Folk Practices in North Mexico: Birth Customs, Folk Medicine, and Spiritualism in the Laguna Zone 9781477304358

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FOLK PRACTICES IN NORTH MEXICO Birth Customs, Folk Medicine, and Spiritualism in the Laguna Zone

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Latin American Monographs, No. 2 Institute of Latin American Studies The University of Texas

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FOLK PRACTICES IN NORTH MEXICO Birth Customs, Folk Medícíne, and Spiritualism ín the Laguna Zone

ISABEL KELLY

PUBLISHED FOR THE INSTITUTE OF LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES BY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS PRESS

:

AUSTIN

Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 64-10313 Copyright © 1965 by Isabel Kelly All Rights Reserved Printed in the United States of America by the Printing Division of the University of Texas

PREFACE The present study results from field observations in the Torreón area of the state of Coahuila. In this state lies most of the desert area of northern Mexico, popularly known as the Laguna, or the Comarca Lagunera. The original investigation was sponsored by the Institute of InterAmerican Affairs and was designed primarily to provide background material for the Rural Medical Services (Servicios Médicos Rurales) of the Mexican Ministry of Public Health, which at that time contemplated a major housing program in the small agrarian community of El Cuije, near Torreón. The present volume, which concerns traditional medicine and certain other folk beliefs and practices, is a by-product of the housing study. Although the housing investigation was concentrated in El Cuije, information on folk curing came largely from informants in urban Torreón, with supplementary evidence from outlying rural areas, especially El Cuije. These data were recorded on Saturdays and Sundays when, for official reasons, it was not practical to work on the housing survey. Although the folk-medicine study was made following the return to Mexico City of my two collaborators, María Cristina Alvarez de Conde and the late Patricia Barreda de Incháustegui, both they and María del Pilar Ordaz provided scattered information included in the present publication. I am indebted to Dr. Francia Chisaki and Dr. Helen Sharsmith, of the Department of Botany, University of California, for the taxonomic determinations which appear in Appendix II. In addition, I should like to thank Professor Vicente Mendoza for permission to consult several volumes in his private library, and Dr. George Foster for the loan of Ciruelo's famous work. He and Drs. Frances Gillmor, Wayland D. Hand, and Thelma G. James have provided some data in connection with Old World relationships.

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The field study was made in 1953, and during my free time in the succeeding years the material was prepared for publication. The manuscript was completed in 1957, but publication has dragged while awaiting official clearance from the Mexican Ministry of Public Health. Despite the time lapse the text remains unchanged, except for the discussion of spiritualism. In this case, thanks to the delay, it has been possible to revamp comments to accord with later findings, although the basic descriptions stand as recorded a decade ago. Throughout the paper, verbs are in the present tense; it is quite likely that the over-all folk-medicine picture is little changed. However, by this time, Mexico's social security program (Instituto Mexicano de Seguro Social) probably has brought modern medical attention to many families of the lowincome sectors of the urban centers. Because of the focus on housing, no attempt was made to examine the vital statistics available for the Laguna or, for that matter, to observe the public-health services then offered in the area. As a consequence, no concrete recommendations are made with respect to the health program; nevertheless, the present sketch should be of considerable utility to the local health personnel. It is difficult for them to establish genuine rapport with the population without an understanding of current folk beliefs and practices related to childbirth and popular medicine; and without such knowledge, it is even more difficult for them to make headway in introducing the microbiological concept of disease. Someone once remarked that rural Mexican populations often are clean but seldom hygienic, and this casual observation may well provide a focal point for the health program—not only in the Laguna, but elsewhere. Until current notions with respect to the cause of illness are replaced, certain recommended practices—such as boiling water, protecting food from flies, and washing the hands before meals—will be considered meaningless rites. Through grim perseverance and insistence, such habits may be introduced by the health staff, but they are not likely to endure unless the personnel are able to convey real understanding of the reasons behind their recommendations. The health group has scored a major advance in accustoming the people to submit to periodic inoculations and to patronize maternal and child-health services. But a fundamental gain will come when, in the course of such contacts, the health group is able to establish understanding of the modern concepts of disease and, in conjunction, to teach the simple habits of daily living which will reduce the incidence of illness. The logical point of departure for

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such basic changes in culture is knowledge of the traditional theories of disease and of therapeutic practices. The present study should also be of interest as a sample of the abundance and type of popular medicine found in a mestizo zone whose culture is remote from native tradition and exhibits a pronounced Old World heritage. A setting similar to that depicted here for the Laguna may prove to be general in the vast, little-studied, mestizo area of northern Mexico. Recent publications by Madsen and Rubel indicate that basic resemblances extend far to the northeast, to the Spanish-speaking area of the lower Río Grande. However, their collaborator, Mrs. Antoineta Espejo, sees in that zone more indigenous influences than I recognize in Torreón. In particular, the local efflorescence of spiritualism promises to be of interest. A little-known but remarkably vigorous institution, spiritualism plays a significant role in Laguna mental health and folk medicine— and, in some areas of Mexico, in religion. Spiritualism is treated in Paragraphs 114-163, 373-427, and 432-444, and additional data are given in Appendix I. It will be noted that the immediately preceding citation is by paragraph number and not by page. Each paragraph, except those of the Preface and Appendices, is numbered, in order to permit precise cross references within the text. Direct quotations from informants have been translated into English. Sometimes successive paragraphs form part of a single statement (as in 17-19, 2 2 - 2 4 ) ; sometimes they come from different informants or from the same one upon quite different occasions. In most cases, the single account is self-evident. When there may be doubt, an arbitrary number, carried over from field notes, appears in italics at the end of the paragraph. Consecutive paragraphs to which the same number in italics is appended form part of the same statement (for example, Paragraphs 293-295, each followed by 2 4 ) . Conversely, when the italicized key numbers are different, the corresponding statements are independent of one another (as in Paragraphs 281, 101, and 282, 67). Tepepan, D.F. Mexico

I.K.

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CONTENTS Preface

vii

Background Sketch

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Pregnancy, Birth, and Postnatal Care Conception and Pregnancy, 7 Parturition, 11 Postnatal Care, 15 Suckling and Weaning; Infant Care, 17

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Folk Medicine Basic Aspects, 22 Folk-Medicine Practitioners, 25 "Unnatural" Illnesses and Their Treatment, 41 "Natural" Illnesses, 78

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Luck and Magic Lodestones, 105 Love Magic, 109

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Relationships: Mexican and Old World Irritila Medicine, 113 Ancient Mexican Influences, 114 The Old World Contribution, 118 Ingredients of Undefined Provenience, 125 Summary and Comments, 126

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Appendix I: Additional Data Concerning Local Spiritualism

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Appendix II: Herbarium Specimens

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References Cited

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Index

145 TABLE

Selected Elements in the Treatment of "Unnatural" Illnesses

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FOLK PRACTICES IN NORTH MEXICO Birth Customs, Folk Medicine, and Spiritualism in the Laguna Zone

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BACKGROUND SKETCH

1. The Laguna, or Comarca Lagunera (lake district), is a large, somewhat ill-defined expanse of country in northern Mexico; it occupies almost the full width of southern Coahuila and extends westward across the Durango border. Predominantly desert, much of this stretch has been brought under cultivation and, with large-scale irrigation, has become a major center for cotton, wheat, and alfalfa. Otherwise, the area is of interest as the scene par excellence of Mexico's great social and economic experiment in agrarian reform. 2. The Laguna extends approximately from Mapimí in the west to Saltillo in the east; Viesca is within its southern bounds; to the north it terminates with rugged, forbidding desert ranges. In ancient times, as now, definition of boundaries rested as much on cultural as on natural grounds, and one modern authority (Martínez del Río, p. 9) establishes the late sixteenth-century limits partly on linguistic evidence. In recent years the Laguna has become almost synonymous with the cottonproducing area of northern Mexico; that is, the term applies to an economic rather than to a natural area. Physically, Parras falls within this zone, although it is vineyard, not cotton country; at least one old source (Pérez de Ribas) consistently speaks of the Laguna and Parras, pairing the terms but not fusing them. 3. Laguna is the Spanish word for "lake" and in early times was applied specifically to the area of the great lake of Mayrán, somewhat northeast of modern Torreón. This was the heart of the Laguna and was an oasis of marsh, lake, and perennial streams, surrounded on three sides by relatively grim desert. Nowadays the Mayrán lake is largely

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dry, as is its chief source of water, the Río Nazas (from nasas: basketry fish traps). Although Mayrán is dessicated, Viesca, to the south, still is well watered. Nevertheless, it is ironic that the term Laguna now applies to a zone which is predominantly desert. 4. When the Spaniards entered the Laguna, it was peopled by Indians generally called Irritilas or Laguneros. They lived by fishing and hunting, and early sources speak of the abundance of fish and waterfowl, rabbits, and deer. Gathering also was important, particularly of tule roots, mesquite pods, "maguey honey," and other agave products (Mota y Escobar, pp. 168-170; Pérez de Ribas, 3:246-247). A haphazard form of maize agriculture is reported (Mota y Escobar, p. 169), but the Laguna was not an area of intensive farming (Pérez de Ribas, 3:247; Martínez del Río, pp. 6 3 - 6 4 ) . 5. The Irritilas apparently were relatively numerous in spite of their undeveloped economy; one seventeenth-century source puts the population total for 1594 at the improbably high estimate of 16,000 to 20,000 (Pérez de Ribas, 3:293). But it seems that by 1668 only eight families of natives remained, and they apparently had taken up residence in Parras (Mendizábal, p. 233). 1 6. The Irritilas are not the only native peoples to figure in the Laguna panorama. In 1591 the Spaniards established several colonies of Indians from Tlaxcala at critical points along the northern frontier, in the hope that their good example might help pacify the northern "barbarians" and inspire them to take up farming. These pioneer Tlaxcaltecans were granted extraordinary concessions, being permitted to carry arms and ride horseback and to enjoy tax-free status and the privileges of an hidalgo (Velázquez 1:181—183). One group was settled at San Esteban de Nueva Tlaxcala, adjacent to the Spanish villa which now is Saltillo, somewhat east of the Laguna. 2 It turned out to be a "true demo1 References to the native population have been summarized by Beals, Martínez del Río, Alessio Robles, and Mendizábal, whose publications are listed in the References Cited. The two last authors present data about the history of the Laguna; Alessio Robles terminates his study with Mexican Independence, while Mendizábal brings his account to the agrarian reform of the 1930's. 2 The Saltillo colony was composed of eighty families, according to a document published by Velázquez (1:208), of seventy-one married men and sixteen bachelors, in the source cited by Alessio Robles (p. 133). In any case, the colony far outnumbered the fifteen or twenty Spanish residents of the villa (Alessio Robles, pp. 134-135). The dramatic Tlaxcaltecan settlement of the northern frontier is reasonably well documented. Velázquez, Portillo, and Alessio Robles, in particular, have published important contemporary source material.

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graphic seedbed" (Mendizábal, p. 227), from which other areas of north Mexico were colonized. In fact, before the end of the sixteenth century, one lot of Tlaxcaltecans had shifted from Saltillo to Parras, in Irritila country, and, subsequently, Tlaxcaltecans were among the colonists who established themselves elsewhere within the Laguna (Morfí, p. 135). 7. Spanish occupation of the Laguna, which started late in the sixteenth century, has left in the Torreón area no visible relics in the form of Colonial architecture, either domestic or ecclesiastic. Despite the comparative numerical strength of the intrusive Tlaxcaltecans, they appear to have bequeathed little identifiable cultural heritage, but it is likely that the few indigenous elements associated with popular medicine (684, 687) are attributable to their influence. 8. Until well into the nineteenth century, the Laguna remained a frontier—a great expanse of territory occupied by a few humans and some livestock. In 1828 the (presumably mestizo) population numbered barely 500; twenty years later the mestizos were reckoned at 17,000 (Mendizábal, pp. 234, 236), roughly the equivalent of the estimated Irritila population at the time of the Spanish entry. Agricultural development began late in the Laguna—not until the second half of the past century—and with it came the effective modern peopling of the zone. In 1936, with the establishment of agrarian reform, the population took a lively spurt when great numbers of people from elsewhere arrived and declared themselves local residents in order to participate in the distribution of lands. In summary, the peopling of the Laguna is of relatively recent date. 9. The settlers who arrived on the scene in the nineteenth century and later seem to have come from a wide area of northern and central Mexico. Informants mention antecedents not only in Coahuila and Durango but in San Luis Potosí, Zacatecas, and highland Jalisco. Throughout this entire stretch of Mexico's central mesa there is little survival of Indian blood and of pre-white culture. It is unlikely, therefore, that the Laguna settlers who moved northward from this area in late times carried with them traditional, indigenous ways of life. It is much more probable that the few isolated beliefs and practices in the Laguna, which seem to reflect an ancient Mexican heritage, are survivals of native traditions borne northward at the end of the sixteenth century by the handful of Tlaxcaltecan colonists. 10. Today, three urban centers dominate the heart of the Laguna: Torreón, a modern, enterprising city; Lerdo, a conservative and, in many

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aspects, ostensibly a nineteenth-century community; and Gómez Palacio, which gives the impression of being in a state of transition. All are within a stone's throw of one another; Torreón is in Coahuila, the others in Durango. Life in the central core of these cities is urban, but on the fringes, occupied by families of low income, and in the outlying villages the way of life remains rural. 11. The great bulk of the population outside the three urban centers is clustered in small agrarian communities known as ejidos. This rural population is divided between ejidatarios and libres. The former are the farmers who participate in the agrarian reform, who own the ejido lands communally, and who, to a certain extent, farm them communally. The libres are coresidents of the ejidos but do not share in the profits or other benefits associated with the latter. 12. The data which comprise the body of the present study are not applicable to the sophisticated, prosperous city dwellers. They probably apply pretty generally to those of limited education and resources who live in the low-income areas on the peripheries of the cities and to the rural population at large, be it ejidatario or libre.

PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND POSTNATAL CARE

Conception and Pregnancy 13. In many societies an impressive assemblage of folk beliefs and practices is associated with pregnancy and birth—to induce pregnancy or to avoid it, to facilitate delivery, to speed recovery of the parturient, and to insure her well-being and that of the infant. The pages to follow concern such themes in the Laguna. 3 14. Although we are told of one case in which a man abandons his wife because she is childless, sterility appears to be a rare phenomenon in the ejido of El Cuije. Nevertheless, herb vendors in Torreón do a sprightly business in products thought to facilitate conception. One such vendor gives the following remedy: 15. Sometimes it is necessary to "heat" the womb in order to conceive. With "coldness," a woman has no children. There is a good remedy to counteract "coldness" and pasmo [which, in the present passage, seems to refer to irritation as the aftermath of parturition]. 16. Three plants are used: damiana, San Nicolás, and the flower of cachano [Appendix II, Nos. 833, 840, 8 3 8 ] . They are boiled together. The [resulting] tea is drunk for forty days, twice a day—in the morning before breakfast and at night, upon going to bed. 3

A good many of the data in this chapter come from a Torreón informant, herself the mother of several children. A native of Nazas, Durango, she has lived in Torreón since the age of fourteen.

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The same vendor has still another remedy, for which she is able to present a satisfied customer who has living testimonial in the form of a fat, healthy infant, produced thirteen years following the birth of her penultimate offspring. The preparation is described thus: 17. The cachanito is a root for conception. It has the form of [the genitals of] a man and a woman [exhibiting two roots, one allegedly of each type.] The male root is cachano [Appendix II, No. 838] and the female, cachana. 18. One takes a small piece of each kind of root and grinds it on the edge of the metate. The pulp then is tossed into boiling water, and the woman drinks the [resulting] tea twice daily, for forty days. 19. Moreover, she takes vaginal douches of a plant called cachinola, with five drops each of iodine, glycerine and peroxide [added to the water in which the cachinola is boiled]; there is a special kind of iodine for douches. The glycerine and the peroxide cleanse the womb; the iodine soothes [desinflama] it; the plant [root] "composes" [that is, "cures"] it. 20. In some areas of Mexico it is believed that the length of pregnacy varies with the sex of the infant or with the number of children the woman has borne. Laguna informants think that, irrespective of the baby's sex, "a first pregnancy lasts nine months and some days, perhaps nine months and nine days"; subsequent ones last "eight months and various days, such as eight months and eight days." A girl who wishes to hide her pregnancy wears a kitchen apron and "puts her arms beneath it, as though she were warming them; then her abdomen is less noticeable." 21. Prognostication of sex is a favorite pastime: "If the child is to be a girl, the woman becomes large all around; if a boy, only the belly grows." According to one Cuije informant, some effort may be made to control the sex of an unborn child: 22. I bore three girls, one after the other. Then my husband wanted a son. One day, an old woman from Torreón passed and asked if I did not want a male child. Already my pregnancy was advanced. She said we should go to her in Torreón and take with us a hoe, a shovel and 5 pesos; then she would guarantee a son. 23. In spite of not believing much in such things, my husband decided to look for the woman. He said he would not lose much in any case and, after all, the treatment might be helpful. So he went to Torreón, but he could not find the woman. 24. In any case, the baby was a boy. So also were my next two

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children. My husband said that if he had found the woman and if she had done as she offered, we would have believed it was for that reason I bore a son instead of another daughter. 25. There are many popular ideas with respect to precautions to be observed during pregnancy. Some accord with our notions of sound prenatal care; others are quite contrary to them. For example, according to several Cuije informants, a pregnant woman makes an effort to "sleep little," so that the foetus may not adhere to the womb; this advice is steadfastly attributed to an unidentified health center. In contrast, our Torreón informant believes that a pregnant woman should not stay up late. 26. It is advisable to bathe frequently (daily, according to the Torreón informant), so that the foetus may not adhere because of the "heat." Avoidance of heavy exercise is recommended, but one should "keep moving frequently and not remain either seated or lying down very long"; otherwise, the placenta will be expelled with difficulty. 27. Our Torreón authority has further recommendations: wear loose clothing, with no belt; avoid shocks; and take precautions with respect to lunar eclipses. The first two suggestions seem admirable and are easily understood by us. The third is the local manifestation of an ancient Mexican belief that if a pregnant woman views an eclipse she may abort or her baby may be born with a harelip or other malformation (Sahagún 2:32-33, 260). These same beliefs are widespread in Mexico today. The ancients recommended placing an obsidian blade in the mouth or in the bosom of the pregnant woman as a protective measure; the Torreón informant substitutes an object of iron for the ancient knife: 28. An eclipse of the moon may injure an unborn child. It does nothing to the father; but the mother, who carries the baby in her body, must take precautions. She places a key, or some other iron object, such as scissors, at her waist. If [she is] not [thus protected], the moon will eat a piece of the lip or of the hand of the baby. Those who are clubfooted also have been affected by an eclipse. It is only the moon which is dangerous; an eclipse of the sun affects fruit, not babies. 29. One Cuije woman has heard nothing of dietary restrictions during pregnancy. Several say that hunger and pregnancy go hand in hand but claim that in the "health centers" they have been told to eat

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but one meal a day. On the score of diet, our Torreón informant makes some concrete suggestions: 30. Avoid eating eggs and meat in quantity; otherwise, the foetus will grow unduly and delivery will be difficult. Avoid drinking milk, but drink as much water as desired. The same woman handles the problem of nausea in her stride. She states that when pregnancy starts, the prospective mother must eat whatever she can keep on her stomach—be it chili, chili sauce, or eggs. "She must force herself to eat. If not, the stomach becomes accustomed to no food and later it is more difficult than ever to eat. From this one does not die, but one may become greatly weakened." She suggests the advisability of changing the menu daily: "It may be inexpensive food, as always, but it must not be the same, day after day." Thus: 31. I fixed bean broth, with chopped onion and chili, and I forced myself to eat it. Sometimes I broiled jerked beef and I ate it; it gives strength. Every day I tried to prepare something different and to force myself to eat. Food cravings are common and sometimes are the basis for jests, but we recorded no particular beliefs with respect to them. 32. During pregnancy household chores continue as usual. So also do sexual relations. They are not interrupted "until the last moment," in the belief that "the passage thus is kept open" and delivery facilitated. 33. Care during pregnancy rests essentially on traditional belief and practice, and the empirical midwives and the elder women of the community are the recognized authorities in such matters. Very few Cuije women avail themselves of the modern prenatal services, for which the wives of ejido members are eligible, at the hospital of the Servicios Médicos Rurales (Ejidales) in Torreón. Some women wait until labor actually starts before they even consult an empirical midwife. However, the Torreón informant states that a woman generally visits an untrained practitioner twice during pregnancy—first, during the fourth month, second, during the seventh month. Accordingly, the midwife has opportunity to study the position of the foetus and, if necessary, to change it. "Sometimes, she even puts her hand inside, to shift the position." 34. Miscarriage may be attributed to "the weakness of the womb, as a consequence of having borne many children." Or it may result from too heavy work. One Cuije woman twice has had miscarriages—

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once because she helped her husband lift a load of maize, once because she tried to pursue a runaway animal. The remedy is uniform. The patient is put to bed at once and three or four times a day she drinks the water in which the manzanilla plant (chamomile) and a gold ring have been boiled; it is believed that this may avert loss of the foetus. 35. Induced abortion is mentioned rather frequently. One informant remarks that those who practice it are chiefly the young married women, who want to "avoid suffering" or who dread the prospect of raising a family in poverty such as has characterized the Laguna during recent years. 36. Various herbal remedies "correct" delayed menstruation. A tea of ocotillo blossom (Appendix II, No. 832) may be drunk twice a day. Other prescribed remedies are to be taken daily, before breakfast, for nine consecutive days. These include: (1) an emulsion of water and crushed leaves of "salvia" (sic) (Appendix II, No. 815); (2) a hot tea of ortiguilla (Appendix II, No. 816); (3) a decoction made by boiling rose blossoms (rosa de Castilla) and adding honey (miel virgen).4 A more elaborate preparation is made by boiling cañafístola (Appendix II, No. 828) and rosa de Castilla with carrot "root" or blossom. Even more complicated is a remedy made from pounded sea urchin (brought from the Pacific coast and sold by herb vendors in Torreón), which is boiled with cañafístola and azafrás de Castilla, together with carrot blossom. The liquid is sweetened with the honey just mentioned. "To regulate menstruation, this remedy is drunk [presumably daily, before breakfast] ; to abort, it is taken for forty days." 37. To induce abortion, one Cuije informant recommends sitting in a tub with waist-high water as hot as one can bear. Our Torreón informant remarks that herbal remedies are plentiful but that the use of a catheter is more popular. "Many women die. Moreover, the treatment is expensive; it is said to cost 50 pesos. Even the rich are not above such practices."

Parturition 38. St. Raymond is considered by some to be the patron saint of parturients. Often one hears that a male birth occasions greater pain than a female but that delivery is more rapid. A Cuije woman who has 4 Elsewhere in Mexico, miel virgen is the term applied to the honey of the native "stingless" bee. The bee does not occur in the Laguna, and the honey is available exclusively through commercial channels. One informant declares authoritatively that the insect which produces miel virgen is not stingless.

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borne fifteen children remarks that, in her experience, there is little difference. Our Torreón informant declares that "there is a definite time for the birth of a child. When that hour passes, there is a danger for both mother and baby." 39. Residence after marriage generally is patrilocal in El Cuije, but a woman returns, if possible, to the home of her parents to give birth. When this arrangement is out of the question, there are loud laments. A young woman of our acquaintance returned to the home of her parents, taking with her even the electric light bulb from her room in the house of her mother-in-law. The latter, nevertheless, attended her, as midwife, in the other locale. The return home is attractive in part because someone in the family generally can be relied upon to lavish care on the guest. "Here, they never pay anyone to help at such a time. There is no money with which to pay. And always, among the relatives, someone is available." 40. In Cuije it is said that the younger women generally send their husbands elsewhere as the hour of birth approaches. "It shames a woman to have her husband present when she screams." Our informant claims not to have cried aloud in the course of bearing fifteen children, but she says that her three daughters ordinarily make a great fuss when they give birth. However, a husband sometimes is present at the moment of delivery and even may assist. 41. Preparation seems casual. An acquaintance of ours informs us of the escape of the amniotic fluid, but she has not yet consulted a midwife. Instead, she sends word to her husband, who is at work in the fields, and placidly awaits his arrival. Apparently unhurried, because this is the seventh child of the family, the spouse delays several hours in returning. In the meanwhile there is no thought of notifying a midwife and no indication of any sort of preparation. 42. Both in Torreón and in El Cuije, it was customary in former times to give birth in a kneeling position, with the parturient clinging to a rope. The latter, tossed over a beam of the house, had its ends wrapped with rags to cushion the hands. Now, owing to insistence of doctors and trained midwives, practically all women give birth in a supine position. 43. If the woman lies on the ground, another person kneels nearby to assist. This auxiliary is known as the "holder" (tenedora) and may be another woman or the husband. The parturient clasps the tenedora about the neck, to have support for "forcing." If birth takes place on

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a bed or platform (tarima: planks supported on low benches), the tenedora is of little use, and a stole (rebozo) or rope is hung from a beam for the parturient to clutch. 44. "Delayed birth may be owing to the influence of the moon," or to carelessness during pregnancy (26, 3 0 ) . We hear of no home remedies to speed delivery; "doctors and [professional] midwives give hypodermic injections." 45. Immediately the child is born, his eyes are wiped with boric acid solution, according to our Torreón informant. With scissors the umbilical cord is cut to a standard length (a cuarto: the distance between thumb and little finger when the fingers are opened wide) and wrapped with thread. Alcohol and talcum are applied, to "dry" the wound. When the cord is severed and the child freed, the remaining length of cord is tied to the leg of the mother, so that it may not retreat into the womb. Our Torreón informant reports that later, when the navel stump is sloughed off, it is kept until there is opportunity to toss it into the coffin of some deceased individual, with whom it is buried. 46. Ejection of the placenta sometimes presents difficulties. The woman may be given some treatment to make her gag: she may be fed raw egg; or a finger, a feather, or the tip of her braid may be introduced into her throat. The placenta, known as "the second birth," is buried, generally in a pit dug by the father in the yard of the house. 47. Our Torreón informant reports that immediately after birth the mother takes a dose of castor oil, the taste disguised in a cup of chocolate. The infant is given a teaspoon of olive oil, "not as a laxative," but merely "to help him." 48. "During many years," there was one woman in El Cuije who functioned as midwife. She was without formal training, but is said to have had considerable skill. Her daughter has succeeded her as empirical midwife, but there is division of opinion concerning her competence. 49. The only woman here who understands [how to attend] a birth is Fulana. She does not know very well and she herself refuses to be responsible when there is indication that the delivery may be difficult. For that reason, she is the first to recommend that the pregnant woman go to the [trained] midwife in El Pilar, or to a doctor in Torreón. (31) 50. She takes nothing with her at the moment of birth and, at

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that [late] hour, the parturient has to run about, obtaining pills, and so on. Moreover, she [Fulana] is careless. (29) 51. She charges a great deal . . . and doesn't even give injections. (30) 52. At present, Cuije women—most of them from necessity but some from choice—undergo their confinements at home, in which case they have to rely on a midwife. They choose between the empirical practitioner just mentioned and the trained nurse-midwife, assigned by the Rural Medical Services to the little health center in nearby El Pilar. Many women express preference for the trained practitioner, but the empirical midwife obtains a good deal of practice through default because the family waits until the last moment (41), when there is no time to summon the better-prepared practitioner from El Pilar. 53. The two women charge about the same, although estimates range from 30 to 60 pesos, and clients also make mention of a supplementary donation, such as a chicken. The Pilar midwife is said to be under obligation to attend, gratis, the wife of an ejidatario for whom the annual quota to the Rural Medical Services has been paid. The cash price mentioned may apply, therefore, only to non-ejidatario or libre households ( 1 1 ) . 54. Some women prefer the midwife, trained or otherwise, to the doctor. "One is more comfortable with a midwife; a doctor is rougher with one." Nevertheless, there is little resistance to modern medical attention during childbirth. In the small maternity center in the ejido of El Coyote, there are about thirty deliveries a month, or approximately half the total number in the zone served by the center. It appears that "in good times, when there was money in the ejido," most women of El Cuije were delivered in Torreón, where they could obtain better attention. "But now there is not even gasoline for the [ejidï ] truck to take them to town." 55. As a maternity center, the Ejido Hospital in Torreón is criticized. Ordinarily, it is said, the Cuije parturient goes to a private maternity home or to a private hospital; one informant reports having paid 145 pesos for attention in a private institution, presumably one run by a midwife. It is remarked that the postpartal diet in a hospital is not to be recommended, for it includes beef, which is considered "cold" (450) and for this reason is believed to be injurious to the patient. 56. In spite of the fact that in 1953 economic problems effectively precluded hospitalization in private institutions, one Cuije woman per-

PREGANANCY, BIRTH, AND POSTNATAL CARE

15

sonally escorted her several daughters-in-law to the Ejido Hospital in Torreón for prenatal advice, 5 and saw that in birth they were attended by the trained midwife from El Pilar. Another reports having taken her two daughters to Torreón for prenatal attention, hoping to have them delivered there, but both insisted upon giving birth at home. Therefore, the parents have decided to arrange with the professional midwife in El Pilar, because the local empirical practitioner "knows relatively little. Moreover, these are first births, and if they are difficult, we shall have to call on someone else anyway." Finally, the empirical midwife would make a charge, in any event, so that "the expense would be double."

Postnatal Care 57. Although there are relatively few restrictions during pregnancy, they abound for the period immediately following birth. There is no hint today, however, of the so-called couvade, a custom reported for the area and presumably practiced by the Irritilas. In its local form, the father of the newborn infant took to his bed and abstained from fish and meat for several days, the latter restriction in the belief that otherwise the fish and game would become contaminated and difficult to capture (Pérez de Ribas, 3:247-248; Beals, Table 107). 58. Dietary restrictions nowadays apply exclusively to the parturient. Formerly she was given gruel made from white corn, but this dish is now classed as "cold," hence potentially injurious, and, accordingly, has lost popularity. "Cold" foods are believed to cause severe cramps (dolar de ijar). 59. One Cuije informant recommends limiting the diet for four days after birth to cinnamon tea, tortillas, toasted bread, or soda crackers, stating that all these foods are "hot." Another local authority lists the same foods, but adds coffee with milk, rice (in small quantity), meat of hen (but not of other fowl) or of goat, in broth or fried in lard. She is uncertain of the "quality" of tortillas and bread, but the other foods mentioned she considers "hot." In one family, a cock was killed the third day after our informant had given birth. She could not resist and ate a small amount. The resulting pain was extreme, but she was cured with manzanilla tea. 60. Our Torreón informant also recommends "hot" foods after 5

But one of the doctors of that hospital remarks that women from the ejidos seldom take advantage of the prenatal services.

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giving birth, at least for the first three days. She lists toasted tortilla or bread, oatmeal or cornstarch gruel, cinnamon tea, chocolate, black coffee, or coffee with milk. When, on the third day, the woman leaves her bed, she may eat anything except pork, but that not until forty days have elapsed. 61. It is clear that in the Laguna, postpartal diet tends to be rather slim and does not do much to help the woman regain her strength quickly. It has been suggested elsewhere (Kelly 1955, pp. 115—116) that there would be little hope of persuading the local populace to add foods which they consider "cold" and therefore injurious. However, our Torreón informant places such nourishing items as milk, eggs, and goat meat within the category of "hot" foods, and in time it might be possible to convince the empirical midwives of the advisability of including these dishes in the diet of their patients immediately after childbirth. 62. Both in Torreón and in El Cuije it is customary for the parturient to get up on the third day. "Those who go to the hospital may remain in bed as long as they like." Recuperation is gradual. 63. [At first], she sits up in bed; [then] she walks a bit; she still is weak. She cannot leave the house; she remains in her room; going out, she would be exposed to "air." This would give her sharp pains in the temples and eyes and would weaken her vision. 64. A recent parturient avoids becoming angry; it might detain the "purge" (in this context, the discharge) and cause serious illness. She keeps warm, especially across the shoulders, so that her lungs may not be chilled and her milk dry. She continues to avoid "air," for which reason she does no sweeping. For the first couple of weeks, she attempts only light housework and does not wash, iron, or haul water. Sex relations are not resumed for forty days. 65. Little is said concerning the postnatal care of the infant, but it is believed that if the child is allowed to cry before the navel is healed, there may be a rupture and suppuration. In that event, a commercial remedy called licopodio (cf. Nueva farmacopea mexicana, pp. 272— 273) is applied and adhesive tape is affixed in the form of a cross. "If the child is not cured at once, there always will be a lump. It is not a great handicap but nevertheless it is a defect."

PREGANANCY, BIRTH, AND POSTNATAL CARE

17

Suckling and Weaning; Infant Care 66. An infant is not given the breast until some days after birth; a Torreón informant reports waiting two days; a Cuije woman waits until the fourth day. 67. To stimulate lactation the mother drinks beer and various kinds of gruel—of parched, ground maize, of chick-pea, or of oatmeal. If she has no milk, the baby is given a bottle containing half cow's milk and half herb tea (of "salvia" or hierbabuena; Appendix II, Nos. 815, 831). When a doctor is consulted, he prescribes a commercial preparation, but ordinarily these are too costly for the ejidatario. It is believed that exposure to either excessive heat or cold affects lactation. A young woman in Torreón comments that her child of one and a half years is ailing because when he was small she worked in a tortilla stand. There she was exposed to constant heat and her milk became "thin." In contrast, when the "lungs become chilled, the milk dries," and a doctor may prescribe "injections to warm the shoulder." This is one of many instances (466, 474, 482, and 468, note 20) in which medical opinion and/or advice are distorted to fit the frame of folk belief. 68. A newborn baby is "hot" (from the womb); the mother's milk is "young and fresh [tierna] and it is cold to him." It will not agree with the child until he is rid of the "phlegm which he has in his stomach"; to control vomiting, he is given orégano tea by spoon. No laxative is required, according to informants, but the baby receives a teaspoon of olive oil "to help him" ( 4 7 ) . 69. The infant is nursed when it cries. Sometimes, inadvertently, a feeding is missed; "this is not much." But if, by chance, two or three successive feedings are skipped, the mother's milk becomes "impounded" {represada). Then it is said to be harmful, unless the baby is given a small pinch of bicarbonate of soda before he nurses. 70. Entechado (from leche: milk), is an ailment restricted to children who are nursing. Let us say that, for a variety of reasons, the mother may be warm: she may have been cooking, ironing, or laundering in the sun. If, thus heated, she gives the child the breast, he may develop a "congested" condition, which, if not treated, will turn into an aggravated form, known as empacho. As a preventive measure, the mother crushes some leaves of hierbabuena in a teaspoonful of water, adds a bit of sugar, and gives the baby this mixture. He may then nurse without danger of entechado. However, should he become ill, the mother squeezes some of her own milk into the empty shell of a fresh

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egg. She places it in the sun "to cook," adding two leaves of estafiate and a bit of salt. When the concoction turns "green," it is fed the child who, theoretically, regains his health. 71. Weaning is delayed. We know children more than two years old who still are nursing. In one family, the father flatly opposes weaning; in some cases, it is considered more economical to continue with the breast than to give other foods. But in many instances, delay is deliberate on the mother's part, founded on the happy conviction that a woman is unlikely to conceive during lactation. In short, it is an effort at birth control, based on a folk belief.6 Some children valiantly resist weaning. Advanced in pregnancy, one mother is trying to wean her daughter of seventeen months, but the little girl refuses to cooperate. She rejects gruel of milk and cornstarch, but can be persuaded to take boiled milk mixed with cinnamon tea and sweetened with sugar. 72. Our Torreón informant believes a child should be weaned abruptly, not gradually. She maintains that once food other than the mother's milk is given, the breast should be withdrawn definitively; otherwise, "the child will have spindly legs and an enlarged abdomen" (a state known popularly as hético). The same informant regards several foods as suitable at the time of weaning: milk, coffee with milk, oatmeal or cornstarch gruel, bean broth, various "pastes," and soda crackers. In some parts of Mexico, maize gruel is the standby at this time, but in the Laguna it is little favored. Strained oatmeal gruel is believed to be preferable, and one housewife buys the cereal "if there is any money left" after the daily staples have been purchased. 73. Nevertheless, our observations indicate that the children of the ejido sample a wide variety of foods long before they relinquish the breast. We visit one home where a baby of two months, sitting on the father's lap, placidly laps an ice-cream cone alternately with him. 7 In another household a year-old child is nursing when we arrive. An older brother approaches with a piece of over-ripe cantaloup, which the father has been given in Torreón. The baby reaches for the melon, abandons the breast, and begins to eat the newly acquired morsel, rind and all. We call this to the mother's attention; nonchalantly, with her fingers she 6

In conversation, Dr. Guy Hayes of the Rockefeller Foundation reports having found precisely the same belief in Iran. It is widespread in Mexico. 7 Ice cream is available in El Cuije during cotton-picking season. Everyone who harvests is paid in cash, and even children have a bit of money to spend. During this lush time an avalanche of peddlers descends on the settlement, with wares ranging from ice cream and coconut to kitchen utensils.

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19

removes most of the rind and returns the flesh of the fruit to the child. 74. In still another home, a year-old baby composedly drinks black coffee from a nursing bottle; the mother explains that ordinarily she gives the infant coffee with milk, but that the latter has run short today. In one instance a child of one and one-half years, still nursing, is being fed parched, ground maize (pinole) by his mother. From a tender age the ejidatario develops a catholic taste in foods. 75. To treat the diarrhea which sometimes accompanies teething, one informant recommends a decoction made by boiling in water the following ingredients: the small "roots" of carrots and onions, hierbabuena, stick cinnamon, and cumin seed. Before each meal, three times a day, the child drinks half of a small cupful of this liquid. 76. A baby spends much time in a homemade cradle, of which there are several types. The frame may be a pliable stick, bent to form an ellipse, or it may consist of four sticks, lashed to make a quadrangle. In one unique type a heavy wand has been bent to horseshoe shape and a straight, transverse stick has been lashed across the ends of the bent pole. The child lies on a piece of old canvas which is stretched over the cradle frame and sewn to it, or on a mesh filler of wire or rope, worked so as to fill the frame with the basketry stitch usually known as coilwithout-foundation. The cradle is suspended, either from the rafters of the house or outside beneath a tree or a roof built to provide shade. Once in a while a baby falls from the cradle and is injured, as a consequence of which some women condemn it as insecure. 77. Such a tumble may result in the fall of the fontanel (caída de la mollera), although the latter also may be attributed to undue jolting or to removal of the breast while the baby is nursing: 78. The fall of the fontanel comes from a tumble or from vigorous [recio] swinging in the cradle. The fontanel sinks and the baby has diarrhea; it clacks [chapalea] when it suckles. (145) 79. The fall of the fontanel may come from different causes— for example, if the breast is removed while the baby is nursing . . . or if the child falls from the bed. (146) Inability to nurse normally and occurrence of diarrhea are the symptoms usually associated with this condition. One mother reports that when her child was thought to be suffering from a fallen fontanel, two doctors diagnosed his illness as intestinal infection. 80. Treatment for a fallen fontanel varies somewhat. One woman recommends anointing with oil (560); another says that when the child

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finishes nursing, the mother should apply cloths which have been heated over hot coals to the fontanel. As a rule, however, one turns to an old woman who has had experience in treating this affliction: 81. There are old women who know how to cure this [fallen fontanel]. First, they grasp the child by the feet, [holding him] head downward, and pat the soles of the feet. Next, they put the finger in his mouth and push [upward] on the palate. Then . . . they apply a cake [torta] of maize dough and l i m e . . . to the fontanel. A variant procedure is described by another woman: 82. This is an illness which I do not treat; I do not care to suck, but I know how it is done. One takes a mouthful of water and sucks the fontanel, at the same time pushing upward on the palate with the thumb. 83. Or one grasps the child by the feet, holding him head downward and patting the soles of his feet. Another person has a dish of water beneath the child's head, and they touch the fontanel to the water. [In other words, while held head downward, the infant is partially dunked]. 84. When a child learns to walk, he graduates from the cradle; then he wallows in the dust of the house floors and of the yard. To keep their little girl clean, one resourceful family has bought a large galvanized washtub which functions more or less as a playpen.

FOLK MEDICINE

85. There is an enormous body of popular medicine in the Laguna today, and it is a very real part of daily life. Clearly, not everyone in the zone shares the notions and practices outlined below. As the name implies, folk medicine is found among the folk—in this case, the unsophisticated, the relatively unlettered, and the economically underprivileged. Most of the data for the present chapter were collected in Torreón proper, 8 but scattered information from El Cuije and, to a lesser extent, from other ejidos obviously conforms to the same outlines. 86. Folk medicine flourishes side by side with modern health services in the small agrarian communities, despite the fact that the government has made modern medicine available for a number of years. Folk medicine also flourishes in Torreón, where the population as a whole probably had not been exposed to modern medical services at the time of my visit; private medical attention invariably is costly and so remains pretty much confined to the prosperous and sophisticated sectors. Individuals in less favorable circumstances have recourse to home remedies and to various types of curers and healers, as will be seen below. 87. Popular medicine is holding its own in El Cuije and receives 8

My chief informant is the one mentioned previously (13, note 3). Unfortunately, I did not have opportunity to work with a professional witch and had only slight contact with a young woman who apparently was preparing herself for that "profession," although ostensibly studying with an herbalist. Data on spiritualistic curing come primarily from a middle-aged, illiterate woman; formerly a popular practitioner in Torreón, she now operates on reduced scale.

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official recognition on a par with that accorded Western medicine. The following situation demonstrates this point with perfect clarity. The ejido pays its quota to the Servicios Médicos Rurales, and the families of all ejidatarios may therefore avail themselves of the medical services provided by the national government. The ailing are taken in the ejido truck to Torreón, where they receive professional attention at the Ejido Hospital. However, once a week all those suffering from maladies attributed to sorcery are transported in the ejido truck to Matamoros, there to be treated by a local woman curer. Her fee is paid from ejido funds and the remedies she prescribes are similarly at public expense (367, 371-372). It is evident that the ejido officially recognizes witchcraft and considers treatment by a witch as legitimate a public expense as the medical attention provided by the government hospital.

Basic Aspects 88. CAUSES OF ILLNESS. In the Laguna, object intrusion does not figure as a cause of illness, although there is some indication of belief in spirit intrusion (389). Despite differences in detail, in certain instances the concept of soul loss clearly is associated with the ailment known as "fright" (234-283). 89. Informants recognize two major categories of illness—the "bad," or "sorcery-inflicted" ones, and the "good," or "God-sent" afflictions. The "good" illnesses usually "come with fever"; the "bad" ones do not. Death from witchcraft or spiritualistic artifice is called a "sent" or "instigated" demise, while death from a "good" disease is a "natural" death. In the discussion to follow, I have grouped the ailments arbitrarily as "unnatural" and "natural." 90. The "unnatural" illnesses include those caused by the evil eye (210-233) or "fright" (234-283) as well as sorcery-inspired maladies; all are afflictions whose alleged causes appear to us to be intangible, magical, and/or emotional. The evil eye and one kind of "fright" (espanto) may involve fever, which is characteristic of the "good" illnesses. Moreover, it is thought that the evil eye is inflicted involuntarily, not by design, by someone possessed of "strong sight." "Fright," which is primarily emotional, has been grouped with the unnatural infirmities because of its association with soul loss; but bilis, likewise stemming from emotional upset (474), has not been included because treatment is entirely prosaic without hint of magic (548-549, 569, 596). The "natural" illnesses are attributed to ordinary causes. The

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dominant theme is the antithesis between "hot" and "cold," although other causes are recognized (467-483), and to a limited extent there is an awareness of the infectious nature of some diseases (478, 483). 91. DIAGNOSIS. Diagnosis of illness is a major problem because it is said that a competent witch is able to disguise an infirmity so that it appears to be a "good" malady. As a consequence, one faces the disconcerting possibility that a cold in the head or even pregnancy may be witchcraft subtly masked. The sorcerer who is responsible for the illness does all within his or her power to impede recovery and to arrange matters so that neither the victim nor his family recognizes the infirmity for what it is: "The sick person never, never believes in such things [as witchcraft]" (311). 92. The uncertainty with respect to diagnosis necessarily results in a good deal of nervous tension and strain among local residents. It also results in a well-established pattern of action. An individual who is ill takes various home remedies; he may go to a practitioner who prescribes herbs or other matter-of-fact treatment; he may even consult a doctor. But if relief is not definitive and prompt, he begins to suspect that his malady may not be "God-sent." Inasmuch as instigated illnesses may be inspired by the most trifling irritations (337), one need not have obvious, avowed enemies to be a victim of sorcery. 93. Only two local practitioners 9 are in a position to diagnose, and in some instances to cure, cases of witchcraft and similar afflictions; these are the sorcerers themselves and the spiritualists, for both know how to heal as well as to cause illness. 94. PROPHYLAXIS. Notions with respect to prophylaxis are little developed in the Laguna, although certain precautions are mentioned in connection with the evil eye (214-215). Even the use of amulets is not prominent. One charm protects a child from the evil eye (214), and a certain aloe (zábila) guards a home from the ravages of witchcraft and other evil influences (287, 615). One woman believes that a coral necklace protects the heart; uncertain of the reason, she guesses it may be because of the "good color" of the coral. 95. Perhaps it may be said that most prophylactic efforts focus on diet. Overeating is thought to result in intestinal parasites; so also may excessive indulgence in bread, tortillas, or sweets. Diabetes is attributed 9

However, a gypsy who passed through El Cuije with an itinerant movingpicture enterprise obligingly informed one of our friends that her affliction was an "instigated" illness, although a doctor of the Servicios Médicos Rurales had diagnosed it as an allergy.

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to high sugar intake or, perhaps more accurately, to an overabundance of a "hot" food, for sugar is classified thus. Fear of witchcraft may even be reflected in eating habits. Away from home, one prudent woman does not take even a drink of water unless she has complete confidence in her hosts (288-289); inasmuch as witches do not rely solely on magical devices but often add some actively injurious agent to foods which they prepare, acceptance of hospitality may be hazardous. 96. In the hope of avoiding cramps, a woman watches her diet during menstruation; for several days she eats foods classified as "hot" (450-458). During this time she avoids fruits, which generally are considered "cold." Similarly, following childbirth, a parturient is at great pains to limit her food to "hot" dishes. It is thought desirable to maintain at all times an approximate balance between the "hot" and "cold" elements in the diet, for marked excess of either may result in illness. Even so, the public at large seems little preoccupied on the score of day-to-day dietary equilibrium. 97. The belief concerning the antithesis of "hot" and "cold" applies, in arbitrary fashion, to remedies as well as to foods. More logical to detached observers is its application to the condition of the subject. Following exercise or exposure to the sun, a person takes care not to become chilled and, in particular, he avoids drafts; otherwise he will become ill. A woman who is heated from cooking, ironing, or laundering in the sun (or, for that matter, one whose baby has skipped a couple of normal feedings) does not give her child the breast without first administering a home preparation believed to be prophylactic (70). 98. Aside from the simple precautions mentioned above, little in local lore can be interpreted as preventive medicine. The weakness of such a concept indubitably hampers the development of the public health program, whose aim is to introduce understanding of preventive medicine and acceptance of its services. With no firm, existing foundation of prophylaxis on which to build, the health program in the Laguna must start from scratch. 99. TREATMENT. A S is logical, therapy varies with the supposed cause of illness. "Unnatural" afflictions generally call for a certain amount of esoteric treatment, for example, curative stroking or "cleansing." Certain elements strongly reminiscent of Roman Catholic ritual are prominent—prayers, lighted candles, the sign of the cross, and censing. "Herb baths" are reported to be efficacious, and use of aromatic plants (rue, rosemary, sweet basil, and the pepper tree) is mentioned frequently. Trance utterance may be involved if the attending

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practitioner is a spiritualist. Although witches are commonly believed to inflict injury through the use of "powders," no specific counteragent is mentioned. The therapeutic devices noted above are not universally distributed among the various kinds of illnesses designated as unnatural. Some aspects of diagnosis as well as of treatment overlap; others are unique to a given malady (428-433; Table 1 ) . 100. The natural illnesses call for direct, matter-of-fact treatment. Sucking is reported once: its objective is to restore a fallen fontanel (82) to normal position. Massage and rubbing are relatively common (552-562, 569). Often natural disease is linked to the antithesis of "hot" and "cold," a polarity which figures prominently in therapy. Plant remedies, in particular, are classified as "hot" or "cold." An impressive repertoire of medicinal herbs, most of which are prepared as decoctions (502-526), may be taken by mouth, or as a vaginal douche, or as an enema. The enema is especially favored for reducing fever; so also are "fresh" poultices (570-571). Some home remedies take the form of emulsions, fermented preparations, or ointments (536-567), but there is little mention of dietary restrictions. Belief in the potency of the night dew (sereno) is mentioned in association with both unnatural and natural ailments (353, 609-611).

Folk-Medicine Practitioners 101. WITCHES (brujas, hechiceras, curanderas). In this study the terms "witch" and "sorcerer" are used synonymously. In the Laguna, "curer" or "healer" (curandera) generally has the same connotation, although upon occasion the designation is applied loosely to one who cures with herbal and other folk remedies without hint of sorcery. All witches who have come to my attention are women, but it is said that "also there are men who are evil." 102. The Laguna witch is said to fly, mounted on a broom: 103. Witches cure as they fly. Sometimes one sees their lights at night. The witches mount brooms and carry lamps. They go to a place called Canelas [canela: cinnamon] to get cinnamon. What for? Why, as a matter of business, to be able to sell the cinnamon., (724) 104. It is not clear just how one becomes a witch. One woman is said, specifically, to have learned from her mother, who was a practitioner. A young woman from an ejido near Torreón is "taking classes" with an herbalist in town, and her remarks with respect to his activities suggest that they impinge on witchcraft.

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105. A witch is equally competent to cure or to inflict injury; it is said of one woman that she "is better at causing illness than at curing it" (361). Needless to say, for treatment one attempts to select a sorcerer other than the one who is likely to have inflicted the illness (maleficio) in the first place (361). The witch tries to make an instigated illness appear "natural; this makes diagnosis more difficult." In addition, she will not "permit" the victim or his family to believe in sorcery—so that there may be confusion with respect to diagnosis and correspondingly little chance of effective cure. "Sometimes, it is thought that a death is natural, but this is not so; it is one which is sent [by a witch]." 106. When the illness is "very heavy" (pesada), two or three sorcerers may collaborate in curing. "One alone cannot handle the case . . . [because] the one who inflicted the sickness beats [golpea] those who attempt to cure." In one specific instance, a paralytic who seeks treatment by a spiritualist in Lerdo is not received; he is told to "come back some other time." Clearly, it is said, the power of the witch has caused the spiritualist to refuse consultation. 107. The professional attentions of the Laguna sorcerer are not inexpensive: 108. Do you remember that witch here, who was named Gila? She charged 300 to 500 pesos for [inflicting] sorcery, but they say that within a month she could get rid of the person [that is, the victim]. (40) 109. You will not believe it, but Doña Emilia charges 400 to 500 pesos to cure a person. She did not charge my mother that much in cash, because she is almost like one of the family. But, in any case, the treatment was costly. My mother paid 150 pesos for her cure. However, Doña Emilia was in our house three or four months, and she brought with her a raft of children—even a mentally deficient girl. All that time, we were feeding [the guests] and doing their laundry. (18) 110.

One herbalist speaks scathingly of the curer who is a sorcerer:

111. Many curanderas [witches] deceive and take advantage [of the client]. Sometimes they know nothing and they come to me, saying, "I have a patient. He is thus and so [giving the symptoms]. What would be good to give him [as medicine] ?" I have no confidence whatsoever in them.

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The same informant is equally cynical concerning a witch's abilities on the score of amorous magic: 112. And then . . . a woman goes to a curandera and says, "I want you to do a job for me. May such-and-such a man leave his wife, to live with me." Then the curandera says, "It will be 200 pesos," and she collects 100 in advance. Sometimes nothing comes of all this. The woman complains, and the witch says, "I have done the job for you. If the man is not interested, that is another matter. But I have done the job." 113. Witches are scattered in the ejidos and in the urban centers; Matamoros is said to be particularly well supplied. There is mention of one or more women curers in Lerdo, Gómez Palacio, and Torreón, as well as one originally from Mapimí and one from Pedriceña, Durango, who now lives in Ciudad Juárez. San Pedro de las Colonias apparently abounds in sorcerers; one Torreón family claims to have moved from San Pedro, some years ago, because of the prevalence there of specters and witches. 114. SPIRITUALISTIC MEDIUMS {espiritualistas). The practitioner who is known as a spiritualistic medium presents some extremely interesting features. Almost invariably a woman, she shares certain attributes of the sorcerer, or witch, for, in addition to having assorted occult powers through her contact with the spirit world, she is considered competent to cause illness, to diagnose, and, under certain circumstances, to cure. 115. The chief differences between the spiritualistic medium and the curer-witch seem to be that (1) the former envelops her operations in a cloak of religious symbols and ritual; (2) she converses with the spirits of the deceased, receiving from them instructions and advice (404) as well as moral support; (3) through her, the client himself converses with certain spirits, who thus become known personally to him; (4) some mediums cure in a state of trance, while others treat without the necessity of such spirit possession; (5) spiritualistic practitioners with prestige are said to belong to a national organization to which they pay dues—a statement which lacks confirmation. 116. All spiritualistic mediums mentioned by name are women, although one Torreón center, in the district known as the Primero de Mayo, is said to be in charge of a man. Informants have several times spoken of the Primero de Mayo situation as being unusual; hence it may

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be assumed that the medium is a male. Man and wife sometimes collaborate—the wife as the medium, the husband as her aide. He "recites prayers [oraciones] and chants alabanzas to make the medium sleep, but he does not go into trance." Some mediums are able to attain a trance without such assistance. 117. Every spiritualistic medium has at least one special gift (don) or power. Some have several: 118. a) There are mediums who can see what is happening far away. (102) 119. [This feat may be essentially a matter of descrying, thus:] I can see only in a glass of water, and that not every medium can do —not even one who is well developed [with respect to spiritualistic powers]. (105) 120. Right now, I do not see well in a glass of water, because I am worn out [following a long illness]. But formerly, after much thought, I could see my children. One went by airplane—to Mexicali, I believe. And without knowing of the plane, I saw it in a glass of water; I saw it in the fount [fuente] of water [cf. Kardec and Delanne, p. 163]. (105) 121. Doña Fulana, the medium of [the district named] Barrial [and the medium cited in the preceding paragraph], has sons in Tampico. She says that she never is worried about them, because she can see them in a glass of water and she knows they are all right. (122) 122. b) There are mediums who can see into the depths of the earth . . . they are able to see such things as [buried] treasure or a vein of ore. (107) 123. c) There are those who can read the thoughts of one. (102) 124. d) Some can hear the voices of the spirits [without the necessity of going into a trance]. (109) 125. e) One who has the gift of seeing the spirits in space [without going into a trance], can tell a person [client] what he should or should not do. I cannot see the spirits in space, as do some mediums; . . . I can see only in a glass of water. (105) 126. f) Some can cure. Not all of us are mediums of trance; there are those who cure without trance. I am merely a medium for curing [illness]; I can cure with or without going into a trance. (102) 127. In view of these special attributes, the spiritualistic medium is a versatile practitioner with miscellaneous functions. As will be seen

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later, she is able (a) to diagnose and (b) to treat illness. Moreover, she may be able (c) to cause illness. Thus: 128. Some [spiritualists] study "the black aspect" [lo negro]; that is, they study how to cause illness. But others—we work for the well-being of the world. As might be expected, the medium is able (d) to serve as intermediary between the living and the spirits of the dead: 129. [My husband] inherited the parcel [of land] from his grandfather. Shortly after his [grandfather's] death, all the family had [disquieting] dreams. Finally, one of his daughters went to the spiritualistic center [in El Cuije]. She communicated with her father. She says she recognized his voice at once, and he told her they should burn a vigil light every evening. He said that where he was there was no illumination, that, although he had children, he remained in darkness. . . . So every night they light a candle dedicated to the grandfather. Furthermore, the spiritualist is able (e) to remove ill luck, by "sweeping" a house and thus ridding it of "salt," which is closely identified with ill fortune (625-629): 130. Doña Fulana, of Lerdo, is a medium, but as far as I know, she does not cure the sick. What she does is to remove the "salt," by "sweeping" the house with flowers. (626) 131. It is rumored that spiritualistic intervention is able (f) to alter the personality of an individual: 132. I have heard that in the [spiritualistic] center in the Primero de Mayo [in Torreón], they are able to change one's personality. This interests me greatly, for I have a son who is "almost lost" [casi perdido] [because he presents problems in conduct and in discipline] . In one concrete case, a woman's friends recommend that she turn to spiritualism in the hope of changing her husband's deportment. Although she rejects the suggestion, her comments below, addressed to another informant, provide a specific example of the "personalityreform" motivation. They also reveal something of spiritualistic proselytism and of one manner of establishing contact with the spirit world. 133.

You know Doña Virginia, the wife of Don Pedro; she is one

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of the really good ones [mediums]. When my husband, Luis, was alive, he was a great gadder [paseador], and he left me alone most of the time. One night . . . Doña Virginia and Don Pedro arrived. I was alone and very worried. I told them that Luis had not come home to dinner, that it was late and I had no word from him. For a time, they said nothing. 134. Then Don Pedro said, "Join our belief [métase a la creencia de nosotros]. I shall give you a prayer. Pray first. And if someone should answer, do not be afraid. When you hear the voice, answer. Speak as though it were a friend, or your mother, or your father. Tell it [the voice] that Luis should change his character. 135. But I was all alone, with my small child. I was afraid, and I did not make the attempt [to communicate with the spirits]. 136. As still another function, the spiritualistic medium is able (g) to enable a client to seek counsel of the spirits with respect to mines, buried treasure (122), and real-estate problems. Two accounts of sessions concerning real estate are presented in Appendix I. 137. Most of the data on spiritualism in the Laguna come from a woman informant (85, note 8 ) , whose antecedents may be of some interest: 138. I was born in Peñón Blanco, in the state of San Luis Potosí. At [the age of] twelve years, I married Apolonio, after knowing him a few days during Holy Week, in Zacatecas, where I had gone with my parents. He was from Tepetongo, Zacatecas, and there we went to live. He had an aunt, from Chalchihuites, who didn't even speak Spanish. I could not understand her and believe she must have spoken an Indian language. 139. Apolonio had a dreadful disposition and, moreover, he was a woman chaser; he even brought women to the house. At first, I did not know. I suffered greatly but never thought of leaving him. Well, once, I did return to my parents and stayed nine months with them. But my mother said, "After all, he is your husband and you have many children." The truth is that I was fed up [at being with the parents and, in time, returned to Apolonio]. 140. I began to work with the spirits about fourteen years ago. For twenty-six years I had been ill, with fevers and hemorrhages, and so on. I was tired of going to doctors, and a woman took me to a spiritualistic "temple" [in Torreón]. 141. I went every day, only to cure my illness. I felt well, "fresh," and I had great faith. [One day] we were studying, with all the group, in the meeting room [salón]. I felt I was about to fall. Brother

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Manuel Flores Molina was the spiritual director of the group; he was disembodied {desencarnado)—a spirit. He was our director in spirit. I said to him, "Brother, forgive me. I want permission to leave. It is difficult to explain how ignorant I am." But he said, "Do not leave. Sit down; you will be all right." 142. I sat down and closed my eyes; I remained seated. At the end [of the session], he said, "How do you feel, sister?" I did not feel very well; I was nauseated. Then he said, "Tomorrow, I shall expect you at four o'clock; it is a day we do not work." 143. The next day, I went to the center, and the brother said, "If you are willing to loan [prestar] the body [envoltura: literally, "wrapping"], we should be able to work. But you must have volition [voluntad]." But I said no. Since I do not know how to read, 10 I did not see how I could [learn to] cure [the sick]. But he said, "Make a decision, sister. It does not matter; your volition is more important. It is necessary to ask Brother Apolonio [husband of the informant] to come." [Then] he asked me, "Is it because you are afraid [to go into a trance] ?" I answered, "In all truth, yes." 144. He told me further, "We shall take care of you; nothing will happen to you. You merely will loan your body." I was very foolish; I could not even answer. But finally I said, "Very well; I give my consent." 145. At the [next] meeting, the sister [presumably one Petra Chavira—see below] went into a trance [tomó el trance], and I did the same. When my spirit returned, they [that is, those of the center] told me I must work with them. She adds further details: 146. [To become a medium] one goes to a house of prayer [casa de oración: a spiritualistic center] if one likes to study. [At first] I went only for treatment, but the gift [of being a medium] came to me from above. If one wishes to continue, one speaks with the sister [who is the director of the center]. 147. The group with which I worked had a spirit director, who was disembodied, and who was named Manuel Flores Molina. The director was Sister Petra Chavira. When she died, all ended [and the center disbanded]. We were about thirty in the group. 148. I belong to the Federación Espíritu [sic] in Mexico City. My photograph is in Mexico City, but I did not receive my diploma because of the death of the director [of the c e n t e r ] . . . . I am "lyrical" [that is, empirical]. 10

Another Laguna medium of my acquaintance is also illiterate.

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149. After a bad fall, the informant was ill for a "long time"; unable to effect her own cure, she lost standing as a healer. However, at present, she is seeking to re-establish herself and is looking for a spiritualistic center or "temple," to which she may be attached as a practitioner. 150. Inasmuch as the center where I worked no longer exists, I must look for another. But there is much jealousy. We call each other "brother" [and "sister"], yet some believe they are of higher category than others. 151. I have a daughter ill, and with her I go to a center as a visitor, to see if I like it. I have gone to several but still do not find one where I want to work. In one center, the spirit does not invite her to join the group: 152. When the medium goes into a trance and the spirit descends [to take possession of her body], it must say, "Why is it that you are not working?" But it said nothing to me. In another center, she is invited, but she finds the atmosphere objectionable because the medium smokes during the trance: 153. One [center] in particular did not appeal to me. It is a year ago that I went [there]. The spirits [seres] came down from above, but how is such a spirit likely to smoke? The spirit arrived and the body [envoltura] was working [that is, the spirit had entered the body of the medium] and said, "I used to be very fond of smoking." The helper arose and lighted a cigarette, giving it to the medium. But I did not like the fact that the medium smoked [while] in trance . . . 154. Later, as we left, a woman said to me, "How nice [Undo] it was." I did not want to argue and I said, "Yes, very nice." I think the matter of spirits of high category [alta escala] is very nice. What I do not like are the bodies [envolturas]. 155. Spiritualistic practitioners and individuals closely associated with them address and refer to one another as "brother" or "sister." In the quotations above, this sibling term is applied: (1) to the disembodied spiritual director of a center, (2) to the medium who is the (presumably corporeal) director of a center, (3) to a potential medium, and (4) to the latter's husband. 156. It is preferable that a medium be a married woman: 157. It is not "convenient" that an unmarried woman devote herself to spiritualism, [for] when she marries, the chances are that her

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husband may not permit her to work. One of my daughters has the gift of hearing the voices of the spirits [seres] [without going into a trance], but she has not been able to develop it, for her husband does not want her to work with the spirits. 158. A medium may be affiliated with a formally organized center or temple; the one mentioned above (147) had about thirty members. Sometimes the center is no more than one room set aside for professional activities in the medium's own household. My chief spiritualistic informant is trying to become affiliated with a "temple" (149-151); in the meanwhile she receives the public in one room of her dwelling (see Appendix I ) . 159. Some centers, such as those described in Appendix I, are small and modest; others are said to be lavishly equipped. One of the elaborate type allegedly is situated in Jardín Torreón, an opulent new urban subdivision. As a rule, the central feature of a center is an impressive altarlike structure, although one medium seems able to dispense with such equipment. Thus, "Doña Fulana has none. She merely sits in a circle of people." 160. To enjoy real status, a spiritualistic center apparently should be affiliated with a national organization in Mexico City. There, some years after my Torreón visit, I tried unsuccessfully to identify this institution (Kelly 1961, p. 193). The Torreón medium states: 161. The center where I went had a sign on the door, saying "Centro espíritu" [sic], I think the spiritualist in the [district called the] Rastro must belong to Mexico [City]. She has a diploma and pays dues [derechos]. Probably she also has a sign. But who knows? I believe they charge a good deal for permission to hang a sign. Futhermore, it appears that a medium may belong personally to the organization in the capital and that she may cure without being affiliated with a local center: 162. The center is like a school; [there] one studies in company. As one develops, one may withdraw. . . . It is not necessary to be in society [that is, affiliated with a center] in order to cure. One may depend directly from Mexico [City]; the center where one studies recommends one to [the organization in] Mexico [City]. 163. The prominence of spiritualism in San Pedro de las Colonias is attested by the statement that several years ago a leading citizen of

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that town established a spiritualistic "academy" to train women as mediums and men as aides. Subsequently, it is said, he opened four spiritualistic centers in San Pedro. A formal spiritualistic organization, a spiritualistic "hospital," allegedly is situated in Mexico City (417-418). 164. HERBALISTS. A S a rule, those who sell herbs are familiar with their uses and ordinarily prescribe the remedy and give instructions for its preparation. In El Cuije, it is said that one Torreón herbalist ( 1 6 9 171) gives "consultation" and provides a plant remedy, charging 6 pesos for the complete service. Herbalists, in addition, sell a great variety of products, plant and otherwise, associated locally with magic and luck (173, 183, 616, 622, 633-636, 641-644, 657) and even with witchcraft (314). 165. I had opportunity to converse with three Torreón herb vendors, who are described below. 166. The first is a middle-aged woman, who learned about plants from her mother and grandmother; they, before her, had an herb stand in Torreón. 167. The second likewise is a woman who learned from her mother; both came originally from Jerez, Zacatecas. In 1903, the mother began to sell plant remedies in Torreón and has now been succeeded by the daughter. The latter recognizes the woman mentioned above (166) as a colleague of long standing but says that the other vendors in the Torreón market are comparatively recent arrivals, having purchased their stalls from previous owners. 168. The husband of this second informant is a native of Aguascalientes but has been a resident of Torreón since the age of fourteen; at present he appears to be sixty-odd years old. He collaborates in the herb business and has a subsidiary stand in the market, immediately across the aisle from that over which his wife presides; his stall is used chiefly for storage. The wife obviously is the dominant member of the family and the man remarks, in a carefree manner, that he knows nothing of plants, that his wife has the knowledge and he merely sells. 169. The third informant, a man, is the largest-scale herb operator in Torreón. Perhaps sixty years of age, he learned the herb business from his parents, who sold plant remedies in Aguascalientes. Since 1913, he has hawked herbs and related products in Torreón. 170. He enjoys marked self-esteem and assures us that "botany is a very attractive study," adding that "there is no illness which does not have its plant remedy—even tuberculosis and exhaustion [agotamiento] ."

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171. Manifestly, he is the most enterprising of our herbalist acquaintances. I express interest in learning something of plant remedies, and he immediately assumes that I plan to set myself up in business. He declares that he will be charmed to teach me but that his only free hours are from one to three in the afternoon and from seven to nine in the evening. He adds that he will be able to supply me with plants at wholesale rates. Inasmuch as the arrangement appears to be envisaged in grandiose financial terms, I prudently withdraw from the scene. 172. Most herb vendors in Torreón have established stalls (puestos) in the Juárez Market; at the time of my visit, there were five or six. Occasionally plant remedies are sold elsewhere in the Market, in conjunction with fruits or vegetables. The two stands belonging to one family (167—168) are representative and may be described briefly. 173. The main stall is perhaps two by three meters, or a bit more. It is inside the Market, yet has an earthen floor. Three of the walls are lined with shelves on which repose many small bundles of plants. On the open side of the stand, where the aisle passes, there is a counter. From poles and beams hang various remedies, plus certain items believed to bring good luck or to ward off evil influences—for example, the aloe known as zábila. 174. Inside the stall the family cooks, eats, and washes dishes, using water from a pottery bottle. Food is prepared on a metal charcoal brazier; a packing box serves as a table; and three low, wooden benches provide seating. A pet cat is tied, to prevent his escaping. The interior of the stall is dark, and hygienic conditions leave much to be desired. 175. The supplementary stand is immediately across the aisle and seems to be used primarily for storage. Wooden boxes are stacked to form shelves; these hide the interior effectively, and only a small opening is left as entrance. A considerable amount of merchandise is hung, rather than stored in boxes. Included is a horseshoe, for luck. Forming a great festoon across the front of the stall are two strands of green peyote (Appendix II, No. 830) strung like a giant necklace; one strand consists of about three dozen specimens. Dry peyote is stored nearby in a large basket. A plank across the front of the stand serves as a counter; it is well laden with boxes and cartons of herbs, as well as with a wooden box containing empty bottles. 176. In the main stand just described (173-174), I have opportunity to observe the volume of trade on two successive afternoons. The owner of the stall remarks that most vendors now sell remedies at 50 centavos apiece but that she asks only 20 centavos and so has a larger

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number of transactions. Even so, her business does not seem impressive. 177. One Thursday afternoon, between four and six-thirty, I am in the stall and jot down the proceedings. A small boy comes to buy epazote del zorrillo; he is told that there is none this year because of the drought. Two women ask for amole (for laundry); again, there is none in stock. Another customer requests, in an inaudible voice, some remedy likewise unavailable and is sent to another stand where it might be found. A woman arrives with a paper bag in hand. She buys an assortment of plant remedies, but since the merchandise is extracted from the storage stall across the aisle, I do not hear the conversation. In time, several small bundles are stowed in the bag; the client pays 1 peso and receives no change. 178. Business is more sprightly the next afternoon. Again the first customer is a small boy who requests epazote del zorrillo; again, there is a request for amole, which cannot be supplied. An elderly man buys 50 centavos of greda (an inorganic substance, apparently lead oxide— see Nueva farmacopea, p. 658) for empacho (454, 538, 558, 585, 603); and a woman purchases a similar amount of pecan leaves, "for the blood." Another woman buys flor de jazmín and two other remedies whose names I do not hear because she is too far away. Someone purchases flor de tilia (Appendix II, Nos. 836, 837). A couple arrives to ask for damiana (Appendix II, No. 833), "to heat the womb" ( 1 5 - 1 6 ) . 179. Next comes a young man who asks the price of tronadora, by kilogram. He is told that the supply is limited and that the plant cannot be sold by weight. Accordingly, he purchases 1 peso's worth and is told that, when plentiful, tronadora brings 8 pesos the kilo. 180. An elderly woman asks for hierba en cruz and is told there is none. Afterwards, I ask if I did not see some on hand yesterday. "Yes, yes, I have it. But the woman wants only 20 centavos' worth and I do not want to sell less than 50 centavos'." 181. Later two women pause in front of the stall to ask if there is any skunk meat (for leprosy); they are told that the supply has been exhausted long since. 182. Torreón's most enterprising herb vendor (169) and the one who probably has the most profitable business, has no permanent stall; he operates in the open street, across from the market, without even a roof over his wares. 183. On the sidewalk he arranges in pairs some thirty wooden soap boxes, each one open and containing six new, clean paper bags. The top of each bag is folded down tidily to exhibit the contents. Most bags

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contain dry plants, but some have shells, bits of coral, and so on. A dessicated marine animal, known as the diablo del mar, is a disconcerting-looking specimen, exhibited innocent of paper bag. There is a carton containing iron filings, which are "fed" to the lodestone, an important local talisman. Among the paper bags are scattered small bundles of printed prayers (oraciones), which are for sale, as well as typewritten prescriptions doled out with certain purchases. Some remedies the herbalist has packed "hygienically" in small cardboard boxes, with printed labels, and sells them thus. 184. In conjunction with this sidewalk business, the vendor has a homemade trailer parked across the street. Its sides are fitted to accommodate more soap boxes, which are packed with herbs. Recently he has bought a secondhand car, complete with loud-speaker; with this equipment, he plans to invade the small rural settlements and thus extend his business to them. 185. This herbalist informs us that his daily sales sometimes run in the vicinity of 300 pesos (dubious) and that his warehouse is stocked with more than 20,000 pesos' worth of plant remedies. 186. Torreón herb vendors have a certain amount of outside contact, as the following statements indicate: 187. There are some plants which I ship from here, such as gobernadora and cenizo [Appendix II, Nos. 809, 8 2 5 ] ; they do not grow elsewhere. I send to other parts for plants—to Aguascalientes, Guadalajara, and Mexico City. For example, I send to Mexico or Guadalajara for cuasia; peyote [Appendix II, No. 830] is sent me from Aguascalientes. There are no commercial houses for herbs. I simply write to someone who has a stall of herbs in the place where the plant is found. The shipment is sent express, and I pay when it arrives. (12) 188. I send to Mexico [City] for plants, and to Durango. The one who sells in Durango goes himself to the sierra to collect the plants. I also send to Veracruz. Formerly, we sent plants to Ciudad Juárez, but it is some time since we have received orders from there. It is a place where herbs are sold in quantity and at exaggerated prices. Sometimes, herbalists there ask 1.50 pesos for plants which we sell here for 20 centavos. (6) Not only are remedies imported from other areas but so also are instructions concerning their use. This is particularly true of marine products, which are stocked along with plant remedies by the Torreón herbalists.

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189. There is a Yaqui Indian [un yaquito] named José, who comes here selling things from the sea. He is from Sonora but he brings remedies from Mazatlán [Sinaloa]. It is some three months since he has been here. 190. This is a remedy called sea kidney [riñón del mar]. The truth is that I don't know what it is good for. The indito did not tell us because he himself had forgotten. Clearly, then, certain remedies and information concerning their use are being imported by an intermediary. Reliance is not exclusively on this one Yaqui middleman. Another herbalist orders direct from Mazatlán, writing to a fisherman there who is known as "El Chino." 191. OTHER PRACTITIONERS. Many other persons might be considered subprofessional practitioners, and it is doubtful if the term curandera is applied to them. In this category would be the women who treat fallen fontanels. Other examples follow. 192. A woman in Torreón, who gives massage, volunteers that she has spent "all [her] life curing." But, she adds, she will treat any malady, save one caused by witchcraft; "that does not appeal" to her. 193. A woman in El Cuije also gives massage, for example, to relieve a stiff neck. She charges 50 centavos or 1 peso, according to the patient's means. As far as we know, her curing skill is limited to massage, plus the use of the cupping glass (ventosa). She claims to have learned from an aunt. 194. A young girl in El Cuije remarks that her Aunt Carmen knows how to cure "fright." We ask a neighbor, who replies, "I think not. Not as far as I know. If a person really knows how to cure, there always is a string of people going to the house. But no one seems to be looking for Carmen." 195. An elderly woman in El Cuije has tried her hand at healing. As a girl, in Matamoros, she learned from an aunt. The latter, she informs us, was born in the City of Mexico and held a "degree." We ask, "What kind of a degree?" The informant does not know. She says that her husband jokingly called her a "sugar curandera" because she treated the family which had the local store and was paid with merchandise, especially sugar. "When doctors came to the town of Chávez," she stopped treating outside her own family, so that "no doctor could blame [her] if a patient became worse." 196. I have relatively few data to include with respect to the local, empirical midwife. She is known by the usual term of partera, perhaps also of comadrona. However, one in El Coyote calls herself a facultativa

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and another, in Luchana, reputedly designates herself as a partera hechiza. It is of some interest that the empirical midwife in La Concha is said to be an elderly man. 197. FOLK VS. MEDICAL PRACTITIONERS. The ejidatario of the Laguna is in a position to weigh the relative merits of folk and medical practitioners and to choose between them. For a good many years, he has had available the health services provided by the Mexican Ministry of Public Health, through its Division of Rural Medical Services, which places at his disposition the Ejido Hospital in Torreón and makes available certain public health services in some of the ejidos. These services vary from settlement to settlement. 198. As a consequence, the notion of socialized medicine has become firmly implanted in the Laguna, at least in the ejido of El Cuije and presumably in a number of others. This is demonstrated by the fact that most of the ejidos pay a modest annual quota for the right to partake of the benefits provided by the Division of Rural Medical Services. To be sure, these services are provided only for the ejidatario and his immediate family; the libre, who is in even more serious economic straits than is the ejidatario, is not eligible for health benefits. 199. El Cuije also provides, from public funds, treatment by sorcerers for individuals thought to be suffering the consequences of witchcraft ( 3 6 7 , 3 7 1 ) . 200. The curandera says [concerning a patient who apparently has asthma], "If I don't make her well, I shall not charge." If the patient recovers, the curandera is to be paid. In the meantime, she charges only for medicines. Every week she receives 25 or 30 pesos [from ejido funds] for the medicines. Later she will be paid for the treatment. One statement even implies that the medical profession is the authority for such procedure: 201. Doctors do not treat maleficio [sorcery]. They themselves say that they cannot. They say that one should go to somebody else. In Torreón, Lerdo, and Gómez [Palacio] are people who cure [the ills resulting from witchcraft]. Certain other ailments also demand the attention of a folk practitioner, but in such cases the individual family stands the cost. 202. Evil eye, "fright," and empacho (454) are illnesses which the doctors do not cure. They know what they are, but they think

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differently [concerning them]. A doctor says that empacho is indigestion, that in fright the patient is debilitated. We, the old women, cure such illnesses. (24) 203. Dislocation of the womb (476) is an illness which the doctors cannot cure; they do not even believe that it exists. (25) 204. Upon occasion, the ejido pays for private medical attention and hospitalization; some ejidos, such as San Miguel, 11 seem to rely largely upon private medical care. Thus: 205. Everyone prefers not to go to the Ejido Hospital [in Torreón] , if the illness is "delicate" [that is, serious]. I think the hospital is all right, but they never have the necessary medicines [available]. Although government medical services and hospital facilities commonly are criticized, private medical care places a serious strain on the El Cuije treasury during economically difficult years, as the following attests: 206. Fulano [an ejidatario] was operated on—not in the Ejido Hospital, but in the Mexican Clinic [in Torreón] . . . At the end of eleven days, the doctor wanted to release him, but the ejido had no money to pay the bill . . . [and] the hospital will not let him leave until the account is settled. They charge 15 pesos a day. . . . they say that he owes 400 pesos. 207. A few days later, the same informant reports that efforts to raise money have been unsuccessful. A Torreón company which perforates deep wells has offered to guarantee the bill, but the hospital rejects the offer. The ejido has attempted to extract funds from the community of La Reforma, which owes El Cuije considerable money, but to no avail. At last, when expenses have accumulated for four days after the patient has been subject to release, the ejido authorities decide to borrow from the school fund in order to settle the bill. 208. Sometimes the patient, rather than the ejido, pays for private medical service. One family of our acquaintance sold its hogs and poultry so that its young son might have medical attention during a polio attack. Another family reports having disposed of a sewing machine in order to defray the expense of a private doctor when the son 11

I am indebted to Dr. Raymond Wilkie for the information that San Miguel makes relatively little use of government health services and that in the spring of 1953 the official accounts of the community showed an expenditure of approximately 12,000 pesos for private medical attention accorded ejidatarios.

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was ill of brucellosis. The lad's mother remarks later, "It was expensive, but they saved him."

"Unnatural" Illnesses and Their Treatment 209. Under this heading are grouped the several kinds of illnesses which local folk medicine does not attribute to matter-of-fact causes and for which it prescribes magical or other occult types of treatment. The evil eye is essentially magical in cause and in cure; "fright," fundamentally emotional as to origin, is treated largely through magical techniques. Witchcraft, based in part on contagious and imitative magic, also may involve direct administration of noxious preparations in the form of powders. Even so, our data indicate that treatment is basically magical, and there are only occasional references to herbs and patent medicines. Infirmities attributed to spiritualistic malevolence overlap with witchcraft. 210. EVIL EYE. An individual with much "strength" or "electricity" in his sight may cast the evil eye (mal de ojo) merely by looking at the victim. Small children, especially attractive ones, are most susceptible. Danger is slight to anyone over the age of approximately ten years, but occasionally an adult may feel some discomfort, such as mattered eyes. An exceptional case is that of a particularly appealing small dog, said to have died as a consequence of the evil eye. 211. One Cuije man, whose look is "charged with electricity," is said to have inadvertently caused the death of his own child: 212. His look is so strong that he killed his own son. The child was about five months old. That afternoon he was especially attractive. His older sisters had bathed and dressed him and combed his hair; they even had powdered him. They showed the baby to his father; he looked [at his son] and was greatly pleased with him. 213. That same night, the baby became ill. He developed alferecía [ 4 6 4 - 4 6 5 ] . In spite of the fact that his father stroked him—for he was the only one who could cure him—and in spite of the fact that they went to various doctors in Torreón, in eight days the child was dead. 214. There are several ways of avoiding the consequences of the evil eye. A large, disklike seed12 called deer's eye (ojo de venado) is perforated with a hot iron and hung about the child's neck as prophy12

The herbalist who sells the charm declares it to be a marine product "which looks like a seed."

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laxis. Baptism is not believed to provide protection. However, the potential inflicter of the evil eye may himself neutralize the effects: (1) with his own saliva he marks a cross on the forehead, cheeks, and chin of the child; (2) when he first sees the youngster he strikes him a light blow on the cheek; or (3) taking the child's head between his hands, he presses the temples. 215. If the parents are alarmed by the possibility of the evil eye, they may ask a visitor for his handkerchief, which they place beneath the pillow of the possible victim. Or the potential inflicter of the evil eye is asked to "make a cross of saliva" and to leave his handkerchief or some other article of clothing; in the night the child is stroked with the latter and then sleeps on top of it. In both instances the danger is averted. 216. Symptoms of the evil eye include nausea, fever, and diarrhea; the victim's eyes appear small (cf. Foster, p. 207); and he "cries and cries." For diagnosis and treatment, the victim is stroked with a hen's egg; that of a turkey or duck is not acceptable. 217. One "sweeps" [barre] with an egg . . . in the form of a cross . . . reciting the Creed three times. This is done at night, when the child is asleep. In a glass of water, one breaks the egg and leaves it in the water all night, beneath the bed of the child, or at the head [of the b e d ] . This is done three [successive] days. 218. In the morning the egg is thrown away. The "eye" comes out in the yolk, but it looks the same for a man or woman [inflicter]. If one cannot see the "eye" in the yolk, it is because the child is ill of some other infirmity. According to another informant, the egg indicates the sex of the person responsible for the illness: 219. One breaks the egg in a glass of water, to know if the [evil] eye is that of a man or a woman. If the filament of the yolk is long, it is a man [who is responsible]; if it is round, it is a woman. A Torreón woman is accused of casting the evil eye: 220. Recently married, we went to live with my husband's brother; he was the brother who had raised my husband. He was married and had a little boy three years old; the child was delightful, and I embraced him. 221. The next day the child was ill, with nausea. The mother said, "You have cast the evil eye upon him." I said to her, "Listen. Never have I cast the evil eye. But under the circumstances, what do we do

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to cure him?" She told me, "You must loan me your dress, so that we may stroke him [with it] in the night." I gave it to her. And the next day the child was well. In El Cuije, we are told: 222. Tonight I cannot wait for the moving picture program because I must go to see a small girl who is ill; she is the granddaughter of Adolfo. They say that I cast the evil eye upon her. She was perfectly well yesterday afternoon, but when she reached home she was nauseated. 223. Probably they are right, for I have a "strong" eye; once I even caused the death of my own son from the evil eye (212—213). I must go, because I'm the only one who is able to cure her. I know it is against the law [sic], but I must "cleanse" her with my handkerchief and with saliva. [Two days later, we meet the mother of the patient, who tells us that the latter has recovered]. 224. terest:

A lengthy account by a "nonbeliever" is of considerable in-

225. My mother was working as a nurse in the health unit at Urquizo, Coahuila. . . . I was then about thirteen years old. . . . I was perfectly well until one night, when I became ill; the next day I was worse. Immediately the doctor of the health unit visited me, but by night I was worse. My symptoms were high fever, intense headache, and nausea, without being able to vomit. In spite of . . . medicines . . . I continued ill; I was very weak because of the fever. 226. The doctor diagnosed typhoid fever and suggested . . . that I be taken to the hospital in Lerdo, where infectious diseases were treated. My mother opposed this and said that in the afternoon she would take me to our home in Torreón. 227. That same day, a woman named Doña Carmen came to ask about me. She said she had seen me several days before and had been troubled with headache since. Inasmuch as she thought me attractive, she developed a headache, and that same day I became ill. She told my mother she had cast the evil eye upon me and asked permission to cure me. 228. My mother gave permission simply as a matter of courtesy, for none of us believes [in the evil eye]. I objected, but I was so weak that they paid me no mind. Doña Carmen recited the Creed several times. She passed an egg, wrapped in her handkerchief, over my body, in the form of a cross. Then she knotted the handkerchief, placed it in her bosom, and asked for a glass of water. She broke the

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egg into it and placed it [the glass, with water and egg] under the head of my bed. 229. That afternoon, they were going to take me to Torreón, but I was sleeping heavily and perspiring, so the trip was postponed. In the evening, the doctors and nurses came to see me and found I had almost no fever. They asked my mother what [medicine] she had given me, and when she told them of the egg all of them wanted to see it. The yolk had a whitish spot, like a [silver] coin. 230. The next day, I had no fever, but was weak; the doctor prescribed vitamins. The woman who cured me came to call; she said that since my treatment her own headache had disappeared. 231. I was thirteen years old then and now I am nineteen. I still do not believe and, although all of us saw it [the cure], all of us continue to doubt. But thus I was cured of what the doctor said was typhoid fever . . . 232. Treatment in the cases mentioned so far has been pretty stereotyped, but one divergent remedy crops up: 233. My little boy was very ill [of evil eye] and the doctors could not cure him. Then a woman told me that I myself could cure him . . . He still was nursing, and she told me to squeeze some of my milk in his eyes. This I did, and in two days he had recovered. 234. " F R I G H T . " The two Spanish terms of espanto and susto are translated as "fright"; they are said not to apply to precisely the same illness, but informants are unable to distinguish sharply between them. Thus: 235. Espanto and susto are almost the same; the same Creeds [sic] are recited [to cure them]. (61c) 236. A person may be ill of both espanto and susto. Under the same circumstances, one person may become asustada, another, espantada. (26) 237. Espanto comes from many things. Generally, weak persons, without resistance, are those who become frightened [espantada]. (26) 238. A blow, a jump, or a shout may result in susto. (70) 239. Susto and espanto are almost the same. Susto comes from something one dreams, but the spirit does not leave [the body]. (72) 240. Children and adults may be affected by both kinds of "fright." Symptoms are distinct and may be summarized as follows: 241. Espanto: fever; loss of appetite; inability to sleep. "He starts

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to sleep and then begins to tremble." No diarrhea and no muscular pain (as with susto). 242. Susto: assortment of aches and pains. 13 "The head aches," as do the legs and the body, "as though one were coming down with grippe." Loss of appetite; "everything one eats disagrees with one." Diarrhea is characteristic, sometimes with yellow or green stools; or the color is normal but the stools unformed. Sleepiness common. Sometimes it is said, "The child must be asustado, so much does he sleep." 243. Although one informant states flatly that in case of susto the soul leaves the body, the treatment implies that espanto involves soul loss, while susto does not. To cure espanto "one goes to a spot where there is the noise of running water" and there calls out the name of the person who is ill. 244. They go to the edge of the water, such as a water deposit, where the [running] water can be heard. They cry out the name of the person who is "frightened" [espantada]. Once they called to me. They cry [for example], "Come, Juan. Don't stay [away]." They call three times. Anyone may do this [that is, a special practitioner in folk medicine is not required]. 245. To call the spirit in the water is the only way of curing espanto. Nevertheless, other evidence indicates that both kinds of fright are treated by reciting certain prayers: 246. Three times one recites the same Creeds [sic]. I pray thus, "Child of God. I cure you and I pray over you. And my Lord Jesus Christ makes you recover." 247. Except for this overlap with respect to formal prayers, the treatment for espanto and for susto is quite different. Whereas the former necessitates calling the spirit to return, the latter focuses on "cleansing," through stroking the body with one or more materials, including alum and sprays of the pepper tree (pirul; Schinus sp.), rue, and other plants (see below). There is even one mention, reminiscent of the evil eye, of stroking with an egg. 248. The first of the accounts to follow comes from an herbalist, who claims that the treatment, presumably administered by a witch, is applicable to illness resulting either from susto or from sorcery: 13

What apparently is a dislocated shoulder of long standing is attributed to susto.

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249. One "cleanses" the patient to cure him of fright [susto]; or of witchcraft; or to remove ill luck [quitarle la sal. [Cf. 6 2 6 629.] 250. For the "cleansing," one needs: romero, ruda, hierba en cruz, albahaca, pirul [all of which are plants]; flowers of any kind; alum; perfume [the latter not mentioned subsequently by the informant] . 251. First of all, one tosses copal [incense] on hot c o a l s . . . . The patient is standing, with the coals in front of him, at his feet. He and the curer pray: Casa de Jerusalém Donde Jesú Cristo entró Y con este sahumerio Amén. Pido que se me retiren Los espíritus malos Que me rodean. The patient shakes his clothing so that the "salt" [sal: bad luck] falls on the coals. 252. Next comes the "cleansing" with the flowers and plants. With the sprays [forming a small bouquet], the patient is brushed in the name of the Holy Trinity [la Santísima], and three Creeds [the same one three times?] are recited. The sick person, [still] standing, is brushed with the sprays, front and back, including the hands. The plants are thrown into the street at night so that nobody will see what is being done. 253. Next is the "cleansing" with alum. The entire body is stroked, front and back, with the stone, while Creeds are recited. The stone is tossed into the fire and left [a time] to see what results. One sees formed [in the coals? in the alum?] the figure of a man or of a woman. The stone is dropped into a tub of water and later is thrown into the street. The treatment is repeated; with three "cleansings" the patient recovers . . . 254. [The same herbalist adds:] The copal used for "cleansing" is a compound; it contains ground herbs: romero, orange peel and laurel. My mother used to sell copal compound. She had women who ground the herbs for her. But I sell only plain copal, [marketing it in small, slender rolls of maize husk, which look like miniature tamales; a large collection of these cylinders with copal hangs in front of her herb stand]. 255.

Other informants emphasize the stroking with alum and, at

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the same time, give a more adequate explanation of the burning of the alum at the conclusion of the treatment: 256. To cure susto, the person is "cleansed" with an alum stone [piedra de alumbre]. It is passed over the body in the form of a cross while one recites Creeds. Later the alum is burned, and it is said that there [in the flame] is formed the [image of the] thing or the person which caused the fright. Practically everyone treats susto this way because it is said to be the most certain and efficacious cure. (149)) 257. Susto is treated with an alum stone, which is sold in the pharmacies. The person [patient] is stroked in the form of a cross, at night, while he is sleeping. The treatment must take place without his knowledge. (149i) 258. One strokes in the form of a cross, reciting three Creeds. One makes the [sign of the] cross on the head, on the chest, and from the waist downward, moreover, . . . on each joint of both arms. The [important] point is to do [all] this without the patient's knowing. (149i) 259. One makes the various crosses while reciting the three Creeds. The alum is burned on the coals, where is formed [the image of] what caused the fright. The treatment is repeated daily for three days; each day there appears in the coals less and less [that is, a progressively weaker image] of what caused the fright. (149i) 260. In the pharmacy one buys alum to cure susto. If none is found, the patient may be stroked, in the form of a cross, with sprays of pepper tree or with ruda. (149g) Three further accounts add a number of details: 261. To cure a person of susto, he is "swept" with branches of the pepper tree, at twelve o'clock noon on whatever day [is convenient] . He is stroked from foot to head, in the form of a cross, and [at the same time] one recites three Padres Nuestros and three Aves Marías. This is done [daily] for three days. It is always done by day, and the [pepper] sprays are thrown away at some crossroads. (149Í) 262. The person [ill of susto] is "swept" with sprays of the pepper tree at noon . . . and the treatment is repeated in the evening before going to bed. The patient is outside the house [not indoors]. The pepper sprays are thrown away at a crossroads. (149e) 263. Susto is cured by stroking the sick person with sprays of the pepper tree. This is done at noon, outside the house in the open air; otherwise, the patient would sweat a great deal. The sick person

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stands; . . . he is stroked, in the form of a cross, front and back. This treatment requires no diet . . . Sometimes, because he is tired, the patient lies down afterwards. The treatment is repeated daily for three days. (149b) Although the pepper tree is mentioned constantly, rue (ruda) seems to be equally acceptable. In fact, in one Cuije home the "garden" consists of two flowerpots, both planted to rue. When I ask the reason, I am told that it is for curing susto: 264. The sick person is "swept" with a bouquet made of [the plants called] ruda, romero, and hierba en cruz. And afterwards, with alum, [he is stroked] in the form of a cross. 265. Following the stroking with an egg, alum, or sprays of the pepper tree, a child afflicted with susto may be given a special bath. 266. Next, he is bathed with water in which cenizo [Appendix II, No. 825] has been boiled; the water is as hot as he can stand. When the child is taken from the bath, he is wrapped, without being dried, so that "the heat of the water may evaporate" [sic]. The child remains in the house and is not allowed to go outdoors. 267. Sometimes various members of a family may be "frightened" simultaneously: 268. We sealed [with adobe bricks] the bedroom window a short time ago, because there was a great "fright" [un buen sustote]. It was a week ago last Sunday. In the night, my sister-in-law was going to nurse her baby and she turned on the light. My brother went out of doors and the baby [girl] started to cry. She was looking at the window . . . [and there] my sister-in-law saw a large, very ugly animal, gray color, with terrible, large eyes. 269. My brother came running [back] and covered the window with some bedclothes. But with all the racket. . . my mother jumped out of bed to see what was the matter. . . . My brother called to her that it was a "fright." 270. Everything turned out all right, because we [all?] were treated for "fright" [susto] [at the spiritualistic center in El Cuije]. But they [the brother and his family] no longer sleep in that room. 271. What seems to be a special form of "fright," and a particularly severe one, is mentioned by one Cuije informant under the name of desasombro:

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272. Espanto is an illness; espanto and susto are almost the same. But desasombro is another thing. It is when the spirit [espíritu] leaves, when the shadow [sombra] goes away. 273. It results from a "fright" [ s u t o ] which follows a great shock. For example, the kitchen of a [certain] house . . . collapsed and a child of the family . . . [developed] desasombro. This variant of "fright" is said to be characterized by a swollen face, and the tip of the nose becomes "loose, loose," as though it were watery (aguada). "Opening" (spreading?) of the bones (canillas) of the lower arms also may be involved, although the statement is ambiguous and may apply to susto rather than to desasombro. It is worth noting that my chief Torreón informant is not acquainted with desasombro, under that name, and does not "know what it can be." 274. For her, an advanced case of susto is called susto meco and calls for special attention: 275. It [susto meco] needs special treatment. The sick person is stretched on the ground, with his arms extended to form a cross. This is done at a crossroads; or, if they cannot go to such a place, they make a cross on the ground with lime. 276. Then, with a knife [called rayador] the ground is marked, following the outline of the patient. At the same time, the Creed is recited three times . . . This operation is called rayar el mono [draw the figure] . . . One makes the sign of the cross on the body of the patient. As the third Creed ends, a little hollow is dug [in the ground] at the head, at the feet, and adjacent to each hand [of the patient]. And in each hole is poured water—holy water, if possible. . . . 277. This treatment takes place at night, at any hour, and it may be performed by any person who knows how [that is, no special folkmedicine practitioner is necessary]. . . . It takes place only once; it is not repeated. 278. Immediately afterwards the sick person is put to bed . . . He drinks . . . hot tea made . . . [from] three palm crosses, which have been blessed, and three grains of corn [which] are boiled [together]. Except for the concluding part, this procedure is almost identical with that which the Cuije informant reports for the form of fright she designates as desasombro. However, her treatment is staged at noon, and at the end of the performance at the crossroads the group returns home:

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279. There they make a lime cross [presumably sprinkling lime on the ground in the form of a cross], and on the cross they place a lighted taper. Lifting the child [who is the patient], they "pass" him over the lighted candle in the form of a cross [that is, on two axes at right angles to one another]. 280. A neglected case of espanto or of susto may terminate fatally, in debility or exhaustion (agotamiento). 281. If fright [espanto] is not cured for a long time, the person dies of exhaustion. (101) 282. When much time passes and the person is not cured of susto, then the diarrhea is formed from the head. That is, everything he has in his head is discharged, in the form of diarrhea, and he dies. (67) 283. We had a first cousin, nineteen years old, and he died of susto. They made no effort to cure him because he said nothing . . . [until] he was seriously ill. [Then] he said that he had been frightened by a specter [fantasma] which came out of a house. (68) 284. WITCHCRAFT. In the present paper, witchcraft (brujería) and sorcery (hechicería) are used synonymously. Envy, jealousy, and unrequited love appear to be the principal motivations for having a person bewitched. The aftermath of children's quarrels in which the parents have been inspired to participate, likewise is mentioned; so also are property disputes. We are told of one woman who actually claimed to have instigated the death of a neighbor simply because the latter refused to loan her a cooking vessel (337). 285. Illness resulting from witchcraft or sorcery may take a variety of forms, and mental infirmities fall definitely within this category (314-315, 317, 319, 325, 329-330). For example: 286. Those who are in the psychiatric ward of the hospital [in Torreón] are not ill of God-sent ailments [ 8 9 ] . I stayed there some time with my brother, and one hears owls in the night; it is very frightening. Partial or complete paralysis commonly is thought to result from sorcery (333); after one woman realizes that a friend of hers "knows how to cure" she avoids her for fear that she may become "crooked," from paralysis. Various kinds of pains are believed to stem from witchcraft and there are specific cases of infirmities—diagnosed medically as tuberculosis, asthma, and gallstones—which popularly are considered referable to sorcery. Chronic or exaggerated cases of eczema, ulcers, and

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boils are thought to come from the same source. There is even mention of one man who, as a consequence of witchcraft, reputedly began to show signs of changing his sex (330, 332) and of a woman whose apparent pregnancy was simply sorcery in disguise (335, 337-338). 287. Certain precautions are recommended. An aloe (zábila) will protect the household from sorcery (615); and, as witches are believed often to injure through direct administration of powders, dietary care is observed under certain circumstances: 288. One must be careful. If I go to a house where I am not well acquainted, I do not even take a drink of water. If I am thirsty, I endure [as best I c a n ] . Or I take a [bottled] soft drink. 289. When we went to the spiritualistic center in Granada, to see if they could cure my husband, I was very frightened. The people were odd, not as is one [of u s ] . They hardly spoke. I touched no water in that house. I went very far, to the edge of the settlement, to get water for my coffee. 290. Some witches are said to make figures of rags, putty, or wax (cf. Libro de San Cipriano, p. 28) to serve as vehicles for imitative magic: 291. I know that some [witches] make rag dolls . . . [and give them] names [of the victims], and in them they stick pins. They bury [the figures] or place them in jars which [then] are buried. When the witch wants the victim to "rot," she places the doll behind a water container. How then is the illness? Why, the sick person "rots": he has ulcers and boils. If the figure is recovered before it suffers serious damage, the victim is saved. 292. I found a [glass] jar in the rubbish heap. It was a jar with a figure inside. I broke it open and saw that the "doll" was in good condition. I washed it very thoroughly. The victim should be well by now. What kind of a figure? It was [made] of that material used to stick window glass [putty]. It had no pins [stuck in i t ] . I believe that Fulano did that job—he and the husband of his sister-in-law [concuño]. (21) 293. There was a great dispute over lands, between us and Fulano. The authorities dispossessed Fulano promptly and he did not have time to remove "all the things." After he left, I found a lot of "junk" [mugreos]. (24) 294. I found two wax figures, one of my husband . . . and one of

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my son. Both had been feeling poorly and had been very sleepy. The figure of my husband was in a bottle and had the belly bandaged; with it [in the jar] were oil and seeds of chili and of mustard. The figure of my son was with his motorcycle and [was accompanied by] four small playing cards. It looked exactly like him. It [too] was in a bottle, [but] without anything [meaning no oil and no seeds]. The jars were on the platform [pollito] where the water is stored . . . (24) 295. In addition to the wax figures of my husband and son, I found a candle, twisted like a corkscrew. . . . [It was] in the kitchen. . . . I don't know what the candle could signify, but I found it buried in the hearth [and clearly it was of evil intent]. (24) With respect to this same case, a neighbor comments: 296. I have never believed what she says about Fulano. He is the husband of Cristina [herself a victim of sorcery; cf. 315—324], and it is he who least of all has believed in her bewitchment. I doubt that, not believing, he is going to make figures to bewitch other people. It is possible that she [the neighbor] found the figures, as she says, but I do not think they were the work of Fulano. There is ill feeling toward him because of the land dispute. 297. Witches rely on contagious as well as imitative magic and "one must give the witch the handkerchief, or an article of clothing [of the victim], such as a shoe." A photograph also is acceptable; even the earth where the proposed victim has stepped with his right foot is useful, at least for amorous magic (663-664). Below is presented a long description of an illness, terminating in death, attributed to witchcraft based on the handkerchief of the victim. The same case likewise demonstrates belief in the ability of a witch to place a time limit, usually of a year or two, on the illness. Such infirmities invariably are fatal. 298. My uncle died two years ago, and everyone said it was an illness with a time limit [plazo]. 299. When he died he said to his wife, "I think it was the woman in the Primero de Mayo [district of Torreón], with whom I lived, who has thrust this illness upon me." She was a young woman named Isabel. At that time, my uncle was forty-nine years old and she was about twenty-three; he was absolutely crazy about her. She had a child she claimed was his, although he always thought she was the daughter of another man. But because of the child he bought a house for Isabel. Finally, however, he stopped living with her; he never had left his legitimate wife completely, and he lived a few days in one house, a few in the other. Sometimes, he would get up at midnight

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and go to the other woman when he could resist no longer. He said, "Don't you remember? I left her to live with you, because you were my wife under both [religious and civil] laws." 300. My uncle said that one day he arrived at Isabel's house. He washed his hands and wiped them with a white handkerchief which he had in his pocket. He left the handkerchief drying, on a chair. Of a certainty, with the handkerchief the woman had him bewitched. 301. They took my uncle to the famous Chila [presumably a witch] in Gómez Palacio. He did not want to go. He said that if not even doctors could cure him, how could an ignorant woman do so. But by some pretext his wife took him and, reaching the door, it was not easy for him to refuse to enter. Chila told him that the article [prenda—in this case, the handkerchief] had been buried in a cemetery and for that reason he was ill. 302. They also brought a woman [curandera] from Mapimí to examine my uncle. . . . She said, "I am going to leave this written prayer. At twelve o'clock noon, prepare the bath and recite the prayer. . . ." She recommended that they heat water, so as to boil various herbs: cenizo [Appendix II, No. 8 2 5 ] , ruda, and romero. She told them to bathe my uncle with the boiling water. All were afraid, but he was not burned; he did not even jump 303. It was his sister-in-law, the sister of his wife, who bathed him. But when the bath was over, she was as though out of her mind. They ran to tell the woman from Mapimi, but she said that it was not serious and would pass. She said that those who had made him [my uncle] ill had arranged matters thus because they did not want him bathed. She said that he should be bathed daily, for nine days. . . . 304. The woman [from Gómez Palacio? from Mapimi?] who tried to cure my uncle said the case was difficult. She said, "He has been made ill with his own money....." 305. He said. "Every day I feel worse." He remained a week at home, and then they took him to a clinic in Mexico City, where he was to be operated on [at the expense of the mining company for which he worked; apparently his illness had been diagnosed medically as silicosis]. The trip alone cost 900 pesos, because he was accompanied by his wife and sister-in-law. 306. He left the clinic from time to time and one day was [standing] on a street corner. An unknown Indian [indito] approached him; clearly he was a Mexico City witch. He greeted him and said, "You are from Torreón?" "Yes." Then the Indian told him, "As your friend, I am going to give you some advice. Do not have the operation. It is all the same; you will die in any case. It is a sorceryinflicted illness [una enfermedad mal puesta] with a time limit of

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two years, and there is no remedy." My uncle was operated on, and eight days later he died. 307. About four days before his death he said to his wife, "You remember the woman in the Primero de Mayo? I want you to forgive me. All the money that was missing from the treasury of the cooperative, when I was cashier, I spent. But it was because Isabel was so demanding. When I left her, she sent me the illness. I want you to avenge my death." His wife said that she would. After he died, she wanted me to go with her, to complain, but we did not go. 308. A witch is said sometimes to rely on a chameleon when she inflicts damage, but, unfortunately, no details are available. With respect to a toad, it is said: 309. One takes a toad and in the mouth of the live animal one places the powders [see below], I have seen even scorpions in the belly of a toad. The toad is not for love magic [cf. 671-672], but to make a person ill. Further details are provided by the following statements: 310. In my house lived a butcher, Don Valente. To make him ill, they threw into the meat shop a toad with a little rag [garrito] attached [and apparently emerging from the mouth]. We pulled on the rag and found scorpions, sow bugs, mustard and chile seed, and a strand of red silk. 311. I said to him, "Look what we found in your butcher shop." But he paid no attention. He really did not believe [in witchcraft]; the sick person never, never believes in such things. 312. Another time they threw chiles through the door of the butcher shop. They were two large chiles anchotes, wrapped in a newspaper. The chiles were "prepared." They stuck the package in, through a hole in the door. May God receive him, because he fell ill and died. 313. The butcher himself said that Dominga was to blame [sic]. She was the mother of his mistress. Inasmuch as he no longer gave her money, she became annoyed. 314. There is frequent mention of inflicting sorcery through powders. One herbalist reports that she does not sell toloache (presumably Datura) because, as a powder, the leaf is used to "work great harm." She does sell peyote (Appendix II, No. 830); dry, it too is used for powders. Both plants are said to produce similar effect; if the powder is eaten or smoked (sic; inhaled?), the person becomes mentally deranged. One informant remarks that "inhaling the powders is far more

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serious than eating them . . . The powders thus pass to the head and brain and the effect is immediate." It is some consolation to learn that "the evil intended for one person has no effect on another," as demonstrated by the case in which two women smell a bouquet of tuberoses which has been "treated" with powders. One suffers no ill effects; the other, who is the intended victim, loses her reason. 315. A man made Cristina deranged by means of a tuberose. She was the servant in the household, and the man of the family wished to take advantage of her. She refused, and he offered her a bunch of tuberoses. She rejected the flowers, but a girl who was with her took them. She said, "How nice they smell," thrusting the flowers in Cristina's face. And [with t h a t ] , Cristina lost her reason [the other girl was not affected]. Another neighbor remarks that Cristina's husband (she married subsequently ) never has been convinced that her illness stems from sorcery. 316. He said all that about the flowers is not true, but various persons know that it is. They never have accused the man responsible for her illness. It is difficult now, because of the time which has passed. The parents should have done that [and at once]. The victim's illness is of long standing. 317. To me, Cristina is a very sad case. She is out of her mind; effectively, she became deranged mentally. Someone made her thus, about thirteen years ago. The other day I saw her seated right on the train tracks, cross-legged. I called, "Listen, Cristina, get off the tracks. The train may come along and kill you." But she replied, "They can see me. Let the train go to one side." It is six times that she has been bewitched. . . . 318. In spite of everything, Cristina recognizes me. Everybody knows her, but she is good with some, aggressive with others; some, she wants to hit. I remember once having met her—in rags, but very fixed up, with something resembling a hat, and with a feather. She said to me, "Good morning. Where are you going?" I said, "Good morning. I am going to work." Then she said, "Go along to work. I am going to the dance, to dance with the governor." So I said, "Fine. Have a good time." Upon another occasion the same informant gives somewhat contradictory information: 319. I knew her [Cristina] when she was normal, eight or nine years ago. She even washed clothes for me and made my tortillas. Her

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husband is very poor; he slaughters hogs for a living. They say that she has not been bewitched many times. When she becomes mad, it is [merely] the return of the first bewitchment. 320. It has not been possible to cure her completely. Every year she becomes weaker and is less able to resist, so the illness returns. They have done everything possible to cure her. Many witches, men and women, have treated her, but the cure is not definitive. One woman from Lerdo came and started to treat her. She said, "I shall alleviate the illness. But I tell you frankly that this illness has no cure; it will return." During pregnancy the same victim has a disconcerting experience, likewise attributed to sorcery. 321. Cristina was with child and had a longing for strawberries. She was talking with someone and said, "Are you going to [downtown] Torreón? Would you be kind enough to bring me 20 centavos of strawberries?" 322. They brought them and in the evening she ate them. But she was taken ill right away and they [her family] told me that she passed piles of stools composed of nothing but strawberry seeds. Just imagine, after having eaten 20 centavos worth! But great piles, they said. They took her to a spiritualistic center, but she would not allow herself to be treated. Her mental difficulties continue to the present: 323. When she already had two children, she became ill again . . . They had her locked in a room. She screamed and took off her clothes. They had the door locked with a padlock and left only a small window [open].... 324. Later, Cristina bore three more children and again she became ill. Now she is somewhat worse than before. They tied her but she escaped. Sometimes she gets away and does not come home for two days. 325. A mental case in San Pedro de las Colonias a good many years ago is regarded as the outcome of sorcery: 326. She [my mother] became acquainted with a friend of my uncle's, once when she was visiting in San Pedro [de las Colonias]; his name was J e s ú s . . . and he lived next door. 327. One night they heard s c r e a m s . . . . they told my mother that Jesús was bewitched and that sometimes he screamed that way. They saw him run out of the house. Several men followed, some with pistol

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in hand, some with [drawn] knives. They went after him to the cemetery, where they found him behind one of the largest tombs, almost fainted from exhaustion. 328. They asked what was the matter. He said that some women had carried him away by force and were choking him with a bandana handkerchief belonging to his sister. When they reached home, the sister, astonished, asked how could he [they?] have taken the handkerchief, for she had it in a [locked] trunk and the key hung about her neck. Jesús said it was the bandana handkerchief with which the witches wanted to choke him. 329. They say that a sweetheart had him bewitched because of jealousy. They tried to cure him without success, and he died. . . . I think he was bewitched for two or three years. . . . This happened about thirteen years ago. 330. Mental upset, allegedly linked to a change in sex, is regarded as the outcome of sorcery: 331. The sister-in-law of my brother-in-law knows how to cure witchcraft. Once she cured a member of one of the really important families of Torreón. She treated him successfully and charged a high price; she received a house [chalet] [in payment]. 332. The young man of the family was ill; they say he had turned into a woman. They had him locked in a room because he screamed a great deal and wanted to run. They called María [the curandera] and she cured him, but I don't know how. 333.

Paralysis, too, often is considered a sorcery-inflicted illness.

334. Angel was ill for a long time. He was paralyzed all over and could not walk. He stayed in a dark room. He was treated a great deal by doctors, with no success. Finally, the woman [curandera] of Matamoros cured him. 335. In one instance, bewitchment is said to take the form of a false pregnancy: 336. I was a small child when my father died, and a little later, my brother, who still was a baby, died. Then, my mother decided to remarry. She wanted to take us with her, but my grandmother said it would be better if we stayed with her. My mother went with her new husband to a mine—I'm not even sure where it was. Later, they notified us of her death. 337. About two years later, a woman who was my grandmother's comadre came to the house. She looked at us and said, "Listen. Aren't

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these the daughters of Martina?" . . . My grandmother said that we were, for that was my mother's name. Then the woman said, "Really, I am responsible for all these children have suffered, because I killed Martina. I asked her to loan me a cooking dish and she refused. I was annoyed. I made her 'pregnant,' so that she should die at the end of nine months." 338. They had told us that my mother died as a consequence of pregnancy. Upon completing the term [of pregnancy], she had two days of pain but produced nothing. They called doctors, who said it was not a pregnancy. She died very large, distended, so that she did not fit in the coffin. 339. My uncle came [home] and my grandmother told him everything; I heard her. He was very angry. He said, "How is it that you did nothing? I should have killed her if she had said that to my face. I could have strangled her with pleasure." 340. But my grandmother said no, that sooner or later the woman would pay the account. And it was not two years later that we heard that a [the] woman had been killed in her house—that several men had murdered her in vengeance. In another case a witch reputedly takes advantage of an existing pregnancy, to make an inflicted death appear natural: 341. Enrique had a mistress, and his legitimate wife went to the witch who was named Gila. She charged 600 pesos, but in less than two weeks the girl had died. She was carrying Enrique's child, and the witch arranged that she die of miscarriage. 342. Later, people said that the wife had [taken] a great deal of responsibility. She had done away with one mistress, but she would not be able to spend the rest of her life doing the same thing; i f . . . the girl who died were not his mistress, it would be some other woman. 343. Further light on the local variety of witchcraft is provided by the following account: 344. Conchita married [but] her husband died, leaving her with a small child. She lived four doors from the house of Juana. You know how children squabble; well, they fought, the children of Juana and the child of Conchita. . . . She [the latter] did not know that Juana "knew how to cure." Everybody screamed at everybody else, and the mothers took sides with their children. 345. Then Concha became ill with asthma. She was in bed a year. She lost her job, for they thought she had tuberculosis; they [the employers] did give her about 300 pesos, for medical expenses. 346. But a woman said to Concha, "Perhaps it is not a 'good'

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thing [your illness]. Sometimes [sorcery is inflicted] because of an insinuation, because of envy, because of anger . . . or merely because one doesn't find the person attractive. . . ." She advised her to go to someone who "knew how to cure," in order to be certain it [the illness] was not sorcery. 347. So she went to Gila—who now is dead—who was one of the really good ones, [both] to cure and to cause illness. Gila said to her. "No, señora. You do not have a 'good' illness; it is an evil one [una mala]. But I shall treat you, for your illness is curable." 348. No, she did not tell Conchita who had caused the sickness; the witches never give names. They simply make indirect indications. For example, Gila might have told her that her illness was the outcome of the children's fight. 349. I don't know how she cured her, but she [Conchita] is a great big stout [gordinflora] woman, with a formidable bust [bustote]. 350. A witch whose object is to cause illness performs her occult operations at midnight; for curing, twelve o'clock noon is the accepted hour. In the case to follow, Tuesday seems to be the preferred day for curing; in another (359), Tuesday, Thursday and Friday are mentioned. 351. Baths with water in which herbs have been boiled appear to be a common remedy; they have been reported before (302-303) and reappear in the account to follow. The latter also mentions the use of red flowers and the presumably therapeutic effects of the night dew {sereno). The symbol of the cross crops up, and 9, which is a multiple of 3, figures as the ritual number. 352. For five years my mother was ill. She had constant pain in the right arm, the chest, and shoulder. The moment the cold weather arrived she took to her bed. She had throbbing pains and nausea. 353. She was cured by Doña Fulana, [a witch] from Pedriceña. She specified that she was to bathe for nine successive Tuesdays. [For the bath] one boils various herbs: romero, ruda, and hierba en cruz, adding red flowers, either carnations or roses. The boiling is done at night and [the preparation] is exposed to the night dew [se deja serenar] so that on the following day the organs [of the body] may absorb the dew. Moreover, some perfume . . . from a pharmacy is added. 354. In the morning the bath water is placed in the sun to heat. At noon the patient should be in the bath. First she bathes with plain water and soap and rinses with the herb water. After the bath . . . she

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rests a while, then gets dressed. The water is thrown inside the room where she bathes . . . in each corner, thus forming a cross. 355. An elaborate procedure, allegedly curative for both "fright" and sorcery, has been described previously (249-254). It involves censing the patient with incense and stroking him with plants and with alum while prayers are recited. Another account mentions censing, stroking with sprays of herbs and with an egg, preferably that of a black hen, and recitation of prayers by the sorcerer: 356. Treatment takes place at twelve o'clock noon. One puts an incense burner on the floor of the house [and in it lights an incense, prepared for the occasion and consisting of copal, ground with herbs; this mixture reputedly is sold by one of the Torreón herb vendors (169; cf. 2 5 4 ) ] . 357. The sick person stands; he has to step over the incense burner in the form of a cross [that is, in two axes, at right angles to one another]. If he is not very ill, he remains standing. He shakes his clothing and the censer crackles, as if salt [cf. 625-626] were falling on the fire [coals]. 358. Then the patient is "swept" with sprays of plants—[with] pinabete or lila, if ruda, romero, and hierba en cruz are not available. Next, he is "swept" with the egg of a black hen . . . one of a colored hen will do, but from a black hen is better. At the same time, one recites three Creeds [sic]—whichever creeds one knows—and the patient is stroked from head to foot with the egg. 359. The treatment is repeated three days: Tuesday, Thursday and Friday. 360. Stroking with an egg seems to be associated as persistently with witchcraft as it is with treatment of the evil eye. There is frequent mention of cosmetics, such as commercial perfume and, in the succeeding account, perfume, face powder, and brilliantine are combined with a turpentine pomade to form an ointment. In this case, the illness begins with nausea and chills; when, after a time, home treatment has no effect, a witch is consulted: 361. Finally, I went to see a fat woman [curer] named Doña Fulana. Who would have imagined that it was she, in the first place, who had bewitched [my brother] ? She is better at causing illness than at curing it. 362. I took her home [with me] and she asked for an egg, perfume, face powder, and . . . brilliantine. She "swept" him [the brother] with the egg. But she took the egg home with her, to make

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the diagnosis. We noticed that particularly because Doña Emilia [another curandera] always breaks the egg in the house of the patient. 363. She brought a little box and told us that it contained turpentine pomade [pomada de trementina]. She mixed it with the other things we had for her—perfume, face powder, brilliantine. She rubbed it on his [the brother's] head. A little later he again was nauseated. This was on Sunday. 364. Moreover, Doña Fulana asked me for hierbabuena, with another plant, called peonía. She asked that the hierbabuena be boiled. One toasts and grinds . . . [Interruption; account not completed, but it is known that the patient died after having been ill eight months]. 365. In some instances it is said that a witchcraft victim is stroked with a black hen, which afterwards is burned alive in the dome-shaped mud oven in which bread is baked. One woman is assured by a witch that to be happy she always should have a black hen or a black cock at hand, and thus have within reach the means of curing sorcery. 366. A witch sometimes prescribes herbs and commercial remedies, as becomes clear in the course of the case described below. A relative of a Cuije patient remarks: 367. Elena . . . poor thing, is not very old, but she looks dreadful because of her illness [supposedly, she suffers from a s t h m a ] . . . . She is being treated in Matamoros . . . once a week . . . by a woman [witch] . . . at the expense of the ejido. . . . I do not like it said that she is bewitched; I do not believe in such things. I don't know what treatment she is receiving, but those people [curanderas] always are good at getting money. Another relative comments: 368. The woman in Matamoros prescribes powders and liquids, but I do not know whether she buys them in the pharmacy or not. This week the patient did not go to Matamoros for treatment. The woman told her not to come but to take raw alfalfa, ground and strained . . . She goes to Matamoros in the ejido truck. A neighbor adds some pertinent details: 369. She is treating with a curandera . . . in Matamoros; I don't know her name. She gives some herb remedies and "doctors' medicines." The woman [curandera] is very astute, because she buys the medicines in the Botica Europea, but before she passes them on to the patient, she removes the l a b e l . . . 370. Formerly she prescribed raw, ground alfalfa, for nine days.

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Recently she has given her [Elena] a little bottle with some granulated medicine that looks like worms made of sugar. It is like a food and very expensive. 371. Right now, the ejido pays for only the medicine—[that i s ] , the 25 or 30 pesos a week that it costs. If the treatment is successful, then . . . [the ejido] will pay the balance, apart from the medicines. Somewhat later, one of the ejido authorities brings the information up to date: 372. [So far] the treatment has not been successful; she [Elena] feels that she has not been helped. To date, the Matamoros curandera has charged [the ejido] 125 or 135 pesos with no effect [i.e., improvement in the health of the patient]. [Now] there is another woman who offers to cure her for 50 pesos. 373. SPIRITUALISTIC of illness:

CURING.

The spiritualist undertakes diagnosis

374. Pepa, my comadre, had a boy about thirteen years of age who died. He was not [really] her son, but when his mother died, she took the child. He was somewhat unstable [loquito] and cried a great deal; he was not happy without his mother. 375. They told Pepa that the child was "frightened" (234-270), and she took him to the spiritualistic center in the Primero de Mayo —the center that belongs to a man. He said it was not [a case of] "fright." He said, "There is no point in trying to cure him. He must be allowed to d i e . . . . His mother wants to take him and she is coming to carry him away." A little later the child said that he had seen his [deceased] mother, and he died. Ever since Pepa has had a great deal of faith in this [spiritualistic] center. 376. A sorcery-inflicted illness with a time limit (297-298, 306) also is declared hopeless by a spiritualist: 377. Not even the witches themselves can cure a [sorceryinflicted] illness which has a time limit. With such a [time] span, no one attempts a cure, [for] there is no hope of recovery. Although the passage below makes no mention of the time element, another account by the same informant (298, 306) indicates that the patient in question is believed to have been the victim of witchcraft carrying a specified time terminal. 378. When my uncle was ill I went to Doña Fulana [a spiritualist] , and she told me to put a glass of water, with three flowers,

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under the bed. Later she told me that the case was hopeless. "If they operate on him, he will die; if they do not operate, he will die." And he died. 379. Diagnosis sometimes is a pretty elaborate matter. It may be effected in a private spiritualistic session or in the course of a group meeting. 380. When my husband was ill, the doctors told me his case was hopeless. I took him to many doctors and it turned out that he had an infirmity which attacks those who work in the mine [silicosis?]. 381. Finally, I went to a spiritualist. . . She is a woman who has known me since I was a child. She lives in the [district named] Barrial, in Torreón. It already was dark, and there were about twenty people awaiting "consultation." We were seated in a circle. Then the spiritualist began by saying, "There is a sister here who does not have faith; she comes only to criticize." I felt very uncomfortable. Everyone looked at everyone else, and I did the same, to give the impression that I was not the one without faith. 382. Then the woman [spiritualist] went into something like convulsions and began to speak in a very strange voice, as though from the afterworld. It was horrible and I felt very nervous. At last it was my turn, and I was asked, "Sister, what do you wish?" I said that my husband was sick. 383. I was told to put beneath his bed a glass of water with three flowers—white, pink and purple. One flower, at least, should be white, but if I could not find the other [specified] colors, it did not matter. And I was told to bring the glass of water [to the spiritualist] the following day. 384. So I went to the house of a woman and asked here to give me some flowers. She wanted to know why, and I told her I wanted them [as an offering] for the Virgin. She said, "Since when are you placing flowers [on the shrine] for the Virgin?" But I answered, "This time I want to do so." I gathered the flowers and put [them and] the glass of water beneath the bed, without saying anything to my husband. 385. The spiritualist had told me to remove the glass before sunrise, to throw away the flowers, and to put the water in a wellwashed bottle. Thus at dawn I cleaned the bottle and filled it with water. In the afternoon, I took the water to her; she had told me that the time [hour] was of no importance . . . She regarded the water and told me to look at it. She said, "This is not a 'good' illness that your husband has. It is one that was inflicted on him by a woman with whom he lived formerly." She said that in the water she could

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see my husband and behind him the woman. I couldn't see a thing in the water. 386. She gave me a written prayer and told me to take sprays of the pepper tree and with them to swat the walls of the house and the chairs, to remove the "salt" (625-629). She told me to do this Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, but not on Friday. On Friday, I was to burn copal [incense] in a dish. It is a censing [somedio, sic] which one gives the house. 387. I did it [as instructed] but I did not believe, and in any case my husband died. 388. Although it is stated specifically that a medium can cause as well as cure illness (128), unfortunately there are no concrete data with respect to these malevolent activities. It is possible, however, that a medium may be considered instrumental in producing spirit possession of the victim. At least, there is mention of one alleged case of spirit possession cured through spiritualistic treatment: 389. A young man, ill of a nervous disorder, was taken to a spiritualistic center for treatment. There, the spirit of Pancho Villa [423] presented itself and, using objectionable language [disparatando] said that the boy was not crazy but that evil spirits had taken possession of him. 390. We imagined that Pancho Villa drove out the evil spirits by yelling [at them] and by hitting them with a whip [látigo]. In any case, at every shout the boy let out a cry of pain. Pancho Villa, in not very acceptable language, told the spirits to withdraw and leave the boy free. 391. He was treated thus for some time until completely cured. After each treatment he was black and blue from blows which he had not administered to himself. This makes us believe that the spirit of Pancho Villa lashed the evil spirits [with the above-mentioned whip]. 392. In spite of the alacrity with which the spiritualistic medium is called upon to treat illness, I have no first-hand testimonials of particularly successful cures. Nevertheless, the several accounts to follow give some notion of the local type of spiritualistic treatment: 393. I have kidney trouble. At least, that is what they tell me. Who [told me] ? Those in the spiritualistic center. They told me to bathe at ten or twelve o'clock at night, Thursday and Friday. Baths with [water in which] wild plants [have been boiled or steeped] is what they told me—any kind of wild plants, but nine [different kinds] of them.

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394. I still haven't done it. I went to the [spiritualistic] center on Tuesday. But on Wednesday, I had to go to Matamoros, to the funeral of my husband's sister-in-law. And we returned on Friday, worn out. Anyway, at that [stipulated] time of night, I'm sleepy and don't want to bathe. . . . I have aches all day, body aches. An apparent cure is reported enthusiastically by one informant: 395. I have been ill following a miscarriage which I had last September [about seven months previous]. I have treated a great deal, with doctors, and in the [Ejido] Hospital. . . . But I have continued [with] . . . discharge and hemorrhage. So I decided to try Doña Fulana, the spiritualist. I never have believed in such things. But you will see. It was a week ago last Sunday that I went to her and now I am well. It was the spirit of Pedrito [Jaramillo] [421-422] that cured me. 396. He [the spirit] prescribed . . . a medicine to be taken in the morning, before breakfast, for nine days: [a tea] of ruda, romero, hierba en cruz, albahaca [Appendix II, No. 811] morada, and marihuana. The last was very difficult to obtain, because they [in the pharmacies] always ask for a ticket [prescription] saying it is for medicinal use. But finally we got some from an old man in Chávez. 397. They [presumably still the spirit of Pedro Jaramillo] also told me that in the night I should fill something white, such as a washbasin, with water. And that inside the house, in the doorway, I should place a palm cross, which has been blessed. And in the morning, I should throw away the water in the form of a cross [cf. 3 5 4 ] . 398. But look. It was eight days ago last Sunday that I went to her [the medium] and now I am well. It was the spirit of Pedro [Jaramillo] that cured me. But six weeks later, I come upon the same informant in the Ejido Hospital in Torreón. She reports that the spiritualistic treatment was effective for only a month; again she is seeking medical attention. 399. Another case in which spiritualistic efforts have not been notably successful is reported by two individuals of the same family: 400. It is nearly a year since the boy has had no strength in his right hand. It does not pain him, but he cannot close the fingers. He has treated with doctors in the Ejido Hospital and with a private physician. Finally, discouraged, his is trying to be cured in the spiritualistic center. He says that he is no better; that he continues as before. (136)

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401. He has an "evil" illness [that is, one resulting from witchcraft] . He has had one hand swollen for a long time . . . and the medicines did not help him. So I sent him to the [spiritualistic] center. There, the spirit of Pedro Jaramillo is treating him. To start, he told him to put in the room where he slept a great quantity of pepper-tree branches and [said] he would cure him. He still has not felt any improvement because it is only a few days since he started the treatment. (168) 402. Specific statements indicate that a medium may be sought to cure fright (270) as well as illness attributed to witchcraft. But she seems also to treat some "natural" infirmities. At least, there is no hint of anything other than matter-of-fact causation in the instances just cited of kidney complaint and of miscarriage (393-394, 395-398) and in one of diabetes (408-409). 403. A medium works on the basis of "orders received spiritually," thus: 404. I know very little of herbal remedies. The spirits [seres] give me my prescriptions. For example, they have told me that peyote is good for a pain in the shoulder and for an internal illness of women which results in yellow discharge. Moreover, "the sisters of the [spiritualistic] center tell her [the medium] where she is to go to treat the patient [in the latter's h o m e ] . " One lay informant believes that in order to cure, a medium must operate through a spiritualistic center, where she has contact with "the medical spirits"; but this is denied by my chief informant (162). The latter describes a curing session briefly: 405. There is a round table, built without nails; with nails, the spirit will not permit "work." Everyone is seated in a circle, with the hands on the table. They put the "font of water" [that is, glass of water] on the table. The medium is in a trance and the glass of water begins to turn. Some, not all, can see the spirits in the water [cf. Kardec and Delanne, p. 163]. It is said, moreover, that at meetings in spiritualistic centers, no one present is permitted to cross arms or legs because in that case "the medium is unable to concentrate." 406. Not all mediums treat illness while in trance (126). 407. A "sister" of mine, who was in the same center as I, cures without trance. . . . She prays. The spirits give her special powers

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[fuerzas]. She makes use of herbal remedies, drugstore medicines and [hypodermic] injections. Nevertheless, trance utterance seems to be the established procedure, and the spirit which speaks through the medium is said to prescribe treatment and, in some instances at least, to speak directly with the patient. 408. An elderly man, about 80 years old, had that illness which comes from too much sugar. What is it called? Diabetes? He had tried to remove a corn, and that is where "it" started; something like an ulcer formed . . . Afterwards, he had ulcers in other parts of the body. 409. He went to a spiritualistic center and spoke with [the spirit of] Don Pedrito Jaramillo, but he [the spirit] told him that his case was hopeless. The man died and he turned black, black; I saw him [the corpse]. While in trance, some mediums are said to assume the voice associated with the spirit who ostensibly is speaking. However, in the course of a private session during which I presumably converse with the spirit of Pedro Jaramillo (Appendix I ) , the medium speaks in her normal voice. 410. The Laguna medium charges no fee but she accepts voluntary contributions, in cash or otherwise. A satisfied client may vow to bestow offerings upon the spiritualistic "temple." Similar offerings may be seen in certain Roman Catholic churches, in association with faith healing. The following anecdote is illustrative. 411. We are visiting a home in the ejido when a neighbor drops in. After some chitchat she announces that she is gathering alms so as to fulfill a vow she has made. The hostess gives no sign of donating to the cause, and I finally proffer a modest contribution, asking where she "owes the promise." 412. It turns out that in the spiritualistic "temple" of the ejido she has been cured of the aftermath of a miscarriage (395-398) and that, as a consequence, she has promised to provide the "temple" with two small silver figures and four vigil lights. She remarks, "It shames me greatly to go about asking, and I did not want to do it. But my husband says it is an obligation, so I am bestirring myself. In one house, they asked if I had nothing to eat, and I had to say it was [alms] for a vow." 413. Apart from what might be called routine spiritualistic curing, there are reports of "surgical operations" performed under spiritualistic

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aegis. The authority cited for an apparently spectacular one, performed in Mexico City, is an unidentified magazine. But in the Laguna itself there are occasional references to such operations: 414. When they see a person seriously ill, the spirits [seres] may order an operation. They may say that a table be prepared, with a light [nearby], and with whatever else may be necessary. As far as I know, the spirits always come at night to operate; but it is possible that they may come by day [without my knowledge]. 415. In any case, everything is prepared in the home of the patient [not in any spiritualistic center or "hospital"], and the patient is left alone. If he is sufficiently strong, he prays, asking that he be cured. There is mention of one spiritualistic "operation," which involves collaboration on the part of several "sisters." Nor is such consultation limited to local practitioners. One lamentable case is reported in which a medium attempts to cure a witchcraft victim, but in the course of treatment the illness is transferred to her. In spite of an appeal to spiritualistic colleagues in Monterrey and Mexico City, the outcome is fatal: 416. Her legs became thin and her whole body swelled; she was as though paralyzed. . . . They treated her and asked for assistance from Mexico [City] and Monterrey, but she did not recover. 417. An unidentified, and perhaps unidentifiable, spiritualistic "hospital" in Mexico City is said to have cured by remote control two patients in San Pedro de las Colonias—one of brucellosis; another of chronic rheumatism. 418. She says that her sister, then eighteen years old, had rheumatism . . . in summer . . . [and] in winter. After taking medicines without effect she applied, in desperation, to the spiritualistic "hospital" in Mexico [ C i t y ] . . . . They cured her without medicines and without the necessity of going to Mexico. . . . Sometimes her bedroom smelled of medicines which were unknown to her. Now she is forty years old and never has complained [since] of rheumatism. 419. As a rule, the client of the spiritualistic center seems to feel a very personal relationship between himself and the spirit who advises him, who prescribes his "medical" treatment, and with whom he may converse, via the medium, upon occasion. The intimacy is enhanced by

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the fact that the spirit addresses the client chummily in the secondperson, familiar form of Spanish. 420. An individual who seeks spiritualistic consultation generally attempts to communicate with a specific spirit. He goes to a center and asks, "Does the spirit of Fulano 'come down' here?" If the answer is in the affirmative, he says, as casually as if requesting a long-distance telephone call, and using the same terminology, "I'd like a conference with him" (quisiera una conferencia con él). 421. A good many spirits, active in the Laguna, are known by name and their photographs adorn the "temples." 14 Probably the spiritual personality best known in this area is that of Pedro Jaramillo. A famous faith healer in south Texas, at the turn of the century (Dodson, pp. 9—18), his spirit returns to continue curing. A lay informant remarks that in life he was a doctor and that his spirit "descends" in the "temple" in El Cuije, by special arrangement with the spiritualistic organization in Mexico City. Reputedly the spirit of Don Pedro likewise is active in Monterrey and may be of rather general occurrence in north Mexico. One medium insists that Don Pedro was a lawyer born in Monterrey, whereas actually he was a curer, apparently a native of Jalisco (Dodson, p. 11). That this medium regards him with esteem is evident. With marked fervor she clutches his photograph 15 to her bosom, declaring, "Don Pedro has performed many marvels for me, 14

I was unable to determine just how such photographs are acquired. One medium reports that the likeness of Carriel (apparently a local variation of "Kardec" [425]) which adorns her altar is the enlargement of a smaller photograph already in her possession. She remembers having seen a picture of Pedro Jaramillo in a photographer's shop in Torreón, but I was unable to trace it. The other photographs on her altar are gifts from various sources. Through the courtsey of Frontier Pix of Houston, Texas, I obtained two photographs of Pedro Jaramillo, but it is unlikely that this establishment supplies the spiritualists of the Laguna. 15 On her altar is a likeness of him—apparently a photograph made from a newspaper cut. The reproduction is poor and few details are apparent. He is seated in a carved wooden armchair and holds some papers in his left hand. About all one can see of his clothing is that he wears tight trousers, apparently charro style. He has white hair and a long beard. The medium remarks that although in the photograph he appears almost bald, in reality he has a fine head of handsome white hair. This she observes when she views him in a glass of water. As noted above, two photographs of Don Pedro are in my possession (421, note 14); both seem to be professional jobs. In both, the seated subject appears to be relatively short, with broad face and broad head; he wears a full beard, gray or white, which comes to a scraggly point on the chest. The expression is serious and

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and I have a great, great deal of faith in him. To be sure—[faith] first in God, and then in Don Pedrito." 422. People often speak of Don Pedrito with affection. There are special observances in his honor on the day of St. Peter, which presumably is his birthday or at least the day of the saint whose name he bears. It is remarked in the ejido of El Cuije that on that day, "Early, all of us took flowers, and the altar [of the spiritualistic center] is very beautiful [ly decorated with them] ; from an early hour, there has been music." 423. Other outstanding personages in the spiritualistic world of the Laguna include Francisco I. Madero, Mexico's revolutionary President, who is described as "a spirit of great light." There is more frequent mention of Pancho Villa, (389-391), a popular hero whose picturesque language so embarrasses the assembled company that the operator of one spiritualistic center has the group pray, asking that the offending spirit withdraw and not return. 424. Manuel Correa (Appendix I ) , a former priest of Durango, likewise is active in spirit. According to informants, he was martyrized during the Cristero disturbances. "The soles of his feet were 'removed'; he was forced to walk on lime, and later, [to walk] through the whole state of Durango." His sanctity apparently was appreciated when a vigil light placed on his tomb did not burn out and when flowers, similarly placed, remained fresh indefinitely. 425. A particularly illustrious spirit apparently is that of the nineteenth-century French spiritualist Allan Kardec; at least it seems to be he who is referred to locally under the name of Adrián Carriel (Appendix I, and 421, note 14). 426. A spirit yclept Elias Torres is mentioned by name, but there are no further details. One Juan Minero gives advice on mining problems, and a woman, Antonia Trejo, "together with her husband, explores mines." Two other female spirits, Rebeca Cervantes and Josefina González, "descend" in Laguna centers; they are said to have been mediums benign. The most conspicuous feature is a transverse mark on the nose, well below the root, probably a shadow caused by a marked depression, perhaps the result of some injury or malformation. In one photograph the head is exposed and seems quite bald; in the other the subject wears a broad-brimmed hat. Clothing is not noteworthy. Don Pedro evidently wears a dark coat and vest in one picture, in the other a striped coat, evidently of informal type, and a dark shirt which looks as though it might be flannel.

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"in material life." One infant spirit, not identified by name, is said to speak, through the medium, in the voice of a child. 427. Gypsy spirits crop up and "Hermano José" is said to be one of them. One Torreón center reputedly specializes in "pure [Mexican] Indian spirits," who speak broken Spanish. 428. COMMENTS. Some observations are in order with respect to unnatural illnesses and their treatment. Table 1 lists a number of traits associated with curing of the evil eye, of fright, and of ailments—usually attributed to deliberate malevolence—which are treated by a witch or by a spiritualist. In each of the four categories shown in the table are a number of unique elements. 429. Evil eye: Patient stroked with an article of clothing or a handkerchief; saliva and human milk curative. 430. "Fright": Crossroads prominent in curing; holy water remedial; maize kernels an ingredient of a preparation taken internally; patient's name called aloud; patient "passed over" a lighted candle; treatment given within sound of running water. 431. Witchcraft therapy: Patient stroked with a black hen, which thereupon is burned alive; red flowers ingredients of "herb baths"; bath water exposed to night dew. 432. Spiritualistic therapy: Diagnosis through descrying; marihuana one ingredient of an herb tea; trance utterance; dwelling censed; water placed in white or colorless receptacle. 433. "Cleansing" by whipping or stroking the patient with some object is not mentioned for spiritualistic curing—undoubtedly an oversight, for local spiritualists recommend switching the walls of the house (386, 626), and "cleansing" the patient is established procedure in spiritualistic centers elsewhere in Mexico. Recitation of Creeds and prayers and references to the sign of the cross run throughout the series. So also does the occurrence of 3 as a ritual number. Baths in an herb decoction are not reported for treatment of the evil eye but otherwise are a common prescription; and the use of certain plants (rue, rosemary, sweet basil, hierba en cruz, and pepper-tree foliage) is also widely distributed. By and large, practices associated with the treatment of the "unnatural" illnesses constitute a fairly well-integrated cluster. Although the close agreement between "fright" and witchcraft treatment may result largely from the fact that one detailed account (248-254) is said to apply to both, spiritualistic curing likewise shares many of the common elements. On the basis of the traits selected arbitrarily for the

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TABLE 1

Selected Elements in the Prevention, Diagnosis and Treatment of "Unnatural" Illnesses11 Evil Eye "Cleansing" or "sweeping"b with: Herbs Pepper-tree (pirul) spraysc Clothing or handkerchief Egg

Alum

Black hen "Cleansing" in form of a cross Palm crosses, blessed Other references to a cross Crossroadsd Holy water Creeds, prayers Diagnosis through peering in water (descrying) Diagnosis through inspection of egg used for "cleansing" Diagnosis through alum on hot coals Saliva prophylactic and therapeutic Human-milk therapeutic Rue (ruda) Rosemary (romero) (Notes to table on p. 74)

215,221,223,228 216-217,228

217, 228 214-215 217, 228

Other Illnesses, Chiefly Sorcery Practitioner Sorcerer Spiritualist

"Fright"

247,250,252,260,264 247,250, 260-263, 265

250,252,355,358 250

247,265, 247,250,253,255-260, 264-265,355

355,358,360,362 250,253,355

256-261, 263-264 278 275-276, 279 261-262,275,278 276 235,246,251-253,256, 258-259,261, 276,355

386

365 354,357

397 397, Appendix I

251-253,302,355,358

386

385 218,219 214-215,223 233

253(?),256,259

362 253(?)

247, 250,260,263,264 250,254,264

250,302, 353,358 250,254,302,353,358

396 396

TABLE

1—Continued

Selected Elements in the Prevention, Diagnosis and Treatment of "Unnatural" Illnesses Other Illnesses, Chiefly Sorcery "Fright"

Evil Eye 250

250

266 250,264,

302 250,353,358

250,252

250,252 351,353

278

Practitioner Spiritualist

250

366, 369-370 250,353,360,362-363

243-245 251,355

251,355-357

279

396 396 396 401 378,383 383 407 382,407,409 386

257-258 243-245 266

302-303,351,353-354

397 393

73

Sweet basil (albahaca) Cenizo (Appendix II, No. 825) (in "herb bath") Hierba en cruz (unidentified plant) Marihuana Pepper tree (pirul), in association other than "cleansing" Flowers, color apparently immaterial Flowers, red Flowers, white Maize kernels Commercial medicines Commercial perfumes, cosmeticse Trance utterance Name of patient called aloud Patient censed Dwelling censed Patient "passed over" lighted candle Patient necessarily unaware of treatmentf Treatment within sound of running water Water in white or colorless receptacle "Herb bath"

Sorcerer

1—Continued

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TABLE

Selected Elements in the Prevention, Diagnosis and Treatment of "Unnatural" Illnesses Other Illnesses, Chiefly Sorcery Evil Eye Bath water exposed to night dew (sereno) Glass of water beneath bed "Salt" g removed Curing, 12 o'clock noon Ritual number: 3 Ritual number: 9 a

217, 228 217

"Fright"

Sorcerer

Practitioner Spiritualist

353 251 261,262,263, 278 244, 246, 252-253, 258-259, 261, 263,276, 278

251,357 302, 350,354, 356 252-253,358-359 303,351,353,370

378,383 386 378, 383 393,396

The accompanying table has been prepared to demonstrate both differences and resemblances mentioned in connection with diagnosis and treatment of "unnatural" illnesses. Numbers refer to paragraphs in the text. Each entry does not necessarily represent an independent instance, for some correspond to direct quotations from informants, some to discussion and summary statements. The first column concerns the evil eye; the second, "fright" and its variants (espanto, susto, desasombro, and susto meco). Neither the evil eye nor "fright" necessarily requires treatment by a special folk practitioner; "anyone who knows how" may try to cure them. The two remaining columns apply, for the most part, to "instigated" illnesses. Column 3 lists the elements mentioned in connection with diagnosis and treatment by a sorcerer or witch; column 4, those associated with a spiritualist. Upon occasion, a spiritualist is called upon to treat "fright" (270) and various natural ailments (393, 395-398, 408-409). b Stroking or whipping briskly with one or several objects is called "cleansing" or "sweeping." The treatment usually is applied to the patient but sometimes to his dwelling. c The only report of "sweeping" with pepper-tree foliage in connection with spiritualistic curing refers to the patient's dwelling (386); to free a home of bad luck, a Laguna spiritualist usually recommends whipping the walls and floors with pepper-tree sprays and with flowers (626). Elsewhere in Mexico, it is part of the spiritualist's stock in trade to switch the patient with a small bunch of pepper-tree leaves, herbs, and/or flowers. d The crossroads are not mentioned in connection with spiritualistic healing but they figure in spiritualistic procedure for ridding a house of bad luck (626). e Probably through oversight, perfumes are not reported as part of spiritualistic therapy; elsewhere in Mexico, cologne is indispensable (Kelly 1961, pp. 202-203). f 1n treatment of "fright," it is emphasized that the patient must be unaware of the proceedings. Usually a child is treated for the evil eye during his sleep (217), and in one case a woman follows a spiritualist's instructions for curing her husband, without informing him (384). In neither of these instances does unawareness seem stipulated, and this aspect is listed only for treatment of "fright." g "Salt" is synonymous with bad luck (625-626, 629). The patient may be treated personally to remove the "salt," or the therapy may be applied to his dwelling. All occurrences shown in the table relate to curing illness.

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table, the evil eye alone seems somewhat nonconformist; it is noteworthy, however, that "cleansing" with an egg and diagnosis through subsequent inspection of it are not confined to the evil eye. 434. Spiritualism warrants far more detailed study. Although widespread in Mexico, the extraordinary assemblage of beliefs and practices included under that caption had received no more than passing mention until recently when, in a brief, preliminary paper (Kelly 1961) I called attention to its extent and on the basis of data from a few scattered areas in Mexico tried to generalize concerning content and function. Far more field study and analysis are necessary before this vigorous institution can be viewed authoritatively. Investigation will be hampered by the lack of documentation and because most persons associated with spiritualism have little perspective beyond the immediate, local scene and, moreover, are entirely unaware of ultimate relationships with either North America or Europe. It is significant that the few mediums I have known entered the fold through trance experience, apparently accompanied by little formal study. 435. I first became acquainted with spiritualism in the Laguna, in 1953, and at that time supposed it to consist of a core of folk medicine and sorcery, with a thin veneer of Catholicism. I was in this state of comparatively blissful ignorance when the descriptions contained in the present study were recorded. Although these suffer from my lack of orientation, they contain information not available elsewhere and should provide a useful point of departure for subsequent study. Nine years later, in the vicinity of Mexico City, I had opportunity to make further observations and only then came to appreciate the differences between spiritism and spiritualism and to realize that the former is basically a study of the occult (cf. Protocolos del IMIS), the latter essentially a religious sect. 436. The historical background is more blurred than it appeared to be when I prepared the little study cited above. According to tradition, in 1866, near the small town of Contreras, a few miles southwest of Mexico City, a priest16 named Roque Rojas went into a state of trance; this seems to have marked the start of spiritualism in Mexico. Following his trance experience he assumed the name of the Padre Elias (Elijah), became identified with the Prophet Elijah and he, in turn, with the Holy Ghost (Kelly 1961, pp. 192—193). General resemblances in be16

Although recently one informant assures me he was not a priest but a printer. As far as I know, neither affiliation is documented.

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lief and practices in Mexico City and Tehuantepec, Oaxaca, suggested the same inspiration, as did a number of publications issued by a spiritualistic center in Tampico. This enormous territorial extension led me to suppose that spiritualism elsewhere in Mexico, including the Laguna, would prove to be ramifications of the cult started by Roque Rojas. I assumed that the absence of certain points of resemblance in the Torreón data came from my own lack of perspective at the time and from the manifest limitations of my one medium-informant. Moreover, the wide range of local differences presumably could be explained by the accommodation of a fluid institution to the local cultural scene, by the weakness of any central spiritualistic organization, by the lack of codification of beliefs, by the nonacademic background of most adherents, and by the heavy reliance on the personal revelations of each medium. 437. A recent conversation with Mrs. Antoineta Espejo now suggests that this tidy panorama is far too simple. In the course of several years of study in the lower Río Grande valley, she has had considerable contact with spiritualism. She is thoroughly convinced that it entered northeast Mexico not more than thirty years ago as a Protestant sect intrusive from the United States and that it penetrated south at least to Mexico City where, in the 1940's, she says there was a great proliferation of centers. Furthermore, a study by Cassaretto (p. 21) published in 1960 speaks of the "comparatively recent" development of spiritualism on "national scale." 438. Miss Cassaretto treats of the Protestant movement in Mexico from 1940 to 1955. She considers spiritualism a Protestant sect, and the figures she cites indicate that it has surprising numerical strength. In 1955, she says, 121 spiritualistic "houses of prayer" (casas de oración) were registered officially with the Mexican government, "especially in the states of Mexico, Morelos, Puebla, and the Federal District." Presumably in that same year, approximately 223 Protestant churches of all denominations were on record for the Federal District. The precise number is difficult to determine because of irregular spacing on the printed page; moreover, one spiritualistic center is listed twice. In any event, if one counts the "temples" and "centers" avowedly spiritualistic, plus the "houses of prayer" (casas de oración), there is a total of 53. To these may be added 4 more, affiliation not specified but whose names indubitably indicate spiritualistic persuasion, making a total of 57 spiritualistic units in the Federal District, or more than a quarter of all reported Protestant churches. Furthermore, my impression is that a very small percentage of functioning spiritualistic centers

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are registered officially, so that the proportion must be far greater than these figures indicate. 439. One other comment should be made with respect to the list published by Miss Cassaretto: it is patent that not all the spiritualistic units mentioned are recent developments, intrusive from the north. At least, the names of several she lists are clearly linked to the Roque Rojas tradition: Templo "Jesús, Moisés y Elias"; Iglesia Verdadera de Cristo Elias Espiritualista "Trinitario Mariano" (sic); Templo "Jesús, María y Elias"; and "Templo del Medio Día [sic] 'Damián [sic] Oviedo'." 440. It now seems that there might be two main strains of spiritualism in Mexico. Only through further field study will it be possible to discover (1) whether there is fundamentally a Roque Rojas core plus a later Protestant veneer from the north; or (2) whether, without much fusion, the Roque Rojas tradition and an essentially northern, intrusive Protestant complex exist side by side, their historical disparity masked by the common name of spiritualism. 441. Although at the moment the components cannot be defined clearly, probably it is safe to say that in Mexico spiritualism flourishes among mestizo rather than indigenous peoples and is found primarily among those of modest social and economic position, principally in urban areas characterized by a sizable floating population or by disruptive influences from modern industry and commerce (Kelly 1961, p. 192). 442. The Torreón area is a veritable hotbed of spiritualism. Informants mention, in Torreón itself, seven different centers, and make less specific reference to others. In nearby Lerdo, Gómez Palacio, and San Pedro de las Colonias spiritualistic activities are said to be sprightly and they extend to outlying rural communities, for a number of agrarian villages have their own "temples"—for example, El Cuije, Veinte de Noviembre, and Granada. 443. Elsewhere in Mexico, spiritualistic curing apparently is strong in Monterrey and Puebla—in the latter area, despite the vigor of the Roman Catholic Church. Mexico City harbors a great number of centers; others are reported for the Tampico area and for various parts of Veracruz. In the latter state, Papantla has at least two centers, and my field data suggest that perhaps spiritualists were practicing there in the late 1890's. Farther south, spiritualistic curing is popular in Villa José Cardel, where local "temples" are patronized and whose residents visit similar establishments as far distant as Jalapa and the port of Veracruz. Across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, from the Gulf of Mexico to

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the Pacific, spiritualists do a flourishing business in treating the ailing and giving advice and comfort to the afflicted. The distribution just sketched is by no means complete but is sufficient to demonstrate the occurrence of spiritualism and spiritualistic curing throughout the length of Mexico. 444. From other parts of Latin America there is mention of mediums and spirits in connection with curing, 17 although it seems likely that reference may be to spiritism rather than spiritualism; both undertake to heal the sick, but the latter has considerably more religious content than the former (Kelly 1961, pp. 191-192). Scattered and incomplete though the information be, it is manifest that in various parts of the New World a major facet of popular medicine is associated with spiritualism and/or spiritism. Under the circumstances, it is extraordinary that these phenomena have received so little attention from anthropologists and health personnel.

"Natural" Illnesses 445. CAUSES. Previously (90) it has been remarked that notions with respect to the causes of "natural" illnesses are dominated by the concept of "hot" and "cold." Sometimes, these terms are used in the literal sense of relative temperature. Thus: 446. It [bronchopneumonia] comes from rapid changes in temperature and, when a child is hot, from exposure to drafts [aires]. (II) 447. As a rule, kidney complaints come from the heat, and the greater the heat, the sicker one is. (64) 448. When I used to make bread for sale, I became quite ill with kidney trouble, from the heat of the oven. I could not even stand up straight. (37) 17 In Puerto Rico, for example, folk medicine seems dominated by what may prove to be spiritism rather than spiritualism. One informant, in a position to have good perspective, guesses that half the population is involved and says that the local institution is controlled by the parent group in the United States. In 1955, in Puerto Rico, I spoke with several people who rely on the medium and spirits for treating illness, which sometimes is diagnosed as the consequence of spirit intrusion. In a rural zone east of San Juan I was fortunate in being able to attend a public meeting at which approximately one hundred persons were present; such sessions are held every fortnight in a substantial building devoted exclusively to such use.

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In the following statement, reference likewise is to temperature, but the effect on health is somewhat less direct: 449. My son is one year and seven months old . . . and he is very ill. When he was little, I worked in a tortilla stand and I collected [agarré] a great deal of heat. I think it injured him. . . . One's milk becomes thinner with so much heat. Related to this notion is the belief that it is unwise to give the baby the breast when the mother is heated as a consequence of cooking, ironing, or laundering in the sun ( 7 0 ) . 450. More frequently, however, the polarity of "hot" and "cold" refers not to temperature but to the innate qualities of foods and remedies, irrespective of temperature; in fact, ice appears to be "hot." 451. After my second child was born, I had hemorrhoids. . . . My grandmother went to [consult] one of the old-time midwives and she said for me to sit on ice. . . . My grandmother asked, "Won't it harm her? It is barely ten days since she has given birth." But the midwife said "No, señora. It is a 'heat' which will not injure her." 452. Excessive consumption of either "hot" or "cold" foods may result in illness; ideally, one combines the two categories so that the outcome is "cordial," that is, not injurious. "As a rule, 'cold' foods do more harm than 'hot' ones"; nevertheless, when one is angry, care must be taken to avoid pork, which is classified as "very hot." The following passages give insight into the beliefs associated with "hot" and "cold" foods: 453. Sugar is "hot," and from the heat diabetes results. (51) 454. Empacho [a digestive upset] comes from many things, especially from badly cooked food [and] from eating panochas [tortillas made of wheat flour] or peanuts [both classified as "hot"] and [then] drinking water. (124) Diarrhea may come from excess "heat" or "cold." 455. There are two kinds of dysentery: "white" and "blood"; this [the latter] is the worse. 456. "White" dysentery comes from "coldness" [frialdad] and from eating so many "cold" things, such as sweet potato, potato, and squash. Oranges? If one eats [too] many, "white" dysentery may result. Watermelon? That is the cause of another illness, called enterocolitis, which is intestinal infection.

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457. "Blood" dysentery comes from hot foods, and one should take "fresh" ["cold"] things to cure it. Tortillas made from wheat flour [panochas] are very "hot" and give "blood" dysentery—that is, when one eats too many or eats them every day. 458. The antithesis of "hot" and "cold" is of particular interest to women. During menstruation, "cold" foods are eschewed as causing cramps. But cramps are relieved by taking wild honey, which is "hot." Sterility in the female often is attributed to "coldness" of the womb 18 and may be corrected if the womb is "heated" ( 1 5 ) . Following childbirth, a woman eats "hot" foods, and "hot" remedies are used to halt the discharge which follows miscarriage. 459. I had a miscarriage and was in the hospital, where they cured me of the heavy hemorrhages. But I was not completely well and continued bleeding [on minor scale]. I was treated in El Pilar, in Torreón, and by a trained midwife in San Pedro. But I did not get well. Finally, a curandero, a man in the ejido of Ana, cured me. 460. He gave me this remedy: romero, ruda, manzanilla, hierbabuena, rosa de Castilla, canela [cinnamon], cáscara de nuez [pecan shell], and mesquite gum. All are "hot." One puts a little of all [ingredients] to boil and drinks a small cupful [of the liquid] three times a day. No special diet is necessary. 461. Later, when I had another miscarriage, I cured myself with this same prescription. We had written it down so as not to forget. 462. In the Laguna, as in many other parts of Mexico, there is frequent mention of air (aire) as a factor in causing illness. Some references are ambiguous, thus: 463. It is the aire that keeps Belén down, poor thing. It gives her dizziness and nausea [but she does not lose consciousness]. They say it comes from debility of the nerves.19 More often, aire refers to drafts or currents of air and clearly relates to 18

This notion is widespread and by no means confined to the Laguna; it is mentioned in a 1552 Mexican herbal (Guerra, p. 31). 19 There is occasional mention of aire perplejo (perplexed air), which seems well named. One informant attributes it to debility and says its manifestation is reminiscent of an epileptic attack; she considers it incurable. To another woman, aire perplejo refers to partial paralysis. The treatment (sweating, induced by rubbing the body with hierbabuena which has been ground and fried in sesame oil) she recommends is almost the same as that reported by another informant for alferecía (464-465, 555).

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notions concerning "hot" and "cold." In this sense, air is mentioned as causing bronchopneumonia (446) and may result in the illness known as alferecía, as well as in less clearly identified ailments. 464. Alferecía is an illness of children. If a child has a high fever and, through carelessness, is exposed to a draft of air, even alferecía may result. (105) 465. Alferecía may come from the evil eye. Or [because] a hen or a hog shakes itself in front of the child. Air from a hen is very bad [injurious]. (106) 466. The baby was all right at birth, but they say that a child removed the covers, so that he received a draft [golpe] of air. They spent an entire day trying to cure the baby. They took him to a doctor in Chávez. He said that the air [aire] had descended to the stomach and had twisted the intestine. The child died in great pain [six or seven days following birth]. {183) 467. Neuralgic twinges commonly are attributed to aire, as is partial paralysis, especially of the face; nevertheless, paralysis quite often is regarded as the result of sorcery (333). On the whole, it is no exaggeration to say that throughout the repertoire of natural illnesses there runs a recurrent theme based on notions with respect to the antithesis of "hot" and "cold," with air (aire) as a corollary. 468. Other causes are mentioned, 20 to be sure, but their application is rather limited. For example, some stomach upsets are attributed to poor water, poor food, or to imprudent eating: 469. Her daughter went to a settlement near El Cuije for a few days and came back ill because the water was not good. It was salty and gave her cramps and diarrhea. (120) 470. All the children here are ill of dysentery [presumably diarrhea] because of the bad maize. (119) 471. One eats little fruit at night for fear of a stomach upset. It is not because the fruit is "cold" or "hot"; it simply is injurious when eaten at night. (128) 472. Most of the children [here] have worms. They come from eating some one food in excess, especially bread—for children are very fond of it. Or they come from overeating. (141) 20 And sometimes pretty complete confusion is apparent. Thus a woman, who probably has asthma, remarks concerning her state of health, "I have an animal in the stomach and it goes here and there. I have no blood. A doctor told me I had no blood in the chief vein which goes to the heart."

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473. They say that worms result when the eating of bread, tortillas, or sugar becomes a vice [because of excessive consumption]. (142) 474. An illness called bilis (bile) is believed to result from an emotional upset; it is visualized as an overflow of bile, manifesting itself in a stomach-ache. It "comes from a rage," following which one has a revulsion to food. Sometimes bilis turns into latido. In such a case, the bile accumulates and, to the touch, "feels like a [cake of] soap in the stomach; it is something hard, which jumps [pulsates]." One informant declares she was told by a private physician that gallstones result because "the bile is coagulated." The same explanation is given for "sand in the gallbladder." 475. The cause of certain complaints is regarded as mechanical. In some cases the fall of the fontanel is attributed to a jolt or a tumble suffered by the child ( 7 7 ) ; and dislocation of the womb is said to follow a fall: 476. Displacement of the womb is an ailment that the doctors cannot cure; they do not even believe that it exists. I used to work in a hotel. It was a good job and they paid us well. . . . We had to wash the floors with soap and water, and we had to wear white shoes, with rubber soles. One day, I slipped . . . and for six months afterwards, I hemorrhaged. I was treated, without success. Finally, a woman [curandera] in the San Joaquin district cured me. Hemorrhoids are believed to develop if a woman sits up shortly after childbirth: 477. After my second child was born I had hemorrhoids. He was born in a clinic, at half past one in the morning. About three o'clock he let out a great cry. Inasmuch as there is little service in a clinic at that hour, I sat up in bed to see what was wrong. Afterwards the doctor told me that because of that I had the hemorrhoid. It grew to the size of a hen's egg. 478. Ideas with respect to contagion are neither particularly clear nor well developed. Somewhat ambiguously, grippe is attributed to the closely spaced houses—a statement which may or may not imply belief in contagion. Bites and stings may be troublesome because the insect "carries the infection." 479.

Ants are very fond of meat. For example, if they find a dead

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snake, they eat it. Then the ants bite a person and, because of the snake, a bad infection may result. (163) 480. Sometimes a bee sting is very troublesome. It is because these little animals alight anywhere. For that reason they carry infection. (162) 481. In the Laguna, as in many other parts of Mexico, it is believed that contact with a corpse may result in illness and even death, particularly if the exposed individual has some sort of skin lesion. This type of "contagion" is referred to locally as cáncer de un muerto. 482. The daughter of Fulano died very young. The school teacher insisted that they [the children] attend the burial of a small child. Fulano's daughter had a thorn in her foot and I think it became cancerous [se canceró]. She had nausea and fever. They took her to a doctor and he said it was contagion; it was cancer [from the corpse]. 483. Informants are aware of transfer of venereal disease. Thus, "yellow and white [vaginal] discharge" may indicate either an illness which is "very contagious" (pegajosa) or "inflammation of the womb or of the ovaries." One woman adds that an "internal illness," with yellow vaginal discharge, is characteristic of an infirmity "which comes from the men." The precise means of transfer may not be generally understood, for one woman reports opposition to the construction of public laundries because of the fear that "very contagious diseases, such as syphilis," might be spread through the use of joint laundry facilities. 484. REMEDIES: INGREDIENTS. AS might be expected, Laguna lore includes a respectable repertoire of plant remedies, a good many of which are local products. Some grow wild, for example, árnica; cachano (Appendix II, No. 838); candelilla (No. 8 2 1 ) ; cenizo (No. 825); chaparro prieto (No. 818); gobernadora (No. 8 0 9 ) ; [presumably wild] gordolobo (No. 827); lechona (No. 819); mariola; ocotillo (No. 832); orejuela de ratón (No. 813); ortiguilla (No. 816); and "salvia" (sic) (No. 815). Others are cultivated: albahaca (No. 811); berros (No. 810); a vine known as cera; hierbabuena (No. 831); manzanilla; muitle; poleo (pennyroyal?); and hierba en cruz. 485. Flor de la paz (No. 826) is an aquatic plant, brought to Torreón from Viesca, Coahuila; flor de la peña (No. 839), San Nicolás (No. 840), and hierba del marrano are collected in the Sierra de Durango; cachano (No. 838) may be gathered there or in San Luis Potosí. One herbalist obtains peyote (No. 830) from the Sierra de Durango;

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others, from Aguascalientes. Several basic remedies are supplied from Mexico City: cañafístola (No. 828), flor de tilia (Nos. 836, 837) and prodigiosa. Cuasia comes from there or from Guadalajara, and the latter supplies one informant with flor de San Juan (No. 834). Other products used in home remedies are not native to the Laguna, but I have no information concerning their source of supply. In this category are magnolia flower, orange blossoms, tejocote fruit, coconut fiber, stick cinnamon, and "Spanish" saffron. 486. The frequent mention of peyote warrants special comment. In ancient times, it seems to have been prized chiefly for its visionproducing properties. The Laguneros evidently were acquainted with the plant (Pérez de Ribas 3:248); Sahagún (3:230) associates peyote primarily with the so-called northern barbarians, or Chichimecas, saying that it contributed to their morale in battle and that with peyote they suffered no "fear, nor thirst, nor hunger." Farther south, where the modern states of Guerrero, Puebla, and Morelos join one another, peyote was used extensively by the native diviners (Ruiz de Alarcón, pp. 24,31,43-44,50-51,134,173). 487. Peyote is exhibited prominently today in the herb stalls of the Torreón market (175). In the form of a powder, the dry plant reputedly is a favorite vehicle through which local witches cause mental derangement (314), but, in addition, it is a versatile popular remedy, used internally and/or externally, in the treatment of fever, shoulder pain (pleurisy?), menstrual hemorrhage, vaginal discharge, and rheumatism. 488. Fever may be cured with peyote [cf. 522, for peyote enema]. It is ground on the metate; water is added and the preparation is strained. It is drunk, sweetened with sugar. This is to cure all kinds of fever. Formerly, it was used a great deal; nowadays, all remedies are ampoules. (28) 489. Peyote is very useful when one has pain in the shoulders [ p l e u r i s y ? ] . . . . The peyote button is skinned and the flesh is sliced; the flesh is roasted and then is rubbed on the shoulder. (61) 490. To stop menstrual hemorrhage, a bit of peyote is boiled with romero and pecan shell. With the water a vaginal douche is given, and a little of the tea is drunk. This treatment takes place, morning and night, for nine days. (101) 491. I know very little of herbal remedies. The spirits [seres] give me my prescriptions. For example, they have told me that peyote is good for a pain in the shoulder and for an internal illness of women

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which results in yellow discharge. This is cured with vaginal douches of peyote. A small piece is cooked—very small, for the medicine is strong. First, one heats the water. When it is boiling, one drops in a piece of peyote and covers the vessel, removing it from the fire. The douche is of the temperature desired [by the patient]. It is given every other day [until she recovers]. (17) 492. For rheumatism or "tired" legs, [dry] peyote is pounded and added to alcohol. It is left to stand—one day is sufficient—and then the affected part is rubbed [with the liquid] . 21 One also takes a bit of peyote [orally]. A little water is heated—about one and a half cups. In it is dropped a small piece of peyote. The tea is drunk twice a day, in the morning before breakfast and at night; the treatment is repeated for nine or fifteen days. The remedy is the same for rheumatism and for "tired" legs. Peyote contains narcotic. (135) 493. "Delicate" preparations are not limited to peyote. In addition, the leaf of toloache (presumably Datura) is said to be used by witches to cause mental disorders; unlike peyote, toloache is not considered curative. Two informants casually list hashish, or marihuana, as an ingredient of popular remedies. One woman is told, by spiritualistic order, to drink a tea made from various herbs, together with marihuana, to halt discharge following a miscarriage (396). Another woman recommends marihuana tea to cure the effects of aire (589). 494. Various foodstuffs figure among local home remedies. Condiments are well represented and include garlic, onion, cinnamon, cloves, cumin seed, marjoram, nutmeg, rue, saffron, sugar, worm-seed (epazote) and vinegar. Cinnamon, which is "hot," is favored particularly and appears in remedies for the treatment of aire, bilis, diarrhea, assorted stomach ailments, and for the control of discharge following miscarriage. 495. Starches may be components of remedies used either internally or externally, and there is mention of maize kernels, oatmeal, bread, potato, squash, and banana. Informants speak of of the medicinal properties of fruits such as the lime and the tejocote, and of coconut water. A tomato poultice is the standard treatment for a state known as "hético" (574) and for kidney troubles. Beverages such as milk and black tea are used medicinally. Coffee is not drunk as a remedy, but its grounds 21

In parts of Jalisco an infusion of peyote in alcohol commonly is used as a liniment in cases of rheumatism. I am under the impression that peyote is available in one pharmacy in Autlán, Jalisco, and I have seen it on sale in the market in Sayula in the same state.

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are an ingredient of one home unguent and also are used for censing a patient who has persistent chills and fevers. This, incidentally, is the only occurrence of censing reported in connection with natural illnesses (compare "fright," witchcraft, 251, 355-357). A salve containing egg yolk is recommended for treatment of boils. Sesame oil (aceite de comer) is the base of a number of ointments; lard is of less importance. 496. Because of its "hot" classification, honey—presumably wild honey (miel virgen) (36, note 4)—is a consistent ingredient of remedies used for female afflictions. 497. Although scarcely a conventional food, snake flesh22 is eaten for medicinal purposes upon occasion. Dried and pulverized, it is said to be flavorless, and it is added to the diet of a person who suffers from chronic skin eruptions. It also is recommended for tubercular patients, as is vulture (aura) meat. Skunk flesh is sought to treat leprosy. 498. A number of marine products, from the Pacific, are mentioned from time to time. They include: cienpies del mar ("sea centipede"); erizo del mar (sea urchin); estrella del mar; estrella del mar, de patas; estrella oriental (sand dollar); flor de la peña, del mar; haba del mar (which is a purge, not to be confused with the talisman of the same name); and nopal del mar. Also from the coast, packed in bottles of sea water, are tiny shells, name not recorded, one of which is placed under the eyelid at night (similar to a contact lens), in the belief that it will remove cataract or other extraneous tissue. 499. Various household and commercial preparations figure in local remedies. Among them are alcohol, bicarbonate of soda, bismuth, glycerine, iodine, lime, oil of rose (aceite rosado; cf. Nueva farmacopea mexicana, pp. 789—790), senna leaves (hojas de sen), talcum, and turpentine. Less well known are a commercial orange laxative (purga de naranja) and "hog soap" (jabón de puerco). Certain substances (albayalde, azarcón, greda) appear to be lead products (Nueva farmacopea mexicana, pp. 528, 658, 661); despite the apparent hazard, they are taken internally to treat empacho (603). 500. Of patent medicines, there is occasional mention of "Mejoral" and "Vapor Rub," as well as of "vegetable pills," and something designated as "volcanic oil" which is a liniment used by rheumatics. Surprisingly, penicillin is mentioned but once—by an herbalist, whom I consult 22 According to Professor Héctor García Manzanedo, a pharmacist in the state of Guanajuato confides that the product generally marketed as powdered snake flesh is simply dried, pulverized shrimp.

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following a dog bite. She suggests that instead of relying on home remedies, I should ask a druggist to give me an injection of penicillin. 501. It is said that there are two pharmacies, one in Torreón and one in Chávez, which supply products in demand by local folk practitioners. Herbs not readily available as local wild or cultivated plants generally are purchased from the several vendors in Torreón; these same merchants stock assorted marine products from Mazatlán (in Sinaloa) and oddments, such as dried snake and vulture flesh. 502. REMEDIES: DECOCTIONS. By far the most common type of home remedy for natural illnesses is a decoction or tea of herbs or other vegetal material, sometimes sweetened with honey and taken orally. Representative statements are given below and further instances are reported elsewhere (459-460, 492, 587-588, 591-594, 595-596). 503. For pain in the heart, palpitations . . . difficulty in breathing, and "nerves," one makes a tea of magnolia blossom, of the root called tumbavaquero, of orange blossoms and of flor de tilia [Appendix II, Nos. 8 3 6 - 8 3 7 ] . One drinks it twice a day, in the morning before breakfast and at night, for forty days. (45) 504. They say that pomegranate root is a good worm medicine. . . . It is boiled and the tea drunk before breakfast, for four or five days. (89) 505. The flor de la peña [Appendix II, No. 839] is very good for "coagulated bile" [bilis coajada (474) and] for sand in the gall bladder [arena en la vesícula]. It also is good for latido, that is, when the bile feels like a [cake of] soap in the stomach; it is something hard, which jumps. One boils the flor de la peña with cornsilk and with ámula [Appendix II, No. 8 3 5 ] , a plant which is very bitter. The tea is drunk twice a day as long as necessary. (20) 506. To relieve abdominal pain [cólico], one boils a spray of the shrub called muitle and drinks the liquid. . . . Tea of [the plant] mirto also is good . . . (40) 507. The leaf of gobernadora [Appendix II, No. 809] is boiled to make a tea, which is good for abdominal pain. (41) 508. For severe abdominal pain or menstrual cramps one drinks hot manzanilla tea. One makes a large pot of it and drinks it two or three times a day, early in the morning or at any other time. (43) 509. To treat a head cold one makes a strong decoction [cocimiento] of [the plant] poleo. In the night one inhales [the vapor] and drinks the tea. It is well to go to bed early and get up late to avoid the night dew [sereno ( 6 0 9 ) ] . . . . [It] and the chill may result in

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chronic catarrh [catarro constipado].... For a simple cold, treatment two or three nights is sufficient. (35) 510. Coracolitis [sic] results when the intestines become intertwined; it is an illness which affects children and adults. One boils cedrón de Castilla and te nitle [muitle?] with hierba del marrano. . . . One drinks the tea at the moment one has the pain and continues to take it two or three times a day until cured. (63) 511. Tea of albahaca [sweet basil] . . . sweetened . . . is drunk for stomach-ache. They say that albahaca is "hot." (64) 512. They asked me for a prescription for a girl who had a bad stomach-ache. I told them to make a medicine of tejocote fruit, [boiled] with the plants called orejuela de ratón and cenizo [Appendix II, Nos. 813, 8 2 5 ] . But they did nothing; they said they could not find any tej ocotes. Aren't there any available at present? (65) 513. For pain in the lungs, one boils [the plant] epazote del zorrillo with seeds called peonías, which are sold by the herbalists. One drinks the tea when one feels pain . . . regardless of the hour, and one continues to take the tea until cured. (128) 514. To treat "illness of the blood" [a term which commonly refers to venereal disease], one makes a tea of pecan leaves and drinks it before breakfast every day. (147) 515. Elderberry flower [saúco] makes a good cough remedy. As it boils, it is covered so that the steam may not escape. The liquid is drunk at any hour but especially at night when one goes to bed . . . (150) 516. To cure white vaginal discharge, one boils [the plant called] candelilla [Appendix II, No. 821] and exposes [the liquid] to the night dew [se serena (609) ] . It is drunk instead of ordinary drinking water until the person is cured. (159) 517. Yellow or white vaginal discharge, with itching, indicates inflammation of the womb or of the ovaries. One breaks the estrella oriental [sand dollar] and pulverizes it. One then boils [the powder] and, when the liquid is cool, the patient takes a vaginal douche. At the same time, she drinks, as a tea, [some of] the water in which the powder has been boiled. The treatment is at night, at bedtime, for nine days. (158) 518. A variant tea, not actually boiled, and prepared with milk instead of water, may be mentioned here: 519.

A good remedy [for worms] is that of milk . . . with hier-

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babuena. The vessel is covered well, sealed with maize dough if possible, so that the odor may not reach the child. The moment the milk comes to a boil it is given the child, holding his nose, so that the worm[s] may not smell it. 520. Decoctions are not invariably administered by mouth. In the penultimate example just cited (517), the preparation is used both as a beverage and as a vaginal douche, and a similar case has been mentioned earlier in connection with peyote (490). Sometimes a decoction serves exclusively as a douche (491), more frequently as an enema. The enema is considered particularly useful in cases of high fever. 521. To treat a fever, one boils madreselva [honeysuckle] leaf and with the water gives the patient enemas. (26) 522. For [reducing] a high fever I favor an enema of manzanilla. In spite of [its] being "hot," I like manzanilla because it does not "coagulate" the fever. Also, I have seen that people use enemas of boiled peyote and of [the leaf of] ash or of desert willow [Appendix II, No. 8 1 7 ] . (32) 523. I don't know from what measles come, nor what one should do to cure them. We give enemas [with decoctions of the plants of] malva or hierba del buendía, also of manzanilla. (148) 524. There are three kinds of pox: chicken pox [viruela loca], black smallpox [viruela negra] and alfombrilla; the last is the worst. At first, the symptoms [of all three kinds] are the same: three days of high fever. . . . With the alfombrilla the fever lasts longer, with eruptions. The pustules take three days to come out and three days to fill; with alfombrilla, the patient is covered with pustules. (162) 525. One tries to dry the scabs, giving alcohol rubs and dusting the entire body with talcum. One gives only "fresh" foods . . . [such as] lemonades and juices, because they say that, inside, the patient is in the same condition as on the outside [that is, full of pustules]. (162) 526. They give enemas [with decoctions] of borraja, huachichí, malva, or tianguis, all of which are very "fresh" [plants]. They give one enema daily, during the day or at night. (162) 527. In some instances plant decoctions are utilized as "herb baths," either complete or partial. 528. Gobernadora [creosote bush] is much used as a remedy for rheumatism. . . . [Sprays] are boiled and one bathes with the water. (131)

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529. A very good remedy for rheumatism is a [foot] bath with cenizo water; one bathes from the knees downward. The cenizo [plant] is boiled and [the water] put in a tub. Immediately, one puts in a new brick, scarcely covered by the water . . . better two bricks. The patient places his feet on the bricks. . . . It is necessary that the water be very hot. The legs receive the steam from the bricks. (134) 530. When the water is somewhat cooler, it is poured over the legs [se dan sangrías]. And before it cools completely, the legs are covered with a blanket—a double blanket, if possible—so that the heat may "vaporize." Immediately thereafter, the patient goes to bed, taking care not to step on the cold floor. For a long time I had a bad knee but with this remedy I cured myself completely; the pain has never returned. (134) Ulcers, sores, boils, cuts and wounds are bathed with decoctions: 531. An ulcer [llaga], a cut, or a wound [from firearms] is washed with a decoction of [the plant] árnica and is bandaged with a cloth. (46) 532. First, the boil [grano] is washed with a decoction of hierba de la golondrina, árnica, or fresno [ash]. Later one applies a pomade. (566) (72) 533. Cough syrups may be regarded as concentrated decoctions sweetened and thickened with sugar: 534. Beet syrup is very good for a cough. One cooks the beets until a syrup is formed; it is red. One adds sugar. The beets themselves are sweet, but one must add sugar. A child may take all of this syrup that he likes and at any hour. (151) 535. For whooping cough one makes a garlic syrup. In one liter of water one boils a good-sized head of garlic—the largest available. One removes the skin. The garlic is boiled with a quarter kilo of sugar until the mixture is reduced to a quarter of a liter. They give the syrup by teaspoon every two or three hours. I had to bathe my children two or three times a day because they smelled so of garlic [sic]. (153) 536. REMEDIES: EMULSIONS. Preparations which may be called emulsions also are popular. They differ from decoctions in that they are not boiled and in that they seem invariably to be taken by mouth. They may be made from an entire plant, such as peyote (488), or from pulverized leaves, fruits (587), or seeds, mixed with water.

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537. [To cure diarrhea] the small seeds of lantén are toasted; the green seed is "fresh," but the dry seed is "hot." One makes a drink [atole], taking a small glass every three or four hours. (52) 538. For empacho (602) one grinds, with water, either guava or chirimoya seed; the liquid is strained and drunk. (54) 539. My comadre is very "choked" [sofocada] with the stomach distended; very uncomfortable she is, unable to defecate. Sometimes . . . [for this condition] one grinds avocado pit and mixes it with warm water. It is strained and the liquid drunk, without sugar, before breakfast [daily] as long as seems necessary. (83) 540. A woman [curandera] in the San Joaquín district cured me [of displacement of the womb (476). After I had been tossed in a blanket and massaged with sesame oil], the woman told me to take vegetable pills [a patent medicine]. She said, "Look for fig leaves. Pounded and strained, with sugar, one makes an emulsion [horchata] . One drinks this before breakfast and every four hours thereafter, all day. And the next day, before each meal one takes two pills." (92) 541. Berro[s] [Appendix II, No. 810] is medicinal and is most effective as an emulsion. It is for the lungs, for debilitated persons. The raw plant is crushed and sugar and water added. It is strained and the water is drunk whenever one is thirsty [como agua de uso].... Berro[s] is "fresh"; it is better than an emulsion of alfalfa. (127) 542. An emulsion of oatmeal is drunk as a kidney remedy. The oatmeal is soaked in cold water and is mixed with the hand; it is strained and [the liquid] drunk with sugar. Exactly the same [medicine] may be made with raw, ground rice. (145) 543. They say that a good remedy for "burning" urine is made of red maize [kernels]. It is ground [with water], strained, and drunk. (141) In one emulsion a coral bead is used instead of a vegetal ingredient: 544. For alferecía [464-465] one takes a bead of legitimate coral. One pounds it and drinks the powder, [mixed] in warm water, before breakfast for two or three days. In a couple of cases the remedy seems scarcely concentrated enough to be called a solution, much less an emulsion: 545. For kidney difficulties and "heat" in the stomach, one uses palo azul, but not boiled. The water is boiled; it does not matter how long. It is allowed to cool and [a piece of] palo azul is dropped in.

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The water is drunk before breakfast, for as long a time as one desires; and one may continue drinking it when thirsty [that is, as agua de uso]. (66,146) 546. A wild plant known as verbena is very useful in [reducing] fevers. If the patient is very ill, some sprays are placed under the mattress. This verbena is "serum" [suero] for fevers. From other sprays the leaves are stripped and they are ground. They are rinsed twice, and the water from the third rinsing is drunk by the patient, with or without sugar. Verbena is very "fresh"; for that reason one removes the fever with it. (27) 547. REMEDIES: FERMENTED PREPARATIONS. Occasionally there is mention of fermented preparations, which may be taken by mouth or applied externally: 548. My grandmother had a very bad time with bilis (474), and they took her from one doctor to another. Finally she really was cured by a prescription which a woman gave her. (14,17) 549. To one bottle [quart] of tequila [a distilled agave drink] one adds the entire plant of orejuela de ratón [Appendix II, No. 8 1 3 ] ; "salvia" [No. 8 1 5 ] , and mariola, both wild plants; estañate, which is cultivated; six grains of any kind of maize; dry orange peel; and [a pinch of the chipped wood of] cuasia . . . It is allowed to ferment about a week. One takes a drink daily before breakfast until the bottle is empty. (14,17) 550. My husband has treated a great deal with doctors. He has no strength [partial paralysis?] in one hand and in one leg . . . The doctor suggested that he go without supper and recommended garlic for "the congestion." One puts entire [cloves of] garlic in a bottle of alcohol and lets it stand nine days. At the end of that time one rubs the affected part with the liquid, at night before going to bed. The treatment is repeated every night until the alcohol is used. (117) 551. As liniment for rheumatism, leaves of gobernadora [creosote bush, Appendix II, No. 809] are allowed to ferment in alcohol. The affected part is rubbed with the liquid, at night before going to bed. This is to "heat" the body. One puts on a bandage; in the morning one washes with hot water. (138) 552. REMEDIES: OINTMENTS. We come now to a series of ointments, applied externally through massage or rubbing. The objective seems to be to "heat" the body; in a good many cases, the consequent sweating is regarded as curative. Commonly the basic ingredient of the ointment

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is sesame oil, which is "hot," and frequently "hot" herbs (such as hierbabuena or poleo) are fried in that oil. There is occasional mention of hog lard, tallow, rattlesnake grease, and of a patent remedy known as "volcanic oil." 553. Rubbing with oil is associated strongly with illnesses attributed to aire perplejo and/or alferecía: 554. In cases of aire perplejo (463, note 19), the person becomes "crooked" [with partial paralysis]. Hierbabuena is ground and fried in sesame oil, and the affected part is rubbed [with the oil], inducing a sweat. (4) 555. Alferecía [which seems much the same as aire perplejo] . . . is treated with hierbabuena. It is fried in oil or tallow, and the child's body is rubbed. Sometimes it [the same illness] attacks adults. The face becomes crooked or some other part of the body is twisted. This is corrected with sweating. (5) 556. Once when my daughter was small she had alferecía. I thought she was going to die, but a woman cured her. She fried hierbabuena with nutmeg, and she rubbed the whole body with the oil— after it had cooled somewhat. First she rubbed the body with alcohol and then with the oil. They say it isn't necessary even to fry hierbabuena; one may rub the body with the fresh plant with the same results. (7) 557. Rubbing with ointments is recommended occasionally to relieve certain digestive complications (587). 558. [In cases of empacho, which is a digestive upset, usually in children (454) ] , they massage the spinal column from the base of the skull to the rump. In order to rub [sobar], they annoint with sesame oil. (56) 559. Last night, I went to see my comadre [who apparently has some kind of intestinal obstruction], and we gave her a rubbing [frotación] with bicarbonate of soda and hog lard. With that [treatment] she was able to defecate. [Later, further home treatment is administered.] We gave her tea of epazote del zorrillo and manzanilla and we looked for a "Mejoral" for her. We rubbed [her abdomen] with alcohol and sesame oil. (83) Ointments also figure in the treatment of two illnesses attributed to mechanical causes: displacement of the womb (540), and fall of the fontanel. The latter already has been described in the section on infant care (77-83), but some additional information is pertinent here:

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560. One recognizes the fall of the fontanel because of the diarrhea. At first the stools are yellow; if the illness is not cured the stools are green. . . . When the green stools begin it is necessary to rub the left side of the child with oil. In sesame oil one fries orégano or poleo or dry tobacco, all of which are "hot." Once the herbs are fried, with the oil one rubs the left side [over] the spleen [bazo] for one, two, or three nights. This is to provoke a sweat, because of [that is, to counteract] the "coldness" . . . which comes from so much diarrhea. Others would probably say the diarrhea comes from the "coldness." Rheumatism also calls for massage with ointments: 561. [To relieve rheumatic pain] "volcanic oil" is good; one buys it in the pharmacy and rubs it on the affected part. In the same way, some people use turpentine mixed with sesame oil. (132) 562. I know a man who has cured himself pretty well [of rheumatism] with gobernadora [creosote bush, Appendix II, No. 809] fried in rattlesnake grease . . . It is rubbed warm on the affected part, which is then bandaged. The rubbing takes place at night when one goes to bed. In the morning the soles of the feet are rubbed anew with the gobernadora. (133) 563. Thick ointments or salves are used directly on external hemorrhoids and boils, but to relieve inflamed tonsils they are applied to the soles of the feet: 564. [For external hemorrhoids], one uses the [leaf of] golondrina, dried, ground, and sifted. It is fried with tallow. . . . In the butcher shop one asks for kidney tallow, from a bull or a cow . . . With it one makes a salve. One smears it on a heated cloth and applies the cloth to the affected part. [The informant refers to this manner of application as caldear]. (9) 565. I know the recipe for a very good salve to cure boils [granos]. One beats the yolk of an egg with sugar and lard . . . and applies [the unguent] to the boil two or three times a day. (71) 566. I know a good salve for b o i l s . . . . One buys unsalted, untried lard. With it one puts some liquid from the top of the nejayote [the lime solution in which maize is steeped, preparatory to being ground] and a small amount of urine. This must be from a small boy, not a girl. In the pharmacy one buys "hog soap," and one heats all [the ingredients] together. Separately, one grinds avocado pit, some manzanilla seeds, and epazote de comer. The ground materials are

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added to the first mixture when it is hot, and a salve results. First the boil is washed with a decoction [532, 72] . . . Later one applies the pomade. It is used twice a day. (72) 567. [To treat inflamed tonsils] one mixes coffee grounds with lard or with sesame oil, and applies the mixture to the soles of the feet. [Remedies so applied are called plantillas, from planta: sole.] (11) 568. REMEDIES: POULTICES. A variety of preparations, applied externally, may be called poultices, cataplasms, plasters, or applications. Local names include confortativos, cataplasmas, emplastos, and cinapismos,23 and they seem to be used more or less interchangeably. A representative sampling follows: 569. [A person ill of bilis (474) is massaged and is fed a highly spiced preparation. Moreover], one buys a piece of bread [that is, a white roll] and saturates it with alcohol. It is placed over "the mouth" of the stomach, with a banana skin on top, and is tied in place. This is repeated three successive days. (19) 570. [To reduce a fever, raw, unpeeled] potato is cut in strips. Lime is sifted and mixed with the potato, and a little hot vinegar is added. [As] a cataplasm [the preparation] is applied to the stomach and the temples. The potato dries, and becomes like sawdust; it is removed and replaced [with a new mash]. All three things—potato, lime, and vinegar—are very "fresh." (24) 571. Hierba hedionda is good for [reducing] a fever. The entire plant, macerated [and mixed with vinegar], is applied to the stomach, forehead, and base of the skull, and it is tied [in place] with a cloth. The plant is very "fresh." (29, 30) 572. Kidney illnesses are cured with half-roasted tomato. . . . It is skinned and mashed, as though for tomato sauce. While the tomato is hot it is spread over the [lumbar area of the] back. It is extraordinary how one is relieved with this remedy. . . . The tomato is very "fresh." One applies the cataplasm three or four times a day. (143) 573. Flaxseed is good for the kidneys. One boils the seed and 23 Perhaps through oversight, I did not record the term chiquiadora as being used in the Laguna. Chiquiadora generally is applied to a green leaf stuck on the temple to relieve headache. The leaf, however, is in evidence and probably falls in the same major category of poultices. To relieve neuralgic pain, the leaf of a cultivated vine, known as cera, is smeared with "Vapor Rub" and is applied to the affected area.

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spreads it on a cloth [and places this] over the [lumbar area of the] back. . . . On top one places a dry cloth. . . . I have not tried this remedy, because I was cured with the tomato [poultice]. (144) 574. [A distended abdomen is characteristic of the state known as hético ( 7 2 ) , in which children are afflicted. To reduce the swelling] , one half-roasts [soasa] tomatoes on the griddle or directly in the fire. [With the hot tomato pulp] one applies a cataplasm over the entire belly. One covers it well [with a bandage] so that it may "vaporize." The treatment is repeated at least six or seven nights and gradually the abdomen becomes smaller. (67) 575. [Another treatment for hético:] One kills a beef and immediately removes the viscera [menudo]—that is to say, the contents [bazofia] . . . the ground grass—which the animal has inside [in the rumen]. All this is removed before it cools and the child is covered with the bazofia, fore and aft . . . from neck to feet, with only the head exposed. . . . It [the poultice] is left until it cools; with the heat of the menudo the inflammation of the [child's] belly is reduced. (68) Simple poultices are used to halt nosebleed and to reduce inflammation of bites and stings: 576. The plant called capitaneja is a good remedy [for nosebleed] . It is ground and vinegar added. Then a cloth is moistened with the medicine and poultices applied to the neck, the soles of the feet, the palms of the hands, and the joints. (76) 577. [For bites or stings] one applies garlic pounded with salt or the leaf of piñanona ground with vinegar. [Or] the [pulpy leaf of the] zábila . . . is slit open and roasted on the coals; it is applied [to the sting] together with oil of rose. (123) 578. D I E T . In spite of the fact that it is believed an excess of either "hot" or "cold" foods may be injurious (452), there is relatively little mention of special diet for a patient. 579. [A child ill of "intestinal infection" (586)] is on a diet all day. He eats something light, such as gruel, but no beans. If he still is nursing, he is given the breast. (85) 580. For the three days [that a child is treated for empacho ( 5 8 5 ) ] , he is given no beans, tortilla, chili, or meat. They feed him broth of any kind, toasted bread, and gruel. (56) 581. [In case of viruela alfombrilla (524-525)] one gives only "fresh" foods . . . [such as] lemonades and juices, because they say

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that, inside, the patient is in the same condition as on the outside [that is, full of pustules]. (162) Although there are no details, dietary restrictions for diabetics may be inferred from the statement that a certain diabetic patient "lasted four years, eating everything, even watermelon." 582. Both diet and special care are required by a whooping-cough patient. 583. [Whooping cough] always comes during the hot weather. It is a good idea to bathe the child two or three times a day and not to dress him warmly. He is given cow's milk—even better, donkey's milk, for it contains vitamins. [He also eats] vegetables and juices. Inasmuch as almost everything is returned [that is, vomited] because of the phlegm of the whooping cough and inasmuch as all vegetables have vitamins, they are good for the child, even if he vomits. Vegetables do not produce nausea; it is food, such as meat, that provokes it. The sick child is given no pork because that makes the cough worse. 584. DISCERNIBLE PATTERNS. A number of patterns associated with ritual numbers are evident. It has been remarked above (433) that 3 occurs repeatedly in the treatment of unnatural illnesses; it also is associated with natural infirmities (459-460, 569). Additional data follow; they are not presented as direct quotations but as summaries based on informants' statements. 585. Empacho (454) is treated by pinching and lifting the skin on either side of the spine, in three different places; the operation is performed morning and night for three successive days. 586. An infant ill of "intestinal infection" may be given a certain internal remedy, together with an enema; the treatment is repeated three times in as many consecutive days. 587. One remedy for diarrhea (designated by the informant as dysentery) is an emulsion prepared from three dried guavas. Another is a decoction made from the fiber adhering to the exterior of a coconut husk, together with marigold blossom, the skin of sour pomegranate, and half a lime. This is drunk three times a day. A radically different treatment for the same illness consists in rubbing the hips and rump with hot oil of sesame or of poleo; this is done daily, in the evening, for three days. 588. For diabetes, a decoction of the plants called tronadora and cenizo is given three times a day for an indefinite period.

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589. To cure aire (462-463), marihuana tea is taken three times a day for three days. 590. Even more often is 9, a multiple of 3, associated with the treatment of natural infirmities. Summaries of representative cases follow: 591. Kidney complaints may be treated by drinking a tea of berros or of ocotillo blossom (Appendix II, Nos. 810, 832). It is taken daily before breakfast for nine days. For bladder trouble a tea of árnica plant is similarly administered. 592. To "cure" lung ailments, one prepares a decoction of quince leaves and tejocote fruit, sweetened with honey. It is taken for nine successive nights upon going to bed, and the patient avoids drinking cold water. 593. A chest cough (tos de pulmón) is treated with a hot tea made of the blossoms of flor de la paz and gordolobo (Appendix II, Nos. 826, 827). It is drunk in the morning before breakfast and at night, for nine days. 594. An "internal infirmity" of men, apparently venereal, likewise has a nine-day course of treatment. The plants, candelilla and cachucha (Appendix II, Nos. 821, 829) are boiled, together with a root called huevo de venado. The liquid is drunk daily, in the morning before breakfast and at night. It is said to stimulate urination and thus to "clean the bladder." 595. The pattern of nine is associated particularly with female ailments (490, 517). For cramps, a woman drinks poleo tea before breakfast daily, for nine days. Various remedies in accord with the pattern of nine are given to "correct" delayed menstruation (36). To halt menstrual hemorrhage one pulverizes two marine products (nopal and estrella del mar) and boils the powder. The liquid is taken in the morning before breakfast and at night. If relief is immediate, the medicine is suspended; otherwise, the remedy is taken for nine days. 596. Among the many home remedies for the emotional upset popularly known as bilis (474) is a tea of the plant prodigiosa, to be drunk morning and night, for nine days. "When the eyes turn yellow," a different treatment is prescribed, but likewise for nine days. The patient drinks a tea of cenizo (Appendix II, No. 825) either in the morning and in the evening or in the morning and at the time he takes a special, curative bath. The cenizo is boiled and the liquid allowed to cool; the patient then bathes in the tepid concoction and while in the bath drinks a cup of the same cenizo brew.

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597. In a few instances (503), treatment for forty days is specified. 598. For "attacks" (epilepsy?), "inability to breathe," and asthma (ahoguío), one pounds fragments of two marine products—estrella del mar, de patas, and cienpies del mar. The resulting powder is prepared as a beverage (emulsion? decoction?) and is drunk in the morning before breakfast and at night for forty days. 599. To correct "yellow and white" vaginal discharge, possibly gonorrhea, another marine product is used. Called flor de la peña del mar, it is toasted and a small piece is boiled to make a tea, which is drunk daily before breakfast for forty days. Elsewhere (36), it is reported that a certain decoction is taken forty days to provoke abortion. In conclusion, it seems clear that the numbers 3 and 9 and, to a lesser extent, 40 are the ones favored in the practice of Laguna folk medicine. 600. Discernible patterns are not, however, limited to these numbers. For example, it is almost standard procedure to administer home cures in the morning before breakfast. This timing is mentioned for various female disorders (595), including vaginal discharge (599); for "illness of the blood" (514); for tuberculosis during the "first period" of the disease (609); and for bladder and kidney complaints (591, 610). With respect to the last-named ailments, a further instance of early-morning treatment may be added: 601. My son complained of pain when he urinated and I was going to take him to a doctor. But a woman gave me a prescription [receta] and we cured him with it right away. One gathers the little balls [seeds] of trompillo [said to be a wild, thorny plant]. One makes a tea [of them] and drinks it hot every day before breakfast. I don't remember how many days he took i t . . . but he was cured. 602. Treatment before breakfast also is recommended for the digestive upset known as empacho. In the Laguna there is frequent mention of this illness, especially among children. To date, only fragmentary statements have been cited (454,499,538,558,580,585); hence it may be well to insert the following relatively full account: 603. This cure [for empacho] is given in the morning before breakfast. They massage the spinal column from the base of the skull to the rump. In order to rub, they annoint with sesame oil. They take the skin either side of the spine; they pinch the flesh and lift it [actually, jerk it upwards] in three different places. They say they are yanking out the empacho. [Immediately afterwards] they give the child some medicine [by mouth]. It may be a very small amount of

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bismuth, or half a teaspoon of albayalde, or a little greda [another informant recommends azarcón]. To measure the greda, a copper cent piece is dipped in the powder and removed, with as much as possible heaped on its upper surface. One third of this powder is the indicated dose. Irrespective of which of the three medicines is selected, it is accompanied by a tea of "salvia" [Appendix II, No. 8 1 5 ] , mariola, or hoja de sen. [Upon a later occasion, the same informant remarks that the child is given sesame oil, togther with a tea of hierbabuena, salvia or mariola. The treatment is repeated daily, for three days, during which time the patient is kept on a diet (580).] 604. Bilis is another illness which looms large in the local field of folk medicine (474, 569, 596). One remedy for it consists of drinking daily, before breakfast, tequila in which various plant products have been fermented (549). To rid one of intestinal parasites, a boiled cucurbit (calabaza de Castilla) is eaten in the early morning. To correct "tissue growth" in the eyes, one informant goes through an elaborate performance before breakfast, at the behest of a woman curer in Torreón. She puts unidentified drops in the eyes, washes her face with water in which sweet basil has been boiled, and drinks a tea made of citrous blossoms. 605. In some cases home treatment is scheduled only once a day, at night. This routine holds for certain respiratory complaints, such as head colds (509); lung ailments (592); and coughs (515). In cases of vaginal inflammation a douche may be given in the evening and at the same time a tea is drunk (517). Rubbing with various preparations in the evening is recommended for what seems to be partial paralysis (550); for rheumatism (551); for diarrhea (587); and for the state known as hético (574). 606. Administration of medicines twice a day, morning and evening, is not uncommon in the Laguna. This routine is mentioned specifically for certain female disorders (36, 490, 595); an "internal infirmity" of men (594); bilis (596); "lung cough" (593); rheumatism or "tired legs" (492); a series of ill-defined illnesses said to be characterized by pain in the heart, palpitations, difficulty in breathing, and "nerves" (503); as well as "attacks" (epilepsy?), "inability to breathe," and asthma (598). Morning and evening administration is not limited to remedies taken internally; boils are washed and salve applied twice daily (566). 607. Some decoctions are taken three times a day, usually before

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meals. This regimen is mentioned in connection with diabetes (588); diarrhea which accompanies teething ( 7 5 ) ; other diarrheas (587); and aire (589). In one instance a decoction taken three times daily is recommended to halt discharge following miscarriage (459—460). 608. In summary, home cures most commonly are administered in the early morning before breakfast. Nevertheless, there is rather frequent mention of treatment once a day, at night; twice a day, morning and evening; and three times a day, usually before meals. Few persons speak of medication spaced by hours. Sometimes consumption is left to the patient's volition, and preparations are drunk whenever he is thirsty. Such medicines are referred to as agua de uso (541, 545). 609. References to the night dew {sereno) crop up more frequently in association with natural illnesses than with the supernatural ones (353). A person with a head cold takes care to avoid it (509), and the exposure of certain remedies to the night dew is a well-established pattern in the Laguna, as it is in several other parts of Mexico. Thus, cold baths at dawn in water which has been allowed to stand outside all night are recommended in the treatment of nervous disorders which are not attributed to witchcraft. Moreover, a tea of the plant gordolobo, similarly exposed, is drunk before breakfast during "the first period of tuberculosis"; and one of candelilla, likewise chilled by the night dew, is recommended in the treatment of vaginal discharge (516). A typical remedy for kidney disturbances follows: 610. One makes a tea at night, boiling cornsilk [pelos de elote]. It is left in the night dew [se deja serenar] and in the morning, before breakfast, one drinks as much as possible. For "clearing the sight," a remedy which has been exposed to the sereno is recommended: 611. For "clearing the sight"—for example, of cataract—one uses the flower of San Juan [Appendix II, No. 8 3 4 ] . The leaf [perhaps the petal] is boiled in a receptacle which is very clean. Then the liquid is put in a bottle and left one night in the dew. In the morning, with a dropper, one puts drops in the eye. 612. Finally, mention may be made of treatment through censing, although this procedure is associated with supernatural illnesses (Table 1) rather than with natural ones.

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613. I shall give you a remedy for persistent chills and fever. One dries coffee grounds well and with them one censes the patient, putting hot coals in a dish and dropping the grounds on them. [At the moment of treatment] the patient is in his underwear; if the sick person is a woman, she raises her skirt so as to receive all [the smoke] from the coffee [grounds].

LUCK AND MAGIC

614. The Laguna is permeated with ideas and practices associated with luck and magic. There are devices to bring good fortune generally and also devices for specific purposes, such as to give protection against witchcraft or to assure luck in gambling or in love. 615. For luck in a general sense, a horseshoe may be hung over the door of the house; according to one informant, the charm is doubly efficacious if it has been found on a Friday. 24 Similarly, a sand dollar hung over the door is lucky; it protects the occupants from sorcery. An aloe (zábila) plant suspended at the doorway, also shields the household from bad luck and from witchcraft, and "when zábila is hung at the door with a red ribbon the 'salt' [sal: ill luck (625-629) ] is not able to enter. In Torreón, they hang zábila in the stores and cabarets." 616. Deer antlers are thought to bring good fortune (cf. Martínez del Río, p. 8 2 ) , and an herbalist remarks that they find a ready market; sometimes they are buried in a field to insure a good harvest. On the contrary, an unidentified marine product called "sea-deer antler" (cuerno del venado del mar) is associated with ill luck. Buried in the fields of an enemy, it ruins the crops. It also assists one in getting rid of an undesirable neighbor. The "sea-deer antler" is purchased from an herbalist and is ground. The powder is tossed into the wind at "any hour," as long as one is unobserved. Concurrently one recites: 24 But she adds that "it is a superstition that Friday is lucky. Every person knows what day is lucky for him and what day is unlucky."

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617.

Ánima de los cuatro vientos Y de las cuatro esquinas Llévate a este espíritu malo Donde yo no lo vuelva a ver.

618. Another oración, or prayer, is thought to be instrumental in removing an undesirable neighbor from the scene: 619. One merely buys the prayer of San Judas and at midnight one lights a candle and, walking [back and forth], recites the prayer. One does not sit down or lie down; one walks. And one asks that the [undesirable] person go away. 620. Once we did this, another woman and I, because we were weary of a certain neighbor. In particular my friend was disgusted because the men, including several of her sons, sought the neighbor. My friend said it was very "ugly" that brothers should be received by the same woman. So she bought the prayer and recited it. Not nine days [la novena] had passed when the neighbor moved away, even selling her furniture at less than cost. She said that business was not good, for which reason she was leaving. 621. As protection against accidents, the oración entitled La sombra de San Pedro is considered useful, and "it is a good idea always to carry it [the printed prayer] with one." 622. Some herbalists are said to prepare "powders" to bring good fortune in raffles or casting lots. For luck in gambling, a black disk called a "sea bean" (haba del mar) is highly regarded; "it is bought particularly by those who play cards for stakes." In the herbalist's stall the usual price is 5 pesos. The talisman is carried by the owner in a small red bag and from time to time he rubs the "bean" between his hands, reciting: 623.

Haba del mar Por la virtud que tu tienes Y que Dios te ha dado Dame dicha Dame suerte, fortuna, y dinero.

624. To burn old clothing is thought to bring bad luck. Consequently in some homes discarded apparel is collected in cartons and thus stored indefinitely, or it may be dumped out of doors, with understandably untidy results. 625. In the Laguna, as in some other parts of Mexico, ill luck is referred to as "salt" (sal). Thus "to throw salt" at a house means to send it

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bad luck; "one need not be a witch to throw salt; anyone who knows how may do it." Poverty results from "having salt." One Cuije informant delights herself by making a pun; she declares that she always is pleased when she hears that the supply of kitchen salt is exhausted because that means, she pretends to believe, the end of the "salt" which is responsible for poverty and other ill fortune. 626. Generally "salt" is removed by "sweeping," and a spiritualist in Lerdo is said to specialize in this endeavor, apparently switching both walls and floor of a house with flowers. As a rule, a broom is improvised from sprays of pepper tree and three flowers, each of the latter of different color. Before dawn on the first of each month, the house is swept, and before the sun comes up the flowers are thrown away at an intersection of roads. "Sweeping is to make the 'salt' fall." 627. A specific account runs thus: 628. Once I had a little shop with another woman, named Jesusita. She thought we should go to the book fair, to see if we could buy a lodestone [see below]. We reached a stall where a woman was selling [printed] prayers [oraciones]. There we stopped. The woman invited us inside and asked what we were looking for. Jesusita told her that we wanted an "oracle" [oráculo]. 629. The woman told us it was not necessary that we go to anybody [such as a spiritualist] to have the "salt" removed. We ourselves could "sweep" the room. She said that if we did it the first of every month we could be free of "salt." We did so, and you can't imagine how well it turned out; our business was very, very good. In case of persistent bad luck or ill health, particularly if the lattter is attributed to fright or sorcery, an individual and/or his dwelling may be "swept" (386), sometimes as part of an elaborate "cleansing" treatment to remove the salt (249-254).

Lodestones 630. The lodestone (piedra imán) enjoys extraordinary popularity in the Laguna as a luck-bringing talisman. One might say there is an incipient lodestone cult, peppered with odd touches of Christian lore. Similarities with the Old World are striking (cf. Libro de San Cipriano, pp. 37, 108-109). 631. When I ask the herbalist what gives the piedra imán its virtue, she replies: 632.

The piedra imán is where Christ is kneeling. Have you not

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seen the picture? A "light" woman [presumably Mary Magdalene. The Libro de San Cipriano (p. 109) twice mentions "the Samaritan woman" in connection with the lodestone] cut a piece of the stone for luck. . . . A person must obtain his piedra imán with sacrifice, because Our Lord was sacrificed on it. There is a saying, "Piedra imán which is given, sold on credit [fiada] or stolen is of no use." 633. The lodestone generally is sold by herbalists, one of whom makes the following statement: 634. It [the piedra imán] is for luck of all kinds—in business and in love. I order from Piedras Negras [Coahuila] two kilograms every two weeks. [This indicates a rapid turnover, because the charm as sold consists of three or four quite small stones, which cannot weigh more than a few grams each]. 635. People come particularly from the ranchos [rural settlements] to buy. Sometimes, they buy five or six [charms] at a time. I sell the "prepared" stones at 5 pesos, and I know that in the ranchos they bring 10 pesos. According to another informant: 636. In the market they [the herbalists] sell lodestones which are "simple," not "prepared." The witches buy them, "prepare" [componer; also "cure": curar] them, and sell them at a good price. Those who sell in the market also ask a high price, knowing that the witches are to make a large profit. A witch may ask as much as 30 pesos.25 637. I am not sure just how they "prepare" the stone, but it is with steel filings. They say that the stone eats the filings and that one must feed it. The stone has its prayers, and one must venerate it. 638. The processing, preparing, or "curing" of a stone consists of packing it with an assortment of artifacts. One herbalist opens a paper cone to exhibit what accompanies her "cured" stone. 639. I see four small lodestones. The owner says, "There are three; no, there are four." I ask if they are male or female (see below); it seems that they are male, but "new" stones. With the stones are: One handful of steel filings One copper centavo piece 25

A high-pressure vendor, who takes it upon herself to sell me one as a love charm, asks the staggering sum of 50 pesos.

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One llamantito, which turns out to be a bit of broken shell, said to call (llamar) or attract luck One filipina, which is a small, water-worn pebble, to ward off evil spirits Three small Erythrina seeds, red with black eye; and three large ones. The small seeds are said to be "the three Marys. . . . Who are the three Marys? Why, they are those who accompanied Christ." The large seeds represent "the three kings, who also sought Him and [who], for that reason, accompany the stone." But the assemblage is not yet complete. A marine product, called mayate (sic) or helecho (sic), is lacking; it resembles a seed shaped like a horn. This object is for luck. Sometimes, for purely aesthetic reasons, it is wrapped with green silk thread before it is added to the stone's miscellany. To complete the latter, a bit of vegetable stuff called "flower" of peyote is added; the stone "has it for good luck." 640. The articles which accompany a "prepared" stone are not invariably the same. Some place steel sewing needles with the piedra imán. One herbalist states, "My [own] stone has its gold and silver. How? Well, a gold ring of mine broke, and I placed a piece with the stone." It is possible that the lodestone designed for love magic is accompanied by somewhat different objects. The following account is based on an observation made one day when, accompanied by an informant, I happen to halt at the stand of an herbalist. 641. When we arrive the vendor is chatting, almost in whispers, with two girls who are perhaps eighteen or twenty years old. After a time he rolls a paper cone and in it places various items. 642. First, from a cardboard box he takes in his hand a generous supply of steel filings and with them he picks up a lodestone. I am told that he is "curing" the stone. Next, he drops into the cone a disklike seed, said to be called deer's eye (ojo de venado) (214). Then he adds several seeds, which I learn from another herbalist are called Santa María; they appear to be from a variety of Erythrina. 643. Although we do not observe this addition, the informant comments that a sunflower (maíz de Tejas) seed should have been included. In this connection it may be noted that, according to the Libro de San Cipriano (pp. 37, 109), wheat is one of the items which accompanies the lodestone in the Old World. 644. Several printed prayers (oraciones) complete the collection.

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We are able to see that one is called La sombra de San Pedro (621) and another, La santa muerte. A third apparently is included, but neither of us can read the title. In any case, the informant remarks that this is a love charm and that it probably costs 20 or 30 pesos. However, when the vendor hands the paper cone with its contents to one of the girls, she apparently pays him 5 pesos in silver. 645. We are impressed to observe that the talisman appears to have immediate effect, for the vendor himself, well advanced in years, becomes noticeably coquettish with his two young clients. 646. With respect to the "sex" of the lodestones and their feeding requirements, there is the following statement: 647. There are male and female [lodestones]. The female stones are for women, the others for men. The female stone does not attract many steel filings, but the male stone is covered. In the course of a year or so a stone grows a great deal. Naturally, one must feed it [steel filings] the first of every month. The feeding regimen is not always as rigid as this statement implies; one informant says the filings merely are replaced as they are "eaten." 648. Some owners carry the stone with them in a small bag; others prefer to leave it at home. Thus, "Mine is well cared for [at home] and I caress it." 649. The lodestone receives other kinds of delicate attentions, including "baptism" (cf. Libro de San Cipriano, p. 108): 650. Rich women come to me [an herbalist] and say, "Don't you have a piedra imán [for sale] ?" Many people want them. 651. Moreover, they baptize them. When they go to mass they carry the stone in the hand. They buy perfume to sprinkle on the stone and they put salt on it. They say, "In the name of the Holy Trinity [la Santísima], I name you piedra imán" This they do in church. Why do they use salt? Don't you remember that when a baby is baptized they put a bit of salt in its mouth [cf. Libro de San Cipriano, pp. 108, 111] ? This is so the baptism may be "legitimate." 652. The lodestone has its own special prayers, one of which is not unlike that associated with the "sea bean" (622-623). 653.

Gloriosa piedra imán Yo te adoro y te venero Dame dicha Dame suerte Dame fortuna y dinero

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En las puertas de mi casa Espero la dicha En el nombre de la Santísima Trinidad. Another (cf. Libro de San Cipriano, p. 109) runs thus: 654.

Piedra imán Oro para mi tesoro Plata para mi casa Cobre para el pobre.

655. A woman who has practiced as a spiritualist, and who is suspected by some of being a witch, gives her verdict with respect to the lodestone: 656. Really, the piedra humana [sic; this informant invariably refers to the stone thus] is not evil. It is not like the things which really are bad, such as the alcantaria [sic]26 or the toad (309-310, 671-672).

Love Magic 657. Apart from the lodestone, which, among its virtues, facilitates amorous conquests, there are other talismans to insure luck in love. One, generally marketed by an herbalist at 3 pesos, is composed of a dried "alcantaria" and of a dried chameleon (camaleón). Sometimes a dried hummingbird is added to the charm, and the herbalist exhibits one, fragmentary, which reposes in a small box, packed with a camphor ball.27 The talisman may be carried in a small bag, or it may be left at home. "It is not necessary to carry it all the time. It is a charm for love." 658. Various devices are considered useful in bringing a wandering spouse back to the fold. Thus: 659. My comadre, Jesús, said to a curer [curandera] who now lives in Ciudad Juárez, "Look, Fulanita. It is many days since my husband has come home. I know that he has a woman in Gómez Palacio and that he lives more with her than with me." And the curan26

Described by one informant as an "animal" which frequents the grass at night. It is taken alive and is kept in a small box until it dies and becomes dry. Once dessicated, it may be powdered. An entire specimen which I am shown is apparently a green-winged beetle. Reference presumably is to the cantárida (Libro de San Cipriano, p. 134). 27 Quite generally in Mexico, the hummingbird is associated with amorous conquest; when I ask its utility the herbalist replies, "Don't you know the saying, 'It appears that you carry a hummingbird'?"

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dera told her, "He will be here shortly. Give me a glass of water and his photograph." They called me to bring the photograph and the curer said, "I shall try." 660. She set the photograph upside down on top of the glass of water and next the glass she put a [lighted] wax candle. She asked for a [five-gallon] tin and placed it, inverted, over the candle. She left it slightly raised so that the candle would [continue to] burn. There were the two [women] reciting prayers, but I don't know which ones. 661. I went to the kitchen and about an hour and a half later Jesús' husband arrived. Rapidly the two women put away the things they had prepared so that he would not see. He said, "I went with my brother and we had a great deal of work, so I could not come home." We knew these were lies. But at least he arrived, as the curandera had predicted. The outcome of another case is of dubious felicity: 662. You know that girl, named Engracia. My comadre told her of a curer who had said she could arrange that Engracia's husband return. He had left her and their four children and was living in the United States with another woman. 663. The curandera said, "I can make him come back, merely by gathering the earth from the spot where he has stepped with the right foot." Then Engracia said, "But the floor here is all cement." They said that [on some pretext] she should persuade him to go outside. 664. All right, Engracia collected the earth and the curer charged her 80 pesos. The husband came back but he did not stay. He came for a while and then returned to the other woman. For a time he tried to live with both of them. Once in a while, when he comes here on a visit, he gives something to Engracia, but he does not support her and his four children. Next follows a blow-by-blow account of elaborate maneuvers which involve imitative and contagious magic, plus guidance from the Ouija board. From the viewpoint of the abandoned wife, struggling for the return of her husband, the efforts terminate happily. 665. I was a good friend of Juana's. She and her husband had a dairy here and she had to haul a great deal of water. When my husband was ill [to ease our financial situation], I often went with Juana in the evening to help her carry water. Sometimes we carried water until midnight. [Out of gratitude] Juana helped us a great deal; in the morning she sent me milk and bread. Sometimes she even helped us with [gifts of] meat or money.

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666. But one night I arrived and she said to me, "Tonight, we are not going to haul water; we shall leave it until the morning. Tonight I want you to help me with some work. But you must not be afraid." So I told my husband, "I am going to be with Juana. Tonight I shall iron for her." I said that so he would not be worried. 667. I arrived and Juana said to me, "There is no hurry. We shall wait until midnight." When midnight came she said, "My husband is a rake and has many women. We shall make a hole in the floor, in the doorway." This we did and in it she [Juana] buried one of her husband's shoes, with the heel toward the door and the toe toward the room. She buried it about half a meter deep. She placed the shoe thus because that is its position when one enters [the room]. She covered it well and tamped the earth with a stone. 668. After she finished burying the shoe, Juana took a "little table" [mesita—in this case a Ouija board]. It is shaped like a heart and has three feet, one of which has a pencil. With the right hand on top of the "little table," it is set on a piece of white paper. 669. It was dark, dark. Then Juana began to pray, keeping her hand on the "little table," which was on top of a larger table. Then came a light, as though from a flashlight. I do not know where it came from, and Juana told me not to be frightened. The light came closer, closer. And Juana said, "Is it true that Federico is living with that woman in Torreón?" A voice was heard, as though from some hidden person; I did not hear what it said, but it said what the "little table" wrote. 670. The light was fading, as if it lacked strength, as though the batteries were failing. Juana turned on the [electric] light and took the paper to read it. She told me, "This is the prescription [receta] which the voice left written. It is so that Federico may return to us." 671. After she read the prescription, Juana asked me to look for a toad [sapo (cf. 309) ] . Four or five days later I found one and took it to her. She said, "How much is i t ? " I said, "Nothing. How could I charge you? Since you need it, I brought it." Then she said, "Come, that you may see what I am going to do." 672. In the night I went, out of curiosity. She perforated an egg and removed the yolk and the white. In the shell she put the toad, leaving its head out. She made a kind of net for the egg and hung it in the hood of the hearth. She prayed and prayed. She said to me, "Look, he is going to come. Federico is coming to live with us. The toad is Federico and will not go away" [cf. Libro de San Cipriano, pp. 130-131]. 673. The truth of the matter is that Federico abandoned the other woman; he never saw her again. The poor thing later gave birth to a

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child—without help, without midwife. She died of exhaustion [agotamiento]. Another woman took the baby, who was a boy, and she has reared him as though he were her own son. 674. It is that Juana, with her "concoctions" [herbajos] made Federico forget the other woman. Juana said to me, "There is no point in making the girl ill. If Federico leaves her she will suffer more." And so it was; the poor thing died. 675. Allegedly, a recalcitrant husband may be made docile and disinclined to wander by use of the following procedure: 676. The wife looks for a male chameleon—one with a "crown"; the female has none. With a red ribbon she ties the chameleon to the foot of the bed, on the side where the husband sleeps. She must do it without his noticing. She has the chameleon the rest of her life. She feeds it meat and rice, because it must eat. She has it in the position of a husband and must treat it well. Also she must pray; I do not know the prayer, but it is one for witchcraft. Similarly, a calming effect may be obtained by feeding dried chameleon to the spouse: 677. They say that a woman may kill a chameleon and dry it. Then she grinds it well and places it [the powder] in her husband's food. With condimented dishes the flavor is not noticeable. Obviously, my informants are women and their comments reflect the feminine viewpoint. Parallel procedures presumably exist to insure control of a wife whose interest strays.

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678. This sketch of modern folk medicine and magic in the Torreón area of the Laguna terminates with a discussion of relationships to ancient Mexico and to Europe, in the hope of providing some insight into origins. Spiritualism is not included in the comments to follow; what can be surmised of its history in Mexico, in our present state of knowledge, already has been noted (436-440).

Irrítíla Medicine 679. We know little of the culture of the Irritilas, who were the indigenous occupants of the Laguna when the first Spaniards arrived. Martínez del Río has summarized the available scraps of information concerning them and their immediate neighbors, relying largely on the account left by Pérez de Ribas. Included are a few clues concerning medical beliefs and practices in early post-white days (Martínez del Río, pp. 7 8 - 8 0 ) . 680. Some time during the early part of the seventeenth century, the area was decimated by epidemics, which the Indians interpreted as punishment sent by their old gods, angered because the people were accepting the Christian faith (Pérez de Ribas 3:269—270). Great consternation was occasioned by the appearance of a comet, to which illness and death also were linked (Martínez del Río, p. 8 8 ) . Prophylactic measures included fasting and dancing concurrently and hanging stone knives, dead hawks, or the claws of hawks in the doorway (Pérez de Ribas 3:270-271). This procedure is vaguely reminiscent of the current

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use of the aloe (615) as protection from sorcery, but since the same plant performs a similar function in a place as far distant as Peru (726), modern Laguna practice presumably does not trace to Irritila heritage. 681. Several cases of mental abnormality were attributed to spirit possession, but the diagnosis may have been that of the missionary rather than of the Indians (Pérez de Ribas 3:276, 284, 286). There is no mention of soul loss or of a belief that illness was caused by the intrusion of a material object in the body of the patient. 682. Dances and offerings to please the supernatural powers were both prophylactic and therapeutic. Infanticide (Pérez de Ribas 3:261— 262, 274) was believed to restore health to an ailing person. A fire was kept burning near the patient, who subsisted chiefly on maize gruel (Pérez de Ribas 3:262, 275). Cautery and bloodletting were practiced (Pérez de Ribas 3:270). Peyote seems not to have been used as a plant remedy, but it figured in ritual, as did deer skulls and antlers (Pérez de Ribas 3:248, 262-263); both the latter not only brought luck in hunting but were, in some obscure way, related to healing. It is interesting, but probably coincidental, that in the Laguna today deer antlers are symbols of good luck (616). What little we can learn of Irritila medicine from contemporary sources certainly does not suggest relationship to current beliefs and practices in the Laguna.

Ancient Mexican Influences 683. It has been pointed out that relatively few Spanish colonists settled early in the Laguna and that the modern population has been culled from a considerable expanse of north central Mexico, from an area characterized by mestizo rather than native blood and by mixed rather than native culture. Under the circumstances, any indigenous traits borne by this mestizo population movement probably were both diluted and modified. 684. Native Mexican tradition assuredly was introduced by the Tlaxcaltecan colonists at the end of the sixteenth century ( 6 ) . Their settlement of San Esteban de Nueva Tlaxcala, at Saltillo, must have been a nucleus of concentrated, intrusive culture imported from their homeland, and it must also have been the focal point from which such native Mexican traditions diffused widely, through offshoots of the original Tlaxcaltecan colony. The remarkable cultural vigor of this group is demonstrated by the fact that their descendants preserved their Nahuatl speech until the latter part of the past century (Morales, p. 8 5 ) .

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685. Unfortunately, we know less of the medicine of the sixteenthcentury Tlaxcaltecan culture bearers than we do of that of the Irritilas. However, it may be legitimate to proceed on the assumption that there were basic similarities between their beliefs and practices and those of other Mexicano-speaking peoples of the central highlands, including the Mexica, or Aztecs. 686. Concerning the latter and their neighbors, there are several early and relatively detailed descriptions which give a vivid idea of the life of the peoples; yet examination of them reveals a considerable lack of agreement among the sources most likely to provide insights into native medicine. 28 A considerable amount has been published in recent 28 The earliest account is that of the so-called Códice Badiano, a charming herbal, written in his own Nahuatl language by Martín de la Cruz, a native teacher at the Franciscan-operated school called the Colegio de Santa Cruz, in Tlatelolco, on the northern fringes of Mexico-Tenochtitlan. A Latin translation was made by a fellow teacher, who identifies himself as Joannes Badianus, or Juan Badiano, a native of the Xochimilco area. His Latin text was dated in Tlatelolco in 1552, barely thirty years after the Spanish Conquest; in recent decades translations have appeared in English (Emmart) and Spanish (Guerra). About the same time, Sahagún began his systematic studies of native Mexican culture—a staggering undertaking which occupied him for the next several decades and which resulted ultimately in his famous history of twelve books. Much of his material was not incorporated in the history, and remains, for the most part, in the Nahuatl language. Scattered through his history are isolated references to illnesses, but the material on medicine is concentrated chiefly in Books 10 (Sahagún 3:91-108) and 11 (Sahagún 3, especially pp. 234-271). From Sahagún's own statement, it may be calculated that Book 6 was written in Nahuatl in 1547. The data on medicine are later. Some evidently were obtained in Tepepulco, between 1558 and 1560 (Garibay; Alcocer), and some, later, through work with informants of Mexico-Tenochtitlan (Book 10) (Florentine Codex, p. 163) and of Tlatelolco (Book 11) (Sahagún 3:269-270). The third major source consulted is the fascinating work of Ruiz de Alarcón— invaluable despite its comparative lateness (1629). His data apply primarily to a zone of Mexicano speech, somewhat south of the Valley of Mexico, where the modern states of Guerrero, Puebla, and Morelos adjoin. I also have read De la Serna, but he depends so heavily on Ruiz de Alarcón that his "manual" can scarcely be considered an independent source. The Badianus is unabashedly an herbal. Some of Sahagún's comments relate illness to native religion and account for disease in terms of Divine displeasure, but in Books 10 and 11 the approach is essentially that of the herbalist. In sharp contrast, Ruiz de Alarcón scarcely mentions simples; his focus is on magical and supernatural aspects, with reliance on the verses he calls "invocations." By his time, native religion as a formal cult had been pretty much displaced by Christianity, and he reveals the survival of pagan superstitions and practices among the folk

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years concerning this aspect of early Mexican culture, but an enormous amount of research remains to be done. The material is widely scattered, and a thorough study will involve many months of intensive investigation. The best I can offer at the moment is a series of comments based on the examination of a few key works. 687. Relatively few aspects of modern Laguna folk medicine seem to stem from ancient native Mexican tradition. Presumably these include notions concerning the deleterious effects of an eclipse on a foetus; belief in fright, associated with soul loss, as a cause of illness; therapeutic "herb baths"; and medicinal use of several native plants. 688. ECLIPSE DAMAGES FOETUS. Belief in the disastrous effects of an eclipse on an unborn child (27-28) evidently is ancient in Mexico (Sahagún 2:32-33, 260); at present it is found the length and breadth of Mexico and extends into Guatemala and El Salvador. 689. " F R I G H T " (espanto, susto) AND SOUL LOSS. Recognition of a psychosomatic illness which results from emotional upset, especially "fright" (234-283), is widespread in Hispanic America and frequently is interpreted in terms of soul loss. It is said to be less common in Spain, where departure of the soul is not involved (Foster, p. 211). 690. In the early Mexican accounts, there seems to be little mention of "fright" as such, although the Badianus (Guerra, p. 54) speaks of it in connection with a close escape from a stroke of lightning. Ponce (p. 379) couples "fright" and consequent soul loss in about the way they are combined today in Mexico, in the Laguna and elsewhere, but the of a relatively peripheral zone; his attitude is that of the earnest, harried, and disapproving missionary. Other source material needs careful inspection; in particular, we should know what is contained in that of Sahagún's Tepepulco material, which has not been translated from Nahuatl. The old standbys—Motolonía, Mendieta, Durán, Torquemada, and many others—should have scattered references to native medicine. So also should a great deal of material related to the "suppression of idolatry" and the Inquisition. I've deliberately not used the famous botany of Hernández; although he has data from native informants, his outlook is essentially European. The same holds for Ximénez, who translated much of Hernández into Spanish and at the same time added his own observations. For similar reasons, Farfán is not cited; he, too, follows "classical doctrines" (Comas), although he includes indigenous remedies and curing techniques. These authors should be used with great care, and only after we know what is indigenous and what is introduced. Except for Comas and, of course, Sahagún, the works mentioned in this and the preceding paragraph do not appear in the References Cited.

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therapy he describes bears no resemblance to that of modern times. 691. In addition to Ponce, Ruiz de Alarcón (pp. 132,137-141) and De la Serna (pp. 253-256) speak of illness which follows the departure of a child's "fate," or "destiny," or "luck" (tonal). This seems tantamount to soul loss. In connection with the treatment, all three authors mention the fontanel, conceivably regarded as the seat of the missing tonal. Ruiz de Alarcón describes the cure in some detail. The patient is censed, prayers or "invocations" are uttered, and "conjured" water is applied to the fontanel or sprayed from the mouth of the curer directly into the child's face. This combination of elements rather suggests the censing, prayer, and holy water which figure in modern Laguna therapy (Table 1 ) , although, to be sure, they are not limited to treatment of "fright." 692. " H E R B BATHS." A Laguna curing practice which is also widespread in Mexico is what informants call the "herb bath." A decoction of plants is prepared and the patient bathes in the water, and sometimes, for good measure, drinks some of the liquid (596). Identical procedure is reported by Sahagún (3:94, 260; Florentine Codex, pp. 151, 156157). In the Laguna the "herb bath" is recommended for "natural" and "unnatural" infirmities, with exception of the evil eye (Table 1 ) , and it is likely that such therapy may date from pre-Spanish times in Mexico. 693. NATIVE PLANTS. Unquestionably, the use of certain native plants in Laguna medicine is Mexican in origin. Of these, the toloache (Datura), peyote (Lophophora), and gobernadora (Larrea) are particularly noteworthy. The virtual absence of tobacco from the Laguna pharmacopoeia is surprising; it is mentioned but once (560). Under a variety of names, the Badianus speaks of various daturas as remedies (indices, respectively, of Emmart and Guerra). The toloa of Sahagún's Tenochtitlan informants (3:93, 101, 105) is a datura; so also may be the plant called tlapatl (3:230), which is said to intoxicate and derange "perpetually." On the same page Sahagún speaks of the peyote as a plant which produces visions. He does not say that either datura or peyote was used by witches, with intent to harm, as in the Laguna (314) today. Nevertheless, they and unscrupulous women deliberately administered noxious preparations to their victims (Sahagún 2:149—150; 3:229-231. 694. Ruiz de Alarcón makes constant mention of a trio of sacred plants, of which peyote is one. The others are tobacco and ololiuhqui, the latter a convolvulus apparently not known in the Laguna.

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The Old World Contribution 695. Although a number of aspects of Laguna folk medicine apparently stem from ancient Mexican tradition, the fundamental affinity is to the Old World. Derivation from Spain clearly is implied, not only for folk medicine but also for beliefs and practices related to luck and magic. 29 696. Superficially, at least, introduction from Europe may be presumed for traits which relate to details of Church ritual. 697. CATHOLIC RITUAL AND SYMBOLISM. Particularly in the treatment of unnatural diseases there is reference to prayers and the Creed, holy water, censing, and the sign of the cross (Table 1 ) . The curer crosses herself and/or performs certain operations, such as censing or stroking the patient, in opposing axes, to form a cross. These elements seem, at first blush, patently imported from the Old World, yet prayers, holy water and censing assuredly had early Mexican counterparts (691). 698. Some of the classical beliefs and practices which Foster (pp. 204-207) discusses appear in the Laguna. Among them are the following: 699. " H O T - C O L D " POLARITY. Until recently I had assumed, as have most students, the concept of "hot" and "cold" as applied to foods, remedies, ailments, and sometimes to other things, to be a mutilated survival of the classical belief in the antithetical pairs of hot and cold, wet and dry (Foster, p. 204). The wide distribution of the concept in Hispanic America, among peoples of quite different native cultural traditions, certainly suggests a late, post-Conquest veneer. 700. Now I am somewhat less certain, for the "hot-cold" dichotomy appears with surprising strength in the Badianus of 1552 (Emmart; Guerra). Moreover, the section of Sahagún (3:234-271) which is based 29 For discussion of similarities in folk medicine, I rely almost exclusively on Foster's valuable comparative study between Spain and Spanish America. The number of Old World sources available to me is limited. I have had access to the work of Menéndez y Pelayo and to the classic study of Ciruelo. Several extracts from Old World publications on witchcraft and magic have been issued in Mexico in cheap, modern editions; of these, the most useful have been: Libro de San Cipriano, Magia Negra, and Libro Supremo de Todas las Magias. Among them there is considerable overlap and duplication. I have used modest paperbacked volumes of recent date, but it may be assumed that there were earlier editions which filtered north and provided interested readers with knowledge of Old World beliefs and practices.

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on his Tlatelolco data is practically awash with such references; in contrast, the "hot-cold" opposition is very weak in the passages provided by his Tenochtitlan informants (Sahagún 3:91-108). The evidence from Ruiz de Alarcón is largely negative; I interpret his extremely few references as applying to temperature rather than to innate quality. De la Serna (p. 296) makes an illuminating statement to the effect that in local medicine there is no agreement between the "hot-cold" character of the illness and that of the remedies, adding that reliance is not on simples but on "enchantments." 701. There is, however, a bare possibility that, at the time of the Discovery, the concept of "hot" and "cold" existed among native Mexican peoples. Either we must accept this likelihood or face the probability that a couple of our earliest sources, usually regarded as overwhelmingly indigenous, contain more European influence than generally is realized. I incline to the latter interpretation and suspect that the Franciscan Colegio de Santa Cruz, in Tlatelolco, may be responsible for specific Hispanic "contamination" in certain medical beliefs and practices which appear in the Badianus and in Book 11 of Sahagún. In a later study, I hope to be able to examine this suggestion in greater detail. 30 702. EARLY-MORNING DOSAGE (en ayunas). Administration of medicine in the early morning, before breakfast, is standard procedure in the Laguna (600) and in Spain (Foster, p. 212). It does not appear in the Badianus or in Sahagún's Tenochtitlan data but crops up strongly in the material provided by his Tlatelolco informants—in short, it is confined to the section which is dominated by the presumably intrusive concept of "hot" and "cold." On the strength of this association, I suspect it too may be of Old World origin. 703. CUPPING GLASS (ventosa). This well-known classical instru30 As a matter of fact, it is surprising that the Badianus has not been considered suspect long since. The internal evidence certainly indicates overwhelming predominance of indigenous materials; yet there are specific indications of Old World contact—for example, in the mention of onions (Guerra, pp. 7, 58v), goose fat and/or excrement (pp. 35v, 56v, 58v), and iron filings (p. 59). Although the author is touchingly modest and proclaims his work to be "based solely on experience and not on scientific theory," he permits himself a casual reference to Pliny (Guerra, p. 19v). Not long ago, Robertson (p. 1376) emphasized the danger of "important if not massive unrecognized components of Hispanic thought and influence" in "even such assumedly 'native' sources as Sahagún's Nahuatl texts." Subsequently, Anderson (p. 34) called attention to the "classic mold" derived from Pliny, visible in the Badianus and certain parts of Sahagún.

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ment is reported in the Laguna (193) but is of scant importance there. 704. OLD WORLD PLANTS. The Laguna pharmacopoeia includes almost the full repertoire of plants listed by Foster: ajo (garlic), zábila (aloe), ruda (rue), romero (rosemary), orégano (marjoram), poleo (presumably pennyroyal), malva (mallow), and altamisa. 705. Although he does not mention albahaca (sweet basil), in Spain the plant is said to be associated traditionally with love or hate (Sánchez Pérez, p. 2 9 ) . It occupies an established niche in the folk culture of the Laguna (Table 1; Appendix II, No. 811), of Mexico generally, and apparently of northern Peru (Gillin, p. 139). 706. Not all of Foster's classical-Spanish elements appear in the Laguna. Of the following there is no mention: the Hippocratian concept of humors, except to the extent that the "hot-cold" dichotomy may relate to it; belief in the harmful effects of cat hair and of bad odors; emphasis on a "clean" stomach; use of spider webs to coagulate blood and of flies to treat a stye; application of a live-animal poultice; belief in the therapeutic values of bezoar and of "unicorn" horn. 707. In certain features which Foster (pp. 207-215) believes derived from nonclassical folk medicine, there are resemblances between the Laguna and Spain. A number of examples follow. 708. EVIL EYE (mal de ojo). With respect to the evil eye, there are basic similarities between the two areas. However, in the Laguna, and probably in Mexico generally, the damage is inflicted involuntarily, whereas in Spain it seems more commonly to be intentional (Ciruelo, pp. 140-141), and there are elaborate instructions for developing such harmful power (Libro de San Cipriano, pp. 132—133). In the Laguna, as in the Old World, certain prophylactic amulets are recognized, but the specific charms differ. 709. EGG TREATMENT. In Mexico and parts of Central and South America (Foster, pp. 208-209), diagnosis and cure of the evil eye focus on stroking or "cleansing" the patient with an egg. In the Laguna, similar procedure is extended to sorcery and even to "fright" (Table 1 ) . Foster calls the origin of the egg treatment "one of the mysteries of folk medicine." Although no mention of the practice has been found in Old World records, presumably it was introduced into the Americas from Europe. The widespread distribution of "egg cleansing" in the Western Hemisphere can scarcely be explained except as a late overlay. Moreover, it probably is significant that the egg used is almost invariably that

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of the Old World fowl. That of the turkey or Muscovy duck rarely is considered acceptable, in spite of the fact that both were domesticated in the Americas in pre-white times. 710. TUESDAY AND FRIDAY TREATMENT. Laguna informants mention preference for curing on certain days, but rather casually and infrequently. In one case, treatment is taken on nine successive Tuesdays (353); in another, on Tuesday, Thursday, and Friday (359); in still another, one procedure is prescribed for Monday through Thursday, with a different one on Friday (386). Association is with sorcery-derived ailments, not with the evil eye, as in Spain. 711. CORPSE EMANATIONS. Known locally as cáncer de un muerto, such exudations are considered dangerous (481-482). 712. DISPLACEMENT OF ORGANS. Apart from the fall of the fontanel, discussed under a separate heading immediately below, one Laguna informant reports displacement of the womb following a fall (476, 540). 713. FALL OF THE FONTANEL (caída de la mollera). The sinking of the fontanel (77-83) is recognized as an illness in Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador (Foster, p. 211)—a distribution which coincides with that related to the deleterious effects of an eclipse during pregnancy (688). 714. There are reports of belief in displacement of organs from Spain and Hispanic America (Foster, pp. 210-211), and the Spanish treatment for fallen stomach is to hold the child "upside down by its ankles" and slap the soles of its feet (Foster, p. 211). Were it not for this detail, I probably should have considered the fall of the fontanel a native-Mexican ailment. 715. In the Mexican sources examined I find no mention of the infirmity under the name used today, but elements of the distinctive treatment are described in one passage of Sahagún's Tepepulco material, which dates between 1558 and 1560 (Garibay, p. 242). The infant is "suspended" head down, and pressure is applied to the palate. There is no indication that the child's head is dipped in water, but it is said that the name of the practitioner could be translated as "she who cures someone with water" (Garibay, p. 251, note 102). The sixteenth-century account published by Garibay does not mention sucking the fontanel to restore it to position. In modern Laguna medicine, sucking is associated exclusively with the sunken fontanel (82). 716. NINE-DAY TREATMENT; RITUAL NUMBERS. AS in Spain (Foster, p. 211), Laguna treatment often continues for nine days, or other-

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wise is repeated nine times. In north Mexico, 9 shares the field with 3 as a ritual number (584, 590). Today, throughout Mexico, 3 is ubiquitous, and an early seventeenth-century author (Ruiz de Alarcón, p. 143) states flatly that it is associated with Christians, not natives. A modern Spanish authority (Rodríguez López, p. 116) reports 3 as well as 9 in Spain. 717. BLACK FOWL. Belief in the curative value of a black fowl (365) clearly is of Spanish inspiration (730). 718. COINS. Silver coins stuck on the forehead and cheeks are a Laguna treatment for nosebleed. 719. HAGIOLATRY. This sort of religious association is weak in the Laguna, but St. Raymond (San Ramón Nonato) is called "the parturients' advocate" (38). 720. On the negative side, a good many of Foster's nonclassical traits are not reported for the Laguna, as, for example: oil divination, diagnosis by measurement of the patient, fear of the moon (except for the prenatal effect of an eclipse), insistence on silence during curing, use of scorpions, lizards, and cockroaches in curing. 721. Urine and excrement are scarcely mentioned in the Laguna; the single exception is the urine of a small boy, used in preparing a salve for boils (566). In the Laguna, in contrast to Spain, twins are not considered particularly endowed to cure. 722. I should like now to examine some elements related to witchcraft; these are not discussed by Foster, but resemblances between the Laguna and Spain are striking. 723. PREDOMINANCE OF FEMALE SORCERERS. The Laguna witch usually is a woman (101); and in Spain, three centuries ago, it was remarked that there were 100 female witches to every male practitioner (Iofreu, in Ciruelo, p. 5 1 ) . 724. BROOM TRANSPORTATION. The Laguna witch sallies forth astride a broom (102-103), as does her European counterpart (Libro Supremo, p. 9; Menéndez y Pelayo 1:539). Her alleged destination, the "land of cinnamon" (103), I have not heard mentioned except in the Laguna. 725. MIDNIGHT. In the Old World, midnight is the hour for invoking the devil (Libro de San Cipriano, p. 131; Libro Supremo, p. 9 ) . In the Laguna, it is the conventional hour for inflicting illness through sorcery (350).

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726. PROPHYLAXIS. An aloe (zabila) plant, hung at the doorway, protects the Laguna household from witchcraft (615), and in north Peru the aloe, hung over the door, identifies a sorcerer who sets foot on the premises (Gillin, p. 142). Both plant and associated ideas may come from Spain; it is suggestive that there an artemisa plant hung high on the wall shields an establishment from evil influences (Libro Supremo, p. 265). 727. VICTIM IN EFFIGY. Identification of the victim with a wax, putty, or cloth figure (290—295) presumably relates to similar practice in the Old World (Libro de San Cipriano, p. 2 8 ) . 728. SPIRIT POSSESSION. Possession by the devil was cause for concern in Spain of Ciruelo's time and later (Ciruelo, p. 186; Iofreu, in Ciruelo, p. 188). In one Laguna account (389) there is indication of possession by evil spirits. Nevertheless, this particular instance is linked with spiritualism, and "possession" is a common diagnosis in spiritualistic circles throughout Mexico; accordingly, there need be no direct relationship between the Laguna and Spanish occurrences. 729. PARALYSIS CAUSED BY SORCERY. Paralysis may be attributed to witchcraft (286, 333), and an apparently corresponding Spanish reference (Ciruelo, pp. 140-141) refers to the evil eye. However, the author distinguishes between illness caused involuntarily and that inflicted deliberately; he appears to place paralysis in the latter category, thus equating it with sorcery. 730. BLACK HEN. A black hen and its egg are used in curing an illness resulting from sorcery (358, 365). In Spain the blood or flesh is used (Foster, p. 212), and a pregnant woman eats the meat to counteract the evil eye or "enchantment," which is akin to sorcery (Sánchez Pérez, p. 138). Some Old World references have the black hen used to invoke the devil (Libro de San Cipriano, pp. 102—104; Magia Negra, p. 3 1 ) , while its heart helps make a person invisible (Magia Negra, p. 153). Its egg, broken into a receptacle containing water, is used in foretelling the future (Libro de San Cipriano, p. 116), somewhat in the way in which, in many parts of Mexico, the egg with which a patient has been stroked is examined to diagnose the evil eye (216-219). 731. In certain details of luck and magic, Old World derivation is implicit. 732. HORSESHOE. A S with us, the horseshoe is a good-luck symbol (615).

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733. LODESTONE. The lodestone "cult" in the Laguna manifestly is intrusive from Europe, perhaps quite recently, as the correspondence in detail would seem to suggest. There is specific agreement in that (1) the stone is "nourished" with iron filings (647; Libro de San Cipriano, p. 109; Gillin, p. 124); (2) prayers are addressed to it (652-654), there being almost verbatim agreement between one provided by a Torreón herbalist and one in the Libro de San Cipriano (p. 109); (3) the lodestone is "baptized" (651; Libro de San Cipriano, p. 108). In time an Old World reference undoubtedly will be found to indicate a belief that some stones are male, some female, as in the Laguna (647) and northern Peru (Gillin, p. 124). 734. Other resemblances are not precise but in the aggregate they are suggestive. 735. SALT AND ILL LUCK. The linking of salt with bad luck is widespread in Mexico and is known from El Salvador (information from Arq. Gonzalo Yanez Díaz); in the Laguna the association is taken almost literally (625). Conceivably, it could relate to the Old World superstition that calamity follows the upsetting of a salt cellar.31 736. AMOROUS MAGIC. There are vague European resemblances in some aspects of Laguna love magic but no specific correspondence. Maneuvers with the earth where an individual stepped with his right foot are instrumental in returning a wandering spouse (663). In the Old World one spits on the shoe of the right foot as protection from sorcery (Magia Negra, p. 148). 737. The chameleon figures in Laguna love magic (676, 677) as well as in witchcraft (308). Its magical properties are recognized in the Old World—but to win a controversy and to facilitate birth (Magia Negra, p. 153; Libro Supremo, pp. 4 3 , 4 4 1 ) . 738. The toad has a dual role: (1) to cause illness (309-310; Libro de San Cipriano, pp. 129-131), or (2) to effect amorous conquest. In the latter case the animal is imprisoned in a container to assure either the return of a consort (672) or the attraction of someone of the opposite sex (Libro de San Cipriano, pp. 129—132; Libro Supremo, p. 16). 31 Dr. Wayland D. Hand (letter of November 25, 1957) suggests that the idea comes from the tradition that Judas Iscariot "upset a salt cellar at the Last Supper." Dr. Juan Comas assures me that in Andalucía, salt and serpents represent the extreme of bad luck.

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ingredients of Undefined Provenience 739. Until more is known of their distribution in time and space, one cannot do more than guess concerning the origin of a great many elements of Laguna folk medicine. Some may have been current in both hemispheres at the time of the Conquest. 740. A I R (aire). "Air" is an accepted Laguna explanation for certain symptoms, including, as in Spain, facial paralysis (467; Foster, p. 209). It may be, as Foster suggests, that somewhat similar notions concerning air are ancient in both the Old and New Worlds; nevertheless, references in the early Mexican literature seem very rare (Guerra, pp. 52, 53; Ruiz de Alarcón, p. 114; De la Serna, p. 274). 741. NIGHT DEW (sereno). I should have expected this notion to be related to the "hot-cold" concept, but such may not be the case. The night dew is mentioned in the Laguna (353, 609-611); crops up sparsely in a couple of old Mexican sources (Guerra, p. l l v ; Sahagún 3:94—95); and is well-known in Spain (Foster, pp. 211—212). 742. CROSSROADS. Magical and ritual significance attached to the intersection of trails and roads is common in the Laguna (261, 262, 275, 626); in the early Mexican sources (for example, Sahagún 1:22, 114, 353; Ruiz de Alarcón, pp. 30, 40, 126; Ponce, p. 376); and in Spain (Foster, p. 212). 743. Many other elements occur in Laguna folk medicine—and in that of Mexico generally—for which at present I have no clue as to origin. Attention may be called to a very few of these. 744. PARASITES (472-473). In modern Mexico, including the Laguna, there is widespread belief that intestinal parasites come from excessive consumption of one food, usually bread or sweets. The distribution of the belief suggests an Old World origin, but Foster does not report this idea from Spain. 745. BILE (bilis). This psychosomatic ailment (474, 548-549, 569, 596), so popular in most of Mexico today, likewise is not mentioned by Foster. An occasional reference in the old Mexican literature seems to refer to bile in the literal sense (Guerra, p. 4 4 ) . 746. "CLEANSING" OR "SWEEPING." Throughout Mexico the practice of stroking, brushing, or whipping lightly—usually with sprays of leaves or flowers—is called "to clean" (limpiar) or "to sweep" (barrer). Thought to remove evil influences, the treatment may be applied to the dwelling (386, 626) or to the patient. The latter frequently is switched

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"in the form of a cross." The cleansing agent varies—herbs, foliage, clothing, a black hen, or a chunk of alum—but in one form or another, such stroking is mentioned in the Laguna in connection with the "unnatural" illnesses (Table 1 ) . 747. There is some suggestion of Old World association in the mention of the cross and in the common use of introduced herbs; however, the foliage most generally favored is that of the pepper tree (pirul; Schinus), which is not European in origin. In the ancient Mexican sources examined, I found no hint of therapeutic stroking or whipping. 32 748. The egg treatment also is called "cleansing"; it has been referred to above (709) as a trait which presumably is intrusive from the Old World, although documentation is wanting. In the New World, cleansing with an egg ordinarily is associated with the evil eye, but in the Laguna it is reported likewise in connection with the curing of fright and of sorcery.

Summary and Comments 749. In summary, Laguna ideas and practices related to folk medicine, luck, and magic are of mixed origin. A very few evidently are survivals of ancient Mexican culture; many more, some fundamental and some otherwise, clearly derive from Old World tradition. As might be expected, there is a large residue of beliefs and practices whose origin is not as yet determined. Probably the situation presented by the Laguna will prove characteristic of much of the great mestizo expanse of northern Mexico. 750. The earliest known inhabitants of the Laguna, the Irritilas, have left no discernible imprint. At the end of the sixteenth century came a concentrated injection of native-Mexican tradition, borne by the Tlaxcaltecan colonists. The first introduction of European lore began somewhat earlier, with the appearance of the first Spanish settlers, and probably continued far later. Some Old World influences may date from Colonial times, and these indubitably were reinforced and augmented during the past century with the peopling of the Zone by colonists from Mexico's north central, mestizo states. The time span probably extends to the present moment, through conscious, aggressive agents of diffu32

Dr. Thelma G. James (letter of November 19, 1957) suggests resemblance to the Finnish "sauna" and the "fertility rites" of the Polish "switching." Dr. George Foster (letter of October 31, 1957) doubts such stroking is of European introduction and feels the association with the cross and nonnative plants is not convincing. He suggests these details may have been added to an essentially native curing technique.

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sion, for the Laguna is visited frequently by gypsies, who well may be responsible for the introduction of some of the European elements.33 751. Old World influences may have been reinforced through infiltration of popular books on witchcraft and magic—carried northward by settlers, travelers, herb peddlers, and other vendors. The Libro de San Cipriano, known to two Torreón informants, is the only published work mentioned in my notes. Of informants other than these two, one might be considered professional but she is illiterate; otherwise, field data come exclusively from lay individuals, who may be unaware of sources known to "professionals." Elsewhere in Mexico,34 it is not unusual for curers to consult published works. 752. In order to view modern Mexican folk medicine and related themes in better historical perspective, a great deal of work remains to be done. 753. Perhaps the first step is to identify the enormous number of component elements involved in ideas about the cause of illness, prophylactic and therapeutic practices, kinds of remedies and their preparation, patterns of administration, and so on. 754. Second, a detailed examination of all ancient Mexican source material is imperative, and these accounts should be screened for evidence of the above-mentioned elements. This search will be a fascinating but time-consuming endeavor. 755. Third, works on Spanish medicine and magic, especially those prior to the discovery of the Americas, should receive parallel treatment. 756. Fourth and finally, we need to know the specific distribution of the various elements, spatially and temporally, in both Old and New Worlds. Significant regional and chronological differences are bound to appear, with resulting implications concerning point of origin. 757. Without such knowledge we can do little more than guess why a certain combination of Old World traits crops up in the Laguna while another combination occurs elsewhere in Mexico. In southern Veracruz, for example, twins are said to have a special flair for curing the evil eye, and "unicorn" horn is strongly associated with witchcraft (Kelly, García, and Gárate 1956, p. 65, n. 42; p. 73, n. 46; p. 76), but neither 33

I have no specific evidence from north Mexico, but in the Xochimilco area of the Federal District, wandering gypsies today are introducing the use of the lodestone as a talisman. They halt local residents on the street, extoll the virtues of the stone, and offer specimens for sale, allegedly at bargain rates. 34 For example, in Villa José Cardel and Santiago Tuxtla, both in Veracruz; and in Xochimilco, Tepepan, and Xochitepec, in the Federal District.

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element is reported for the Laguna. In Tehuantepec the "clean stomach" motif is prominent and results in frequent purges (Kelly 1956, Field notes). The absence of such traits in the Laguna may result from eclectic borrowing or from lack of exposure to the elements in question. 758. Other factors, too, must be involved—factors such as the transformation and recombination of traits over the years, the loss of some, and their replacement by others. Last, but not least, there always is the dismal possibility that apparent absences, in modern and ancient times, may be the consequence of incomplete reporting.

APPENDIX I ADDITIONAL DATA CONCERNING LOCAL SPIRITUALISM Description of Two Spiritualistic

Centers

In the course of the housing survey in El Cuije, I visited the spiritualistic "temple" there. Lamentably, at the time I was unaware of the importance of spiritualistic curing in the Laguna and had no idea of the real function of the room I saw. As a consequence, inspection was cursory; to all appearances, a particularly devout family simply had a room dedicated to a domestic shrine and to a considerable collection of personal photographs. I learned later that a large, framed photograph of an elderly man is a likeness of Pedro Jaramillo (421-422), whose spirit is particularly active in "temples" in the Laguna and probably elsewhere in northern Mexico. This "temple" is described below. A free-standing room of adobe brick, built in the yard of the dwellingj serves the Cuije medium as a spiritualistic center. The interior walls are whitewashed; the one door and window are screened—almost unprecedented luxury in the ejido. One section of the wall is hung with numerous snapshots of individuals, and these apparently are testimonials from satisfied clients. The chief item of furniture is a stepped, corner altar, covered with a white cloth. It has a decorative canopy of cut-out tissue paper and is adorned with a profusion of Christian saints and images, which include a large painting (chromo?) of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, a crucifix, and a small statue of the Virgin of San Juan de los Lagos. On the adjacent wall are hung a rosary and some religious prints. There are no photographs on the altar, but on the wall across from it is hung the large framed photograph, mentioned above, of Pedro Jaramillo. On the altar is a white glass container holding a blue liquid; it is covered with an enamel dish, and on top of the latter is an enamel cup. On

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the floor, more or less in front of the altar, is a white enamel bowl, or small washbasin, which apparently contains water. Other furniture includes a bench and seven straight chairs, arranged along the walls. In addition, there is an armchair, with wooden frame and cloth covering (presumably for the medium). There are two tables, one in a corner; the other, somewhat removed from the wall, stands to one side of the altar. The husband of the medium, who I learn later is her assistant, tells us that "we consider [the room] . . . a small salon [saloncito]. It is called the Temple of Hope [Templo de la esperanza]." The description which follows is of a spiritualistic "temple" in a modest neighborhood of urban Torreón. This is the center where my "consultation" with the spirit of Pedro Jaramillo took place. The house is of unadorned adobe brick and consists of several units, each occupied by a different family. The general aspect is exceedingly modest and the occupants evidently are of limited resources. The street entrance leads to an open patio at the rear, which is at the same time yard and corral; it is graced by three cement washtrays and by what apparently is a container for pigeons. After a brief wait I am ushered into the room where the medium receives the public. It is perhaps four meters square; the floor is hardpacked earth; the mud-plastered adobe walls are whitewashed. At the south end of the west wall is the entrance door, and immediately opposite is a small window which opens on the corral where neighbors house their domestic animals. The eastern half of the south wall is occupied by a relatively large table, uncovered, but on which sit two pottery vases. Opposite, the eastern half of the north wall is devoted to an impressive altar, which will be described in the succeeding paragraph. Between the altar and the table are three decrepit straight chairs. One, immediately in front of the altar, faces west, and on this the medium sits during my interview. I balance precariously on a second chair, which has been moved to a point opposite and facing that of the medium. A long, narrow wooden bench, without back, runs transversely and extends from near the western end of the altar almost to the western end of the table. The northwest corner of the room is dark, and I am placed more or less with my back to it. Accordingly, it is not within my range of vision but it contains something bulky which gives the vague impression of being a trunk resting on a wooden box.

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The altar base is formed by a large table, covered with a clean, blueand-white-checked cotton cloth; at the west end, the fabric is folded to simulate a miter joint and is secured with a pin. The wall behind is covered with a large expanse of dark blue tissue paper, splashed with silver stars. It extends from the table upward to the roof, where it is brought forward to form a sort of canopy. High on the wall, and superimposed on the tissue-paper background, is a framed chromo of Christ at Gethsemane. At each end of the table is a tired bunch of artificial flowers, originally pink. Most of the intervening surface of the table is covered by what apparently is an inverted box, forming a platform raised slightly above the level of the table; as I recall, this elevated area is covered with a red cloth. In its center, beneath the chromo just mentioned, and flanked on either side by small vases containing artificial flowers, is the framed reproduction of the photograph of a man in somewhat archaic garb. The medium refers to him chummily as "the bald one" (el calvo) and assures me that he is my compatriot (sic), who in life was called Adrián Carriel (Allan Kardec?). She adds that he died centuries ago. On the table proper, leaning against the elevated area, are three more photographic reproductions, each under glass and edged with passe partout, or something similar. That on the west is the face of a man, beneath which is the inscription, "Presbítero Manuel Correa." The photograph in the center is blurred and seems to have been reproduced from a newspaper clipping; nevertheless, it is evidently the likeness of Pedro Jaramillo. The third photograph is only dimly visible, and I do not ask its identification. In any event, it is obvious that the altar is adorned with likenesses of the individuals with whose spirits the medium professes to be in communication. On the altar table, at the west end, is a colorless glass container, barrelshaped, of the type used locally for fruit drinks; the spigot area is broken and the receptacle empty. Also on the altar table, near the center, is a glass carafe with water, a glass of water, and a large vigil light which, as I recall, is not burning. Other illumination includes a large red electric light bulb on the east wall, close to the altar and about a meter above the table, and, high above the center of the altar, an uncolored electric light bulb. Spiritualistic Approach to Land Problems A spiritualistic medium may be instrumental in obtaining advice with respect to real-estate problems. On the pretext of needing such

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guidance, I was able to arrange a session with a Torreón medium, in the course of which I conferred with the spirit of the famous Pedro Jaramillo. By appointment, I showed up one afternoon at the "temple" which has just been described. An account of the "consultation" follows: The previous clients, a woman and a child, leave as I enter. I am told to take a chair which the medium places in front of the altar and facing east; she seats herself in a chair almost directly opposite. She asks what my problem is, and I reply that my family is uncertain if it should accept, out of court, a settlement offered by a city which for many years has been in possession of some ancestral lands, without having paid damages for the taking. I remark that the situation is somewhat complicated but that I see on the altar a photograph of Don Pedrito Jaramillo, of whom I have heard glowing reports, and I feel that his advice might be helpful. The medium gives every evidence of being pleased with the suggestion and says that within a few moments we shall communicate with him. The medium remains seated. She places the right hand on her right knee, the left hand on her left knee—so that arms and legs are not crossed. She closes her eyes. Some slight nervous contractions follow, being especially noticeable in the fingers. In a low voice, she prays, almost inaudibly, and allows a few sighs to escape. With a few mild shoulder twitches, she apparently goes into a trance. With eyes still closed and with no change in her normal voice she speaks. The voice says, "Good afternoon, beloved sister. In what may I be of assistance?" I understand that, ostensibly, the voice is that of Don Pedro but, being unfamiliar with spiritualistic procedure, I am uncertain if it addresses me or the medium. I remain silent and the greeting is repeated. At last I reply, "Good afternoon. I should like advice with respect to some family lands; that is why I have come." The voice requests further details, which I supply. The conversation continues, and I am asked, "How does it happen that the lands were taken? Were the taxes not paid?" Indignantly I answer, "Yes, but the city confiscated the property."—"But, why?"—"To form part of the city water-works tract." In evident surprise, the voice asks, "And that can be done in your country too?"—"Yes, when public welfare is involved." The voice declares firmly, "You should not have permitted the taking." Don Pedro apparently ponders the problem and then the voice asks, "Where are these lands?" I name a city in New England, and the voice instructs me to write the American consul. I am too aston-

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ished to respond, but the spirit apparently is sensitive and, as though realizing that the advice had not struck the right note, adds at once, "Or who is in charge of the lands?" I mention a lawyer, whereupon I am told to write him and, furthermore, to give his name so that the spirit may communicate with him. At this point the voice, presumably that of Don Pedro, appears to identify itself with the medium and states, "When I return to my material existence you must give me the name of the lawyer, written on a piece of paper. I shall try to send him a ray of light." The voice continues, "You must have faith. You must put a vigil light and a glass of water in your house. Can you do that?" When I reply that nothing is simpler, the answer is, "Very well." The spirit evidently withdraws and, with a few muscular contractions, the medium emerges from the trance. She sighs, opens her eyes, and crosses herself. She reaches for the carafe on the altar and drinks water directly from it. She smiles, and I ask if she has not tired herself unduly; the reply is that invariably this is exhausting business. Immediately she asks animatedly, "What did I say?" I give a summary and she nods in affirmation from time to time. When I comment that I really have not received concrete advice, she says that the case must be studied—without indicating if she or the spirit is to take the responsibility. However, she adds that in life Don Pedro was a lawyer (sic); hence he is in a position to be particularly helpful. She suggests that I return within a few days. Having been informed in advance that there is no fixed charge and that 2 pesos would be regarded as a munificent contribution, unobtrusively I leave that amount on the altar table. This terminates our formal session; later, upon several occasions I chat directly and at length with the medium but without her going into a trance. Below is one other account of spiritualistic intervention in real-estate problems. In this case the spirit of the famous Revolutionary hero Pancho Villa saves the day. Apolonio was a [rent] collector. The tract in the Primero de Mayo [district of Torreón] belonged to a man who built [small] houses, and Apolonio collected the rents [for h i m ] . One day the owner died, and there were difficulties with the heirs. Because of his work one of the little houses belonged to Apolonio, but he did not have the necessary documents [to prove ownership]. So he said to his wife, Dominga, who is a spiritualistic medium,

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that he would like to speak with his old friend, Pancho Villa, whom he had known well and who was a good businessman. The spirit [of Pancho Villa] arrived and told them to go . . . to a nearby house and ask to borrow a typewriter. They . . . obtained the machine. Then the wife began to typewrite, rapidly, rapidly. She was [functioning as] the secretary of Pancho Villa, and he dictated a letter to the authorities—I think to the tax office. . . . But first it was to be taken to a certain lawyer for his signature. I know that Dominga does not know how to write; she cannot make even a circle to form an o. Afterwards Apolonio showed her the letter and she was amazed. "But I do not know how to write. How could I have written that letter?"—"I do not know, but you did it." I never believed [in spiritualism] until then, but, seeing the letter and knowing that the woman really is illiterate, I had to have faith. They presented the letter and arranged everything [satisfactorily]. Apolonio died later, but his wife still has the little property.

APPENDIX II HERBARIUM SPECIMENS A few herbarium specimens were collected, chiefly because of their alleged medicinal properties. About half were purchased, dried, from herbalists; these specimens, of course, are without precise provenience. Others come largely from the vicinity of Torreón—El Duraznito—El Cuije in Coahuila. To avoid confusion with collections made previously, in other parts of Mexico, the catalog starts with No. 809. Taxonomic determinations have been made by Dr. Helen Sharsmith and Dr. Francia Chisaki. 809.

Gobernadora (creosote bush) Larrea divaricata Cav.

Collected at Zapata, Coahuila. Plentiful in Zone, especially on slopes of hills. Shipped by herbalists to other areas (187). Sprays used for Christmas decorations; sometimes placed in the coffin with a corpse. Boiled and the decoction drunk to relieve abdominal pain (507); applied externally to relieve rheumatic twinges (551, 562). 810.

Berros. Coreopsis tinctoria Nutt.

Cultivated, El Cuije. As a decoction, drunk as a coffee substitute. Taken as an emulsion by "debilitated persons" with lung difficulties (541) and as a tea for kidney complaints (591). 811.

Albahaca (sweet basil). Ocimum basilicum L.

Cultivated, El Cuije. Sprays used for "cleansing" (250). Prescribed by a spiritualistic center as one ingredient of a tea taken to

136

APPENDICES

control hemorrhage following miscarriage (396). As a decoction, drunk to ease stomach-ache (511) and used to bathe the face of a patient suffering from "tissue growth" in the eyes (604). 812.

Cerraja. Sonchus arvensis L.

Troublesome weed in cultivated fields, El Duraznito. Apparently of no utility. 813.

Orejuela de ratón. Euphorbia albo-marginata Torr. & Gray.

Same provenience as No. 812. One ingredient of a decoction designed to cure stomach-ache (512) and of a fermented beverage to relieve bilis (549). Hierba cabezona. Helenium mexicanum HBK.

814.

Weed in cultivated fields, El Cuije. Not mentioned in text. Bud placed in the nostril of a person with a head cold, to induce sneezing and thus to clear head. Salvia (sic). Buddleia scordioides HBK.

815.

Local, uncultivated plant; specimen collected by informant; precise provenience unknown. In emulsion, used to "correct" delayed menstruation (36). As a tea, fed to infants (67) and also used in treatment of empacho (603). Fermented in tequila with other herbs as a cure for bilis (549). 816.

Ortiguilla. Tragia nepetae folia Cav.

Wild plant, collected near El Chocolate, Durango; tends to occur in association with No. 809. As a tea, used to "correct" delayed menstruation (36). 817.

Sauce (desert willow) Chilopsis linearis (Cav.) Sw. var.

Wild tree, growing along arroyos; specimen collected between Cruces and Nazas, Durango. In decoction, used as an enema to reduce fever (522). 818.

Chaparro prieto. Acacia constricta Benth.

Wild shrub; same association and provenience as No. 809. Not mentioned in text. Blossom used as substitute for absorbent cotton;

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APPENDICES

inserted in suppurating ear to collect pus, changed about three times daily, removed by means of short length of stem left attached. 819.

Lechona. Asclepias aff. mexicana Cav.

Weed along highway, near El Chocolate, Durango. Not mentioned in text. Sap applied around edges of skin infection (empeine) to prevent latter from spreading. 820.

Capulín or granjén. Celtis pallida Torr.

Wild tree; specimen collected between Cruces and Nazas, Durango. Fruit eaten raw. 821.

Candelilla. Euphorbia antisyphilitica Zucc.

Uncultivated plant; collected between Flor and Pedriseña, Durango. As a decoction, drunk to cure vaginal discharge (516, 609). Boiled with other plants, the liquid is a home remedy for what apparently is a venereal complaint in males (594). 822.

Pita. Agave sp.

Same provenience as No. 821. Fiber utilized. 823.

Caña. Saccharum officinarum L.

Cultivated along borders of cotton fields, El Cuije. Cane chewed as a sweet. 824.

Mezquite extranjero. Parkinsonia aculeata L.

Small tree, whose popular name suggests it may be intrusive. Not cultivated. Scarce, and seems to occur close to occupied areas; collected near El Cuije. No utility. 825.

Cenizo. Leucophyllum zygophyllum

Johnst.

Said to be a common wild plant in area; exported by herb vendors (187); specimen purchased from herbalist. One ingredient of an herb bath prescribed for a sorcery victim (302) and of a tea recommended for a stomach-ache (512). As a decoction, drunk to treat diabetes (588); as a tea and as an herb bath, used in treatment of bilis (596). 826.

Flor de la paz. Nymphaea (probably ampla DC.).

Aquatic plant; dry specimen purchased from herbalist; said to be

138

APPENDICES

from Viesca, Coahuila. One ingredient of a tea, drunk as a remedy for a chest cough (593). Gordolobo. Gnaphalium cf. canescens DC.

827.

Dry specimen purchased from herbalist. One ingredient of a tea drunk to relieve a chest cough (593); as a decoction, recommended during the "first period of tuberculosis" (609). 828.

Cañafístola. Cassia fistula L.

Specimen purchased from herbalist; said to come from "the other side of Mexico [City]." One ingredient of a decoction taken to "regulate" menstruation or to abort (36). 829.

Hierba de la cachucha. Goldenia Greggii (Ton.) Gray.

Dry specimen purchased from herbalist. In combination with other plants, boiled to make a remedy for an "internal infirmity" of men (594). 830.

Peyote. Lophophora

Williamsii

Dry specimen purchased in herb stall; said to be from the Sierra de Durango. Prominent in local folk medicine. In powdered form, allegedly used by sorcerers to cause mental upset (314). Prescribed by "the spirits" for shoulder pain and vaginal discharge (404). Prepared in various ways, peyote is used for an assortment of ailments (487-492). 831.

Hierbabuena. Mentha spicata L.

Cultivated; dry specimen purchased from herbalist. Used extensively. Under certain circumstances administered to infants (67, 70, 75). Not noted in text, but a victim of "air" takes tea of hierbabuena and cinnamon to relieve nausea. For "perplexed air" and/or alferecía, body rubbed with fried hierbabuena (463, note 19; 554-556). One of many ingredients in a decoction said to halt bleeding following miscarriage (460). Likewise mentioned as a remedy for intestinal worms (519) and for empacho (603). 832.

Ocotillo. Fouquieria fasciculata Nash.

Specimen purchased. Blossom, prepared as tea, drunk to "cor-

139

APPENDICES

rect" delayed menstruation (36) and to relieve kidney disorders (591). 833.

Damiana. Heliotropium Greggii Torr.

Specimen purchased. One element of a decoction recommended to "heat" the womb ( 1 6 ) . 834. Flor de San Juan. Macrosiphonia lanuginosa (Mart. & Gal.) Hemsl. Specimen purchased; said to be brought from Guadalajara, Jalisco. Blossom (?) the base of a decoction dropped in the eye for "clearing the sight" (611). 835.

Amula. Near Ageratum in Eupatoriae.

Specimen purchased from herbalist. Said to be "very bitter." One ingredient of a tea drunk as a remedy for complications related to bilis (505). 836.

Flor de tilia (de estrella). Taonabo sp. (probably Ô. oocarpa Rose).

Dry specimen purchased; said to be shipped to Laguna from Mexico City. One ingredient of a decoction drunk for "pain in the heart, palpitations . . . difficulty in breathing, and 'nerves' " (503). 837.

Flor de tilia (de bola). Clethra (probably C. mexicana

DC).

Same provenience as preceding specimen and same popular name; used interchangeably with No. 836. 838.

Cachano. Specimen with flower identified as Trixis californica Kell.; root specimen, without flower, same number, indeterminable.

Dry specimen purchased in herb stall; said to be brought from the Sierra de Durango and from San Luis Potosí. When drunk in decoction, thought to facilitate conception ( 1 6 - 1 8 ) . As an aside, I have not heard cachano mentioned elsewhere in Mexico, but it apparently is a common name for the devil in Spain and parts of South America (Hoyos Sainz and Hoyos Sancho, p. 197).

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APPENDICES

839.

Flor de la peña Sefaginella (? cuspidata Link).

Dry specimen purchased in herb stall; attributed to the Sierra de Durango. One ingredient of a tea taken to treat complications related to bilis (505). 840.

San Nicolás Crysactinia mexicana Gray.

Purchased; same provenience as No. 839. One element of a decoction believed to facilitate conception ( 1 6 ) .

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1938

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1938

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1960

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1932

The comparative ethnology of northern Mexico before 1750. University of California, Ibero-Americana No. 2.

CASSARETTO, MARY A.

1960

El movimiento protestante en México, 1940-1955. Tesis . . . para el título de Maestro en ciencias sociales [Universidad nacional autónoma de México]. Guadalajara, Jalisco, Suplemento del Boletín del Secretariado nacional de la fe.

CIRUELO, PEDRO

1628

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1954

Influencia indígena en la medicina hipocrática, en la Nueva España del siglo XVI. América indígena 14:327-361.

DIBBLE, CHARLES E.

1961

Review of Donald Robertson, Mexican manuscript painting of the early colonial period: the metropolitan schools. American Anthropologist 63:1374-1375.

DODSON, R U T H

1951

Don Pedrito Jaramillo, the curandero of Los Olmos. In Hudson, pp. 9-70.

E M M A R T , E M I L Y WALCOTT

1940

The Badianus manuscript, an Aztec herbal of 1552. Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press.

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1961 General history of the things of New Spain, by Fray Bernardino de Sahagun. Translated from the Aztec into English by Charles E. Dibble and Arthur J. 0. Anderson. Monographs of the School of American Research and the Museum of New Mexico, No. 14, Part XI, Book 10. Santa Fe, New Mexico, School of American Research and University of Utah.

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1953 Relationships between Spanish and Spanish-American folk medicine. Journal of American Folklore 66:201-217.

GARIBAY K., ANGEL MARÍA

1947 Paralipómenos de Sahagún. Tlalocan 2:235-254.

GILLIN, JOHN

1947 Moche, a Peruvian coastal community. Smithsonian Institution, Institute of Social Anthropology, No. 3. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

GUERRA, FRANCISCO

1952 Libellus de medicinalibus indorum herbis. El manuscrito pictórico mexicano-latino de Martín de la Cruz y Juan Badiano, de 1552. Estudio, texto y versión. México [D.F.], Editorial Vargas Rea y El diario español.

HOYOS SAINZ, LUIS DE y NIEVES DE HOYOS SANCHO

1947 La creenicia.... Manual de folklore. Manuales de la Revista de occidente. Madrid.

HUDSON, WILSON Ì. , ed.

1951 The healer of Los Olmos and other Mexican lore. Texas Folklore Society. Dallas, Southern Methodist University Press.

IOFREU, PEDRO ANTONIO

1628 In Ciruelo, pp. 50-55,188-192.

KARDEC, ALLAN and GABRIEL DELANNE

1954 Los fundamentos del espiritismo. México, D.F., Ediciones "Novedades de Libros."

KELLY, ISABEL

1955 El adiestramiento de parteras en México, desde el punto de vista antropológico. America indígena 15:109-117. 1956 Field notes. 1961 Mexican spiritualism. In Alfred L. Kroeber: a memorial. The Kroeber anthropological society papers 25:191-206. Berkeley, California. Mimeographed, n.d. Numbered field notes. Manuscript. , HECTOR GARCÍA MANZANEDO, and CATALINA GÁRATE DE GARCÍA

1956 Santiago Tuxtla: culture and health. México, D.F., Secretaría de

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1945

Biblioteca ciencias ocultas. México, D.F.

LIBRO SUPREMO DE TODAS LAS MAGIAS, E L

1953

México, D.F. [Biblioteca ciencias ocultas], El libro español.

MADSEN, W I L L I A M

1961

Society and health in the lower Rio Grande valley. Austin, Hogg Foundation for Mental Health, The University of Texas.

MAGIA NEGRA, L A

1953

México, [D.F., El libro español].

MARTÍNEZ DEL R Í O , PABLO

1954

La Comarca lagunera a fines del siglo XVI y principios del XVII, según las fuentes escritas. [Universidad nacional autónoma de México], Instituto de historia, Primera serie, No. 30. [Ciudad de] México.

MENDIZÁBAL, MIGUEL O T H Ó N DE

1946

El problema agrario de La Laguna. In Obras completas de Miguel Othón Mendizábal 4:223-270. [Ciudad de] México.

MENÉNDEZ Y PELAYO, MARCELINO

1945-1946 Historia de los heterodoxos españoles. Buenos Aires. Librería Perlado. 4 tomos.

MORALES RODRÍGUEZ, SERGIO

1949

El náhuatl de los Tlaxcaltecas de San Esteban de la Nueva Tlaxcala. Tlalocan 3:84-86.

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1935

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1940

Descripción geográfica de los reinos de Nueva Galicia, Nueva Vizcaya y Nuevo León, México, D.F., Editorial Pedro Robredo.

NUEVA FARMACOPEA MEXICANA

1952

Nueva farmacopea mexicana de la Sociedad farmacéutica mexicana. Sexta edición. [México, D.F.], Ediciones Botas.

PÉREZ DE RIBAS, ANDRÉS

1944

Historia de los triunfos de nuestra santa fe, 1645, Libros V I I I - X I L In Páginas para la historia de Sinaloa y Sonora, Tomo 3. México, D.F., Editorial Layac.

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1953

Breve relación de los dioses y ritos de la gentilidad. In Tratado de las idolatrías, supersticiones, dioses, ritos, hechicerías 1:369-380.

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1960

Una ventana al mundo invisible. Prólogos de Gutierre Tibón y Alberto Algazi. México [D.F.], Ediciones antorcha.

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Review of Miguel León Portilla, Los antiguos mexicanos a través de sus crónicas y cantares. American Anthropologist 6 3 : 1 3 7 5 1376.

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1943

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1960

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INDEX (References are to paragraph numbers) abdominal pain: treatment for, 506, 507,508; mentioned, Appendix II No. 809 abortion: prevalence of, 35; means of, 36, 37; mentioned, 599, Appendix II No. 828 Acacia constricta Benth. SEE chaparro prieto accidents: protection from, 621 aceite rosado. SEE oil of rose Agave sp. SEE pita Ageratum in Eupatoriae. SEE ámula agotamiento: from neglect of "fright," 280, 281; death from, 280, 281, 673; diarrhea with, 282; mentioned, 170 Aguascalientes, Aguascalientes: herb traffic in, 187, 485; mentioned, 168, 169 agua de uso. SEE treatment pattern (s) air: avoidance of, by recent parturient, 63, 64; effect of, on eyesight, 63; as cause of illness, 63, 446, 462, 463, 464, 465, 466, 467, 740; and "hotcold" polarity, 446, 463, 467, 494; from hen or hog, 465; association of, with paralysis, 467, 740; treatment for, 493, 494, 589, 607; in Mexican sources, 740; mentioned, Appendix II No. 831 —, perplexed: confusion concerning, 463 n. 19; treatment for, 463 n. 19, 554; and alferecía, 555; mentioned,

pendix II No. 811; mentioned, 99, 433, 484, Table 1. SEE ALSO "cleansing agent (s) — morada: in tea, 396 albayalde. SEE lead products alcantaria (sic): identification of, 656 n. 26; as love charm, 657; mentioned, 656 alcohol: fermented preparations, 492, 492 n. 21,550,551; rubbing with, 525, 556, 559; in poultice, 569; mentioned, 45, 499 alfalfa: in emulsion, orally, 368, 370, 541 alferecía: and evil eye, 212-213, 465; treatment for, 213, 544, 555, 556; causes of, 463, 464, 465; as childhood ailment, 464; and aire perplejo, 555; mentioned, 463 n. 19, Appendix II No. 831. SEE ALSO air, perplexed

alfombrilla: description of, 524; treatment for, 525-526; diet with, 525, 581 allergy: 93 n. 9 aloe: as protection from sorcery, 94,287, 615, 680, 726; as poultice; 577; as protection from bad luck, 615; in Laguna, 704; in Old World, 704; in Peru, 680, 726; mentioned, 173 altamisa: as Old World plant, 704; use of, in Spain, as protection, 726 alum: for diagnosis, 253, 256, 259; mentioned, 260, Table 1. SEE ALSO Appendix II No. 831. SEE ALSO al"cleansing" agent (s) ferecía amole: sale of, 177,178 albahaca: in tea, orally, 511; in tea, as ámula: in tea, orally, 505; taxonomic deface bath, 604; in Spain and Peru, termination of, Appendix II No. 835 705; taxonomic determination of, Ap- Ana, Coahuila: curer in, 459

146 Andalucía: 735 n. 31 appetite: loss of, and "fright" variants, 241, 242 árnica: in tea, to bathe skin lesions, 531, 532; in tea, orally, 591; mentioned, 484 artemisa. SEE altamisa Asclepias aff. mexicana Cav. SEE lechona ash leaf: in tea, as enema, 522; in tea, to bathe skin lesions, 532 asthma: as consequence of sorcery, 286, 345, 367; treatment for, 598, 606; mentioned, 468 n. 20 Autlán, Jalisco: 492 n. 21 avocado pit: in emulsion, orally, 539; in ointment, 566 ayunas. SEE treatment pattern (s) azafrás de Castilla: in tea, orally, 36 azarcón. SEE lead products Aztecs: 685 Badiano, Juan (Badianus, Joannes): translation of herbal by, 686 n. 28 banana: skin of, as poultice, 569; mentioned, 495

baptism: 214. SEE ALSO lodestone

bath. SEE "herb baths" — water: exposure of, to night dew, 353, 431, 609; mentioned, Table 1 beets: in cough syrup, 534 berros: in emulsion, orally, 541; in tea, orally, 591; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 810 bezoar: absence of, in Laguna therapy, 706 bilis: as "natural" illness, 90; emotional causes of, 90, 474; relationship of, to "hot-cold" polarity, 494; treatment for, 548-549, 569,596,604,606; prevalence of, in Mexico, 745; no report of from Spain, 745; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. 813, 815, 825, 835, 839 bilis coajada: cause of, 474; treatment for, 505 birth: difficulties at, 25, 26, 30, 38, 44, 46; ejection of placenta, 26, 46;

INDEX

patron saint at, 38; pain during, 38; place of, 39; preparations for, 4 1 ; position of parturient during, 42, 43; disposition of umbilical cord, 45; disposition of placenta, 46. SEE ALSO

postnatal care bismuth: oral administration of, 603; mentioned, 499 bites: and stings, contagion with, 478, 479, 480; by dog, treatment for, 500; and stings, treatment for, 575, 577 bladder complaints: treatment for, 591; mentioned, 594, 600 "blood, illness of the." SEE venereal disease bloodletting: among Irritilas, 682 boils: as consequence of sorcery, 286, 291; treatment for, 495, 530, 532, 563,565, 566, 606 borraja: in tea, as enema, 526 bread: as poultice, 569; mentioned, 495 breathing difficulty: treatment for, 503, 598, 606; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. 836, 837 bronchopneumonia: cause of, 446, 463 broom: flight on, by sorcerer, 102-103 brucellosis: spiritualistic cure of, 417; mentioned, 208 brujería. SEE sorcery Buddleia scordioides HBK. SEE salvia (sic) cachanito. SEE cachano cachano: in tea, orally, 16, 17-18; source of, 485; as name for the devil, Appendix II No. 838; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 838; mentioned, 484 cachinola: in tea, as vaginal douche, 19 cachucha. SEE hierba de la cachucha calabaza de Castilla: 604 cáncer de un muerto: 481, 482, 711 candelilla: in tea, orally, 516, 594, 609; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 821; mentioned, 484 candle (s), lighted: for "unnatural" illnesses, 99; to provide light for de-

147

INDEX

ceased relative, 129; patient "passed over," 279,430; for riddance of neighbor, 619; in amorous magic, 660; mentioned, Table 1 cantárida. SEE alcantaria (sic) caña: taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 823 cañafístola: in tea, orally, 36; source of, 485; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 828 capitaneja: in poultice, 576 capulín: taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 820 Carriel, Adrián: photograph of, 421 n. 14; relation of, to Allan Kardec, 421 n. 14, 425; spirit of, 425; mentioned, Appendix I carrot: in tea, orally, 36, 75 casas de oración. SEE spiritualism and spiritualistic center (s) Cassia fistula L. SEE cañafístola castor oil: for recent parturient, 47 cataplasm (s). SEE poultice (S) cataract (and/or tissue growth in the eyes): treatment for, 498, 604, 610611; mentioned, Appendix Nos. 811, 834 catarrh: chronic, cause of, 509 Catholic. SEE Roman Catholic Church cautery: among Irritilas, 682 Cedrón de Castilla: in tea, orally, 510 Celtis pallida Torr. SEE capulín cenizo: "export" of, by herbalists, 187; in tea, as "herb bath," 266, 302, 529530; in tea, orally, 588, 596; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 825; mentioned, 484, 512, Table 1 censing: for "unnatural" illnesses, 99, 612, 697; for removal of ill luck, 251; with copal, 386; with copal compound, 254, 356; with coffee grounds, 495, 613 — of dwelling: in spiritualistic therapy, 386; mentioned, 432, Table 1 — of patient: in witchcraft therapy, 251, 355, 356-357; by sorcerer, 251; for "natural" illness, 495, 613; early

Mexican counterpart of, 691, 697; mentioned, Table 1 cera: application of leaf of, 568 n. 23; mentioned, 484 cerraja: taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 812 Cervantes, Rebeca (spirit): 426 Chalchihuites, Zacatecas: 138 chameleon: in sorcery, 308, 737; in amorous magic, 657, 676, 677, 737; in Old World, 737 chamomile. SEE manzanilla chaparro prieto: as substitute for cotton, Appendix II No. 818; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 818; mentioned, 484 charm (s). SEE talisman (S) Chávez, Coahuila: as source of folkmedicine products, 396, 501; mentioned, 195, 466 Chavira, Petra: director of spiritualistic center, 147; mentioned, 145 Chichimecas: peyote among, 486 chicken pox: 524 chili: in sorcery, 294, 310, 312 chills: as consequence of sorcery, 360 — and fever: treatment for, 495, 613. SEE ALSO fever (s)

Chilopsis linearis (Cav.) Sw. var. SEE sauce chiquiadora: description and use of, 568 n. 23 chirimoya seed: in emulsion, orally, 538 Chisaki, Francia: taxonomic determinations by, Appendix II Christ: in prayer, 246, 251; lodestone associated with, 632, 639; mentioned, Appendix I church. SEE Roman Catholic Church cinnamon: in tea, orally, 59, 60,75,460; sold by sorcerers, 103; source of, 485; "land of," 103, 724; mentioned, 494, Appendix II No. 831 citrous blossoms: in tea, orally, 604 Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua: sorcerercurer in, 113, 659; traffic of herbalists with, 188 "cleansing": for "unnatural" illnesses,

148

INDEX

99, 249, 252-253, 746; for ill luck, coconut fiber: source of, 485; in tea, 249, 252-253; no report of, in Mexorally, 587 ican sources, 747; mentioned, 629, coconut water: 495 Table 1 and n. b coffee grounds: in unguent, 495, 567; — agent (s): flowers as, 130, 250, 252, censing with, 495, 613 626, Table l n . c ; clothing or handker- coins: for nosebleed, 718 chief as, 215, 221, 223, 228, 429, cold, head: sorcery disguised as, 9 1 ; Table 1; egg as, 216, 217, 228, 247, treatment for, 509, 605, Appendix II 265, 355, 358, 360, 362, 433, 709, No. 814; and avoidance of night dew, 730, 748, Table 1; certain eggs not 609 acceptable as, 216; saliva as, 223; Colegio de Santa Cruz: Franciscan alum as, 247, 250, 253, 255, 256, school of, 686 n. 28, 701; influence of, 257, 264, 265, 355. Table 1; pepperon Badianus and Sahagún, 701 tree foliage as, 247, 250, 260, 261, Comarca Lagunera. SEE Laguna 262, 263, 265, 386, 626, 747, Table 1 Comas, Juan: 735 n. 31 and n. c; ruda as, 247, 250, 260, 264, comet: Irritila fear of, 680 358; perfume as, 250; hierba en cruz conception: treatment to facilitate, 14as, 250, 264, 358; romero as, 250, 19; avoidance of, 71; mentioned, Ap264, 358; albahaca as, 250, Appendix pendix II Nos. 838,840 II No. 811; discard of, 252; copal condiments: as remedies, 494, 569 compound as, 254; black hen or its consultation, spiritualistic. SEE spiritegg as, 355, 358, 365, 431, Table 1; ualism and spiritualistic consultation unspecified plants or herbs as, 355, contagion: limited understanding of, 90, Table 1 and n. c; lila as, 358, pina478; and grippe, 478; and minor bites bete as, 358; enumeration of, 746. and stings, 479-480; and contact with SEE ALSO crossroads; egg treatment a corpse, 481, 482; and venereal dis— of dwelling: in spiritualistic treatease, 483 ment, 129-130, 386, 626, 629; men- Contreras, Distrito Federal: spiritualism tioned, 433, Table l n . c in, 436 — of patient: for alferecía, 213; for convolvulus: 694 evil eye, 215, 216, 217-218, 221, 223, copal: 254, 386. SEE ALSO censing 228, 360, 429; in form of a cross, 217, — compound: ingredients of, 254; pre228, 256, 257-258, 260, 261, 263, paration and sale of, 254, 356. SEE 264, 697, 746, Table 1; for "fright" ALSO censing variant, 247, 250, 252-253, 256, 257coral: as protection for heart, 94; sale 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, of, 183; in emulsion, 543-544 355; by sorcerer, 250, 252-253, 355, Coreopsis tinctoria Nutt. SEE berros 358, 362, 365; other association of, with sorcery, 360, 431; no mention of, cornsilk: in tea, orally, 505, 610. SEE ALSO maize kernels in Laguna spiritualistic curing, 433; corpse: "cancer" from, 481, 482, 711 Table l n . c Clethra (probably C. mexicana DC.) Correa, Manuel: spirit of, 424; likeness of, Appendix I SEE flor de tilia cosmetics: to treat "unnatural" illnesses, clothing, discarded: burning of, 624 360, 362-363; mentioned, Table 1. cloves: as remedy, 494 SEE ALSO perfume Coahuila (state): Laguna area in, 1; Laguna settlers from, 9; mentioned, cough (s): treatment for, 515, 533, 534, 10 605

INDEX

—, chest: treatment for, 593; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. 826, 827 —, "lung": 606 —, whooping: treatment for, 535, 582583; diet during therapy for, 582583 couvade: among Irritilas, 57 Creed: recitation of, 217, 228, 235, 246, 252, 253,256,258,259,276,358,433,

149

days of week. SEE treatment patterns death: "instigated," 89, 105; "natural," 89, 105 deer antlers: for good luck, 616, 682; and skulls, among Irritilas, 682 "deer's eye": identification of, 214 and n. 12; for evil eye, 214; lodestone accompanied by, 642 desasombro. SEE "fright," desasombro 697; mentioned, Table 1. SEE ALSO variant of prayers and/or invocations descrying: association of, with spiritcreosote bush. SEE gobernadora ualist, 119, 120, 121, 125, 385, 405, cross: symbol of, in treatment for "un421 n. 15, 432; mentioned, Table 1 natural" illnesses: 99, 214, 215, 258, dew, night: and "natural" and "un275,276,279,351,354,357,433,697; natural" illnesses, 100, 609; bath and spiritualism, 351, 397, Table 1, water exposed to, 353,431, 609, Table Appendix I; and Church ritual, 697. 1; avoidance of, 509, 609; remedies SEE ALSO "cleansing" of patient exposed to, 516, 609, 610, 611; and "hot-cold" concept, 741; Spanish ref— of palm: in tea, orally, 278; in doorerences to, 741; Mexican references way of house, 397; mentioned, Table to, 741; mentioned, 351 1 crossroads: "cleansing" agents dis- diabetes: cause of, 95, 408, 453; treatcarded at, 261, 262, 626; as site for ment for, 408-409, 588, 607; diet astreatment, 275, 278; in "fright" thersociated with, 581; mentioned, 402, apy, 430; in Mexican sources, 742; in Appendix II No. 825 the Laguna, 742; in Spain, 742; men- diablo del mar. SEE marine products tioned, Table 1 and n. d diagnosis: difficulties of, 91, 92, 105; through egg, 216, 218, 219, 362, 433, Cruces, Durango: Appendix II Nos. 817, 709, 730, Table 1; through alum, 253, 820 256, 259, Table 1; by sorcerer, 347, Cruz, Martín de la: herbal by, 686 n. 28 348; by spiritualist, 373, 375, 378, Crysactinia mexicana Gray. SEE San 379, 385, 432, Table 1; through desNicolás crying, 385, 432, Table 1 cuasia: source of, 187,485; in fermented diarrhea: with teething, 75, 607; treatbeverage, 549 ment for, 75, 494, 537, 587, 605, 607; cucurbit: 604 with fallen fontanel, 78, 79, 560; with cumin: in tea, orally, 75; mentioned, evil eye, 216; with "fright" variant, 494 242; with agotamiento, 282; in relacupping glass: 193, 703 curandera: designation of, 101, 191, tion to "hot-cold" concept, 454, 456457, 494; classification of, 455-457; 195. SEE ALSO sorcerer (S) causes of, 469, 470 curer. SEE curandera diet: during pregnancy, 29-31; followcuts: treatment for, 530, 531 ing birth, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 96; during infancy, 71-74; as prophylaxis, damiana: in tea, orally, 16; sale of, 178; 95, 96, 287, 288-289; as cause of intaxonomic determination of, Aptestinal parasites, 95, 472, 473, 744; pendix II No. 833 during menses, 96; during illness, 100, Datura. SEE tlapatl; toloache 525,578,579,580,581,582-583,603;

150 among Irritilas, 682. SEE ALSO pregnancy; weaning diuretic: decoction as, 594 dizziness: cause of, 463 douche. SEE vaginal douche dreams: consequences of, 129; as cause of "fright" variant, 239 duck, Muscovy: egg of, 216, 709; domestication of, 709 Durán, Fray Diego: 686 n. 28 Durango, Durango: herb traffic in, 188 Durango (state): Laguna Zone extended into, 1; Laguna settlers from, 9; mentioned, 10,424

INDEX

midwives in, 48,49-51; folk medicine in, 87; health services in, 87; sorcery victims in, 87, 199-200, 367, 371, 372; spiritualistic center in, 129, 270, 412, 421, 422, 442, Appendix I; private medical care in, 206-207, 208; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. 810, 811, 814, 823, 824 passim. SEE ALSO

ejido (s) elderberry flower: in tea, orally, 515 El Duraznito, Coahuila: Appendix II, first paragraph and Nos. 812, 813 Elias, Padre: 436 Elijah (prophet): 436 El Pilar, Coahuila: health services in, 52, 53, 56; mentioned, 49, 549. SEE ear, suppurating: treatment for, AppenALSO Servicios Médicos Rurales dix II eclipse: lunar, foetus damaged by, 27, El Salvador: 688,713,735 28, 687, 688, 713; solar, fruits dam- empacho: causes of, 70, 454; as childaged by, 28 hood ailment, 602; treatment for, 178, 499, 538, 558, 585, 602-603; medical eczema: as consequence of sorcery, 286 interpretation of, 202; diet during effigy of victim: in sorcery, 290, 291, 292,294,296,727 treatment for, 580; mentioned, Appendix Nos. 815,831 egg: yolk of, in salve, 495,565. SEE ALSO "cleansing" agent (s); diagnosis emulsion (s): oral administration of, — treatment: in New World, 709; in Old 36, 488, 536, 537, 538, 539, 540, 541, World, 709, 748; infirmities asso542, 543, 544, 587, 598; definition of, ciated with, 709, 730, 748; as "cleans536; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. ing," 748. SEE ALSO "cleansing" 810,815 agent (s); diagnosis enema (s): decoctions as, 100, 520, 521, eggshell: in amorous magic, 672 522, 523, 526; mentioned, 488, 586, ejidatario (s): definition of, 11; menAppendix II No. 817 tioned passim. SEE ALSO ejido(s); enlechado: treatment for, 70 Servicios Médicos Rurales enterocolitis. SEE infection, intestinal ejido(s): definition of, 11; economic epazote: 494 straits of, 54, 67, 198; folk medicine — de comer: in ointment, 566 in, 86, 87; health services in, 86, 87, — del zorrillo: sale of, 177, 178; in tea, 197-198; medical care paid by, 204 orally, 513, 559 and n. 11, 205; mentioned passim. epilepsy(?): treatment for, 598, 606; SEE ALSO ejidatario (s); El Cuije, mentioned, 463 n. 19 Coahuila Erythrina seeds: lodestone accompanEl Chocolate, Durango: Appendix II ied by, 639,642 Nos. 816,819 espanto. SEE "fright," espanto and/or El Coyote, Coahuila: maternity center susto variants of in, 54; midwife in, 196 Espejo, Antoineta: on spirtualism in El Cuije, Coahuila: residence in, followMexico, 437 ing marriage, 39; economic straits of, estafiate: as infant remedy, 70; in fer39, 54, 56, 205-206, 207; empirical mented beverage, 549

151

INDEX

Euphorbia albo-marginata Torr. & Gray. flor de la paz: source of, 485; in tea, orally, 593; taxonomic determination SEE orejuela de ratón of, Appendix II No. 826 Euphorbia antisyphilitica Zucc. SEE flor de la peña: source of, 485; in tea, candelilla orally, 505; taxonomic determination Europe: 434, 696, 709, 733. SEE ALSO of, Appendix II No. 839 Old World; Spain evil eye: as "unnatural" illness, 90, 209; flor de San Juan: source of, 485; in tea, as eye drops, 611; taxonomic determicauses of, 90, 209, 210, 211-212, 223, nation of, Appendix II No. 834 227; protection from, 94,214-215; not treated by medical doctor, 202; treat- flor de tilia: sale of, 178; source of, 485; in tea, orally, 503; taxonomic determent for, 209, 213,216, 217, 221, 223, minations of, Appendix II Nos. 836, 228, 233, 360, 429, 709, 730; suscepti837 bility to, 210; relationship of, to alferecía, 213, 465; diagnosis of, 216, Flores Molina, Manuel (spirit): director of spiritualistic center, 141, 147 218, 219, 433, 709, 710, 730; symptoms of, 216, 221, 222, 225; "herb flowers: to remove "salt," 130, 249-250, 252, 626; in spiritualistic treatment, bath" not associated with, 692; inten130, 378, 383-385, 626; in "fright" tional infliction of, 708, 729, 730; in variant, 249-250, 252; in witchcraft Spain, 708, 710, 729, 730; curing of, therapy, 249-250, 252, 351, 353, 431; by twins, 757; in Veracruz, 757; menas vehicle for sorcerer's powders, 314, tioned, Table I n . f 315; color of, specified, 351, 353, 383, excrement: absence of, in Laguna phar431; in "herb bath," 353, 431; in macopoeia, 721 water, 378, 383-384; mentioned, "exhaustion." SEE agotamiento Table 1, and n. c. SEE ALSO "cleans-

Farfán, Fray Agustín: 686 n. 28 Federal District: spiritualistic centers in, 438; Protestant churches in, 438 female disorders: honey for, 496; treatment for, 595; mentioned, 606. SEE ALSO menstruation; vaginal discharge fermented preparation (s): oral administration of, 547, 549, 604; external application of, 547, 550, 551; mentioned, 100, Appendix II Nos. 813, 815. SEE ALSO infusion

fever (s): with "God-sent" illnesses, 89, 90; with evil eye, 90, 216, 225, 230; with "fright" variant, 90, 241; treatment for, 100,487,488,520,521, 522, 546,570,571; with alferecía, 464; and chills, 495; 613; mentioned, 140, 482, 487, Appendix II No. 817 fig leaves: in emulsion, orally, 540 flaxseed: in poultice, 573 Flor, Durango: Appendix II Nos. 821, 822 flor de jazmín: sale of, 178

ing" agent (s) foetus: sex of, 21-24. SEE ALSO eclipse Fontanel: 691. SEE ALSO tonal

—, fallen: causes of, 77-79, 475, 559; medical diagnosis of, 79; symptoms of, 79, 560; treatment for, 80-81, 8283, 100, 560, 715; in Mexican source, 715; in New World, 713; mentioned, 191,712 foot, right: in amorous magic, 297, 663, 736; shoe of, 736 Foster, George: 747 n. 32 Fouquieria fasciculata Nash. SEE ocotillo fowl. SEE duck, Muscovy; hen, black; turkey Franciscans: at Colegio de Santa Cruz, 686 n. 28, 701 fresno. SEE ash leaf Friday: as lucky day, 615 and n. 24 "fright": soul loss in, 88, 687; as "unnatural" illness, 90; emotional basis of, 90, 209; medical interpretation of,

152 202; treatment for, 209, 430, 748; diagnosis of, 375; in Mexican tradition, 687; in Hispanic American, 689; in Mexican sources, 690, 691; in Spain, without soul loss, 689; mentioned, 194, 355, 402, 433, 629, Table 1 and nn. a, f —, espanto and/or susto variants of: fever in, 90; comparison of, 234, 235, 236,237,238,239,240,241-242,243, 247, 272; treatment for, 235, 243245, 246, 247, 248-254, 255-260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265-266, 270; causes of, 238, 239, 268, 273, 283; soul loss in, 239, 243, 247, 689; symptoms of, 241, 242, 242 n. 13; agotamiento as, 280, 281; fatal outcome of, 280,281,282, 283; in Hispanic America, 689 —, desasombro variant of: definition of, 271, 272; soul loss in, 272; causes of, 273; symptoms of, 273; treatment for, 278-279 —, susto meco variant of: as advanced susto, 274; treatment for, 275-278 fruit: consumption of, 471 gall bladder infirmities: causes of, 286, 474; treatment for, 505 García Manzanedo, Héctor: 497 n. 22 garlic: in cough syrup, 535; in fermented liniment, 550; in poultice, 577; in Old World, 704; in Laguna, 704; mentioned, 494 glycerine: in vaginal douche, 19; mentioned, 499 Gnaphalium cf. canescens DC. SEE gordolobo gobernadora: "export" of, by herbalists, 187; in tea, orally, 507; in tea, as "herb bath," 528; in fermented liniment, 551; as ointment, 562; in Laguna pharmacopoeia, 693; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 809; mentioned, 484, Appendix II No. 809 Goldenia Greggii (Torr.) Gray. SEE hierba de la cachucha

INDEX

golondrina, leaf of: as ointment, 564 Gómez Palacio, Durango: Laguna urban center, 10; sorcerers in, 113, 301; treatment for sorcery in, 201; spiritualistic activities in, 442; mentioned, 304, 659 gonorrhea. SEE vaginal discharge; venereal disease González, Josefina (spirit): 426 gordolobo: in tea, orally, 593,609; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 827; mentioned, 484 Granada, Coahuila: spiritualistic center in, 289,442 granjén. SEE capulín greda. SEE lead products grippe: cause of, 478; mentioned, 242 Guadalajara, Jalisco: traffic of herbalists with, 187; 485; mentioned, Appendix II No. 834 Guanajuato (state): 497 n. 22 Guatemala: 688,713 guava: fruit of, in emulsion, 587; seed of, in emulsion, 538 Guerrero (state): 486, 686 n. 28 gypsies: diagnosis by, 93 n. 9; spirits of, 427; and Old World lore, 750 and n.33 hagiolatry: development of, 719 Hand, Wayland D.: 735 n. 31 handkerchief. SEE "cleansing" agent (s) hashish. SEE marihuana Hayes, Guy: 71 n. 6 headache: with evil eye, 225, 227, 230; treatment for, 568 n. 23 health services. SEE ejido(s); El Cuije, Coahuila; Servicios Médicos Rurales heart: coral as prophylaxis for, 94; treatment for pain of, 503, 606; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. 836, 837 hechicería. SEE sorcery x3alKo2hetreat-; Helenium mexicanum HBK. SEE hierba cabezona Heliotropium Greggii Torr. SEE damiana

153

INDEX hemorrhage: 140. SEE ALSO menstrua-

tion; miscarriage; nosebleed hemorrhoids: treatment for, 451, 563, 564; cause of, 476, 477 hen: air from, 465 —, black: incineration of, 365, 431; use of, 717; in Old World lore, 730; in local lore, 730. SEE ALSO "cleansing" agent (s) herbalist (s): products stocked by, 14, 36, 164, 173, 175, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181,183-184, 187,188,189-190, 214 n. 12, 254, 314, 356, 487, 501, 513, 616, 622, 633-635, 636 and n.25, 642-644, 650, 657; traffic by, 36,186190, 634, Appendix II Nos. 809, 825, 828, 830, 834, 837, 838, 839, 840; "classes" by, 104, 171; criticism of sorcerer by, 110-112; training of, 166, 167, 169; "powders" prepared by, 622; mentioned, Appendix II. SEE

hierba del buendia: in tea, as enema, 523 hierba cabezona: for head cold, Appendix II No. 814; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 814 hierba de la cachucha: in tea, orally, 594; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 829 hierba en cruz: sale of, 180; in tea, as "herb bath," 353; in tea, orally, 396; mentioned, 433, 484, Table 1. SEE ALSO "cleansing" agent (s)

hierba de la golondrina: in tea, to bathe skin lesions, 532 hierba hedionda: in poultice, 571 hierba del marrano: source of, 485; in tea, orally, 510 hog: air from, 465 hoja de sen: in tea, orally, 603; mentioned, 499 Holy Trinity: 252, 651, 653 ALSO herb stall (s) holy water. SEE water, holy "herb baths": for "natural" illnesses, honey: in remedial teas, 36, 502, 592; 99, 692; for "unnatural" illnesses, 99, availability of, 36 n. 4 692; for "fright" variant, 266; ingred- —, wild: for female complaints, 458; ients of, 266, 302, 353, 431, 528, 529; 496; mentioned, 36 n. 4 in witchcraft therapy, 302, 303, 351, honeysuckle: in tea, as enema, 521 353-354, 431; in spiritualistic ther- horseshoe: for luck, 175, 615, 732 apy, 393; for kidney disorder, 393; no "hot-cold" polarity: in Hispanic Amerreport of, for evil eye, 433; for rheuica, 699; and classical medicine, 699, matism, 528, 529-530; for bilis, 596; 706; as Mexican trait, 700, 701; in of Mexican origin, 687, 692; in MexiMexican sources, 701, 702, 703; recan source, 692; mentioned, Table 1, lationship of, to night dew, 741 Appendix II No. 825 —, application of: to conception, 15, 178, 458 and n. 18; to pregnancy, 26; herb stall (s): description of, 173-175, to foods and diet, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 182-183; trade in, 176-181, 185. SEE 95, 96, 450, 452, 453, 454, 456-457, ALSO herbalist (s) 458,494,496,525,570,572,578,581; "Hermano José" (gypsy spirit): 427 to lactation, 68, 97, 449; to domestic Hernández, Francisco: 686 n. 28 chores, 70, 97, 449; to "natural" illhético: cause of, 72; description of, 72, nesses, 90, 95, 100, 445, 446, 447, 574; treatment for, 495, 574, 575, 605 448,449,451,452,453,454,456,457, hierbabuena: in tea, orally, 67, 70, 75, 545, 551, 552, 560; to menstruation 460, 603; as ointment, 463 n. 19, 552, and/or female disorders, 96, 178, 554, 555, 556; in hot milk, orally, 458, 459-460, 496; to remedies, 97, 519; leaves of, rubbed on body, 556; 100,450,457,458,460,494,496,511, taxonomic determination of, Appen522,526,537,541,546,552,560,570, dix II No. 831; mentioned, 364, 484, 571, 572; to aire, 446, 463, 467; to Appendix II No. 831

154 ice, 450, 451; to "heating" of the body, 551, 552; to water, 592. SEE ALSO womb, "coldness" of

huachichí: in tea, as enema, 526 huevo de venado: in tea, orally, 594 hummingbird: as love charm, 657 and n. 27 humors: Hippocratian concept of, 706

INDEX

71-74; cradle, 76; improvised playpen, 84 infanticide: as therapy among Irritilas, 682 infection, intestinal: cause of, 456; diet for, 579; treatment for, 586 informants: data concerning, 13 n. 3, 85 n. 8,137-145 infusion: of peyote, as liniment, 492 and n. 21. SEE ALSO fermented prepara-

tions illness (es) iodine: in vaginal douche, 19; men—, "natural": as "good," 89, 90,100 tioned, 499 —, "unnatural": as "bad," 89, 90, 92, 286,346,347,385,401; treatment for, Iran: 71 n. 6 99,100,428-433, Table 1 iron filings: sale of, 183; mentioned, — , psychosomatic: 689, 745. SEE ALSO

bilis, "fright" —, sorcery-inflicted: as "unnatural," 89, 90; names for, 89, 105, 201, 306, 401; forms taken by, 91, 93 n. 9, 106, 285,286,291,294, 305,314,315,317, 319,322,323,324,325,327,330,332, 333,334,335,337-338,340-341,345, 352, 360, 367, 401, 416, 467, 609; diagnosis and treatment of, 91, 105, 106, 303-304, 311, 415; motivations for, 92, 284, 293, 296, 307, 313, 315, 329, 337, 341, 344, 346; curing of, by sorcerer, 93, 105, 248-254, 302-304, 350,351,353-354,355, 356-359,360, 361-364, 365, 366, 368, 369-371; diagnosis and curing of, by spiritualist, 93,106, 322, 385-386, 401, 402, 415416; imposition of, 95, 99, 209, 287, 290-291,292,294,296,297,300-301, 308, 309, 310, 312; remedies for, 111, 360, 362-364, 366, 368, 369, 370; and medical doctor, 201; time limit on, 297, 298, 306, 376, 377-378; when inflicted, 350, 725; therapy for, 431; mentioned, 192, 199, 209, 609, Table 1, Appendix II No. 825. SEE ALSO

701 n. 30. SEE ALSO lodestone

Irritilas: in the Laguna, 4; economy of, 4; published sources concerning, 5 n. 1, 679; population estimates for, 5, 8; couvade among, 57; peyote among, 486; medicine and ritual among, 679, 680, 681, 682; and modern Laguna folk practices, 682, 750; mentioned, 6,685 Jalapa, Veracruz: spiritualistic centers in, 443 Jalisco (state): Laguna settlers from, 9; birthplace of Pedro Jaramillo, 421; peyote in, 492 n. 21 James, Thelma G.: 747 n. 32 Jaramillo, Pedro: birthplace of, 421; photographs of, 421 and nn. 14, 15, Appendix I — (spirit): spiritualistic treatment by, 395, 397-398, 401; consultation with, 409, Appendix I; in the Laguna, 421; in Monterrey, 421; homage to, 422. SEE ALSO spirit (s)

Jerez, Zacatecas: 167 Jerusalém: 251

Judas Iscariot: 735 n. 31. SEE ALSO San

"cleansing"; "cleansing" of dwelling; Judas (sic) "cleansing" of patient; "herb baths"; magic, contagious; magic, imitative; Kardec, Allan. SEE Carriel, Adrián mental derangement; treatment pat- kidney ailments: diagnosis of, by spiritterns ualist, 393; treatment for, 393, 495, infant care: feeding and diet, 69, 70, 542, 545, 572, 573, 591, 600, 609-

INDEX

610; cause of, 447, 448; mentioned, 402, Appendix II Nos. 810, 832 La Concha, Coahuila: male midwife in, 196 lactation: effect of heat or cold on, 64, 67, 449; milk substitutes during, 67; stimulation of, 67; skipped feedings during, 69; prophylaxis during, 6 9 70, 97; infant ailments during, 70; conception during, 71 and n. 6. SEE

155

113, 320; sorcery treatment in, 201; mentioned, 226 Leucophyllum zygophyllum Johnst. SEE cenizo libre(s): definition of, 11; no health services for, 198; mentioned, 12 licopodio: use of, 65 lila: 358 lime (calcium oxide): cross marked with, 275, 279; in poultice, 570; menALSO weaning tioned, 499 Laguna: as Comarca Lagunera, 1; iden- lime (citrous fruit): in tea, orally, 587; tification of, 1, 2, 3 ; modern agriculmentioned, 495 ture in, 1, 2, 5 n . 1, 8, 11; natural lodestone: as talisman, 183, 630-656, landscape of, 1, 3; meaning of, 3; 657; iron or steel filings with, 183, population of, 4, 5, 8; Spanish occu637, 639, 642, 647, 733; Christian pation of, 4, 7, 683; history of, 5 n. 1; lore associated with, 630; "cult" of, modern settlement of, 8, 9, 683, 750; 630, 733; acquisition of, 632; sale of, urban centers in, 10; folk practices of, 633-635, 636, 650; as love charm, 687,749; mentioned passim. SEE ALSO 634, 636 n. 25, 640, 642-645, 657; Tlaxcaltecans cost of, 635, 636 and n.25, 644; Laguneros. SEE Irritilas "preparation" of, 635, 636, 637, 638lantén: in emulsion, orally, 537 639, 640, 642-644; prayers associated Lard: as ointment base, 552, 559, 565, with, 637, 652, 653, 654, 733; "sex" 566, 567; mentioned, 495 of, 639, 647, 733; "baptism" of, 649, La Reforma, Coahuila: 207 651, 733; introduction of, into MexLarrea divaricata Cav. SEE gobernadora ico, 733, 750 n. 33; mentioned, 628, 656. SEE ALSO talisman (S) latido: as consequence of bilis, 474; definition of, 474; 505; treatment for, Lophophora Williamsii. SEE peyote 505 love magic. SEE magic, amorous Latin America: spiritualism and/or Luchana, Coahuila: 196 spiritism in, 444 and n. 17; "fright" luck in, 689; soul loss in, 689; "hot-cold" —, good: aloe for, 173; horseshoe for, polarity in, 699; egg "cleansing" in, 175, 615, 732; days of the week for, 709; mentioned passim 615 and n. 24; marine products for, laurel: in copal compound, 254 615, 622; deer antlers for, 616, 682; lead products: sold by herbalist, 178; "powders" for, 622. SEE ALSO lodealbayalde as, 499; azarcón as, 499; stone; talisman (s) greda as, 499; oral administration of, —, ill; identification of, with "salt" 499,603 (sal), 129-130, 249, 251, 357, 625, lechona: for skin infection; taxonomic 626, 735 and n. 31; removal of, from determination of, Appendix II No. dwelling, 129-130, 386, 626, 629; re819; mentioned, 484 moval of, by spiritualist, 129-130, leprosy: remedy for, 181, 497 626, 629; removal of, from patient, Lerdo, Durango: Laguna urban center, 249-253, 357; aloe as protection 10; spiritualistic activities in, 106, from, 615; association of, with marine 130, 442, 626; sorcerer(s) in/from, product, 616; association of, with

156 burning of clothing, 624; mentioned, Table 1 and nn. c, d, g lung ailments: treatment for, 513, 541, 592, 605; mentioned, Appendix II No. 810 Macrosiphonia languinosa (Mart. & Gal.) Hemsl. SEE flor de San Juan Madero, Francisco I. (spirit): 423 magic: for riddance of neighbor, 616617,618-620 —, amorous: as function of sorcerer, 111-112; vehicles for, 297, 659-660, 663-664, 676, 677, 737, 738; talismans for, 634, 636 n. 25, 640, 642645, 657; cost of, 644, 657, 664; descriptions of, 657-677; resemblances to Europe in, 736, 738; mentioned, 309. SEE ALSO lodestone

—, contagious: to inflict illness, 297, 300-301; in amorous magic, 297,659660, 663-664, 667; mentioned, 209 —, imitative: to inflict illness, 290-291, 292, 294, 297, 301, 727; for riddance of neighbor, 619; in amorous magic, 667, 672, 676; mentioned, 209 magnolia blossom: source of, 485; in tea, orally, 503 maize kernels: in tea, orally, 278; in emulsion, orally, 543; in fermented beverage, 549; mentioned, 430, 495, Table 1. SEE ALSO cornsilk malformation, infant. SEE eclipse mallow. SEE malva mal de ojo. SEE evil eye malva: in tea, as enema, 523, 526; in Laguna, 704; in Old World, 704 manzanilla: in tea, orally, 34, 59, 460, 508; 559; in tea, as enema, 522, 523; seed of, in ointment, 566; mentioned, 484 Mapimí, Durango: sorcerer from, 113, 302-303,304; mentioned, 2 marigold blossom: in tea, orally, 587 marihuana: in spiritualistic treatment, 396, 432, 493; in tea, orally, 396,432, 493, 589; mentioned, Table 1 marine products: in "tea," orally, 36,

INDEX

517, 595, 599; sale of 183, 188-190, 214 n. 12; 501; sources of, 188-190, 498; enumeration of, 498; in "tea," as douche, 517; in "tea" (emulsion?), orally, 598; in luck and magic, 615, 616, 622; with lodestone, 639 mariola: in fermented beverage, 549; in tea, orally, 603; mentioned, 484 marjoram. SEE orégano Marys, the three: 639 massage: for "natural" illnesses, 100: specialists in, 192, 193; with various preparations, 363,463 n. 19,492, 540, 550, 551, 552, 553, 554, 555, 556, 557, 558, 559, 560, 561, 562, 587, 603; mentioned, 569, 605 Matamoros, Coahuila: sorcery victims treated in, 87; sorcerers in, 113, 334, 367, 368, 369, 372; mentioned, 195, 394 Mayrán (lake): dessication of, 3 Mazatlán, Sinaloa: source of marine products, 189, 501 measles: treatment for, 523 medicine: classical, in the Laguna, 698, 699, 702, 703, 704, 706; nonclassical, in the Laguna, 707-719, 720-721. SEE ALSO Servicios Médicos Rurales — and commercial remedies: used by sorcerer, 366, 369-370; used by spiritualistic practitioner, 407; used by "curer," 540; mentioned, 499, 500, 552, 559, 561, 566, 568 n. 23, Table 1 medium (s). SEE spiritualist (S) Mendieta, Fray Gerónimo de: 686 n. 28 menstruation: "correction" of delay in, 36, 595; diet during, 96; cramps during, 96, 458, 508, 595; hemorrhage during, 487, 490, 595; mentioned, 487, Appendix II Nos. 815, 816, 828, 832. SEE ALSO "hot-cold" polarity mental derangement: as consequence of sorcery, 285-286, 314-315; 325-329, 330,332,487,493; treatment for, 322, 389-391; as consequence of spirit possession, 389; through noxious preparations, 693; mentioned, Appendix II No. 830

157

INDEX

Mentha spicata L. SEE hierbabuena mesquite gum: in tea, orally, 460 Mexica (Aztecs): 685 Mexicali, Baja California: 120 Mexico City, Federal District: spiritualism in, 148, 160, 161, 162, 163, 413, 415-416, 417, 418, 421, 435, 436, 437, 443; traffic of herbalists with, 187, 188, 485; sorcerer in, 306; mentioned, 195, 305, Appendix II Nos. 836, 837 Mexico (republic): spiritualism in, 728; mentioned passim Mexico (state): spiritualistic centers in, 438 Mexico-Tenochtitlan, Distrito Federal: Tlatelolco in, 686 n. 28; Sahagún's informants from, 686 n. 28, 693, 700, 702 Mexico, Valley of: 686 n. 28 Mezquite extranjero: taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 824 midnight: for malevolent sorcery, 350, 725; for riddance of neighbor, 619; for amorous magic, 667 midwives: fees charged by, 51, 53, 56; preference for, 54 —, empirical: prenatal care by, 33; opinions concerning, 48-51, 56; elderly man as, 196; local names for, mentioned, 61 —, trained: preference for, 52; availability of, 52,53,56 miel virgen. SEE honey milk —, cow: hierbabuena in, orally, 519;

of, 34, 340-341; treatment for aftermath of, 395-398, 402, 458, 459-461, 493, 494, 607; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. 811, 831. SEE ALSO "hot-cold"

polarity mollera. SEE fontanel, fallen Monterrey, Nuevo León: spiritualism in, 415-416, 421, 443 moon: as cause of delayed birth, 44. SEE ALSO eclipse

Morelos (state): spiritualistic centers in, 438; mentioned 486, 686 n. 28 Motolinía, Fray Toribio de: 686 n. 28 muitle: in tea, orally, 506, 510; mentioned, 484 mustard seed: in sorcery, 294, 310

Nahuatl language: at San Esteban de Nueva Tlaxcala, 684; herbal in, 686 n. 28; portions of Sahagún in, 686 n. 28 nausea: during pregnancy, 30; with evil eye, 216, 221, 222, 225; with sorceryinflicted illness, 352, 360, 363; with aire, 463; with "cancer" from corpse, 482; mentioned, 142, Appendix II No. 831 Nazas, Durango: 13 n. 3; Appendix II Nos. 817, 820 needles: lodestone accompanied by, 640 nejayote: in ointment, 566 nervous disorders: treatment for, 503, 606, 609; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. 836, 837 neuralgia: cause of, 467; treatment for, 568 n. 23 mentioned, 495, 583. SEE ALSO infant care; weaning New World. SEE Latin America night: 252. SEE ALSO treatment pat—, donkey: vitamin content of, 583 tern (s) —, human: remedial use of, 70, 233, nitle: in tea, orally, 510 429; mentioned, Table 1. SEE ALSO noon. SEE treatment pattern (s) lactation nosebleed: treatment for, 575-576, 718 Minero, Juan (spirit): 426 number, ritual mines: advice on, by spiritualist, 136 Ministry of Public Health (Mexico): —, 3 as: associated with illnesses, 584; introduction of, 716; mentioned, 217, 197 244,246,253,258-259,261,263,276, mirto: in tea, orally, 506 278,358-359,378,383,433,460, 569, miscarriage: remedy to halt, 34; causes

158

INDEX

730; salt in, 735, 735 n. 31; chame584,585,586, 587,588,589,603,626, leon in, 737; toad in, 738; aire in, Table 1 740; mentioned passim. SEE ALSO —, 9 as: in the Laguna, 716; in Spain, Europe; Spain 716; mentioned, 36, 303, 351, 353, 370, 393, 396, 490, 517, 550, 590, —, influences from: in Laguna folk practices, 695, 696-697, 709, 731-733, 591, 592, 593, 594, 595, 596, 620, 749, 750; through published ma710, Table 1 terials, 695 n. 29, 751; in Mexican —, 40 as: mentioned, 16,18, 36, 60, 64, sources, 701 and n. 30, 702; dating of, 503,597,598,599 750; and gypsies, 750 and n. 33. SEE nutmeg: as ointment, 556; mentioned, ALSO Europe; Spain 494 Nymphaea (probably ampla DC.)· SEE ololiuhqui: 694 onion: in tea, orally, 75; mentioned, 494 flor de la paz oración, casas de. SEE spiritualistic center(s) oatmeal: in emulsion, orally, 542; menoraciones. SEE prayers and/or invocationed, 495 tions Ocimum basilicum L. SEE albahaca ocotillo: in tea, orally, 36, 591; taxo- orange blossoms: source of, 485; in tea, nomic determination of, Appendix II orally, 503 No. 832; mentioned, 484 orange peel: in copal compound, 254; in fermented beverage, 549 offerings, votive: in Roman Catholic churches, 410; in spiritualistic cen- orégano: in tea, orally, 68; as ointment, ter, 410, 412 560; in Laguna, 704; in Old World, 704; mentioned, 494 oil: to treat fallen fontanel, 80; in sorcery, 294; as ointment base, 555, 556 orejuela de ratón: in tea, 512; in fermented beverage, 549; taxonomic de—, castor: dose of, to recent parturient, termination of, Appendix II No. 813; 47 menioned, 484 — of poleo: massage with, 587 — of rose: with poultice, 577; men- ortiguilla: in tea, orally, 36; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. tioned, 499 816; mentioned, 484 —, olive: dose of, to infant, 47, 68 —, sesame: as ointment base, 463 n. 19; Ouija board: in amorous magic, 664, 495, 552,554,560, 567; massage with, 668-669 540, 558, 559, 561, 587, 603; oral ad- ovaries: 483, 517. SEE ALSO vaginal disministration of, 603 charge ointments: massage with: 363,463 n. 19, owls: 286 552, 554, 555, 556, 557, 559, 560, 562; as salves, 495, 563, 564, 565, Pacific coast: marine products from, 36, 566, 567, 606; for soles of feet, 563, 498 567; mentioned, 100, 360, Appendix Padre Elias: 436 II No. 831 palm. SEE cross of palm ojo de venado. SEE deer's eye palo azul: oral administration of, 545 Old World: similarities to lodestone palo verde. SEE Mezquite extranjero complex in, 630, 733; source material papantla, Veracruz: spiritualism in, 443 from, 695 n. 29; morning dosage in, paralysis: as consequence of sorcery, 702; pharmacopoeia of, 704, 705; egg 106, 286, 333, 334, 415-416, 467, treatment not reported from, 709; 729; aire perplejo, 463 n. 19, 554; sorcery victim in, 727; black hen in, aire as cause of, 467, 740; treatment

159

INDEX

for, 550, 554, 555, 605; identification of, with alferecía, 555; in Spain, 729, 740 parasites, intestinal: causes of, 95, 472, 473, 744; treatment for, 504, 519, 604; mentioned, Appendix II No. 831 Parkinsonia aculeata L. Mezquite extranjero Parras, Coahuila: Irritila survivors in, 5; Tlaxcaltecan colony at, 6; mentioned, 2 parturition. SEE birth pasmo: 15 patent medicines. SEE medicine, and commercial remedies pecan leaves: sale of, 178; in tea, orally, 514 pecan shell: in tea, orally, 460, 490; in tea, as douche, 490 Pedriceña, Durango: sorcerer from, 113, 353; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. 821, 822 penicillin: 500 pennyroyal. SEE poleo Peñón Blanco, San Luis Potosí: 138 peonía: in witchcraft therapy, 364; in tea, orally, 513 pepper tree: foliage of, in sleeping quarters, 401; origin of, 747; mentioned, 99, 263, 433, Table 1 and note c. SEE

douche, 490, 491; in alcohol, as liniment, 492; in tea, as enema, 522; with lodestone, 639; in Laguna pharmacopoeia, 693; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 830. SEE ALSO mental derangement

photograph (s): in spiritualistic centers, 421 and nn. 14, 15; in amorous magic, 659-660 piedra imán. SEE lodestone Piedras Negras, Coahuila: as source of lodestones, 634 pinabete. SEE "cleansing" agent (s) piñanona: in poultice, 577 pirul. SEE pepper tree pita: taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 822 placenta. SEE birth plantillas: salve as, 563, 567; definition of, 567 plants, native, in Laguna pharmacopoeia, 687, 693; of Old World, in Laguna pharmacopoeia, 704, 705; mentioned, Table 1. SEE ALSO "herb baths" plaster(s). SEE poultice (S) pleurisy: treatment for, 404, 487, 489, 491 Pliny: in Mexican sources, 701 n. 30 poleo: in tea, orally, 509, 595; in tea, ALSO "cleansing" agent (s) for inhalation, 509; as ointment, 552, perfume: in "herb bath," 353; in witch560; in Laguna, 704; in Old World, craft therapy, 353, 360, 362-363; in 704; mentioned, 484 pomade, 363; with lodestone, 651; poliomyelitis: 208 mentioned, 250, Table 1 and n. e Polish "switching": 747 n. 32 peroxide: in vaginal douche, 19 pomegranate: root of, in tea, orally, personality: change of, 131-132, 134 504; skin of, in tea, orally, 587 peru: aloe in, 680, 726; albahaca in, postnatal care: of infant, 45, 47, 65, 705; lodestone in, 733 68; of parturient: 47, 55, 58, 59, 60, peyote: sale of, 175, 487; source of, 187, 61, 62-63,64,96,458 485; use of, by sorcerer, 314, 487; in spiritualistic therapy, 404, 491, potato: raw, as poultice, 570; mentioned, 495 among Chichimecas, 486; among Irritilas, 486, 682; in Mexican sources, poultice (s): for fallen fontanel, 80, 81; for fever, 100, 570, 571; for kidney 486, 693, 694; for "natural" illnesses, ailments, 495, 572, 573; for hético, 487, 488-492; in emulsion, orally, 495, 574, 575; for external hemor488,536; external application of, 489; rhoids, 564; local names for, 568; for in tea, orally, 490, 492; in tea, as

160 bilis, 569; for nosebleed, 575, 576; for bites and stings, 575, 577 powders: to inflict illness, 99, 209, 287, 309, 314, 487; those affected by, 314315; for riddance of neighbor, 616; for luck in raffles, 622; in amorous magic, 677; mentioned, Appendix II No. 830. SEE ALSO mental derange-

ment

pox: 524. SEE ALSO alfombrilla

INDEX

psychosomatic illnesses. SEE illnesses, psychosomatic Puebla, Puebla: Catholicism in, 443; spiritualistic curing in, 443 Puebla (state): spiritualistic centers in, 438; mentioned, 486, 686 n. 28 Puerto Rico: spiritism and/or spiritualism in, 444 n. 17 quince leaves: in tea, orally, 592

prayers and/or invocations: for "unnatural" illnesses, 99, 245-246, 247, 251, 261, 302, 355, 386, 433, 697; for spiritualistic trance, 116; for riddance of neighbor, 617, 618, 619, 620; for luck in gambling, 622; in association with lodestone, 637, 652, 653, 654; in amorous magic, 660, 669, 672, 676; ancient Mexican counterparts of, 691, 697; mentioned, 134, Table 1, Ap-

red: in malevolent sorcery, 310; in witchcraft therapy, 353, 431; with good luck, 615, 622; in amorous magic, 676 — flowers: in "herb bath," 353, 431, Table 1 residence, patrilocal: 39 remedies. SEE medicine, and commercial remedies rheumatism: spiritualistic treatment of, pendix I. SEE ALSO Creed —, printed: sale of, 183, 620, 628; 417-418; other treatment for, 487, 492, 500, 528, 529-530, 551, 560names of, 619, 621, 644; as safe561, 562, 605, 606; Appendix II No. guard against accidents, 621; in as809 sociation with lodestone, 644 rice: in emulsion, orally, 542 pregnancy: duration of, 20; precautions Río Grande Valley: spiritualism in, 437 during, 25-28, 29-31, 32, 33; nausea Rojas, Roque: identification of, with during, 30; food cravings during, 31, Elijah, 436; identification of, with 321; intercourse during, 32; prenatal Holy Ghost, 436; spiritualistic censervices during, 33, 56 and n. 5; sorters named for, 439; mentioned, 440. cery disguised as, 91, 286, 335, 337338. SEE ALSO eclipse

prodigiosa: source of, 485; in tea, orally, 596 prophylaxis: during lactation, 69-70, 97; development of, 94, 98; for evil eye, 94, 214, 215; for avoidance of sorcery, 94, 287, 288-289, 726; through aloe, 94, 287, 726; through diet, 95, 96, 287, 288-289; through ojo de venado, 214; through printed prayer, 621; for avoidance of accidents, 621; among Irritilas, 680, 682; mentioned, 97 Protestantism: influences of, 437, 438, 440; Protestant churches in Federal District, 438

SEE ALSO spiritualism

Roman Catholic Church: votive offerings in, 410; vigor of, in Puebla, Puebla, 443 — ritual: reflected in treatment of "unnatural" illnesses, 99, 696, 697; veneer of, in spiritualism, 435; early Mexican counterparts of, 697 romero: in copal compound, 254; in "herb bath," 302, 353; in tea, orally, 396, 460, 490; in tea, as douche, 490; in Laguna, 704; in Old World, 704; mentioned, 99, 433, Table 1. SEE ALSO

"cleansing" agent (s) rosa de Castilla: in tea, orally, 36, 460 rosemary. SEE romero ruda: in "herb bath," 302, 353; in tea,

161

INDEX

orally, 396, 460; in Laguna, 704; in Old World, 704; mentioned, 99, 263,

433, 494, Table 1. SEE ALSO "cleans-

ing" agent (s) rue. SEE ruda Rural Medicine Services. SEE Servicios Médicos Rurales

Saccharum officinarum L. SEE caña saffron: 485, 494 Sahagún, Fray Bernardino de: herbalist approach of, 686 n. 28 sal. SEE luck, ill saliva: prophylactic and/or therapeutic use of, 214, 215, 223, 429, Table 1 salt: in poultice, 577; in "baptism" of lodestone, 651 "salt." SEE luck, ill Saltillo, Coahuila: and Tlaxcaltecans, 6, and n. 2, 684; mentioned, 2 salve (s). SEE ointments salvia (sic): in emulsion, orally, 36; in tea, orally, 67, 603; in fermented beverage, 549; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 815; mentioned, 484 sand dollar. SEE marine products San Esteban de Nueva Tlaxcala. SEE Tlaxcaltecans San Juan, Puerto Rico: spiritism and/or spiritualism in, 444 n. 17 San Judas (sic): printed prayer of, 619 San Luis Potosí (state): Laguna settlers from, 9; traffic of herbalists with, 485; mentioned, Appendix II No. 838 San Miguel, Coahuila: medical care in, 204 and n. 11 San Nicolás: in tea, orally, 16; source of, 485; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 840 San Pedro de las Colonias, Coahuila: sorcery in, 113, 325, 327-329; spiritualistic activities in, 163, 442; midwife in, 459; mentioned, 326, 417 San Pedro, sombra de. SEE sombra de San Pedro, La San Ramón Nonato: patron saint of parturients, 38, 719

Santa muerte, La: printed prayer, 644 Santiago Tuxtla, Veracruz: 751 n. 34 Santísima Trinidad. SEE Trinity, Holy sauce (desert willow): in tea, as enema, 522; taxonomic determination of, Appendix II No. 817 saúco. SEE elderberry flower sauna: 747 n. 32 Sayula, Jalisco: 492 n. 21 Schinus sp. SEE pepper tree scorpions: in sorcery, 309, 310 sea urchin. SEE marine products Secretaría de Salubridad y Asistencia: 197.

SEE ALSO Servicios

Médicos

Rurales Selaginella (? cuspidata Link). SEE flor de la peña senna. SEE hoja de sen sereno. SEE dew, night Servicios Médicos Rurales: service provided by, through the Ejido Hospital, 33, 55, 56, 87, 197, 205, 395, 398, 400; services otherwise provided by, 52, 53, 54, 56, 86, 93 n. 9, 198; annual quotas paid to, 53, 87, 198; as division of Secretaría de Salubridad y Asistencia, 197 sex: change of: 286,330, 332 — relations: during pregnancy, 32. Sharsmith, Helen: taxonomic determinations by, Appendix II shoe: in amorous magic, 667 shrimp, dried: 497 n. 22 Sierra de Durango, Durango: remedies from, 188, 485; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. 830,838,839,840 silicosis: attribution of, to sorcery, 305; mentioned, 380 skin: eruptions of, treatment for, 497 — infection: treatment for, Appendix II No. 819 — lesions. 530, 531. SEE ALSO boils,

ulcers skunk meat: sale of, 181; as remedy, 181, 497 sleeplessness: with "fright" variant, 241

162

INDEX

729; night dew in, 741; mentioned sleepiness: with "fright" variant, 242; passim. SEE ALSO Europe; Old World as consequence of sorcery, 294 specter: as cause of "fright," 283 smallpox: 524 smoking: by spiritualist, during trance, spirit(s): voices of, 129, 382, 409, 426; names of, 141, 147, 389-391, 395, 152-153 397-398, 401, 409, 421, 422, 423, snake grease: as ointment base, 552, 424, 425, 426, 427, Appendix I; com562 munication with, 407,409,419; ethnic snake meat: as remedy, 497; dried representatives among, 427; menshrimp marked as, 497 n. 22; sale of, tioned, Appendix I. SEE ALSO Car501 riel, Adrián; Correa, Manuel; Jarasoda, bicarbonate of: use of, during millo, Pedro; Villa, Pancho lactation, 69; in ointment, 559; men, medical: 404 tioned, 499 sombra de San Pedro, La: printed — possession: as cause of illness, 88, 388, 389, 728; spiritualistic trance prayer, 621, 644 through, 115, 152, 153; other associSonchus arvensis L. SEE cerraja ations of, with spiritualism, 388, 389Sonora (state): 189 391; in Puerto Rico, 444 n. 17; in sorcerer (s): abilities and functions of, 93, 105, 106, 111-112, 347, 361; early Laguna source, 681; in Spain, 728 synonyms for, 101; sex of, 101, 320, 723; flight on broom by, 102-103, spiritism: and spiritualism, 435, 444; in Latin America, 444 and n. 17 724; destination of, 103; sale of cinnamon by, 103; training of, 104; col- spiritualism: trance in, 99, 115, 116, laboration between, in curing, 106; 124, 125, 126, 143, 145, 152, 153, fees of, 107-109, 112, 200, 331, 341, 382,405,406-407,409,432,434,436, 367, 372; herbalist's opinion of, 110Table 1, Appendix I; personality 112; compared to spiritualist (s), 114, changed through, 131-132, 134; sib115; mentioned, 320. SEE ALSO magic, ling terms in, 141-143, 145, 146amorous; sorcery; illness(es), sorcery147; historical background of, in inflicted Mexico, 434, 436, 437, 439, 440, 678; as different from spiritism, 435, 444; sorcery: prophylaxis in, 94, 95, 287, in Mexico, 436, 437, 438, 442, 443; 288-289, 615, 726; names for, 284; Spanish resemblances in, 722, 723, as Protestant sect, 437, 438, 440; adherents of, 441; in Latin America, 724, 725, 726, 727, 729; and "uni444 and n. 17. SEE ALSO Rojas, Roque; corn" horn, 757. SEE ALSO aloe; sorspiritism; spirit possession; spiritualcerer (s); illness (es), sorcery-inflicted ist (s) soul loss: in "fright" variants, 88, 90, 239,243-245,247,272,687,689,690; — and spiritualistic center (s): in Mexin Spain, 698. SEE ALSO fontanel; ico, 116,129,132,140,159,161,163, tonal 270,289,375,381,412,421,422,427, sow bugs: use of, by sorcerer, 310 436, 437, 438, 442, 443; Appendix I; number of members in, 147, 158; deSpain: "fright" in, 689; as source of scription of, 158, 159, Appendix I; folk beliefs and practices, 695; dosvotive offerings for, 410, 412; photoage in, 702; albahaca in, 705; evil graphs in, 421 and nn. 14, 15; Apeye in, 708, 729; twins in, 721; alpendix I; in Federal district, 438; tamisa in, 726; possession by devil in, names of, 439, Appendix I; religious 728; sorcery in, 729; paralysis in,

163

INDEX

images in, Appendix I; mentioned,

stings: and contagion, 478-480; treatment for, 575, 577 — and spiritualistic consultation (s): St. Judas (sic). SEE San Judas (sic) spirit speaks during, 407, 409, 419, stomach Appendix I; description of, 381-383, —ailments: causes of, 468, 471; treatment for, 494, 511, 512, 545; men385-386, 405, Appendix I; cost of, tioned, Appendix II Nos. 811, 813, 410, 411-412, Appendix I. SEE ALSO 825 spiritualist (s) — and spiritualistic therapy: for sor- —, "clean": in classical Spanish medicine, 706; in Tehuantepec, 757 cery-inflicted illnesses, 93, 106, 322, 386, 401, 415-416; diagnosis in, 93, —, fallen: Spanish treatment for, 714 114,127,373,375,376,378,379,383, St. Peter: 422. SEE ALSO sombra de San Pedro, La 385, 393, 409, 432; for unidentified St. Raymond. SEE San Ramón Nonato illnesses, 114,126,127,400,406,407, 413-415; hospital for, 163, 417, 418; stroking. SEE "cleansing" for "fright," 270, 402; for spirit pos- sucking: for fallen fontanel, 82,100,715 session, 388-391; for "natural" ill- sugar: in infant therapy, 70, 71; and diabetes, 95, 408, 453; and parasites, nesses, 393, 395-398, 402, 404, 408473; in remedies, 488, 494, 533, 534, 409, 417, 418; remedies in, 396, 404, 535,540,541,542,546,565 407, 491, 493; "surgical operations" in, 413-415; practitioners in, 4 1 5 - sugarcane. SEE caña 416; distinctive elements in, 432; sunflower seed: lodestone accompanied by, 643 mentioned, Table 1. SEE ALSO "cleanssusto. SEE "fright," espanto and/or ing" of dwelling; descrying; illsusto variants of ness (es), sorcery-inflicted; spiritual— meco. SEE "fright," susto meco variist (s) ant of spiritualist (s): illiteracy of, 85 n. 8, sweating: remedial use of, 552,554,555, 143 and n. 10; malevolent activities 560 of, 89, 93, 114, 127-128, 209, 388; "sweeping." SEE "cleansing" compared to sorcerer (s), 114, 115; sweet basil. SEE albahaca sex of, 114, 116, 375; abilities of, 93, swellings: as consequence of sorcery, 114, 117-126, 127-132, 136, 157; 401, 416 communication of, with spirits of the syphilis: transfer of, 483. SEE ALSO dead, 115, 128-129, 404, 491; navenereal disease tional organization of, 115, 148, 160, 161, 162; proselytism by, 132-134; autobiographical data concerning, talcum: 45,499, 525 137-145; preparation and initiation (s): use of, 614, 615, 616, 621, talisman of, 140-145, 146, 148, 162, 163, 434; 622, 628, 657; cost of, 622, 657; over marital status of, 156-157; men615; mentioned, 94, 173, doorway, tioned, 655, Appendix I. SEE ALSO 149-151,322. SEE ALSO spiritualist (S)

luck, ill; spirit possession; spiritualism squash: 495 sterility: infrequency of, 14; causes of, 15, 458 and n. 18. SEE ALSO "hot-

cold" polarity

498. SEE ALSO aloe; lodestone

tallow: as ointment base, 552, 555, 564 Tampico, Tamaulipas: spiritualistic centers in, 436, 443; mentioned, 121 Taonabo sp. (probably T. oocarpa Rose). SEE flor de tilia teething: diarrhea associated with, 75

164

INDEX

Torquemada, Fray Juan de: 686 n. 28 Torreón, Coahuila: architecture in, 7; as urban center, 10; folk medicine in, 86, 87; curers (sorcerers) in, 113, 604; spiritualistic centers in, 116, 132,140,159,161, 381, 427, 442, Appendix I; folk-medicine preparations in, 501; talismans in, 615; herbarium specimens from, Appendix II; mentioned passim. SEE ALSO Servicios Médicos Rurales Torres, Elias (spirit): 426 Tragia nepetaefolia Cav. SEE ortiguilla trance. SEE spiritualism treasure, buried: spiritualistic advice concerning, 136; mentioned, 122 treatment pattern (s): forty days, 16,18, 36, 60, 64, 503, 597, 598, 599; twice daily, 16, 18, 36, 262, 490, 492, 503, tlapatl: ancient use of, 693. SEE ALSO 505,566,585,593,594, 595, 596,598, toloache 606, 608; nine consecutive days or Tlatelolco: ancient herbal translated in, nights, or otherwise nine repeats, 36, 686 n. 28; Sahagun's data from, 686 303,353,370,396,490,492, 517,590, n. 28, 700, 701, 702; Franciscan Co591, 592, 593, 594, 595, 596, 710; legio de Santa Cruz in, 686 n. 28, 701 early morning dosage (en ayunas), Tlaxcala. SEE Tlaxcaltecans 36, 396, 501, 514, 539, 544, 545, 549, Tlaxcaltecans: as Laguna colonists, 6; 591, 595,599,600, 601,602,603,604, source on colonization by, 6 n. 2; set608, 609, 610, 611, 702; thrice daily, tlement of, at San Esteban de Nueva 75,460, 587, 588, 589, 607, 608; evenTlaxcala, 6, 684; influence of, on ing administration, 217,257,277,393, Laguna folklore, 7; and native Mex414, 509, 515, 517, 550, 551, 562, ican traditions, 9, 684, 750; speech 587, 592, 605, 608; three consecutive and culture of, 684,685 days or nights, 217, 569, 585, 586, toad: to inflict illness, 309, 310, 738; 587, 589, 603; unawareness of pain amorous magic, 671-672, 738; tient, 257, 258, Table 1 and n.f; mentioned, 656 noon, 261, 262, 263, 278, 302, 350, tobacco: as ointment, 560; in Laguna 354, 356, Table 1; days of week, 350, pharmacopoeia, 693; in Mexican 353, 359, 386, 393, 710; agua de uso, source, 694 516,541, 545, 608 toloa. SEE toloache Trejo, Antonia (spirit): 426 toloache: use of, by sorcerer, 314, 493; Trinity, Holy: mentioned in prayer, 252, in Mexican sources; 693; as native 651, 653 plant, 693. SEE ALSO powders Trixis californica Kell. SEE cachano tomato: as poultice, 495, 572, 573, 574 trompillo: in tea, orally, 601 tonal: terms for, 691; and soul loss, 691; tronadora: sale of, 179; in tea, orally, fontanel associated with, 691 588 tonsils: inflamed, treatment for, 563, tuberculosis: as consequence of sorcery, 567 286; treatment for, 497; "first period" Tehuantepec, Isthmus of: spiritualism in, 443 Tehuantepec, Oaxaca: spiritualism in, 436; "clean" stomach in, 757 tejocote: source of, 485; in tea, orally, 512, 592; mentioned, 495 "temple." SEE spiritualism and spiritualistic center(s) Tenochtitlan. SEE Mexico-Tenochtitlan Tepepan, Distrito Federal: 751 n. 34 Tepepulco (now Tepeapulco), Hidalgo: Sahagun's data from, 686 n. 28, 715 Tepetongo, Zacatecas: 138 tequila: as base for fermented remedy, 549, 604, Appendix II No. 815 therapy, spiritualistic. SEE spiritualism and spiritualistic therapy tianguis: in tea, as enema, 526

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INDEX

of, 600, 609; mentioned, 170, 345, Appendix II No. 827 tumbavaquero: in tea, orally, 503 turkey: egg of, 216, 709; pre-white domestication of, 709 turpentine: in pomade, 360,363; in ointment, 561; mentioned, 499 twins: in Spain, 721; in southern Veracruz, 757 typhoid fever: 226,231 ulcers, skin: as consequence of sorcery, 286, 291; treatment for, 530-531; mentioned, 408 umbilical cord. SEE birth "unicorn" horn: in Spain, 706; in southern Veracruz, 757 United States: 437, 444 n. 17, 662 urine: and painful urination, 543, 601; in ointment, 566; remedial use of, 721 Urquizo, Coahuila: 225 vaginal discharge: causes of, 483, 517; treatment for, 404,487,491, 516,517, 599, 600, 609; mentioned, Appendix II Nos. 821, 830 vaginal douche: tea used for, 19, 100, 490, 491, 517, 520; tea, orally, and for, 490,517,520 vaginal inflammation: treatment for, 605 Veinte de Noviembre, Coahuila: spiritualistic center in, 442 venereal disease: transfer of, 483; as "illness of the blood," 514; treatment for, 514, 594, 599, 600, 606; as "internal infirmity," 594, 606; mentioned, 178, 600, Appendix II Nos. 821, 829 ventosa. SEE cupping glass Veracruz (state): spiritualistic centers in, 443; mentioned, 757 Veracruz, Veracruz: traffic of herbalists with, 188; spiritualistic centers in, 443 verbena: in oral treatment, 546; in sprays beneath mattress, 546

Viesca, Coahuila: traffic of herbalists with, 485; mentioned, 2, 3, Appendix II No. 826 Villa José Cardel, Veracruz: spiritualistic centers in, 443; mentioned, 751 n.34 Villa, Pancho (spirit): expulsion of evil spirits by, 389-391; advice given by, Appendix I; mentioned, 423 vinegar: in poultice, 570, 571, 576, 577; mentioned, 494 viscera: as poultice, 575 visions: peyote for, 693 vitamins: 230, 583 vulture meat: as remedy, 497; sale of, 501 water: in glass beneath bed, 217, 228, 378, 383, Table 1; in white or colorless receptacle, 397, 432; Table 1, Appendix I; in amorous magic, 659660; from mouth of curer, 691. SEE ALSO descrying

—, holy: remedial use of, 276, 430, 691, 697; ancient counterpart of, 691, 697; mentioned, Table 1 —, running: treatment within sound of, 243-245,430, Table 1 weaning: delay in, 71; foods at, 71, 72 Wilkie, Raymond: 204 n. 11 willow, desert. SEE sauce witch. SEE sorcerer(S) witchcraft. SEE sorcery womb —, "coldness" of: as cause of sterility, 15, 458 and n. 18; treatment for, 1516, 178; mentioned, Appendix II No. 833 —, displacement of: no recognition of, by medical doctors, 203, 476; causes of, 475, 476, 712; symptoms of, 476; treatment for, 540; mentioned, 559 —, inflammation of: vaginal discharge from, 483, 517; treatment for, 517 worm-seed: 494 wounds: treatment for, 530, 531

166 Ximénez, Fray Francisco: 686 n. 28 Xochimilco, Distrito Federal: lodestones in, 750 n. 33; mentioned, 686 n. 28, 751 n. 34 Xochitepec, Distrito Federal: 751 n. 34 Yánez Díaz, Arq. Gonzalo: 735

INDEX

zábila. SEE aloe Zacatecas (state): Laguna settlers from, 9 Zacatecas, Zacatecas: 138 Zapata, Coahuila: Appendix II Nos. 809,818