs. Author Gary Moulton declared that Ross earned his wealth from the lucrative government contracts that the business procured dur­ ing the war. He also provided a more detailed account of the Chero­kees’ role in the war by incorporating their attack against the Red Stick Hillabee towns and Chero­kee warrior The Whale’s heroic crossing of the Tallapoosa River at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend.17 Once again, we only get enticing glimpses into the real Chero­kee participation in these events. This study will correct this foggy view and provide details about these central incidents. I examine both the particulars of specific events in the war and the changes in the military structure of the Chero­kee actions. The severity of the later Chero­kee removal eclipsed all challenges and traumas to the Chero­kee ­people, and yet the events leading up to this horrible time were integral to it and should not be ignored. War leaders stepped into civil leadership at the conclusion of armed hostilities. Surrounded by a mostly unsympathetic white nation, tribal elders placed their trust in these younger veteran warriors’ energy to fight a now po­liti­cal war to maintain Chero­kee sovereignty. This new generation had not only proven themselves in battle but had earned the respect of their fellow white officers, adeptly serving as liaisons between the two cultures. The warrior-­soldiers became the new embodiment of



Introduction

7

leadership, representing the Chero­kee ­people in the myriad crises postwar and up to their forced removal. While this book ameliorates some of the bare spots in the recorded history of the Chero­kees and the Red Stick War, I hope that subsequent studies will augment our knowledge of how a new Chero­kee military structure and the passing of Chero­kee civil leadership to a younger generation led to the sustained fight against removal in the 1830s.

1

Real Men Chero­kee Masculinity, Honor, and Spirituality Connected to Warfare

Soldiers, troops, militia, warriors—all these words evoke images in our minds of men who are strong, protective of others, loyal to their own, and deadly. Today we are surrounded by images associated with violence and war, in­clud­ing graphic video games depicting battles against all kinds of opponents, actual and imagined; real-­time depictions instantly available through this age’s global communications from the fronts of real wars; and other deadly conflicts. It is understandably hard to imagine what war was like in a time before the technical military weaponry of today, which can fly drones from the safety of a control room thousands of miles from the action or gather reconnaissance using satellites orbiting the earth. In order to understand how it used to be, how wars were conducted in the past, and how they shaped the world today, we must endeavor to grasp the significance of war to the societies that engaged in the almost constant combat of the past. In an analy­sis of modern Native Ameri­can warfare, author Tom Holm made a distinction between early Euro-­Ameri­can-­style warfare and that of Ameri­can Indians.1 While societies of European extraction fought for po­liti­ cal and economic gains, Holm persuasively maintained that Ameri­can Indian groups attached a strong physical and spiritual component to their conduct as avengers in war. This functioned to empower and intensify tribal identity. Besides acting to strengthen communal and tribal solidarity, Native warfare prepared future po­liti­cal and civil leaders. At the same time, war deeds and acts of valor provided stepping-­stones for young males to become accomplished men.2



Cherokee Masculinity

9

Consequently, Holm emphasized that warfare provided the “ultimate feeling of liberation and the greatest expression of being a male,” agreeing with journalist William Broyles Jr.’s article about “Why Men Love War.”3 As anthropologists R. Brian Ferguson and Neil L. Whitehead noted in War in the Tribal Zone: Expanding States and Indigenous Warfare: “States have difficulty dealing with ­peoples without authoritative leaders and with constantly changing group identity and membership. All expanding states seek to identify and elevate friendly leaders. They are given titles, emblems, and active po­liti­cal and military support. . . . At the same time, however, a leader must exist within the constraints of local social organization. . . . The kind of authority that actually emerges also depends on the prior po­liti­cal organization of the native ­people and the nature of the contact process.”4 Accordingly, they argued, war is a primary expression of a relationship between a state presence, here meaning the United States, and an indigenous group, the Chero­kees, that can occur as they align to fight against another tribal group (in this instance, the Red Stick Creeks). Ferguson and Whitehead recognized that this results when one tribe responds to its “own perceived interests in the changing circumstances” of its geopo­liti­ cal space.5 Keeping this in mind, this study will explore the transformation of Chero­ kee males into warrior-­soldiers now allied to the United States, their recent former enemy. My examination of this process supports the idea that the “mili­tari­ za­tion of entire communities . . . brought about new alliances and the appear­ance of completely new militarized groups among both the indigenous and colonizing ­peoples.”6 An example of this is the Chero­kees’ reorganization of their war structure to complement that of the US military. This action represented not assimilation, I argue, but rather a resilience of the Chero­kee tradition and its innovative versatility to meet the challenges arising from a rapidly changing geopo­liti­cal world. Though the new Chero­kee military structure seemed to mirror that of Ameri­can troops, the Chero­kee warriors and their leadership nevertheless continued to honor the war traditions of their ancestors. The Chero­kee officers continued to represent ancient “red” war leadership as they balanced the diplomatic and martial skills necessary to serve under the command of the US military. The Chero­kee war organization subsequently continued its traditional holistic connection with its Chero­kee communities. Defense, honor, glory, and masculine expression, all of which could result in elevation in status or rank, remained a vital part of a Chero­kee warrior’s psychological motivation. As was

10

Chapter 1

customary, Chero­kee males used the Red Stick War to become real men by proving themselves to be capable warriors. While fulfilling their masculine duty of protecting their families, clans, and tribe, at the same time this martial group earned the esteem of their peers. Like in many societies past and present, Chero­kee males used warfare to accomplish a variety of goals. On a personal level, they used warfare as a vehicle to become men. These warriors then earned various martial titles over the years to become even greater men. Older, experienced warriors held more esteemed ranks and had higher status than those who were younger, untried, or less experienced. According to British lieutenant Henry Timberlake, two classes of Chero­kee military men existed during the British Ameri­can colonial era: the warriors of rank and, of course, males who had yet to prove themselves through war deeds, such as returning with an enemy’s scalp. It was the call to war that presented the exhilarating opportunities to procure military ­titles, for “it is by scalps they get all their war-­titles,” noted another visitor to the Chero­kees during this time, trader James Adair.7 Thus fighting and shedding the blood of their enemies were not only vehicles for passage into Chero­kee manhood, but ways to rise in warrior rank to become even greater men. Chero­kee men earned titles through their martial accomplishments, and Chero­kee leaders saw to it that the bestowing of these laurels occurred in the pub­lic sphere of the town square or townhouse. In this way, the approval of the community’s membership endorsed the actions taken in war. The pub­lic recognition of these warriors served to validate the manhood achieved through war deeds and acknowledged these “real” men as the embodiment of ultimate masculinity. On the communal or tribal level, the main reason for going to war was to retaliate for a perceived wrong or threat. This action was directly linked to a sense of honor, sacred duty, and spiritual belief for both the warriors and their ­people. War, with its fundamental role in shaping Chero­kee culture, was a potent his­tori­cal process through which selective cultural adaptation took place over time, along with the formation of a national identity. War served as the “principal study” or “beloved occupation” of Chero­kee men and touched the lives of all members of Chero­kee communities at one time or another.8 Warfare was a complex institution that promoted leadership, brotherhood, and community, while it also validated gender roles. Not only did participation in certain activi­ ties associated with war encourage and uphold gendered expectations, it also promoted Chero­kee values in other considerable ways.



Cherokee Masculinity

11

Warfare was not merely reflective of a culture of violence. When examined in depth, it becomes obvious that it also expressed spiritual power, honor, and communal and clan values. As one scholar keenly observed, Native Ameri­ cans used spiritual power to help them achieve their goals in war. Spiritual resources could be tapped “in order to acquire power” and “to become part of that power.”9 So, for example, Chero­kee warfare included the concept of spiritual warfare, which included ritual maiming. When his physical body was disfigured, the enemy became degraded and unworthy. This replicated the damage inflicted on an opponent’s soul. Scalping was a direct assault against the “soul of conscious life,” which resided at the top of the head.10 By preventing the enemy from reaching spiritual fulfillment, scalping allowed Chero­kee men to prove their worth through martial success. The Chero­kee manner of engagement with the enemy was usually short, since both parties emptied their guns straight away and flew into hand-­to-­hand combat. As comrades fell, battles quickly turned into rescue operations as the war parties sought to keep their casualties from succumbing to the mutilating scalping knife of the enemy or, worse, enslavement, which usually guaranteed torture. At the same time, a push to retrieve the scalps of any fallen foes dominated each group’s actions. The Chero­kee war party spared no body from mutilation through slashing or dismemberment if it could safely do so. It was the collection of scalps as the treasured “trophies of honour” that guaranteed war titles and advancement as real men.11 Most Chero­kee men chose to earn and express their manhood through participation in this model. Other activities connected to or that expressed warlike actions that allowed Chero­kee men to display their masculine competence included stickball and hunting.12 Demonstrations in any of these activities were viewed as manly expressions, though warfare was by far the most dangerous and hence the most rapid way to achieve recognition of manhood and acknowledgment as a worthy community member. Still, warfare is not something that we can separate from any society’s other institutions or value systems. The process of making war reveals the beliefs and sentiments of a particular society and is not simply an expression of inherent violent behavior. So, in this instance, Chero­kee warrior culture reflected many of the beliefs, values, and traditions of the society. This was not merely a culture of violence, though the towns and tribes throughout the Southeast were both perpetrators and victims of violent actions. Chero­kee youths grew up seeing many facets of warfare, and their elders

12

Chapter 1

could easily inculcate them into its secular and sacred customs. Training and esoteric instruction prepared young men for future successes and responsibilities in war.13 Once ready, a male youth usually impatiently waited for a chance to become a full-­fledged, or real, man by participating in warfare to protect the living and to honor the dead of his ­people. Geopo­liti­cal conflicts between the Chero­kees and their neighbors provided ample opportunities. Adair, an early trader in the Southeast, was impressed by this enough that he noted “nothing but war-­songs and war-­dances could please them, during this flattering period of becoming great warriors.”14 For the most part, Chero­kee warfare and its effects on Chero­kee society as depicted in eighteenth-­and nineteenth-­century accounts revealed only a partial picture of warrior culture. Written by outsiders, in­clud­ing traders, missionaries, soldiers, and other travelers to Chero­kee communities, these contemporary records provided a glimpse of in­di­vidual and communal warfare actions over time. Though some accounts may have been inaccurate to some extent, Chero­ kee gatekeepers have corroborated a great deal. For example, during the removal era, playwright, songwriter, and Chero­kee advocate John Howard Payne used many Chero­kees to compile information on the history and culture of the tribe, as did the Reverend Daniel S. Butrick, who further contributed a great deal to Payne’s knowledge. Butrick credited Thomas Smith (Shield Eater), Thomas Nut­ sawi, and Thomas Pridget, all Chero­kees, with providing the vast amount of material that he recorded for posterity.15 It is important to remember that no one account can totally express the complexities and variations of Chero­kee war actions or rituals. Yet the essence of their belief in the importance of war and its gendered responsibilities in their society remains evident. Honor through war actions was often required by Chero­kee tradition. Chero­ kee blood law required that the nearest male clan relation avenge or reconcile the “crying blood” of kin stolen into captivity or killed. Clan honor was at stake although such acts perpetrated by outsiders were also a communal responsibility. Should the avengers fail, their relative’s ghost was doomed to never rest and would remain nearby, leaving the community vulnerable to sickness or bad luck. This “kindred duty of retaliation” resulted in a cyclic process of war raids in an attempt to satisfy the time-­honored perpetual practice of give-­and-­take with their enemies.16 As geopo­liti­cal threats intensified with European colonization in the mid-­ eighteenth century, Chero­kee war councils became more than just town-­by-­town affairs. The larger, more organized war councils occasionally involved hundreds



Cherokee Masculinity

13

of men representing many towns. Beginning with the Anglo-­Cherokee War, this meant that more towns in the various regions of the Chero­kee territory came together for a common cause—to fight a mutual enemy. Hence, by the 1760s Chero­kee localism and regionalism were being tested as warfare with the British did not recognize just certain towns or regions of Chero­kees as a threat and often involved all of them.17 This meant that Chero­kee warfare had to change, and evolve it did. Practices associated with warfare were important in Chero­kee society and correspondingly had a profound influence on Chero­kee culture. Though warfare was viewed as “a test of manhood,” some historians have erroneously claimed that it was “not a means to social status or po­liti­cal influence.”18 Clearly, just the opposite was true. As stated earlier, the Chero­kees’ occupation of war was a complex institution with gendered expectations, spiritual dimensions, and communal values. War made participants of all Chero­kees, leaving no community exempt. Chero­kee warriors were “ready always to sacrifice every pleasure and gratification, even their blood, and life itself, to defend their territory and maintain their rights.”19 The military institution connected Chero­kees to the sacred, social, and po­liti­cal dimensions of Chero­kee society. The Chero­kee warrior organization was not only a path to manhood, but served as an avenue to increased social status and po­liti­cal influence. In addition, the next few decades surrounding the events of the Ameri­can Revolution see the defense of Chero­kee territory taking priority over the ideological premise and sacred obligation associated with traditional blood revenge as a rationale for war. This did not occur overnight of course. The movement away from war as primarily a sacred gendered act had slowly begun alongside the European thirst for empire. And although the Chero­kees continued many war practices, several things in Chero­kee society would change to reflect the changing nature of warfare.20

2

Chero­kee War, Leadership, and Politics From the Chickamauga Era to Lighthorse Law

“The whole business of Indian life is war and hunting,” British South­ern Indian superintendent John Stuart proclaimed after the end of the Seven Years’ War and the Anglo-­Chero­kee War.1 A mere forty years later this statement was no longer true because by the end of the eighteenth century, the Chero­kees faced a realignment of their economy, a reformulated national government, and new conceptions of masculine power after suffering two devastating wars in the Southeast. With the decline of the once lucrative Indian deerskin trade, an escalation of white land hunger, and the Ameri­can expulsion of the British after the Revolutionary War, Chero­kee society now faced multiple crises that would culminate in significant changes involving Chero­kee communities, warfare, leadership, and gender. Some of the most transformative events began in 1775, with the destructive and divisive Chero­kee War followed by the Chickamauga War, and the changes culminated with the reunification of the Lower and Upper Towns of the Chero­ kee Nation in 1808. The constant warring that took place between 1775 and 1794 commenced when a faction of Chero­kees separated from the powerful Overhill, or Upper Towns, region at the end of a failed Chero­kee campaign to assist the British in the Ameri­can Revolution. This group, led by the minor war chief Dragging Canoe, was a direct consequence of a tribal dispute over how to deal with white encroachment. The dissenters, soon known as the Chickamaugas, waged war against white trans-­Appalachia settlements for nearly twenty years. In addition, many headmen and warriors from other towns throughout



Cherokee War, Leadership, and Politics

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the Chero­kee country sympathized and often joined this resistance group’s raids. This constant warring resulted in breakdowns of the civil government, the ceremonial cycle, and other traditional aspects of Chero­kee culture. Male validation and status seeking increasingly revolved around war activities, since there was little time for men to hunt, let alone to play ball games, in these demanding times. This perpetual state of warfare also disrupted traditional religious observances and in­di­vidual spiritual practices. When peace eventually returned, the Chero­kees were forced to redefine themselves. They sought to become a centralized po­liti­cal entity while rebuilding their transformed communities.2 The friction between Anglo-­Ameri­cans and Chero­kees was nothing new. Yet it had especially escalated after the Seven Years’ War, although the British colonial government endeavored to maintain peaceful relations with the tribes as part of its general Indian policy.3 The Royal Proclamation of 1763, issued shortly after France’s expulsion from North America at the end of the Seven Years’ War, called for the establishment of a marked boundary line to separate the Indians from British territory. This line, which would run mostly north to south along the high peaks of the Appalachian mountain chain, was intended to encourage the colonists from encroaching on Indian lands. Britain did not need the expense of a long, drawn-­out engagement against the Native ­peoples added to its already heavy debt from the recent war. Unfortunately, Ameri­can colonists blatantly ignored the boundary line, and south­ern Indians constantly complained to colonial officials of white intrusions but usually to no avail.4 In 1772, the membership of the Watauga Association, which included James Robertson and John Sevier, signed an eight-­year lease with some Chero­kee headmen; although such negotiations with Indians by entities other than the Crown were illegal, they managed to avoid prosecution. By 1774, a group of North Carolinians led by Judge Richard Henderson settled near the Holston River in direct defiance of the proclamation.5 Alarmed Chero­kees first sought redress through diplomacy. British deputy superintendent of Indian affairs Alexander Cameron wrote to his superior that the Chero­kee leadership had restrained their young men from “the shedding of blood” and had agreed to “some compensation for the rent of the land,” but they complained that the white settlers were now denying them access across their own land.6 In March 1775, Henderson and his group purchased this land outright from the renowned Chero­kee leader Attakullakulla (Little Carpenter), and other influential elder Chero­kee headmen from the Upper Towns in exchange for six wagons laden with trade goods. Henderson and other soon-­to-­be-­famous pio-

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neers, such as Daniel Boone, Sevier, Robertson, William Bean, John Carter, and Isaac Shelby, formed the Transylvania Land Company, again in direct violation of the Royal Proclamation of 1763. Known as the Henderson Purchase, or the Treaty of Sycamore Shoals, this agreement, signed at Fort Watauga in present-­ day Elizabethton, Tennessee, became a bone of contention among the Chero­ kees, in particular after the land office opened for business.7 Attakullakulla’s son, the young war chief Dragging Canoe, called for warriors to protest this land deal made by some of their elders. They objected to the cession of twenty million acres of their hunting grounds, which included land in present-­day Kentucky and eastern and middle Tennessee. They especially resented the propinquity of the white settlements.8 White men, numbering several hundred by 1775, were not only hunting competitors but the presence of their farms pushed the deer farther and farther away. The younger Chero­kee hunter-­warriors feared that they could no longer sufficiently provide for their families as game became scarce. Moreover, the cession cut them off from important trails that crossed the disputed land, fomenting even more volatility and anxiety. At the treaty signing, Dragging Canoe refused to place his mark and reportedly warned the white negotiators, “You have bought a fair land, but you will find its settlement dark and bloody,” and he stomped the ground to make his point clear.9 British officials, forced to seek haven in Mobile and Pensacola at the outbreak of the Ameri­can Revolution because of threats of violence against them by Ameri­cans, counseled temporary neutrality until Dragging Canoe’s supporters could move in unison with British troops in the south­ern theater. Nevertheless, Cameron reproved the Chero­kee headmen who had signed the Henderson Purchase. From the Virginia capital of Williamsburg, the Earl of Dunmore cautioned the Chero­kees against trusting the Ameri­cans and emphasized, “You may assure yourselves they will never rest satisfied till they have disposed you of all your Country, and driven you out or extirpated you.”10 Just as British officials diligently worked to keep the Chero­kees as allies, at the same time the Ameri­can rebels attempted to undermine these efforts. The Wataugans supported the Ameri­can rebellion, hoping that the new government would sanction and encourage white expansion. They quickly organized a militia in their newly formed Wash­ing­ton District because they feared that Stuart would instigate Indian attacks in the backcountry.11 While Cameron and his superior wrote letters to the Wataugans requesting their voluntary removal, Dragging Canoe chose to fight for Chero­kee land.



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17

By 1776, Dragging Canoe and his followers had committed their efforts to the British Crown. Fourteen representatives from the north­ern Six Nations, Ottawa, Delaware, and Shawnee, adorned in black war paint, met for a grand council at the Chero­kee town of Chota. They passed around a black wampum belt, and Dragging Canoe and The Raven of Chilhowee each in turn accepted this symbol of war.12 Henry Stuart, the brother of the superintendent, was present, having arrived with direly needed ammunition from the Gulf. He reported that “nothing was now talked of but war,” as warriors “were busily employed in preparing spears, clubs, and scalping knives,” and “the standard of war was erected; the flagstaff and posts of the townhouse were painted black and red.” Even though Stuart cautioned against open warfare, preferring that they await a future coordinated effort, the warriors sang the war song while their elders “sat down dejected and silent.”13 The Chero­kee resistance attacked white settlements located on the Holston, Watauga, and Nolichucky Rivers and in Carter’s Valley, located in present-­day eastern Tennessee. Beloved Woman Nancy Ward, the daughter of Attakullakulla’s sister, sent timely warnings to the settlers. Thus they were able to gather in reinforced stations or forts for protection.14 Though Ward foiled his surprise attacks, Dragging Canoe unleashed numerous raids against the colonists living on the wrong side of their own legal boundary line. The Ameri­can Revolution further fueled hostilities in the south­ern backcountry. White intruders onto Chero­kee lands were mostly sympathetic with the rebellion against British authority. The Wataugans, or Overmountain Men, even extensively contributed to the Ameri­can victory against a British loyalist force at Kings Mountain. On the other hand, many Chero­kee towns launched attacks against Ameri­can settlers throughout the region.15 Even though some Chero­kee towns strove to remain neutral, Dragging Canoe’s rhetoric often swayed young men, who joined the Chickamaugas for a chance to strike at the Ameri­ cans and make their mark. Chero­kee raids precipitated retaliatory expeditions, and South Caro­lina sent Andrew Williamson with orders to “cut up every Indian corn-­field, and burn every Indian town . . . every Indian taken shall be a slave and property of the taker; . . . the nation be extirpated, and the lands become the property of the public.”16 During what is remembered now as the Chero­kee War of 1776, four Ameri­can militia expeditions destroyed most of the Chero­kee Lower, ­Middle, and Valley Towns. These included troops from South Caro­lina, Georgia, North Caro­lina, and Virginia led by Griffith Rutherford, Williamson, and William

18

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Christian. They even penetrated the Chero­kee Overhill region and systemati­ cally burned Great Island, Tellico, Chilhowee, and Settico to the ground, though sparing Chota, evidently because it was Nancy Ward’s home. These punitive expeditions, combined with two years of crop failures, forced about two hundred destitute Chero­kees to seek refuge at Pensacola or among the Creeks to their south.17 In the wake of this destruction, those who opposed the war moved to end it. The Raven of Chota, Attakullakulla, and the Great Warrior Oconostota sued for peace and signed the Treaty of Long Island of Holston on July 20, 1777, ceding over five million square acres of land. John Stuart noted that the Chero­kees were in a much “distressed situation,” and although some had now agreed to remain neutral in the contest between the Crown and its colonies, he dramatically declared that “some, more determined, hold out and say that they never will drop the hatchet until I take it out of their hands.”18 Dragging Canoe led these dissidents, raiding settlements a mere ten miles away from the treaty grounds even as the peace party put their marks on the document.19 In response to the Holston Treaty, Dragging Canoe, five hundred warriors, and their families relocated farther down the Tennessee River to the present-­ day Chattanooga area. These families came mostly from the Overhill towns of Great Tellico, Chilhowee, and Toqua. They settled near their old friend the British agent and Scots trader John McDonald, who was married to a Chero­ kee woman. The US secretary of war, Henry Knox, dubbed the Chickamaugas “the germ of the evil.”20 They were a diverse group of Chero­kees originating from various towns, but their numbers also included British loyalists, renegade whites, slave refugees, and members of other tribes, in­clud­ing Creeks. Their eleven new towns became the staging area for nearly continual and intensified raids against backcountry Ameri­can settlements.21 In 1779, Ameri­can forces led by Evan Shelby and Charles Robertson located and destroyed these Chickamauga towns. Their action was met with ­little resistance since most of the warriors had left, hoping to join loyalist forces in Georgia to confiscate hides, furs, cattle, horses, and, particularly, ammunition brought up from Pensacola. Since the attack occurred before planting time, some families merely relocated to the Upper Towns at the Little Tennessee– Hiwas­see Rivers area, but the majority moved farther south down the Tennessee River to establish the five Lower Towns at or near some abandoned Creek village sites: Nickajack, Running Water, Lookout Mountain Town, Long Island, and Crow Town.



Cherokee War, Leadership, and Politics

19

Dragging Canoe’s choice was strategic. Located near the Tennessee River’s great bend, an area well stocked with game, the mountainous geography helped to make the towns easily defensible and difficult for the enemy to penetrate. In addition, the area served as a major trails crossroads unknown to their enemy, allowing them safe access southward to trade in Pensacola and northward toward some important war paths. Some of these conveniently led to the Cumberland settlers, whom the Chickamaugas hoped to force from the area, as well as to white settlements located in southwestern Virginia and eastern Tennessee.22 The Ameri­can Revolution finally ended with the signing of the 1783 Treaty of Paris, which acknowledged Ameri­can control of the trans-­Appalachian territory. Though abandoned by the British, Dragging Canoe’s resistance efforts only intensified, effectively stifling Ameri­can expansion for the time being. However, the withdrawal of British support resulted in supply shortages throughout the Chero­kee territory. The recent devastation of approximately fifteen Chero­kee towns throughout the nation meant that fewer warriors could afford to volunteer in the armed struggle though hostilities continued on both sides.23 As Historian Craig Symonds noted: “The Government’s inability to effect its Indian policy on the southwestern frontier left the de facto authority in the hands of the frontiersmen themselves.”24 This included Sevier, Joseph Martin, and Arthur Campbell, who had led an expedition against the Upper Towns in 1780. Moreover, disease and death beset the resistance towns in 1783 and resulted in a decrease in birth rates and an elevation in infant mortality rates. Population decline, warfare, crop failures, and crop destruction at the hands of enemies depressed the Chero­kee economy and interfered with subsistence and ritual activities. In addition, Chero­kee crops suffered from pest infestations and droughts, leading to further susceptibility to illnesses, malnutrition, and starvation. Regardless, many warriors continued to fight.25 Chero­kee warriors traditionally had gone to war to seek blood for blood. Yet, the Chickamauga resistance had never been about the avenging of lost rela­ tives or placating ghosts. Instead, these Chero­kee men, following the ideological rhetoric of Dragging Canoe, claimed that “their ostensible reason of their going to war, [was] that the white ­people had robbed them of their land.”26 These warriors fought for their ­people’s sovereign right to exist on the land they claimed in common. They fought against whites’ encroachment and the threat white culture represented to their own society. And they fought to protect their families and their way of life. As settlers poured into the Cumberland region near present-­day Nashville,

20

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Tennessee, the Chickamaugas stepped up attacks in that quarter beginning in 1792. Some of the well-­known war chiefs included Little Owl (Dragging Canoe’s brother), Bloody Fellow, John Watts, Hanging Maw, Breath, Doublehead, Little Turkey, and Richard Justice (The Just). These seasoned veterans led small war parties using hit-­and-­run tactics, attacking settlers they deemed intrusive. Younger men used these opportunities to gain the battle experience necessary to pass into manhood. Many of these young men would later participate in the Creek, or Red Stick, War as experienced fighters.27 One such youth who earned his war name during this time was He Who Slays The Enemy In The Path, or One Who Follows The Ridge, later shortened to The Ridge. Years later, he would relate to Indian agent Thomas L. McKenney how as a young man in the 1790s a war priest had made him “dreadful” and filled him with “warlike inclination.”28 He once thought his time had arrived to prove himself a real man. But to his disappointment the warriors left him with an old man to watch the camp while they attacked a group of white men. This upset him to the point that he “actually wept over the loss of honour he had sustained” and felt “greatly mortified.”29 It would be another two years before The Ridge was able to mollify his grief by joining a large war party and killing one of the enemy, thereby passing into manhood in Chero­kee society and henceforth becoming a regular participant in the Chickamauga resistance.30 During this time, aspects of the traditional war culture intensified. For instance, the Chickamaugas continued to accept war clubs and belts as sacred tokens proclaiming their military alliances with the Creeks and Shawnees.31 Actions of masculine expression operated to maintain morale and the passion that warfare required, and played out over and over, intimately involving the community’s participation. Warriors, as always, gathered prisoners and harvested scalps on raids to the Cumberland settlements. Major David Craig reported to his superior in 1792 after one such raid: “The scalps . . . were collected at the Look-­out Mountain town . . . and at night a scalp-­dance was held, and ­Richard Justice and The Glass took the scalp of the man and tore it with their hands and teeth, with great ferocity, as did, also, the warriors generally, with all the forms, gestures, exultations, and declaration, of a war-­dance.”32 Many other re­ ports corroborated that the Chero­kees often held such scalp dances during the Chickamauga period. Captives were often tied to the red-­painted war pole in the middle of the square. The fates of these unfortunates varied—enslavement, adoption, or torture ending in death by fire were all possible. The entire Chero­kee community



Cherokee War, Leadership, and Politics

21

took an active part in this aspect of warfare. The traveling naturalist ­William Bartram incorrectly recorded at this time that the Chero­kees no longer used the war, or slave, post. But Bartram made such a relatively short visit that his error is understandable and should be forgiven. In 1776, Beloved Woman Nancy Ward spared a female prisoner from the war pole, though she left a male youth tied there to suffer his flaming fate at Toqua, an Overhill town that Bartram did not visit.33 Captives were war offerings to the women from their clan’s warriors and symbolized the sustainment of clan honor. Prisoners belonged to their captor until presented to the women or to an in­di­vidual Chero­kee. Apparently, there was no one method of determining their fate, which was often “left to passion, chance, or luck.”34 Occasionally a Chero­kee regarded a slave as worthy of redemption and adopted this person as a member of the family. Sometimes an older, well-­ established warrior took a male prisoner under his protection. Although this was rare, if the prisoner then proved himself by killing an enemy of the Chero­ kee ­people, he became a person and a real man. The warrior and his ward would exchange clothes to signify their brotherhood. For example, in 1793, the Wolf Clan rescued one man from the usual fate of fiery torture that male captives endured and adopted him into the tribe at the behest of John Watts, the Chickamauga war chief and nephew of Dragging Canoe.35 Very rarely, as a show of good faith, the Chero­kees allowed prisoners to return home. Such was the case of Captain Samuel Handley in Janu­ary 1793; he was to bear a message to the governor of the territory south of the Ohio River and superintendent of Indian affairs William Blount at Knoxville. At other times, warriors acted on behalf of a female relation to spare a prisoner’s life. With adoption, the ex-­slave then became a Chero­kee and a clansman. These captives filled the voids left by family members held hostage or killed by an enemy. Families sometimes adopted captive children and raised them as Chero­kees.36 In most cases, though, a captive’s life was not valued. Some became slaves and helped the women in the fields and with other domestic chores. Male slaves lost their status as real men when relegated to women’s work. In addition, these ­people were outside of the clan sys­tem and the protection that clan membership offered. Chero­kee women who had lost husbands, brothers, sons, and fathers in war or who had children, sisters, or mothers stolen or killed in enemy raids were not often in the mood to demonstrate kindness. Slaves, especially male slaves, were frequently abused—if they were allowed to live at all.

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The captives taken by war parties included black slaves as well.37 For ex­ ample, in 1794, the Brown family was traveling by boat down the Tennessee River headed for the Cumberland settlements. Chickamauga warriors attacked and killed many of the party and took young Joseph Brown, his mother, Jane, some younger siblings, and several family slaves hostage.38 Most captives were not this lucky, however. The Chero­kee women often sealed their fate by sentencing them to death by “fiery torture.” The torture and ensuing death by fire of an older enemy warrior was a particularly prized spectacle for the entire community, which ached for their version of justice. There was immense satisfaction in the dispensing of such a distinguished foe, a man possibly responsible for the loss of some of their own relatives through­out the years. After a brutally cruel torture, the captive succumbed. The Chero­kee women would then scalp and mutilate the body, serving as warrior proxies.39 Deconstruction of the Chero­kee women’s role in this disturbing activity provides some understanding of their part in such a seemingly sadistic event. The continuous cycle of raiding, loss, and death most likely left the women feeling less than powerful. While making prisoners suffer, mourning was probably taking place for those killed during the same encounter that had successfully ended with the accumulation of scalps and prisoners.40 Women experienced empowerment in the process of diminishing the power held by the prisoner. This was especially so if the condemned were a high-­ranking warrior who had contributed to the clan’s loss. The women destroyed the evil power of their enemy through the offering of his bloody flesh to the fire. With the women’s potent assistance, all Chero­kees became more powerful, the tribe became stronger. Their willingness to participate demonstrated their solidarity with the men, the clans, and the tribe against any enemies who threatened their survival. The harsh treatment of the prisoners was retribution for all the Chero­kees who had suffered at the hands of their rivals. For example, while an Indian agent was visiting the Creek town of Tallahassee in 1797, residents showed him where Chero­kees had met the same fate at their hands some forty years earlier.41 It is significant, moreover, that the community’s participative role in prisoner treatment reflected changes in their part in warfare, particularly the increasing cessation of their traditional torturing of prisoners and then burning them at the war pole. Historian Theda Perdue argued, “[T]he new motives for war excluded women from the social and spiritual benefits that traditional warfare had brought them.”42 She accurately noted that by this time there was a substantial decrease in prisoner torture and execution. An examination of the



Cherokee War, Leadership, and Politics

23

1794 Ore expedition against Running Water and Nickajack revealed one reason for this change of heart. This expedition involved seven hundred Tennessee militiamen. The only reason they were able to locate the well-­situated strongholds of Running Water and Nickajack was because their guide was the previously noted Joseph Brown, a former white captive who had become an ­adopted Chero­kee and had lived protected among the Chickamaugas before his return to Tennessee. Upon crossing the river, the expedition force ambushed and killed twenty towns­people and took a dozen women and children hostage. A war party immediately “collected to pursue them,” but the mothers “entreated them with tears in their eyes, not to follow . . . lest they might cause their children to be put to death.”43 This change in sentiment now fostered prisoner taking for adoption or for the purpose of prisoner exchange. Tennesseans led several retaliatory expedi­ tions and often took Chero­kee captives. Chero­kees were unsure about how white captors would treat their relatives. Mothers became more fearful of the fate of their children at the hands of white men, whom they considered dishonorable. Though some abuse of prisoners still occurred, Chero­kee communities increasingly adopted, enslaved, or kept captives as bargaining chips for enacting prisoner exchanges and rarely executed them. Prisoners became more valuable than ever as pawns to exchange for Chero­kees held in white settlements. As late as 1811, the Chero­kees pursued the return of a woman taken from them and sold into slavery during the Chickamauga era. After she passed through several hands, her present owner was found to have recently moved from North Caro­ lina to Tennessee near the Chero­kees. They entreated the Indian agent to see to her return.44 Dragging Canoe died in 1792, and the war-­weary Chero­kees chose his nephew John Watts as their primary war chief, though dissension among the warriors often led to poor military decisions. Watts was not the charismatic leader that his uncle had been. As mentioned above, James Ore’s militia forces, guided to the remote locales by Joseph Brown, destroyed Running Water and Nickajack in 1794, so Watts moved the center of the Chickamauga resistance to Wills Town in today’s northeastern Ala­bama. With the decline of power at the old Chero­kee capital of Chota, Chero­kee headmen in 1789 had moved the location of the National Council to Oostanaula (Oostenaula, Ostenaulee, Ostnaulee, Ustanali) in present-­day north­ern Georgia, where Little Turkey became the Chero­kee principal chief after the Valley Towns headman, Hanging Maw, died in 1795. Making things worse, Ameri­can forces had defeated north­ern al-

24

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lies of the Chero­kees at the Battle of Fallen Timbers (1794). Support for the resistance effort waned as supplies ran low with little hope of replenishment.45 Since 1792, Little Turkey and Path Killer, two prominent headmen, had encouraged peace as Chero­kee conditions deteriorated. Path Killer even challenged the powerful war priest Richard Justice, asking him “where they would get ammunition” and scornfully pondering if he might “find it for them in caves in the earth.” US officials encouraged the Chero­kees “to open their ears” that were “nearly stopped . . . with blood,” and the Chero­kees countered that “the white ­people had stopped theirs with land.”46 Though the peace faction grew, hostilities did not cease. In 1793, many young warriors remained out on the war trail, “emulous of ranking themselves” as great military men by securing more scalps.47 Ignorant of an attempted truce by Chero­kee leaders, this group attacked and killed several white men near the Holston River. White militia forces almost immediately retaliated by attacking Tellico and killing several surprised warriors. When The Ridge and four others arrived in Pine Log after their Holston raid, the towns­people did not receive them with the usual celebratory festivities for a war party. Instead, clan relatives of those killed at Tellico wanted to extract their revenge from the warriors. Though only seventeen years old, The Ridge sought to disarm the internal friction by attempting to step into the role of a head warrior, and he called for the formation of another war party to avenge those killed at Tellico. None of the seasoned warriors answered his plea until “[o]ne old man alone, a conjurer, who had prophesied that when these young men should return, the war pole would be ornamented with the scalps of their enemies, felt disposed to verify his own prediction by having those bloody trophies paraded upon the war post.”48 With this prediction fulfilled and with the sanction of this priest, warriors decided to sing war songs and join The Ridge. Furthermore, one esteemed veteran admonished the community by preaching that they should never spill the blood of another Chero­kee. And thus hostilities continued. The newly organized war party attacked a small, fortified group of white settlers at Cavett’s Station. One of the veteran warriors, Doublehead, fought with an especially frenzied passion and demanded that they take no prisoners, regardless of sex or age. Years later, The Ridge “spoke of this foul deed with abhorrence, and declared that he turned aside and looked another way, unwilling to witness that which he could not prevent.”49 There were many incidents such as this, perpetrated by both whites and Indians, during this time period.



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25

Creek Indian agent Benjamin Hawkins recalled Chero­kee children fleeing from his presence in 1796. He found out later that they were the children of refugees traumatized by white military expeditions against their towns of Keowee and Tugaloo.50 Nevertheless, hostilities did finally end. Chero­kee towns appointed men to represent them in the nascent centralized Chero­kee government. Most of the representatives were prominent headmen, but some were younger, poorer men, who had only recently made their marks through war deeds.51 For example, Pine Log appointed The Ridge, though he was nearly destitute. Some felt that his attendance in pitiful clothing was an insult and wanted to deny him his seat on the council because of this. Some elderly headmen overruled this sentiment and accepted him as worthy to serve the ­people solely based on his war laurels. In this atmosphere, Chero­kee resistance against land cessions and encroachments continued, but no longer by military means. Chero­kee leadership after the war focused on rebuilding their communities, maintaining friendly relations with the United States, and keeping order. Many Chero­kee war refugees left the shells of their war-­razed towns and moved to present-­day north­ern Georgia, northwestern Ala­bama, and near Lookout Mountain in Tennessee. The old Lower Towns of South Caro­lina and extreme northeastern Georgia no longer existed. Reference to the Lower Towns now meant the geographic area associated with the former Chickamauga towns. Ameri­can officials promptly recognized the Lower Towns and the old Chickamauga leadership as the center of Chero­kee authority.52 The Ameri­can victory in the Revolution and the sound defeat of the Chicka­ mauga resistance forced the vast number of Chero­kees into a struggle for survival. The concentrated towns that had characterized Chero­kee society gave way to scattered farmsteads. Constant war had left men little time to hunt, an activity that had served as a way to demonstrate male prowess and as a ve­hicle for attaining status through economic gain. Some men tried to reestablish their hunting livelihood, but it became evident that the economic plenty of the old deerskin days had passed.53 Throughout this unsettled time the federal government promoted its “civilization” program, attacking traditional Chero­kee gender roles and their trade economy. George Wash­ing­ton’s administration sought an Ameri­can Indian ­policy to keep the peace while avoiding expensive wars and yet finding ways to obtain tribal lands. Secretary of War Henry Knox dubbed this strategy the “expansion with honor” plan. Knox laid the foundation for a Chero­kee agrarian transfor-

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mation, which was embedded in the 1791 Treaty of Holston as part of the US government’s Indian policy.54 In 1801, Thomas Jefferson’s administration appointed Return Jonathan Meigs, a Revolutionary hero, as both a Chero­kee Indian agent and an agent to the War Department; his direct superior was the secretary of war. Meigs encouraged Chero­kee women to leave the fields and take up spinning and weaving, while he prodded Chero­kee men to farm instead of hunting or pursuing their beloved occupation of making war.55 Because farming was traditionally women’s work, many Chero­kee men sought other ways to express their role as providers.56 Since private accumulation was no longer supported or possible through hunting or gift giving, Chero­kee men had two options. First, they could embrace the civilization policy while developing farmsteads and raising livestock. Or sec­ ond, they could raid for quick profit and excitement. These extralegal activities had always been part of the frontier economy and actually increased during the Revolutionary period. Consequently, many young men turned to cattle rustling and horse stealing, which mimicked war plundering and allowed them to establish and express their manhood.57 Horse stealing and related activities replaced war activities for male gender validation, since participating in war parties was no longer an option for young men. Small gangs of unscrupulous white men and Indians roamed the region, stealing livestock to sell miles away. Stealing and fencing stolen horses became a rela­tively easy way to make a cash profit or to trade for goods with corrupt white traders in faraway Ameri­can settlements. Horse thefts were common crimes in the backcountry, and as soon as someone stole a horse, it was quickly spirited through Chero­kee territory to the surrounding states of North Caro­lina, South Caro­ lina, or Georgia, and “in a short time, to the principal towns on the sea board, for sale, so as to effectually prevent a recovery.”58 In tracing Andrew Jackson’s early years, historian Andrew Burstein noted that “violence begat violence” among young men on the frontier at this time, and there were frequent incidents of Chero­kee-­white agitation.59 Lawless in­di­ viduals and small gangs existed on both sides of the Chero­kee–United States boundary, in spite of the presence of a small garrison of US dragoons, whose purpose was to minimize conflict between the Chero­kees and nearby white settlements. Earlier, the 1785 Treaty of Hopewell and then the Treaty of Holston in 1791 had addressed the problem of robbery between US citizens, Chero­kees, and other residents of Chero­kee towns. Treaty stipulations held the Chero­kees collectively responsible for delivering any offenders found within Chero­kee ter-



Cherokee War, Leadership, and Politics

27

2. “Map of the Former Territorial Limits of the Chero­kee ‘Nation of ’ Indians” (1884) by Charles C. Royce. Library of Congress, Wash­ing­ton, DC.

ritory to US officials for punishment. This, by necessity, increased the resolve of Chero­kee leaders to enforce order. The Treaty of Holston provided Chero­kees with the protection of the US government. Subsequent treaties secured land cessions in 1798, 1804, 1805, and 1806 but continued to uphold this commitment.60 Despite efforts to keep them out, the pony clubs continued to prey on whites and Indians both, which presented problems for Chero­kee leaders anxious to keep the peace in their communities, protect their own accumulating property, whether obtained licitly or not, and abide by treaty stipulations that called for an end to depredations.61 By 1792 the horse-­stealing desperadoes in the south­ern backcountry had frustrated territorial, state, and federal governments and the older, more pa-

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cific elements of Chero­kee leadership. Article IV of the 1794 Treaty of Phila­ delphia authorized the United States to withhold the compensation price for horses deemed stolen by Chero­kees from their annuity payment. This became a powerful incentive to stop the lawless forays.62 In 1797, the Chero­kee council of leading chiefs created its own lighthorse force with the encouragement of US Indian agents Silas Dinsmoor and ­Benjamin Hawkins. This represented an important innovation in Chero­kee society: establishing a government-­sanctioned unit of mounted law enforcers to keep the peace, expel white intruders, and curtail horse stealing and cattle rustling.63 By authorizing this paramilitary unit to enforce laws, council leaders placed legitimate armed activity and the punishment of criminal offenders in an institution outside of in­di­vidual or clan influence. This marked a significant transition from the traditional war parties led by charismatic war chiefs toward an Ameri­canized military structure. The Chero­kee lighthorse answered only to the Chero­kee National Council. At a National Council meeting at Tellico in 1797, town leaders “appointed some warriors expressly to assist the chiefs in preventing horse stealing, and in carrying their stipulations . . . into effect.” Hawkins offered some incentives by promising to reward “to him who exerts himself the most, to prevent horse stealing . . . a premium annually, of a rifle gun, with the name of the person engraved thereon, and a certificate that he is an honest man.” The goal was to encourage young men to achieve honorable renown through sanctioned manly behavior, much akin to a warrior seeking status and rank. Hawkins also recommended to Secretary of War James McHenry that the federal government financially assist the Chero­kees to enable the employment of four enforcers with “one to have the pay and cloathing [sic] of a serjeant [sic], the others that of soldiers.”64 The Chero­kee lighthorse presented an innovative, yet familiar, outlet for young males to demonstrate their masculine prowess. By placing this unit under the direction of the council, the Chero­kee leaders drastically changed the traditional organization of the Chero­kee military structure, which had honored in­di­ vidual deeds. Captain Paris was one example: as “a native . . . [he was] authorized and required by the Chiefs of the nation to keep a troop of Horse always in readiness for the purpose of detecting and bringing to punishment all those of their nation who have been, or may be guilty of Murder, Robbery, theift [sic] or other outrages against the persons or property of any other natives or any white person who many [sic] be authorized to remain with them.”65 Paris had quite the reputation as a righteous and honorable man even among neighbor-



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ing whites. When the Chero­kee National Council codified its laws in 1808, the lighthorse was formalized, its designated purpose to protect private property, widows, and orphans from the actions of criminals. The council paid for its services out of the treaty annuity owed by the US government.66 Since Chero­kee men no longer warred against the United States, service in the community-­sanctioned lighthorse became the primary honorable method for achieving status as a warrior and to rise in rank. The group strove to maintain order and protect property. As part of its task, the lighthorse often removed encroaching white settlers from Chero­kee land. The taking of action against the lawless and frowned-­upon pony clubs and the expulsion of intruders were now deemed as the most appropriate and honorable activities for young Chero­ kee males.67 Using an organization similar to those of Ameri­can troops, state militias, and south­ern slave patrols, six appointed regulators (a captain, a lieutenant, and four privates), each serving for one year, formed a company. Captains received an annual salary of $50, while lieutenants earned $40, and privates received $30. This promise of a reliable salary drew many young men. Their assemblage, though much smaller, mirrored the US military organization established by the federal Militia Acts of 1792.68 Only sporadically operated since 1797, the lighthorse now consisted of several companies operating in patrol circuits throughout the various geographic districts.69 Captains of these companies also acted as judges and administered punishment to malefactors. The severity of the crime determined the sentence, often a prescribed number of lashes meted out to the offender. The regulators could administer a maximum penalty of a hundred lashes to a captured thief ’s exposed back. In Chero­kee society, similar to their nearby white neighbors, marks of punishment, such as ear cropping, removal of digits, or scars from whipping, signified lost status and honor, which translated to a loss of masculinity.70 The lighthorse was one way that the Chero­kees adapted to the federal civilization policy, while also using it to police their own territory as a sovereign ­people. Others also recognized this authority, in­clud­ing the Creek council, which sent “a bunch of rods,” declaring, “Brothers, We send you these rods to punish any of our foolish ­people who may steal from you” and hoping that “[a]fter such punishment they may repent and become good men.”71 The presence of the lighthorse reflected changes in Chero­kee po­liti­cal, social, and military institutions. Service as a regulator in the lighthorse now became the most legitimate and honorable mode by which to earn or display male power.72

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This change did not erase all traditional concepts about blood law, however. Though the records are mostly silent, my examination of a dialogue between Chero­kee headmen and government agents revealed that the settling of blood debts between nations still remained important to Chero­kee leadership. At an 1801 meeting with US commissioners appointed by newly elected President Thomas Jefferson, Doublehead sent a message complaining that Tennesseans still held Chero­kee prisoners, though the Chero­kees had returned their captives in good faith. Doublehead chided that “we don’t forget these debts. . . . There are two which the whites owe us, killed in Cumberland, and these debts seem to increase, as blood has been spilt lately. . . . We wish the State of Tennessee would exert herself night and day, and pay that blood which they owe us. We shall therefore wait for these payments, which we will never forget, and we shall think of these debts night and day.”73 Nevertheless, the time of sending out war parties to extract such blood payments was past. In 1802, Secretary of War Henry Dearborn authorized Chickasaw Indian agent Silas Dinsmoor to offer monetary compensation for each Indian murdered by Ameri­can citizens since the previous treaty. The US government hoped that such payments would assuage grief and prevent further bloodshed on the borders though tensions between the groups remained.74 Previously, traditional Chero­kee clan law kept social order through clan revenge, a sys­tem in which male clan members avenged wrongs perpetrated on their kin. In 1808, the National Council abolished clan revenge against those empowered as members of the lighthorse to act as judge, jury, and, if necessary, executioner, responsible only to the council. The Ridge was a strong proponent for the abolition of the blood law. Perhaps this reflected his own experience of almost losing his life to clan members who demanded satisfaction for Chero­kee relatives at Tellico killed by white men as retaliation for his previously discussed war party faux pas. He became a commander of a lighthorse unit responsible for making sure that none took blood revenge.75 Besides the formation of the lighthorse, Chero­kee society experienced other important changes. In 1809, the Upper and Lower Towns ended a po­liti­cal struggle for leadership that reflected the turmoil of the Chickamauga times. This only became possible after the 1807 execution of Doublehead, the primary leader of the Lower Town faction, who had sold Chero­kee land for private gain. This renowned Chickamauga warrior had favored land cessions, but privately benefited from the deals. A secret treaty article had awarded Doublehead a private reserve for his help to the federal government. He leased this land to



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31

twenty white sharecroppers, some of whom subleased to others, making a total of thirty-­eight legal tenants.76 He and his sister’s husband, Tahlonteeskee, without tribal sanction, made a land cession via the 1805 Treaty of Tellico, although they were aware of the death penalty for such action. Lighthorse captain Bone Polisher unsuccessfully confronted Doublehead in 1807. Other regulators, The Ridge and Alexander Saunders (Sanders), finished what Bone Polisher had begun, Doublehead’s execution. Doublehead’s clan did not seek revenge, thus veri­fy­ing that the clans accepted the new tribal central authority even before the law became a written one.77 This lack of clan action seemed to signify a developing centralization of national authority and power. Yet over a thousand Lower Town supporters of ­Doublehead chose to emigrate west of the Mississippi River. The Upper, or Overhill, Chero­kees, went so far as to request that the US government set a boundary between them and the Lower Town Chero­kee who remained.78 This friction disappeared soon after the emigration of the Doublehead party and paved the way for the po­liti­cal reunification of the towns, marking the true centralization of the Chero­kee government.79 The traditional body of elderly headmen, the Chero­kee National Council, established a thirteen-­member National Committee to represent the various geographical districts, in­clud­ing present-­day northeastern Ala­bama, north­ern Georgia, eastern Tennessee, and western North Caro­lina. This smaller body of younger men conducted the nation’s everyday business, although it remained subordinate to the National Council.80 Many members of these governing bodies often served in other prominent positions, such as ambassadors, delegates, and lighthorse regulators and judges. By admitting these younger men into the executive decision-­making process, the council of elders was able “to heal the rift in the tribe” that the Chickamauga crisis had first precipitated.81 The Chero­kee government now turned to addressing its most pressing ­issue—white encroachment. As new roads opened through the Chero­kee country from the surrounding states, the incidents of horse thievery and other robberies multiplied in spite of the patrolling lighthorse regulators. These actions were analogous to the collection of booty by past plundering war parties. One patrol seeking to stop these actions operated from Battle Creek in present-­day Jackson County, Ala­bama. Brothers John and George Lowrey (Lowery, Lowry), along with John McIntosh (Quotaquskey), all prominent Chero­kee leaders, most likely led this force. It is known that George Lowrey led lighthorse regulators as a captain in 1808 and 1810.82

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Up to this time, the lighthorse had not been the only force operating in Chero­kee territory to keep the peace. The US government had promised to “exert all its energy for the patronage and protection of the rights of the Indians, and the preservation of peace” and to remove white intruders.83 Fort South­west Point, near present-­day Kingsport, Tennessee, garrisoned some of the Fourth Infantry Regiment and a company of dragoons to protect the Chero­kees from white intruders and to deter lawlessness as stipulated in Article II of the 1798 Treaty of Tellico. Built in 1797, Southwest Point served as the primary post for federal soldiers in the region and housed the Chero­kee Indian Agency between 1801 and 1807.84 Yet, President Jefferson drastically downsized the federal military in 1801, even selling the horses of the two companies of dragoons stationed at Southwest Point. Only one regiment of infantry and two companies of cavalry patrolled the Tennessee and Georgia frontier that bordered Indian lands. The light dragoons remained on active duty until June 1800. Two other companies stayed until March 1802. White settlers took advantage of the paucity of federal troops to build farms on forbidden Chero­kee land.85 White intruders who had been run out of the region by Chero­kees or US troops often received temporary passports from the federal Indian agent to return to harvest crops and to gather livestock and other personal property from Chero­kee lands upon which they had squatted. Patrols sometimes demonstrated sympathy for struggling families by not torching the crops or improvements until after harvest time.86 After the turn of the nineteenth century, Chero­kee lighthorse duty routinely included warning impinging white settlers off Chero­kee lands and occasionally burning their improvements to discourage their return. As time went on, the federal government became less willing to sanction or participate in the burning of cabins, fencing, and crops. The pressure merely from the vastness of the endeavor was daunting. For example, federal troops once marched 425 miles to remove 284 intruder families in a period of just fifty-­one days.87 In the spring of 1810, the Chero­kee National Council relayed to Meigs its wish to “raise our own ­people, to remove these intruders,” but then withdrew the motion, insisting instead that the federal government meet its treaty obligations.88 Over the next few months, the Chero­kee leadership continued to request that the United States remove unauthorized white settlers, even asking Meigs to entreat the president to “cause his white children and their property to be kept separate from his red children.”89 Yet the intruders stubbornly avoided permanent removal, even when threatened with arrest. On one occa-



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sion, Meigs in frustration wrote to Secretary of War William Eustis, who had ordered twenty soldiers to control the situation: “A number of Intruders had returned to that place who had been twice removed off by the Troops, . . . they have grossly abused [ John Lowrey and his family], . . . they shot one of his negros tho’ [sic] one of his thighs & threataren [sic] to drive him & his Brother off their own land & [we] request immediate protection.”90 Meigs further noted, “Removing them off has not the effect to discourage them or others from making new attempts at Settlement on Indian lands hoping as they say that the lands will be purchased & that in such case they shall have the preference of purchase.” Troops had removed these particular intruders two previous times during the year. This time the unit destroyed forty cabins and their fencing although the intruders escaped capture by hiding in the nearby forest. Meigs claimed that the soldiers were weary and “difficult to restrain . . . from violence” against the intruders after traveling approximately seven hundred miles to perform this futile duty.91 Making things worse were those white sharecroppers, initially hired by Chero­kees, “who had permits” that “were never for more than one year at a time”; they were “respectable families” who wanted to stay with their improvements.92 Meigs sometimes called on members of the Chero­kee lighthorse to testify about complaints against Chero­kees brought by white settlers living in adjacent states. He considered their testimony credible in making determinations of compensation, unlike the state court systems. Other incidents also agitated Chero­kee-­white relations. It was not unheard of for the lighthorse to turn away white enterprisers as they attempted to enter Chero­kee territory. The Ridge and thirty mounted Chero­kees confronted a wagon party of white men and their black slaves entering the nation to establish an ironworks. The party, working for Colonel Elias Earle, had the proper passports and the permission of the War Department. Nevertheless, the lighthorse judged that their entry was not in the best interests of their ­people and turned the party away, thus fulfilling their pledge to protect the tribe from outside threats. This friction continued over the next few years between the Chero­ kees, US citizens intruding on Indian land, and the disheartened federal troops ordered to remove them.93 The rapid changes in Chero­kee society that began in the Revolutionary era brought unprecedented sources of conflict and levels of destructive violence. The factionalism between the young warrior-­hunters and the older, more conservative men highlighted the breakdown in traditional Chero­kee society. Younger warriors soon surpassed the older statesmen in status. The younger

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men increased their po­liti­cal influence and wealth through diplomatic and economic interactions with the nascent Ameri­can republic. Successful warfare exploits and success in hunting had previously connected Chero­kee manhood, status, privilege, and respect with sacred obligations to protect the safety and honor of the clans. But in the short span of about twenty-­five years, from warriors, to outlaws in pony clubs, to regulators serving in lighthorse units, Chero­kee men sought to renegotiate their expressions of masculinity and prowess as real men. The warrior culture changed in structure as did Chero­kee economics and poli­ tics. Chero­kee society would face even more challenges during what historian William G. McLoughlin called the “new era of revitalization.”94

3

Toward the Clouded and Dark Path The Road to War

The years from 1809 through 1813 proved to be a major turning point for the Chero­kee Nation and arguably were what William G. McLoughlin labeled the beginning of the “Chero­kee Renascence.” After most of Doublehead’s supporters voluntarily moved west after his execution, the various regional headmen met in Broom’s Town, or Frogtown. The residents, who had relocated the town from northwestern Georgia to Broom’s Valley in present-­day Chero­kee County, Ala­bama, during the Chickamauga era, were determined to renew a “sense of self-­determination and national destiny.”1 McLoughlin argued that this movement became clear only during the 1820s. I contend, however, that the importance of the previous decade to the forging of leadership of the men involved in Chero­kee military actions has been egregiously overlooked. In this era of rebuilding, Chero­kees sought to “revitalize their culture by combining old ways with new ones or by finding Chero­kee versions of white ways.”2 These adjustments included an increase in the number of nuclear fami­ lies, marriage with whites, in­di­vidual farmsteads, and the alteration of gender roles. Acquisitive materialism and an increasing emphasis on personal property led to a nascent class sys­tem and a widening of socioeconomic circumstances. As Chero­kee economic and social life changed, so too Chero­kee po­ liti­cal leaders sought greater centralized control over tribal affairs to bolster an emerging national identity. As these profound changes contributed to the reshaping of Chero­kee life, tensions and troubles abounded. The continued and exacerbated trouble with white neighbors coupled with uncertainty, as another

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war between the United States and Great Britain loomed, would test Chero­ kee leadership. Lawlessness from domestic and external origins contributed to an escalating anxiety. With all these pressures, self-­proclaimed prophets and their believers challenged Chero­kee leadership by claiming guidance and empowerment from the spiritual world. This Chero­kee prophetic movement, likely influenced by the Shawnee visionary crusade, presented a new strategy for dealing with the sweeping changes initiated through contact with Ameri­cans. The Chero­kees as a group had a decision to make. This chapter explores the developing coalition between the older headmen and a rising, influential group of younger men as they decided on the path of revitalization and discounted the challengers to their own visions. Consequently, this assemblage of real men, or protectors of C ­ hero­kee society, experienced an increase in their power. Once again, the discourse came to center around Chero­kee men and war, and which side they would join. Changes and challenges were tightly interwoven. Chero­kee land settlement patterns reflected the vast changes that had occurred after the end of the Chicka­mauga armed resistance. Town communities still existed, although their physi­cal structure had been transformed. The devastations of war had forced the Chero­kee population to scatter up and down the waterways, using distance to decrease population density as a strategy for survival. Many of these relocations were the result of land lost in the cessions required in the treaties of 1798, 1804, 1805, and 1806. This kind of stress occurred throughout Indian country east of the Mississippi River. In the 1790s alone, seven armed conflicts with Indian groups culminated in ten treaties with subsequent land cessions to the United States. On the other hand, during the first decade of the 1800s, thirty such treaties were signed without any military coercion, reflecting the change in US Indian policy to “expansion with honor.” Jefferson’s administration and those who followed in this time period deemed it much too costly to conduct military expeditions and continued Wash­ing­ton and Knox’s policy of diplomatic negotiations and bribery to obtain land from Indian groups. The plan to acquire land from Indian tribes kept paying off. The land cessions forced groups of Chero­kees to abandon forty towns within the shrinking Chero­kee territory. Often families were forced to resettle two or three times, seeking refuge with kin who suffered from their own shortage of resources. To add insult to injury, in 1804, 1807, and again beginning in 1811, the Chero­kees were at risk of starvation because of droughts and poor



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harvests. In answer to their pleas for assistance, the federal agent for the Chero­ kees, Return J. Meigs, traded food for more Chero­kee land or deducted the price of corn sent for their relief from tribal annuities. Meigs saw to it that 268 bushels of corn were delivered to eighty Chero­kee families in the towns of “Chilhowe[e], [T]elaysy, Cytico, Chota, [T]ellico, Big [T]elico, [and] Cheoe.” Another request for aid required action for the relief of thirty-­eight more families in the Lower Towns region.3 Nevertheless, farmsteads continued to spring up throughout the Chero­kee country and livestock ownership proliferated. As long as one neighbor did not infringe on another and allowed a green area between properties where cattle and other livestock could range, a Chero­kee could use as much communal land as needed. These farmsteads, for the most part, remained tied to specific communities, each led by a recognized chief or town leader.4 By 1809, a federal census revealed that most of 128 Chero­kee communities contained farmsteads with some chickens, swine, sheep, black cattle, and horses. In addition, throughout the Chero­kee Nation there were three saw mills, thirteen grist mills, three saltpeter works, and two powder mills, along with five schools, all connected by several hundred miles of roads with ferries at key river crossings.5 At Chero­kee homesteads, the agent counted 429 looms, 1,572 spinning wheels, 567 plows, and 583 African-­Ameri­can slaves. Yet the Chero­ kees never had enough plows, looms, spinning wheels, and mattocks to fill their needs. For instance, the Chero­kees in the Tellico area requested that a white man make looms and plows for them because seven families were sharing only one old plow. While the federal government had good intentions, it never did supply the demand.6 The Chero­kee population consisted of 12,395 ­people, of which almost half were males. White men married to Chero­kee women numbered 113, and the total number of whites whom the government sanctioned to live with the Chero­ kees was 341. One estimate suggested that 15 percent of the tribal population lived in the Lower Towns, 28 percent in the Upper Towns north of the Chicka­ mauga towns, and 27 percent in the lands that were now part of the state of Georgia. Approximately 30 percent of the Chero­kee population resided in the more impoverished Valley Towns region, which claimed only five slaves, or less than 1 percent of the total human chattel among the Chero­kees at the time. The census taker separately enumerated only the Valley and Mountain Towns, where he counted 1,750 males out of a total of 3,648 Chero­kees. This area accounted for only approximately 17 percent of the spinning wheels and 16 per-

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cent of the total looms in the nation. Even worse, these seventy families only owned forty plows, or less than 7 percent of the total in the nation, among them. These fig­ures likely reflect the favoritism that the Indian agency had shown toward the Lower Towns headmen in the distribution of the implements of the civilization program.7 By 1810, the Upper, Valley, and Mountain Towns realized that the federal government believed them to be “at least twenty years behind the lower town . . . Indians” yet, as the records so bluntly indicate, had mostly ignored them.8 Two years earlier the Valley Towns could only claim 70 looms and 271 spinning wheels. It is evident that the US government favored the former Chicka­mauga towns when distributing agricultural implements and annuities in return for the support of headmen, such as Doublehead, who had accepted bribes to cede Chero­kee land and to gather support for land cession. The regional headmen objected to this lack of attention. To somewhat rectify these inequities, Meigs set aside some tools for those from the more distant Upper, Valley, and Mountain Towns who were willing to make the long trip to the Chero­kee agency to receive them. The agency made no concerted effort to bring the implements to the various regions for distribution. Thus, despite the fact that the Chero­kees had po­liti­cally unified in 1809, social and economic gaps increasingly existed between the Chero­kee regions, and these were exacerbated by the federal government.9 The federal agent with the assistance of Chero­kee leaders, however, did intensify efforts to control the number of whites who resided within the Chero­ kee Nation’s borders. Meigs hoped that the government could keep out potential troublemakers even if the Chero­kee territory had never been designated as completely “off limits” to whites.10 Still the Chero­kees did request that certain skilled whites, such as millers, blacksmiths, ferrymen, and some teachers, remain among them, provided they were of good character. Further complicating the attempts to control the flow of whites onto Chero­kee land was the fact that intermarriage, predominantly white men marrying Chero­kee women, had been a long-­standing practice. Chero­kees recognized these white men as countrymen, virtual Chero­kee citizens, through these unions. Chero­kees considered the children of these marriages to be Chero­kee citizens due to the traditional matrilineal clan structure of Chero­kee society. As a result, by the turn of the nineteenth century, many Chero­kee warriors possessed white surnames, having adopted the naming practices of their white fathers. Some spoke the English language, but



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most were illiterate. Chero­kee society accepted these bicultural Chero­kees and their white fathers as legitimate citizens.11 But this was not the case with whites deemed outsiders by the Chero­kees. As land use practices changed, Chero­kee men became progressively more agreeable to cultivation and herding. The federal Indian policy encouraged men to take up the plow, while women were to sit at the spinning wheel instead of conducting the bulk of the farming activities. Many Chero­kee men found this alteration in lifestyle profitable but demeaning, and many chose to hire white sharecroppers. In addition, as already mentioned, the Indian agent, often at the request of Chero­kee headmen, would permit certain skilled craftsmen, such as blacksmiths or millers, to work and live within the Chero­kee boundary by issuing licenses and monitoring their actions to make sure they practiced the proper decorum expected of a visitor. The sharecroppers became a problem as more of them decided to establish their own farms, and hired laborers left their positions to try their luck at farming. This meant that many white persons whom the Chero­kees had origi­nally invited to reside among them now simply chose to illegally squat on Chero­kee land, hoping that their presence would encourage the United States to seek more land cessions to accommodate them. Between 1801 and 1841, the US Congress passed eighteen special preemption acts to legitimate the squatters. White citizens, seeking cheap land, were well aware of the federal government’s tendency to make accommodations for those who illegally settled on Indian lands.12 Illegal squatters were not the only problem that the Chero­kees faced during this time. Adding to the general suspicion and unrest surging in the Ameri­can backcountry, lawlessness intensified after a period of three relatively calm years as young men, both white and Indian, once again fell to raiding and the taking of plunder. The frequent loss of land due to treaty concessions most likely contributed to this rising friction between the Ameri­cans and raiding young Native men. As a civil war brewed among the Creeks, Chero­kee headmen sought to regain control and guide the actions of their young men and once again looked to the young regulators of the lighthorse to enforce order. Most of the young men who now served on the Chero­kee National Committee either were or had been active as regulators in the lighthorse. Now they, along with the more cautious elders on the Chero­kee National Council, had to forge a course of action regarding the upcoming conflicts, while at the same time trying to keep the ­brittle peace with their Ameri­can neighbors.

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Long had the Chero­kees and their white neighbors been dubious of the other’s intentions and trustworthiness. Frontier conflict had existed since colonial times as British America slowly but steadily pushed west. The end of the Ameri­can Revolution left the Chero­kees in the lurch as the British were forced to abandon their previous allies. One result was that the Ameri­cans saw their victory as encompassing the entire British alliance. From then on, the United States viewed the Chero­kees as a conquered ­people. The Chicka­mauga War was just a continuation of Native resistance, but this also had ended in military defeat.13 Bitterness and resentment over the loss of property and kin unfortunately did not disappear when the ink dried on the treaties. As historian B ­ ernard W. Sheehan contended, “Most found it easier to interpret the frenzy of savage­ conflict . . . as revelatory of the diabolical force of primitivism,” which served to reinforce the white settlers’ perspective that this was the Indians’ inherent nature.14 It was this mentality that led federal, state, and local authorities to fear that the Chero­kees might enter into a military alliance with Great Britain against the United States, or join the pan-­Indian movement led by the Shawnee ­Tecumseh and his brother The Prophet (Tenskwatawa) against white expansion, po­liti­cal influence, and acculturation. As fear grew that the Chero­kees might ­become embroiled, like the Creeks, in a civil war over economic, po­liti­cal, religious, and social differences, the Chero­kees were clearly on the defensive and hoped to demonstrate their peaceful intentions. Shortly after a movement led by prophets failed, the Chero­kee leadership decided to join the coalition of national Creeks and US forces to put down the Creek Red Stick rebellion. The powerful faction of national Creeks controlled the Creek Council and had profited by supporting the US civilization plan. Chero­kees hoped that their military commitment might end the suspicions, avert hostilities, ease tensions between them and their white neighbors, and lead to a stable, long-­lasting relationship with the federal government. Thus, an examination of this Chero­kee prophetic movement is in order. Revitalization movements had recently intensified among many eastern tribes, especially those located in the North. Chero­kee prophetic messengers emerged in 1811, about the same time that the famed Shawnee Ghost Dance, or Dance of the Lakes, movement spread southward. The Shawnee message emerged from a vision experienced by The Prophet. He claimed that an “imminent, cataclysmic destruction of the whites, the restoration of the dwindling game, and a re-



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turn to . . . precontact life” would occur.15 Many of his followers sought to revive their old ways by shunning white culture and consumer goods. Because of the participation of some Creeks in this pan-­Indian movement, many scholars have closely associated the Red Stick, or Creek, War of 1813– 1814 with Tecumseh and The Prophet’s campaign against acculturation and white encroachment, which became part of the larger War of 1812.16 How­ever, ethnohistorian Gregory Dowd made a strong argument that the Shawnee nativist movement was merely another episode in a process that had been going on since before the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763). Dowd posited that this extensive movement’s purpose was to push tribal boundaries, shape Indian identity, and conceive a strategy of resistance against white expansion. To clarify, one must understand that “for nativists, acceptable changes were to come about through traditionally sanctioned means.”17 In other words, Native Ameri­can cultures were not stagnant and unchanging and never have been. Thus, various groups within tribes maneuvered for the right to negotiate and determine how or if they would integrate selective changes into their own societies. Of course, military, diplomatic, and kinship alliances had existed for some time between some of the Shawnee, Creek, and Chero­kee ­peoples.18 The Chicka­ mauga resistance included participants from all three groups. Although after 1800 the Creeks maintained a closer relationship with the north­ern tribes than did the Chero­kees, the south­ern tribes were far from ignorant of the pan-­Indian confederacy that Tecumseh was promoting. In the late summer of 1811, the charismatic leader journeyed south to garner support for the movement.19 The famed prophet Seekaboo accompanied Tecumseh but then remained with the Creeks and became a valuable, skilled orator and religious leader among the Red Stick faction, which soon rebelled against the leadership of the Creek National Council because of its close ties to the United States.20 In response to the pressures to acculturate and the growing, s­ urrounding white population, new self-­proclaimed Chero­kee prophets began to deliver predictions. They preached that unless p ­ eople returned to the traditional ways of their ancestors and gave up the white ways, the Great Spirit would punish and obliterate those who did not heed their counsel. A Chero­kee man named ­Charley or Tsali and two women from Coosawatee all claimed that they had experienced visions. They attended a “great medicine dance” and a “talk in Oostanaula” on Feb­ru­ary 7, 1811, to warn Chero­kees to stop cultivating the land like white men. They declared that the Chero­kees must return to growing “In-

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dian corn and pound it according to your ancestors’ ways,” using a traditional wood kanona, or corn pounder, because “the mother of the nation has left you, because all her bones are being broken through the milling.” They admonished the ­people to revert to a traditional lifestyle and seek the return of the sacred “old ‘beloved Towns’” that had been lost through land cessions. Furthermore, these prophetic messengers claimed that “your mother is not pleased that you punish each other severely. Yes, you whip until blood flows,” intimating that the role of the Chero­kee lighthorse was blasphemous to the ancient blood law of the seven clans.21 Furthermore, these visionaries chided that “[i]f you now make it known and there is someone who does not believe it, know that things will not go well for him.”22 Furthermore, Tsali predicted that a violent hailstorm would destroy white settlers and those following the white way, while those who followed the Chero­kee way would survive. He convinced many listeners that they must seek haven in the mountains, leaving behind all their material possessions reflecting white influence, in­clud­ing their orchards, beehives, and slaves, because the “Great Spirit was angry, and had withdrawn his protection” for nonbelievers.23 No one at this meeting rose to challenge this message except The Ridge. As a warrior, lighthorse regulator, and National Committee member, he stood and testified, “My friends, the talk you have heard is not good. It would lead us to war with the United States, and we should suffer.”24 Upon hearing this challenge to the prophet’s credibility, enraged supporters of the visionary attacked The Ridge, who barely escaped major injury, and stabbed one of his friends who had jumped to his aid. Though the prophecy convinced some believers from the Oostanaula area and the Mountain and Valley Towns, which had the largest population of traditionalists, the wide majority did not accept the message. Nevertheless, the Chero­kee James Wafford, or Worn Out Blanket, who was a young boy living along Valley River at the time, later vividly recalled “the troops of pilgrims with their packs on their backs, fleeing from the lower country to escape the wrath to come. Many of them stopped at the house of [my] step­father . . . who took the opportunity to endeavor to persuade them to turn back, telling them that their hopes and fears alike were groundless. Some listened to him and returned to their homes but others went on and climbed the mountain where they waited until the appointed day arrived only to find themselves disappointed.”25 Eventually, the opinions of Chero­kee leaders such as The Ridge and Charles Hicks (Kalawaskee, Kaluwaskee) dominated and calmed the fears of the Chero­kee populace. Adding to all this, the famous New Madrid earthquakes, with the first sig-



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nificant tremors occurring on De­cem­ber 16, 1811, along with a solar eclipse, seemed to mark the beginning of the end for those who accepted the vision and temporarily contributed to the escalation of the movement’s fervor.26 Though the epicenters for these three violent earthquakes (magnitudes 7.3–7.5) were near present-­day New Madrid, Missouri, the entire central Mississippi Valley area experienced the effects with some damage noted as far away as along the South Caro­lina coast and in Wash­ing­ton, DC. The Moravian missionaries in present-­day north­ern Georgia reported some early shocks on De­cem­ber 15, 1811. Throughout the region, ­people reported darkened spring water and large, new sinkholes, some as deep as 20 feet and having a circumference of 120 feet. Some Chero­kees even feared that the earth, which was “very old,” would break apart. Some blamed the tremors on conjurers or wondered if the great Uktena, the mythic horned snake, had “crawled under their house.”27 Much conjecture about the ferocity of the earthquakes took place over the next few months, and the Moravians reported that “fear and horror . . . spread throughout the nation.”28 Many Chero­kees journeyed to the mission to hear the Christian explanation for this unusual and prolonged event. Shoe Boots and Big Bear (Yonah Equah, Yonahaquah) made this trip in Feb­ru­ary 1812 and provided the missionaries with a detailed account of another Chero­kee’s vision and its connection to the earthquakes. The missionaries recorded what they described as a “cock-­and-­bull story” as follows: “[A]n Indian sat in his house deep in thought and his children lay sick in front of the fire. . . . A tall man . . . walked in . . . [and] carried a small child on his arm. . . . [T]hat was God. ‘I cannot tell you now if God will soon destroy the earth or not. God is, however, not satisfied that the Indians have sold so much land to the white ­people.’”29 The Chero­kees went on to explain how God wanted white settlers ejected from Tugaloo, the “first place that God created” because he had placed the “first fire” there for the Chero­kees.30 Only after white ­people returned the sacred town to the Chero­kees, God said, would there be peace. Other exhortations warned the Chero­kees of further cataclysmic events. Laughing Molly sought out the advice of the missionaries when more rumors spread in March 1812 warning that in June at the time of a lunar eclipse “hailstones as big as ‘hominy blocks’” would destroy all the cattle, followed a short time later by the destruction of the earth.31 Supposedly, the only way to survive and not “be carried away” was to get rid of all white clothing and goods so that “a new earth would arise in the spring.”32 Around the same time, Indian

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agent Meigs reported that some Chero­kees were trying to “appease the Anger of the great Spirit” through “religious dances of ancient origin” and by going to water.33 The Chero­kee National Council met in April 1812 with a discussion of the prophecies on the agenda. At the behest of Meigs, a Moravian Brother, John Gambold, spoke, hoping to defuse the sense of panic the visions and rumors had initiated and to “calm the spirits of the Indians as much as possible.” Meigs and Gambold left feeling assuaged when the prominent headman Sour Mush relayed that “he was not angry at all with the white ­people, but with his own ­people’s misbehavior and recklessness.”34 Because the cataclysmic events never occurred, proving the vision false, Tsali’s support melted away. In contrast, the prophets circulating among the north­ern tribes and the Creeks retained a large group of adherents. An armed dissident Creek faction, the Red Sticks, rebelled against Big Warrior and other members of the wealthy Creek National Council, whom they felt acted only to enrich their own elite group. This pitted the Creek government’s authorized warriors under William McIntosh, who were acting as law menders or lighthorse regulators, against many traditional leading warriors, who were accepting of the spiritual dogma of Tecumseh’s movement. The murders of white settlers on the frontier by some of these Creeks resulted in Creek Indian agent Benjamin Hawkins insisting that the Creek National Council bring the perpetrators to justice. Big Warrior and the council authorized the law menders to execute those judged to be instigators. Some of the executions took place in the square of a white or peace town, where the spilling of blood had been traditionally forbidden, further fueling the subsequent retributive strikes against members of the Creek council and their supporters who sanctioned the law menders. The result was civil war.35 Unlike the Creek leadership, The Ridge and other prominent Chero­kee warrior-­headmen had successfully and without bloodshed nullified Tsali’s vision, and this led to an overwhelming consensus among the ­people. The result was a decision-­making process that was distinctly secular and accepted by the vast majority of Chero­kees. The respected elderly headmen and the rising class of young warrior-­leaders joined together to sway pub­lic opinion against the prophets claiming divine guidance. This is what anthropologist Raymond Fogelson regarded as an “epitomizing event”—the failed Ghost Dance movement would act as a catalyst for change rather than signify it.36 Scholar Joel W. Martin noted that the vast majority of Chero­kees refused



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to be “drawn into a prophetic movement led by charismatic leaders and shaped by eschatological rhetoric.”37 Martin agreed with Duane Champagne’s observation that the Chero­kee government and its leadership had successfully severed the institution from religious ideology and clan rule. This, they claimed, allowed for the successful unification of class interests throughout the nation.38 Native Ameri­can religion studies specialist Michelene E. Pesantubee posited that the Chero­kee prophecies of this time included both nativist and restorative characteristics, but they failed because they lacked a central, unifying component.39 Looking still deeper, The Ridge’s successful challenge to the self-­proclaimed prophetic messengers indicates a continuity of events that gave more credence to the power and influence of young, virile, manly warriors than to unproven conjurer-­prophets.40 As Martin advanced, the Chero­kees were “already ­involved in an impressive and systemic revitalization movement” and had been nego­tiat­ ing this through the crises and changes that had taken place since the Chicka­ mauga era.41 With the centralization of government functions, warriors-­headmen now acted to protect the interests of the larger Chero­kee community and not just their own town or region. This republican action, which transcended class differences, represented a tribal “communitism” or mass movement to protect cultural identity and tribal sovereignty.42 Town headmen nevertheless still felt a duty toward the welfare of their own towns, even while their own kinship relationships remained important. Thus the management of localized internal affairs remained mostly autonomous from the nation’s business. The actions taken by the Chero­kees at the time of the Ghost Dance movement reveal that traditionalists and progressives wanted many of the same objectives. Those who adhered even for a short time to the prophecies sought the removal of white acculturation and influence, and similarly, the progressives sought to restrict and control the white presence among them. Whether or not the Chero­kee National Council and headmen gave credence to the visions, this was a time of renewed efforts to limit white residents on Chero­kee land, sometimes with the headmen asking for federal assistance.43 Further troubles were also stirring in the Southeast at this time. By October 1811, rumors among white settlers had spread and added to the general fear of an outbreak of Indian hostilities. Frontier Ameri­cans spoke about the probability of an Indian war in the region. In the Mississippi Territory town of Huntsville, John Brahan, the receiving officer for the Chero­kee Indian Agency, relayed to Meigs, “It is rumored that the Creeks are preparing for war against us, if true they must be a blind ­people, and will no doubt prove their own de-

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struction.”44 Increased incidents of robberies and murders did nothing to ease the increasing anxiety that Great Britain might encourage Indian p ­ eoples to rise against the United States. As episodes of violence and thievery continued between the Chero­kees and their white neighbors, some Tennesseans even threatened Chero­kees with war, inciting quarrels as a “pretext for driving the Indians off their lands.”45 It became more difficult for Chero­kees to recover their stolen property from white men than vice versa because white courts did not honor Indians’ testimony.46 While the Chero­kee lighthorse struggled to maintain a semblance of control, it often did not have the cooperation of white citizens. And, complicating the circumstances, some Chero­kee citizens began to take matters into their own hands. One argument over the ownership of an enslaved African Ameri­ can woman and her children brought threats of clan retribution. More and more often, US citizens and Chero­kee citizens clashed over the legal ownership of slaves. In one instance, a federal soldier involved in the recovery of slaves claimed and held by a Chero­kee reported that “the Indians came to the Ferry . . . painted and determined to take the property by force.”47 Usually in such instances, the agent upheld the US citizen’s claim until the matter could be settled by an appointed panel of upstanding white citizens, who would hear the evidence brought by both parties. These situations often encompassed debt settlements, some of which became convoluted when one party issued notes on slaves as collateral for loans or for purchases. If one party died, often multiple note-­holders would step forward to claim property from the deceased’s estate. Another incident sorely tested the Chero­kees: a white man killed a Chero­ kee man as he was peaceably traveling downriver with his family. The headmen in the area reported to Meigs that it had been almost impossible to “restrain a Brother of the murdered Chero­kee from seeking . . . Satisfaction by Killing some white man. . . . a debt [was] due them.”48 In another instance, Meigs feared that a quarrel would “very near to involve the Chero­kees & the white ­people in Shedding Blood profusely & of involving the innocent on each side in distress.”49 He sent his concerns to his Chero­kee “Friends & Brothers”: It must not be in the power of a few bad men on each side to involve the U. States & the Chero­kees in shed[d]ing blood— ­if such men are suffered to do these things with impunity it is easy to see the event—The U. States & the Chero­kees must hold each other by the hand & all will be well. Some



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­ eople are suspicious that the English & Spaniards have p been endeavoring to persuade the Chero­kees to take up arms against the U. States. . . . The English left you in distress after you had generously shed your own blood in their defence. If ever they should attempt to draw you off from your connection with the U. States you ought to say to them you deceived us once & shall not do it a sec­ond time.50 The Chero­kee National Committee, which conducted the nation’s affairs in this volatile atmosphere, informed Meigs of its newly appointed member­ship on No­vem­ber 18, 1811. The group was overwhelmingly composed of younger headmen: Charles Hicks, The Ridge, Sekekee (Seekickee), John McIntosh, John Walker, John Lowrey, George Lowrey, John McLemore (Oosqualhoka), Duck, Wahsaucy, (Wasasy, Wasausee, Wasosey, Wassesee, Wausacey), Sour Mush, and Chulioa (Chuleoa, Chuleowa, Chulio, Chullioa). John Ross served as the thirteenth member of the committee and its clerk. Most of these men, though relatively young, had served their p ­ eople for many years as warriors, headmen, lighthorse regulators, and Chero­kee representatives to the Chero­kee Indian Agency. The committee, which answered only to the “old Chiefs” of the Chero­kee National Council, dealt with the nation’s everyday business, collected the annuity, and would be instrumental in determining the Chero­kee course of action in the time of war soon to come.51 Near the end of 1811, Meigs reported to the secretary of war that some Chero­kee leaders had relayed to him their experience at the Creek council at Tuckabatchee, where a delegation of Shawnees had spoken in Sep­tem­ber and warned the Chero­kees: “Brother[s], there are two paths. One is light & clear. The other is covered over with clouds. If you take the light clear path you may be safe. If you take the dark path you may lose your lands. . . . Keep your land, the lands we have now are not so good as those we had formerly.”52 Meigs concluded, “If there should be war the Indians will all wish to have a hand in it.” In fact, a few days later he reported that a young Chero­kee chief had offered to raise “a body of Chero­kee warriors . . . against the Indians now in arms on the Wabash,” although the elder council members chose not to condone any action at the time. The Chero­kee agent suggested to Secretary of War William Eustis that “if our Country should be hard pressed by the English, it may be expedient to accept the service of some of these ­people for like all other Indians they are as instable as water & from a love of war they might join our ene-

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mies rather than be only idle spectators.” He clearly had some degree of uncertainty about whether the Chero­kees would side with the United States. Even if they tried to remain neutral, Meigs feared that some young men would join the opposite side anyway because the Chero­kees “have no control over their young men & this is always their excuse.”53 In April Meigs asked the Chero­kee National Council at Oostanaula to suppress an outbreak of horse stealing that had arisen after a relatively quiet three-­ year period. He feared that these lawless actions might result in “quarrels,” vigi­ lante groups, or the “shed[d]ing of blood.” The Chero­kee leaders continued to speak up for their constituency and to seek justice for wrongdoings perpetrated on their lands. For example, John Lowrey requested that the Chero­kee agent assist “an honest young man he also is one of our lighthorse company whose horse was stolen by a white man.”54 The accused was in jail in Knoxville on other charges, but the frustrated Chero­kee had no legal recourse for his claim other than to have the federal agent speak on his behalf. In such a case, Meigs and his appointed commission of white men would hear Chero­kees’ testimony at the Indian agency. This white panel would then determine which testimony to believe by judging whether they were men of good character or not. These depositions helped Meigs to determine his course of action in US civil affairs in which Chero­kees had a stake. During this same council, Meigs reported, Chero­kee committee members John Walker, The Ridge, and one of the Lowrey brothers, “three young Chiefs— men of property & activity of their own accord & motion came into the Council and observed that there would be a war between the U. States & the English & that they thought it would be for the advantage of their nation to offer their aid on our side & that they wished each to raise a number of young men & offer their services on the terms of pay & emoluments of our military corps.”55 Nevertheless, the Chero­kee National Council determined at this time that they should not “interfere in the wars of white ­people, and should prepare the minds of their young ­people to be neighborly and friendly,” and they relayed this declaration of neutrality to the council held by the Lower Town Creeks. The chiefs did acknowledge, however, that “the rumors of war which surrounded us would soon be verified, and if the Indians joined Great Britain . . . they would lose every foot of land; and if they joined the United States . . . they would get no land, but would secure the friendship of the United States forever.”56 Before the United States declared war with Great Britain and prior to hostilities erupting in the Creek Nation, Meigs, in his dual position as the federal



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Chero­kee Indian agent and a War Department agent, wrote the secretary of war “that in case of war with the English . . . the Chero­kees would be ruthless & would act a part on one side or the other; I mean their young men.” Meigs then expressed his belief that the Chero­kees “might render valuable service in an active campaign,” which would stand as a “pledge of the fidelity of the nation” to the United States. He suggested that Chero­kee warriors might serve as cavalrymen because of the “remarkable ease with which they ride & manage their horses.”57 At the same time, Meigs conveyed anxious sentiments about this idea, writing that although many Chero­kees “would be proud to be invited to join our Army,” he would “detest the idea of employing Indians” and felt that they might need to be “restrained from acts of barbarty [sic].” This was not the only time that Meigs demonstrated condescension toward the Chero­kees. His letters to his superiors often reflected his disdain and, at times, pity, even to the point of calling them “poor creatures.”58 Meigs was not the only Ameri­can to not feel totally comfortable about a Chero­kee alliance. A feeling of distrust toward all Indians dominated frontier politics at this time. Ending on a somewhat more positive note, the agent expressed to Secretary Eustis that the Chero­kees were impressionable enough that “they are like blank stationary [sic] on which may be written anything” and “have prejudices against the Northern Indians . . . [and] against the lower Creeks.”59 By the early summer of 1812, Chero­kee leaders yearned to prove their commitment to friendship, peace, and order by having the lighthorse deliver to Meigs unharmed a white man suspected of robbery as “convincing proof  . . . of our disposition to Suppress villainy in Our Country.”60 In June, besides Chero­ kees’ concern with the usual problems with outlaws and white intruders, the activities of their Creek neighbors to the south became alarming. Indeed, reports of Creek war parties murdering white settlers on the frontier resulted in the nearby federal military garrisons at Hiwassee, Southwest Point, Fort Hampton, and Tellico being placed on alert.61 The Chero­kee headmen postponed a trip to meet with Meigs for fear of leaving their homes unguarded against possible Creek depredations.62 By Sep­tem­ber 1812, the factionalism in the Creek Nation had escalated. The Chero­kees received a “talk” from the Creek headman Bark, who stated, “I have killed nine of my wild men & one woman . . . who had taken the talks & advice of the prophet[’]s ­people” and had murdered some white settlers and taken captive Martha Crawley, who lived on the Duck River in Tennessee.63 Creek Indian agent Benjamin Hawkins insisted that the Creek National Council bring

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those responsible for the deaths of the Ameri­cans to justice, according to treaty stipulations. The Creek council executed eight ­people who were responsible for the Tennessee murders and “cropped and whipped for theft” seven others. Violence exploded between the Creek National Council, which adhered to US support and influence, and a faction of dissidents that became known as the Red Sticks. Many of the Red Sticks also supported the revitalization movement and considered their violence to be sacred acts sanctioned by the holy prophets living among them, such as Josiah Francis and High Head Jim.64 When the Creek National Council, led by Big Warrior, executed Little Warrior and those responsible for the murder of several white persons, the Red Sticks retaliated. Creek historian Claudio Saunt claimed that “here the Creek red stick of justice and Tecumseh’s weapon of war began to converge.”65 They attacked those Creeks sympathetic to the United States and those who had economically or po­liti­cally benefited from that relationship. This was a direct challenge of the council’s usurping of authority from clan blood law. Red Sticks drove off and killed livestock, burned homes, captured African-­Ameri­can slaves, and even killed some of the Creek elites, whom they now considered their enemies. Panic and fear spread across the Southeast as white settlers, government officials, and the Chero­kees feared that a full-­blown war would surge across the Chero­kee-­ Creek boundary.66 An inciting alarm raised in Tennessee called for “Ameri­cans [to] act as becomes men. Make the neighboring nations responsible for the acts committed in and through their territory . . . and command the submission of the petty savages on your frontier. . . . Act as your forefathers, and at the point of the bayonet subdue or extirpate the savage foe.”67 In response, Chero­kee headmen John Walker and John Lowrey again proposed “to raise each a body of young Chero­kees” to join the war against the British early in Feb­ru­ary 1813. Meigs noted that “there seems to be almost a rage or passion pervading this territory and it has caught the Indians.”68 However, even Meigs feared somewhat for the safety of the Chero­kees among the nearby land-­hungry white settlers, stating, “The Chero­kees have few friends on the frontiers, they have no ability to defend themselves.”69 Indeed, tensions were so high along the Tennessee River between the Chero­kees in the Battle Creek area and their white neighbors to the north of Tellico blockhouse that US Major John Finley commented that “if Militia was stationed on the frontiers that this would rather provoke a war than keep peace.”70 With terror and rage deepening among their white neighbors against Indians in general, perhaps the Chero­kee leadership hoped to channel their young



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men’s masculine activities and energies into sanctioned civil or military work to avoid more conflict with US citizens. Perhaps they hoped that an alliance would soothe tensions and forge future peaceful relations. The council appointed John Lowrey to “assist our Rising Generation to try [and] raise them in honest & good behavior.”71 The headmen, many of them fairly young themselves, realized that there were both white and Chero­kee offenders. Lowrey’s duties included reporting to the lighthorse any agitators in need of punishment in the hope of keeping peace on their side of the boundary line. Indeed, lighthorseman James Brown “armed and Equip[p]ed himself in a very warlike manner” to join his company although “he was apprehensive of a conflict or skirmish in which he might fall.”72 At about this same time, two headmen representing the Chero­kee National Council, Toochala (Toochalah, Toochalar, Toochelar), and Chulioa, asked Meigs to publish a letter in the Niles’ Weekly Register in the hope of soothing enmity between Chero­kees and “the good ­people living in the states of Tennessee, North Caro­lina, South Caro­lina, Georgia, and Mississippi Territory,” particularly the Franklin County, Tennessee, residents.73 Farther south, the festering of tensions among the Creeks had come to a head in the seething heat of July 1813. Red Sticks attacked national Creeks at Hatcheechubbee and Tuckabatchee, burning homes and destroying cornfields and livestock.74 A Creek messenger, Tallasee Fixico, notified Hawkins that the national Creeks had “sent to the Chero­kees for aid,” and a few days later the Georgia governor remarked that “the Chero­kees have promised assistance.” The Creek headman Cussetah Mico notified Hawkins that some towns that “took [T]he Prophet’s talk, have since thrown it away,” especially when the Chero­ kees issued a cryptic admonishment not to join the Red Sticks: “take care we do not frighten your children.”75 On July 23, Chero­kee principal chief Path Killer and several headmen from the Creek Path area wrote to Meigs of the “rebellion in the Creek Nation” and that the Red Sticks were “endeavouring to brake [sic] the chain of friendship between the U.S. & that Nation.”76 They further relayed that many national Creeks had sought shelter against possible attacks by the Red Sticks in the towns of Coweta and Cusseta. They warned Meigs that, in their estimation, the situation was dire: It appears that the situation of our villages on the borders of the Creek Nation is not altogether safe, as we have been advised by the Big Warrior & his friendly Chiefs, to furnish

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ourselves with guns. To be guarded against the rebellious Creeks, that they should be suppressed, in case [of] an attempt to invade our Country. A number of Creeks of the Natchez tribe have come to Turkey’s Town for refuge from the merciless rebels their friendly disposition towards the US. Appears to be usually firm, their number consists of nearly 200 men besides their women & Children. We hope the White People will not think that we have suffered those Indians to come amongst us with any hostile intentions towards them, as they are part of those who have suffered their friends & relations to spill their blood in giving satisfaction to the US. For the murder which was committed on the Ohio.77 The Chero­kees’ postscript stated that they had also written to the Chickasaws, who were to inform the Choctaws to watch for Red Stick prophets recruiting among them and to execute them immediately. It soon became obvious that the Red Sticks were not in the least intimidated. They destroyed the neutral town of Kialigee in present-­day east-­central Ala­bama, attacked residents who refused to join their cause, and slaughtered the town’s livestock.78 More significantly, a military encounter occurred between a white militia and a party of Red Sticks at Burnt Corn Creek in present-­day south­ern Ala­bama on July 27, 1813. The militia ambushed the Red Stick supply caravan, which was toting flour, corn, and ammunition from Pensacola. This was the first military skirmish between the Red Sticks and white troops in the Red Stick, or Creek, War of 1813–1814.79 News about this encounter traveled fast. From Chicka­mauga Town, the young Chero­kee committee member John Ross informed Meigs that he had just returned from a council at Creek Path, where the chiefs had discussed the “rebellion [that] has taken place in the Creek Nation” and that a Creek “civil war amongst themselves [has] taken place.” He stressed the seriousness of the situation and suggested that the United States send military assistance to Big Warrior and his party of national Creeks or, Ross warned, “[T]hey will be conquered from the superior force of the rebels.”80 Meigs sent a letter to the newly appointed secretary of war, John Armstrong, in early August 1813, discussing a communication between Big Warrior and Creek Indian agent Hawkins. Apparently, because of the constant threat of attack on Coweta near the Chattahoochee River, even more Creeks were



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3. John Ross, Chero­kee principal chief (1828–1866). From McKenney and Hall’s Indian Tribes of North America, Library of Congress.

seeking refuge among the Chero­kee towns near their joint boundary. Chero­kee headman Richard Brown and approximately two hundred Chero­kee warriors helped to repulse the Red Sticks and lead two hundred Creek refugees to safety in Brown’s Valley or Thompson’s Valley (present-­day Red Hill, Ala­bama). In addition, the Natchez leader Chinnabee, the headman of thirty or forty fami­ lies from Nauchee (Natchez) Town, sought refuge at Turkey Town, the home of Chero­kee principal chief Path Killer on the Coosa River.81 Meigs feared that these acts of kindness might embroil the Chero­kees in a war because of the “suspicion of the white ­people on the frontier” against all Indians. He went on:

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It may be asked what interest have the Chero­kees in this war? I answer they owe the United States more than they are able to repay. The United States have saved the Chero­ kee Nation from perdition. They have raised them up from a state of hunters to Herdsmen, Cultivators, and manufacturers. While under the English they learned nothing usefull [sic]. They acquired nothing from the English but vices which paced their own in the light of comparative barbarity. They then left them confined in their savage customs and manners and without a single stipulation for their preservation. The United States then took them by the hand and made them happy compared with their former condition. There is no doubt the insurgent Creeks are acting in concert with the English throu [sic] the north­ern Indians, every disaster on our side is magnified and stated to the South­ ern tribes, who for want of proper information are liable to be deceived and acted on by the events of the moment.82 Meigs suggested that the United States employ six hundred to eight hundred Chero­kees arranged in companies of approximately a hundred men each under four Chero­kee officers each. These Chero­kee companies would form two battalions, each led by a white major with any other officers also to be white men. He hoped that he could “endeavor to make it agreeable to the young Chero­ kee Office[r]s who will bring forward their young men for the Campaign.”83 It was his opinion that “by taking a respectable number . . . into the service, the fi­delity of the whole nation will be secured and they will render a service they justly owe to the United States.”84 Meigs also relayed to his superior that “since the removal of the troops” to the north­ern front, “the Chero­kees feel themselves unsafe.”85 Though Meigs suggested that two companies might patrol the 250-­mile Chero­kee north­ern border against the new press of intruders taking advantage of the US military’s preoccupation with the war with Great Britain, no action was taken. Farther south, Mississippi Territory citizens began to prepare for retaliatory attacks after their militia’s preemptive strike at Burnt Corn Creek against the Red Sticks supply caravan. Unfortunately, when the assault came, the troops stationed within the walls of the hastily constructed stockade around the property of Creek countryman Samuel Mims, generally known as Fort Mims, were



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careless and ill prepared. The Red Sticks attacked on August 30, 1813, killing most of the soldiers and civilian occupants, which included a large number of men, women, and children of Creek-­white ancestry.86 Anthropologist Gregory Waselkov’s study on this event compellingly contended that Fort Mims became a symbol (or rationalization) for Ameri­can expansion and “an ever-­present reminder in the pub­lic mind of mythologized Indian savagery and [their] obstinate rejections of civilized benevolence.”87 The white reaction to this decisive and brutal massacre became so severe that historian Frank Owsley Jr. declared that it “alone destroyed all possibility of good relations” with the Indians, and the memory of Fort Mims became the battle cry that led to the almost “universal demand for the removal of all south­ern Indians.” Demands for vengeance spread throughout the Southeast.88 After the Red Sticks’ destruction of Fort Mims, the Chero­kee council chose The Ridge to escort the visiting elite Creek William McIntosh safely back to his home at Coweta. One of McIntosh’s wives, most likely Susanna, was an English-­ speaking Chero­kee, and almost certainly this kinship tie made his presence in the Chero­kee council acceptable.89 During The Ridge’s stay at Coweta, the Creek National Council gave him “a talk, together with a piece of tobacco, tied with a string of various coloured beads,” to deliver on their behalf to the Chero­kee council at Oostanaula, requesting Chero­kee aid in quelling the Red Stick rebellion.90 When the Chero­kee council first deliberated on whether or not to join the Ameri­cans, the elders had hoped to remain neutral. But The Ridge called for volunteers in the charismatic style of traditional war chiefs. Thus the warrior’s call to arms swayed the council, which reversed its initial pacific position. In addition, there had been a report of a Red Stick war party killing a Chero­ kee woman near the town of Etowah, located near present-­day Cartersville in north­ern Georgia. After consulting with a conjurer, the Chero­kees successfully tracked the Red Stick perpetrators and killed them, making this the first blood they shed in their war against the Red Stick Creeks.91 In Sep­tem­ber 1813, the Chero­kee National Council officially offered assistance to US troops against the Red Sticks. Meigs wrote to Governor David B. Mitchell of Georgia that “there appears an enthusiasm to turn out which I did not think proper to repress.” A few weeks earlier, Mitchell had received another report that the Chero­kees in council had “professed the greatest friendship to the white People and said if the president wanted their services they were ready at anytime.”92 The Chero­kees had navigated through an intense period of change to make

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a decision that they believed would positively affect their future as a sovereign and separate ­people. The young warriors, entrepreneurs, regulators, and patriots of the Chero­kee Nation, especially those who sat on the Chero­kee National Committee, had powerfully influenced the decision of the elder headmen of the Chero­kee National Council to go to war against the Red Sticks. Their influence grew during this debate, and their actions as protectors of their ­people remained tied to the traditions of warriors—of real men. The Chero­kees were once again in a state of war.

4

Chero­kees in the Creek War A Band of Brothers

By July 1813, civil war had erupted among the Creeks, the south­ern neighbors of the Chero­kees. A disaffected faction, the Red Sticks, opposed the increasing Ameri­can influence in the Creek National Council and the council’s usurpation of clan authority. Although the Chero­kees had often considered the Creeks to be enemies, many had fought together as allies during the Chicka­mauga War. Both nations claimed children who had both a Chero­kee and a Creek parent, especially in the towns that bordered their common boundary. Chero­kee leaders feared that the growing hostilities threatened their citizens living near the Creek border. Some Creek families sought and received refuge in nearby Chero­ kee towns, but this act of kindness left Chero­kees feeling vulnerable to Red Stick attacks. Alarm escalated throughout the area, although more than could be attributed to the actual isolated skirmishes that occurred.1 With the persuasive encouragement of the seasoned warriors in their thirties and forties, the elder Chero­kee leaders finally opted to join the national Creeks, the Chickasaws, the Choctaws, and the United States to put down the Creek rebellion.2 This war would serve to solidify the role of these military leaders and strengthen their influence. Forty-­six-­year-­old Charles Hicks relayed to the Chero­ kee council the formal call to war received by Chero­kee Indian agent Return J. Meigs from Brigadier General James White of Knoxville on Sep­tem­ber 26, 1813.3 Prominent headman John Walker, whose son was married to the daughter of Meigs, replied for the Chero­kee National Council that the Chero­kees might supply five hundred to seven hundred men, and avowed, “You have taken us by the hand and from your examples our situation has gradually be-

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Table 1. Military Pay for Noncommissioned Soldiers, 1813–1814 Rank

Rate of Pay (per month)

Captain

$40

1st Lieutenant

$30

2nd Lieutenant

$25

Ensign

$20

Sergeant (all levels)

$11

Corporal (all levels)

$10

Private

$8

Source: US Adjutant General’s Office, Muster Rolls and Pay Rolls of Colonel Morgan’s Regiment of Chero­kee Indians, October 7, 1813, to April 11, 1814, RG 94, NARA, Wash­ing­ton, DC.

come better and better and I now most sincerely invoke the Great Spirit to keep bright the bonds of friendship by which we are united, and to lead us to victory and Glory.”4 Walker received the rank of first major on October 7, 1813, and began preparing for war by sending his men to gather military intelligence for Meigs. Other Chero­kees left their homes to muster into the service of the United States under Andrew Jackson, the commander of the volunteer Tennessee troops.5 Chero­kee men answered the call to war in various ways. Thirty-­two-­year-­ old First Lieutenant [The] Ridge, assigned to Captain Alexander Saunders’s company, stopped by Springplace Mission to announce that he and John ( Jack) Dougherty were leaving for war. Captain Hicks sought Holy Communion from the missionaries at Springplace as part of his preparation for going to war.6 The missionaries there reported that Second Corporal Tyger (Tiger) wondered whether he would return or would be buried in Creek country but nevertheless spoke excitedly “about towns burning.”7 The intoxicated and emotional “old chief Sour Mush” enlisted as a private and tearfully cried that “it mattered ­little if he lost his life” although he would avenge his son’s death if the younger man were killed in action.8 Some of the Chero­kees’ slave women confided to the Moravians that they “feared that they might never see their husbands again” because many male slaves would accompany their Chero­kee masters to war.9 Chero­kee warriors mustered into service for a period of three months beginning on October 7, 1813. This included the thirty-­nine-­year-­old ­Chero­kee countryman David McNair, who led a special spy or scout unit composed of seventeen mounted volunteers from the different companies.10 Each company in-



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cluded a first and sec­ond lieutenant; an ensign; a first, sec­ond, third, and fourth sergeant; and a first, sec­ond, third, and fourth corporal. To avoid any mis­iden­ tification as the enemy, Jackson ordered that “our freinds [sic] shall wear white plumes in their hair, or Deer’s tails.”11 Many past and present lighthorse regulators entered military service in the Red Stick War as men of rank, or soon earned promotions. For instance, thirty-­four-­year-­old Private James Foster, a lighthorse captain in 1812, became the captain of his own company of Chero­kee men in his sec­ond term of enlistment beginning in Janu­ary 1814.12 Thus, the lighthorse served as somewhat of a transitional mechanism, helping to provide leadership through experience. Insisting that a white officer lead the Chero­kees, Meigs knew that the Chero­ kees trusted Gideon Morgan. Thus, he appointed the thirty-­nine-­year-­old Morgan, Walker’s white son-­in-­law, to be the general in charge of the Chero­kee Regiment of approximately six hundred men divided into seven companies, a traditionally sacred number. Meigs understood that Morgan was well liked and respected by those Chero­kees acquainted with him. They considered Morgan a countryman, since he had married a Chero­kee woman and settled on Chero­ kee land.13 Jackson insisted that Principal Chief Path Killer receive a commission as a colonel even though his age kept him from field duty. Prominent Chero­kee headmen such as Richard Brown also received the rank of colonel, while John Lowrey became a lieutenant colonel.14 Captains Charles Hicks, John McLemore, James Brown, Alexander Saunders, Richard Taylor, Sekekee, and the Natchez Creek Sullockaw (Sullockow), who led an entire company of Natchez Creeks, also served. Twenty-­three-­year-­old John Ross, who would later become principal chief, mustered into service as a sec­ond lieutenant under Captain Sekekee but soon became the adjutant for the entire Chero­kee Regiment.15 Earlier, in May 1812, Meigs had expressed confidence in the trustworthiness of Chero­kees as allies. Yet, as late as July 1813, even as he called on “[t]he young Chero­kees [to] immediately arm,” it is evident that Meigs was not entirely comfortable with the notion. He feared repercussions from white neighbors, noting that it was the “sincere wish of many, very many of the ­people of this state [Tennessee], that they [the Chero­kees] should be against us [because] they recollect former times; and they long for an opportunity to avenge former barbarities.”16 Meigs was particularly well placed to observe this constant friction between whites and Chero­kees, since he had served in his office for a decade at this point.

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Meigs would not be the only Ameri­can to have misgivings about the value or loyalty of Chero­kee allies. Yet although many Ameri­cans on the frontier did not trust any Native because of past conflicts, Meigs nevertheless determined that “the Chero­kees would be of great value,” and he lobbied for and received approval for equal pay for comparable rank for enlisted Chero­kees.17 Unbeknown to the Chero­kees, Meigs felt this gesture let them “feel themselves under control,” though in reality he paternalistically believed that the government must “keep them dependent.” He surmised that this act would “flatter their pride to be considered in some degree on a footing with our troops.” Though he supported their service, Meigs felt that the Chero­kees owed their current welfare and even their very existence to the United States, it having taken “them by the hand & made them human beings.”18 Like Meigs, many Jeffersonian republicans believed that Native Ameri­cans needed the federal Indian policy’s civilization plan to “save” the Indians from themselves. Of course, the federal government had long encouraged “patriarchal manipulation” and had shown that it was very willing to use “outright deception,” with bribery at times, in order to expand its boundaries at the expense of Native p ­ eoples.19 Not surprisingly, the Chero­kees never heard these negative sentiments or doubts about their loyalty in any official capacity. In fact, Jackson praised Path Killer and Hicks, alleging that he was “more & more pleased with your diligence and attention.”20 As a large group of Chero­kees mustered into service at the Chero­kee agency on October 29, 1813, Meigs addressed the gathering, “We are a band of Brothers in this war acting in a common cause.”21 Meigs informed them that the “perfidious Creeks having refused the benevolent measures of the United States to lead their minds to sentiments of civilization have at length spurned the hand that held out to them the greatest favors.” He carefully cautioned them against committing “acts of barbarity with circumstances of brutality, & cruelty,” while at the same time bidding them to join the “young warriors from Georgia & Tennessee to chastise these enemies of the human race.” He added, “Brothers, I flatter myself that in the just & necessary war now commencing against the hostile Creeks, your Battalions will be considered as a respectable part of the army according to their numbers.” The Chero­kee warriors would unite with “your white Brothers” and “be a band of Brothers,” Meigs exhorted, and “such men may be killed: but cannot be conquered.”22 Meigs judged that association with Ameri­can soldiers would act as a “school of instruction” to “elevate & raise up your minds to sentiments unknown to barbarous nations” because “even in war we never lose sight of humanity.” He then



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emphatically insisted that the troops not demonstrate hostility toward women, children, elders, or the infirm, demanding that “they always spare the unresisting prisoner.”23 Next, Meigs encouraged the warriors to act valiantly and as a cohesive unit, asking them to fight without thought of personal ambition, while promising honors and recognition to those who selflessly served. He hoped that the Chero­kee warriors would reject their traditional values, which stressed in­di­ vidual actions in battle to achieve status elevation, for the more idealistic republican virtues of gallantry and unified action for the greater good. Meigs ended his speech by encouraging the warriors to perform their duty and reminding them that “those who shall distinguish themselves will not be neglected.”24 Throughout the war, officers under whom the Chero­kees operated would often extol the loyalty, commitment, and bravery of their soldiers. With preparations now well underway, General James White, part of General John Cocke’s eastern Tennessee army, erected Fort Armstrong, or Camp Coocey, on the Coosa River above Turkey Town and near the present Ala­bama-­ Georgia border in October 1813.25 Jackson hoped that this military presence would discourage Red Stick incursions against Chero­kee towns and provide some security to Chero­kee families whose traditional defenders were leaving to become part of his army. This fortification also served as a place for the Fourth Regiment, West Tennessee Militia Infantry, to build boats for the planned transportation of supplies down the Coosa River into Creek territory. Jackson had contractors constantly looking for provisions for the troops, especially after he had gleaned what he could from the area Chero­kees. Wagons transported supplies gathered at Camp Ross, today’s Chattanooga, to Fort Armstrong. At various times, Chero­kees garrisoned the fort along with some of White’s men. For instance, in between the two terms of three-­month enlistments, Captain Charles Hicks and sixty-­five warriors enlisted for a period of one month to guard the fort from Janu­ary 11 to Feb­ru­ary 10, 1814. Twenty-­six had served under Hicks during their first tour of duty, while thirty-­nine were new recruits. Only 15 percent of this group had horses; the rest were foot soldiers.26 In Janu­ary 1814, The Ridge, just promoted to fourth major for his leadership skills and valiant actions, reminded Meigs that he had fought with federal troops in the fall campaign as he again prepared to join Morgan at Fort Armstrong with about sixty more warriors to again act “like a band of brothers.”27 To the Chero­kees, this kind of rhetoric intimated a significant fictive kinship between themselves, as the younger brothers, and their elder brothers, the Ameri­ can troops. Fictive kinship often extended outside clan or tribal membership,

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so Meigs’s statement strongly served to reinforce this perspective of Chero­kee and Ameri­can soldiers as kin.28 Intelligence gathered by the Creek interpreter Chulioa, who also served as Path Killer’s aide, indicated that a considerable force of Red Sticks had gathered near the Ten Islands of the Coosa River while others were about forty miles south of Tuckabatchee and another group was at Okchai Town, not far from Turkey Town near the Creek-­Chero­kee border.29 Having personally mustered him into service, Jackson took Chulioa’s information seriously. The enemy had erected “forts made of brush with earth thrown over them” but suffered from a paucity of provisions, having destroyed livestock throughout the Creek Nation.30 The following day, Walker received an urgent message from Path Killer to bring warriors to the aid of Turkey Town, which supposedly was the next military target of the Red Sticks. Two hundred Chero­kee men, along with some national Creeks, arrived after a forced march, but the attack never came. This false alarm was an indication of just how tense the situation was among the Chero­kees; apparently, defenders of the stockade had panicked when some of Colonel John Coffee’s cavalry had arrived, shooting their guns into the air.31 The Chero­kees remained in a state of alert, anticipating a Red Stick attack at any time. This was not an overreaction; diligent scouts had found recent signs of twenty-­eight Red Stick campfires not far from Turkey Town.32 Jack­son attempted to temper their anxiety by boldly asserting, “The hostile Creeks will never attack you before they have a brush with me; & that brush I think will put them out of the humors of fighting again for a considerable time.”33 Beginning in October 1813, Path Killer and Jackson had sent groups to reconnoiter the enemy’s positions, in­clud­ing George Fields, a Chero­kee pilot and the interpreter for Tennessee’s Captain John Gordon’s company of spies.34 ­Richard Brown, who lived about twenty-­five miles from Ditto’s Landing on the Tennessee River, even before he received his commission as a colonel, and around twenty of his men also served as “pilots and spies.” Jackson staunchly averred “that much dependence can be placed on this man and his party.”35 Colo­nel Coffee also sent Major John H. Gibson, along with David Crockett, to lead a scouting party. The group separated with orders to meet at a rendezvous point. Crockett’s party arranged for the Chero­kee Jack Thompson to guide them farther. In the tradition of Chero­kee war scouts, Thompson was to “holler like an owl” when he came near their camp.36 After the other party did not show, Crockett made his way to the home of Radcliff, a white man married to a Creek woman. Radcliff informed him of “painted warriors” crossing the Coosa River and heading



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toward Fort Strother.37 Coffee doubled the guard but only after the major, who had just returned, confirmed Crockett’s report. Coffee and approximately seven hundred Tennessee cavalrymen from the Second Regiment of Volunteer Mounted Riflemen, along with some Chero­kee warriors, searched for hostile towns down the Black Warrior River for ten days.38 It was from this area that Martha Crawley, a captive taken at the Duck River massacre in May 1812, had escaped in late June 1812.39 Melton, a Chero­kee guide, led them to three towns, where Coffee confiscated three hundred bushels of direly needed corn before setting the abandoned structures ablaze, except for some at the confluence of the Sipsey and Mulberry Forks. Late in the month, Colonel Robert Dyer with two hundred Tennessee Volunteer Mounted Gunmen attacked Littafuchee on Canoe Creek, taking twenty-­nine prisoners after destroying the town.40 The Creek William McIntosh arrived at the Chero­kee town of Hightower with news that the Red Sticks were preparing for an assault.41 About twenty Chero­kees under Major John Walker were assembled and already wearing the “distinguishing badges of white feathers and deer tails.”42 As Jackson’s army reached Turkey Town, these Chero­kee warriors joined them. Jackson had captured two Creeks, who told him of the Red Sticks gathering at Tallushatchee, some twenty-­five miles south of Turkey Town. Jackson decided it was time to make a preemptive strike. On the morning of No­vem­ber 3, Jackson dispatched Coffee, newly promoted to the rank of brigadier general, and his nine hundred men to encircle the hostile force. Coffee later reported that as the prophets were “beating their drums,” Red Stick warriors met Coffee’s troops with “neat violence” and “fought as desperately as ever man did upon Earth.” Nevertheless, the engagement ended in the categorical defeat of the Red Sticks.43 Coffee claimed that bows and arrows “form a very principal part of the enemy’s arms for warfare, every man having a bow with a bundle of arrows which is used after the first fire of the guns, until a leisure time for loading offers.”44 Chero­kee colonel Richard Brown and seventeen of his men fought “with great bravery in the action.”45 Some records indicated that these seventeen were possibly Captain McNair’s men. However, the records of Second Corporal Buffalo With Calf, under Captain George Fields, noted that he fought at this battle, thus making it inconclusive exactly how many Chero­kees fought at Tallushatchee. The battle was apparently a bloodbath. Crockett later candidly recounted, “We . . . shot them like dogs.”46 Together the troops razed the town’s cabins,

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burning alive those inside. The Red Sticks lost 186 ­people, with 84 prisoners taken, which the Ameri­cans sent to Colonel Leroy Pope in Huntsville. Jackson also seized about fifty enemy guns in the course of the battle.47 Most of the Chero­kee Regiment under Morgan arrived too late to take part in the fighting. They did gather twenty wounded Red Sticks and took them to Turkey Town, although Jackson informed Lowrey that the government might demand their return as well as the horses and saddles the warriors had confiscated after the battle.48 Soldiers swept the area the next day looking for any food to add to their scant provisions. Some troops were so hungry that they found and ravenously ate potatoes that had been baked in the very fires that had consumed the trapped Red Sticks.49 Walker reported that the Chero­kees contributed to the destruction of the Red Sticks, although he lamented that the “situation looked dismal to see, Women & Children slaughtered with their fathers.”50 It was at this battle that Jackson claimed the Creek infant Lyncoya, whose mother was one of those killed during the fray. He first sent him to Huntsville and then on to his wife, Rachel, in Nashville. He also sent another Creek boy, Charley, to ­Rachel’s nephew Andrew Jackson Donelson. Another white family likewise took a Creek child, who had received wounds in the encounter, but he later ran away. The troops took only eighty other prisoners and left the enemy’s dead bodies to the dogs for disposal. Thirty-­three captives ended up incarcerated in Nashville out of the forty hostages delivered to Jackson. The rest were scattered among other white settlements.51 From Ten Islands, where Jackson established Fort Strother as a base of operations and supply depot, the group next moved toward the besieged Lashley’s Fort, where there were 160 national Creek men and their families from the town of Talladega, about thirty miles farther to the south.52 The national Creeks Seelatee and Daniel Lashley (Lasslie, Leslie, Lessley, Lesslie) had sent messengers to the Chero­kees imploring their assistance.53 On No­vem­ber 9, the troops again went after the Red Sticks, who “were all painted as red as scarlet, and were just as naked as they were born.”54 Jackson’s troops of 1,200 infantry and 800 cavalrymen encircled and met the enemy, killing approximately 290. Several Chero­kees received wounds, in­clud­ing Captain Fields, who took a gunshot to his right chest, which lodged near his spine. The need to care for the wounded, compounded by a shortage of rations and an absence of forage for the horses, forced Jackson’s group to retreat.55 Although the Chero­kees were part of Jackson’s larger army, it was common for them to act in­di­vidually or in small groups without specific orders. As .



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in earlier times, if no chance to add to their feats as successful martial Chero­ kee men appeared, they made their own opportunities. Captain Jacob Hartsell, assigned to the Second Regiment stationed at Fort Armstrong, recorded in his journal that on No­vem­ber 15, “Chero­kees brought in Six prisoners . . . from the Seeder [Cedar] townes,” located on a small tributary of the Coosa River in present-­day Talladega County, Ala­bama. Four days later, Colonel Richard Brown met with Jackson to discuss these prisoners and relayed that Generals White and Cocke had told him to dispense with them as he saw fit. Brown informed Jackson that his men had “shot and Tomahocked in a crewel maner [sic]” two captives before scalping and killing them. In fact, one of the enemy warriors suffered through three scalpings “[be]cause the[y] said he kil[l]ed three white men in his time.”56 Though some prisoners escaped, the Chero­kees adamantly claimed the remaining three. After their heavy losses at Tallushatchee and Talladega, the Red Sticks from the Creek Hillabee towns sued for peace, and Jackson accepted. Before Jack­son’s answer reached those supplicants, however, the Chero­kees and General White’s troops, ignoring Jackson’s order to join him directly, followed General Cocke’s directive to attack the Hillabee towns. Tragically, the Chero­kee companies under Hicks, James Brown, McNair, and Saunders, like Cocke and White, were not aware of the Hillabee surrender, and they became the prime aggressors against this unsuspecting group.57 There is no evidence to confirm that the troops under Captains George Fields, John McLemore, Richard Taylor, and Sekekee par­ticipated, but it cannot be denied either. Having left Fort Armstrong on No­vem­ber 12, this daunting force assailed the unprepared and stunned Hillabees on No­vem­ber 18, and the Chero­kees killed over 60 warriors and took 250 women and children captive, “without the loss of [allied] Blood.”58 The troops arrived at Fort Strother on No­vem­ber 22, having been slowed by a continuous rain, a lack of forage for their horses, and the cumbersome prisoners.59 Their effort was apparently worth the trouble because the missionaries noted that the Chero­kee warrior Woodpecker returned “from Service against the Creek Nation, whence he brought 2 young Women & a Boy . . . & [they] appear pleased with their Situation.”60 Thus, at least some Chero­kees had benefited from this expedition. Jackson’s official position on the Hillabee massacre did not reveal any outrage concerning this incident, although one of his early biographers, James Par­ ton, contradicted this notion. Nevertheless, Robert V. Remini, one of the leading historians on Jackson, strongly argued, “Despite Parton’s statement, the ex­tant

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documentary evidence does not support it.”61 The statements of those who participated also did not reflect any sense of remorse over the circumstances of this perceived victory. For example, Colonel Morgan emphatically expressed pride in his Chero­kee charges: “It affords me no inconsiderable degree of pleasure to have it in my power to inform you that this achievement accept [sic] but one instance of a Creek killed by the whites, belongs intirely [sic] to the Chero­kees. This ought not, nor can it reflect any disgrace on the whites, as it was owing intirely to the rapidity of our movements that the honor belongs to the Chero­ kees.”62 Morgan took this moment to further proclaim that his men had proven their worth as soldiers: “Will not shame redden the face & silence mute the tongue of those who have pretended to doubt the attachment of the Chero­ kees to our Country. They must now, if they continue to murmur, advance their real views, a thirst for their property and their lives.”63 White ­heartily agreed that the Chero­kees “gave undeniable evidence that they merit the employ of their government.”64 Jackson, who was dealing with troop sickness and an epidemic of desertions, later admiringly noted that “Mr. Ross and a Chero­kee who were there, tell me there was only one gun fired by the enemy.”65 Morgan, who proudly bragged that the Chero­kees acted with “cool, deliberate bravery,” especially touted forty-­seven-­year-­old Lieutenant Colonel John Lowrey’s courage, and “six of the enemy fell beneath his sword.”66 He also gave special accolades to Captain McNair and his scouts and concluded, “In fact, should I attempt to do justice to each person, it would be the shortest method to furnish the muster roll of the Regiment.”67 Three Chero­kee officers, Major John Walker, Captain Saunders, and Lieutenant Ridge, missed the action due to their orders to mount an elevation to prevent any escape. Thereafter, not to be left out of the action, Walker led them and a few others to a town six miles away, where they killed three Red Sticks and captured forty women and children.68 While the warriors “dispersed in pursuit of plunder,” eighteen armed Red Sticks confronted Walker, who, on his own, ingeniously convinced them to surrender.69 On No­vem­ber 21, Chero­kees captured a Red Stick scout and turned him over to Jackson, who then returned the captive to them “to punish In the[i]r one [own] way.”70 Perhaps signifying the absence of the town community, which had traditionally ritually tortured prisoners, the Chero­kee warriors cut off a clubbed extension of his hair and then struck his head with their tomahawks. They next scalped him, stripped him, placed a rope around his neck, and then stabbed him to death. Before the enemy warrior died, the Chero­kee warriors



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paraded him before the “Shee Coocys [Coosa women] and Children” until “all the women cryed [sic] and made Everey [sic] kind of noise.”71 The warriors soon escorted these captive women and children to their new families in Chero­kee territory, who would determine whether to adopt or enslave them. By De­cem­ ber 13, one of the warrior escorts, Tyger, had arrived home safely with his two prisoners, a woman and her young son.72 The Creek woman, now a slave, ran away in March 1814 after presenting problems for her owner. Tyger’s wife, feeling that she had benevolently provided food and shelter to the Creek woman and her child, became enraged, claiming that the Creek slave was “un­grate­ful” and trouble­some because she refused to prepare the family’s meals as or­dered.73 Hicks convinced the irate Tyger not to pursue and kill her. For safekeeping, Jackson had the army escort the twenty-­seven male captives to the Hiwassee Garrison prison, which was merely a stone-­lined cellar beneath the Chero­kee agency’s double-­log structure.74 In addition to Jackson’s Tennessee and Chero­kee troops, armies from Georgia and Mississippi Territory were also at work against the Red Sticks through the end of 1813. Georgia troops, led by General John Floyd, successfully attacked Autossee on No­vem­ber 29 and then returned to Georgia. On De­cem­ ber 16 and 17, 1813, Floyd’s troops destroyed the hastily abandoned Red Stick towns of Nuyaka (New York) and Mad Dog’s Village near a great bend of the Tallapoosa River.75 Reconnaissance revealed that a large body of the enemy occupied the opposite side of the river, but the troops retreated for want of provisions and because recent downpours had so swollen the river. Other towns that they “contemplated burning, Tookabatchie, Tallahassee, & Immookfau,” thus escaped damage.76 Troops from the Mississippi Territory under General Ferdinand Claiborne, aided by 150 Choctaws, hit the heart of the Red Stick movement by successfully destroying Holy Ground, or Eccanachaca, on De­cem­ber 23, 1813. Floyd, along with national Creek forces under William McIntosh, again took the field in Janu­ary 1814, but the Red Sticks forced his retreat at the Battle of Calebee.77 But once again, short troop enlistments and supply shortages forced the Ameri­cans to retreat from Creek country.78 Acting as a completely separate entity, Jackson had sought to gather supplies and men for a late winter campaign. In October 1813 at Lookout Mountain Town in present-­day northwestern Georgia, Lieutenant Colonel Lowrey’s men suffered from the bitterness of a cold fall, and Lowrey asked Meigs to procure blankets and coats. Meigs was forced to draw $3,362 from pub­lic funds to arm the Chero­kees and provide some winter clothing “to enable them to

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take the field to co-­operate with the Ameri­can troops against the Common enemy,” as well as for the purchase of paper, ink powder, quills, gun flints, and tobacco for their use.79 Jackson further strained Chero­kee resources by commandeering all available meat, corn, and meal from them in order to provision his army. This left little to supply Chero­kee families’ needs throughout the rest of the harsh winter.80 Many Chero­kee men had answered the call to arms but owned no guns. Some of the Chero­kee military leaders requested that Meigs provide ammunition or authorize the newly promoted Major Ridge to supply some at the government’s expense.81 On Janu­ary 14, 1814, Jackson authorized Adjutant General Robert Searcey to provide to forty-­five Chero­kee warriors “destined to accompany the Commanding Gen. from this place, on an excursion against the hostile [C]reeks, fifteen rounds of powder and thirty pounds of lead.”82 Other Chero­kee leaders also requested clothing, arms, and ammunition for the men who accompanied them. They also sought the agent’s approval for a gunsmith at Tellico because he could aid them “to stand with our white brothers against the enemys of the Unighted [sic] states . . . as many . . . [are] going from this quarter as volunteers who intend to join general jaxon [sic].”83 In addition, the men complained that some of their warriors had not received any clothing and requested forty-­five blankets and enough homespun to fashion fifteen hunting shirts and handkerchiefs with the cost to be deducted from the tribal annuity, which had yet to be paid.84 While the Chero­kees and their families felt the hardships of war, at Bell’s Tavern the cream of Jackson’s military officers and the town’s leading men toasted those fighting in the Red Stick campaign. Eventually, in the evening and perhaps as an afterthought, Major Gibson raised his glass to “Col. Richard Brown, commander of the Chero­kees—a brave and patriotic officer—he has fought with us, and is not forgotten at our feast.”85 Brown and other Chero­kee leaders might have been flattered had they not had pressing concerns about their starving families at home. Needy Chero­kee families at Brown’s Village soon received two boats filled with corn from Meigs, while other Chero­kee families near Sauta applied for aid because they were “on the point of starving for the want of corn . . . and are intirely [sic] destitute of Bread.” As a “consequence of the Troops having consumed all their corn when on their way to fort Strother,” approximately forty families had to relocate. One of the Chero­kee Ross brothers begged for government aid, lamenting, “Humanity speaks loudly in favour of those distressed



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Chero­kees who has resided on the road or within reach of the Army.” Others applied to Meigs for the same reason, reminding him that “all our young Warriers [sic] is Starting of[f] to War with Generall Jackson[‘s] Armey and our Women and Children will be in Great Suffering.”86 Cocke confirmed this, announcing that “Cattle are scarce among the Chero­kees” and he would “despair of getting a considerable number from them.”87 The warriors had become “destitute of warm cloathing [sic],” so Morgan sought two hundred blankets for his men before they left for the spring expeditions into Red Stick territory.88 Jackson, however, had other ideas and asked Morgan to save the United States the expense of provisioning the Chero­kees, hoping they could instead get their supplies and thirty days of rations from Ross. Soon Jackson would lack meat rations, and securing any more from the Chero­ kees was out of the question since their resources were thoroughly exhausted.89 Jackson experienced constant difficulties in maintaining troops and sufficient provisions, factors that plagued the Ameri­cans throughout the war. Short militia enlistments and incompetent contractors resulted in the “hit-­and-­run” tactics of the Ameri­cans almost from start to finish. Thus, Jackson and Coffee sent the cavalry to Huntsville to find forage for their horses. Most of the other Chero­kees returned home, although some stayed close in the Wills Valley area. Walker and his men did not join Morgan, who had left for Ross’s in the hope of procuring more desperately needed blankets. Most opted to stay in the vi­ cinity near their own homes and “depend on their Guns for Subsistence” before it was time to leave for Fort Strother. Richard Brown informed Jackson that although “we now want to rest a little,” his men “must prepare for makeing [sic] corn for our familys [sic].”90 Unfortunately, East Tennessee militiamen, who had left Jackson when they considered their terms fulfilled, proceeded to destroy Chero­kee property and terrorize Chero­kee families along their way home. Soldiers stole horses, clothing, and personal items; burned fences; and slaughtered livestock, often threatening the ­people with guns or knives.91 White troops, however, were not the only threat to the Chero­kee home front. Jackson instructed Lowrey to treat those Creeks “who have lately come into your nation, & whom you suspect to be unfriendly & acting as spies” with all dispatch, even putting them to death if necessary.92 After returning from a twenty-­day scouting excursion, Lowrey reported that he and his men had killed two Red Stick spies and “took one Negro” spy from the Eufaula towns.93 Throughout the late winter, many Chero­kee warriors remained active, with

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Fort Armstrong as their base of operations. Sixty-­six Chero­kees under Captain Charles Hicks, along with some national Creeks and about twenty white Mississippi Territory soldiers, garrisoned the fort, having enlisted for thirty days. Twenty-­seven of these Chero­kee troops had remained with Hicks after their first tour of duty finished on Janu­ary 6, 1814, while thirty-­nine Chero­kee warriors arrived as new enlistees.94 The Chero­kee detachment worked alongside Lieutenant Colonel William Snodgrass’s Second Regiment, East Tennessee Volunteer Militia, from mid-­Janu­ary to Feb­ru­ary at the fort to secure supply and communication lines. Chero­kees often served as runners to deliver important dispatches throughout the war. Some received blankets or cloth as payment for their services.95 Indian runners legitimately worried that “after escaping the danger from their Enemies they will probably be destroyed by their friends” as they attempted to deliver dispatches. From the Creek agency on the Flint River, Hawkins thus instructed that all such messengers, in­clud­ing any Chero­kees, “shall give Two Whoops” as a signal for admittance into forts.96 This signal helped to alleviate suspicion and anxiety on both sides of the fort walls. Fort Armstrong was no more than a hastily constructed “small fort built of poles which a strong man could pull up.” The Chero­kees nevertheless had established a central square with four structures that opened in the front where the “chiefs set [sit] agreeable to Rank, [and] in these houses are depos[i]ted their relics, & scalps.”97 Nearby, they built a traditional council house. These actions indicate that although Chero­kees were part of the US military structure, they did not hesitate to maintain their separate identity and the customs associated with traditional warfare. Also during this time, approximately fifteen Chero­kee and Natchez Creek men, all of whom served as privates from Janu­ary 6 through Feb­ru­ary 6, 1814, remained on guard near Path Killer’s residence in Turkey Town. Some of these warrior-­soldiers had fought at the recent battles at Tallushatchee and Nuyaka and so were seasoned veterans. Like their counterparts at Fort Armstrong, they performed guard, courier, and scouting duties with enthusiasm, maintaining a stable military presence in the area, even though Jackson was having trouble keeping Tennessee recruits in the field for any length of time.98 Morgan hoped to hold the Chero­kees under Lieutenant Colonel John Lowrey and First Major John Walker in check until Jackson could stage the next campaign. Several Chero­kees had risen in rank as a result of their leadership and loyalty exhibited during the fall campaign. These included newly promoted Second Major James Brown and Fourth Major Ridge, along with some recently pro-



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moted captains, such as Shoe Boots.99 Patronizingly, Meigs hoped that the five hundred expected Chero­kee troops could be organized into a regular corps by concilliat[ing] the veiws [sic] of the three prominent characters R[ichard] Brown, Lowr[e]y, & Walker. They are all men of equal merit; they have military pride & self respect. Either of them would be willing to stand on equal ground with each other, but neither would be willing to be out ranked by either. . . . These three characters will all expect the rank of Field Officers & will well deserve it in commanding their men. . . . [I]t will give them influence amongst their own ­people . . . [and] give them the latitude of considering themselves as our Allies. They now behave well they are proud to bear arms & to act in the field with their White Brothers & there can be no doubt of their fidelity but they must be intirely [sic] guided by our Councils.100 The seasoned Chero­kee military men led fervent younger Chero­kees, many between the ages of fifteen and twenty-­five, who were quite willing to consent to serve under men they knew, respected, and trusted. This hierarchy obviously replicated that of the traditional war party. The middle-­aged veterans had always held higher ranks in the structure of the Chero­kee military. When the veterans became too old for active participation in war, they customarily still wielded power and influence as headmen of their communities or in positions of authority in the Chero­kee government. Three such seasoned warriors, Lowrey, James Brown, and Ridge, agreed to meet Morgan at Fort Armstrong. Ridge reminded Meigs that he had gone against the hostile Creeks because they had “done bad” and had “taken a good maney [sic].” Now, again alluding to a fictive connection with Jackson’s white soldiers, he expected that “we will gow [sic] with our oalder [sic] brothers the whites like a band of brothers.”101 Chero­kees began to set out for Fort Armstrong to await Morgan’s arrival. Anticipating a demanding campaign, the Chero­kees even sent for warriors from the distant Valley Towns of present-­day western North Caro­lina, hoping to reinforce their numbers.102 In the meantime, Morgan informed Meigs that several Chero­kees were excitedly “determined to an excurtion [sic] into the Creek nation” and though he had beseeched them to wait, “nothing Could Remove their Stubborn determination.”103 One group still

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at Fort Strother chased a small Red Stick raiding party, which had stolen slaves from a nearby allied Creek town.104 On Janu­ary 18, sixty-­five Chero­kees, along with a greater number of national Creeks, rendezvoused with Jackson’s men at Talladega, anticipating a push south to infiltrate the heart of Red Stick territory. Jackson hoped to find them amassed in one place and confront them there. After several days’ travel, the military expedition came within twelve miles of Emuckfau Creek and camped for the night at an abandoned Hillabee town on Enitachopco Creek. At daybreak on Janu­ary 22, the Red Sticks attacked but were repulsed after heavy fighting. Jackson later reported, “The enemy was completely routed at every point, and the friendly indians joining the pursuit, they were chased about two miles with great slaughter.”105 Cocke reported: “The Chero­kees distinguished themselves & some of the friendly Creek have done well. Col. Rich. Brown [and] Capt. John Thompson fought bravely and the son of the old Path Killer known by the name of  . . . Bear Meat, with ten of his companions fought by my side in the last engagement and it is nothing more than justice due them for me to say that they rendered essencial [sic] service, among them that were near me.”106 The forward scouts soon afterward located, just as Jackson’s intelligence had suggested, a large body of Red Sticks. They reported that “the enemy were fortified by a high log wall extending across the Tallapoosa River.”107 Because of the barricade’s formidability and the large Red Stick numbers, Jackson determined that Coffee and the Indian force should not attack at that time and ordered a retreat to secure some provisions, especially since some of the Indians who had rendezvoused with him at Talladega had not been able to draw any rations for the expedition. Jackson also needed to bury the dead and care for the wounded, which included a Chero­kee third corporal, John Looney, who had been severely shot through his left shoulder and scapula.108 The Red Sticks launched an assault on the retreating Jackson and his forces on Janu­ary 24, so he “ordered 200 of the friendly Indians to fall in upon the right flank of the enemy” to aid Coffee, who was only supported by about fifty-­ four men. Colonel William Carroll and this group, led by the Creek head warrior Jim Fife, struck “with a galling and destructive fire.”109 Jackson believed he had put the Red Sticks on the run. Yet, again, the lack of sufficient provisions forced him to keep retreating toward Fort Strother.110 As Jackson’s group withdrew across Enitachopco Creek, the Red Sticks almost succeeded in cutting off Jackson’s rear guard and the artillery. A group of new recruits panicked until some of Coffee’s hardened veterans and artillery



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men rallied and effectively repulsed the onslaught. One of Coffee’s men, Richard Call, later recalled: At this criti­cal moment, when the bravest passed, and delayed, the desperate charge on the hidden foe, Colonel Dick [Richard] Brown, was seen, out of gun shot of the ambuscade, with his little band of mounted Chero­kees, around him, whom he addressed vehemently, in a language they alone understood, but of which a practical interpretation was immediately given. Mounted on a fleet horse, of the hardy Indian breed, he dashed alone toward the Cane Break, turned suddenly at a right angle and passed rapidly near and parallel with the hidden foe, drawing their fire as he went, and whenever the curling snake ar[o]se from the thicket, a mounted Chero­kee dispatched the defenseless warrior, before he could reload his rifle.111 The Chero­kees thus were extremely instrumental in preventing Jackson’s retreat from becoming a total trouncing. Because of a delay in receiving the message, the Valley Towns and Mountain warriors did not arrive by the designated date. Disappointed to have missed the action, this group did not reach Fort Armstrong until Janu­ary 23, too late to take part in the Emuckfau and Enitachopco engagements.112 Perhaps numbers could have made a difference in the outcome, but we will never know. In Feb­ru­ary, Jackson’s intelligence indicated that the Red Sticks were massed at the formidable river bend near the Emuckfau, a tributary of the Tallapoosa River, and were sending out scavenging parties to find provisions. This was the sought-­after Red Stick stronghold, the makeshift village of Tohopeka, which held many refugees from towns attacked and razed by Georgia and Mississippi Territory troops. This represented an opportunity for Jackson to obliterate “the hot bed of the war party,” while at the same time he feared that they “may endeavor to destroy some of the friendly Chero­kees.”113 He ordered the Chero­kees under Colonel Richard Brown to “scour the country” for any hostiles between the Hightower and Tallapoosa Rivers.114 They also were to act in conjunction with Jackson’s cavalry between the Black Warrior and Cahaba Rivers and then proceed up the Coosa River to Fort Strother at Ten Islands.115 Their orders were to “kill and destroy all warriors . . . burn all houses & villages & take all women

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& children prisoners” so as to eradicate any rear threat to Jackson’s army and to eliminate all who “might disturb your ­people or mine after I march from this place.” In addition, he directed the Chero­kees to confiscate provisions and “capture all negroes found on your rout[e].”116 Jackson’s directive, however, became somewhat problematic. Colonel Lowrey and Majors Ridge, Walker, and Saunders had seized forty-­six slaves from the wealthy Creek countryman Robert Grierson (Grayson) when White’s men had escorted Creek refugees to the Chero­kee towns. The Chero­kees said that these slaves actually belonged to the Hillabee Red Stick leader Bill Scott, who had been killed at the Battle of Talladega. Grierson claimed that Scott’s slaves fulfilled a debt and appealed to Jackson to return his property, while the Chero­ kees filed a counterclaim through Meigs.117 We can see that the accumulation of confiscated property was another important reason for the Chero­kees to go to war against the Red Sticks, demonstrating that traditional motivations remained intact. At the end of Feb­ru­ary, Red Sticks raided Sour Mush’s town in the Chero­ kee Hightower area at present-­day Rome, Georgia, where they took two women and some children captive. At the same time, they killed two other Chero­kees and burned Avery (Ave) Vann’s place just sixteen miles above Fort Armstrong and thirty-­five miles below Hightower. Vann had served as a private in McNair’s company of spies from October 7, 1813, to Janu­ary 6, 1814, and was still in the field, having reenlisted.118 The raid into Chero­kee territory concerned Hicks, who consulted with First Lieutenant Cabbin Smith (Big Cabbin, The Cabbin) and Second Lieutenant Old Broom as to the expediency of sending warriors to patrol the area.119 Hicks hoped that Jackson might consider these patrols as part of his army, but there is no evidence that this happened. The Chero­kees continued to operate within Jackson’s military circle, providing valuable and varied services. Jackson profoundly depended on many of the Chero­kee mounted warriors as guides and translators. When the vast number of Jackson’s men, much to his distress and anger, left for home or deserted, the “pub­lic stores and mag[a]zines were deserted and a protection obliged to be obtained for them . . . from the friendly Chero­kees” at Fort Strother.120 Jackson’s First Brigade had sullenly agreed to stay only until De­cem­ber 12, when Cocke was expected to arrive with fifteen hundred replacements. Jackson sent those troops home, however, when he found out their terms of enlistment were soon to expire; their presence would only have served to stress his scant resources. Cof-



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fee’s cavalry, on leave at Huntsville, deserted when they saw these men homeward bound. Jackson only had the Second Brigade until Janu­ary 14, 1814. Luckily, eight hundred fresh volunteers arrived the same day. It still was not until Janu­ary 31 that he released the Chero­kees from guarding Fort Armstrong.121 The Chero­kees “were permitted to Return to their Respective homes” for furlough and to conserve precious provisions.122 Captain Richard Taylor and his men, however, never left the field but remained on reconnaissance duty.123 Major Walker and many of his men left Fort Armstrong on Feb­ru­ary 16 to march to Chinnabee’s town near Talladega to await further orders. This is most likely where Captain Sullockaw’s forty mounted Natchez Creeks, part of the Chero­ kee Regiment, were stationed, serving from October 7, 1813, to April 11, 1814. Chero­kee James Foster had just earned a promotion, having previously served under Captain James Brown as a private. When Brown was promoted to sec­ond major, Foster became the captain of a company of eighty-­three warriors, of which 70 percent were foot soldiers, encamped near Turkey Town.124 Colonel Lowrey, along with Ridge and Saunders, anticipated meeting up with Foster and Brown. Demonstrating a persistent belief in the power of traditional war medicine, Brown and a group of about a hundred recently furloughed men arrived after their expected return date of Feb­ru­ary 20 because they had insisted on first stopping at Wills Town, “where Resides a Celebrated Conjurer whoom [sic] the Chero­kees were determined to consult” prior to battle to conclude that the signs were favorable.125 This was likely the now very elderly and respected war chief and priest Richard Justice, who had been so active during the Chicka­mauga era.126 Morgan notified Jackson that the Chero­kee Regiment remained scattered in several smaller parties. The colonel had hoped to make an impressive showing of a disciplined march into Jackson’s camp. Most of the furloughed companies had warriors who had not opted to return home but stayed out in Wills Valley in these small groups, like the traditional war parties, each as its own entity. Morgan thus was not sure of the total number but estimated that the Chero­ kees could field a force of about five hundred, though many were poorly armed. Waiting at Chicka­mauga, Chero­kee adjutant John Ross received his marching orders from Morgan on March 2, 1814, to rendezvous at Fort Armstrong. From there the Chero­kees would head for Fort Strother. He announced that, much like the war leaders of the past, “all those who wish to signalize themselves by fighting & taking revenge for the blood of the innocent will now step

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forward.”127 While the Chero­kees gathered, Colonel John Williams and the US Thirty-­Ninth Regiment oversaw the transfer of provisions down the Coosa River from Fort Armstrong for the anticipated excursion into Red Stick territory. Fort Williams would serve as a stepping-­off place for Jackson’s next invasion into enemy territory. This time, Jackson felt confident that he had adequate troops and provisions.128 The most significant action in the Creek War was the Battle of Horseshoe Bend on March 27, 1814.129 Jackson’s invasion aimed at the heart of Red Stick power, the encampment of Tohopeka, a defensive makeshift refuge probably established after the previous fall’s harvest.130 The fortified area encompassed approximately a hundred acres with the dwellings and numerous beached dugout canoes near the lower end of the horseshoe-­shaped peninsula, which the Creeks called Cholocco Litabixee, or Horse’s Flat Foot. At its neck, the Red Sticks had erected a barrier that was “five to eight feet high of large pine logs fitted in with greater skill & strength.”131 This configuration allowed them to lay down a deadly crossfire through portholes if frontally attacked. The defenders could use the felled brush and timber left from the barrier’s construction as defensive shelters or redoubts for warriors moving behind the front line. The Red Sticks had also excavated some of the Tallapoosa’s steeper banks to enlarge areas with overhangs as emergency shelters.132 The Red Stick prophets had located their ceremonial area at the top of the steep elevation rising on the right from the living area, toward the neck of the horseshoe. Jackson reached the Tallapoosa River and strategically placed his men around the entire peninsula. General Coffee’s regiment, consisting of 700 mounted men along with 500 Chero­kees and 100 national Creeks, crossed the river about two and a half miles below Tohopeka and spread out to prevent any Red Sticks from escaping. Muster records confirm that 632 Chero­kee warriors were enlisted at this time. There is nothing to indicate why the full 632 did not par­tici­ pate in these battles, but all official sources say there were 500.133 Those unfit for duty (previously wounded or currently sick) or assigned to guard duty at the various forts can easily account for the discrepancy. By ten o’clock on the morning of March 27, Jackson, the leader of the Tennessee militia and the US Thirty-­Ninth Infantry, ordered the firing of two pieces of artillery set on a rise about two hundred yards to the front and left of the barricade if viewed from the Red Stick side. Continuous cannonading against the massive log barrier had no visible results. The effectiveness of the Red Stick defenses made it suicidal to send men into a frontal assault. Coffee later reported:



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4. “Battle of Horseshoe Bend, Fought March 27, 1814.” This military map, drawn by J. L. Holmes for Captain Leonard L. Tarrant of Winchester, Tennessee, who served with the West Tennessee militia in the Creek War, depicts both the landscape and the ­battle positions of the Red Sticks, the Americans, and their allies (left = east; right = west; up = south; down = north). Coffee’s cavalry held the high ground around the peninsula; Cherokees crossed the Tallapoosa River to attack (top right, above wavy line); Captain Russell’s company (spies) and some Cherokees were in the southwest (top right, below wavy line); and Coffee’s men crossed the river to complete their encirclement from the rear (center right). Inside Horseshoe Bend were the village of Tohopeka (south); Tohopeka’s associated defense works behind the main log fortification across the bend (the breastworks) (north); and Jackson’s forces, including the Thirty-Ninth US Infantry, East and West Tennessee militia units, the rear guard, and the artillery and baggage wagons (north). Courtesy of the Alabama Department of Archives and History.

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The Indians with me immediately rushed forward with great impetuosity to the river bank—my line was halted and put in order of battle, expecting an attack on our rear from Oakfuskee village, which lay down the river about eight miles below us. The firing . . . became general and heavy, which animated our Indians, and seeing about one hundred of the warriors and all the squaws and children of the enemy running about among the huts of the village . . . they could no longer remain silent spectators, while some kept up a fire across the river . . . to prevent the enemy’s approach to the bank, others plunged into the water and swam the river for canoes that lay at the other shore in considerable numbers, and brought them over, in which crafts a number of them embarked, and landed on the bend with the enemy.134 Private The Whale (Tucfo, Tuck Wah, Tuckfo, Tucko, Tuq-­qua), “who was a very large man” and about thirty-­seven years old, under Captain Rain Crow, and The Whale’s son-­in-­law Second Corporal Charles Reese (Reece), who served under Captain John Brown, and one other Chero­kee warrior swam the river, which was at “full water stage,” returned with canoes, and began to ferry their comrades across to the village.135 On his way across, The Whale took a gunshot to his shoulder. His comrades secured two canoes and conveyed those and The Whale back across the river. Other Chero­kees, in­clud­ing Private Joseph Vann under Captain Brown and Major Ridge, used these to secure other canoes, and in a short time they were crossing in large numbers. They then attacked the village and set some structures afire, thus engaging the enemy’s rear.136 The Whale later wrote: “By this exploit our Warriors were enabled to cross the river and obtain other canoes by which they succeeded in carrying over a force strong enough to attack the Enemy in the rear. And by keeping up a hot fire soon dislodged them from their breast works. They were then pursued and engaged in personal inconter [encounter] until the victory was gained.”137 This unplanned, but successful, rear assault forced the Red Sticks from the front line to rush to respond, leaving the front more exposed to an attempt to breach the log defenses. Morgan rode to inform Major Lemuel Montgomery of the Thirty-­Ninth of the events and upon returning found approximately two hundred Chero­kees engaging the enemy on the peninsula. Morgan, Walker, and thirty other Chero­kees hurried across and, joining their fellow warriors,



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took possession of the high ground by fighting mostly in hand-­to-­hand combat. Morgan, who soon received a severe wound over his right eye from which “he danced like a partridge,” later recalled: “We were warmly assailed on every quarter, except our rear, where we only kept open by the dint of hard fighting. The Chero­kees were continually crossing, and our number increased in about the proportion in which the Creeks were diminished, who laid prostrate in every quarter—their numbers were vastly superior to ours, but were occupied in maintaining their breast-­work, which they appeared determined never to surrender.”138 This unexpected action by the Chero­kees gave Jackson an opportunity to storm the barricade. While doing so, Ensign Sam Houston, an adopted Chero­ kee serving in the Thirty-­Ninth Infantry that day, received an arrow to the thigh.139 Red Sticks fought desperately but to no avail against this simultaneous front and rear assault. According to one soldier, “the Tallapoosa might truly be called a River of blood for the water was so stained . . . it could not be used” because of the massive number of Red Sticks killed while attempting to escape by swimming the river or crossing on felled trees. “[T]hey would drop like turtles into the water” when shot by the sharpshooters poised on the opposite bank.140 Thomas McKenney, who interviewed Ridge much later, noted that Major Ridge “was the first to leap into the river in pursuit of the fugitives,” and supposedly “six Creek warriors . . . fell by his hand.” The narrative excitedly continued: “As he attempted to plunge his sword in one of these, the Creek closed with him, and a severe contest ensued. Two of the most athletic of their race were struggling in the water for life or death, each endeavouring to drown the other. Ridge, forgetting his own knife, seized one which his antagonist wore, and stabbed him; but the wound was not fatal, and the Creek still fought with an equal chance of success, when he was stabbed with a spear by one of Ridge’s friends.”141 One injured Red Stick warrior managed to reach the far bank of the Tallapoosa, but a Chero­kee quickly captured him and brought him before Coffee. Undaunted, the spirited captive failed to cooperate even when “a tomahawk was raised in a threatening manner.”142 Such skirmishing eventually diminished. With his previous wound bound, Houston led a group of men to smoke out Red Sticks hidden among the fallen brush, and this time received gunshot wounds to his right arm and shoulder.143 Fighting ended with the darkness of night. The next morning, sixteen Red Sticks, entrenched under an embankment overhang, met their end when the troops caved in the weak dirt roof of their hideout. The soldiers accomplished this by digging “a ditch about three feet

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deep” and by driving in pine stakes at intervals and so “succeeded in splitting off the entire mass of earth forming the shelving bluff,” which “completely buried them alive.”144 Jackson ordered a tally of the fallen enemy. His men counted 557, severing enemy nose tips to keep from accidentally counting them twice. They estimated that another 250–300 went to their watery graves when troops shot them while they were trying to cross the Tallapoosa.145 Some of Jackson’s men proceeded to flay dead Red Stick bodies in order to fashion straps of human leather into reins as trophies. Jackson sent a Red Stick bow and quiver home to his son as a memento, and sent trophies of cloth cut from the bodies of fallen enemy warriors to women in Tennessee. In all, Ameri­ can forces killed approximately eight hundred Red Sticks and seized about five hundred women and children as prisoners.146 Coffee later wrote to Houston that Jackson did take a few male prisoners “[i]nto safekeeping and [to] have them guarded and protect[ed] from his friendly warriors who (agreeably to the Indian mode of warfare) would put them to torture and to death by way of retaliation for their own friends lost in action.”147 In addition, troops freed at least one Chero­kee woman held captive by the Red Sticks.148 After the cessation of fighting, the popu­lar warrior Captain Shoe Boots (Crowing Cock, Dasigiyagi, Rooster) from Hightower failed to rejoin his men. His comrades thought him killed. Just as his friends were deploring that the old man would crow no more and were recounting his past brave deeds, Shoe Boots suddenly appeared, crowing loudly. His men “bore the old warrior off, with shouts of triumph and exaltation.”149 The ethnologist James Mooney’s Chero­ kee informants at the end of the nineteenth century recollected: “He was so strong that it was said he could throw a corn mortar over a house, and with his magic power could clear a river at one jump. His war medicine was an uktena scale and a very large turtle shell which he got from the Shawano. In the Creek war he put this scale into water and bathed his body with the water, and also burned a piece of the turtle shell and drew a black line around his men with the coal, and he was never wounded and never had a man killed.”150 Shoe Boots’s men believed him to be invincible.151 Fifteen Chero­kees did lose their lives on the battlefield, while thirty-­six received wounds, many severe, during the feverish hostilities in the first few hours of the engagement. Three warriors died shortly afterward directly related to their injuries. The companies of Captains John ( Jack) Speers (Arnekayah), McLe­ more, Foster, and John Brown received the most casualties, followed by those led by Rain Crow, McIntosh, and finally Shoe Boots, who lost only two men and had no wounded (see appendix). Another indicator of the intensity of the fighting is



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that Speers and Brown’s men lost the greatest number of horses, guns, hatchets, knives, and even clothing during the battle. Some horses expired during or shortly after the fighting due to battle wounds, while some died on the journey home, perhaps due to the lack of proper forage.152 These losses, however, did not dampen the victory celebrations that occurred around Chero­kee country. Near a federal boat-­building fort recently erected across from the old Creek town of Standing Peach Tree, near present-­ day Atlanta, Chero­kee warriors participated in a traditional victory dance, flaunting “eighteen enemy scalps fastened to their poles.”153 Though the Chero­kee warriors had organized in new ways, many aspects of conventional Chero­kee warfare remained the same. The Red Stick War ended with the deaths of 1,900 warriors, approximately 40 percent of the able-­bodied male Creek population. Many Creek women and children became prisoners, were settled in new homes, and remained among their Chero­kee captors. The Ameri­cans and their Indian allies had killed greater than three times their own losses. The US forces destroyed approximately forty-­ eight Red Stick towns with another twelve left totally abandoned, leaving about 8,200 Creek refugees homeless and hungry.154 A few months later, Meigs relayed: Gentlemen of rank and character who were present at the decisive Battle at the Horseshoe have told me that the daring intrepid & preserving bravery of the Chero­kee warriors probably saved the loss of 1000 white men: for the Creeks fought with a desperation, & would not accept of or give quarter. The Chero­kee warriors opposed ferocity to fe­rocity & completed the destruction of the greatest savages on the continent. . . . The Chero­kees have distinguished themselves in every action in this barbarous war & according to their number have destroyed more of the enemy than any other part of the Army. They have lost a considerable number of their best warriors & many families has to regret the loss of their friends who they love with as much affection as we have for our relations. It has made among them widows and Orphans, and they deserve well of the United States.155 Williams reported that “had it not been for the enterprise of the Chero­kees in crossing the river, . . . nearly [my] whole regiment would have been cut to pieces.”156 One of Jackson’s surgeons later praised “that gallant band who hav-

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ing procured the enimies [sic] canoes by swimming across the river . . . by which fortunate coincidence no doubt many invaluable lives were saved by bringing to a more speedy crisis the deadly conflict.”157 While there were probably many victory celebrations held throughout the Chero­kee Nation, towns and families mourned the Chero­kee warriors who had died in the war. The Chero­kees also continued to suffer from the hardships that the war had brought. Nevertheless, Chero­kee warriors and their leaders remained optimistic about their future relationship with the United States, their band of brothers.

5

Postwar Challenges and America ­ n Betrayal Chero­kee Conflict and Community Crisis

The end of the Creek War brought a host of challenges to Chero­kee communities. In addition to the hardships caused by the loss of Chero­kee warriors and the need to care for the wounded, they faced troubles on the home front due to the destruction of property by marauders during and immediately after the war. In order to secure their boundaries, the Chero­kees agreed to two treaties in 1817 and 1819, although they resulted in the loss of considerable territory. The nascent Chero­kee Nation, led by the energetic and skilled war leaders, sought to strengthen its authority in order to deal with these pressing problems but often came into direct conflict with traditional values, which stressed town autonomy and community and clan responsibility. When the cessions proved to be only a temporary solution to their problems, the Chero­kee ­people, disillusioned and divided, saw the rise of po­liti­cal factions as various community leaders, previous commanders in arms, and their supporters sought ways to deal with the postwar trials. These new divisions were ideological, regional, and related to the latest problems confronting the Chero­kees—how to resist the continued demand for their land and how to define the proper role of Chero­kee leadership. The period of war had been a difficult time for the Chero­kee Nation and its south­ern white neighbors. Though cotton production decreased during the Red Stick War, it rapidly recovered. In 1815 south­ern planters reaped 208,986 bales. Five years later, the total reached 334,378.1 The Indian land cessions at the conclusion of the Red Stick War made much of this increase possible. Not

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only did the Creeks cede twenty million acres, but the federal government also forced land cessions from the US allies, the Chickasaws and Chero­kees. This was not an isolated event. Between 1801 and 1841, the federal government passed eighteen special acts to recognize and legalize the presence of squatters on Indian land. White men living in Ala­bama, Mississippi, Georgia, and Tennessee, in particular, pressured their governments to protect their improvements, which they deemed righteous merely through their act of occupancy.2 During the turmoil of the Red Stick War, many white men had taken advantage of the absence of both federal and Chero­kee law enforcers. Yet the various treaties and the Trade and Intercourse Acts stipulated that it was the US government’s responsibility to keep white intruders off Chero­kee land. As the battles waged in Creek territory, the headman of the Valley Towns, Big Bear, pleaded to Chero­kee Indian agent Return J. Meigs for help and asked him to appoint a subagent to his region.3 General Thomas Love, a prominent western North Caro­lina planter from Haywood County, had sympathetically suggested that Big Bear contact Meigs for relief, “seeing the way we have been imposed [upon] . . . by the whites,” especially since these intrusions had intensified since the beginning of the war. From the nearby Oconaluftee settlement, government employee John Fergus informed Meigs, “There are whites in the nation who wish them [to remain] in a state of ignorance in order to make profit ther[e]by,” and he “recommended that these be expelled.” Meigs recognized that “the Chero­ kees have suffered much . . . by the depredations of unprincipled white men” and that “[t]here appears to have been a remarkable degree of hostile feeling between the frontier Settlers towards the Indians.”4 The constant irritation from intrusions did not cease after the war; in fact, the trend intensified. In 1815, Meigs even requested that the US attorney for the Mississippi Territory, Louis Winston, use civil law enforcers to remove intruders from Chero­kee land because the Chero­kee lighthorse could not handle the huge numbers.5 In addition, the veteran Chero­kee leaders feared that any bloodshed involving Ameri­can citizens might precipitate another war—with themselves facing the wrath of the United States this time. As federal troops left to fight the Seminole War in the south­ern Gulf lands, many Ameri­can citi­ zens from neighboring states took advantage of this absence to move herds of horses and black cattle onto prime Chero­kee open range. Many more soon occupied the abandoned “old plantations” of some Chero­kee families who had voluntarily moved west.6 Besides the increasing pressure inflicted by white squatters, the Chero­kee



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home front experienced hardships directly resulting from the Red Stick War, in­clud­ing the trauma of the loss of felled warriors and the destruction wrought by some of the Tennessee troops. These Ameri­can troops proved to be even more devastating to the Chero­kees than the squatters and outlaws were. As able-­ bodied Chero­kee men marched off to war, many Chero­kee homes had been left vulnerable. Women, children, and elders, in particular, suffered the brunt of the abuse from prowling deserters and militia traversing through the Chero­ kee countryside. Official reports detailed material losses while only hinting at the terror that marauding parties of men must have inflicted. One of the most telling unofficial stories illustrated such an incident. A respected Chero­kee family, the Browns, lived in Wills Valley, part of present-­day northeastern Ala­bama. While the men of the family served as officers in the Chero­kee Regiment, some Tennessee soldiers pillaged their homestead. The Browns’ fourteen-­year-­old daughter, Catharine, later confided to missionaries that “she fled from her home in the wild forest, to preserve her character unsullied” since she feared the wicked motives of these men.7 This report only alluded to the terror this young girl must have experienced as she ran away to protect herself from probable rape. Given the number of official reports regarding undisciplined troops and the destruction of property, it is logical to conclude that this was not a singular occurrence. Short militia enlistments and criti­cal provision shortages had resulted in many Ameri­can men passing back and forth through Chero­kee territory. Some of the East Tennessee troops destroyed Chero­kee property and terrorized Chero­ kee families along their way, stealing horses and slaves, burning fences, slaughtering hogs and cattle, and threatening families with physical violence as they plundered personal items from Chero­kee homes.8 Most of this undisciplined behavior was from General John Cocke’s East Tennessee troops, some traveling through Wills Valley, while the rest passed through on the eastern side of Lookout Mountain.9 On De­cem­ber 28, 1813, Principal Chief Path Killer formally complained to Cocke that the soldiers—the Chero­kees’ supposed allies—were creating havoc for Chero­kee citizens while passing through to their own homes. Even General Andrew Jackson noted with irritation, “Is it not cruel that the whooping boy, who fought bravely at Talishatchey [sic] & got wounded at the ­Battle of Tulladega [sic], should be plundered, by the east Tennessee troops, whilst confined with his wounds.”10 Jackson also expressed his displeasure to Tennessee governor Willie Blount, commenting that these actions against the “friendlies” might cause them to withdraw their support. Or worse, the Chero­kees might

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just join the Red Sticks, and then the frontier would be “drenched in blood” because of their fury over the treachery of their supposed brothers in arms.11 Despite the abuse, the Chero­kee leadership continued to support the United States, confident that the federal government would render justice. In the next few months though, many Chero­kee veterans, in­clud­ing Tyger, James Foster, Little Broom, and George Hicks, would return to their honorable duties as regu­ lators and seek to suppress the exasperating trend of thievery and disorder.12 After the war, Chero­kee warriors mustered out of service and began to return to their homes. A great number of warriors traveled past the Moravian mission, and the missionaries recorded that although they “came from the land of the Creeks in a half starved state,” they shared tales of “deeds of valor” and their spirits remained high. Captain Shoe Boots “expressed a great desire again to go to war. . . . [T]he Indians believed him invincible.” The Mouse, who was shot through the left chest during the Battle of Horseshoe Bend, proudly showed his scars to the Moravian missionaries and continued to wear the “jacket that had been shot through” as a badge of honor.13 The Chero­kee oral tradition continued to expand with new tales of warrior valor. For example, as late as 1849, Chero­kees proudly relayed to a white traveler through the eastern mountains the tales of Major Ridge, who had “acted a conspicuous part in the battle of the Horse-­Shoe, in the Creek war.”14 On May 5, 1814, less than six weeks after the Battle of Horseshoe Bend, Meigs sent a request on the behalf of the Chero­kees to the secretary of war requesting “indemnity for losses suffered by the wanton maraudings & depredations” suffered at the hands of the Tennessee troops. Chero­kee merchant ­Daniel Ross, the brother to John and Lewis Ross, implored Agent Meigs, “Humanity speaks loudly in favour of those destroyed Chero­kees who ha[ve] resided on the road or within the reach of the Army,” and he begged assistance for those “in starving conditions.”15 Many Chero­kee families went hungry that spring, and the summer harvest looked bleak. Some of the frustrated Chero­kees had already directly addressed complaints to white militia officers, who merely replied that “their men felt themselves unfettered by the laws & that they could not restrain them.” An incensed Meigs retorted that the “Chero­kee warriors have faught [sic] and bled freely and ac­ cording to their numbers have lost more men than any part of the army,” and thus had earned justice.16 It was not only the Chero­kees who suffered losses at the hands of the Tennessee soldiers. Daniel Ross made a claim to Meigs on behalf of one of his black slave women, Junnoe. She complained that the troops had taken more than two



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5. Major Ridge. From McKenney and Hall’s Indian Tribes of North America, Library of Congress.

dozen of her hogs and a heifer, valued at $67, during the course of the war. For the secretary of war’s benefit, Meigs noted that “numbers of Chero­kees and white men in the Chero­kee country allows [sic] their black ­people to own hogs, cattle, and horses and they maintain themselves out of their stocks—and work five days for their masters.”17 Yet it was still two full years before Meigs wrote to Secretary of War William Crawford to inform him of his meeting with the Chero­kees finally to disburse their hard-­earned and desperately needed pay for military services rendered in

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1813 and 1814, which amounted to $55,423.18 The government had also delayed treaty annuity payments during the same period, amounting to $9,000 for each of the years of the war. It was not until No­vem­ber 1815 that the Chero­ kees received the back monies owed them, which they used to fund their government’s operations and necessary trips to the federal seat of government in Wash­ing­ton City.19 In addition, the agent was at last to pay approved spoliation claims for those Chero­kees who had suffered property losses and other damage at the hands of Ameri­can troops during the conflict. Meigs was notably distraught and irritated. The Nashville Clarion had recently challenged the Chero­kees, declaring, “Who ever heard of the spoliations?” and “What services hav[e] the Chero­kees Rendered in the war!” An annoyed and insulted Meigs replied that “thousands witnessed both.” He went on to insist that “in nearly all the Battles with the Creeks the Chero­kees rendered the most efficient service & at the expense of the lives of many fine men whose wives, & Children & Brothers & sisters are now mourning their fall.”20 It is understandable why the Chero­kees as a tribe mostly remained out of the US attempt to quell the Seminoles and the many refugee Red Sticks, who had joined them after moving south after the Battle of Horseshoe Bend crushed their major military force. The following spring some other newspapers graciously refuted the allegation that the Chero­kees had not played a criti­cal role as allies to Ameri­can troops. Niles’ Weekly Register quoted the National Intelligencer: “The Chero­kee warriors suffered considerably, as well as the Ameri­can troops. A regular regiment, commanded by [C]ol. Williams, lost a number of men . . . [and he] assured me, that had it not been for the enterprise of the Chero­kees in crossing the river . . . nearly his whole regiment would have been cut to pieces.”21 Yet as late as 1827 Major Walker, who had “acted the part of a Hero” and “brought into the field more strength and acted with more firmness than any other,” was still trying to recover slaves stolen by Tennessee troops from Chero­kee families in his community.22 The pleas of these officers on behalf of their men and their families seemed to fall on deaf ears. Slaves—both African-­Ameri­can and Creek—were clearly an issue of contention in the immediate postwar period. During the war, some Chero­kees took Creek captives as slaves. At the No­vem­ber 1813 attack on the Hillabee Red Sticks, the Chero­kees under East Tennessee general James White had taken 250 Red Stick women and children into Chero­kee territory, where many remained after the war. After the battle at Horseshoe Bend, one Ameri­can officer wrote,



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“the [C]herokees had carried off most of the prisoners and had picked them over leaving none but the most indifferent behind.”23 Some Chero­kee warriors sold two young Creek males for $20 each to some white soldiers. The national Creek Jim Fife informed the officer in charge of escorting the remaining prisoners to Huntsville of this act, and he was able to recover the young men from a probable life sentence of slavery.24 There remained at least three hundred Creek women and children captives scattered throughout the Chero­kee Nation in the spring of 1815. Meigs explained that “a great part of these I believe have made an election to remain where they are—their husband, Brothers, all having been Killed in the war they wish many of them not to return.”25 As of that May, Meigs still held thirty Red Stick warriors in confinement at Hiwassee Garrison. He explained to the secretary of war that they were “exceedingly anxious to be returned to their nation,” but Meigs recommended that a federal guard accompany them through Chero­kee territory. This, he explained, was because “[a]n Indian never forgets revenge—many of the Chero­ kees are yet in mourning for their relations Killed in the Creek war.”26 The missionaries recorded that Onai, the wife of Gun Rod (Conrad), was still actively mourning two of her sons, who had died as a result of the war. One of these, Private Crawler, died of a respiratory infection, most likely pneumonia, shortly after receiving a wound at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend.27 The Chero­kees increased the number of their slaves from a mere 113 in 1810 to 1,277 in 1820. We can probably attribute this increase in chattel to the capture of some black slaves and Creek women and children during the war and their subsequent use “as slaves and servants.”28 In contrast, during the same time period, Chero­kee cattle and horse numbers did not increase by much. In 1810, Chero­kee cattle numbered 19,500 in comparison to 22,000 ten years later. Chero­kee horses increased only from 6,100 in 1810 to 7,600 in 1820. These fig­ ures reflect the heavy loss of livestock from provisioning the army in addition to the wanton actions by some of the Ameri­can troops.29 Taking captives as slaves was a long-­standing tradition among southeastern Indians, and in earlier wars, Chero­kees had taken Indian, white, and black captives. One incident at the end of the Red Stick War not only highlighted the historic practice of slave taking by Chero­kee warriors, but also illustrated the general lack of law and order in the Chero­kee Nation as marauding militias subjected the ­people to harassment and intimidation. It correspondingly highlighted the continued animosity of their white neighbors toward the Chero­kees.

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At the war’s end, Tennessee militiaman Joseph Brown, once a captive of the Chicka­maugas, found out that a Chero­kee named Coyeetoyhee still held one of his family’s African-­Ameri­can slaves, Sarah, and her offspring born after her confiscation.30 Sarah, pregnant at the time of her capture, then had more children while in captivity among the Chero­kees. The slaves remained in Chero­kee hands because, as part of the general peace made after the Chicka­mauga War, the 1798 Treaty of Tellico had dictated, “All depredations prior to the beginning of these negotiations [are] to be forgotten.”31 This had earlier prevented an infuriated Brown from seeking redress. Now, over two decades later, Brown and eight of his militia brothers hunted down Coyeetoyhee to recover the Brown family’s slaves. Brown confiscated Sarah, her children, and grandchildren and told Coyeetoyhee, “I will take them to the white settlement & hold them until it shall be legally determined whether I can hold them or not.”32 Then, Brown attempted to soothe Coyeetoyhee, claiming that he was only taking them to Fort Hampton to have a valuation placed on the disputed chattel. Coyeetoyhee, not convinced that Brown was merely seeking monetary compensation, attempted to negotiate in the hope of keeping one or two young males. Brown refused to separate the children from their mothers even though most of the children’s fathers were Chero­kees. He then scolded Coyeetoyhee for killing his own father, thereby leaving him impoverished, and Brown threatened to kill him to settle the debt.33 Coyeetoyhee accurately argued that the treaty stipulations exempted and spared him from any vengeful actions, and Brown relented, claiming to be a generous Christian. He still took his slaves back, gloating, “I had got them from the very fellow that done the mischief.”34 Not quite finished, on his way out of the fort, Brown requested yet another talk with Coyeetoyhee. They sat down, and Brown venomously spat out, “You are the man that caused my father to be murdered & my brothers & careed [sic] my mother & small sisters & little brother to be taken Captive & took the negroes for yourself & you are the very man that drag[g]ed me out . . . to kill me.” He shouted that Coyeetoyhee had benefited from the labor of the slaves for twenty-­five years. He finished by claiming that the Chero­kees had made him an “orphan” and thus reduced him to a life of poverty when otherwise “I would have begun life in the fi[r]st sircle [sic] of society if it had not been for you.” This family biographical account, compiled from Brown’s own notes, reveals that perhaps Coyeetoyhee had been in more danger of losing his life than was immediately apparent. Some years later Brown recalled, “Many of my neighbours & also the soldiers that ware [sic] near said kill him—he ought to die.”35 Instead, Brown once again chose to leave any vengeance to the Lord of his faith.



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This was not the end of the story, however. An examination of the records revealed that Coyeetoyhee went to Meigs, seeking compensation for his loss. One can sense some sympathy on the federal agent’s part as he noted that the federal treaty upheld Coyeetoyhee’s claim of ownership. Nevertheless, Meigs also sympathized with Brown and his claim to his father’s estate. Instead of valuing the seven slaves at the going rate of $300 per adult, Meigs listed Coyeetoyhee’s claim for a total of only $200.36 Slaves were not the only tangible property that became an issue after the Red Stick War. Andrew Jackson crafted and presented the terms of the Treaty of Fort Jackson on August 9, 1814. The Creek Nation would surrender more than twenty million acres to pay for the costs of the war. Astoundingly, Jackson also insisted on land cessions from his former allies in the war, the Chicka­ saws and Chero­kees. Complicating matters, an old dispute over land claimed by both the Creeks and Chero­kees arose. And by 1815 it became apparent that there would be trouble with the United States and the Creeks over the Chero­ kee-­Creek boundary line. The United States had earlier, in 1811, wanted to demarcate exact boundaries between the major southeastern tribes. The war had interrupted this endeavor, and the issue lay dormant until it became extremely criti­cal to determine the exact extent of the tribal land cessions after the Treaty of Fort Jackson. The shared boundary lines of the Creeks, Chero­ kees, and Chickasaws became a matter of contention as each nation vied for what it claimed as rightfully its own.37 The Creeks and Chero­kees claimed common land in the Chicka­mauga region of the Chero­kee Lower Towns. According to the testimony of a respected seventy-­one-­year-­old headman, The Glass, the Augusta council had met in 1783 to establish a boundary between the two tribes. The Creeks had agreed that Chero­kee land would extend southward to Standing Peach Tree on the Chattahoochee River.38 In the fall of 1815, Meigs distributed $956.30 in presents to the Chero­ kee military leaders Colonels Path Killer, Richard Brown, and John Lowrey and Major Ridge, who then distributed them through the ranks. These officers wrote a note: “with Sentiments of gratitude: . . . [we] rejoice that we have rendered Service to the United States which has been met with the approbation of that Government to which our attachment cannot be shaken.”39 This remark is strong evidence that the Chero­kees considered themselves to be in a Chero­kee-­ Ameri­can alliance that would prevail postwar. In Janu­ary 1816, Principal Chief Path Killer appointed “six of our Chiefs,” men of rank who had served with distinction during the war, to meet with President James Madison to take him “by the hand & express to him the satisfaction we

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feel in being successfully carried through the late war in which our nation [has] had the honor to participate with our white Brothers.” Path Killer hoped that their positions as veteran warriors and their familiarity with the Ameri­can mili­ tary would count for something with the Ameri­can commander in chief. The aged Path Killer recommended that the delegation to Wash­ing­ton City address “a just settlement of the boundary line between our nation & our younger Brothers the Creeks” and a cession of the remaining Chero­kee land in South Caro­ lina. They were also to complain about the increased intrusions of white settlers onto Chero­kee lands and to suggest the federal establishment of an ironworks and blacksmith shops for “the repairing of our army.”40 In addition, the delegation was to seek pensions for their men who were now invalids due to their war injuries and reparations for damage to Chero­kee property by Ameri­can soldiers. The land issue, of course, was the highest priority of the delegation. In a letter to Secretary of War George Graham on March 4, 1816, the former military men noted that prior to the Creeks signing the Treaty of Fort Jackson on August 9, 1814, the Chero­kees had met with the Creeks the day before and mutually agreed on a Chero­kee-­Creek boundary. Yet before its finalization, scheduled for the following day, the Creeks had begged the Chero­kees to “postpone the business to a future day,” which then never came. The Chero­kee veterans later found out that the Creeks denied the very existence of this discussion. Nevertheless, the Chero­kee delegation expressed its confidence in fair treatment by the federal government because they considered themselves “as a part of the great family of the Repub­lic of the U. States.” Furthermore, they affirmed, “we are ready at any time to sacrifice our lives, our property & every thing sacred to us, in its cause whenever circumstances may require it. . . . We ask no more.”41 To the Chero­kees, the shedding of their blood during the war had sealed their alliance with the United States, which they believed would be an extended relationship. When Colonel John Lowrey, whom Path Killer appointed to be the speaker, and his delegation met with Madison almost two years after the end of the Red Stick War, they demanded reparations for the “spoliations committed on the property of our ­people in that part of our country where the armies marched in carrying on the war against the Creeks,” observing that the region would not recover for at least seven years, if then.42 Meigs’s best estimate of authentic claims totaled $22,863, although Lowrey mentioned that unsubstantiated but probably credible claims could double that fig­ure. The delegation also requested that disabled Chero­kee veterans and war widows receive pensions. Madison authorized



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Meigs to appoint a board to hear the claims. Not trusting the average Chero­kee, however, the board required the testimonies of Chero­kee officers, whom they considered reputable.43 Analysis of the slow settlement process highlights this distrust and reflects the growing Ameri­can uneasiness with Indians in general. While in Wash­ing­ton, the Chero­kee war leaders negotiated two treaties, which the Senate ratified on April 8, 1816. The first specifically ceded the final vestiges of Chero­kee land within the boundaries of South Caro­lina for $5,000. General Jackson fumed over the sec­ond treaty, which left the Chero­kees with 2.2 million acres that he insisted belonged to the Creeks and should be part of their cession to the United States. This treaty reinforced the claims and the boundary laid out in a federal treaty with the Chero­kees in 1806.44 Meeting at Turkey Town in the early summer of 1816 and again later that fall, an intertribal council attempted to work out the boundary lines between the Chickasaws, Chero­kees, Creeks, and Choctaws. The Creeks and Chero­kees civilly “agreed to make a joint stock of their lands, with the privilege of each nation to settle where they pleased.”45 The Chickasaws and Chero­kees, however, still disputed their common boundary. Nevertheless, these treaties did little to stop the growing flow of eager white settlers who were convinced that Jackson would prevail in his wish to include the Chero­kee land in the Creek cession. His close friend General John Coffee had already surveyed the land, and both men expected to pay around $2 per acre, knowing that it was worth at least $20 per acre.46 Both were well aware that the more former Ameri­can soldiers who settled on the land prior to the conclusion of the negotiations, the better for their cause. It was expensive and difficult for federal troops to remove citizens of the United States from Chero­kee land, and state officials were especially eager to listen to the pleadings of their constituency. Chero­kee morale in the worst hit area, the old Lower Towns region, became increasingly depressed as Chero­kee veterans and their families continued to suffer from the consequences of the brutal and destructive treatment at the hands of the Ameri­can troops during the war. As one historian aptly stated, “It was now possible for the War Department to threaten the Chero­kees . . . with the withdrawal of federal protection—to leave them to the mercy of the ruthless frontier citizens— . . . to compel them to agree to any treaty put before them.”47 Many of the affected ­people began seriously to consider moving west, especially since they no longer considered armed resistance an option against the powerful United States. Jackson seemed to sense this sentiment because he adamantly refused to

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a­ ccept the treaty lines demarcated in 1806. He began negotiations with the Lower Towns headmen—in­clud­ing Toochala, Oohulooke, Wahsaucy, The Gourd, Spring Frog, Oowatata, John Benge, John Baldridge, The Bark, George Guess (Sequoyah), Arch Campbell, The Spirit, Young Wolf, and Ooliteskee—at the Chicka­saw council grounds. Jackson found it to his benefit to present this group with gifts totaling $4,500, and he acknowledged, “This measure seemed to produce some sensible effect.”48 At first the Chero­kee National Council did not r­atify the proposed agreement between Jackson and these headmen. Finally, af­ter bargaining with eight of the prominent chiefs on the National Council, in­clud­ing Path Killer and Richard Brown, Jackson strong-­armed the treaty through, disregarding the protests of the rest of the council members. That quickly, 2.2 million acres south of the Tennessee River in present-­day Ala­bama became the property of the United States.49 After this important coup, Jackson proceeded to press the Lower Towns headmen to exchange land north of the Tennessee River for land in Indian Territory. The new negotiations suggested two options. First, the federal government would provide those inclined to move west with a “rifle, ammunition, blanket, and brass kettle or beaver trap.”50 Second, those not inclined to move west could opt for a private reserve that would include their current improvements and claims up to 640 or possibly 1,000 acres. These reserves, though, would no longer be part of the Chero­kee Nation. Instead, the male Chero­kee head of household would be expected to become like other free persons of color living in the United States and its territories.51 Many Chero­kee headmen became alarmed at the thought of possibly de­ tribalizing their nation. The Valley Towns’ leaders met with Meigs near the end of 1816 to express their objections. The chiefs from the Upper Towns agreed.52 Soon the National Council deposed Toochala as sec­ond chief because of his actions in supporting removal and detribalization. The Chero­kee Women’s Council also voiced its negative judgments concerning the Lower Towns’ actions. On Feb­ru­ary 13, 1817, the Brainerd missionaries recorded the women’s protest, which implemented their matrilineal rights as the “mothers of the warriors.”53 Beloved Woman Nancy Ward, who had first earned her title as War Woman in 1755, now presided over the Chero­kee women who represented the seven clans. The Women’s Council issued an official petition to the National Council on May 2, 1817, to make it plain that they unequivocally opposed emigration and all land trades associated with the proposal. Appealing to the men’s sense of kinship obligation, the women begged as “your mothers, your sisters . . . not



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to part with any more of our land. We say ours. You are our descendants. . . . Only keep your hands off of paper talks for it[’]s our own country.”54 The United States again brought the Chero­kee leadership to the negotiation table in June 1817 at Amohee. Charles Hicks, who had served as the secretary of the Chero­kee National Council, now became the sec­ond principal chief under Path Killer, filling Toochala’s position since he had emigrated west. Path Killer was now quite infirm from advanced age, and Hicks stepped in as the visible leader of the affairs of the nation. His first order of business was to tighten the young Chero­kee centralized government. At his behest, the Chero­ kee National Council adopted several reforms to existing laws in order to make it clear that only it could dispose of any common tribal property.55 According to the updated legislation, the fifty-­seven towns of the Chero­kee Nation were under the auspices of the Chero­kee National Committee, which oversaw the execution of the wishes of the National Council. This burgeoning sense of nationhood was reflected in the further secularization of their governing institutions, similar to what had happened with the organization of its law enforcement into a paramilitary structure. Colonel Richard Brown became the president of the first National Committee, but the council quickly replaced him with the young but capable John Ross when Brown voiced his approval for voluntary removal.56 Confusion reigned in Chero­kee country over the federal insistence that the United States receive land to compensate it for the land that voluntary Chero­kee emigrants now controlled in the West. According to one historian, “The resulting disturbance was both a sectional and a class war, since the emigrants were generally from the poorer population of the hill districts relatively untouched by civilization, while the chiefs opposing removal were from the river towns and had, thanks to United States tutelage, accumulated property, which they were now asked by the United States to abandon.”57 Further scrutiny of the emigration and reserve issue revealed that this was not an entirely accurate conclusion. My examination of the emigration rolls revealed that many of those who initially signed up to move did not do so. Some had sec­ond thoughts; many just wanted to protect themselves until they had time to consider. Many of the wealthiest men in the nation, officers during the late war, initially enrolled but did not follow through. Among these were Major Ridge and John Ross.58 Again, the Chero­kee Women’s Council protested emigration and land exchange. In June 1818 the women petitioned the National Council: “We have heard with painful feeling that the bounds of the land we now possess are to [be] drawn into very narrow limits. We therefore humbly petition our beloved

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children, the head men & warriors, to hold out to the last.”59 They continued by proclaiming their progress as Christians and as an industrious p ­ eople and reprimanded some of the white ­people among them: “There are some white men among us who have been raised in this country from their youth, are connected with us by marriage, & have considerable families, who are very active in encouraging the emigration of our nation. These ought to be our truest friends but prove our worst enemies. They seem to be only concerned how to increase their riches, but [do] not care what becomes of our Nation, nor even of their own wives and children.”60 The Chero­kee National Council did not disregard the voices of their clan mothers and sisters. In July the council legislated that “any Chero­kee who agreed to sell any land of the nation without the approval of a full council would be subject to death.”61 Many propertied Chero­kees sought to remain with their improvements and applied for reserve grants as stipulated by treaty. A great many who received grants of land had been officers in the Chero­kee Regiment during the Red Stick War. The Chero­kee countryman Colonel Gideon Morgan received his re­quested grant for his property at the mouth of Sitico Creek. Colonel Richard Tay­lor, his brother Fox Taylor, Captains John McIntosh, John Speers, James Brown, his brother First Lieutenant John Brown, their brother-­in-­law George Fields, and his relative David Fields also applied for reserves.62 Chero­kee countrymen Andrew Miller, who was Captain Charles Hicks’s son-­in-­law, and Quartermaster Sergeant William Barnes applied on behalf of the rights of their Chero­kee wives. Other officers and relatives who applied for reserves included Second Lieutenant Thomas Wilson, Second Sergeants Henry Nave (Knave) and Eight Killer, Ensigns Deer in the Water and White Man Killer, Third Sergeants Bold Hunter and William Brown, Fourth Sergeants Mink and John Looney, First Corporal Dick (Richard) Timberlake, Third Corporal Swimmer, Fourth Corporal Sap Sucker, and Private Path Killer.63 Another delegation of Chero­kee war leaders and veterans left for Wash­ ing­ton City in late 1818 to conclude the negotiations opened with the treaty of 1817. Arriving in Feb­ru­ary 1819, this delegation included John Ross, Charles Hicks, John Walker, John Martin, Gideon Morgan, Lewis Ross, Small Wood (Teeyonoo), George Lowrey, Cabbin Smith, James Brown, Sleeping Rabbit (Chestoo Culleaugh), and Currohee Dick.64 The Chero­kees agreed to cede just enough of their lands in the East in exchange for western land for those Chero­ kees who had or wished voluntarily to emigrate. This group was expected to join the Old Settlers, or Arkansas Chero­kees.



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Many eastern Chero­kees felt pressured to take private reserves in order to keep control of their improved lands, which now officially sat within the borders of neighboring states. A frustrated Path Killer and the National Council ejected those who left for the West from Chero­kee citizenship in the East, strongly asserting that “they have no business to speak for the ­people and country here as you and the commissioners have divided my warriors and made us Two Nations.”65 The government had found the vulnerable spot in the Chero­kee psyche. As tradition dictated, those who opposed an idea merely withdrew. The Lower Towns’ émigrés believed that they were well within their traditional right to remove themselves and conduct their own affairs in matters of personal interest just as they had done as Chicka­mauga warriors. This divided the inexperienced, struggling nation and left a gaping chasm that continued to grow in the years leading up to the forced removal. By the mid-­1820s, Chero­kee National Committee member John Ross assumed command of the Chero­kee lighthorse, with Lieutenant Elijah Hicks serving as his sec­ond. The regulators operated under direct orders from Secretary of War John C. Calhoun to attempt to remove the vast number of white intruders swarming onto farmsteads vacated by the Chero­kees who had recently emigrated.66 A survey of the physical destruction confirmed the devastation suffered by many Chero­kees during the war, and as late as 1823, Chero­kees continued to seek redress for livestock stolen or destroyed by Ameri­cans with a cumulative value of approximately $35,600. This included swine, beef cattle, oxen, mules, horses, and milk cows. Other real property that had been stolen or destroyed included slaves, cabins, corn, guns, canoes, beaver traps, hides, deerskins, plows, bells, saddles, bridles, saddlebags, kettles, pewter plates, a Dutch oven, blankets, clothing (coats, hats, shawls, shoes, handkerchiefs), combs, spinning wheels, a loom, and cash. These valuables conservatively totaled $7,415.67 When Agent Meigs died after twenty-­three years of service, the Chero­kees lost a tenuous but at times sensitive friend. His death marked the beginning of the end of Jeffersonian paternalism in the conduct of Chero­kee affairs. The former governor of Tennessee, Joseph McMinn, assumed Meigs’s position. Calhoun and McMinn were not inclined to pay the Chero­kees for their work in removing intruders as per their “Sacred obligations” stipulated by treaty.68 Instead, Calhoun haughtily asserted that Chero­kee regulators should step up and remove them at no cost to the United States “as they assume to be an Independent People.”69 The federal government grudgingly decided to “make them a gratuity,” which was much less than what the federal troops earned doing the

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same job. Surprisingly, General Jackson thought that the lighthorse regulators should earn the same payment as the “United States militia or mounted gun men for similar services.”70 In 1823, the United States again sought more land from the Chero­kees. Path Killer and the Chero­kee National Council agreed that they would relinquish no more land. In their explanation, the Chero­kee leaders evoked the “co-­ operation of the red man and the white man, in subduing the common enemy, during the late war, and the blood which [had] been lost on that occasion.” They named each of the specific engagements in the war, insisting that they had done “no more than what might have been expected from our hands as children and true friends to our Father the President.” They noted that “those acts we performed are a demonstrative proof of the sincerity of our affections and fidelity, and show the firm hold by which the hand of our father is grasped, more forcibly than volumes of promises.” Further reminding the Ameri­cans of their blood relationship, the Chero­kee leadership ended this determined letter “with the brightness of the sun” and the renewal of their “respect and brotherly friendship.”71 This might as well have been a blank piece of paper for the lack of weight that Chero­kee sentiments were given. In the spring of the following year, the Chero­kee delegation of former military men informed the US Congress that the Chero­kee Nation had determined “never again to cede another foot of land.”72 From their rooms at the Tennison Hotel, the delegates sought the help of the new commissioner of Indian affairs, Thomas L. McKenney, to recover the payment due to the Chero­kee Nation for a land cession made twenty years previously but never disbursed.73 All of this contributed to mounting tensions between the Chero­kee Nation and the United States. When their former commander, Andrew Jackson, became president, the Chero­kees still vividly recalled their service on behalf of the United States. Although one of Jackson’s main objectives was Indian removal from lands east of the Mississippi River, Chero­kee leaders hoped to appeal to his sense of fraternity and fairness toward his brothers in arms. John Ross, Richard Taylor, Daniel McCoy, Hair Conrad, and John Timson, the current Wash­ing­ ton City delegation, wrote Jackson to urge him to recall that “twenty years have now elapsed since we participated with you in the toils and dangers of war, and obtained a victory over the unfortunate and deluded red foes . . . on the memorable 27th March 1814, that portentous day was shrouded by a cloud of darkness, besprinkled with the awful streaks of blood and death.” They reminded Jackson that “it is in the hour of such times alone that the heart of man can be truly tested and correctly judged.”74 The delegation then pointedly declared:



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We were then your friends—and the conduct of man is an index to his disposition. Now in these days of profound peace, why should the gallant soldiers who in time of war walked hand in hand thro’g[h] blood and carnage, be not still friends? We answer, that we [are] yet your friends. And we love our p ­ eople, our country, and the homes of the childhood of our departed sires. We have ever enjoyed the rights and liberties of freemen—and God forbid that we should ever live in vassalage to any power. And if we are too weak to live as freemen—it is easier to die, than live as slaves!!!75 This testimony made clear that the Chero­kees’ resolute sense of connection as brethren in war remained intact. Once again, in 1836, Ross and nineteen other delegates representing the Chero­kee Nation reminded the US Senate: “With the ­people of the United States, in their difficulties, they have made common cause. The have stood side by side with the present Chief Magistrate [Andrew Jackson], in the battlefield, and freely shed their blood for the interest, honor and glory of the Ameri­can ­people.”76 The delegation stubbornly, and perhaps by this time apprehensively, petitioned the Senate to negate the illegal signing of the Treaty of New Echota. Although a number of well-­known Chero­kees had agreed to the treaty, twelve thousand eastern Chero­kees had signed a protest against the Treaty Party’s fraudulent claim of legitimately representing the ­people and government of the Chero­kee Nation. The delegation once again reminded the United States of its special connection with the Chero­kees, forged during the late war, which the federal government seemed so insistent on severing. They entreated once again, although their plea fell on deaf ears, “We know you possess the power but, by the tie that unites us yonder we implore you to forbear.”77 Of course, as we are now well aware, the forced removal of the Chero­kees did take place in 1838–1839.

Conc lusion As US po­liti­cal culture moved toward the ideology of the coming Jacksonian Age, which celebrated the common white man and democracy over the concept of Jeffersonian republicanism, the Chero­kees continued their own social and po­liti­cal transformation. A Chero­kee constitutional government supported by laws written in their own language did not appear until 1827; nevertheless, the Chero­kee leadership were nationally minded men, most of whom had been military leaders in the Red Stick War. These men came to the painful awareness that the United States did not consider them brothers but children incapable of knowing what was best for their p ­ eople. The general support that Andrew Jackson received in his stubborn insistence on postwar cessions of the lands of his former Indian allies revealed a growing Ameri­can disillusionment with the Indian “civilization” policy. The United States had demanded Creek land cessions as reparation for the costly war, even though its main burden landed on the national Creeks, who had been Ameri­can allies. All Creeks were to pay for the factionalism that had torn them apart. Complicating matters, the Creeks, Chickasaws, and Chero­kees disputed their mutual boundaries and held conflicting land claims. In 1816, the United States chose to rule against the Chero­kees, thereby gaining more land south of the Tennessee River in present-­day north­ern Ala­bama. In 1817, it demanded still more Chero­kee land in compensation for the territory on which Chero­kee emigrants to the West had settled.1 These land reductions left the Chero­kees with two viable options—stay or leave. Some emigrated west, although most stayed behind, with many opting for in­di­vidual reserves located within the relinquished territory. Either way, Chero­ kees strove to maintain their sovereignty and citizenship. And yet, over and over



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again, the Chero­kees would refer to “our part in the late war” and “the blood . . . lost on that occasion” when meeting with US officials, struggling in vain to remind them of their shared past as a “band of brothers,” as they hoped to protect their lands.2 While Chero­kee leaders continued to look for justice from the United States, the external pressures from white intruders continued to escalate and wreak havoc on the Chero­kees, who, however naïve it may appear from our perspective today, still trusted in their relationship with the republican government and in sacred treaty obligations. In retrospect, historian William G. McLoughlin concluded that Chero­ kee sovereignty was doomed in the face of Ameri­can expansionist ideology.3 More­over, we must consider Chero­kee ideology which shifted at the end of the Chicka­mauga era and moved toward the civilization program’s ideology being espoused throughout the Jeffersonian Age. Just by analyzing the innovations in the Chero­kee military after the Chicka­mauga War, we can see evidence of an altered Chero­kee psyche. During the Creek War, the Chero­kee Regiment viewed itself as segregated but equal, while willingly accepting that only white men would serve as higher-­ ranking officers. Though Chero­kee men fought for varied reasons, a prime motive became to earn Ameri­cans’ respect and to prove their worth and value as partners in this Chero­kee-­Ameri­can alliance. In a letter that a Chero­kee band of warriors sent to Agent Meigs in late October 1815, the military leaders thanked the government for the presents it had given to them to distribute among their men. Furthermore, there was rejoicing “that we have rendered Service to the United States which has met with the approbation of that Government to which our attachment cannot be shaken.”4 We can conclude that they marked any differences as temporary and merely a step in their adoption of the civilization program, which they accepted with only selective modifications to support Chero­kee identity. On the other hand, Agent Meigs and other federal officials judged the end of the Creek War and the larger War of 1812 and the defeat of not only the Red Sticks but the British as a mandate to expand the United States. Still steeped in Jeffersonian republicanism, the old soldier believed that the future of the Chero­ kees would involve ultimate removal so as to legally open up their land to white settlement. He seemed to genuinely love his “charges” but nevertheless deemed them unworthy of equal consideration as a sovereign nation in peacetime. The old patriot considered the outcome of the Ameri­can Revolution to have legitimated the Ameri­can claim to Indian lands. In other words, bribes and threats

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were always acceptable actions to acquire land already legally possessed. Almost immediately after the Red Stick defeat, Meigs wrote to Secretary of War John Armstrong that it was time to readdress the removal issue. He stressed that removal not only would work to protect the Chero­kees and preserve their identity but would be good for the United States. He expressed his opinion that their relocation would serve to buffer the country from outside threats on the western frontier.5 To put it bluntly, the Chero­kees could once again be useful but expendable allies. Meigs was not without a sense of justice, however. Examination of his twenty-­three years of service among the Chero­kee revealed that he frequently took the Chero­kee side in disputes with white neighbors or intruders, although he was extremely sympathetic to the whites’ plight.6 A paradoxical man, Meigs looked down on most Chero­kees as unreliable and not necessarily trustworthy. The Chero­kees who voluntarily removed west after the war quickly sought to establish plantations, large farms and herds, schools, salt works, and other enterprises almost from the moment they arrived.7 This verifies that the Chero­ kees in both the East and the West insisted on a sovereign existence, all the while expecting the United States to continue its current Indian policy of promoting their civilization. Both groups had the same goal but differing strategies for becoming economically and po­liti­cally like the United States, while at the same time retaining a distinct and separate Chero­kee identity. As this book has revealed, the fracturing of Chero­kee unity after the Red Stick War over emigration was not a class issue, pitting accommodationists against conservatives. It was also not an issue of generational differences. Instead, the disagreement over whether or not to surrender to white incursions and ineffectual federal government treaty enforcement led to a distinct geo­ politi­cal fracture that revolved around the warrior-­headmen of the regional communities. Those who suffered the most lived along the waterways of the Lookout Mountain, Brown’s, and Wills Town valleys of the Lower Towns (the old Chicka­ mauga region).8 The Tennessee troop damage to Chero­kee property during the war only intensified the pressure on them to remove west voluntarily. The decision to do so was not lightly taken. Those who did were not, as has often been suggested, of the poorer, more traditional class. Instead, the leaders were many of the community headmen and officers who had led the Chero­kees through the recent war at the side of the United States. The cessions of land in the treaties of 1817 and 1819 totaled four million



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acres. This was in exchange for land that emigrant Chero­kees could claim once they settled in the West. Many Chero­kees scrambled to protect their property and improvements by applying for reserves within the ceded land. As McLoughlin explained: “Those who wished reserves and citizenship would obtain them if they lived on ceded land; in the 1819 treaty, anyone who lived on land ceded in 1817 and who did not wish to emigrate could also obtain 640 acres around his farm and become a citizen.”9 He went on to suggest that the Chero­kees in the Lower Towns conspired to sell their land, without National Council approval, to the United States through Andrew Jackson. Since many had enrolled but then chose not to emigrate, the National Council had not reestablished representation for them, assuming that their citizenship in the East had terminated at the time of their enrollment. Many became “kind of Aliens” in their own homeland, stripped of their rights as Chero­kee citizens.10 Their headmen included Captain George Fields, Bear Meat, Colonel John Brown, The Mink, George Guess (Sequoyah), and Captain John Thompson.11 Up to this time, Chero­kee dissension had always been a part of their cultural landscape. In colonial times some Chero­kee towns had supported the French and others the British. The Chicka­mauga disagreement had led to a voluntary removal of the dissidents to the Lower Towns below present-­day Chattanooga. Now the Creek Path leaders likewise sought to exercise their Chero­kee prerogative to take their affairs into their own hands in order to protect their ­people—as was customary. Unfortunately, Chero­kee politics had undergone criti­cal changes in the time after the Red Stick War. The Chero­kee centralized leadership no longer deemed this to be an acceptable action. What the Chero­kees failed to realize, partly because they believed in the sacredness of treaties and promises, was that Jackson, his army, and the defeat of the Red Sticks marked the beginning of an Ameri­can ideological shift that insisted on the exclusion of Indian societies from within its expanded borders at the end of the War of 1812. It would be years before the Chero­kees accepted the fact that inclusion was not an option and that they were no longer, if ever they had been, part of the band of brothers in which their participation in the Creek War had led them to believe. Many of these Chero­kees later became quite well known. Sequoyah (George Guess) invented a syllabary, which single-­handedly led to a literate Chero­kee general populace.12 During the Red Stick War, he had served under Colonel Gideon Morgan in Captain John McLemore’s company. He was an expert hunter, making him a valuable marksman. Forty-­four years old during the Red Stick

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War, Major George Lowrey, Sequoyah’s cousin, later became assistant chief.13 And Major Ridge, a future leader of the infamous Treaty Party that led to Chero­kee removal, was another hunter-­warrior of renowned exploits, as discussed earlier. These and other Chero­kee men fought for varied reasons. First and foremost, they fought to defend their ­people and territory when threatened. Second, they fought for material gain, for elevation of status, to achieve gender validation, simply for the adventure, and to claim membership in the tangible brotherhood of real men. Even though these warriors would never again wage war in the manner of their elders—in small groups under charismatic in­di­viduals— they would still fight for similar reasons. Though many changes were apparent, other traditions endured. The warrior-­soldiers adamantly insisted on a Chero­kee identity, whether or not they possessed some white ancestry. Thus, Chero­kee men in the Creek War never identified themselves as mixed-­or full-­blooded but only as Chero­kees.14 After the war, Chero­kee officers retained their Ameri­canized titles of rank as status symbols that identified them as part of the US military organization. For instance, The Ridge was known as Major Ridge for the rest of his life. Image was so important to Major Ridge that he once stopped to change into his military jacket before appearing at his son’s school in the North­east. An eyewitness, obviously impressed with his demeanor, noted that Major Ridge “wore the uniform of a U.S. officer, and [the observer] was deeply impressed with his ‘firm and warlike step.’”15 War titles and ranks were nothing new in Chero­kee society, but instead of traditional ones, such as The Mankiller or The Raven, warriors now readily adopted titles from the Ameri­can military organization, their brothers in arms.16 Of course, as for many men throughout time, adventure, excitement, and camaraderie were other motives for Chero­kee men to go to war. Chero­kees often told war stories at home, at Christian missions, or during council breaks. In Chero­kee society, reenactments of war actions through dance or story remained traditional vehicles through which to enhance a warrior’s notoriety and status.17 John Howard Payne, who interviewed Chero­kees in the 1830s, heard Chero­kee veterans reenact the already recounted story of Captain Shoe Boots at Horseshoe Bend, which had remained a popu­lar tale.18 Adventures and war deeds did not always end with fond memories, however. Many of the Chero­kees wounded during the war returned to find their ability to provide for their families compromised. To Chero­kee men, this presented a



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dilemma. Under old Chero­kee traditions, other clan members would normally step in to care for the disabled man and his family. But no longer could a Chero­ kee male relative look to hunting to contribute a share to his disabled clan rela­ tive’s subsistence. The federal government did not officially deal with this issue until it became part of the negotiations that appeared as Article XIV of the 1835 Treaty of New Echota.19 Even with its ratification, however, monetary aid did not become a reality until Congress passed an act on April 14, 1842, that provided for the allowance of pensions to invalid veterans of the War of 1812. But the forced removal of the Chero­kees to Indian Territory west of the Mississippi River had occurred almost four years prior. Many died before receiving remuneration for their sacrifices in service to the United States. The passage of the act of 1842 did not mean that the Chero­kee invalids were guaranteed a pension. The act stipulated that each applicant had to pass through a series of examinations to verify the legitimacy of their claim.20 This included verification of their name on the official muster rolls and the testimony of their commanding officers or, if their superiors were deceased, by two others of good repute. In cases where the pensioner-­warrior had died before the passage of the act, it fell upon the Chero­kee widow and her male relatives to apply on his behalf. In addition, the act stipulated that a military surgeon had to attest to the existence and the severity of the injury. Principal Chief John Ross attempted to hasten the process by writing to Chero­kee Indian agent Pierce M. Butler that he would consider it a “great misfortune” if the “old warriors” did not soon get their promised pensions.21 He urged Butler to write the secretary of war about the long-­delayed payments. Back in 1838, the federal government had allowed a few of the more severely disabled veterans to remain in their eastern homeland because the severity of their conditions precluded them from making the strenuous removal trip. This included Pidgeon [sic] In The Water (Nogehkakkeeskee, Pidgeon In The Water 2), who died from continually festering wounds in Sep­tem­ber 1840, after physicians finally validated his three-­fourths disability level. In May of that year, Pigeon, with the help of his stepson Edward (Edmond) Fallen (Fallin, Falling, Fawling), had traveled to Wash­ing­ton, DC, in an attempt to procure his pension, but Congress had not yet appropriated the monies and would not for two more years. His old white commander, Chero­kee countryman Colonel Gideon Morgan, though suffering from blindness as a result of his own war wound, assumed the care of Pigeon’s widow.22 One of the Valley Town warriors, Nickowee (Nichowee, Nichuwee), also

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remained after the forced removal. Living in Chero­kee County, North Caro­ lina, he hired local attorney P. M. Henry in 1859 to facilitate his pension application, since all of the Chero­kee witnesses and officers who could attest to his claim now lived hundreds of miles away across the Mississippi River.23 Due to the lack of evidence, it is difficult to say for certain that some wounded veteran warriors, whom the United States forcibly removed in 1838–1839, died more quickly after their arrival in Indian Territory as a result of their disabilities, which perhaps were exacerbated by the journey’s hardships—but it seems highly likely. Overtaker (Tecawseenaka) had suffered a gunshot through his lower jaw and mouth that blew away several teeth in the process. Though deemed two-­thirds disabled, he nevertheless was forced over the Trail of Tears. By August 1839, Overtaker was dead. Young Puppy (Gilanitah, Keetlahneetah) still carried the rifle ball in his right thigh that he had received at Horseshoe Bend. This warrior suffered mightily until his death in October 1839, shortly after walking the entire trip to the West.24 Another warrior whose wounds and disability most likely quickened his death was Territory (Ootalata, Teritory). He was one of the few Chero­kee warriors who suffered injury from another weapon wielded by the Red Sticks besides the more common rifle. Territory received a tomahawk wound to his wrist and a severe contusion to his left chest. Declared one-­half disabled after the war, Territory died during the roundup and internment period right before the forced removal of the Chero­kees. Other disabled veterans also made the difficult journey west only to die shortly afterward, in­clud­ing Wa-­hie-­a-­tow-­ee, The Mouse, and James C. Martin.25 Crawling Snake, more commonly referred to in the literature as Going Snake, was another disabled Chero­kee veteran. He served on the Chero­kee National Council and led one of the emigrating parties. Considered on examination to be two-­thirds disabled as a result of a gunshot that passed through his left arm and then lodged near his spine, the majestic Going Snake died only a short year after arriving in the West.26 One of the invalid warriors actually died while enroute to Indian Territory. According to The Whale and Thomas Woodward, The Beaver died in De­cem­ ber 1838 while on the harsh winter’s journey toward the West. He was one-­half disabled due to a shattered scapula from the gunshot wound he received at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend.27 One of the most recognized of the hopeful pensioners to undergo the long application procedure was fifty-­five-­year-­old The Whale. He finally received his



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one-­half disability pension of $4 per month, which the government paid until his death in Sep­tem­ber 1844. The Office of Pensions had issued his certificate a mere four months earlier, with the arrears calculated from the time of his injury in the service of the United States amounting to about $1,427. The process for his certification began in Feb­ru­ary 1843 when he swore to Butler, as he testified to his service under Captain Rain Crow, that he had indeed received a wound by a “gunshot the ball passing entirely through the left arm, fracturing the bone,” which left him quite impaired due to the slowness of the bone to mend.28 The Whale also applied for a bounty land warrant in 1857 pursuant to his entitlement as stipulated by the act of March 3, 1855.29 He could receive 160 acres from the federal government as a veteran of the War of 1812. Back in 1816, President James Madison had recognized The Whale’s “valorous conduct” at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend by awarding him a presidential medal and a silver-­mounted rifle.30 As of 1843, The Whale had yet to receive these items; apparently, some unknown person had accepted delivery of the objects.31 Eventually, explanatory letters reached the Ordinance Office, where it was decided to issue a sec­ond rifle, a .39 caliber flintlock, commissioning its manufacture to a private gunsmith, most likely Joseph C. Golcher from Norwich, Connecticut, the son of the famous gunsmith John Golcher of eastern Pennsylvania.32 Not surprisingly, many Chero­kee warriors wounded in the Red Stick War used the rhetoric of blood to strengthen their case for disability assistance. Culsowee (Culsowee 1, Kuliskawy), although not appearing on the official muster rolls, applied to the United States “for whome [sic] he fought & bled to assist him in his old age.” Though James Lasley and John Brown provided affidavits verifying his service and that he had indeed received a gunshot to his right side at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend, which left him “[e]ntirely useless” and “lame in consequence of it,” the government denied his claim on the basis that it had no record of his injury.33 It is likely that Culsowee never received the care of an army surgeon at the time but instead depended on the services of a traditional medicine person. By the time the possibility of receiving a land bounty became viable, many warriors had already died. Often in these cases, the Chero­kee widow would attempt to claim the rights to the land owed for her husband’s federal service. This did not always end well. Betsey Turkey, the ninety-­year-­old widow of Standing Turkey, who served two terms of service under Captains Sekekee and Speers, applied in 1875. Five years later the government rejected her application on the grounds of abandonment.34

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6. The Whale’s rifle, awarded by the order of President James Madison. Photo courtesy of the National Park Service.

7. Engraving on The Whale’s rifle: “Presented by J. Madison, President of the US. to Whale the Reward of Signal Valor & Heroism; at the Battle of the HorseShoe. March, 1814.” Photo courtesy of the National Park Service.

Widows also had difficulties obtaining bounty land warrants under the act of Feb­ru­ary 14, 1871. Watty (Wutty) Jug was the one-­hundred-­year-­old widow of Chero­kee warrior Tahcheechee (Gu Gu, Jug, Koo Koo, Tahchechee), who had died approximately twenty years earlier. She signed her mark; attested that she had not given “aid or comfort” or held any office in the Confederacy during the Civil War; promised to support the Constitution of the United States; and vowed that she had not remarried. For this, the widow Jug finally received 160 acres of land.35 Levi Jug, as her guardian, then sold the property for $140. This was a common practice. The land grants were for property in Ameri­can territories, like Kansas and Nebraska. Even John Ross and Sequoyah’s widow, Sally, sold their bounty land claims to the US Public Land Office, which then sold



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8. Beaded bandolier bag thought to belong to The Whale around the time of the Cherokee removal. Courtesy of the Gilcrease Museum, Tulsa, OK.

them to white settlers.36 Thus an examination of this practice reinforces the idea that Chero­kees were more interested in maintaining their tribal identity, even if it was in Indian Territory, than in moving elsewhere. In a later case, one distinguished Chero­kee warrior returned to the homeland still held by the eastern Chero­kees in the Great Smoky Mountains after making the long journey west during removal. Though the legal status of these

110

Conclusion

Lufty, or Citizen, Indians was still not clear, the state of North Caro­lina graciously granted the returning veteran warrior, Captain Junaluska (Chunoloskee, Chunuloskee), 337 acres in present-­day Graham County to reward him for his service in the Creek War. In addition to this land, North Caro­lina also bestowed state citizenship upon the war hero in 1847, along with a cash gift of $100.37 Ironically, Junaluska had remained a private for the duration of the Creek War having only served in the spring campaign.38 His title of captain probably refers to a later achieved lighthorse rank. Ten years earlier an observer noted that before the forced removal west, “The Chero­kees . . . [had] been a very warlike ­people; and would . . . if armed with suitable rifles, make as good light troops as any on this continent.”39 He went on to say that currently the Chero­kees were at peace with their former enemies “[a]nd all the world, and especially the ­people of the United States, to whom in point of interest, and even kindred, they are closely allied. . . . Happily for the Chero­kees, they have no disposition to go to war with any nation or ­people.”40 The period of flux experienced by the Chero­kees extended from the Chicka­ mauga times through their forced removal west and beyond. Chero­kee collective memory, particularly among those relocated in the West, usually recalls the Trail of Tears and the Civil War as the primary pivotal events that shaped their history and tested their solidarity as a ­people.41 As this study has argued, although overwhelmed by the extreme upheaval of forced removal, prior to that horrific event the Chero­kees saw the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries as a time when they struggled to forge a new national sense of identity, while maintaining a traditional world view and tohi, a healthy state of well-­being.42 Chero­kee remembrance based on this world view differs from that of most readers since the concept of time is compressed within each person’s lifetime. Hence, Chero­kees tend to recount “narratives with a sense of immediacy and recentness that makes events as distant in time as the Removal seem like it was yesterday.”43 This means that the struggles during the years between the Chicka­ mauga era and the forced removal remain significant to Chero­kee history and should be just as important to scholars seeking to understand the Chero­kee perspective. My examination of this era has indicated that Chero­kee identity was not what was in crisis. The his­tori­cal forces of accommodation and traditionalism were not always at odds, as some historians have argued. Instead, Chero­ kees accessed multiple possibilities to continue to strengthen their identity as a ­people while also seeking to establish a nation-­state. They believed that to do this



Conclusion

111

would give them their rightful place in the nascent global community of nations that was flourishing in the early nineteenth century. And even more important, they also sought respect and support from their strongest ally, the United States. This was not to happen. As the Jeffersonian era faded, so did many of the duplicitous republican “values” that had fostered early US Indian policy and its seeking of “voluntary” cessions of land by systematically using bribery and chicanery.44 The Age of Jackson had arrived and, though the Chero­kees still saw the United States through the eyes of what they considered to be a, perhaps, more civil republican prism, it was too late to change the pounding and rolling tsunami of western and south­ern Ameri­can citizens, who demanded and at times just took Chero­kee land. It is clear that the warrior leadership was crucial to the nascent Chero­kee Nation’s emergence with a strong identity. The younger warrior leadership was determined to protect their communities and sovereign identity, while seeking recognition from the United States for the honor and dutifulness they had displayed in fulfilling their part of a military alliance, which should have led to a stronger and more equal relationship. As the Chero­kees embraced the old and waning federal stance on Indian relations and worked toward becoming “civilized” and productive neighbors to the citizenry of the states that adjoined their nation, the rise of western and south­ern populism in the emerging Age of Jackson, past prejudices and acts of vengeance, and a rising tide of opposition calling for the removal of eastern tribes all stood against the Chero­kees—stood against them as solid and immovable as the log barricade that had stopped Jackson in his tracks at Horseshoe Bend. Even though the Chero­kees had vitally contributed to ending Red Stick power in the Southeast and their participation in the war was indispensable on multiple occasions, history has exposed that they shed their blood in vain. And yet, the United States has never viewed its treatment of the Chero­kees as a betrayal of an alliance forged by blood.

Appendix The following information has been compiled from a variety of sources at the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Washington, DC, including RG 94, Compiled Military Service Records, War of 1812, and Muster Rolls and Pay Rolls of Colonel Morgan’s Regiment of Cherokee Indians, October 7, 1813, to April 11, 1814; RG 15, Old War Invalid Files; and RG 49, Bounty Land Files, War of 1812, and Mili­tary Bounty Land Warrants, Act of 1855. Many Cherokees remained attached to the military throughout the Creek War. Others served only one term, in either the fall or the spring campaign. Still others served in the fall and reenlisted for the duration of the war. These men will appear twice (or three times if they served in the interim month under Captain Charles Hicks at Fort Armstrong beginning in January 1814). Some of the Cherokee warriors served with one company in the fall campaign and another in the spring campaign. The records also indicate those who received promotions and changed ranks during the war. For those with more than one name listed, I have posted various spellings or versions of their names. Since Sequoyah had yet to complete the Cherokee syllabary at the time of the war, various people recorded the Cherokee names as they heard them, using English phonetics, hence the various spellings for the same person. The term of service reflects each Cherokee’s mustering-in and mustering-out date. I have included the place of muster as recorded whenever available, although not all muster records list this. The notes show any additional information I was able to gather, including recorded death dates (some of which had nothing to do with war); pension or widow’s claims; land warrant claims; the towns the men lived in after the war; whether a veteran was allowed to stay behind during removal because of his war wound; agents who interacted with the government on the person’s behalf; and so on. Where the writing in the original record was illegible or inconclusive, I have followed the listing with a question mark. Any mistakes in the translation or interpretation of these records are mine.

114

Appendix

Name: Acorn, John CO: McIntosh Notes: died 9-4-1848; widow Rebecca BLW#144247-50; not on rolls

Name: Ahquatakee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Chicka­mauga Creek

Name: Adair, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Place: Chicka­mauga Notes: died by 7-13-1816

Name: Ahsatootone Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Adair, James Rank: Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Place: Chicka­mauga Post: Ft. Armstrong Notes: died by 7-13-1816 Name: Adair, Walter (Black Watt) Age: 30 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Notes: Deer Clan Name: Adair, Walter (Black Watt) Age: 30 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-1/12-1 CO: McLemore Notes: Deer Clan

Name: Ahwoyah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Ahyauskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Akecoyah CO: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Akeeaquah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Alexander Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Ahkalookee Rank: 4th corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James

Name: Alickee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

Name: Ahneahly Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Battle: Emuckfau

Name: All Bone Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: All Bones Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Allchaloah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: died by 1/18/1814 Name: Alutsaw Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Ameca Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Anati Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Aquakee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Archegiskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Archtoyohee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks



Name: Archy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Place: Ellyjoy (Ellijay, Ellijoy) Notes: Etowah River, GA Name: Archy Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Arlowee (Artowee?) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Ataheotoone Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Atlosana Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Atlowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: Fields Name: Atowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Attacoloonee Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Name: Attawloowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Appendix

Name: Auchatoah Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Battle: New York (Nuyaka)

Name: Aunekayatehee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Auchechee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Aunenawee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: went AWOL

Name: Auhneyahting Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Auhseeaughchew Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Auloolaauskeneher Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Aumayatawhee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Aumayatehee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Aumoocanah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Aumorehcuttokee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

115

Name: Ausingagoquey (Assingoque) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Autawlesee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Autietta (Autcitta) Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Awwahsutoaiskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McIntosh Name: Bad Billy (Pouch) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Bag, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Baldridge, George Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Wills Valley

116

Appendix

Name: Baldridge, John (Oostilleh) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Blount Co, AL; Chicka­mauga District; BLW#75.150-40-50; sold 6-19-1853 Name: Baldridge, Richard Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Ball Ketcher (Catcher) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Bark Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Place: Willstown Name: Bark Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Bark of Hightower Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower (Etowah) Notes: Talking Rock Creek, GA Name: Bark (of Hightower?) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Notes: Talking Rock Creek, GA

Name: Bark Oohalloukee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Batt, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Bark Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Bean, the Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Turtle Town, Monroe Co., TN

Name: Bark, The Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Bark, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Barnes, William Age: 29 Rank: Staff Quartermaster Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Barnes, William Age: 29 Rank: Staff Quartermaster Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Barnes, William (Staff Quartermaster) Age: 29 Rank: Staff Quartermaster Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: gunshot left tibia, pension $4/mo 3-27-14 increased to $8/month 1851

Name: Bear, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Bear, The 1 Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Bear, The 2 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Bear At Home Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Bear at Home Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Bear Meat Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Oostenaula River Name: Bear Meat Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Battle: Tallushatchee Notes: per John Ross



Name: Bear Meat Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Oostenaula River Name: Bear Sitting Up Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Beaver, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Status: Wounded Name: Beaver, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Status: Wounded Name: Beaver, The Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot left shoulder; died in removal 12-1-38; pension $7.50/mo Joseph Bryan, AL Name: Beaver, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Notes: died by 7-24-14 Name: Benge, John Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: Taylor Notes: Lookout Cr, GA; Chicka­mauga District

Appendix

Name: Benge, Thomas Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Big Acorn Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Big Bear (Yona Equah,Yonahaquah) Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Ellijay R, Gilmer Co, GA Name: Big Bear Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Ellijay R, Gilmer Co, GA Name: Big Bear Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Big Coming Deer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Big Feather Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Name: Big Feather Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Jackson Co, AL

117

Name: Big Half Breed, The (Guulisi) Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: son of Pigeon and Chinassee Name: Big Hawk Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term:1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: died by 1815; payment on account for widow by The Fool Name: Big Head John Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Big Mole Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Big Mouse Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Big Mush Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Hiwassee River, TN Name: Big Mush Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-11 CO: Fields Notes: Hiwassee River, TN Name: Big Mush Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

118

Appendix

Name: Big Mush Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Notes: Hiwassee River, TN

Name: Bill Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Ivy Log Creek, GA

Name: Biter Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Battle: Talladega

Name: Big Oosowwee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Billy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

Name: Rattleing Gourd (Rattlingourd, Big) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: father Gunrod; brothers Crawler, Hair, Young Wolf; Big Spring

Name: Binding Up Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower

Name: Biter Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Oostenaulee

Name: Big Ratling Goard (Rattlingourd) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: father Gunrod; brothers Crawler, Hair, Young Wolf; Big Spring Name: Big Shit (Ekeshe) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Big Tajincy Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: son (same company), Little Tajincy Name: Big Tunnetee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore

Name: Biter (Howesuka) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Binding Up Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Biter (Ooskalkee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Name: Bird Double Head Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Biter Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog

Name: Bird In Water Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: Black Beard Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: father of Chattoe

Name: Bird’s Nest Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Bird’s Nest Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Biter Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Oostenaulee

Name: Black Beard Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Notes: father of Chattoe Name: Black Fish Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor



Name: Black Fish Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Black Fox Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Black Fox (Enoly, Enoli) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Black Fox (Enoly, Enoli) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Black Gum Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Black Prince (Cahlahsayohha) Age: 31 Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot in the right thigh, above the knee; pension $4/month Name: Blackbird, Samuel Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: died by 1815; Mink payment on account for widow, Cayeah

Appendix

Name: Blanket, The Age: 29 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Blanket, The Age: 29 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot through right thumb; Old Settler; pension $2/mo Dull Hoe & Currseewe for 2 minors Name: Blossom Falling Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Blythe, William Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: transferred to McNair’s command but not on his list Name: Bob Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Bob Tail Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Vickery Creek, GA Name: Boggs, Dick Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

119

Name: Boggs, John Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Candy’s Creek, TN Name: Boggs, Suaggy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Bold Hunter Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Boot, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: payment on account to mother, Susannah Name: Boots Chulio Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Bossona, Ben (Bassona, Ben) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Bottle, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Brains, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

120

Appendix

Name: Box, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Bremer, John (Beamer) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Notes: half brother of the Bark Name: Brewer, George Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Bridge Maker Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Amohee Creek, TN Name: Bridge Maker Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Notes: Amoha Creek, TN Name: Broom, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Broom, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Broom, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Brown, James Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: promoted to 2nd Major; married James Vann’s 1/2 sister Name: Brown, John Rank: Private/1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: promoted to Captain January 1814; Chattanooga District Name: Brown, John Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Lookout Valley, TN Name: Brown, William Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost hunting shirt and bridle worth $5 Name: Buck, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Buffaloe With Calf Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Battle: Tallushatchee Name: Buffaloe With Calf Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Battle: Tallushatchee

Name: Bull Frog Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Burges, Dick Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Burns, Arthur (Burnes) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: married Lowrys’ sister Name: Burns, Arthur (Burnes) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Notes: married Lowrys’ sister Name: Bushey Head Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Mouse Creek, TN Name: Bushy Head (Onotata) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Butler, Charles Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Butler, Charles Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Place: Creek Path Notes: died by 1815; widow, Mon Saeseer



Appendix

Name: Butler, John Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Cassahelah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Cawloqualegah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Name: Campbell, Archabald Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Creek Path

Name: Cassahela (Carsahelah, Casakela) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Cawtootaskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore

Name: Campbell, John Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore

Name: Cat, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: horse died on trip home from Horseshoe Bend; Sugar Town reserve; Shooting Creek, NC

Name: Candy, Thomas Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost horse at Horseshoe Bend; replaced Name: Canoe Spoiler Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Cant Doit Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Etowah River, Floyd Co., GA Name: Capeollar Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Cary, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Cat, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: horse died on trip home from Horseshoe Bend; Sugar Town reserve; Shooting Creek, NC Name: Cawchehee Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Cawchetawee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Cawhetowe Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James

121

Name: Cawukatekee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Challow Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Place:Fortville Post: Ft. Armstrong Battle: Hillabee Notes: died by 1-1815 of natural causes; uncle is Gut Sticker Name: Charles Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Battle: Emuckfau? Name: Charles Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Battle: Emuckfau? Name: Charles Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Charles Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields

122

Appendix

Name: Charles Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Chattoa Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Name: Chesquaooneka Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Charles Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Cheestachee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Chesquahunwaye Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Charleston, George Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Chelegatihee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore

Name: Chestaychee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

Name: Charlotehee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Chillogetehee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Charlotehee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: Chelogechee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Chestoquallany (Chestooguallany) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Charlotehee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Carycoy, GA

Name: Chenowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: widow, Unooyoha

Name: Chattoe BB (Blackbeard’s) Son Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Blackbeard’s son

Name: Chenowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower

Name: Chattoe Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Battle: Hillabee

Name: Chenowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Chequage, Jack Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Cheuauchee Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Chewah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Chickalilly Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Chickasaw Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Name: Chickasaw Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields



Name: Chicken Cock Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost horse at Horseshoe Bend; Etowah River, Floyd Co., GA Name: Chickesawteah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Chickesawteah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Chickesawtihee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Chickesawtehee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost horse at Horseshoe Bend

Appendix

Name: Chisholm, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Post: Ft. Armstrong Notes: Red Clay Name: Chism, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Place: Red Clay Name: Cholehkakaha Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Chotoa Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Choweskee Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: died by 1-16-14; widow, Susana

Name: Chickesawtee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore

Name: Choweskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: died by 1-16-14; widow, Susana

Name: Chinnarbee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

Name: Chowwee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Name: Chinquaka Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Chowwenna Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

123

Name: Chuanneohah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Chuchuchee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Chuequaetokey Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Etowah River, Floyd Co, GA Name: Chuhallokee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Chuhallooky Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Chualookee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Ivy Log Creek, GA Name: Chulaskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Chulelaskee Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

124

Appendix

Name: Chuleotee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore

Name: Chukeletee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Chulitaskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: widow, Ootahitta; payment on account to The Fool

Name: Chuetsennah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James

Name: Chulio (Gentleman Tom) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: father of Whirlwind or Tommy Acaraca Name: Chulio Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Chulioa (Chuleoa, Chuleowa, Chulio, Chullioa) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: Path Killer’s aid mustered by A. Jackson; Creek interpreter; promoted to 1st Lieutenant. Name: Chulioa (Chuleoa, Chuleowa, Chulio, Chullioa) Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Notes: Path Killer’s aid mustered by A. Jackson; Creek interpreter; promoted to 1st Lieutenant.

Name: Chulesunn Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Chuneluhusk Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Chunuluhisk Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Chunesaquee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Chunoqualeskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Chunaqualesky (Chunaqualasky) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Chunaqualasky (Chunaqualesky) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Chunuloskee (Chunoloskee; Junaluska) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost horse at Horse­ shoe Bend; payment on account 8-18-1814 Name: Chunulukee (Chunuluskee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Chuochenote Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Chuochuokah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: payment on account to brother, Sullakee Name: Chuowyehkee, R. Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Chuscunta Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Chuskiote Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots



Name: Chusqanaee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Chuwalookee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Place: Turkey Town Name: Chuway Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Chuwee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Wills Town, Blount Co., AL Name: Chuweeh Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Place: Sannah/Sunnah (Sauta) Notes: Wills Valley, Blount Co., AL Name: Chuwee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 Notes: Speers Name: Ckooah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Appendix

Name: Clabboard Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: wife, Susannah BLW#44.078-160-55; sold-$150 5-3-1857 Lecompton, KS Land Office Name: Clalahee (Clatahee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Clawnoosee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Clewcow, Jack Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Cloy Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Name: Club Foot Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Club The Hair (Club The Cur) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: Lowry and G. Fields certified because not on roll Name: Cochetowe Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

125

Name: Cockran, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Cold Weather Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Coldwater Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Collusogiskee (Collasogiskee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Coming Deer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Brown, James Name: Connaketahee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Name: Connally Houstah Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Notes: McMinn Co., TN Name: Connasohee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Connesenah (Connoskeskee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Notes: Shooting Creek, NC

126

Appendix

Name: Conneskahiskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Name: Connoughsoskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Name: Connusutaiske Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Contnoah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Conway Chiefs Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: died by 9-25-1814; payment on account for mother by James Bigby Name: Coowooletaiskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Place: Hightower Notes: Coosawattie River, GA Name: Coowooletaiskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Corn Silk Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: promoted to 2nd Sergeant January 1814

Name: Corn Silk Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Crab Grass Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Corn Tassell Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Cramp Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: Chattooga River, GA

Name: Counoskiskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Cowatseska Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Cowee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Crab Grass Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Palce: Pine Log Notes: Ostnaulee River, GA Name: Crab Grass (Crap Grass) Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Pine Log, Oostenaulee Name: Crab Grass (Chuluskee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Crane Eater Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Coosawattie River, GA Name: Craw Fish Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Crawler Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Bird Clan; died from wounds; Gunrod’s son; widow, Nelly Name: Crawler Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Bird Clan; died from wounds; Gunrod’s son; widow, Nelly Name: Crawling Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore



Name: Crawling Snake (Going Snake) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: gunshot left arm and embedded in chest near spine; lost horse; died by 3-1-1840 Name: Crawling Snake (Going Snake) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot in left arm, lodged in chest near spine; lost horse; died by 3-1-1840; pension $5.33 1/3/month Name: Crazy Fellow Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Crittington, William Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: died in service by 8-24-14 Name: Crooked Foot (White Man Killer) Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Croplin, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields

Appendix

Name: Crutchfield, Edmond Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James

Name: Cullulatah (Cullatahah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Cryer, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Notes: Mountain Town Creek, GA

Name: Culsatahee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Crying Bear Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Crying Wolf Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Culculoaskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Post: Ft. Armstrong Notes: Valley River, NC Name: Cullasche (Cullarche) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Culloquatuchee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-6/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Culloquatucheeah Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Battle: New York (Nuyaka)

127

Name: Cullosawee Rank: Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Culsowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Culsowwee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: lost horse at Horseshoe Bend Name: Culsowee 1 (Kuliskawy) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Status: Wounded? Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost horse at Horseshoe Bend; claimed shot in abdomen; claim rejected, no record of wound Name: Culsowee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

128

Appendix

Name: Culsowee 2 (Kulsowee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Culsetee, Hugh Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Culsetee, Old (Culsetee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Cumberland Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Wills Valley Name: Cunnesow Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Battle: Hillabee Name: Cunnetoo Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: died by 1815; widow, Nan Name: Cunskulloowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Davis, Abraham (Abram Davis) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields

Name: Deer In The Water, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Deer In The Water, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Deer In The Water Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Deer Walking Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Deerhead, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Erm: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Dew, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Place: Tennessee River, TN Name: Dew, The Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Battle: New York (Nuyaka) Name: Dew, The Rank: 2nd Lieutenant. Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Notes: deserted Name: Dick (Old Dick) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Post: Path Killer’s Fort

Name: Dick Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Post: Path Killer’s Fort Name: Dick Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Post: Path Killer’s Fort Name: Dick Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Place: Ellijoy-Pine Log Name: Dick Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Dick Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Dick Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Dirt Merchant (Seller) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Dirt Merchant (Seller) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks



Name: Dirty Billy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Dirt Pot Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Dog, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Fighting Town Creek, GA Name: Door, The Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Double Head Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Double Head (Tulehchusco; Two Head) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Dougherty, Archibald Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Dougherty, Archabald (Archibald) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Appendix

Name: Dougherty, Jack ( John) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Dougherty, Jack ( John) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Downing, Archy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Notes: Chattooga River, GA Name: Downing, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-1/12-3 CO: McLemore Notes: Big Savannah, Hickory Log District, GA Name: Draging Canoe, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Battle: Emuckfau Notes: Salequoyah Creek, GA Name: Dragin Canoe, The Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Battle: Emuckfau Name: Draging Canoe Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: deserted after 1 month 20 days (March 18?)

129

Name: Drawing Canoe Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Dreadful Water Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Dreadful Water Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Dreadful Water Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: brother (same company), Nateehee was killed at Horseshoe Bend Name: Drownding Bear (Yonoocayasca) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Drownding Bear (Yonoocayasca) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Post: Ft. Armstrong Name: Drowner, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Drunken Billy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields

130

Appendix

Name: Dry Head Rank: Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Creek Path Name: Dry Water Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Ducks Son Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Name: Dull Hoe Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Dull Hoe Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Tusquilty Creek, NC Name: Dull Hoe Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Dull Hoe Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Name: Dun Bean Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: Long Swamp Creek, GA

Name: Eagle (Oobekauskay) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: died by 1815; payment on account to father, Elecunahu Name: Eagle (Oobekauskay) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: died by 1815; payment on account to father, Elecunahu Name: Echulehah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: Stomp Creek, Cass Co, GA Name: Echulehah (Echulaheh) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Ecowee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: Paulding Co, GA Name: Ekoowee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Paulding Co, GA Name: Ekoowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Notes: Paulding Co, GA

Name: Eight Killer Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: Lookout Creek, Walker Co., GA Name: Elders, Moses Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Elk, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Elk, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Elleehee (Elechula; Cleehulee; Eleehulee) Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Enchanter, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: End, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Epawletichaw Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Eutelettah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore



Appendix

Name: Eyahcheeclee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Saunders

Name: Feel Of It Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Eyautautaubee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

Name: Feather In Water Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Notes: Etowah River, Floyd Co., GA

Name: Fallen, Edmond (Edward Fallin, Falling, Fawling) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: stepfather, Pigeon Halfbreed; married John Lowry’s sister

Name: Fields, Archy Age: 18 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: son of George Fields; Chicka­mauga District

Name: Fallen Water Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Fields, David Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Falling, Bill Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Fields, George Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: married James and John Brown’s sister; SonArchy Fields

Name: Fawn, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Fawn, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Place: Willstown Name: Fawn, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Fields, George Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Fields Place: Springplace Status: Wounded Battle: Talladega Notes: shot right chest lodged near spine; wife, Sarah; pension $4/mo 11-9-13; increase $10/ month 1836

131

Name: Fields, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Racoon Creek, GA, Amohee District Name: Fields, John Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Notes: Etowah River, Floyd Co., GA Name: Fields, John, Jr. Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Etowah River, GA Name: Fields, Thomas Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Amohee District Name: Fields, Turtle Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Fish, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Place: Hightower Notes: Sour Mush’s son; wife, Caty BLW#44.079160-55; sold $150 1857 Kansas Territory Name: Fish Lying Down Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

132

Appendix

Fisherman (Terherman?) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Fisherman, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Fishing Hawk Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Five Killer Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Five Killer Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Five Killer (Hisketehe) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Five Killer (Hisketehe) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Five Killer (Hisketehe) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Flatfoot Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore

Name: Flutes Son Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 Name: Follower Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Following, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Fool, The (Oolscunny) Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Coosawattee River, GA Name: Fool, The (Oolscunny; Oolskahnee) Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Coosawattee River, GA Name: Foster, Cabbin Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Foster, James Age: 34 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Talking Rock, GA

Name: Foster, James Age: 34 Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Deer Clan; son of Nancy (Gahoga) Lightfoot and James Foster, trader w/J. Adair Name: Four Killer Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Four Killer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Four Killer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Fowl Hawk Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Fox, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Fox, John Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Fox, John Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek



Appendix

Name: Fox Biter Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: George Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Name: Fox Biter Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: George 1 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Fox Biter Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: George 2 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Place: Hightower

Name: Fox Biter Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Post: Ft. Armstrong Name: Frog, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Tarrapin Creek, AL; promoted to Captain in January 1814 Name: Frog, The Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Notes: Tarrapin Creek, AL Name: Frying Pan Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Frying Pan Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Post: Ft. Armstrong

Name: George (Tallarcyn) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: George (Tallarcyn) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Get Up (Ootetayahee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6? CO: Hicks Notes: Toccoa River, GA Name: Get Up (Ootetayahee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Toccoa River, GA Name: Glass, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

133

Name: Glass (Young Glass) Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Name: Going To Lift Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Going To Send Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Going To Shake The Earth Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Going Wolf Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Going Wolf Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Good Woman, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: brother, Senakowy, was killed at Horseshoe Bend Name: Good Woman, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: brother, Senakowy, was killed at Horseshoe Bend

134

Appendix

Name: Good Woman, The (Amecoyamoah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Gowing, William Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Grass Hopper Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Grass Hopper Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Grayson, Walter Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Name: Green Grasshopper Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Gregg (Greg) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Griffen, Daniel (Griffin) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Notes: promoted to 2nd Lieutenant in Jan 1814

Name: Griffen, Daniel (Griffin) Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Name: Grimmett, William (Chamber’s Stepson) Age: 23 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Status: Wounded Battle: Ft. A; Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot left arm; 2-1814 at Ft. Armstrong; pension $4/mo Name: Grist Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: payment on account widow, Takee Name: Grits Rank: Pivate Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Notes: Lived near Ft. Armstrong Name: Guess, George (Sequoyah) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore

Name: Guess, George (Sequoyah) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Notes: wife, Sally (Engl speaker); BLW#92949160-55; sold $130 Thos Millsap, Bourbon Co, KS, 1860 Name: Gun, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Gun Rod (Conrad) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: uncle to Charles Hicks; sons Crawler, Hair, Rattling Gourd, Young Wolf; died 1844 Name: Gun Stocker Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Gun Stocker Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Gunter, Edward Rank: Private/Spy Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields/McNair Place: Creek Path Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: joined McNair command; CherokeeEnglish interpreter for Coffee; shot lodged right thigh; pension $5.33 1/3/ month



Name: Gunter, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Place: Creek Path Name: Gunter, Samuel Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Place: Creek Path Name: Gut Sticker Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: uncle to Challow; Annusky Creek, GA Name: Gut Sticker Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: uncle to Challow; Annusky Creek, GA Name: Guts, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Guts (Chullennessee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Gutts (Chulidie) CO: Shoe Boots Notes: BLW#75.149-4050; sold to William Nott of Washington Co., AR 2-28-1853; not on rolls Name: Hail, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Appendix

Name: Hair, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Name: Hannel Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore

Name: Hair, The (Conrad) Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: brother, Crawler, wounded and died after Horseshoe Bend; Gunrod’s son

Name: Hannelah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower

Name: Hair Lifter, The Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Haley, John C. Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Half Breed Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Half Breed’s Son Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Name: Half Breed, Pigeon Age: 26 Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot left chest; chronic cough and lung damage; stepson, Edmund Falling; pension $6/mo

Name: Hannelah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Fields Name: Hanelah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Hanging Head Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Hanging Head Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Name: Hanging Head (Oostaloeunt) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Fields Name: Harland, Ezekiel (Harlin; Harlen) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Nancy Ward’s maternal grandson

135

136

Appendix

Name: Harland, George Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: N.Ward’s grandson; married A. Saunders’s sister, who objected; cattle trader Name: Harris, John Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Place: Pine Log Notes: superitendent of Hightower District elections Name: Harris, John Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Place: Pine Log Name: Harry Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Harry Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Hemp Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: Chicka­mauga Creek Name: Henderson, William P. Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair

Name: Henderson, William P. Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Name: Hickory’s Son Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Hickory’s Son Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Hicks, Charles (Kalawaskee, Kaluwaskee) Age: 46 Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: Cherokee Nation Treasurer 1813; married Nancy Broom; Gunrod is brother-in-law Name: Hicks, George Age: 21 Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: promoted to Ensign; related to Fields, Halfbreed, Rogers Name: Hicks, George Age: 21 Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: Charles Hicks is uncle; Sugar Creek, Canausauga Creek, TN

Name: Hicks, Nathaniel Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Notes: Chicka­mauga District Name: Hicks, Nathaniel Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: Chicka­mauga District Name: Hilderbrand, John (Hillerbrand) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost horse at Horseshoe Bend; Hiwassee River, TN Name: Hog Shooter Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Hog Shooter Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Fields Name: Hog Shooter Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Hog Skin Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore



Name: Hog Skin Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Horse Fly Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: House, Hiram (Haure) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: white man Name: House Bug (Conantoheh) CO: Shoe Boots Notes: pension application suspended for lack of confirmation; not on muster rolls Name: Huckleberry Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Huckleberry Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Hughes, Barney Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Hughes, Barney Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Appendix

Name: Hughes, James (Hues) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Wills Valley Name: Hughes, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Fields Place: Battle Creek Name: Hummingbird, Old Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Hummingbird Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Name: Humming Bird Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Ivy Log Creek, GA; J. Ross said also at Path Killer Fort Name: Humming Bird Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Notes: died by 1815 Name: Hungry Fellow Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Hungry Hunter Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Hunter, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Hunter, Langley Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Ionewaynee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Ionewaynee ( Jonewaynee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Jack Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Post: Ft. Armstrong Name: Jack Tail Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Jacob Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Name: Jessee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Jim Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

137

138

Appendix

Name: John Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Fields Name: Johne Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Tem: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: John Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Jug (Koo Koo; Gu Gu) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: July Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: June Bug Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Jupta Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore

Name: Justice, George Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: father, Dick Justice; lost horse at Horseshoe Bend Name: Justice, Jack Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Jackson County, AL Name: Kade, Jack (Cade) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Type: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Kahenah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Kahkowe Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Kahsatehetah (Kahsatenetah; Kahsahetah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Kahukatahee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Fields Name: Kalawaskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: Aquohee?

Name: Kanasaw Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Kannoskeskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Kanowakee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Karnkatuah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Kaskaleskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Katakiska (Kutegeske) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Katchee Notes: wife, Betsey; BLW#44.077-160-55; sold $140 5-30-1857 in Nebraska Territory Name: Katehee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Kawasoolaskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders



Name: Keclacanaskee Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Battle: New York (Nuyaka) Name: Keecloucanneskee Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Kelechulah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Notes: Coosawattie Name: Kelloke (Killokee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Kelshaloskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Kelslokah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Kenah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Turkey Town Name: Keenah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Kenah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields

Appendix

Name: Kenah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Turkey Town Name: Kanah (Striking Turkey) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Kenner Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Battle: Tallushatchee Notes: per Lewis Ross Name: Kennetetah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Kesukano Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Kettle Tyer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Killagee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Killage Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Killague Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Killawgee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: King, Robert Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Name: Kinnessaw Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Kohahteeskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Kokahatishee (Kokahateskee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Kooeskooe (Cooweescoowee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Kooeskooe (Cooweescoowee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Kookoolegenkee (Kookoolenkee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

139

140

Appendix

Name: Kulatehee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Kulleskawas Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Kuliskawy Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Kulkulohisky Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Kulsawah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Kulsowy Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Kunnequiokee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Lame Davy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Las[h]ley, James (Lasslie, Leslie, Lessley, Lesslie) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Notes: Turkey Town

Name: Lessley, William (Lashley, Lasley, Lasslie, Leslie, Lesslie) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Notes: Wills Valley; married sister to Vann

Name: Leather Boot Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Notes: died by 5-15-1814; payment on account mother, Susannah

Name: Lasslie, William (Lasley; Leslie; Lessley) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Notes: Wills Valley; married sister to Vann

Name: Lenetah (Lineta) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Laugh At Mush (Tootlister) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Creek Path Name: Laugh At Mush (Tootlister) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Creek Path Name: Laugh At Mush (Tootlistah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Leafon Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: not on roll; certified by Lowry and G. Fields with McLemore marked out

Name: Litewood Toater (Carrier) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Notes: Wills Valley; died by 12-14-14; payment on account to brother, Fly Ketcher Name: Little Bark Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Little Bird Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Fighting Town Ceek, GA Name: Little Broom Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Little Deer Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Notes: Cartycoy, GA



Appendix

141

Name: Little Ionewaynee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Long Beard Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Lost, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Little Mouse Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Long Knife Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Lost Man Oolanah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Little Mouse Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Long Needle Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog

Name: Little Pot Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Chattooga River, GA

Name: Looney, John Age: 32 Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Status: Wounded Battle: Emuckfau Notes: shot left shoulder, scapula; promoted to 4th Sergeant; died D.C. 5-15-1846; W. Cher; wife, Betsy

Name: Lovett, Robert Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Wills Valley

Name: Little Robbin Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Little Sawney Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Little Tajincy Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: father, Big Tajincy in same company Name: Little Will Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Notes: Mountain Town Creek, GA; not on rolls; certified by Major Walker, Lieutenant. J. Rodgers, Rain Crow

Name: Looney, John Age: 32 Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Status: Wounded Battle: Emuckfau Notes: shot left shoulder, scapula; died D.C. 5-151846; sold BLW#58622160-55 $120 1858 KS Territory Name: Loowaykee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Lowry, James Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Notes: Lookout Valley, AL; Chicka­mauga District Name: Lukekee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Lying Pumpkin Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: at Path Killer’s Fort even before rolls Name: Lying Pumpkin Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Name: Lying Rock, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Notes: Ahmacolola River, GA

142

Appendix

Name: Mankiller Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog

Name: Maw, Martin Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Manning, Charles Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Maw, Thomas Rank: 3rd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Manning, Charles Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Notes: Covewhulla Creek, GA

Name: Maylawbee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

Name: Manning, Thomas Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: wife, Jane; BLW#44.080-160-55; sold $160 6-4-1857 to David Williams Name: Martin, James Age: 34 Rank: 2d Lieutenant/ Quartermaster Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Quartermaster; Jackson-one of best; shot right hand; pension $5.66 month; died 12-1-1840; grandson of N. Ward Name: Mataye (Aumayalawhu) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog

Name: McClellon, John (McClellan) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Name: McCoy, Alexander Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Notes: C. Reese’s brotherin-law; Clerk Cherokee Nation Committee, 1821; Chicka­mauga District Name: McDaniel, Samuel Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: McGowing, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: McIntosh, Charles Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Notes: Lookout Valley, AL

Name: McIntosh, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Chattanooga District Name: McIntosh, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Name: McIntosh, John (Quotaquskey) Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: promoted to Captain 1-27 Name: McIntosh, John (Quotaquskey) Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Place: Hiwassee Name: McIntosh, Martin Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Notes: Chattanooga District Name: McLemore, John (Oosqualhoka) Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Name: McLemore, John (Oosqualhoka) Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek



Name: McLemore, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: McNair, David Age: 39 Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Amohee District Name: McNair, David Age: 39 Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot right leg; wife, Delila Amelia Vann; pension $10/mo; died 8-15-1837; countryman Name: McTeer Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Meal Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Meat Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Melting, The (Milting) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Appendix

Name: Middleton, Benjamin Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Name: Miller, Andrew Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Charles Hicks’s sonin-law Name: Miller, George Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Oothcaloga Creek, GA Millughchar Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Mink Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Mink Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Mink, The Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Mink Wats Son Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

143

Name: Moheech (Mohecah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Mole, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Morgan, Gideon Age: 39 Rank: Colonel Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Morgan Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: countryman; shot to right forehead, blind right eye, partial paralysis right arm and leg; pension $30/month Name: Morris, George (Suleh) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Mosquito (Musqueto; Toseh) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Mossee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Mountain, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

144

Appendix

Name: Mountain Ass Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Mouse, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Mouse Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Mouse, The Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: gunshot left chest; recovered by 5-1814; pension $5.33 month; died 11-15-1840 Name: Mouse Tarapin (Terrapin) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: payment on account to mother and widow Name: Murdock, William Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: horse died 11-271813 Name: Murphy, Archy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Ooltewah, TN

Name: Murphy, Archy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Ooltewah, TN Name: Murphy, Johnston Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Mushroom Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Muskrat Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Muskrat Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Mutiah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Mutiah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Naery Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: Naholohty Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Nalseah (Natseah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Nantoowaykee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Nantooyah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Narrow Back Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Nateehee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: payment on account to brother (same company), Dreadful Water Name: Nave, Henry (Knave) Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Nachowwe Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog



Name: Nechowee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: Wakia Creek, TN Name: Necowee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: Toccoa River, GA Name: Ned Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Neecowwee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Battle: Hillabee Notes: Wakia Creek, TN; died by 9-15-14; payment on account to daughter, Susanah Name: Nickowee (Nichowee, Nichuwee) Age: 28 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Status: Wounded in battle but died later as a result Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot fracture by knee; listed K; not removed from Cherokee Co, NC; BLW#74958-160-58 Name: Neecoochakee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Appendix

Name: Neelockaughchar Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Neelowwee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Neequatake Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Nelehoustah Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Nettle Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Nettle Toater (Nettle Carrier) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Name: Nettle Toater (Nettle Carrier) Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Nettle Toater (Nettle Carrier) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

145

Name: New York, Peter Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost horse at Horseshoe Bend Name: New York, Peter Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: promoted to 3rd Sergeant; lost horse at Horseshoe Bend Name: Neyohlee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Nayohlee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Nicholson, Benjamin Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Oostenalee River, GA Name: Night Killer Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Night Killer Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields

146

Appendix

Name: No Fire Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Notes: Near Springplace; Old Settler Name: No Pumpkins Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Noisy Fellow Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Name: Nooshawway Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Nootawhetah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Northward Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Northward Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Nuchowee Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Name: Nuchowy Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: died at home by 1125-1814; payment on account to brother, Will Name: Nuchuay Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Nutawhetah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Nuwoutah Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Oatacoe Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Old, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Notes: Oostenaulee River, GA Name: Old, The (Watee or Watie or Wattie) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Old Brains Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Old Broom Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: died by 11-23-14 Name: Old Cabbin Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Name: Old Cabbin Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Name: Old Chelagatshee (Old Chelayatehee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Old Fields Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Place: Hightower Name: Old Man Big Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Place: Hightower Name: Old Turkey Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Old Turkey Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots



Name: Old Turkey, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Old Wool Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Oochogee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Oochogee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Oohaketawhee (Oohakatawhee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Ookoosee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost gun, hatchet, knife, hunting shirt ($ .20-.75) Name: Oolagoy (Oolayoy) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Oolanotee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Appendix

Name: Oolastaey (Oolastety; Oolastaly) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Ooleotah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Oolelayahee Name: Oolahatah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Oolehetah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Oolstooch Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Oonequonee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Palce: Hightower Notes: Paulding Co, GA Name: Ooneeyautahhetah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Ooneyauhhetah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

147

Name: Oosawtah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Ooscower Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Ooskouwa (Ooskona; Ooskoua) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Battle: ? Notes: lost great ? in battle worth $18 Name: Oosowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Oostenakee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Oostenakee (Oostenakoe; Oostenakoo) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Oostookey Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Oolastooky (Oolasta[u]ly) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

148

Appendix

Name: Oosunnally Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Ootarhittah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James

Name: Oowahsahhah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Name: Oosunnally Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Ootawgoahee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Oowallotoh Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Oosunnally Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Ootawgoahee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: Oowonnoh Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Oosunnaly Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Name: Ootawlookee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Name: Osawtahee Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer

Name: Ootahatah 1 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Ootetah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Ootahatah 2 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Ootlanowah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Battle: Hillabee

Name: Ootahetah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Wills Valley Name: Ootahilla Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Ootaletah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Notes: 1st tour; Lookout Creek, Walker Co, GA

Name: Ootolanah (Ootanatah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Ootolone Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: payment on account to widow, Kitty

Name: Ositahee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Ossawlawheo Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Otter Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Name: Otter Lifter Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Oughnenetoyah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw



Name: Overtaker (Tecawseenaka) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot left mandible; pension $5.33 1/3/ month; died 8-3-1839; widow Nelly Overtaker Name: Overtaker, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Annusky Creek, GA Name: Pack Horse (Kilechulle) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Paine, Samuel Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Panter, The (Panther) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Notes: Uhelarkey, NC Name: Parch Corn Flour Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Parch Corn Flour Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields

Appendix

Name: Parch Corn Flour Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Parch Corn Flour Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Partridge Nose Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McLemore Name: Path Killer Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: promoted to 2nd Sergeant after January 1814 Name: Path Killer Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Path Killer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Lookout Creek, Walker Co., GA Name: Paunch Carrier (Carier) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Paunch Carier (Carrier) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields

149

Name: Paunch, The (Scowley Dennis) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Perdoo, Daniel A. Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Place: Chicka­mauga Name: Perry, Silas Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Perry, Silas Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Peter Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Pheasant Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Pheasant Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Pidgeon Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

150

Appendix

Name: Pidgeon 1 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Pidgeon in the Water 2 (Nogehkakkeeskee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot left arm/right hip; pension $6/mo; died 9-14-1840; Morgan, payment on account for wife; not removed Name: Pidgeon Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Notes: promoted to 2nd Corporal in January 1814 Name: Pidgeon Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Name: Pike Archetoy, The Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Poor, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Ellijay River, Gilmer Co., GA

Name: Poor John Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Poor John Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Poor Shoat Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Pot Kecher (Pot Kicker) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Pot Ketcher Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Price, Aaron Age: 31 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot lodged left chest; pension $4/mo; died 1027-1845; Old Settler Name: Proctor, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: Etowah River, GA

Name: Proctor, Thomas Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Widow Caletza Name: Proctor, Thomas Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Widow Caletza Name: Proud Tom Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Proud Tom Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Puckasooch Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Pumpkin Heap (Pumpkin Pile) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Pumpkin John Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Punch Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster



Name: Rabbit (Tisska) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Rabbit Sleeping Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Chicka­mauga District Name: Rain Crow Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Notes: Chattanooga River, GA Name: Randy, Thomas Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Rassahelah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Ratliff, John Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Place: Willstown Name: Ratliff, William Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Rattle, Bill Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Appendix

Name: Reece, Charles (Reese) Age: 26 Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: brother-in-law Oowatie; pension $8/mo; died 11-10-45 in Mexico; wife, Nellie Name: Ridge, The Age: 32 Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Place: Oothcaloga Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: promoted 4th Major/Deer Clan Name: Riley, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Turkey Town; married Susan Walker Name: Rising Fawn, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Rising Fawn, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Name: Rising Fawn, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Robbin Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Aquohee District?

151

Name: Robbin 1 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Robbin 2 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Robbin Long Fellow Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Robbins, Benjamin Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Name: Rogers, Charles (Rodgers) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Rogers, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Notes: Captain 1828 Western Cherokee; lost horse $500 while interpreter for US; died 1846 D.C.? Name: Rogers, John (Rodgers) Age: 35 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Etowah River, Paulding Co., GA; married Tiana Foster; Old Settler leader; died 1846 D.C.?

152

Appendix

Name: Rogers, John (Rodgers) Age: 35 Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Etowah River, Paulding Co., GA; married Tiana Foster; Old Settler leader; died 1846 D.C.? Name: Rogers, Joseph Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Notes: Vickery Creek, GA Name: Roon, Archy (3/4 [blood degree]) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Roseberry, Cot (Cat) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Ross, John (Cooweescoowee, Guwisguwi) Rank: 2d Lieutenant/ Adjutant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Chicka­mauga District; BLW#44139160-55 Name: Rotten Turkey Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Rowe, Walter Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Rowe, Wattee (Old Rowe) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Place: Hightower Name: Saddle, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Sallekookee (Sallacokee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Salluwee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Sampson Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Sampson Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Sanecowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Santatakee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Name: Santatakee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields

Name: Santahtakah (Sentelake) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Sap Sucker Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Nauteyahalle Creek, NC Name: Saunders, Alexander (Sanders) Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Place: Hightower Notes: promoted 3rd Major; G. Harlin m. his sister; BLW file missing Name: Saunders, George (Sanders) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: became wealthy w/ silver-usery; Wills Valley Name: Saunders, James (Sanders) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Notes: Little River, Coosawattie District, GA Name: Saunders, John (Sanders) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Hightower District



Name: Sawanookee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Sawkeah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Place: Willstown Name: Sawney Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Sawney Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Schopechar Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Scokoohisky Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Screch Owl (Screech Owl) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Chattooga River, Wills Co., AL

Appendix

Name: Seeds (Tshukata) Age: 31 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: gunshot thigh while recumbent; embedded in abdomen; died 4-15-1853 Name: Seeds, The (Tshukata) Age: 31 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot thigh while recumbent; lodged abdomen; pension $5.33 1/3/month; died 4-151853

153

Name: Sekekee (Seekickee) Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Sekekee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Sekekee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Seekekee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: died by 8-12-1814; widow Polly; payment on account Ridge

Name: Seetteer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: Sekeowwee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Seewhosee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Senecowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: payment on account to brother, Good Woman

Name: Sekekee Conolokee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Sekekee Ooscullagee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Sekekee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Senakowy (Senaky) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: payment on account to brother, Good Woman

154

Appendix

Name: Sharp Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Sicketowee Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Six Killer 2 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: Shellote, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Sighter (Sciter) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Six Killer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore

Name: Shepherd, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James

Name: Simbling (Cymbling) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Six Killer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Name: Shoe, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Place: Ellijoy Town

Name: Sinews Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore

Name: Skawissa (Skauisa) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Siteya Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Skeeutah (Skeutah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Name: Situaky (Situakee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost horse at Horseshoe Bend; Aquohee District

Name: Skeowwee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Shoe Boots Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Shoe Boots Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Name: Shoe Boots (Crowing Cock, Dasigiyagi, Rooster) Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Sickatawee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Seketowee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Notes: Duck Creek, GA

Name: Six Killer Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Six Killer Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Six Killer 1 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: Skitehee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Uhelarkey Creek, NC Name: Skittiah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Skiukah 1 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster



Appendix

Name: Skiukah 2 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Name: Sleeve, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Skoahlohee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

Name: Small Back Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore

Name: Skokuhesky Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Smallback (Kysuala) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields

Name: Skyowkee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

Name: Smith, Cabbin (Big Cabbin, The Cabbin) Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: Candy Creek, TN; son Thin Drink (Young Cabbin)

Name: Sleeping Rabbit Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Sleeping Rabbit Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Sleeping Rabbit Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Sleeping Rabbit (Rabbit Sleep) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Sleeping Rabbit Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Smith, Cabbin (Big Cabbin, The Cabbin) Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: Candy Creek, TN; son Thin Drink (Young Cabbin) Name: Smith, Cabbin (Big Cabbin, The Cabbin) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Notes: Candy Creek, TN; son Thin Drink (Young Cabbin)

155

Name: Smith, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost gun, clothes, horse at Horseshoe Bend; Cherokee interpreter to General Scott in removal Name: Smith, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost gun, clothes, horse at Horseshoe Bend; Cherokee interpreter to General Scott in removal Name: Smith, Levi Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Smoke, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Snipe, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Soft Shell Turtle Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Sooletiyaeh Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

156

Appendix

Name: Soowailor Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: died; nd

Name: Spaniard, Harry (Spanish Harry) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields

Name: Soowakee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Speers, Fox Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Soowakee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: Broomstown

Name: Speers, Fox Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Soowescullar Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Place: Willstown Name: Sour John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Tahquohee District Name: Sour Mush (Ogosatah) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Notes: sons, Young Sour Mush and Fish Name: Sour Mush Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Creek Path; sons, Young Sour Mush and Fish

Name: Speers, John ( Jack; Arnekayah) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Speers, John ( Jack; Arnekayah) Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost horse at Horseshoe Bend Name: Spencer, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: Creek Path Name: Spirit (Oochalunnahhee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek

Name: Spirit (Oochalunnahhee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Notes: Chattanooga District Name: Spoilt Person Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Spoilt Person Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Spring Frog Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Chattanooga, Tenn River, TN (Audubon Acres) Name: Spring Frog Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Chattanooga, Tenn River, TN (Audubon Acres) Name: Spring Frog Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Notes: Chattanooga, Tenn River, TN (Audubon Acres)



Name: Squire Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Squirrel Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Squerrel, The (Squirrel) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Stampin Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Standing (Taketokee) Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Standing Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term:10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Name: Standing Deer Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Standing Stone Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Standing (Peach?) Tree, Jack Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Appendix

Name: Standing Turkey (Striking Turkey?) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Cartycoy, GA

Name: Stephen, Joseph Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend

Name: Standing Turkey Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Notes: Cartycoy, GA; wife, Betsey (90yr in 1875); BLW rejected because of abandonment

Name: Stickasee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: dangerously wounded

Name: Standing Water Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Still, Jack Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Etowah River, Cherokee Co, GA

Name: Starr, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Nanteyatahallee Creek, NC Name: Starr, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Chicka­mauga Co, TN; married Fields’ girl Name: Starr, James Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Notes: Chicka­mauga Co, TN; married Fields’ girl Name: Stellughchar Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

157

Name: Stinger (Tacheesy) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Place: Hightower Name: Stinger 1 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Stinger 2 (Tahlehunsee; Tahchunsee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: BLW#75.019-40-50 sold to Elizabeth Brown of Marion County, AL 2-21-1853

158

Appendix

Name: Stinger, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Straw Picking Up Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Name: Sully Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Stinking Fish Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Name: Suagee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: Suluntah Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Stocker, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Name: Suakah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Notes: Hot House Creek, GA

Name: Summer Grapes Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Stomper, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Stookey (Stukah; Stekah) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Stool (Takaskilla) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Notes: Chicka­mauga Creek, GA Name: Stool, The (Takaskilla) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Chicka­mauga Creek, GA Name: Stooping Tree (Oolescatey) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields

Name: Sucker, The Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Name: Sucker, The Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Place: Battle Creek Name: Suhkeyh Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Sulatshota Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Suletuskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Sullockaw (Sullockow) Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

Name: Surprising A Man Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Sutalelehee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Sutogeh Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Suttakee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Suttawkaughgee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Sway Back Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown



Name: Sweet Water Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Swimmer Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Battle: Hillabee Name: Swimmer 1 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Swimmer 2 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Swimmer Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Switch Lifter Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Place: Willstown Name: Tacasutta Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Name: Tacasutta Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Palce: Hightower

Appendix

Name: Tahchechee ( Jug, Tahcheechee, Tah-cheechee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Notes: wife, Watty or Wutty Jug; BLW#93-775-16055; Levi Jug guardian sold $140 to James Edwards Name: Tail, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Talelahtee (Taletahtee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Tallow Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Tally, Samuel Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Name: Tarchunsa Notes: BLW#75.019-40-50; cannot identify Name: Tarripin (Scillacooka; Terrapin) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Tarripin (Sillikookee; Scillacooka) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore

159

Name: Tassle, The (Corn Tassel? Corn Silk?) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Tautluntah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Taweskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Taweskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Tawlootoughkar Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Tawnoowee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Tawtalanonee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Place: Fortville Post: Ft. Armstrong Name: Taylor, Dick Age: 26 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair

160

Appendix

Name: Tayawchullingnee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Taylor, Fox Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Taylor, Fox Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Name: Taylor, Richard Rank: Captain Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Teacy Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: Turkey Town Name: Teconeeskee Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Teecawnooteeshee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Teekepacheaughchew Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Teesterkee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Tekahtoskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Etowah River, Cass Co., GA Name: Tekaneyeskee (Tekaugeska) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Tekinny Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Teesteskee Rank: 3rd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Tekakeskee Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Teasteskee (Tekaliskee; Tekakiskee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Tematly Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Tematly (Temautly; Tenalty) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Tenauntah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Tenetehee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Tequalquatage Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Tequoisewhita Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Teritory (Territory, Ootalata) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Teritoy (Territory, Ootalata) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: tomahawked left wrist; chest contusion; pension $5.33 1/3/ month; died 8-1838 Name: Tesatauska Rank: 4th Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Notes: Stecoe Creek, NC



Name: Teseteetah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Tesuguskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Teyaheleskee Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Teyestesky (Teysteekee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Ft. Armstrong Name: Thief, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Thin Drink (Young Cabbin; Cabbins Son) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: father, Cabbin Smith or Big Cabbin or The Cabbin Name: Thin Drink (Young Cabbin; Cabbins Son) Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Notes: father, Cabbin Smith or Big Cabbin or The Cabbin

Appendix

Name: Thompson, Charles Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Creek Path Name: Thompson, Charles Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Thompson, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: payment on account signed by Charles Thompson Three Killer (Chiotee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Thunder Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Tick Eater Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: died by 8-21-14; Six Killer; brother Name: Tick Eater Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Tiger (Tyger) Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Tiger, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Tyer (Tyger) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Tikiusey Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Tilleseyollar Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Tillulah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Timberlake, Dick (Richard) Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Timberlake, Dick (Richard) Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Timberlake, John Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Tinegaskee (Tenegaskee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Fields

161

162

Appendix

Name: Tiner, Reuben Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair

Name: Tokahage Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog

Name: Tonnayee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Tish (Fish?) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James

Name: Tolakiska Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Toater, The (Carrier) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Toleekuskee (Tolontuskee; Tolun Turkey) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Place: Hiwassee

Name: Toochachee (Toohachee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Tobacco Eater (Tobacco Mouth?) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Tobacco (Mouth?; Chulacheehutlah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: gunshot through buttocks; died 11-1836; pension $2/month Name: Tobacco John Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Notes: Hiwassee River, TN Name: Tockkahake Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Tohooyah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Toleekuskee (Tolontuskee; Tolun Turkey) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: Tom Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Tom Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Tonetee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Name: Tonuwooeh Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Tookatloo Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Tookoolar Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Toolalookee Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Toonish Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Toonowee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Toonoyah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Toonoyyah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower



Appendix

Name: Toonoye Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields

Name: Toowohyah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Toonoye Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Toqua George Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Toonoy Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Turkey Town; shot to forearm; pension $2/ month; died Spring 1839

Name: Toqua George Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown

Name: Toonoyee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Tooquotakhe (Tooquattah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Toostee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Post: Ft. Armstrong Notes: disabled horse; Guard Ft. Armstrong Name: Toowayello Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Toqua Jack Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Toqua Jack Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Totatah (Toteetah; Totalah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Tounohanlah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Towayitte L.T. Son Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Toweekilah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

163

Name:Town House Killer (Cawteetaw) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Name: Town House Killer (Cawteetaw) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Place: Hightower Name: Town House Killer (Cawteetaw) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Notes: Coosawattie River, GA Name: Toyah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Toyahtohesay Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Toyehahchee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Treading Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Trout, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: Macon Co., NC

164

Appendix

Name: Trunk Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Tualugee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Tucahagee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Tuckaseeoolah Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Tuckesseoolah (Tuckosuoolah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Tullelaquah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Place: Hightower Name: Tulloomucco Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Tunakeliskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Tunetehee Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Tunnettehee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: Tuckkawyahgee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

Name: Tunetehee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Tuckullossee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Tunnayee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Place: Hightower

Name: Tuleothy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Tullelaquah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower

Name: Turkey Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Turkey, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots

Name: Turtle, The Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: Springtown, McMinn Co, TN Name: Turtle, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Turtle, The Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Turtle At Home Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Tusqualleskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Tusquiny ( Tusquiey; Tusquia) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: lost horse and kettle, $3, at Horseshoe Bend Name: Tutt, Alexander Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Two Fathom Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: Little River, AL



Name: Two Head Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Place: Fortville Name: Two Killer, Bill Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Name: Two Killer, Willy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Name: Ulleskeskee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Ulloly (Uhully) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Ulteaskee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Ummasooak Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Up Sides Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Up Sides Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Appendix

Name: Upton (Oolenotah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Urtulakee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Utteyechey Towtone Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Post: Ft. Armstrong Name: Vann, Avery (Ave) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Notes: Vann’s Valley, Floyd Co., GA Name: Vann, Avery (Ave) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Notes: Vann’s Valley, Floyd Co., GA Name: Vann, James Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Notes: Joseph Vann’s father Name: Vann, Joseph Age: 16 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: James Vann’s son Name: Vaun, Jesse Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

165

Name: Vaun, Robert Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Chicka­mauga District Name: Wahheketowwee (Wahicatowee) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot twice right hip; pension $4/month; died Fall 1840 Name: Wahsaucy (Wasasy, Wasausee, Wasosey, Wassesee Wausacey) Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Walker, Jack ( John) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Notes: Brasstown Creek, NC Name: Walking, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Walking Fellow Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Notes: Hiwassee River, TN Name: Walking Stick Rank: 4th Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Notes: Hightower

166

Appendix

Name: Walking Wolf Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Notes: Turkey Town, Little River, AL Name: Wallaleuah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Wallenetah Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Walnut, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Warhatchee Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Warhatchee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Wartooleyoular Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Wasauta Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Watahchugoia Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog

Name: Water Going In Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Water Going In Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Water Lizard Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: Chattanooga, TN Name: Water Lizard Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: Chattanooga, TN Name: Watts, John (Watts Son) Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Watts, John (Watts Son) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Waylay Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Well of Coosa Water Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair

Name: West, Jacob Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Notes: Etowah River, Floyd Co., GA Name: Whale, The (Tucfo, Tuck Wah, Tuckfo, Tucko, Tuq-qua) Age: 26 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot fractured left arm; pension $4/month Name: Whirlwind (Tommy Acaraca) Age: 20 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Notes: son of Chuleoa or Gentleman Tom Name: Whirlwind (Tommy Acaraca) Age: 20 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: son of Chuleoa or Gentleman Tom Name: White Man Killer Rank: Ensign Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Name: White Man Killer Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots



Appendix

Name: White Man Killer Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Wild Cat Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James

Name: White Man Killer 1 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Wilkinson, John (Wilkerson) Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: White Man Killer 2 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: White Paths Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: White Piss Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Whooping Boy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Name: Whooping Boy Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Name: Whortle Berry Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Wicked Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor

Name: Will 1 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower

167

Name: Willioe (Oosunnally Son) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Willioe (Oosunnally Son) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Wilson, George Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Will 2 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James

Name: Wilson, George Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Willerbee (Hillabee?) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw

Name: Wilson, Thomas Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: Chattanooga District

Name: Willie Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Place: Hightower Name: Willey Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Place: Hightower Name: Willioe Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Willioe Tennessee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

Name: Wilson, Thomas Rank: 1st Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Notes: promoted to 1st Lieutenant in January 1814; Chattanooga District Name: Wilson, Wilioe (Woman Holder’s Son) Rank: 2nd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: McNair Name: Wilson, Wilioe (Woman Holder’s Son) Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers

168

Appendix

Name: Wing, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Woman Holder Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh

Name: Yahtannah Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee

Name: Witch, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow

Name: Woman Killer Rank: Ensign Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McNair Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Widow, Watta

Name: Yahtanee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster

Name: Wolaneter Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Palce: Hightower Name: Wolf, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Woman Holder Rank: 1st Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: died from wounds by 8-5-14; Widow Wallek(h)o Name: Woman Holder Rank: 2nd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: died from wounds by 8-5-14; Widow Wallek(h)o Name: Woman Holder Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Taylor Status: killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: Widow, Watta

Name: Woman Killer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Woman Killer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Wood Cock, The (Tesetee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Worm (Scoya) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Wortookee Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Woyekakiskee (Woyekiske) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Status: Killed Battle: Horseshoe Bend

Name: Yahtawnee Rank: 3rd Sergeant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Yellow Bird Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Youfallarmicco Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/4-11 CO: Sullockaw Name: Youhala (Yohulah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Fields Notes: Shooting Creek, NC Name: Young Bird 1 Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Name: Young Bird 2 Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Name: Young Chinnebee Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Notes: Gideon Morgan added to roll



Name: Young Chicken R. Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Young Deer (Auweneetay) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/11-7 CO: Hicks Place: Fortville Name: Young Deer (Auweneetay) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Place: Fortville Name: Young Fish Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-7 CO: McLemore Name: Young Glass Rank: 3rd Lieutenant Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Young Pidgeon Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Young Puppy (Gilanitah, Keetlahneetah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Status: Wounded Battle: Horseshoe Bend Notes: shot lodged right thigh; pension $4/mo; died by October 1839

Appendix

Name: Young Sour Mush Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: Sour Mush’s son Name: Young Sour Mush Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Notes: Sour Mush’s son Name: Young Turkey Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Temr: 10-7/11-7 CO: Fields Name: Young Turkey Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McLemore Name: Young Turkey Rank: 3rd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Taylor Name: Young Turkey Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Speers Name: Young Turkey Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: John Brown Name: Young Turkey Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Foster Name: Young Wolf (Wahyehnetah) Rank: 2nd Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders

169

Name: Young Wolf Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Saunders Name: Young Wolf Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Brown, James Notes: served at Path Killer’s Fort before rolls Name: Young Wolf Rank: Private Term: 1-6/2-6 CO: Path Killer Notes: served at Path Killer’s Fort before rolls Name: Young Wolf (Wyonetah) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Sekekee Post: Ft. Armstrong Battle: Emuckfau Name: Young Wolf Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 11-12/1-6 CO: Sekekee Name: Young Wolf (Waylanetaw) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks Name: Young Wolf Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Frog Notes: Big Spring, GA; Gunrod’s son; Brothers-Hair, Crawler, Rattlingourd

170

Appendix

Name: Young Wolf Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Shoe Boots Name: Young Wolf Rank: 1st Corporal Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: Rain Crow Name: Wolf, The Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks

Name: Woolf Walking (Wolf Walking) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-27/4-11 CO: McIntosh Name: Woman Killer Rank: Private Type: Mounted Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Name: Woman Killer Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Name: Wood Cock, The (Tesetee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 10-7/1-6 CO: Hicks Notes: Chatooga River, GA Name: Wood Cock, The (Tesetee) Rank: Private Type: Foot Soldier Term: 1-11/2-10 CO: Hicks

Notes Introduction 1. Coley, “The Battle of Horseshoe Bend”; Holland, “Andrew Jackson and the Creek War,” 243. 2. Ferguson and Whitehead, War in the Tribal Zone, 27. 3. Akers, “Unexpected Challenge,” 247–248. Akers provided a nice bibliography of sec­ondary sources up to 1975 on the War of 1812 and the Creek War (251–253). 4. Ibid., 204–240. See page 234 for Akers’s recognition that five hundred Chero­kees were at Horseshoe Bend with Jackson’s army. 5. Owsley, Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands; Pickett, History of Ala­bama; Claiborne, Mississippi; and Halbert and Ball, Creek War of 1813 and 1814. 6. Turner, “Horseshoe Bend,” 138–139. 7. Owsley, Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands, 1–4. 8. Cotterill, The South­ern Indians, 186–187. 9. Coley, “The Battle of Horseshoe Bend.” 10. Ibid., 131. 11. Holland, “Andrew Jackson and the Creek War,” 243. 12. Ibid., 243–275. 13. Ibid., 260–261, 265. 14. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence. 15. McLoughlin, “The Creek War, 1812–1814,” in his Chero­kee Renascence, 186–205. 16. Wilkins, Chero­kee Tragedy, 52–80. 17. Moulton, John Ross, 8, 10–12.

Chapter 1 1. Holm, Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls, 22–23. 2. Ibid., 9, 21. 3. Ibid., 8. For further discussion, see Broyles, “Why Men Love War.” 4. Ferguson and Whitehead, War in the Tribal Zone, 13. 5. Ibid., 18. 6. Holm, “Ameri­can Indian Warfare,” 164. 7. Timberlake, Memoirs, 113. See also Reid, Law of Blood, 186; Adair, History of the Ameri­can Indians, 186. 8. Letter from William Fyffe to Brother John, Feb­ru­ary 1, 1761, Thomas Gilcrease Museum (hereafter Gilcrease Museum). 9. O’Brien, Choctaws in a Revolutionary Age, 27–49. 10. Witthoft, “Chero­kee Beliefs Concerning Death,” 68–69. For further information on the history of scalping, see Axtell and Sturtevant, “The Unkindest Cut.” 11. Adair, History of the Ameri­can Indians, 183, 382.

172



Notes to Page 11–16

12. Payne and Butrick, Payne-­Butrick Papers, 2:43. 13. Ibid., 2:110. 14. Adair, History of the Ameri­can Indians, 265. 15. Payne and Butrick, Payne-­Butrick Papers, 2:141. 16. Adair, History of the Ameri­can Indians, 186, 376. 17. Boulware, Deconstructing the Chero­kee Nation, 128. 18. Reid, Law of Blood, 185. 19. Braund and Waselkov, William Bartram on the Southeastern Indians, 112. 20. For further discussion, see Perdue, “War,” in her Chero­kee Women, 86–108.

Chapter 2 1. John Stuart, “Of Indians in General,” Colonial Office 323/17/255, June 8, 1764, microfilm copy, Hunter Library, West­ern Caro­lina University, Cullowhee, NC. 2. Woodward, The Chero­kees, 100; Calloway, Ameri­can Revolution, 62, 288, 290. 3. For examples, see Lieutenant Governor of Virginia Francis Fauquier to Lords of Trade, May 26, 1765, microfilm reel 12, frames 278–280, and Colonel Andrew Lewis to Chero­kee Over Hill Town Chiefs, May 8, 1765, reel 12, frames 282–284, both in Boehm, British Public Record Office: Colonial Office. 4. For instance, see Fauquier to Lords, July 26, 1766, Great Britain, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Americas and West Indies, Class 5, vol. 1345, folios 331–333 (Class 5 material is hereafter cited using the following form: CO5/volume number, folio number; the folio number refers to the first page of the letter or document); proclamation issued by Fauquier to Colonists, July 31, 1766, CO5/336–337. See also South­ern Indian Superintendent John Stuart to John Blair, October 7, 1768, CO5/1347, 683– 687; abstract of a Talk, the Headmen and Great Ruling Chiefs of the Chero­kee Nation to John Stuart, July 29, 1769, CO5/1348, 757–758; Little Carpenter to Colonel Donelson, CO5/1350, 873; abstract, Alexander Cameron to John Stuart, October 11, 1773, Davies, Documents of the Ameri­can Revolution (hereafter DAR), 6:234. 5. Vickers, Chiefs of Nations, 56–57; Dixon, The Wataugans, 5, 13, 16; Alden, John Stuart, 263. 6. Brown, Old Frontiers, 132. Brown, like many early non-­academic scholars, did not use citations, but his book remains a classic study of early Tennessee history. Brown, however, most likely exaggerated many incidents to skew sympathies toward the early Ameri­ can settlers. 7. Extract, Colonel William Preston to Governor Earl of Dunmore, Janu­ary 23, 1775, in Davies, DAR, 9:33; Alden, John Stuart, 290–293; Hatley, “From Sycamore Shoals to Chicka­mauga,” in his Dividing Paths, 216–228; Calloway, Ameri­can Revolution, 189–191; Haywood, Civil and Po­liti­cal History, 514; Snapp, John Stuart, 177–178; Dixon, The Wataugans, 5, 13, 16, 28, 30–31. 8. Axtell, The Indians’ New South, 69; Dixon, The Wataugans, 30; Sheidley, “Unruly Men,” 17. 9. Brown, Old Frontiers, 3. 10. Little Carpenter and the Chiefs of the Chero­kee Nation of Indians from the Earl of Dunmore, March 23, 1775, CO5/1353, 1166.



Notes to Pages 16–20

173

11. John Stuart’s Talk [Sent] to the Chero­kees, August 30, 1776, in Gibbes, Documentary History, 2:159–160; Calloway, Ameri­can Revolution, 191–194. For detailed accounts of the Chero­kees in the Ameri­can Revolution, see O’Donnell, South­ern Indians in the Ameri­can Revolution; Hatley, Dividing Paths; and Boulware, Deconstructing the Chero­kee Nation, ­152–157. 12. Henry Stuart to John Stuart, August 25, 1776, in Davies, DAR, 12:198–208; Cal­lo­way, Ameri­can Revolution, 194–195; Rogers, Ani-­Yun-­Wiya, 83; Brown, Old Frontiers, ­143–145. 13. Henry Stuart to John Stuart, August 25, 1776, in Davies, DAR, 12:199, 201, 203. 14. For further information, see Alderman, Nancy Ward, 44–45. The records are silent regarding any friction between these kin. As Beloved Woman, however, Ward’s role as a peacekeeper was highly respected. 15. Francis Salvador to Honorable Chief Justice William Henry Drayton, July 19, 1776, in Gibbes, Documentary History, 2:26; Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Brown to Lord Cornwallis, De­cem­ber 17, 1780, Henry Clinton Papers, University of Michigan; Klein, “Frontier Planters and the Ameri­can Revolution,” 52. 16. William H. Drayton to Francis Salvador, July 24, 1776, in Gibbes, Documentary History, 2:29; Calloway, Ameri­can Revolution, 203. 17. McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:369; Andrew Williamson to William H. Drayton, August 22, 1776, in Gibbes, Documentary History, 2:32; Vickers, Chiefs of Nations, 72–74; Hatley, Dividing Paths, 194–197; John Stuart to Lord George Germaine, Janu­ary 23, 1777, and October 6, 1777, in Davies, DAR, 14:34, 192–195; ­David Taitt to Lord George Germaine, August 6, 1779, and Charles Shaw to Germaine, August 7, 1779, in Davies, DAR, 17:181, 184. See also Calloway, “Chota: Chero­kee Beloved Town,” in his Ameri­can Revolution, 198. 18. John Stuart to Lord George Germaine, June 14, 1777, in Davies, DAR, 14:114–115. 19. Pate, “Chicka­mauga,” 78–82. This cession included all land north of the Nolichucky River, except for the sacred treaty grounds of Long Island. 20. Secretary of War Henry Knox to Tennessee Governor William Blount, No­vem­ ber 26, 1792, in Carter, Southwest Territory, 4:221; Hatley, Dividing Paths, 223–224. 21. Calloway, Ameri­can Revolution, 200–201. 22. Alexander Cameron to Lord George Germaine, De­cem­ber 18, 1779, in Davies, DAR, 17:268–270; Cameron to Germaine, July 18, 1780, ibid., 18:121; “Description of the Five Chero­kee towns, lying northwest of Chatanuga Mountain, to wit,” Lowrie, Ameri­can State Papers: Indian Affairs: Class II (hereafter ASPIA), 2:264; Blount to Knox, Janu­ ary 14, 1793, in Carter, Southwest Territory, 4:227. 23. Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 411; Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Brown to Germaine, March 10, 1780, in Davies, DAR, 18:55–56; Alderman, Nancy Ward, 62. 24. Symonds, “The Failure of America’s Indian Policy,” 30. 25. Wood, “The Changing Population of the Colonial South,” in Wood, Waselkov, and Hatley, Powhatan’s Mantle, 61, 64; Calloway, Ameri­can Revolution, 59; Hatley, “The Three Lives of Keowee,” 228–229, 238. 26. Mr. [John] McKee’s Report to Governor Blount, March 28, 1793, Lowrie, ­ASPIA, 2:444. 27. Rogers, Ani-­Yun-­Wiya, 82. 28. McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:370; Mooney, Myths of the

174

Notes to Pages 20–23

Chero­kees, 230; Keys, Wahnenauhi Manuscript, 193. Wahnenauhi (Lucy Lowrey Hoyt Keys) was the granddaughter of the prominent Chero­kee George Lowrey and recorded her remembrances in 1889, depositing them with the Bureau of Ethnology. Chero­kee men still underwent scratching with rattlesnake teeth before a ball game or an expedition when Keys was a child. 29. McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:373. 30. Ibid., 1:371–374. The Ridge’s narrative described a number of war raids in which he took part, in­clud­ing an attack on Maryville, a small town near Knoxville. A more dramatized version of The Ridge’s early war exploits and life is in Wilkins, Chero­kee Tragedy, 3–27. 31. Report of James Carey, one of the interpreters for the United States in the Chero­ kee Nation, to Governor William Blount, March 20, 1793, Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:437–439. 32. Report of David Craig to William Blount, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the South­ern District, made at Knoxville, March 15, 1792, ibid., 2:264. 33. Reid, Law of Blood, 187–188; Haywood, Natural and Aborigi­nal History, 278; Adair, History of the Ameri­can Indians, 383–384; Braund and Waselkov, William Bartram on the Southeastern Indians, 155; Timberlake, Memoirs, 94. 34. Reid, Law of Blood, 189; for other examples of prisoner experiences, see 187–195. 35. Rogers, Ani-­Yun-­Wiya, 86, 89; Brown, Old Frontiers, 365–366, 372, 374, 437–438; Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:434; Blount to Knox, Janu­ary 24, 1793, in Carter, Southwest Territory, 4:234–235; Williams, Lost State of Franklin, 319–320. In addition to taking captives, the Chero­kees took numerous horses. Between Janu­ary and October 1792, for example, raiding parties stole at least five hundred horses. They kept them for personal use or exchanged them for trade goods in towns such as Seneca, SC. 36. Timberlake, Memoirs, 111, recalled some white slaves who accompanied their male Chero­kee owners on hunting excursions. See also Antoine Bonnefoy in Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 152; Frost, “The Captivity of Jane Brown and Her F ­ amily,” 66:138; Brown, Old Frontiers, 274, 361. 37. William C. C. Claiborne to Samuel Mitchell, Sep­tem­ber 6, 1803, Mississippi Territory: Journal–Indians Department, 1803–1805, SGB113, folder 1, no. 39, Ala­bama Department of Archives and History (hereafter cited as ADAH); Rogers, Ani-­Yun-­Wiya, 102; Brown, Old Frontiers, 437–438; Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:537. 38. Joseph Brown, Biographical Sketch no. 2, from notes transcribed by grandson Thomas F. Lindsay (1859), Joseph Brown Papers (hereafter JBP), microfilm 747, Tennessee State Library and Archives (hereafter TSLA); Frost, “The Captivity of Jane Brown and Her Family,” 66:122–163. 39. Adair, History of the Ameri­can Indians, 380, 384–385. 40. Ibid., 166. 41. Hawkins, Collected Works of Benjamin Hawkins, 63. 42. Perdue, Chero­kee Women, 90. 43. Norton, Journal, 39. 44. The taking of members of the Joseph Brown family and several of their slaves is one of the most well-­known accounts of Chicka­mauga captives. See Brown, Biographical Sketch no. 1 (1852), 19; and Brown, Biographical Sketch no. 2 (1859), 31, JBP, microfilm 747, TSLA. Also see “Note Relating to a Chero­kee Woman Held by Col. Cleveland



Notes to Pages 23–28

175

as a Slave,” Miscellaneous Notes by Meigs, n.d., 1811, RG 75, Records of the Chero­kee Indian Agency of Tennessee, 1801–1835 (hereafter RCIAT), M-­208, roll 5, NARA. 45. Champagne, Social Order and Po­liti­cal Change, 76–77; Boulware, Deconstructing the Chero­­kee Nation, 155, 164. 46. “Report of Craig to Blount Quoting Little Turkey,” March 15, 1792, Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:265; and “Mr. McKee’s Report to Governor Blount,” March 28, 1793, ibid., 2:444. 47. Sheidley, “Hunting and the Politics of Masculinity,” 171. 48. McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:374–375. 49. Ibid., 1:375–376, 398n13. 50. Benjamin Hawkins to James McHenry, Secretary of War, De­cem­ber 3, 1796, in Hawkins, Collected Works of Benjamin Hawkins, 23. 51. McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:376–377. 52. Calloway, Ameri­can Revolution, 212, 280. 53. Hatley, “Chero­kee Women Farmers Hold Their Ground,” in Appalachian Frontiers, 44, 46; and Hatley, “Three Lives of Keowee,” 228–229, 238. 54. Calloway, Ameri­can Revolution, 290. 55. Wilms, “Chero­kee Acculturation and Changing Land Use Practices,” 336; Henry John Stuart to Board of Trade, March 9, 1764, CO5/ 323/17/240 (microfilm copy in West­ern Caro­lina University Library), quoted in Hatley, Dividing Paths, 9; Haywood, Natural and Aborigi­nal History, 222. 56. Saunt, “Domestick . . . Quiet being broke,” 153. Saunt argued that many Creek men were going through the same gender crisis and that many attempted to “redefine their masculinity” by endorsing class divisions and becoming planters or merchants. Also, he claimed this as the root of the factionalism that led to the Creek civil war in 1813 when some rejected this as a strategy. 57. Abstract, Alexander Cameron to John Stuart, October 11, 1773, in Davies, DAR, 6:232–233. Glover, South­ern Sons, 25, recognized this phenomenon among the south­ern planter elite too. For further discussion on gender identification via cattle rustling and stealing horses, see William G. McLoughlin, “James Vann: Intemperate Patriot, 1768– 1809,” in McLoughlin, Conser, and McLoughlin, The Chero­kee Ghost Dance, 53; and McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 55–56. See also Perdue, Chero­kee Women, 123–124. 58. Blount to Secretary of War Henry Knox, No­vem­ber 8, 1792, in Carter, Southwest Territory, 4:210. 59. Burstein, “The Formative Frontier,” 17. 60. For further discussion, see Royce, Chero­kee Nation. 61. Meigs to Eustis, De­cem­ber 12, 1811, RCIAT, roll 5. See also Howe, “For the Regu­ lation of Our Own Civil Affairs,” 18–19, 21, 23–24; Brown, Old Frontiers, 373. 62. Kappler, Indian Affairs, 2:9–10, 34, 54; Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 43. 63. Fortwendel, “Silas Dinsmoor and the Chero­kees,” 39; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 44–46. For an example, see Turtle at Home et al. to James Robertson, 1797, James Robertson Papers, box 2, folder 16, acc. 923, TSLA. For further discussion of the formation and purposes of the establishment of the Chero­kee lighthorse, see Blackburn, “From Blood Revenge to the Lighthorsemen”; and Foreman, “The Light-­Horse in the Indian Territory.”

176

Notes to Pages 28–31

64. Benjamin Hawkins to Secretary of War James McHenry, May 4, 1797, in Hawkins, Collected Works of Benjamin Hawkins, 136. 65. Journal of Three Commissioners from the State of Georgia to the Chero­kees, Janu­ary 1, 1803, Chero­kee Indian Letters, Talks, and Treaties, 1786–1838, comp. Louise Frederick Hays, WPA Project, 1939, bound typescript, 1:44, Georgia Archives, M ­ orrow. 66. For further discussion of this law, see Dickson, “Judicial History of the Chero­kee Nation,” 292–294. 67. Blackburn, “From Blood Revenge to the Lighthorsemen,” 53. 68. Ibid.; for further discussion, see Flynn, Militia in Antebellum South Caro­lina Society, 23–26, 65. 69. Chero­kee Nation, Laws of the Chero­kee Nation, 4; Daniel, “From Blood Feud to Jury System,” 108. During the years between the origi­nal formation of the lighthorse (1797) and 1801, Hawkins contributed federal funds for its operation. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 140, noted that, despite Hawkins’s efforts, this was not the case in the years 1802–1808. See also McLoughlin, “Thomas Jefferson and the Beginning of Chero­kee Nationalism, 1805–1809,” in McLoughlin, Conser, and McLoughlin, The Chero­kee Ghost Dance, 75–76. 70. McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:382; letter no. 2592 from Chero­kee Leaders of Cowee of the Valley Towns to Return J. Meigs, Feb­ru­ary 18, 1811, RCIAT, roll 5; Sheidley, “Unruly Men,” 172. 71. Norton, Journal, 157. 72. Hatley, Dividing Paths, 9. 73. Chuquilatossue to Commissioners, Sep­tem­ber 6, 1801, in Hawkins, Collected Works of Benjamin Hawkins, 382; Strickland, “From Clan to Court,” 318. 74. The United States continued to offer this type of satisfaction until Secretary of War John C. Calhoun stopped the practice in 1820. By then, compensation had dropped from a maximum of $300 to a minimum of $100 for every Chero­kee murdered. In comparison, the average horse was valued at $50–$60 at this time. Parker, “The Transformation of Chero­kee Appalachia,” 28–30. 75. McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:378–379; Strickland, Fire and Spirits, 58; Daniel, “From Blood Feud to Jury System,” 108. Other scholars suggested that the prompt came from Gideon Blackburn, a Presbyterian minister working among the Chero­kees. For more information on the Chero­kees’ traditional maintenance of social order and the administration of clan justice, see Perdue, “Clan and Court”; and Reid, Law of Blood. For more on the Chero­kee lighthorse, see Blackburn, “From Blood Revenge to the Lighthorsemen.” 76. McLoughlin, “James Vann,” 58–59; A List of Tenants under Doublehead[’]s Claim at Muscle Shoals, May 25, 1809, RCIAT, roll 4. See also Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 64–65. 77. Rogers, Ani-­Yun-­Wiya, 107–111; Brown, Old Frontiers, 374–375, 451–454; Dale, Life and Times of Gen. Sam Dale, 45–49. This account varied somewhat from the account provided by Wilkins, Chero­kee Tragedy, 40, but the outcome was the same. After first delivering a blistering verbal assault, Bone Polisher tomahawked Doublehead, who drew a pistol and killed his attacker. Later that evening, ex-­loyalist John Rogers scolded Double­ head, who vehemently retorted that since Rogers was there only by the good graces of



Notes to Pages 31–32

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the Chero­kees and had never sat in council or participated in war parties, he had “no place among the chiefs.” In other words, Doublehead challenged Rogers’s right to criti­ cize him because from the Chero­kee perspective, Rogers had not qualified as a real man. In contrast, Doublehead had taken lives and scalps and even eaten the cooked flesh of two of his esteemed enemies. The execution party shot Doublehead in the jaw and neck. Though profusely bleeding, he escaped, but they tracked him down and finished the job. Dale, Life and Times of Gen. Sam Dale, 47. For further discussion, see McLoughlin, “James Vann,” 63; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 120–121; Daniel, “From Blood Feud to Jury System,” 109. There were probably others involved in the actual exe­cution planning, in­ clud­ing James Vann and George Saunders (Sanders). Vann, forced to stay at home by illness, was the leader of the po­liti­cal faction that opposed Doublehead and his supporters. It was not until 1810 that the law became written when the National Council “by order of the seven clans” abolished traditional blood law, which took sanctioned punishment out of the hands of the clans and gave jurisdiction to the National Council. 78. Daniel, “From Blood Feud to Jury System,” 108; Young, “The Chero­kee Nation,” 510; Rogers, Ani-­Yun-­Wiya, 109–111; Woodward, The Chero­kees, 131. 79. Cumfer, “Local Origins of National Indian Policy,” 31; William G. McLoughlin, “The Chero­kee Ghost Dance Movement of 1811–1813,” in McLoughlin, Conser, and McLoughlin, The Chero­kee Ghost Dance, 53; and McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 117. 80. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 156–157; Norgren, The Chero­kee Cases, 42; McKen­ ney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:376. 81. Persico, “Early Nineteenth-­Century Chero­kee Po­liti­cal Organization,” 98; Wilkins, Chero­kee Tragedy, 50–51. Other southeastern tribes suffered from similar problems and organized lighthorse units. For example, see Carson, “Horses and the Economy and Culture of the Choctaw Indians.” 82. Letter no. 2360 from James Ore to Meigs, October 12, 1809, RCIAT, roll 4; letter no. 2673 from John Lowrey et al. to Meigs, n.d., RCIAT, roll 5; Indian Advocate, Janu­ ary 1853, 3; Meigs to Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, De­cem­ber 19, 1807, RCIAT, roll 4. 83. Thomas Jefferson to Henry Knox, August 10, 1791, reprinted in Niles’ Weekly Register, Janu­ary 23, 1830. For transcriptions and discussions of these treaties, see Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 5–6, 24–42, 50. 84. Banker, “Fort Southwest Point, Tennessee,” 47, 90; Smith, “Military Sites,” 147. 85. Prucha, Sword of the Republic, 59–60; letter [no. 16] from John Newman, Chief Clerk, Department of War to Meigs, August 3, 1801, in Abram, “To Brighten the Chain of Friendship,” 33; Heitman, His­tori­cal Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, 1:79. 86. For examples, see Potter, Passports of Southeastern Pioneers, 331–332. 87. For an example, see letter no. 2360 from James Ore to Meigs, October 12, 1809, and List of Intruders on Chero­kee Lands Removed in April, May, and June 1809, June 30, 1809, RCIAT, roll 4. Meigs miscalculated the number of intruders estimated by the federal government in that calendar quarter. It should read 293 instead of 193. See also “Meigs to the Acting Secretary of War John Smith,” June 12, 1809, in Carter, Territory of Mississippi, 5:740. 88. Kalawaskee (Charles Hicks) to Meigs, March 28, 1810, RCIAT, roll 5. 89. Black Fox, Path Killer, Chulioa, Sour Mush, Turtle at Home, and Toochala to

178

Notes to Pages 32–38

Meigs, April 9, 1810, and Chero­kee National Council [signed also by the Chero­kee Stand­ ing Committee] to Meigs, April 11, 1810, RCIAT, roll 5. 90. Meigs to William Eustis, April 13, 1810, and Meigs to Colonel Robert Purdy, April 13, 1810, RCIAT, roll 5. 91. Meigs to Colonel Robert Purdy, April 13, 1810, and Meigs to Eustis, May 10, 1810, RCIAT, roll 5. 92. Meigs to Colonel Alexander Smyth, Feb­ru­ary 4, 1811, RCIAT, roll 5. 93. Meigs to Richard Taylor, Feb­ru­ary 27, 1811, RCIAT, roll 5; Wilkins, Chero­kee ­Tragedy, 43–44. 94. McLoughlin, “James Vann,” 71; Gearing, “Structural Pose of 18th Century Chero­ kee Villages,” 1154–1155. Gearing posited that there were four cyclical structural poses in a Chero­kee town. If one accepts his theory of organization, the Chicka­mauga era and its persistent state of war greatly disrupted this cycle of activity. War was typi­cally a time “of certain characteristic violations” of their “pervasive moral ideal” and was not seen as typical or always acceptable. This opened negotiations within the culture for more change through internal as well as external forces.

Chapter 3 1. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, xv–xix, 326. See also National Council to Return J. Meigs, Sep­tem­ber 27, 1809, RCIAT, roll 4; Wright, Historic Indian Towns in ­Ala­bama. 2. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 32. 3. McLoughlin, “Chero­kee Anomie, 1794–1810: New Roles for Red Men, Red Women, and Black Slaves,” in McLoughlin, Conser, and McLoughlin, The Chero­kee Ghost Dance, 8; Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 3; Horsman, “Ameri­can Indian Policy in the Old North­ west,” 37; Anderson and McChesney, “The Po­liti­cal Economy of Indian Wars,” in The Other Side of the Frontier, 215; Thomas Jefferson to James Monroe, April 17, 1791, in Ford, Works of Thomas Jefferson, 1:242–243. See also Turtle at Home and John Boggs to Meigs, June 15, 1811; “Memorandum of Corn Received of William Hicks,” March 6, 1811; John Lowrey, George Lowrey, Robert McLemore, John Fox, Eight Killer, Crow Mocker, Six Killer, and Onatays to Meigs, March 24, 1811; and Chief Black Fox at Creek Path to Meigs, June 21, 1811, all in RCIAT, roll 4. See too McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 179; and McLoughlin, “Chero­kee Anomie,” 8–9. 4. Dunaway, “Rethinking Chero­kee Acculturation,” 161, 181; McLoughlin, Chero­ kee Renascence, 169. 5. McLoughlin, “The Chero­kee Ghost Dance Movement of 1811–1813,” ­117–118; McLoughlin, “Chero­kee Censuses” in Chero­kee Ghost Dance, 225–227; McLoughlin, Chero­ kee Renascence, 171; Evans, “Highways to Progress”; Meigs to Secretary of War William Eustis, Feb­ru­ary 5, 1811, and Captain James McDonald, Highwassee Commander, April 26, 1811, RCIAT, roll 5. 6. McLoughlin, “The Chero­kee Ghost Dance Movement of 1811–1813,” 117; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 171; John Finley to Meigs, June 19, 1811, and Black Fox to Meigs, June 21, 1811, RCIAT, roll 5. 7. Thornton, The Chero­kees, 48; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 170–173. 8. Letter no. 2161 from George Barber Davis to Meigs, October 17, 1808, RCIAT, roll 4. See also Norton, Journal, 146.



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9. Letter no. 2093 from Meigs to Henry Dearborn, July 11, 1808, RCIAT, roll 4; Meigs to Eustis, De­cem­ber 15, 1810, RCIAT, roll 5. 10. “Trade and Intercourse Act of March 30, 1802,” in Prucha, Documents of United States Indian Policy, 17–21; Chero­kee National Council to Meigs, May 5, 1811, and Meigs to Eustis, May 10, 1811, RCIAT, roll 5. 11. For further discussion of Chero­kee identity, see Perdue, “Mixed Blood” Indians. 12. “Petition of Sundry Indians at Tuckegee to Meigs,” Feb­ru­ary 15, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6; Meigs to Chero­kee Chiefs Convened in Council,” March 27, 1810, and May 10, 1810, and Meigs to Eustis, RCIAT, roll 5. Also see Meigs to John Hall, Feb­ru­ary 12, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6; Gray, History of Agriculture in the South­ern United States, 2:634. For further discussion of these acts, see Cotterill, “National Land System in the South.” 13. For more on this, see Blackmon, Dark and Bloody Ground; Richter, Facing East from Indian Country, 223. 14. Sheehan, Seeds of Extinction, 211–212. 15. McLoughlin, “Ghost Dance Movements,” 27. For a detailed treatment of ­Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa’s movement, see Jortner, The Gods of Prophetstown; Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 139–147; Pickett, History of Ala­bama, 511–515; Barnard and Schwartzman, “Tecumseh and the Creek Indian War,” 491–495. 16. For information on the War of 1812, consult Eustace, 1812; Stagg, The War of 1812; Taylor, The Civil War of 1812; Hickey, War of 1812; Coles, War of 1812; Cunliffe, The Nation Takes Shape, 57–62; and Elting, Amateurs, to Arms! A Military History of the War of 1812. See also Chalou, “Red Pawns Go to War”; and Hurt, Ohio Frontier, 315–344. 17. Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 129. 18. For further discussion of this long relationship, see Tanner, “Chero­kees in the Ohio Country.” 19. Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 144–147. For further discussion of Chero­kees who resided among the north­ern Shawnees, see Dowd, “Thinking and Believing,” in Ameri­can Encounters, 396. For a first-­hand account of Tecumseh’s visit to Tuckabatchee, see Dale, Life and Times of Gen. Sam Dale, 50–62. 20. Colonel Benjamin Hawkins to Big Warrior, Little Prince, and Other Chiefs, June 16, 1814, Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:845; Waselkov, Conquering Spirit, 77–80. See also Nunez, “Creek Nativism.” 21. James Wafford’s account to James Mooney is found in Mooney, Myths of the Chero­ kees, 88. In his later years, Wafford served as a tribal historian. He was born in the old Chero­kee Nation region of north­ern Georgia in 1806. For further information on Wafford, see Catlin, Letters and Notes on the North Ameri­can Indians, 368; diary entry, Feb­ru­ ary 10, 1811, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission to the Chero­kees, 1:411. For further discussion, see McLoughlin, “New Angles of Vision on the Chero­kee Ghost Dance Movement,” 317–319, 324–326; McLoughlin, “The Chero­kee Ghost Dance Movement of 1811–1813,” 111–151; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 179–185; and Pesantubee, “When the Earth Shakes,” 301. 22. Diary entry, Feb­ru­ary 10, 1811, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:412. 23. McLoughlin, “Ghost Dance Movements,” 27; Mooney, Myths of the Chero­kees, 88; Wilkins, Chero­kee Tragedy, 58–59. 24. Diary entry, Feb­ru­ary 10, 1811, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:412; McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:388.

180

Notes to Pages 42–46

25. See James Mooney’s account of what Wafford, who was about ten years old dur­ ing these events, told him in Mooney, Ghost Dance Religion, 676–677. 26. Schweig, Gomberg, and Hendley, “Reducing Earthquake Losses throughout the United States.” 27. Diary entries, Feb­ru­ary 10, 1811, De­cem­ber 17, 1811, and Feb­ru­ary 9, 1812, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:412, 460–461, 469–470. 28. Ibid., Feb­ru­ary 23, 1812, 1:475. 29. Ibid., Feb­ru­ary 17, 1812, 1:474. 30. Ibid. 31. Ibid., March 1, 1812, 1:477. 32. Ibid., March 8, 1812, 1:479. 33. Return J. Meigs, “Some Reflections on Chero­kee Concerns, Manners, State, etc.,” March 19, 1812, RCIAT, reel 5. 34. Diary entry, April 8, 1812, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:487. 35. For further information, see Griffith, McIntosh and Weatherford, 80–88; and Saunt, A New Order of Things, 250–252. 36. For more on this process and comparisons between tribal governments in the Southeast, see Champagne, Social Order and Po­liti­cal Change; Fogelson, “Ethnohistory of Events and Nonevents,” 143. 37. Martin, “Visions of Revitalization in the Eastern Woodlands,” 70. 38. Champagne, Social Order and Po­liti­cal Change, 86. 39. Pesantubee, “When the Earth Shakes,” 314. 40. McLoughlin, “New Angles of Vision on the Chero­kee Ghost Dance Movement,” 335. 41. Martin, “Visions of Revitalization in the Eastern Woodlands,” 71–72. 42. Weaver, That the People Might Live, xiii, 6. Weaver explained that communitism is a blending of “community” and “activism.” See also Champagne, “Symbolic Structure and Po­liti­cal Change in Chero­kee Society,” 90–91. 43. For more on the concept that explained these responses to the rapid changes in Chero­kee society, see Thornton, “Boundary Dissolution and Revitalization Movements.” He convincingly argued that both parties sought to combine traditional and new practices, and so in actuality both promoted continuity and change. See also McLoughlin, “The Chero­kee Ghost Dance Movement of 1811–1813,” 122–123. 44. Captain John Brahan to Meigs, October 1, 1811, and Major John Finley, Tellico Garrison, to Meigs, June 18, 1811, RCIAT, roll 5. 45. For examples, see Judge David Campbell to Meigs, October 8, 1811, and List of Claims of Citizens of the United States & of Chero­kees, for Indemnification for Damages Suffered by Them Respectively, by Meigs, Arariah Davids, and George C. White, Examiners, to Eustis, August 25, 1811; Charles Williams to Meigs, De­cem­ber 7, 1811; John Lowrey to Meigs, March 26, 1812; Meigs to Eustis, April 6, 1812; John Lowrey to Meigs, October 6, 1812, all in RCIAT, roll 5. See also Seven White Men from Franklin County, Tennessee, to John Lowrey, Janu­ary 30, 1813, and Meigs to [John] Armstrong, July 30, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6; and David Dickson to Governor David B. Mitchell, August 2, 1813, Chero­kee Letters, Talks, and Treaties, 1:150. 46. Talk from Richard Brown, a Chero­kee Chief, to Meigs, June 21, 1811; John Lowrey to Meigs, July 3, 1811; Turtle at Home, John Lowrey, and John Boggs to Meigs, July

Notes to Pages 46–49

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6, 1811; and Kaluwaskee [Charles Hicks] to Meigs, October 25, 1811, all in RCIAT, roll 5. For another example of Chero­kee-­white friction, which demonstrates how events that occurred in the past remained festering problems, see Meigs’s “Note Relating to a Chero­kee Woman Held by Col. Cleveland as a Slave,” Miscellaneous Notes by Meigs, n.d., 1811, RCIAT, roll 5, stating that during the Chero­kee War of 1776, white militia members had captured a Chero­kee woman and sold her into slavery. Chero­kee leaders found out that she and her present owner had moved close to the Chero­kee Nation and demanded her return, along with her children. For further information, see Narrative of Nancy, an Indian Woman, June 2, 1812, RCIAT, roll 5. 47. John Montgomery to Meigs, Jackson County, Georgia, June 11, 1811, RCIAT, roll 5. 48. Meigs to Eustis, July 31, 1811, ibid. 49. Campbell to Meigs, October 8, 1811, ibid. 50. Meigs to the Chero­kee Chiefs, April 22, 1811, ibid. 51. Chero­kee National Committee to Meigs, No­vem­ber 18, 1811, ibid. 52. Meigs to Eustis, De­cem­ber 4, 1811, ibid. 53. Meigs to Eustis, De­cem­ber 4, 1811; and Meigs to Eustis, De­cem­ber 17, 1811, ibid. 54. Meigs to the Chero­kee National Council, April 27, 1812; and John Lowrey to Meigs, October 6, 1812, ibid. 55. Meigs to Eustis, May 8, 1812, ibid.; Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:809; Hood, Jackson’s White Plumes, 22. 56. Benjamin Hawkins to Eustis, May 11, 1812; and Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:809. 57. Meigs to John Sevier, Feb­ru­ary 23, 1804, RCIAT, roll 2. 58. Ibid. 59. Meigs to Eustis, May 8, 1812, RCIAT, roll 5. Some of these bad feelings toward the Lower Creeks went as far back as the colonial era, even prior to the Yamassee War. The two groups had a long history of conflict. This became even more volatile when Chero­kees at Tugaloo murdered a visiting Creek delegation, sparking the Chero­kee-­ Creek War (1715–1755). Eventually, this involved more than the Lower Towns of both groups. Much of the Creek animosity stemmed from the fact that Chero­kees gave safe passage to Creek enemies passing to and from the north through their towns. For more information on Chero­kee-­Creek early animosities, see Boulware, Deconstructing the Chero­ kee Nation, 39–40, 57, 61, 64–65; and Hahn, The Invention of the Creek Nation, 1670–1763, 87–90, 110, 123, 131, 137–139, 210–211, 224–225, 266. 60. Path Killer, Toochala, Chulioa, John Lowrey, John McLemore, Kanchestaheskee, Duck, [Richard] Dick Justice, Wills Elders, and John Boggs to Meigs, June 11, 1812, RCIAT, roll 5. 61. Captains George Wash­ing­ton Sevier and James McDonald to Meigs, June 15, 1812, ibid. 62. Path Killer, Duck, Bute [Boot], and Tailor to Meigs, June 23, 1812, ibid. The Choctaws also feared they would become targets of Red Stick war parties. See Elliott, “Plymouth Fort and the Creek War,” 344. 63. A Creek Chief, Bark’s Talk to the Chero­kees, Sep­tem­ber 1812, RCIAT, roll 5; extract from William Henry, St. Stephen’s, Mississippi Territory, to John J. Henry, William County, Tennessee, June 26, 1812, Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:809, 814; Pickett, History of Ala­bama,

182

Notes to Pages 49–54

515; extract from Hawkins to Eustis, Sep­tem­ber 7, 1812, in Washburn, Garland Library of Narratives, 33:12. For a full account of the attack and abduction, see Kanon, “The Kidnapping of Martha Crawley, and Kanon, Tennesseans at War, 1812–1815, 59–64.” 64. Barber, “Council Government and the Genesis of the Creek War,” 173–174; Grif­ fith, McIntosh and Weatherford, 86, 88. 65. Saunt, A New Order of Things, 252. 66. Ibid., 259–262; Waselkov, Conquering Spirit, 88–90; Stiggins, Creek Indian History, 95–96. 67. Clarion, May 23, 1812, as quoted in Kanon, “The Kidnapping of Martha Crawley,” 10. 68. Meigs to Eustis, Feb­ru­ary 4, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6. 69. Meigs to Eustis, Janu­ary 17, 1813, ibid. 70. John Finley to Meigs, Feb­ru­ary 9, 1813, ibid. 71. John Lowrey to Franklin County, Tennessee, Militia Colonel Metcalf, Feb­ru­ary 1, 1813, ibid. See also Franklin County, Tennessee, Militia to John Lowrey, Janu­ary 20, 1813; Meigs to John Lowrey, Janu­ary 31, 1813; Meigs to Colonel Metcalf and Captain Cowan, Janu­ary 31, 1813, ibid. 72. Thomas Coulter to Blount, Janu­ary 21, 1813, ibid. 73. Letter to the Citizens of the United States, Particularly to the Good People Living in the States of Tennessee, North Caro­lina, South Caro­lina, Georgia, and Mississippi Territory from To-­Cha Lee and Chulioa, Niles’ Weekly Register, April 10, 1813. 74. Cottier and Waselkov, “First Creek War,” 27. 75. Creek National Council’s Message to Hawkins, July 5, 1813; Governor Pinckney to Hawkins, July 9, 1813; and Cussetah Mico to Hawkins, July 10, 1813, all in Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:847–849. 76. Kanchestaneskee, Wassasee [Wasausee], Richard Brown, and Bear Meat to Meigs, July 23, 1813, Galileo Digital Library of Georgia (hereafter Galileo), doc. PAO214, from Penelope Johnson Allen Collection (hereafter Allen Collection), MS 2033, box 1, folder 71, Hoskins Special Collections Library (hereafter HSCL), University of Tennessee, Knox­ville. 77. Ibid. 78. Hawkins to Armstrong, July 28, 1813, Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:850. 79. For more details from only the white perspective, see Pickett, History of Ala­bama, 522–525. For a more even-­handed account, see Waselkov, Conquering Spirit, 100–101. See also Stiggins, Creek Indian History, 98–103; Griffith, McIntosh and Weatherford, 95–97. 80. John Ross to Meigs, July 30, 1813, John Ross Papers, MS 557 F37, Williams Research Center (hereafter cited as WRC). 81. Bell, Blount County, 25; Gibbs, “Social and Economic Conditions in Marshall County,” 1; Charles Hicks to Meigs, July 31, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6. This group descended from one of the remnant groups of Natchez, whom the Creeks accepted after the French pushed them from their homeland. 82. Meigs to Secretary of War John Armstrong, August 6, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6. 83. Meigs to General John Cocke, Sep­tem­ber 30, 1813, John Cocke Papers, folder 8, V-­J-­3, TSLA.



Notes to Pages 54–58

183

84. Meigs to Armstrong, August 6, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6; Stiggins, Creek Indian History, 107–114. 85. Meigs to Armstrong, August 6, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6. 86. Colonel Joseph Carson, Mount Vernon Cantonment, to Brigadier General Ferdinand L. Claiborne, July 29, 1813, and Carson, Fort Madison, to Claiborne, Sep­tem­ber 6, 1813, Joseph Carson Carr Papers, TSLA. Waselkov, Conquering Spirit, 111–138, provided the most complete and accurate account of the Fort Mims attack to date. See also Davis, “Remember Fort Mims”; Pickett, History of Ala­bama, 530–537; Griffith, McIntosh and Weatherford, 100–111; Columbian Centinel (Boston), October 16, 1813; Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 173. 87. Waselkov, Conquering Spirit, 212. 88. Owsley, Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands, 189. For contemporary accounts that were circulated throughout the nation, see “Creek Indians,” Niles’ Weekly Register, October 2, 1813, 77–78; and “Indian Warfare,” reprint of letter from Judge Harry Toulmin to the Raleigh Register, in Niles’ Weekly Register, October 6, 1813, 105–107. See also Lossing, “War with the Creek Indians,” 604–605. 89. For further details, see Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 156–157. See also Richard Blount Journal entry, July 17–26, 1826, Richard Blount Papers, Georgia-­Ala­bama Boundary Commission, 1826, LPR 96, box 2-­1-­4, ADAH; and Frank, “Rise and Fall of ­William McIntosh,” 35. 90. For The Ridge’s account, see McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:390. 91. Wafford’s account to Mooney is in Myths of the Chero­kees, 89. Unfortunately, either Wafford did not know or report, or Mooney did not record, whether the avenging war party was composed of clan relatives or lighthorse troops. 92. Meigs to Governor Mitchell, Sep­tem­ber 17, 1813, Chero­kee Letters, Talks, and Treaties, 1:144; and David Dickson to Mitchell, August 2, 1813, ibid., 1:150.

Chapter 4 1. Saunt, A New Order of Things, 257; Martin, Sacred Revolt, 135–136, 150. See also Assistant Deputy Quartermaster for East Tennessee Major James Baxter to Return Jona­ than Meigs, March 20, 1814, and Charles Hicks to Meigs, March 21, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6; and diary entry, No­vem­ber 6, 1813, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:546. 2. The Creek War of 1813–1814 was part of the larger War of 1812, which ended with the defeat of British forces at New Orleans in Janu­ary 1815. See Halbert and Ball, Creek War of 1813–1814; Owsley, Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands; Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 185–190. 3. Diary entry, Sep­tem­ber 15, 1813, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 2:558–559. Hicks began his illustrious service to the Chero­kees as an interpreter for the Chero­kee agency. John Walker often assisted him. See “Extract from the Journey of the Brethren Abraham Steiner and Thomas Schweiniz,” in Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 9. 4. Brigadier General James White to John Walker, Sep­tem­ber 26, 1813, RCIAT, roll

184

Notes to Pages 58–59

6 (copy of answer from Walker to White attached). See also Corn, Red Clay and Rattle­ snake Springs, 37. 5. John Walker to Meigs, October 5, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6; RG 94, Muster Rolls and Pay Rolls of Colonel Morgan’s Regiment of Chero­kee Indians, October 7, 1813, to April 11, 1814 (hereafter Chero­kee Muster Rolls), NARA. 6. Diary entry, Sep­tem­ber 24, 1813, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:560. Private John or Jack Dougherty served under Captain Richard Taylor. Alexander Saunders’s company consisted of seventy-­two men of whom 65 percent were mounted. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls; Ruff, “To Ascertain the Mind and Circumstances of the Chero­kee Nation,” 80. The missionaries denied his request at this time, and Hicks agreed that he was “not worthy of this mercy.” He would not receive the sacrament until June 1814. Hicks led seventy men from October 7, 1813, through Janu­ary 6, 1814, of whom 60 percent were mounted. 7. Diary entry, July 12, 1813, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:546. Tyger served under Captain Hicks from October 7, 1813, through Janu­ary 6, 1814, as a cavalryman. He reenlisted for a sec­ond tour from Janu­ary 27 through April 11 under either Captain John McIntosh or Captain John Brown. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 8. Diary entry, October 16, 1813, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:563. One of Sour Mush’s sons was The Fish, who served under Captain Shoe Boots in 1814. Diary entry, Feb­ru­ary 1, 1818, ibid., 2:204. Private Sour Mush served under Captain George Fields and then Captain James Brown during the first campaign, October 7, 1813, through Janu­ary 6, 1814. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 9. Diary entry, No­vem­ber 7, 1813, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:568. I could not confirm that slaves accompanied their Chero­kee masters, but it seems logical since this was a common practice for slaveholding men who went to war during the colonial and Revolutionary periods. 10. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. The Springplace diaries make numerous mentions of Chero­kees stopping on the way to and from their posts. For example, McNair and the thirty-­year-­old Private Walter Adair (Black Watt) stopped to eat breakfast there on their way to war. Adair, a member of the Deer Clan, served in Captain McLemore’s company. Diary entry, October 22, 1813, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:565. 11. Andrew Jackson to John Coffee, October 7, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:328. 12. Foster first served as a mounted private under Captain James Brown, October 7, 1813, to Janu­ary 6, 1814. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 13. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls; “Reports of S. S. Broadus, 1907 and 1911,” Horseshoe Bend National Military Park (hereafter HOBE). According to a 1914 interview with his daughter, Morgan’s birthday was August 6, 1775. Morgan married Betsy Lowrey, a granddaughter of the infamous governor of Tennessee and Indian fighter John Sevier and a sister of the prominent Chero­kee headmen George and John Lowrey. Earlier, Morgan had served as adjutant to Colonel Samuel Wear (Weir, Ware) in the Tennessee Mounted Infantry. Gideon Morgan to Genevieve M. W. Mulligan, April 20, 1911, no. 20884, RG 15, Old War Invalid Files (hereafter OWIF), NARA; and Meigs to Unknown Person, Feb­ru­ary 4, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6. Because Chero­kee society was



Notes to Pages 59–62

185

matrilineal, his children were Chero­kees in every aspect, although he was white. Meigs became acquainted with Morgan when he issued a federal permit to allow him to reside in Chero­kee territory for the purpose of leasing and working a saltpeter cave. 14. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. Brown and Lowrey were the headmen from the Chero­kee communities of Brown’s Town and Battle Creek in today’s north­east­ern ­Ala­bama. 15. Moulton, John Ross, 11. 16. Reported in the Carthage Gazette, October 8, 1813, from the Nashville Whig. See also Moulton, John Ross, 10; Meigs to Secretary of War John Armstrong, July 30, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6. 17. Meigs to Armstrong, October 30, 1813, Galileo, doc. PA0032, Allen Collection, no box, no folder, 1–2, HSCL. 18. Meigs to Armstrong, October 30, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6. 19. Sheehan, Seeds of Extinction, 171. This is well reflected in the previous discussion on the secret treaty article that privately benefited Doublehead. 20. Major General Andrew Jackson to Path Killer and Charles Hicks, October 23, 1813, in Moser et al., Papers of Andrew Jackson, reel 3, March 20, 1813–De­cem­ber 31, 1813, folder 1, no. 4299. 21. Meigs to the Chero­kee Troops, October 30, 1813, Chero­kee Nation Papers (hereafter CNP), microfilm reel 49, Manuscripts Collection, item 24, box 6, folder 1, item 10, University of Oklahoma, Library, West­ern History Collection. 22. An Address to the Chero­kees Who Are Arming to Co-­Operate with the Ameri­ can Troops against the Hostile Creeks from Meigs, October 29, 1813, Galileo, Chero­ kee Collection, box 3, folder 1, doc. CH057, 2, TSLA. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid. 25. McCown, “J. Hartsell Memora,” 102. 26. Kanon, “Regimental Histories of Tennessee Units”; diary entry, March 20, 1814, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:12; RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 27. The Ridge to Meigs, Janu­ary 16, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6; Colonel Gideon Morgan to Jackson, Janu­ary 16, 1814, in Moser et al., Papers of Andrew Jackson, reel 8, De­cem­ber 23, 1813–Feb­ru­ary 11, 1814. 28. Cumfer, “Local Origins of National Indian Policy,” 29. 29. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. Chulioa was a private under Captain James Brown for his first tour of duty. During his sec­ond tour, he earned a promotion to first lieutenant under Captain Frog. 30. Narrative from Chulioa, Creek Interpreter, October 10, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6. Was­ elkov and Wood, “The Creek War of 1813–1814,” 9, noted that, besides these quickly fortified positions, the Red Sticks had built three new regional towns with more elaborate defensive arrangements: Eccanachaca (Holy Ground), Tohopeka (Horseshoe Bend), and another near Autossee on the lower Tallapoosa. 31. Walker to Meigs, October 15, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6; diary entry, October 15, 1813, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:563. Path Killer died in 1828, and his grave is in Centre, Ala­bama. Martin, “Chero­kee Indian Chief Burried in Centre,” 45; Colonel Morgan’s Declaration, Feb­ru­ary 7, 1834, no. 20844, OWIF.

186

Notes to Pages 62–63

32. John Reid Memoir and Journal, October 9, 1813, TSLA. 33. Jackson to Path Killer and Hicks, October 23, 1813, in Moser et al., Papers of ­ ndrew Jackson, folder 1, no. 4299, reel 3. A 34. Ibid.; John Reid to Major William B. Lewis, October 24, 1813, microfilm 678, reel 5, box 9, L48½, TSLA; Jackson to Coffee, October 9, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:329; affidavit from George Fields at Madison County, Ala­bama, May 26, 1826, no. 25121, OWIF. 35. Jackson to Coffee, October 9, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1: 330. Coffee had a long-­standing relationship with Andrew Jackson. In the early 1800s, their partnership in the mercantile business failed. Later, Coffee married a niece of Jackson’s wife, Rachel. Coffee was one of the few men whom Jackson trusted with his life and honor. 36. Crockett, Autobiography of David Crockett, 54. 37. Folmsbee and Catron, “Early Career of David Crockett,” 138–140. 38. Reid and Eaton, Life of Andrew Jackson, 37. For a discussion of Coffee’s military career, see Boom, “John Coffee, Citizen Soldier.” For short descriptions of the Tennessee regiments, see Kanon, “Regimental Histories of Tennessee Units.” 39. Kanon, “The Kidnapping of Martha Crawley,” 3–7. The Duck River incident, mentioned in the previous chapter, was one of the events most commonly used by Tennesseans as a reason for going to war against the Red Sticks. See extract from William Henry, St. Stephen’s, Mississippi Territory, to John J. Henry, William County, Tennessee, June 26, 1812, Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:809, 814; Pickett, History of Ala­bama, 515; and extract from Hawkins to Eustis, Sep­tem­ber 7, 1812, in Washburn, Garland Library of Narratives, 33:12. 40. Coffee to His Wife, October 24, 1813, in DeWitt, “Letters of General John Coffee to His Wife,” 275; Colyar, Life and Times of Andrew Jackson, 1; Coffee to Jackson, October 22, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:334–335; Walker to Meigs, No­vem­ber 5, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6; Richard Breckenbridge, a Traveler from Mississippi in 1816, in Dombhart, History of Walker County, 14; Reid and Eaton, Life of Andrew Jackson, 48. 41. George Mayfield to Jackson, No­vem­ber 2, 1813, “Forts,” in Public Information Subject Files—Alabamians at War, War of 1812, and First Creek War, SG0013378, ADAH. 42. Jackson to John Lowrey, No­vem­ber 7, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:342; Colyar, Life and Times of Andrew Jackson, 5; Mooney, Myths of the Chero­kees, 90. Wilkins, Chero­kee Tragedy, 109, mentioned that the Chero­kee warriors wore two white feathers and a squirrel’s tail. 43. Coffee to Jackson, No­vem­ber 3, 1813, WRC. See also Crockett, Autobiography of David Crockett, 60; Coffee to Jackson, No­vem­ber 4, 1813, and “A Sketch of General John Coffee,” October 11, 1897, John Coffee Papers, TSLA; Alexander Donelson to Captain John Donelson, No­vem­ber 5, 1813, microfilm 678, reel 3, box 4, doc. 72, TSLA; and Lossing, “War with the Creek Indians,” 605–606. 44. Coffee to Jackson, No­vem­ber 4, 1813, and “A Sketch of General John Coffee,” October 11, 1897, John Coffee Papers, TSLA.



Notes to Pages 63–65

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45. Jackson to Tennessee Governor Willie Blount, No­vem­ber 4, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1: 341. 46. Crockett, Autobiography of David Crockett, 61; Folmsbee and Catron, “Early Career of David Crockett,” 138–140; Shackford, David Crockett, 117. 47. John Reid Memoir and Journal, No­vem­ber 1, 1813, TSLA; Jackson to Colonel Leroy Pope, No­vem­ber 4, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1: 341; Colyar, Life and Times of Andrew Jackson, 11; McCown, “J. Hartsell Memora,” 103. 48. John Reid Memoir and Journal, No­vem­ber 7, 1813, TSLA; Jackson to John Lowrey, No­vem­ber 7, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1: 342; Mooney, Myths of the Chero­kees, 91. 49. Crockett, Autobiography of David Crockett, 61. 50. Walker to Meigs, No­vem­ber 5, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6; Reid and Eaton, Life of Andrew Jackson, 50–51; Jackson to Colonel W. Moore, No­vem­ber 15, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1: 225, and Jackson to Wife, Rachel, March 12, 1814, ibid., 478; and Doherty, Richard Keith Call, 6. 51. Jackson sent wounded prisoners to General White’s surgeon and then, when they were able, to either Huntsville or Nashville. John Reid Memoir and Journal, No­vem­ber 7, 1813, TSLA; certificate of Thomas J. Read, Sep­tem­ber 21, 1814, WRC, MS 557 F68. Four imprisoned warriors died while jailed. See Edward D. Hobbs to District Judge John McNairy, Sep­tem­ber 24, 1814, ibid., F69; and deposition of Thomas J. Read, Sep­tem­ ber 24, 1814, ibid., F68. 52. A common practice in the Southwest’s frontier period, communities often constructed fortified stations for protection. For a discussion of some of these structures, see Waselkov and Wood, “Creek War of 1813–1814,” in Culture Change on the Creek Indian Frontier, 133; Jackson to Governor Willie Blount, No­vem­ber 15, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1: 348. 53. Mayfield to Jackson, No­vem­ber 2, 1813, “Forts,” SG0013378, ADAH. 54. Crockett, Autobiography of David Crockett, 63. 55. Reid and Eaton, Life of Andrew Jackson, 53–55; RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls; George Fields, no. 25091, OWIF. For further accounts of the Battles of Tallushatchee and Talladega, see Ephraim Foster to His Father, R. C. Foster, Janu­ary 29, 1814, Hubbat Papers, V-­L-­5, box 11-­4, TSLA; and Lossing, “War with the Creek Indians,” ­605–607. 56. McCown, “J. Hartsell Memora,” 104, 107. This was the future site of Fort Williams, built in March 1814. 57. Morgan to Meigs, No­vem­ber 23, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6, and Gideon Morgan Papers, TSLA; Reid and Eaton, Life of Andrew Jackson, 71; Owsley, Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands, 66–67; RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls; McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 2:458; and McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 115. 58. Cocke to Jackson, No­vem­ber 27, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:361, contradicted this, stating that they sent prisoners to the Hiwassee Garrison. 59. Brigadier General James White to Major General John Cocke, No­vem­ber 24, 1813, reprinted in Niles’ Weekly Register, De­cem­ber 25, 1813, 283. 60. John and Anna Gambold to Meigs, April 21, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. See also Lossing, “War with the Creek Indians,” 608–609.

188

Notes to Pages 66–67

61. Remini, Andrew Jackson and His Indian Wars, 68–69. 62. Morgan to Meigs, No­vem­ber 23, 1813, Gideon Morgan Papers, TSLA. 63. Ibid. 64. White to Cocke, No­vem­ber 24, 1813, reprinted in Niles’ Weekly Register, De­cem­ ber 25, 1813. 65. Carthage Gazette, De­cem­ber 18, 1813; Samuel Baines to Wife, Christiana, No­vem­ ber 25, 1813, SPR 542, ADAH. 66. Morgan to Meigs, No­vem­ber 23, 1813, Gideon Morgan Papers, TSLA. 67. Ibid. McNair’s company sometimes acted along with Captain William Russell’s scouts and spies from October 4, 1813, to April 4, 1814. See “William Russell,” in “Soldiers,” Public Information Subject Files—Alabamians at War, War of 1812, and First Creek War, SG0013378, folder 19, ADAH. According to “Old Times,” Janu­ary 27, 1877, Chero­kee Advocate, vol. 1, no. 1, book 1, May 1, 1845–June 27, 1877, from microfilm copies in Mauldin, Oklahoma His­tori­cal Society’s Collection, 153, McNair was a Chero­kee countryman, origi­nally a carpenter from Virginia, who married Joseph Vann’s older sister. Supposedly, Vann and McNair introduced fine breeding stock into the Chero­kee Nation. See also the character reference in Remarks on the Testimony Taken of Disputed Country to John Coffee, De­cem­ber 30, 1829, Chero­kee Collection, microfilm 815, reel 4, box 3, folder 6, TSLA. Other companies may have participated, but the evidence does not confirm this. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 68. Moulton, John Ross, 11. 69. Morgan to Meigs, No­vem­ber 23, 1813, Gideon Morgan Papers, TSLA. 70. McCown, “J. Hartsell Memora,” 110. 71. Ibid. 72. Diary entry, De­cem­ber 13, 1813, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:569. The Moravians termed Tyger (Big Tiger) a traditionalist and a conjurer; he often wore silver arm bracelets or bands. See Ruff, “To Ascertain the Mind and Circumstances of the Chero­kee Nation,” 69n21. 73. Diary entry, April 18, 1814, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 2:16. 74. McCown, “J. Hartsell Memora,” 110. Pinckney authorized Jackson to move the prisoners to the settlements if their safety became an issue. Major General Thomas Pinckney to Jackson, March 23, 1814, in Moser et al., Papers of Andrew Jackson, reel 9, Janu­ary 1, 1814–August 11, 1814; Penelope Johnson Allen, “Creek War,” MS (1935), Chattanooga Public Library, TSLA, 393, 395. 75. The great bend of the Tallapoosa River was called Horseshoe Bend and would be the site of the defining battle of the Red Stick War on March 27, 1814. 76. Major General David Adams to Georgia Governor Peter Early, De­cem­ber 24, 1813, and Janu­ary 4, 1814–October 9, 1819, Georgia Military Affairs, bound typescript, 4:317, 320. For a discussion of the founding of Tohopeka by Abeka Creeks from six nearby towns, see Waselkov and Wood, “The Creek War of 1813–1814,” 9. For further discussion of Georgia troop movements in the Red Stick War, see Barnard and Schwartzman, “Tecumseh and the Creek Indian War”; Thomason, “Governor Peter Early and the Creek Indian Frontier,” 225–232. 77. Sugden, “South­ern Indians in the War of 1812,” 279; Griffith, McIntosh and Weath-



Notes to Pages 67–69

189

erford, 133–138. See also Lossing, “War with the Creek Indians,” 609–610; and Owsley, Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands, 54–57. 78. Extract from J. M. Willcox to His Father, Fifteen Days before He Was Massacred, Janu­ary 1, 1814, in “A Narrative of the Life and Death of Lieut. J. M. Willcox,” in Washburn, Garland Library of Narratives, 33:5–6. For information on the Choctaws’ role in the Red Stick War, see Henry Sale Halbert Papers, LPR 147, box 4, folder 11, ADAH, 75– 110; Claiborne, Mississippi, 327–330. See also Lossing, “War with the Creek Indians,” 610–611. 79. Meigs’s Bill of Exchange Relating to Supplies to Chero­kee Warriors to Armstrong, De­cem­ber 1813, RCIAT, roll 6; Receipt of Timothy Meigs for Goods Given the Chero­ kee, March 31, 1814, Galileo, doc. PA0216, Allen Collection, box 1, folder 75, HSCL. 80. Jackson to Path Killer and Hicks, October 23, 1813, in Moser et al., Papers of Andrew Jackson, folder 1, no. 4299, reel 3, March 20, 1813–De­cem­ber 31, 1813; Meigs to Armstrong, De­cem­ber 1813, RCIAT, roll 6. 81. John Lowrey to Meigs, October 27, 1813, and Big Halfbreed, Ri[d]ge, Birdseye, Oald [sic] Wakeygiskee to Meigs, Janu­ary 16, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. 82. General Order from Jackson to Adjutant General Robert Searcey, Janu­ary 14, 1814, Andrew Jackson Papers, series 3, reel 61, Library of Congress (hereafter LOC). See Chulioa to Jackson, Janu­ary 31, 1814, in Moser et al., Papers of Andrew Jackson, reel 8, De­cem­ber 23, 1813–Feb­ru­ary 11, 1814. 83. Petition of Sundry Indians [in­clud­ing Willioe, John Acorn, Thomas Maw, Corn Tassle, and John Nettle] at Tuskegee to Meigs, Feb­ru­ary 15, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. 84. Big Halfbreed, Ri[d]ge, Birdseye, Oald [sic] Wakeygiskee to Meigs, Janu­ary 16, 1814, ibid. 85. Nashville Whig, Feb­ru­ary 22, 1814. 86. Richard Brown to Meigs, Feb­ru­ary 18, 1814; Richard Riley to Meigs, Feb­ru­ary 20, 1814; Daniel Ross to Meigs, March 3, 1814; Duck and Whooping Boy to Meigs, March 4, 1814, all in RCIAT, roll 6. 87. Cocke to Jackson, No­vem­ber 27, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1: 361. See also Cocke to Jackson, De­cem­ber 3, 1813, 1:363, where he complained that his efforts to purchase hogs and cattle from Chero­kees were falling short, and Jackson to Cocke, De­cem­ber 15, 1813, ordering him to gather all the Chero­kee corn that he can for the horses (1:395). 88. Morgan to Meigs, Feb­ru­ary 11, 1814, Galileo, doc. MP17, Gideon Morgan Papers, box 10, folder VA, doc. tl017, 1–2, TSLA; Jackson to Pinckney, March 2, 1814, Andrew Jackson Papers, series 3, reel 61, LOC. 89. Jackson to Morgan, Feb­ru­ary 21, 1814, Andrew Jackson Papers, series 3, reel 61, LOC. 90. Morgan to Jackson, Feb­ru­ary 9, 1814, and Richard Brown to Jackson, Feb­ru­ary 2, 1814, in Moser et al., Papers of Andrew Jackson, reel 8, De­cem­ber 23, 1813–Feb­ru­ary 11, 1814. 91. Path Killer to John Strother, De­cem­ber 28, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6. 92. Jackson to Colonel John Lowrey, Janu­ary 8, 1814, Andrew Jackson Papers, series 3, reel 61, LOC.

190

Notes to Pages 69–73

93. John Lowrey to Meigs, Janu­ary 5, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. 94. Colyar, Life and Times of Andrew Jackson, 3; RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 95. Kanon, “Regimental Histories of Tennessee Units.” See Receipt of Timothy Meigs for Goods Given the Chero­kee, March 31, 1814, Galileo, doc. PA0216, Allen Collection, box 1, folder 75, HSCL . 96. Pinckney to Jackson, De­cem­ber 2, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:364. See also Pound, Benjamin Hawkins—Indian Agent, 140, 229. 97. Edmund Shackelford to Frances Shackelford, No­vem­ber 26, 1813, Society for Georgia Archaeology. 98. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 99. Ibid. 100. Meigs to Jackson, Feb­ru­ary 11, 1814, in Moser et al., Papers of Andrew Jackson, reel 8, De­cem­ber 23, 1813–Feb­ru­ary 11, 1814. 101. Big Halfbreed, Ri[d]ge, Birdseye, Oald [sic] Wakeygiskee to Meigs, Janu­ary 16, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. 102. For an account of the battle, see Lossing, “War with the Creek Indians,” 612– 613. See also Jackson to Wife, Rachel, Janu­ary 28, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1: 444–447. 103. Morgan to Meigs, Feb­ru­ary 4, 1814, Galileo, doc. MP018, Gideon Morgan Papers, box 10, no folder, doc. tl018, 1, TSLA; Morgan to Jackson, Feb­ru­ary 5, 1814, in Moser et al., Papers of Andrew Jackson, reel 8, De­cem­ber 23, 1813–Feb­ru­ary 11, 1814. 104. Jackson to Carroll, Janu­ary 28, 1814, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1: 472. 105. Jackson to Pinckney, Janu­ary 29, 1814, ibid., 448. 106. John[?] Cocke to Governor Early, Janu­ary 28, 1814, Galileo, doc. TCC131, Tela­mon Cuyler Collection, MS 1170, series 1, box 77, folder 30, doc. 2, Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library, University of Georgia Libraries. Bear Meat served as a mounted ensign under Captain James Brown from October 7, 1813, through Janu­ary 6, 1814, and fought at Tallushatchee. He served as a private at Path Killer’s fort from Janu­ary 6 through Feb­ru­ary 6, 1814. Once finished there, Bear Meat enlisted for a third tour of duty and served as a mounted private under Captain John Brown through April 11. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 107. Journal of Governor Richard K. Call, “Lake Jackson, August 5, 1861,” DBCN ACI-­9781, M82-­4, 82, State Library of Florida. 108. Jackson to Pinckney, Janu­ary 29, 1814, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:450–451. See also John Looney, no. 25231, OWIF. Looney received a promotion to fourth sergeant after his first tour of duty under Captain Fields and transferred to John McLemore’s company for his sec­ond tour beginning Janu­ary 27, 1814. 109. Jackson to Pinckney, Janu­ary 29, 1814, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:450. 110. Wilkins, Chero­kee Tragedy, 72–73. 111. Entry from Journal of Governor Richard K. Call, 84–85, State Library of ­F lorida. 112. Yonah Equah (Big Bear) to Meigs, March 5, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6.



Notes to Pages 73–76

191

113. Jackson to Pinckney, Feb­ru­ary 17, 1814, Andrew Jackson Papers, series 3, reel 61, LOC.114. Jackson to Major William McIntosh, Feb­ru­ary 17, 1814, ibid. 115. Jackson to Colonel Robert Dyer, Feb­ru­ary 23, 1814, ibid. 116. Jackson to Colonel John Brown, Feb­ru­ary 17, 1814, and Jackson to Colonel Richard Brown, Feb­ru­ary 18, 1814, ibid. 117. Robert Grierson, a retired deerskin trader, became wealthy trading slaves, cattle, and horses and was a successful early cotton planter. Braund, “Creek Indians, Blacks, and Slavery,” 627; Pickett, History of Ala­bama, 520; Saunt, Black, White, and Indian, 19. See also Jackson to Path Killer, Lowrey, The Ridge, and Alexander Saunders, Feb­ru­ary 18, 1814, Andrew Jackson Papers, series 3, reel 61, LOC; Meigs to Grierson, March 9, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. 118. Journal entry, July 30, 1826, Richard Blount Papers, LPR 95, box 2, folder 2, Georgia-­Ala­bama Commission Journal, July 26–August 7, 1826, ADAH, 112–113. 119. Hicks to Meigs, March 21, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6; RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. Big Cabbin served under Hicks for two tours of duty: October 7, 1813–Janu­ary 6, 1814, and Janu­ary 11–Feb­ru­ary 10, 1814. Old Broom was Charles Hicks’s maternal grand­ father and only enlisted for the first tour of duty. See Starr, History of the Chero­kee Indians, 599. 120. Jackson to Captain Eli Hammond, Feb­ru­ary 15, 1814, Andrew Jackson Papers, series 3, vol. F, reel 5, LOC. For a more complete account, see Remini, Andrew Jackson: The Course of Ameri­can Empire, 199–205, 207. 121. Jackson to Colonel William Snodgrass, Feb­ru­ary 2, 1814, Andrew Jackson Papers, series 3, reel 61, LOC. 122. Morgan to Meigs, Feb­ru­ary 4, 1814, Galileo, doc. MP018, Gideon Morgan Papers, box 10, no folder, doc. tl018, TSLA, 2. 123. Richard Taylor was born around 1790 at Southwest Point. His father was a major in the British army. “Pen and Ink Sketches,” Chero­kee Advocate, August 6, 1879, vol. 1, no. 1, book 2, July 4, 1877–March 3, 1880, from microfilm copies in Mauldin, Oklahoma His­tori­cal Society’s Collection, 141–142. 124. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 125. Morgan to Jackson, Feb­ru­ary 22, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. Brown had been part of the Vann Party against Doublehead in 1806. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 115. 126. Penelope Johnson Allen, “History of the Chero­kee Indians,” MS (1935), Chattanooga Public Library, TSLA, 63–64, 521, 525–526. From Lookout Mountain Town, Justice had served as a Chicka­mauga war priest since at least 1792. See also “Long Ago,” Chero­kee Advocate, Feb­ru­ary 28, 1877, 162; and “Report of David Craig to Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the South­ern District William Blount,” March 15, 1792, Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:265. 127. John Ross to Meigs, March 2, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6; Moulton, John Ross, 11. 128. Maiden, “Colonel John Williams,” 23. 129. The literature regarding this well-­known battle includes Holland, “Andrew Jackson and the Creek War”; Brantley, Battle of Horseshoe Bend; Kanon, “Slow, Laborious Slaughter”; Lossing, “War with the Creek Indians,” 614–615; Remini, Andrew Jackson: The Course of Ameri­can Empire, 207–216. See also Braund, Tohopeka.

192

Notes to Pages 76–78

130. Fairbanks, “Excavations at Horseshoe Bend,” 48–49. Numerous articles and books cover this battle, which propelled Andrew Jackson to the US presidency. For discussion focusing on Jackson and the action of his troops, see McIlwaine, “The Horse Shoe”; Coley, “The Battle of Horseshoe Bend”; Wright, “Battle of Tohopeka,” 45–49; Holland, “Andrew Jackson and the Creek War,” 243–275; letter from McCulloch to His Wife, Frances, April 1, 1813 [1814], Center for Ameri­can History, University of Texas, Austin. 131. Reid to His Wife, Betsy, April 1, 1814, in John Reid Papers, 1802–1842, MS 37507, LOC. See also Dickens, Archaeological Investigations at Horseshoe Bend, 48; Waselkov, “A Reinterpretation of the Creek Indian Barricade”; and Mackenzie, The Indian Breastwork in the Battle of Horseshoe Bend. 132. A diving team was unable to locate any physical evidence of these caves or overhanging embankments in 1973. “Interpretive Prospectus—Current Folder,” item 19, HOBE. 133. Coffee’s Report to Jackson, April 1, 1814, reprinted in Niles’ Weekly Register, April 30, 1814, and Carthage Gazette, April 23, 1814; DeWitt, “Letters of John Coffee to His Wife,” 283; RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. These men served in seven companies with some volunteering for McNair’s unit of twenty-­four spies. Of this number, only 38 percent were mounted. 134. Report from Coffee to Jackson, April 1, 1814, reprinted in Niles’ Weekly Register, April 30, 1814. 135. Henry S. Halbert, “Restoration of a Rifle to a Chero­kee Warrior,” Henry Sale Halbert Papers, LPR 147, box 7, folder 24, ADAH. There has been much conjecture about the third anonymous swimmer. In 1914, S. S. Broadus, a prominent Ala­bama banker, traveled to Oklahoma to find descendants of the warriors who fought at Horseshoe Bend for the upcoming centennial commemoration. He interviewed Gideon Morgan’s daughter Chero­kee America Rogers and Charles Reese’s grandson Henry Dobson Reese. Both expressed pride in their ancestors’ participation in the war, recalling family stories of the dramatic feat. Rogers thought her father named one of the Baldridge brothers, Dick or John, as the third companion. ( John raised fine horned cattle and later signed the 1827 Chero­kee Constitution.) Reese indicated that The Whale was his grandfather’s uncle, not father-­in-­law, and that the idea to swim the river for canoes originated with his grandfather. This meant that Charles Reese was The Whale’s nephew. See “Horseshoe Bend Battle Anniversary in 1914,” Montgomery Advertiser, March 26, 1911; and “Reports of S. S. Broadus, 1907 and 1911,” HOBE. See also “Bounty Application for Whale,” HOBE; RG 49, Bounty Land Files, War of 1812, no. 1298, NARA; “Long Ago,” Chero­ kee Advocate, Feb­ru­ary 28, 1877, 163; Calvin Jones, “Account of the Chero­kee Schools, Communicated by Gen. Calvin Jones, of Raleigh to the Editor of the Register,” Galileo, doc. PAM007, Ameri­can Monthly Magazine (De­cem­ber 1813): 117–124. Reese’s sister married Oowatie (The Ancient), Major Ridge’s brother. See Starr, History of the Chero­kee Indians, 451. 136. John Ross, Principal Chief of the Chero­kee Nation of Indians, in Answer to Inquiries from a Friend, Wash­ing­ton, DC, 1836, Galileo, doc. PAM107, 22; McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:218; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 192–193. 137. The Whale to Governor P. M. Butler, Feb­ru­ary 18, 1843, RG 75, Letters Re-



Notes to Pages 78–81

193

ceived, 1824–1881, Chero­kee Indian Agency, 1843, M-­234, roll 87, NARA, reprinted in Agnew, “The Whale’s Rifle,” 472–473. 138. Report from Colonel Gideon Morgan to Blount, April 1, 1814, reprinted in Niles’ Weekly Register, April 30, 1814, 149, and the Clarion, April 12, 1814; Confederate Soldier, “Our Correspondence,” interview with Captain James Campbell, Sep­tem­ber 10, 1861, Daily Dispatch (Richmond, VA), Sep­tem­ber 16, 1861. 139. James, The Raven, 20, 34, 150; Hopewell, Sam Houston, 14, 27, 111. Houston later married Tiana (Diana) Rogers, the daughter of the ex-­loyalist and Chero­kee countryman John Rogers and half-­sister to James and John Rogers, Chero­kees who served at Horseshoe Bend. 140. Letter from McCulloch to His Wife, Center for Ameri­can History, University of Texas; Confederate Soldier, “Our Correspondence.” 141. McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes of North America, 1:219. 142. Confederate Soldier, “Our Correspondence.” 143. Kanon, “Slow, Laborious Slaughter,” 10; Houston, Autobiography of Sam Houston; Parton, Life of Andrew Jackson, 519. 144. Draper Manuscripts, Wisconsin His­tori­cal Society. Halbert obtained this account sec­ond-­hand from W. S. Wilbanks, who knew many of the veterans of the war. See also Harris, Review of the Battle of the Horse Shoe. 145. Jackson to Blount, March 31, 1814, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1: 79; Halbert and Ball, Creek War of 1813–1814, 276–277. 146. Kanon, “Slow, Laborious Slaughter,” 14n23; Halbert, “Horse Shoe Incidents,” Draper Manuscripts, Wisconsin His­tori­cal Society; Halbert and Ball, Creek War of 1813– 1814, 276–277; Jackson to Wife, Rachel, April 1, 1814, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:493. For more extended accounts, see Coley, “The Battle of Horseshoe Bend”; Brantley, Battle of Horseshoe Bend; and Holland, “Andrew Jackson and the Creek War,” 21–32. 147. Coffee to Samuel Houston, April 25, 1828, Dyas Collection, Coffee Papers, TSLA. 148. Jackson to Quartermaster Major James Baxter, April 1, 1814, Andrew Jackson Papers, series 1, reel 9, LOC. 149. This story as recorded by John Howard Payne appeared in its entirety in Miles, Ties That Bind, 81–82. See also Payne and Butrick, Payne-­Butrick Papers, 2:55–56. 150. Mooney, Myths of the Chero­kees, 394. This account was not quite accurate. Two men in Shoe Boots’s company of seventy-­two died at Horseshoe Bend. RG 94, Chero­ kee Muster Rolls. 151. In addition, the Moravians noted that the men “expressed a great desire again to go to war.” Diary entry, No­vem­ber 11, 1814, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 2:42. 152. Jackson to Blount, March 31, 1814, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:492; John Ross, “Report of the Killed and Wounded,” Ayer MS 781, Newberry Library, Chicago, IL; “Casualty Report,” in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 1:20–21; Allen, “Creek War,” 138. Although the Chero­kees probably had their own healers, Dr. James Cosby from Rhea County, Tennessee, cared for many of the wounded Chero­kees at Fort Armstrong. For further statistics, see RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 153. Gilmer, Sketches of Some of the First Settlers, 198–199. See also “Georgia Forts: The

194

Notes to Pages 81–85

Fort at Standing Peachtree”; and Schwartzman and Barnard, “A Trail of Broken Promises,” 703. Either here or at some other celebration of the Chero­kees’ victory, a woman relative of Black Fox (Enola, Inali), still living in 1889, had apparently “carried a scalp in the scalp dance in the Creek war 75 years before.” See Mooney, Myths of the Chero­ kees, 315. 154. Akers, “Unexpected Challenge,” 241. Green, The Politics of Indian Removal, 42, estimated that approximately 15 percent of the total Creek population, or about three thousand warriors, lost their lives during the war. Affidavit of Switzler Lowrey, Janu­ary 10, 1878, in Charles Reece, no. 13828, OWIF. For examples of other Indian captives, see Snyder, Slavery in Indian Country. For more information on the destruction caused by the war, see Waselkov and Wood, “The Creek War of 1813–1814,” 10; and Owsley, ­Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands, 71. 155. Meigs to Secretary of War, June 4, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. 156. “Chero­kee Warriors: Extract of a Letter from Hiwasie [sic],” Niles’ Weekly Register, April 19, 1817, 122. 157. Certification of Dr. A. McGhee, Feb­ru­ary 20, 1834, in Gideon Morgan, no. 20844, OWIF.

Chapter 5 1. Gray, History of Agriculture in the South­ern United States, 2:1026. 2. Ibid., 1:634. 3. “Indian Trade and Intercourse Acts,” in Perdue and Green, Columbia Guide to Ameri­can Indians of the Southeast, 179; and Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 30. Also see “Trade and Intercourse Act of March 30, 1802,” in Prucha, Documents of United States Indian Policy, 17– 21; and “Intercourse Act March 30, 1802,” in Washburn, Ameri­can Indians and the United States, 3:2154–2163. 4. Yonah Equah (Big Bear) to Chero­kee Indian Agent Return J. Meigs, March 6, 1814, and John Fergus to Meigs, March 6, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. The Oconaluftee settlement became the basis for the formation of the Eastern Band of Chero­kee Indians, which remains in North Caro­lina today on the Qualla Boundary. See also “Claims of Indians,” n.d., RCIAT, roll 6. 5. Watson, Jackson’s Sword, 39. 6. Meigs to Attorney for the United States in Madison County, Mississippi Territory, Louis Winston, Janu­ary 12, 1815, and John Lowrey to Meigs, De­cem­ber 13, 1815, RCIAT, roll 6. 7. Anderson, Memoir of Catharine Brown, 9, 14. For further discussion, see Perdue, “Catharine Brown,” 79; and Perdue, Chero­kee Women, 170. 8. Path Killer to John Strother, De­cem­ber 28, 1813, RCIAT, roll 6; Allen, “Creek War,” 471; National Council to John Lowrey, John Walker, Major Ridge, Richard Taylor, John Ross, and Cheucunsenee, Janu­ary 10 and 11, 1816, in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 2:23. 9. Allen, “Creek War,” 140. 10. General Andrew Jackson to John Cocke, De­cem­ber 28, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:414–415. Private Whooping Boy served under Captain George Fields from October 7 through Janu­ary 6. RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls.



Notes to Pages 86–90

195

11. Jackson to Governor Willie Blount, De­cem­ber 29, 1813, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:419. 12. Diary entry, July 26, 1814, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 1:148. See also diary entries, No­vem­ber 28, 1818, 2:219; August 24, 1821, 2:12; and October 15, 1822, 2:11. 13. Diary entries in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, April 5, 1814, 2:14; No­ vem­ber 11, 1814, 2:154; and May 28, 1814, 2:17. See also The Mouse, no. 20883, OWIF. 14. Lanman, Letters from the Alleghany Mountains, 114. 15. Daniel Ross to Meigs, March 3, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. 16. Meigs to Secretary of War John Armstrong, May 5, 1814, Galileo, doc. PA0033, Allen Collection, no folder, no box, HSCL. 17. Updated accounts, May 3, 1814, claim no. 76, RG 75, Special Files, 1807–1904 (hereafter Special Files), roll 17, frames 113–114, no. 104, NARA. 18. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 197. 19. See “Statement of the Annuities Due, Paid, and Delivered [to] the Different Indian Tribes from 3d March, 1811, to 3d March, 1815,” Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:29. 20. Meigs to Secretary of War William Crawford, August 10, 1816, RCIAT, roll 7. 21. “Chero­kee Warriors,” Niles’ Weekly Register, April 19, 1817, 122. 22. Gideon Morgan to Meigs, Feb­ru­ary 27, 1827, Special Files, roll 25, no. 1342. This included three slaves belonging to The Broom and two owned by George Fields. 23. John and Anna Gambold to Meigs, April 20, 1814, RCIAT, roll 6. 24. David Smith to Jackson, April 4, 1814, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:495. See also Meigs to Secretary of War James Monroe, March 4, 1815, and Meigs to Monroe, May 2, 1815, RCIAT, roll 6. 25. Meigs to Monroe, May 2, 1815, RCIAT, roll 6. 26. Meigs to Monroe, March 4, 1815, and Meigs to Monroe, May 2, 1815, RCIAT, roll 6. 27. Diary entry, May 19, 1814, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 2:19. Craw­ ler of the Bird Clan served two terms of duty, the first under McNair and the sec­ond under McLemore. 28. Wishart, “Could the Chero­kee Have Survived in the Southeast?” 167; Smith to Jackson, April 4, 1814, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:395. 29. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 194. Hogs fared much better because of their quick reproductive capabilities and their ability to forage for themselves over a large wooded range during harsh times. 30. Statement of Coyeetoyhee to Meigs, Janu­ary 25, 1814, Special Files, roll 17, frames 70–71, and Toochala and The Glass to Meigs, Janu­ary 22, 1814, ibid., frames 74–75. For further discussion of Joseph Brown’s ordeal, see Snyder, Slavery in Indian Country, 152–156. 31. “Treaty of October 2, 1778,” Article IX, in United States Statutes at Large, 7:62, quoted in Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 47. 32. Statement of Coyeetoyhee to Meigs, Janu­ary 25, 1814, Special Files, roll 17, frame 70. 33. Brown, Biographical Sketch no. 1, JBP, microfilm 744, folder 1, 19, TSLA. 34. Brown, Biographical Sketch no. 2, ibid. 35. Ibid.

196

Notes to Pages 91–95

36. “Claims of Indians,” Chero­kee Collection, microfilm 815, reel 4, box 4, folder 5, TSLA. 37. Schwartzman and Barnard, “A Trail of Broken Promises,” 704; Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 77–78. Cotterill’s South­ern Indians remains the most complete study on this issue. 38. Narrative of Tauquittee (The Glass) to Meigs through Interpreter James Rogers, De­cem­ber 21, 1815, RCIAT, roll 6; Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 23. 39. Officers of the Corps Composing the Chero­kee Band of Warriors to Meigs, October 31, 1815, RCIAT, roll 6. Richard Brown died shortly thereafter, in early 1818, while on his way to Wash­ing­ton City. For a short memorial to him, see “Chronicle,” Niles’ Weekly Register, Feb­ru­ary 21, 1818, 485. 40. Path Killer to John Lowrey, John Walker, Major Ridge, Richard Taylor, Ross, and Cheucunsenee, Janu­ary 10 [and 11], 1816, in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 1:22– 23; Path Killer (Na-­na-­ha-­tee-­nee) to Chero­kee Delegation to Wash­ing­ton, Janu­ary 17, 1815, CNP, microfilm roll 49, RG 2, Personal Papers, Typescripts, box 175, folder 7394. 41. J. Lowrey, Walker, Ridge, Taylor, Ross, and Cheucunsenee, March 4, 1816, in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 2:24–25. 42. Path Killer to J. Lowrey, Walker, Ridge, Taylor, Ross, and Cheucunsenee, Janu­ ary 10 [and 11], 1816, in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 2:23. 43. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 196; Woodward, The Chero­kees, 134. For a complete description of Meigs’s method for determining the acceptance of spoliation claims, see Meigs to Crawford, No­vem­ber 30, 1815, RCIAT, roll 6, and Meigs to Crawford, July 23, 1816, RCIAT, roll 7. 44. Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 77–78, 204–205; Cotterill, The South­ern Indians, 196; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 198–200. 45. Charles Hicks to Meigs, Sep­tem­ber 22, 1816, RCIAT, roll 7; Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 80. For a more detailed discussion of these treaty proceedings, see McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 209–211. 46. For a full discussion, see Davis, “John Coffee’s Search for the Lost History of the Chero­kees,” 143–154. 47. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 204. 48. Kappler, Indian Affairs, 2:133–137. 49. Jackson to Secretary of War, No­vem­ber 12, 1816, “Treaties with Thirteen Tribes,” Lowrie, ASPIA, 2:117; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 210–211. 50. Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 85. 51. Cotterill, The South­ern Indians, 203. 52. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 214–215. 53. Brainerd Journal, Feb­ru­ary 13, 1817, Ameri­can Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, as quoted in McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 216. 54. “Chero­kee Women: Petition,” May 2, 1817, in Perdue and Green, Chero­kee Removal, 122–124. 55. Diary entry, June 17, 1817, in McClinton, Moravian Springplace Mission, 2:165; Ruff, “To Ascertain the Mind and Circumstances of the Chero­kee Nation,” 52, 83; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 226–227. 56. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 232; Cotterill, The South­ern Indians, 202. 57. Cotterill, The South­ern Indians, 205. 58. Blankenship, Chero­kee Roots, 1:22.



Notes to Pages 96–101

197

59. “Chero­kee Women: Petition,” June 30, 1818, in Perdue and Green, Chero­kee Removal, 125–126. 60. Ibid. 61. Joseph McMinn to John C. Calhoun, July 7, 1818, RG 107, reel 71, no. 1284, NARA; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 241. 62. Clark, Hidden History of Chattanooga, 121, noted that Brown’s land included a 640-­ acre farm at Moccasin Bend on the Tennessee River, as well as a ferry and pub­lic ­tavern. 63. Hampton, Chero­kee Reservees. 64. Path Killer to Charles Hicks, Ross, et al., in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 1:31– 32; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 254. Colonel Richard Brown, a recognized headman and frequent delegate, had died earlier in the year. Bell, Blount County, 25. 65. Chero­kee National Committee to President James Monroe, in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 1:38–40; Path Killer et al. to Meigs, August 6, 1817, RCIAT, roll 7. For further discussion, see McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 232. 66. J. Ross to Jackson, June 19, 1820, in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 1:40–41. For further examples of problems caused by white intruders, see Ross to Richard K. Call, July 30, 1821; Ross to Calhoun, October 24, 1822; Ross to Meigs, October 26, 1822; Path Killer et al. to Chero­kee Indian Agent Joseph McMinn, April 26, 1823, all ibid., 1:42–48. 67. Claims by Chero­kees Due for Losses Spoliation of US Troops during Creek War, Special Files, roll 17. 68. Path Killer et al. to McMinn, October 11, 1823, in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 1:51. The next year the Chero­kee Nation asked Calhoun to replace McMinn because of its lack of confidence in his ability to represent Chero­kee interests. For more details, see Ross, George Lowrey, Ridge, and Elijah Hicks to Calhoun, Feb­ru­ary 25, 1824, ibid., 1:69–73. 69. Path Killer et al. to McMinn, October 11, 1823, ibid., 1:51. 70. Ross, G. Lowrey, Ridge, and E. Hicks to Commissioner of Indian Affairs Thomas L. McKenney, May 3, 1824, ibid., 84–85. 71. Path Killer and Chero­kee National Council to the United States, CNP, microfilm 50, box 176, folder 7395. 72. Ross, G. Lowrey, Ridge, and E. Hicks to the Senate and House of Representatives, April 15, 1824, in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 1:77. 73. Ross, G. Lowrey, Ridge, and E. Hicks to Commissioner of Indian Affairs Thomas L. McKenney, June 1, 1824, ibid., 1:93–95. 74. Ross, Richard Taylor, Daniel McCoy, Hair Conrad, and John Timson to President Andrew Jackson, March 28, 1834, ibid., 1:284. 75. Ibid. 76. Chero­kee Memorial to United States Senate, March 8, 1836, ibid., 1:394. 77. Ibid., 409, 413.

Conclusion

1. Wilkins, Chero­kee Tragedy, 82–83; Royce, Chero­kee Nation, 69–91. 2. John Ross to the Senate, 1834, in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 1:121. 3. McLoughlin, After the Trail of Tears, 368.

198

Notes to Pages 101–105

4. Officers of the Corps Composing the Chero­kee Band of Warriors to Meigs, October 31, 1815, RCIAT, roll 6. 5. Meigs to John Armstrong, June 4, 1814, RCIAT, roll 5. 6. McKeown, “Return J. Meigs,” 174–178. McKeown noted that white intruders “were quite pleased with the mild manner in which Meigs and the troops removed them from the Indian land” (174) early in his role as agent. He posited that “only Chero­kee removal could stop the violations” (177). 7. McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 217. 8. Ibid., 260. 9. Ibid., 256. 10. Meigs to Calhoun, March 27, 1821, RG 107, Letters Received by the Secretary of War, (hereafter LRSW), M-­221, reel 90, no. 6836, NARA; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 265. 11. Wasasy [Wasausee] et al. at Creek Path to Calhoun, No­vem­ber 2, 1822, RG 107, LRSW, reel 95, no. 0196; Calhoun to Meigs, March 21, 1821, RG 107, LRSW, reel 93, no. 9070; Calhoun to Meigs, June 15, 1820, RCIAT, roll 5; McLoughlin, Chero­kee Renascence, 266. 12. For a good study of Sequoyah, see Foreman, Sequoyah. 13. George Lowrey’s trader father came from Virginia and married his Chero­kee mother at Tuskegee Town. Lowrey moved near Battle Creek in the Sequatchie Valley during the Chicka­mauga era. He served as a lighthorse captain (1808–1810) and moved to Wills Town after the Red Stick War. See “Old Times,” March 7, 1877, Chero­kee Advocate, 164; Arrow, “Biographical Sketch of George Lowr[e]y,” Daily Chieftain (Vinita, OK), De­cem­ber 13, 1902, 5:55, CNP, roll 50; Reverend Samuel H. Worchester, “A Veteran Called to His Rest,” Indian Advocate (Louisville, KY),Janu­ary 1853, 7, no. 7, CNP, box 175, folder 7404. 14. Perdue, “Race and Culture,” 719–720. Perdue’s study attempted to renegotiate scholarship by not stressing blood quantum in its analy­sis. As Perdue argued, and I agree, “[p]erpetuating the language of blood denigrates the centrality of Native culture and the significance of in­di­vidual choice” (719). See also Perdue, “Mixed Blood” Indians, 68–69. Perdue noted that scholars have mistakenly tended to analyze “mixed bloods” by concentrating on their whiteness. Instead, the Chero­kees considered “the power and persistence of the culture into which they were born and chose to live” (69). 15. Wilkins, Chero­kee Tragedy, 131. 16. Timberlake, Memoirs, 94. 17. For examples of Chero­kee performance through dance or oral transmission, see Gilmer, Sketches of Some of the First Settlers, 198–199; “Horseshoe Bend Battle Anniversary in 1914,” Montgomery Advertiser, March 26, 1911; and “Reports of S. S. Broadus, 1907 and 1911,” HOBE. See also Speck, Broom, and Long, Chero­kee Dance and Drama, 62–64. 18. Miles, Ties That Bind, 81–82. See also Payne and Butrick, Payne-­Butrick Papers, ­2:55–56. 19. Secretary of War John C. Spencer’s, Regulations to Commissioner of Pensions J. L. Edwards, August 13, 1842, Pension Office Records, NARA. 20. Ibid. “An Act to Provide for the Allowance of Invalid Pensions to Certain Chero­ kee Warriors, under the Provisions of the 14th Article of the Treaty of Eighteen Hundred and Thirty-­Five,” Pension Office, August 13, 1842, OWIF.



Notes to Pages 105–110

199

21. John Ross to Pierce M. Butler, August 30, 1842, in Ross, Papers of Chief John Ross, 2:148. 22. Pigeon, no. 20136, OWIF. The Chero­kee Muster Rolls used “2nd” or “3rd” as a means to distinguish different in­di­viduals who had the same name within a company. Thus, Pigeon (2nd) referred to the sec­ond in­di­vidual by that name in that particular­ ­company. 23. Ni-­Chu-­Wee (Nichuwee), no. 16763, OWIF. 24. Te-­Caw-­See-­Na-­Ka (Overtaker, Tecawseenaka, Tesawsenokee, Tecawseeuckee), no. 21008, OWIF; Keet-­lah-­nee-­tah (Keetlahneetah, Young Puppy, Gilanitah, Gi-­la-­ni-­ tah), no. 20825, OWIF. 25. Territory (Ootalata), no. 21007, OWIF; Wa-­hie-­a-­tow-­ee, no. 20234, OWIF; The Mouse, no. 20883, OWIF; and James C. Martin, no. 20849, OWIF. 26. Crawling Snake (Going Snake), no. 20969, OWIF. 27. The Beaver, no. 20625, OWIF. 28. Tuckfo, no. 25891, OWIF. 29. Tuck Wah [The Whale], no. 74985, OWIF; Bounty Land Files Application, Bounty Land Warrant (hereafter BLW) 93.775-­160-­55, RG 49, Military Bounty Land Warrants, Act of 1855 (hereafter MBLW), NARA. 30. Chero­kee Agent Pierce M. Butler to Indian Affairs Commissioner Thomas Craw­ ford, May 10, 1843, Letters Received, Office of Indian Affairs (hereafter LROIA), ­M-­234, roll 87; and Butler to Lieutenant Colonel G. Talcotte, Ordinance Office, to Secretary of War J. M. Porter, August 3, 1843, ibid. Madison authorized three rifles to be produced at Harpers Ferry. These, along with presidential medals, Madison commanded to be delivered to the first three Chero­kees who swam the Tallapoosa. “Interpretation of the Museum, Exhibit 15,” HOBE. 31. Butler to Crawford, August 7, 1843, LROIA, roll 87. 32. Lieutenant Colonel G. Talcotte, Ordinance Office, to Secretary of War J. M. Porter, August 5, 1843, ibid., frame 1273. For further discussion, see Brannon, “Whale’s ­Rifle,” 47–48; Agnew, “The Whale’s Rifle,” 472–477; “Interpretation of the Museum, Exhibit 15,” HOBE; Thomas Martin to Mrs. Sadie M. Elmore, August 22, 1956, “Whale’s Rifle,” Copies of Correspondence Relating to Museum Items folder, HOBE; and Peter A. Brannon, Director of ADAH, to Clarence J. Johnson, Superintendent of Horseshoe Bend National Military Park, June 18, 1963, “Whale’s Rifle,” Whale Rifle Information folder, HOBE. 33. Culscawee (Kuliskawy), no. 13544, OWIF. 34. Standing Turkey, widow origi­nal claim no. 11628, OWIF. 35. Tah-­chee-­chee ( Jug), widow origi­nal claim no. 9984, OWIF; and Levi Jug, guardian on behalf of Wutty Jug, widow of Tahcheechee, BLW 93.775-­160-­55, RG 49, MBLW. 36. Levi Jug, guardian on behalf of Wutty Jug, widow of Tahcheechee, BLW 93.775-­ 160-­55. See also John Ross, BLW 44139-­160-­55, and Sally Guess for George Guess, BLW 92949-­160-­55, RG 49, MBLW. 37. Graham County Bicentennial Commission, “Chief Junaluska,” 14; Wilburn, Junaluska, 5–6, in Hiram C. Wilburn Collection, West­ern Caro­lina University; “An Act in Favor of the Chero­kee Chief, Junaluskee,” in Laws of the State of North Caro­lina, 128. 38. Chunuloskee, RG 94, Chero­kee Muster Rolls. 39. Stuart, Sketch of the Chero­kee and Choctaw Indians, 14.

200

Notes to Pages 110–111

40. Ibid. 41. For a more complete discussion, see Altman and Belt, “Reading History.” 42. Ibid., 91–92. 43. Ibid., 93. 44. Good examples of this are found throughout Sheehan, Seeds of Extinction; and Wallace, Jefferson and the Indians.

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Index Page numbers in italics refer to fig­ures. acts: of April 14, 1842, 105; of March 3, 1855, 107; of February 14, 1871, 108. See also Chero­kee invalid pensions; mili­ tary land bounty warrants; Militia Act of 1792; special preemption acts Adair, James, 10, 12 Adair, Walter, 184n10 Age of Jackson. See Jacksonian Age alliances. See Cherokee-­Ameri­can alliance; military alliances Ameri­can Revolution, 13–14, 16–19, 25– 26, 33, 40, 101; Ameri­cans against the Chickamauga and Cherokees, 17–19; British in the war, 14, 16–19, 40; Chero­ kee War of 1776, 17; Kings Mountain, battle at, 17. See also Chero­kee War Amohee, 95 Anglo-­Chero­kee War, 14; British colonial Indian policy, 15; relations, 13 annuity payments, 28–29, 47, 68, 88 Arkansas Cherokees. See Old Settlers Armstrong, John, 52, 102 Article XIV, Treaty of New Echota, 105. See also Treaty of New Echota Attakullakulla, 15–18 Augusta council, 91 Autossee, 67, 185n30 Baldridge, Dick, 192n135 Baldridge, John, 94, 192n135 ball game, 15, 174n28 band of brothers, 57, 60–61, 71, 82, 101, 103. See also brothers in arms Bark (Creek), 49 Bark, The (Cherokee), 94 Barnes, William, 96 Bartram, William, 21 Battle Creek, 31, 50, 185n14, 198n13 Bean, William, 16 Bear Meat, 72, 103, 190n106 Beaver, The, 106

Bell’s Tavern, 68 beloved woman, 17, 94, 173n14; sparing prisoners, 21. See also prisoner treatment; Ward, Nancy; war woman Benge, John, 94 Big Bear, 43, 84 Big Cabbin. See Smith, Cabbin Big Warrior, 44, 50–52 Bird Clan. See clans Blackburn, Gideon, 176n75 Black Fox, 194n153 Black Warrior River, 63, 73 Black Watt. See Adair, Walter blood, symbolism of, 46–47, 61, 92, 98– 99, 101, 107, 111. See also blood law; clan law blood law, 12, 30; avenging wrongs, 13, 15–16, 19, 24, 30, 52, 75–76, 86, 89, 176n75, 177n77; as tradition, 24, 41– 42, 44, 50. See also blood, symbolism of; clan law blood quantum, 198n14 Bloody Fellow, 20 Blount, William, 21 Blount, Willie, 85 Bold Hunter, 96 Bone Polisher, 31, 176n77 Boone, Daniel, 16 boundary disputes: colonial period, 15; post-­Creek War, 91–93; Revolutionary era, 17 bounty land warrant. See military land bounty warrant Brahan, John, 45 Brainerd missionaries, 94. See also missionaries/­missions; Moravian ­missionaries Breath, 20 breast works. See Horseshoe Bend, battle at: barricade British, 4, 10, 13, 14–19, 40, 50, 103,

216

Index

191n123; post-­Creek War, 101, 183n2. See also English; Great Britain Broadus, S. S., 184n13, 192n135 Broom. See Little Broom; Old Broom Broom’s Town, 35 brothers in arms, 11, 98, 104. See also band of brothers Brown, Catharine, 85 Brown, James, 51, 59, 65, 70–71, 75, 96, 184n8, 184n12, 185n14, 185n29, 190n106, 191n125 Brown, Jane, 22, 174n44 Brown, John, 78, 80–81, 96, 103, 107, 184n7, 190n106, 197n62 Brown, John (Old Frontiers), 172n6 Brown, Joseph, 22–23, 90–91, 174n44 Brown, Richard, 53, 59, 62–63, 65, 68–69, 71–73, 91, 94–95, 196n39, 197n64 Brown, William, 96 Brown family (Joseph), 22, 90, 174n44. See also Brown, Jane; Brown, Joseph Brown’s Town. See Brown’s Village Brown’s Valley, 53, 102 Brown’s Village, 68, 185n14 Broyles, William, Jr., 9 Buffalo With Calf, 63 Burnt Corn Creek, battle at, 52, 54 Butler, Pierce M., 105, 107 Butrick, Daniel S., 12 Cahaba River, 73 Calebee, battle at, 67 Calhoun, John C., 97, 176n74, 197n68 Call, Richard, 73 Cameron, Alexander, 15–16 Campbell, Arch, 94 Campbell, Arthur, 19 Camp Coocey (Coosa). See Fort Armstrong Camp Ross, 61 Canoe Creek, 63 captives, 20–23, 30, 49, 63, 89–90, 174n35, 174n44; black captives, 22, 74; taken by Cherokees, 65–67, 79, 88–89; taken by militia, 64, 67; taken by the Red Sticks, 63, 74, 80; white captives, 20–21. See also Chero­kee captives; Chero­kee Indian Regiment: war plunder (in­clud­ing

captives); Chero­kee warfare: captives; Hillabee, battle at: captives; Jackson, ­Andrew: prisoners; Meigs, Return J.: on Creek prisoners; prisoner treatment Carroll, William, 72 Carter, John, 16 Carter’s Valley, Tennessee, 17 Cavett’s Station, 24 Cedar Towns, 65 Charley (Cherokee). See Tsali Charley (Creek boy), 64 Chattahoochee River, 52, 91 Cherokee-­Ameri­can alliance, 2, 9, 59–60, 71, 77, 81, 84–85, 88, 91, 100, 102; as argument against removal, 98, 101; resists removal, 103; role of elders, 71 Chero­kee captives. See captives; fiery torture; prisoner treatment Chero­kee communities: hardships from war, 68–69, 83, 85, 93, 178n94; post-­Creek War census, 89; source for provisioning army, 68–69 Chero­kee County, NC, 106 Cherokee-­Creek relations, 18, 20, 22, 29, 41, 48, 49–50, 57, 69, 74, 181n59, 194n153; with National Creeks, 40, 49, 51–53, 55, 57, 62–64, 70, 72, 76; post-­ Creek war, 91–93, 100. See also boundary disputes; Chickamauga War Cherokee-­Creek War (1715–1755), 181n59 Chero­kee Indian agency, 32, 38, 45, 47–48, 60, 67, 183n3 Chero­kee Indian Regiment, 96, 101; casualties, 72, 80; at Fort Armstrong, 70, 75; furloughs, 69, 75; home front hardships, 68–69, 85; at Horseshoe Bend, 76–82; Meigs’s instructions, 60–61; mili­ tary pay by rank, 58, 86; mustering, 58, 60–61, 70, 74–75, 86; other forms of payment, 70; reaction to call to war, 58, 72; signals, 70; as spies, guides, couriers, guards, and translators, 58, 62–63, 66, 70, 74–75; structure, 58–59, 192n133; supply problems, 67–68; victory dance, 80; war plunder (in­clud­ing captives), 64, 66, 74, 88–89; weapon shortage, 68, 75; white plumes or tails insignia, 59, 63,



Index

186n42. See also names of in­di­vidual battles; in­di­vidual warrior-­soldiers Chero­kee Indians: gender roles, 10, 12, 20, 25–26, 39; government centralization, 25, 28–29, 31, 45, 94, 100; headmen, 14–16, 23–25, 30–31, 35–36, 38–39, 44–47, 49–51, 53, 56–57, 59, 71, 84, 91, 94, 102–103, 184n13, 185n14, 197n64. See also names of in­di­vidual headmen Chero­kee invalid pensions, 92; Article XIV of Treaty of New Echota, 105; denied, 107; review process, 105–107; to widows, 105. See also Chero­kee invalids; pensions Chero­kee invalids, 104–107. See also Chero­ kee invalid pensions; pensions Chero­kee mili­tary structure, 9–10, 29, 58, 70, 101, 104 Chero­kee Nation, 83, 89, 94–95, 98–99, 102, 110–111, 197n68 Chero­kee National Committee, 31, 39, 47– 48, 56, 95, 97 Chero­kee National Council, 29, 31–32, 39, 44–45, 47–48, 51, 56, 176–77n77; against removal, 103; mili­tary aid to Ameri­cans, 55; post-­Creek War, 94–98, 106; on prophetic movement, 40, 44–45 Chero­kee Renascence (book), 5 Chero­kee towns: old Lower Towns, 14, 17, 25; Middle (or Mountain) Towns, 17, 37–38, 42, 73, 84; new Lower Towns (Chickamauga towns), 18–19, 25, 30– 31, 37, 91, 93–94, 97, 102–103; Overhill or Upper Towns, 14, 18–19, 21, 30– 31, 37–38, 94; Valley Towns, 17, 37–38, 42, 71, 73, 84, 94, 105. See also names of in­di­vidual towns Chero­kee War (1776), 14, 17, 180n46 Chero­kee warfare: as “beloved occupation,” 10; captives, 11, 20, 23, 65–67, 74, 89; community in war, 12–13, 25, 194n153; dances, 80; induction of youths, 11–12, 20; justifications/motives, 8–11, 13, 74, 101, 104; preparation for, 17, 20, 75; remembrances, 86, 89, 104; ritual maiming, 11, 66; role of blood, 13; spiritual aspects, 8, 11–12; titles, 61, 104; tra-

217

ditional methods, 11–12, 17, 20, 70, 75, 107, 177n77; war councils, 12– 13, 55, 70; war medicine, 80, 174n28, 191n126; war titles, 10–11, 70, 104; women in war, 22–23, 194n153. See also blood, symbolism of; Chero­kee captives; Chero­kee communities; plunder; prisoner treatment; and names of in­di­vidual battles and wars Cherokee-­white relations, 26, 28, 30, 33, 39–40, 46, 50–51, 53, 59–60, 84, 174n35; legal disputes, 46; post-­Creek War, 89–90, 93, 102, 111, 176n74, 180n46. See also federal Indian policy; spoliation claims; white encroachment Chero­kee Women’s Council, 94–96. See also Ward, Nancy Chickamauga Indians, 14–15, 23, 25, 75, 90, 97, 101, 191n126; alliance with the British 17–20; alliance with the Creeks, 20, 41; alliance with the Shawnees, 20, 41. See also Chickamauga War Chickamauga region, 91, 102 Chickamauga Town, 52 Chickamauga War, 23–24, 57, 101, 110; consequences, 15, 19, 25, 40, 54, 90; leadership, 14, 23 Chickasaw council grounds, 94 Chickasaw Indians, 52, 57, 84, 91, 93, 100 Chilhowee, 18, 37 Chinnabee (Natchez), 53 Chinnabee’s Town, 75 Choctaw Indians, 52, 57, 67, 93, 181n62, 189n78 Cholocco Litabixee (Horse’s Flat Foot), 76. See also Horseshoe Bend Chota, 17–18, 23, 37 Christian, William, 17–18. See also Chero­ kee War; Ameri­can Revolution Chulioa, 47, 51, 62, 185n29 Citizen Indians, 110. See also East­ern Band of Chero­kee Indians civilization plan, 1, 25–26, 29, 38, 40, 54, 60, 95, 100–102, 111 Civil War (Ameri­can), 108, 110 Claiborne, Ferdinand, 67 clan law, 30, 42. See also blood law; clans

218

Index

clans, 94; Bird Clan, 195n27; Deer Clan, 184n10; Wolf Clan, 21 Clarion (Nashville), 88 Cocke, John, 61, 65, 69, 72, 74, 85, 189n87 Coffee, John, 4, 62–63, 69, 186n35; Black Warrior River excursion, 63; at Emuckfau, 72; at Enitochopco, 72–73; at Horseshoe Bend, 76–77, 79–80; at Tallushatchee, 63; map of Horseshoe Bend, 77; post-­Creek War, 93 Coley, C. J., 4–5 collective memory, 110 confederacy, 41, 108. See also Civil War (Ameri­can); pan-­Indian movement Coosa River, 53, 61–62, 65, 73, 76 Coosawatee, 41 Cosby, James, 193n152 Cotterill, Robert S., 4 cotton production, 83–84 countrymen, 37–38, 54, 58, 59, 74, 96, 105, 188n67, 193n139 Coweta, 52, 55 Coyeetoyhee, 90–91 Craig, David, 20 Crawford, William, 87 Crawler, 89, 195n27 Crawley, Martha, 49, 63, 186n39. See also Duck River, Tennessee, massacre Crawling Snake, 106 Creek factionalism, 44, 49–51, 54–55, 100; 175n56. See also Creek War: as Creek civil war Creek Indian agency, 70 Creek Indians, 39, 45, 49, 84, 93, 100; Abeka, 188n76; Lower Town Creeks, 48–49; National, 40, 51, 57, 62, 64, 67, 70, 72, 100. See also Hillabee Creeks; Red Sticks; and names of individuals Creek Nation, 48–49, 51–52, 62, 65, 71, 91 Creek National Council, 40–41, 44, 49–50, 52, 55, 57 Creek orphans, 64 Creek Path, 51–52, 103 Creek War, 40, 50–52, 76, 83–85, 91–92, 96, 100–103, 106, 186n39; Chero­kee retaliation for isolated incidents, 55; collateral casualties, 64; as Creek civil war,

44, 50, 54–55, 57, 175n56; hostilities against Cherokees, 55, 62, 74; tally of final damages, 81, 194n154. See also names of in­di­vidual battles and individuals Crockett, David, 4, 62–64 Crow Town, 18 crying blood, 12. See also blood, symbolism of Culsowee, 107 Cumberland settlements (Tennessee), 19– 20, 22, 30 Currohee Dick, 96 Cussetah Mico, 51 Dance of the Lakes, 40. See also Prophet, The Dearborn, Henry, 30 Deer Clan. See clans Deer In The Water, 96 deerskin trade, 14, 191n117 delegates/delegations, 31, 47, 91–92, 96, 98–99, 181n59, 197n64 deserters/desertions, 66, 74, 85 Dinsmoor, Silas, 28, 30 disposal of the dead, 64 Ditto’s Landing, 62 Donelson, Andrew Jackson, 64 Doublehead, 20, 24, 29–30, 35, 37, 176– 77n77; secret treaty article, 30–31, 37, 185n19, 191n125. See also Chickamauga Indians; Chickamauga War Dougherty, John (Jack), 58, 184n6 Dragging Canoe, 14, 16–19, 21, 23. See also Chickamauga Indians; Chicka­ mauga War Duck, 47 Duck River, Tennessee, massacre, 49, 63, 186n39. See also Crawley, Martha Dyer, Robert, 63 Earle, Elias, 33 Earl of Dunmore, 16 East­ern Band of Chero­kee Indians, 194n4. See also Citizen Indians; Oconaluftee settlement East Tennessee Militia, 61, 69–70, 85, 102. See also spoliation claims; Tennessee ­militia



Index

Eccanachaca. See Holy Ground Eight Killer, 96 emigrants/emigration, 31, 84, 93–97, 100, 102–103, 106 Emuckfau, 67. See also Creek War Emuckfau Creek, battle at, 72–73. See also Creek War English, 47–49, 54. See also British; Great Britain Enitachopco, battle at, 72–73. See also Creek War Enola (Inali). See Black Fox Etowah, 55. See also Hightower (Etowah) Etowah River. See Hightower (Etowah) River Eustis, William, 33, 47, 49 expansion ideology, 101, 111 expansion with honor, 25, 36 Factionalism: Cherokee, 14, 24, 30, 33, 83, 177n77; Creek, 4, 40–41, 44, 49–50, 57, 100, 175n56; over Chero­kee removal, 94–95, 97, 102–103 Fallen, Edward, 105 Fallen Timbers, battle at, 24 federal aid to Cherokees, 36–37, 45, 67– 68, 86 federal Chero­kee census of 1809, 37 federal expulsion of white intruders, 32–33, 84, 93, 97, 198n6 federal Indian policy, 25–26, 28, 36–37, 60, 111; post-­Creek War, 93, 97–103, 111. See also land cessions; treaties; and names of in­di­vidual treaties federal mili­tary garrisons, 49. See also names of in­di­vidual posts Fergus, John, 84 Ferguson, R. Brian, 9 fictive kinship, 61–62, 71, 98–99, 110. See also blood, symbolism of Fields, David, 96 Fields, George, 62–65, 96, 103, 184n8, 190n108, 194n10, 194n22 fiery torture, 21–22. See also captives; Chero­kee captives Fife, Jim, 72, 89 Finley, John, 50

219

Fish, The, 184n8 Flint River, 70 Floyd, John, 67 forced removal. See removal Fort Armstrong, 61, 70–71, 73–76, 193n152; Chero­kee ceremonial square, 70; Chero­kee council house, 70; Chero­ kee garrison, 61, 69–70, 75; militia garrison, 61, 65 Fort Hampton, 49, 90 Fort Lashley, 64 Fort Leslie. See Fort Lashley Fort Mims, battle at, 54–55 forts, 187n52. See federal mili­tary garrisons; and names of in­di­vidual forts Fort Southwest Point, 32, 49 Fort Strother, 63–65, 68–69, 72–75 Fort Watauga, 16 Fort Williams, 76, 187n56 Foster, James, 59, 75, 80, 86, 184n12 Francis, Josiah, 50 Franklin County, Tennessee, 51 French and Indian War. See Seven Years War Frog, 185n29 Frog Town. See Broom’s Town Gambold, John, 44. See also Moravian missionaries Gearing, Fred, 178n94 Georgia militia, 67, 73, 188n76 Gibson, John H., 62–63, 68 Glass, The, 20, 91 Going Snake. See Crawling Snake Golcher, John, 107 Golcher, Joseph C., 107 Gordon, John, 62 Gourd, The, 94 Graham, George, 92 Grayson, Robert. See Grierson, Robert Great Britain, 3, 15, 36, 40, 46–48, 54, 101. See also British; English Great Island, 18 Great Smoky Mountains, 109 Grierson, Robert, 74, 191n117 Guess, George. See Sequoyah Gun Rod (Conrad), 89. See also Hair ­Conrad

220

Index

Hair Conrad, 98 Handley, Samuel, 21 Hanging Maw, 20, 23 Harper’s Ferry, 199n30 Hartsell, Jacob, 65 Hatcheechubbee, 51 Hawkins, Benjamin, 25, 28, 44, 49, 51–52, 70, 176n69 Haywood County, NC, 84 Henderson, Richard, 15 Henderson Purchase (1775), 16 Henry, P.M., 106 Hicks, Charles, 42, 47, 57–60, 67, 74; at Fort Armstrong, 61, 70; at Hillabee, 65; post-­Creek War, 95–96, 183n3, 184n6, 184n7, 191n119 Hicks, Elijah, 97 Hicks, George, 86 High Head Jim, 50 Hightower (Etowah), 63, 74, 80 Hightower (Etowah) River, 73 Hillabee, battle at, 65; captives, 65; casualties, 65–66; Chero­kee actions at, 65–66. See also Creek War Hillabee Creeks, 65, 74, 88 Hillabee Massacre. See Hillabee, battle at Hillabee Towns, 65, 72 Hiwassee garrison, 49, 67, 89, 187n58. See also Chero­kee Indian agency; federal mili­tary garrisons Holland, James W., 5 Holm, Tom, 8–9 Holmes, J. L., 77 Holston River, 17, 24 Holy Ground, 67, 185n30 Horseshoe Bend, 76–77, 188n75 Horseshoe Bend, battle at, 76–79, 86, 88–89, 104, 106–107, 111, 192n135; Ameri­can artillery, use of, 76; barricade, 72, 76, 79, 111; battle positions, 77; canoes, 76, 78; captured Creeks, 79– 81; casualty fig­ures, 80–81; centennial, 192n135; Chero­kee rear assault, 78–79, 199n30; Cherokees at, 76; map, 77; National Creeks at, 76; prophets, 76; Red Stick defenses, 76, 79–80, 192n132; Jackson’s combined force, 76; women

and children at, 78, 80–81. See also Chero­kee Indian Regiment; Creek War Hostages. See captives Houston, Sam, 79–80; 193n139 hunting, 11, 14–16, 25–26, 34, 54, 103, 105, 174n36 Huntsville, Mississippi Territory, 45, 64, 69, 89, 187n51 Indian removal. See removal Indian Territory, 6, 94, 105–106, 109 intruders. See white encroachment Jackson, Andrew, 58–61, 69, 72, 75–76, 100, 186n35; as Chero­kee advocate, 59, 62, 66, 98; desertions, 66, 74–75; Emuckfau, battle at, 72; Enitochopco, battle at, 73; Fort Jackson, 91; Hillabee surrender, 5; Horseshoe Bend campaign, 76–77, 79–80; Indian removal, 103; plunder, 80; post-­war treaty commissioner, 94; presidency, 98–99; prisoners, 63, 65, 67, 74, 80, 187n51, 187n58, 188n74; provision problems, 61, 63–64, 68–69, 72–75, 189n87; post-­war sentiments toward Cherokees, 93–94; on troop destruction of Chero­kee property, 85. See also East Tennessee militia; prisoner treatment; removal; spoliation claims; Tennessee militia; treaties Jackson, Rachel, 64, 186n35 Jacksonian Age, 6, 100, 111 Jefferson, Thomas, 25, 30, 32, 36 Jeffersonian era, 111 Jeffersonian republicanism/republicans, 60, 100–101, 111 Jug. See Tahcheechee Jug, Levi, 108. See also Tahcheechee ,Jug, Watty, 108. See also Tahcheechee Junaluska, 110 Junnoe (a slave), 86. See also slaves; spoliation claims Justice, Richard (Dick) (The Just), 20, 24, 75, 191n126 Kansas Territory, 108 Keowee, 25



Index

Keys, Lucy Lowrey Hoyt, 173–74n28 Kialigee, 52 Kings Mountain, battle at, 17 Knave, Henry. See Nave, Henry Knox, Henry, 18, 25, 36 Knoxville, 48 land bounty warrant. See mili­tary land bounty warrant land cessions, 27, 36, 83–84, 91–94, 98, 100; Chickasaws, 91; Cherokees resistance to, 25; Creek, 91, 100; Tellico, 30; Treaty of 1817, 83, 96, 100, 102–103; Treaty of 1819, 83, 102–103; Treaty of Holston, 26; Treaty of Long Island of Holston, 18; Treaty of Sycamore Shoals, 16. See also treaties; and names of in­di­vidual treaties Las(h)ley, James, 107 Lashley (Leslie), Daniel, 64 Laughing Molly, 43 lawmenders. See lighthorse: Creek lighthorse, 28–34, 39, 41–42, 46, 49, 59, 84, 86, 97–98, 110, 176n69, 177n81, 198n13; Cherokee, 29; Creek, 29, 44. See also pony clubs; rustling Littafuchee, battle at, 63 Little Broom, 86 Little Carpenter. See Attakullakulla Little Owl, 20 Little Turkey, 20, 23–24 Little Warrior, 50 Long Island Town, 18 Lookout Mountain, 25, 85 Lookout Mountain Town, 18, 20, 67, 191n126 Lookout Mountain valley, 102 Looney, John, 72, 96, 190n108 Love, Thomas, 84 Lowrey, Betsy, 184n13 Lowrey, George, 31, 47, 96, 104, 174n28, 184n13, 198n13 Lowrey, John, 31, 33, 47–48, 50–51, 59, 64, 66–67, 69–71, 74–75, 91–92, 184n13, 185n14 Luftee Indians. See Citizen Indians; East­ern Band of Chero­kee Indians Lyncoya, 64. See also Creek orphans

221

Mad Dog’s Village, 67 Madison, James, 91–92, 107; Whale’s rifle, 108, 199n30 Major Ridge, 61, 66, 68, 70–71, 74–75, 78–79, 86, 91, 95, 104; portrait, 87; 192n135. See also Ridge, The Mankiller, The, 104 Martin, James, 106 Martin, John, 96 Martin, Joseph, 19 masculinity, 8–11, 14, 20–21, 28–29, 34, 36, 51, 56, 104, 175n56, 176n77 matrilineal society, 38, 94, 184–85n13. See also clans McCoy, Daniel, 98 McDonald, John, 18 McHenry, James, 28 McIntosh, John, 31, 47, 80, 96, 184n7 McIntosh, William, 44, 55, 63, 67 McKenney, Thomas L., 20, 79, 98 McLemore, John, 47, 59, 65, 80, 103, 184n10, 190n108, 195n27 McLoughlin, William G., 5, 101, 103, 127 McMinn, Joseph, 97, 197n68 McNair, David, 58, 63, 65–66, 74, 184n10, 188n67, 192n133, 195n27 Meigs, Return J.: call to war, 57; on Chero­ kees in Creek War, 81; on Creek civil war, 51; on Creek prisoners, 89; defends Chero­kee loyalty, 70; on earthquake, 44–45; 48; Indian agent, 25, 33, 37– 38, 53, 60, 71, 74, 84, 89, 91, 94, 97, 101–102, 177n87, 184–85n13, 198n6; media­tor, 46, 51, 91, 102; over possible war, 48, 50, 52–53; paternalism, 60; patronizing manner, 70; questions Chero­ kee loyalty, 49, 59–60; recommends Cherokees in mili­tary operations, 53, 55, 59–60; spoliation claims, 86–88, 196n43; supplies for warrior-­soldiers, 67–68; supports Indian removal, 101– 102, 198n6; war department agent, 49, 53, 58–60, 67–68, 101. See also captives; Chero­kee Indian Regiment; Creek War; federal aid to Cherokees; federal Indian policy; removal; spoliation claims; prisoner treatment

222

Index

Melton, 63 mili­tary alliances, 4, 9, 16, 20, 40–41, 49, 51, 57, 59–60, 71, 77, 81, 84–85, 88, 91–92, 100–102, 111. See also Cherokee-­ Ameri­can alliance mili­tary land bounty warrant, 113; sale of, 108–109; widows denied, 107 Militia Act of 1792, 29 Miller, Andrew, 96 Mims, Samuel, 54. See also Fort Mims, ­battle at Mink, 96, 103 missionaries/missions, 43, 58, 65, 85–86, 94. See also names of in­di­vidual missionaries and missions Mississippi River, 31, 36, 43, 105–106 Mississippi Territory, 45, 51, 84 Mississippi Territory militia, 52, 54, 67, 70, 73 Mitchell, David B., 55 monetary compensation to Cherokees, 30 Montgomery, Lemuel, 4, 78 Mooney, James, 80, 183n91 Moravian missionaries, 43, 58, 65, 85–86, 188n72, 193n151. See also Gambold, John; Springplace Mission, Moravian Morgan, Gideon, 5, 59, 61, 64–65, 69–71, 75, 184–85n13; daughter’s interview, 184n13, 192n135; defends Chero­kee actions at Hillabee, 66; at Horseshoe Bend, 78–79; post-­Creek War, 96, 103; 105. See also Chero­kee Indian Regiment; Creek War; Rogers, Chero­kee America (Morgan); and names of in­di­vidual battles Moulton, Gary, 6 Mouse, The, 86, 106 Mulberry Fork, 63 Nashville, 64, 187n51 Natchez, 51, 53 Natchez-­Creek, 59, 75, 182n81 National Intelligencer, 88 Nauchee Town (Natchez Town), 53 Nave, Henry, 96 Nebraska Territory, 108 New Madrid earthquake, 42–43. See also Meigs, Return J.; prophecies Nickajack, 18, 23

Nickowee, 105–106 Niles’ Weekly Register, 51, 88 Nolichucky River, 17 North Carolina, 17, 23, 26, 31, 51, 71, 84, 106, 110, 194n4 Nutsawi, Thomas, 12 Nuyaka (New York), 67, 70 Oconaluftee settlement, 84, 194n4. See also Citizen Indians; East­ern Band of Chero­kee Indians Oconostota (Great Warrior), 18 Okchai Town, 62 Okfuskee, 78 Old Broom, 74, 191n119 Old Settlers, 96, 102 Onai, 89 Oohulooke, 94 Ooliteskee, 94 Oostanaula, 41, 48, 55 Oowatata, 94 Oowatie (The Ancient), 192n135 Ore, James, 23 Ore expedition, 23 Overmountain Men, 17. See also Wataugans Overtaker, 106 Owsley, Frank L., Jr, 3–4, 55 pan-­Indian movement, 40–41, 44. See also Chickamauga Indians; Prophet, The; Red Sticks; Shawnee Indians; Shawnee prophetic (or nativist) movement; ­Tecumseh Paris (Captain), 28. See also lighthorse Parton, James, 65. See also Jackson, Andrew Path Killer (the elder), 24, 51, 53, 59– 60, 62, 72, 85, 91–92, 94–95, 97–98, 185n31 Path Killer (the younger), 96 Path Killer’s Fort, 70, 190n106 Payne, John Howard, 12, 104, 193n149 Pensacola (Spanish Florida), 18–19, 52. See also Spanish Florida pensions: 92, 107. See also Chero­kee invalid pensions; Chero­kee invalids; land bounty warrants Pigeon In The Water, 105, 199n22



Index

Pine Log, 24–25 plunder, 26, 31, 39; by Cherokees in Creek war, 64, 66; by militia, 85. See also captives; Chero­kee captives; Chero­kee Indian Regiment: war plunder (in­clud­ ing captives); Jackson, Andrew: plunder; spoliation claims pony clubs, 27, 29, 34, 174n35. See also Cherokee-­white relations; lighthorse; rustling Pope, Leroy, 64 present giving, 91, 94, 101 Pridget, Thomas, 12 prisoners. See captives prisoner treatment, 20; adoption of, 21, 23; participation of community, 20; release/­ exchange; 21, 23; torture/killing of, 21– 22. See also beloved woman; blood law; captives; Chero­kee captives; Chero­ kee warfare; Horseshoe Bend, battle at; Jack­son, Andrew prophecies, 41–44, 180n43; regarding earthquake, 43–44. See also prophets; and in­di­vidual names of prophets Prophet, The (Tenskwatawa), 40–41 prophets, 36; Cherokee, 36, 41; Creek, 41, 44, 50–52, 63, 76; Shawnee, 36. See also in­di­vidual names of prophets Qualla Boundary, 194n4 Radcliffe, 62 Rain Crow, 78, 80, 107 Raven, The, 104 Raven of Chilhowee, The, 17 Raven of Chota, The, 18 reunification, 14, 30–31 real men. See masculinity Red Sticks, 44, 50–53, 54–55, 57, 61–62, 64, 67, 72, 79–81, 86; captured, 64, 80; casualty fig­ures, 64, 80–81; prophets, 63; spies, 69; surrender of Hillabees, 65; weapons of, 63, 79. See also Creek Indians; Creek War; Hillabee Creek; prophets; and names of in­di­vidual battles and individuals Red Stick War. See Creek War

223

Reese, Henry Dobson, 192n135 Reese (Reece), Charles, 78, 192n135 Regiment of Chero­kee Indians. See Chero­ kee Indian Regiment regulators. See lighthorse Remini, Robert V., 65. See also Jackson, ­Andrew removal, 97, 99, 102, 105–106, 109–110; invalid veterans exempted, 105–106; return east, 109. See also Chero­kee emigration; Chero­kee invalids removal arguments: 98, 101–102, 111, 198n6. See also Chero­kee National Council; Jackson, Andrew; Meigs, Return J.; Treaty of New Echota reparations. See spoliation claims republican values, 61. See also Jeffersonian republicanism/republicans reserves, 94–97, 100, 103, 197n62. See also treaties; Treaty of 1817; Treaty of 1819 Rhea County, Tennessee, 193n152 Ridge, The, 20, 24–25, 30–31, 33, 42, 44– 45, 47–48, 55, 58, 104, 174n30. See also Major Ridge Robertson, Charles, 18 Robertson, James, 15–16 Rogers, Chero­kee America (Morgan), 192n135 Rogers, James, 193n139 Rogers, John, 176–77n77, 193n139 Rogers, Tiana (Diane), 193n139 Ross, Daniel, 86 Ross, John, 6, 47, 52–53, 86, 95–99, 108; as adjutant, 59, 66, 69, 75; portrait, 53; as principal chief, 105 Ross, Lewis, 86, 96 Royal Proclamation of 1763, 15–16 Running Water, 18, 23 Russell, William, 77, 188n67 rustling, 26–28, 48, 174n35, 175n57. See also Cherokee-­white relations; lighthorse Rutherford, Griffith, 17. See also Ameri­can Revolution; Chero­kee War Sally (Guess), 108. See also Sequoyah Sanders, Alexander. See Saunders, ­Alexander

224

Index

Sanders, George. See Saunders, George Sap Sucker, 96 Sarah (slave), 90 Saunders, Alexander, 31, 58, 59, 65–66, 74–75, 184n6 Saunders, George, 176–77n77 Sauta, 68 scalping/scalps, 10–11, 20, 22, 24, 65–66, 70, 80, 176–77n77, 194–95n153. See also Chero­kee Indian Regiment; Chero­ kee warfare Scott, Bill, 74 Searcy, Robert, 68 Seekaboo, 40 Seelatee, 64 Sekekee, 47, 59, 65, 107 Seminole War, 84, 88 Sequatchie Valley, 198n13 Sequoyah, 94, 103–104, 108 Settico, 18, 37 Seven Years War, 14–15, 41 Sevier, John, 15–16, 19, 184n13 sharecroppers, 30, 32, 39 Shawano Indians. See Shawnee Indians Shawnee Indians, 4, 17, 20, 36, 40–41, 47, 80. See also pan-­Indian movement; Prophet, The; Shawnee prophetic movement; Tecumseh Shawnee prophetic (or nativist) movement, 36, 40–41. See also Dance of the Lakes; pan-­Indian movement; prophecies; Prophet, The; and names of in­di­ vidual prophets Shelby, Evan, 18 Shelby, Isaac, 16 Shoe Boots, 43, 71, 80, 86, 104, 184n8, 193n149 Sipsey Fork, 63 Sitico (Settico) Creek, 96 slaves, 89, 184n9, 195n22; Af­ri­can Ameri­ can, 22, 37, 46, 86, 88, 90–91; Cherokee, 23, 80, 180n46; Creek, 67, 88–89; in Creek War, 58, 72, 74; white, 174n36 Sleeping Rabbit, 96 Small Wood, 96 Smith, Cabbin, 74, 96, 191n119 Smith, Thomas (Shield Eater), 12

Snodgrass, William, 70 Sour Mush, 44, 47, 58, 184n8 Sour Mush’s Town, 74 South­ern Indians, 4 Southwest Point. See also Fort Southwest Point Spanish Florida, 46 special preemption acts, 39, 84 Speers, John (Jack), 80–81, 96, 107 Spirit, The, 94 spoliation claims, 86–88, 92–93, 97, 195n22; 196n43. See also Chero­kee communities; Jackson, Andrew; Meigs, Return J., Tennessee militia Spring Frog, 94 Springplace Mission, Moravian, 58, 86, 184n10 Standing Peach Tree, 81, 91 Standing Turkey, 107 stickball. See ball game Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands, 3–4 Stuart, Henry, 17 Stuart, John, 14, 16, 18 Sullockaw, 59, 75 supply problems, 63–65, 67, 72. See also Chero­kee communities; Chero­kee Indian Regiment; Jackson, Andrew; Meigs, Return J. syllabary, 103. See also Sequoyah Swimmer, 96 Tahcheechee (Jug), 108 Tahlonteeskee, 30 Talladega, 65, 72, 75; battle at, 64, 74, 187n55; Chero­kee actions in, 64– 65, 85 Tallahassee (Creek town), 22, 67 Tallapoosa River, 5–6, 67, 72–73, 76, 79– 80, 185n30, 188n75, 199n30 Tallasee Fixico, 51 Tallushatchee, 63, 65, 70; battle at, 63–64, 187n55, 190n106; Chero­kee actions in, 63–64, 85 Tarrant, Leonard L., 77 Taylor, Fox, 94 Taylor, Richard, 59, 65, 75, 95, 98, 184n6, 191n123



Index

Tecumseh, 4, 40–41, 44, 50. See also pan-­ Indian movement; Shawnee Indians Tellico, 18, 24, 28, 30, 37, 68 Tellico garrison, 49 Ten Islands, 62, 64, 73 Tenswatawa. See Prophet, The Tennessee River, 18, 22, 62, 94, 100 Tennessee militia, 32, 50, 58, 61, 63, 65, 69–70, 76–77, 85–86, 102. See also Mississippi Territorial militia Tennison Hotel, 98 Territory, 106 Thirty-­Ninth Regiment. See US Thirty-­ Ninth Regiment Thompson, Jack, 62 Thompson, John, 72, 103 Thompson’s Valley. See Brown’s Valley Thornton, Russell, 180n43 Timberlake, Henry, 10 Timberlake, Dick (Richard), 96 Timson, John, 98 tohi, 110 Tohopeka, 73, 76–78, 185n30, 188n76. See also Horseshoe Bend, battle at Toqua, 18, 21 Toochala, 51, 94–95 Trade and Intercourse Acts, 84 Trail of Tears. See collective memory; ­removal Transylvania Land Company, 16. See also Henderson Purchase (1775); treaties treaties, 93; Holston (1791), 25, 27; Hope­ well (1785); Long Island of Holston (1777), 18, 173n19; Philadelphia (1794), 28; Sycamore Shoals (1775), 16; Tellico (1798), 32, 90; Tellico (1805), 30; Treaty of 1817, 83, 96, 100, 102–103; Treaty of 1819, 83, 102–103; Treaty of New Echota (1835), 99. See also federal Indian policy; land cessions; and names of in­di­ vidual treaties Treaty of 1817, 83, 96, 100, 102–103 Treaty of 1819, 83, 102–103 Treaty of Fort Jackson, 91–92 Treaty of New Echota, 6, 99, 105 Treaty Party, 99, 104 Tsali, 42, 44

225

Tuckabatchee, 47, 51, 62, 67 Tugaloo, 25, 43, 181n59 Turkey, Betsey, 107 Turkey Town, 51, 53, 61–64, 70, 75, 93 Tuskegee Town, 198n13 Tyger (Big Tiger), 58, 67, 86, 184n7, 188n72 uktena, 43, 80 United States, 48, 94–95, 97–103, 111; ­actions to protect squatters on Indian lands, 84; congress, 98, 105; constitution, 108; mili­tary organization, 29, 104; Office of Pensions, 107; Ordinance Office, 107; Public Land Office, 108; regarding setting boundaries, 91, 100; senate, 98. See also federal Indian policy; treaties; and names of in­di­vidual treaties US Thirty-­Ninth Regiment, 76–79 Valley Towns, 23, 71 Vann, Avery, 74 Vann, James, 176–77n77, 191n125 Vann, Joseph, 78, 188n67 Wafford, James (Worn Out Blanket), 42, 179n21, 180n25, 183n91 Wa-­hie-­a-­tow-­ee, 106 Wahnenauhi. See Keys, Lucy Lowrey Hoyt Wahsaucy, 47, 94 Walker, John, 47–48, 50, 57–59, 63–64, 66, 69–71, 74–75, 78, 88, 96, 183n3 Ward, Nancy, 17–18, 21, 94, 173n14. See also beloved woman; war woman War in the Tribal Zone, 9 War of 1812, The, 1, 3, 41, 54, 69, 101, 103, 105, 107 war poles, 17, 20–22, 24. See also captives; Chero­kee captives; Chero­kee warfare; treatment of prisoners war woman, 94. See also Ward, Nancy Waselkov, Gregory, 55 Wash­ing­ton, George, 25, 36 Wash­ing­ton City (DC), 88, 92, 96, 98, 105, 196n39 Wash­ing­ton District (Tennessee), 16 Watauga Association, 15 Wataugans, 16–17

226

Index

Watauga River, 17 Watts, John, 20–21, 23 Wear, Samuel, 184n13 West Tennessee militia. See Jackson, ­Andrew; Tennessee militia Whale, The, 78, 106–107, 192n135; bandolier bag, 109; rifle, 108; US recognition of service, 107, 199n30. See also Chero­ kee invalids; Horseshoe Bend, battle at; Madison, James pensions White, James, 57, 61, 65–66, 74, 88, 187n51 white encroachment, 16–17, 19–20, 25–26, 28–29, 31–33, 39, 49, 177n87, 198n6; post-­Creek War, 92–93, 97, 101–102; pressure to legalize claims on Indian lands, 84, 93 Whitehead, Neil L., 9 White Man Killer, 96 whites with permits, 38–39

Whooping Boy, 85, 194n10 Wilkins, Thurman, 6 Williams, John, 76, 81, 88 Williamsburg, 16 Williamson, Andrew, 17–18. See also Ameri­ can Revolution; Chero­kee War Wills Town, 23, 75, 102 Wills Valley, 69, 75, 85, 102, 198n13 Wilson, Thomas, 96 Winchester, Tennessee, 76 Winston, Louis, 84 Wolf Clan. See clans Woodpecker, 65 Woodward, Thomas, 106 Yamassee War, 181n59 Yonah Equah (Yonahquah). See Big Bear Young Puppy, 106 Young Wolf, 94