Flowering in the Shadows: Women in the History of Chinese and Japanese Painting 9780824841973

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Flowering in the Shadows

Flowering in the Shadows Women in the History of Chinese and Japanese Painting

E D I T E D BY

MARSHA WEIDNER

U N I V E R S I T Y OF H A W A I I HONOLULU

PRESS

Publication of this book has been supported by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency. © 1990 University of Hawaii Press All Rights Reserved Printed in the United States of America 90 91 92 93 94 95

5 4 3 2 1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Flowering in the shadows: Women in the history of Chinese and Japanese painting / edited by Marsha Weidner. p.

cm.

Includes index. ISBN 0-8248-1149-6 (alk. paper) 1.

Painting, Chinese.

Japanese.

4.

2.

Women painters—China.

Women painters—Japan. ND1040.F58

I.

3.

Weidner, Marsha Smith.

1990

759.951'082—dc20

90-11001

CIP University of Hawaii Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources.

Painting.

Contents

Foreword by Richard Barnhart

vii

Preface

xi

Divisions of Chinese and Japanese History

xv

Introduction: Images and Realities MARSHA

i

WEIDNER

PART I 1.

Didactic Art for Women: The Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety JULIA

2.

K.

C.

ADAPTED

Y.

FU,

BY

TRANSLATED

MARSHA

5.

WEIDNER

103

CAHILL

The Conventional Success of Ch'en Shu MARSHA

7.

123

WEIDNER

PART I I 6.

81

LAING

The Painting of Liu Yin JAMES

Japan

Women Painters at the Heian Court AKIYAMA

TERUKAZU,

ADAPTED

BY

TRANSLATED

MARIBETH

159 AND

GRAYBILL

Chinese Maiden, Silla Monk: Zenmyö and Her Thirteenth-Century Japanese Audience KAREN

55

AND

Women Painters in Traditional China ELLEN JOHNSTON

4.

27

MURRAY

Princess Sengge Ragi: Collector of Painting and Calligraphy SHEN

3.

China

L.

BROCK

185

vi 8.

Contents Women Artists in Traditional Japan PATRICIA

9.

The Three Women of Gion STEPHEN

10.

241

ADDISS

The Life and Art of Cho Koran PATRICIA

219

FISTER

265

FISTER

Contributors

295

Index

297

Plates follow page 80

Foreword

It is common to read the histories of the arts of China and Japan without encountering mention of women. I myself have been teaching East Asian art history for over twenty years, and have usually done so without ever discussing a single female artist. If questioned by my students, I might provide a name or two, usually that of Kuan Tao-sheng (1262-1319), the wife of Chao Meng-fu, the foremost painter and calligrapher of the early Yuan period. Basically, art historians have regarded the art of China and Japan as a patriarchal tradition, allowing for the occasional wife or concubine to appear briefly, but attending to the essential male identity of the East Asian cultural tradition. That this long practice is false and unacceptable is evident. As this volume demonstrates, not only were there many women active as artists in both China and Japan throughout history, there were women in both traditions whose stature and influence should be regarded as central to the long vitality of East Asian art. Moreover, no evaluation or understanding of the artistic, cultural, and philosophical traditions of China and Japan is really possible without comprehension of the feminine components that have shaped and influenced the whole. Several examples should be cited repeatedly until we are all familiar with them. To begin with, it could be argued quite reasonably that the distinguished heritage of classical calligraphy in China emanates from a woman, Madam Wei, or Wei Shuo (272-349), who was the teacher of Wang Hsi-chih (307-365), the "Prince of Calligraphers." That the Chinese were subsequently troubled by this relationship is clear from the loss of Madam Wei's own calligraphy during the same period in which Wang Hsi-chih's was slowly elevated to the rank of cultural icon. Surely the intimate, sensuous, and infinitely graceful art of Wang Hsichih cannot be fully understood without consideration of the influence of his teacher. Even if history has obscured her life and art, Madam Wei's relationship to Wang Hsi-chih must make clear the extent to which we should understand the aesthetic of that particular classical tradition of Chinese calligraphy to be the embodiment of aristocratic women's practice of elegant and intimate letter writing. Later men, undoubtedly, understood this, and subsequent repeated efforts to establish other styles of calligraphy as rivals to the canon of Wang Hsi-chih, in one way or another, indicate the perceived need for a more assertive, masculine mode of writing. Since the inevitable trend of this patriarchal tradition has been

viii

Foreword

to obliterate the origins of such essential contributions as that of Madam W e i , it is necessary n o w to seize upon every evidence of them. In Japan, subsequently, the form of calligraphy practiced b y w o m e n was generally the phonetic Japanese system of hiragana, distinct from the use of C h i nese characters, w h i c h w a s considered a male dominion. In their graceful exploration of the calligraphic possibilities of hiragana, Japanese w o m e n extended into a new realm of nuance and formal elegance the legacy of Madam W e i . If w o m e n are central to the classical traditions of calligraphy in C h i n a and Japan, they are not less fundamental to other essential aspects of the arts. Ink bamboo has been regarded as the equivalent in East Asian art of the human figure in the arts of the W e s t , and the later history of Chinese painting in particular is often concerned w i t h the painting of ink b a m b o o . T h e subject and techniques of ink bamboo, moreover, lie at the very origins of literati painting. W h a t is all the more striking, therefore, is the probability that ink bamboo was first painted b y a w o m a n of Szechuan named Lady Li (act 923-934). Tracing in ink the shadows of bamboo cast b y the m o o n upon her w i n d o w , she created the f o r m that w o u l d preoccupy Chinese and Japanese painters for centuries. B o t h the secluded intimacy of her life and the refined elegance of the art she invented bear close resemblance to the legacy of Madam W e i , and w e m i g h t therefore regard the tradition of ink bamboo as an essentially feminine aesthetic, like the other, the origins of w h i c h are again all but lost. T w o b o o k s that shaped the cultures of Japan and C h i n a are embodiments of the feminine ideal. Lady Murasaki Shikibu's Tale of Genji is arguably the most influential single w o r k of Japanese literature and the inspiration for a tradition of painting that w a s not only called " w o m e n ' s p a i n t i n g " in Japan, but was also in all probability partially created b y w o m e n and practiced b y them as amateurs. W h a t debt yamato-e itself, "painting in the Japanese manner," as opposed to the masculine hara-e, or " C h i n e s e painting," therefore owes to w o m e n has been only partially acknowledged. In C h i n a the endlessly inspiring and mysterious classical text of Taoism, the Tao Te Chittg, can only be understood as the most profound exploration of the feminine philosophy of living ever produced in Asia. T h a t this philosophy remains at the heart of East Asian thought and art as the necessary counterpole to Confucian activism is confirmation of its role in the fundamental meanings of the yin-yang duality that is in essence the interaction of the male and the female throughout history. In our histories of the art of Asia, unfortunately, the female is forgotten. T h e articles in this volume begin to redress the imbalance. W e must regret that it has taken so l o n g for them to appear and much more is still to c o m e , but w e see here a w e l c o m e point of departure. A s in all areas of recent feminist studies of history, once the subject is seen, it w i l l not fade away again. T h e studies collected here illuminate a great deal that has l o n g been in the shadows, so m u c h

Foreword

ix

that we might well wonder how it was that those shadows clung so darkly to the women now revealed to us. We might also wonder—become actively curious, I would hope—about how many more women will yet appear. How deeply rooted will we ultimately discover their presence to have been in the great tradition of Asian history we think so familiar? As has begun to happen in other spheres of historical study, we may be led to a reconsideration of other fundamental matters as well. Great masters and masterpieces may begin to seem like rather hollow and self-proclaiming manifestos of a stubborn patriarchy if we are unable to assess them fully and truly within the complex realities of human lives and interactions. Without understanding of the contributions of women to the histories of art in China and Japan, we dehumanize that history. One by one, the studies that follow return to life the women whose lives and contributions to art we have forgotten. Reading them, we know the damage we have done and will become attentive to the prevention of its continuation. Even now, we will discover, light can be cast into long secluded and conveniently forgotten chambers. RICHARD

BARNHART

Yale University

Preface

This book brings together recent studies of the history of premodern Chinese and Japanese painting that intersect on the topic of women. Eight of the chapters were written specifically for this volume and two were translated and adapted for it from Asian sources. I began this project in 1983, after finding through informal inquiries that enough research was complete or in progress to make a selective collection of essays feasible. This was by no means a given since Western art historians seldom paid much attention to the work of East Asian women. Paintings by women were regarded as inconsequential, though perhaps graced with "feminine charm." As described for Western audiences the history of East Asian painting belonged to men. Chinese and Japanese sources indeed confirm that male artists far outnumbered female artists. At the same time, these sources present a complex picture of the relationships between male and female artists and take note of accomplished women who were connected with the same elite social, literary, and artistic circles as the men who dominate the pages of Western writings on the painting of China and Japan. The essays in this volume, then, "rediscover" some of these women. They also extend the discussion to include women's roles as art patrons, collectors, and consumers. Much research remains to be done in all of these areas, but these studies clearly show how women fit into and influenced the patterns of Chinese and Japanese painting history. The initial impetus for the compilation of this volume was provided by students in my undergraduate courses on Asian art history. Intent on writing term papers on women or simply curious because "women's topics" were being introduced in other classes, they asked what they could read about the female painters of China and Japan and were disappointed to learn how little was available in English. Most of them were not prepared to do research in an Asian language. If they insisted on writing about women in Chinese or Japanese painting, I had little choice but to recommend that they examine images of women painted by men. N o w , in addition to this collection of essays, I can refer students to the catalogues of two exhibitions, both of which opened in the United States in 1988. The first, Japanese Women Artists 1600-1900, was curated by Patricia Fister for the Spencer Museum of Art at the University of Kansas. Ellen Johnston Laing and I served as guest curators for the second, Views from Jade Terrace: Chinese Women

xii

Preface

Artists 1300-1912,

which was organized by James Robinson at the Indianapolis

Museum of Art. These exhibitions and the present volume were conceived as complementary. The exhibition catalogues include paintings by numerous artists whose works are not reproduced in these pages. Here, on the other hand, the lives and works of certain painters are examined in greater depth than was possible in the catalogues, and the range of subjects addressed is much broader. Unlike many collections of this type, this book was not preceded by a scholarly symposium. The contributors did not have an opportunity to discuss their findings as a group, and direct collaboration was the exception rather than the rule. Nevertheless, the essays are remarkably cohesive. Instances in which authors contradicted one another, usually in generalizations,

were few and easily

resolved. The differences in interpretation that remain should serve to draw attention to issues that deserve further study. In the pages that follow the romanization of Chinese names and terms is based on the Wade-Giles system as used in Mathews' Chinese-English

Dictionary.

Romanization of Japanese words follows the fourth edition of Kenkyusha's Japanese-English

Dictionary.

New

Except in the cases of modern scholars w h o often

write for Western audiences and have adopted Western name order, Chinese and Japanese names are given in the Chinese and Japanese manner, family name preceding the given name or artist's pseudonym (C. hao, J . go). Also following Chinese practice, Chinese women are usually called by their own family names, rather than those of their husbands. Japanese artists are most often referred to by their go. Special cases, such as the appellations of the women of the Heian court, are explained as they occur. The titles of Chinese and Japanese books cited in the text or notes are translated unless the translations are more poetic than informative, in which case the contents of the books are described. Each essay is accompanied by a glossary that gives the characters for Chinese or Japanese names, terms, and book titles. The glossaries also include dates for individuals introduced in the text. As volume editor I am grateful to the contributors for their patience with this project, which has taken longer to complete than was anticipated. T h e process was slowed, in part, by our efforts to balance the Chinese and Japanese portions of the book to the extent possible. Some essays were revised to this end, and Patricia Fister was kind enough to step in at the last minute and prepare an overview of later Japanese women painters to match Ellen Johnston Laing's survey of Chinese women artists of the Ming and C h ' i n g periods. The discussions of Japan in the Introduction were significantly improved by suggestions offered by Maribeth Graybill and Karen Brock, and Julia Murray was likewise helpful with the sections on China. Throughout the editing process, assistance was generously given by my husband, Terry Weidner, whose expertise in later and modern East Asian history proved invaluable. James Cahill, as always, graciously provided

Preface

xiii

help and advice whenever it was requested. Finally, the writers of this book sincerely appreciate the dedication of Patricia Crosby, our editor at the University of Hawaii Press, w h o has done much to polish our work and secure support for its production. MARSHA

WEIDNER

Divisions of Chinese and Japanese History

China

Ch'in dynasty-

221-207

Han dynasty Former (Western) Han Hsin dynasty Later (Eastern) Han

202 B.C.-A.D. 220

Three Kingdoms Chin dynasty Western Chin Eastern Chin Southern and Northern dynasties

220-280 \

B

-C-

202 B.C.-A.D. 9 A.D. 9 - 2 3 25-220

265-420 I 265-316 > 317-42O 1 420-589 J

Also referred to as the "Three Kingdoms-Six dynasties period" or the " S i x dynasties period" (220-589)

Sui dynasty

589-618

T'ang dynasty

618-906

Five dynasties period

907-960

Liao dynasty

907-II25

Sung dynasty Northern Sung Southern Sung

960-1279

Chin dynasty

III5-I234

Yuan dynasty

I260-I368

Ming dynasty

1368-1644

Ch'ing dynasty

1644-1912

960-II27 II27-I279

xvi

Divisions of Chinese and Japanese History

JAPAN

Nara period

710-794

Heian period

794-1185

Kamakura period

1185-1333

Nanbokucho (Southern and Northern courts)

I333-I392

Muromachi period

1392-1573

Momoyama period

1573-1615

Edo period

1615-1867

Meiji period

1868-1912

Flowering in the Shadows

Introduction Images and Realities MARSHA

WEIDNER

References to female artists, art patrons, and art collectors in Chinese and Japanese sources attest to the respect that these women were accorded in their own times and by subsequent generations. Women's contributions to the history of East Asian painting are documented in compilations of artists' biographies, art catalogues, literary anthologies, histories, temple records, diaries, reminiscences, and local gazetteers. In keeping with the general separation of male and female spheres of activity and the subordinate position of women in Confucian societies, the accomplishments of women were often recorded in separate sections, at the ends of chapters, or at the ends of books. Still, they did not go unrecognized. Moreover, paintings and pieces of calligraphy by women were passed down by private and imperial collectors, and many of these works survive today in collections around the world. Why, then, has recognition of women, other than as pictorial subjects, been rare in the Western literature on premodern Chinese and Japanese painting? If this situation cannot be attributed to a shortage of resources, it must be explained, at least in part, by the values and methodological premises that have guided the study of art history in the twentieth century. Until quite recently the history of art was viewed mainly as a series of linked achievements of "great masters." Western scholars were unaccustomed to appreciating female artists in their own tradition and were therefore not inclined to look for them in other cultures. In the case of East Asia, this situation was undoubtedly exacerbated by the images of Asian women prevalent in the West, especially those in circulation in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when the serious study of Chinese and Japanese art was just beginning in Europe and the United States. The history of Western ideas about Chinese and Japanese women has taken many turns, and the subject deserves more attention than it can be given in this introduction. Nevertheless, a brief survey of some of the writings that have shaped our perceptions of Asian women is offered here for two purposes: first, to place the present volume in a broad literary context, and second, to serve as a

2

MARSHA

WEIDNER

vehicle for reviewing some of the physical, psychological, and social circumstances experienced b y the w o m e n introduced in the f o l l o w i n g chapters. From the second half of the nineteenth century through W o r l d W a r II, East Asian w o m e n w e r e described for Western audiences in diverse publications b y Western missionaries, scholars, travelers, journalists, wives of government officials, and, eventually, b y Asian w o m e n themselves. Books and articles about C h i nese w o m e n outnumbered those about the w o m e n of Japan because Europe and the United States had older and more extensive economic, political, and religious ties to China. A s a consequence, Western notions about Asian w o m e n w e r e often based on images transmitted b y " o l d C h i n a hands." T h e early descriptions of Chinese w o m e n can be divided chronologically into those produced between 1850 and 1920 (during the late C h ' i n g dynasty and its immediate aftermath) and those that appeared between 1920 and 1945. A range of views on Chinese w o m a n h o o d was offered in each period, but

throughout,

notices of intellectual or artistic w o m e n w e r e overshadowed b y more dramatic accounts—sensational reports of unwanted daughters and oppressed wives and romantic tales of great beauties of times past. In the first period, missionaries provided the most negative views of the status of Chinese w o m e n . Seeking support for their activities in C h i n a , they praised the character of the country's w o m e n while deploring their condition. Missionaries spoke of females as victims, and catalogued the atrocities visited on them, most notably infanticide and footbinding. T h e picture they painted was one of submissive w o m e n kept largely in ignorance and, in the case of the upper-classes, idleness. 1 Their generalizations about the personal lives of upper-class w o m e n , while not w i t h o u t elements of truth, are particularly questionable. Missionaries were seldom w e l c o m e in the homes of the gentry, and so had limited k n o w l e d g e of w h a t really w e n t on in the w o m e n ' s quarters of these households. T h e missionaries' observations were buttressed b y English translations of the Chinese classics that appeared in the second half of the nineteenth century. 2 These books revealed the antiquity of misogynist views in C h i n a and the subordinate position of w o m e n w i t h i n the rigidly patriarchal Confucian social and political system. A n ancient fear of female p o w e r , for instance, is registered in such wellk n o w n lines as " T h e c r o w i n g of a hen in the morning indicates the subversion of the f a m i l y " and " A wise man builds up the w a l l [of a city], But a wise w o m a n overthrows i t . " 3 Another often-cited poem contrasts the treatment given b o y and girl babies in anticipation of their distinct social roles, superior and inferior, respectively. 4 T h e Classic of Rites yields a rich harvest of prescriptive passages pertaining to w o m e n . Recorded here are the famous " t h r e e obediences" (san-ts'ung), w h i c h Westerners w r i t i n g about the status of Chinese w o m e n have seldom failed to mention: " T h e w o m a n follows (and obeys) the m a n : — i n her y o u t h , she f o l l o w s her father and elder brother; w h e n married, she follows her husband; w h e n her

Introduction

3

husband is dead, she follows her son." 5 The "Domestic Rules" (Nei-tse) chapter of this text defines a woman's world as her home. It declares that " T h e men should not speak of what belongs to the inside (of the house), nor the women of what belongs to the outside," and dictates in unequivocal terms the strict separation of male and female living quarters, the differentiation of the treatment of male and female children, and the submissive behavior required of girls. The same chapter also stresses, however, that men and women alike owe filial devotion to their parents.6 As has often been observed, the respect due a mother offset much of the deference she owed her sons by virtue of their sex. Strong women were able to use their maternal roles to wield considerable power in their families and, if the family was imperial, in the nation. The classics outlined women's position in traditional society, but for more detailed guidance on the conduct becoming their sex, Chinese girls and women turned to books of Confucian instruction and didactic stories written specifically for them over the centuries. A keen interest in female education in China soon led the Christian missionaries to this body of literature, and they in turn introduced it to Western audiences. An American missionary's abridged English translation of one such book appeared in 1891 under the title Typical Women of China.7 Far from describing typical behavior, however, this book contains edifying biographies of exemplars of female virtue. A very different though no less superficial set of images of Asian womanhood was provided by the American women who gained entrée to the Ch'ing court and became acquainted with the formidable Manchu empress dowager Tz'u-hsi in the twilight years of China's last dynasty. 8 To many, the empress dowager, a shrewd but inflexible leader, was proof of the correctness of the Chinese classics in warning of the evils of female rule, but to Sarah Conger, wife of the American minister in Peking, and her friends, Tz'u-hsi was exotic and charming. They exclaimed over her lovely manners, education, artistic ability, and fondness for flowers, and regaled their audiences with descriptions of her gorgeous costumes and magnificent palaces. Such effusive portrayals were swiftly challenged by J . O. P. Bland and Edmund Backhouse in their influential if unreliable book China Under the Empress Dowager: . . . valueless, for purposes of historical accuracy, are most of the accounts and impressions of the Empress recorded by those Europeans (especially the ladies of the Diplomatic Body and their friends) who saw her personality and purposes reflected in the false light which beats upon the Dragon Throne on ceremonial occasions, or who came under the influence of the deliberate artifices and charm of manner which she assumed so well. While decrying the descriptions of the empress dowager circulated by many of their contemporaries, Bland and Backhouse offered their own strongly colored characterizations of Tz'u-hsi:

4

MARSHA

WEIDNER

Despite her swiftly changing and uncontrolled moods, her childish lack of moral sense, her unscrupulous love of power, her fierce passions and revenges, Tzu Hsi was no more the savage monster described by "Wen Ching," [the pseudonym of the author of a series of letters originally published in a Singapore newspaper] than she was the benevolent, fashionplate Lady Bountiful of the American magazines. She was simply a woman of unusual courage and vitality, of strong will and unbounded ambition, a woman and an Oriental, living out her life by such lights as she knew, and in accordance with her race and caste.9 The writings of Bland and Backhouse, although once taken as authoritative, were far from the last w o r d on Tz'u-hsi. This contradictory, pleasure-loving "dragon l a d y " proved to be a subject of enduring fascination to writers in Europe and America. 1 0 Indeed, until the emergence of the Soong sisters, Tz'u-hsi was, for better or worse, the example of East Asian womanhood best k n o w n in the Western world. B y the 1920s Western ideas had brought enormous changes to at least the upper levels of Chinese urban society, and Westerners and Chinese were coming to know much more about one another. The nonfiction accounts of Chinese women published from the twenties through the mid-forties reflect this change in their more moderate tones and varied perspectives. Missionary handwringing and privileged peeks into the palace are replaced by accounts of American-Chinese friendships, praise for the participation of Chinese women in the war effort, and introductions to famous women from China's past. Some of the works in the last category, however, display a continued taste for exoticism and focus on the stereotypical females of Chinese literature—the "sweet beguilers," "temptresses," " k i n g d o m wreckers," and " f r a i l favorites." 1 1 The prewar and wartime literature on Chinese women contains only a f e w pieces that might have indicated to art historians that investigations of women's roles in art history could be worthwhile. Sophia H . Chen's 1932 essay " T h e Chinese Woman in a Modern W o r l d " draws attention to the women of premodern China w h o distinguished themselves in literature and art and " i n services both social and national." C h ' e n takes as her prime example Li Ch'ing-chao (10841151) w h o , though celebrated primarily as a poet, is remembered too as a scholar, painter, calligrapher, and connoisseur of books and the arts. Li Ch'ing-chao is also featured, along with another poet, a calligrapher, and t w o painters, in Florence Ayscough's Chinese Women, Yesterday & To-day (1937). Although Ayscough chose not to write on the ladies " m o r e fair than virtuous" that so intrigued other authors, her book contains a good deal of romanticized description. More serious investigations of the history of Chinese women were scarce until after the war. One exception is Albert R . O ' H a r a ' s The Position of Woman in Early China (1945), which consists of a translation of the Biographies of Eminent Women by Liu Hsiang of the Han dynasty and some discussion of the status of

Introduction

5

Chinese women as described in this and other early texts. Another exception is Nancy Lee Swann's Pan Chao, Foremost Woman Scholar of China (1932), a careful study that anticipated the level of inquiry recently attained in women's studies. Both remain useful today. 12 In turning to Japan, we find that late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Western writings on Japanese women offer less drama than the contemporary literature on the women of China. This is largely because the social conditions and history of women in Japan provided less material for either outrage or romance. 13 Missionaries in Japan were not confronted with female infanticide and found nothing as bizarre as the practice of footbinding, which simultaneously appalled and fascinated Western observers in China. Moreover, Meiji Japan (1868-1912) offered no parallel to Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi. The Meiji empress, posthumously known as Empress Dowager Shoken, was, in fact, something of a model figure. She contributed to Japan's drive for modernization by adopting foreign dress, taking an active interest in foreign culture, patronizing education, and lending support to worthy causes such as the Tokyo Charity Hospital. 14 On the whole, Japanese history lacks women of wickedness to match the "femmes fatales" and "dangerous dowagers" of China. This is not to say that Japan did not produce politically influential women. It certainly did, and some of these individuals were also censured by history. Empress Koken (716-770), for example, is remembered for her relationship with a monk, a liaison that imperiled the imperial line of succession; and Hino Tomiko, the wife of the eighth Ashikaga shogun, is credited by most historians with precipitating the Onin War and using the occasion to reap enormous personal profit. 1 5 Such examples notwithstanding, Japanese women were not made the subjects of cautionary tales to the same extent as were the great villainesses of Chinese history, nor were they as intriguing to Western writers as such Chinese figures as the usurper of the T'ang throne Empress W u (r 690-705) or Yang Kuei-fei, the plump imperial concubine whose fatally distracting charms brought Hsiian-tsung, the "Brilliant Emperor," (r 712-756) to ruin. 16 The majority of famous women of Japan's past are well regarded, usually for their political or literary roles. Early in this century some of these figures were introduced to Western audiences in such diverse publications as Tan Hamaguchi's "Some Striking Female Personalities in Japanese History" (a paper delivered before the Japan Society in London in 1902), Margaret E. Burton's The Education of Women in Japan,17 and the English-language translations of the writings of Japanese court ladies that began to appear in the 1920s. 18 The images of strong and creative women presented in these publications, however, were undermined by descriptions of the brothel districts of Japan and reports of the low status of women in traditional Japanese society. In The Mikado's Empire (1876), the educator William E. Griffis favorably compares the position of women in Japan to that of women in other Asian countries, but at the same time makes much of the degradation of Japanese women resulting from the

6

MARSHA

WEIDNER

institution of polygamy and from the emphasis placed on filial piety. Filial piety, he observes, could require a virgin to enter a brothel if her father so commanded. T o illustrate further the p o w e r of men over w o m e n , Griffis reviews the traditional list of "seven causes for justifiable d i v o r c e " of a w i f e . H e also describes the didactic texts studied b y Japanese w o m e n , and in assessing the results of that education concludes that " I f unvarying obedience, acquiescence, submission, the utter absorption of her personality into that of her husband, constitute the ideal of the perfect w o m a n , then the Japanese married w o m e n approach so near that ideal as to be practically perfect." 1 9 A somewhat later account b y Basil Hall Chamberlain (first published in 1901) deplores the disdain Japanese men showed females and offers as a summation of " t h e ideas hitherto prevalent in Japan concerning the relations between the sexes," a translation of The Greater Learning for Women b y the Japanese N e o - C o n f u c i a n scholar Kaibara Ekken (1630-1714). This text was given even wider circulation in the West w h e n it was reprinted in 1908 in the Wisdom of the East series. 20 Those w h o read the translation of Ekken's treatise and w e r e familiar w i t h the Chinese didactic literature for w o m e n discovered that the w o m e n of the t w o countries were similarly instructed in the w a y s of submission. Early Western writings on Chinese and Japanese w o m e n converged, then, on the themes of l o w status and the repressive nature of female education. Against this background, the reports of w o m e n ' s artistic accomplishments that appeared f r o m time to time must have seemed anomalous. It is difficult to reconcile the missionaries' bleak picture of the lives of Chinese w o m e n w i t h , for example, the references to famous female painters that Herbert Giles included in his 1905 introduction to Chinese pictorial art, a survey d r a w n directly from Chinese sources. 21 Later authors, including Sophia C h e n and Florence A y s c o u g h , offered explanations o f h o w w o m e n were able to discover and cultivate their creative abilities w i t h i n traditional Confucian society. Such writings, however, had little apparent effect on the field of art history, perhaps because they were t o o w i d e l y scattered and directed to disparate, often primarily female, audiences. W h a t e v e r the reasons, the positive views of Asian w o m e n presented prior to 1945 neither supplanted the negative stereotypes nor inspired art historians to question their assumption of w o m e n ' s insignificance in the history of Asian art. In the West after W o r l d W a r II, as academic interest in Asian history and culture g r e w and became increasingly specialized, much more came to be k n o w n about the roles of Asian w o m e n in various fields. M o r e writings b y Japanese court ladies w e r e translated—some w e r e retranslated—and the societies in w h i c h these w o m e n w o r k e d were more fully examined. 2 2 A fair amount of attention was also given to the female poets of China, especially Li C h ' i n g - c h a o . 2 3 Historians explored w o m e n ' s positions in the social structures of various periods and reassessed female participation in the political sphere. 24 In addition to studies of Asian w o m e n resulting from the traditional concerns and methods of established

Introduction

7

disciplines, the last two decades have brought a small explosion of scholarship inspired by the growth of women's studies and the development of feminist modes of analysis. Recent works have addressed such topics as images of women in Chinese literature, female literacy in China, and women in Asian religions. Issue has also been taken with some of the conventional ideas about women in Japanese political history. 25 In comparison to scholars working in other areas of Asian Studies, specialists of East Asian painting have been slow to reconsider women's contributions. Tseng Yu-ho Ecke's article (1955) on the courtesan-painter Hsiieh W u can be cited as a pioneering but isolated work. Scant corroboration of Ecke's judgement that "less serious attention has been paid to women painters than they deserve" was provided by the few discussions of female artists included in Osvald Siren's influential surveys of Chinese painting. While he made an exception of a scroll by Hsiieh W u , Siren characterized paintings by other women as slight and recommended by little more than "feminine grace." 26 From the 1960s through the early 1980s women, except for those portrayed in pictures, were scarcely mentioned in English-language studies of Asian painting. The single attempt to review the history of the female painters of China appeared in 1976 as an appendix to a catalogue of an exhibition of paintings by Western women. 27 It was only in 1988 that two special exhibitions introduced a substantial body of paintings by premodern Chinese and Japanese women to Western audiences.28 Included in these exhibitions were many pieces by artists whose lives and accomplishments are examined in essays in the present volume. Of the ten essays in this volume, seven concern painters, one is devoted to a female collector of painting and calligraphy, and the remaining two focus on didactic scrolls for women. Together these studies cover a wide range of historical periods, ethnic groups, and social classes. They introduce Japanese, Chinese, and Mongolian court ladies; Chinese courtesans and women of the gentry; and Japanese women of the merchant and military classes. This collection does not provide a complete survey of women in the history of Chinese and Japanese painting —no single volume of this type could—but it does demonstrate the breadth that such a comprehensive view would possess. Moreover, the approaches taken by the volume contributors, while largely innocent of the more extreme methodological experiments currently enlivening feminist debates in Western art historical circles, are indicative of the growing scholarly interest in the social circumstances that affected the production and use of art in traditional East Asian societies. T w o quite different sets of circumstances are described by Julia Murray and Karen Brock, both of whom analyze works of art designed to mold women's conceptions of themselves and their roles in society. Murray looks at five Chinese handscrolls that illustrate a portion of a famous Confucian didactic text for women, the Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety (Nti hsiao ching). Brock considers the

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depiction of a Buddhist narrative in the set of Japanese Kamakura-period (11851333) handscrolls collectively entitled the Tales of Gisho and Gangyo. Murray and Brock show us h o w to read the visual conventions employed in these paintings and interpret the messages conveyed to specific female audiences. T h e C o n f u c i a n and Buddhist views expressed in these scrolls, however, were broadly disseminated and touched, to varying extents, the lives of all of the East Asian w o m e n discussed in these pages. Murray explains the place of the Ladies' Filial Piety in the history of C o n f u cian didactic literature and art and identifies as a primary model for the text the Classic of Filial Piety, a Han-dynasty w o r k directed mainly to men. T h e compositions used in the Ladies' Filial Piety paintings were likewise based on illustrations of the earlier text. T h e close relationship between these didactic w o r k s for men and w o m e n reflects a fundamental aspect of the Confucian social system: it obligated everyone. M e n and w o m e n alike w e r e locked into its hierarchical scheme. A s noted earlier, w h i l e the relationship between husbands and wives f o l l o w e d a superior-subordinate pattern, both sexes o w e d deference to their elders. Consequently, w h e r e mothers were concerned, there was built-in tension b e t w e e n the principles of female submission and those of filial piety, and this gap in the patriarchal wall provided w o m e n the prospect of p o w e r through motherhood. T h e strength of the maternal position is suggested b y the connection Murray points out between the illustration for the second chapter of the Ladies' Filial Piety and that of the same chapter of the Classic of Filial Piety, both of w h i c h feature regal w o m e n . T h e w o m e n ' s scroll depicts an empress w h o serves as an exemplar and exerts her influence for the g o o d of the state, just as a mother influences the conduct of her family; the corresponding scene of the scroll for men shows an emperor offering his filial devotion to the empress dowager. In return for virtuous conduct, then, the classics promised w o m e n dignity and respect. T h e modes of behavior described in the Ladies' Filial Piety w e r e ancient and enduring, but b o t h the text and the paintings can be related to Sung-dynasty (960-1279) developments. Murray observes that issues raised in the text, w h i c h ostensibly was composed b y a w o m a n of the m i d - T ' a n g dynasty, "reflect the preoccupations of the late T ' a n g and N o r t h e r n Sung Confucian moralists." T h e illustrations, t h o u g h based on painting traditions handed d o w n f r o m earlier periods, are Southern Sung (1127-1279) in style. Their message is also in keeping w i t h the political and intellectual climate of this time, specifically w i t h Emperor Kao-tsung's (r 1127-1162) use of the "cultural authority of state C o n f u c i a n i s m " to legitimize his reign and w i t h N e o - C o n f u c i a n conceptions of an ideal social order based on correct behavior as prescribed in the classics. T h e paintings w e r e probably done at the Southern Sung court for palace w o m e n , some of w h o m w e r e talented calligraphers and may have inscribed the texts on the scrolls. M u r ray's essay thus joins such recent w o r k s as Priscilla C h u n g ' s Palace Women in the Northern Sung and C h u n g Ling's study of the life and w o r k of Li C h ' i n g - c h a o in

Introduction

9

contributing to our understanding of the lives of upper-class Chinese women between the tenth and thirteenth centuries.29 While Confucianism, and eventually Neo-Confucianism, regulated most of the social aspects of their lives, Chinese and Japanese women sought spiritual comfort and intellectual stimulation in Buddhism. This Indian religion, which was introduced into China around the time of Christ and transmitted to Japan in the sixth century, was at heart no less misogynistic than Confucianism, but it was more flexible and capable of adapting itself to different audiences. Particular figures from the Buddhist pantheon and certain scriptures were emphasized to suit specific cultures and social groups. In China, for instance, Kuan-yin, the bodhisattva of compassion, became a patron deity of women, the answerer of fervent prayers for male children, and in time acquired a variety of feminine and female forms. Although Buddhism reached out to women, it is well stocked with negative female images—woman as temptress and destructive link to this world of pain. Women arouse desire and desire means attachment to the physical world. Attachment results in bondage to the cycle of suffering—birth, death, and rebirth— from which every Buddhist seeks release. The seductive female, however, is not always a negative figure in Buddhist literature. In Mahayana Buddhism passion can be an expedient means to bring about the realization of dispassion and spiritual attainment. The Gandavyiiha, the final section of The Avatamsaka Siitra, introduces the beautiful Vasumitra, apparently a courtesan but in fact a bodhisattva, as one of the fifty-three guides or "good friends" encountered by the young pilgrim Sudhana in his quest for enlightenment. Vasumitra tells Sudhana that when beings come to her with their minds filled with passion, she teaches them the Dharma (the doctrine). They then renounce passion and attain "an enlightening concentration called 'realm of nonattachment'." Various types of female figures play positive roles as teachers and helpers in Mahayana texts. Goddesses, laywomen, and nuns serve as "good friends" who offer the Buddhist seeker instruction, protection, and support. 30 "Temptress" and "good friend" are both aspects of the character of Zenmyo in the Tales of Gisho and Gangyo, the focus of Karen Brock's study. Taken from a tenth-century Chinese source, the Tales reports miraculous events in the lives of two seventh-century Silla (Korean) monks, Gisho and Gangyo. Gisho travels to China to advance his Buddhist studies and there meets the lovely maiden Zenmyo. She is overcome by a passionate desire for him, yet he remains steadfastly celibate, and this inspires her religious awakening. Zenmyo then becomes his patron and protector. Brock's discussion of the famous Japanese illustrations of this story represents the type of case study that must be done if we are to understand the influence of women on the development of East Asian art, and it also demonstrates the utility of feminist modes of analysis. She asks us to look at a familiar work of art

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— a monument in the history of Japanese painting—in an unfamiliar way by connecting the artist's iconographic and stylistic choices with the sex of the intended audience and probable patron. Comparing the Chinese version of the story with the narrative in the Japanese scrolls, she points out that in the latter the role of the heroine Zenmyo is amplified. Moreover, Zenmyo is depicted in a manner that recalls Sung-period Chinese images of other female "protectors of teachers of the Dharma" and " g o o d friends." Both the enrichment of the narrative and the iconographic associations would have made the story more meaningful to female viewers such as the thirteenth-century

aristocratic women associated with

Kozanji, the temple that still owns the scrolls. Brock identifies as a possible sponsor for the scroll Lady Sanmi, a prominent woman known to have commissioned a sculpted image for the temple's main hall and to have donated income from her estate to provide for ritual observances. In the area of religious art, Chinese and Japanese women made their greatest contributions as patrons. About a century before Lady Sanmi gave so generously to Kozanji, Taikenmon'in, the consort of Emperor Toba, sponsored the construction of Hokongoin. Akiyama Terukazu's essay (Chapter 6) gives an account of the building of this temple, which included a residential villa decorated in part with panel paintings executed by one of the empress's ladies-in-waiting. A number of earlier Japanese women not discussed in this volume might likewise be cited for their patronage of Buddhist establishments. A notable figure is Empress K o m y o , w h o ordered the building of Shin-Yakushiji dedicated to the Buddha of Healing when her husband fell ill in 747. Imperial women were naturally in the best position to express their piety through lavish gestures. For China w e have the example of Empress W u (625?-?7o6). She not only repaired the famous W h i t e Horse Monastery of Loyang at great expense, but also had constructed on the palace grounds a five-story pagoda that housed a " w o o d e n image of the Buddha so large that, it is said, 'several tens of men could stand upon its little finger'." 3 1 The subject of Shen Fu's study in this volume, the Mongolian princess Sengge Ragi, was also a devout Buddhist and sponsored temple construction. 32 Furthermore, she counted a number of paintings of Buddhist subjects among her personal treasures. The princess's art treasures are Fu's primary concern. His study places her in the ranks of China's most famous imperial art collectors. Fu reports that he became interested in Sengge Ragi after noticing her seals on a number of high-quality early paintings and pieces of calligraphy. Using these seals and various types of textual evidence, he began to compile a list of works of art once in her possession. The most significant record in this regard, one that assures us that she had a good grasp of the social uses of Chinese art, was left by the scholar-official Yuan Chiieh and resulted from an "elegant gathering" she held in 1323. O n this occasion the princess entertained a crowd of illustrious scholars by bringing out a fine selection of art works from her collection and inviting her

Introduction

11

guests to inscribe them. T h e colophons Y u a n Chiieh w r o t e for some forty paintings and examples of calligraphy are included, along w i t h a description of the event, in his collected literary w o r k s . W e can only speculate about the depth of the princess's understanding of the objects she displayed at her scholarly party, but Y u a n Chiieh's record leaves little doubt that she set great store b y the C h i nese traditions of preserving and appreciating art. Since w e do not immediately associate aesthetic interests w i t h the M o n g o l s of the thirteenth century, this princess's involvement w i t h Chinese art may seem remarkable. Fu explains it b y pointing out that the men of Princess Sengge R a g i ' s family received Chinese educations and her younger brother especially shared w i t h her his interest in Chinese painting and painters. W e m i g h t consider in addition the possibility that aspects of the princess's ethnic background also contributed to her activities as a collector. Her heritage may explain, in part, h o w a w o m a n could come to possess such an important g r o u p of objects, mark them w i t h her o w n seals, and summon leading scholars to inscribe them. N o precedents set b y Chinese princesses come readily to mind. Traditionally

Mongol

w o m e n had more freedom and power than their Chinese counterparts. T h e y did not bind their feet and w e r e skilled equestrians trained in h u n t i n g and the military arts. In the thirteenth century some w o m e n of the M o n g o l nobility wielded considerable political influence. 3 3 In commanding wealth and respect, then, Princess Sengge R a g i — a descendant of Khubilai K h a n , the sister of t w o emperors, and the aunt and mother-in-law of a t h i r d — m i g h t be seen as having followed in the footsteps of her female ancestors. A s a princess of the ruling house of C h i n a , however, she gave her prerogatives a special twist b y collecting Chinese art. T h e earliest painters introduced in this volume are the Japanese w o m e n of the late-Heian period (12th c), notably the ladies-in-waiting Tosa and K i i , discussed b y A k i y a m a Terukazu. W i t h these artists w e remain in the w o r l d of the court. W o m e n at the courts of both C h i n a and Japan devoted hours to w r i t i n g poetry, refining their calligraphy, and, at times, painting. 3 4 In Sung-dynasty C h i n a , a number of palace w o m e n are k n o w n to have been active as artists. T h e y include the calligrapher and painter Y a n g Mei-tzu, w h o w a s the w i f e of Emperor N i n g - t s u n g (r 1195-1224), and the Southern Sung calligraphers mentioned b y Julia Murray as perhaps responsible for w r i t i n g out the texts of the Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety scrolls. These w o m e n and the Japanese ladies-in-waiting Tosa and K i i were nearly contemporary and shared aesthetic interests derived from the same Chinese traditions. Given the recent scholarly interest in Sung-dynasty w o m e n , 3 5 it should soon be possible to compare in some detail the artistic concerns and contributions of the upper-class w o m e n of the Sung and Heian (794-1185) periods, and perhaps it w i l l be discovered that they had more in c o m m o n than previously suspected. A t present, however, on the basis of A k i y a m a ' s findings about Heian w o m e n painters and the extensive research that has been done on the female writers of the

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period, it seems that the situation at the Heian court was in many respects unique. Although Heian court ladies were familiar with things Chinese, including Chinese painting, the environment in which they displayed their literary and artistic abilities was without direct parallel in China. The ability to appreciate painting and to paint were not requisites for upper-class Chinese women as they were, according to Akiyama, for the aristocratic women of the Heian period. Chinese women w h o took up painting or excelled in calligraphy were always regarded as rather special. Moreover, when they did paint, they employed subjects and styles originally devised by men. Chinese women never shaped taste or aesthetic traditions to the same extent as did the women of the Heian court. Certainly there is nothing in the history of Chinese art comparable to onna-e (women's painting), which Maribeth Graybill defines as " t h e ostensibly amateur style of secular painting developed by [Japanese] court women to illustrate tales." 36 Onna-e, as represented by the twelfth-century illustrations of The Tale of Genji, undoubtedly drew inspiration from the Chinese T'ang-dynasty tradition of beautiful-lady painting, but these Heian-period pictures differ from T ' a n g works in purpose as well as style. Like the novel upon which they are based, they offer a feminine view of life at the court, whereas works by such T ' a n g masters as C h o u Fang and Chang Hsiian celebrate the perquisites of masculine imperial power, which included gorgeous women along with fine horses and foreign tribute. Finally, w e have yet to discover among the women of the Chinese courts any equivalents to Lady Tosa and Lady Kii, w h o were accepted as semiprofessional painters and carried out major commissions. The contrasts between the levels of artistic activity of the women at the Sung and Heian courts may be attributable, in part, to differences in their social circumstances rooted in the early histories of the t w o countries. Perhaps, as has been suggested, some sort of matriarchal family system existed in China's remote past. Apparently women had greater power before the C h o u dynasty (1122?-256 B.C.) than they did in later times, and female deities were also prominent in early religion. 37 However, the patriarchal system codified in the name of Confucius toward the end of the first millennium B.C. suppressed female elements in Chinese social life, politics, and religion, and imposed rigid restrictions on female behavior. Although Confucianism was challenged by other ways of thought, its patriarchal premises were seldom disputed and by the Sung dynasty its societal authority was entrenched. The Japanese came to Confucianism comparatively late and it took them a while to perfect their own versions, which were never exactly like the continental models. Even when Confucian social and political ideals were firmly in place in Japan, the female gods of the indigenous religion, Shinto, remained powerful and kept alive memories of the remote past when women had ruled as shaman-queens. Heian women knew no such direct religious or political authority, but as recently as the eighth century their female forebears had: between 592 and 770 Japan had six female rulers. 38

Introduction

13

In the Heian period, Confucian ideas about the inferior status of women were well recognized, yet Japanese women remained in a stronger position than their contemporaries in China owing to the prevailing marriage and inheritance customs. While Chinese women were locked into a patrilocal (virilocal) system of marriage residence and normally moved in with their husbands' families, Heian women of the courtier class often continued to live with their natal families after marriage. Through much of the Heian period, the dominant marriage patterns of the aristocracy were duolocal (the husband visited but did not live with his wife, who remained in her home) and matrilocal (uxorilocal, i.e., a couple lived with the wife's parents). Heian women not only retained the protection of their own families, they could also inherit property and it was common for residences to be willed to daughters.39 Thus, although descent was patrilineal, aristocratic Heian households had a matrilineal bias, and the influence families could wield through the marriages of their daughters had significant political and cultural consequences. As Graybill explains in her introduction to Akiyama's article, the exceptional role played by women in the formation of Heian culture can be attributed in large measure to the marriage-based politics of the time. The powerful Fujiwara family and its occasional competitors gained power by marrying their daughters into the imperial household and then dominating the heirs to the throne born to them. Young women were meticulously groomed for their parts in this enterprise, which turned the women's quarters of the palace into "the center of the Heian world." Heian women further enhanced their prestige through literary expression in their native language. Men used Chinese when they composed histories, official documents, essays, or anything considered important. Women, however, were not usually instructed in this language and so wrote in Japanese instead. Edwin O. Reischauer describes the situation succinctly: "While the men of the period were pompously writing bad Chinese, their ladies consoled themselves for their lack of education by writing good Japanese, and created, incidentally, Japan's first great prose literature."40 The Heian lady Murasaki Shikibu, author of The Tale of Genji, thus holds a more prominant position in the history of literature than does Li Ch'ing-chao of the Sung, although the latter was unquestionably a great poet. Li Ch'ing-chao and her contemporaries had no alternative language in which to distinguish themselves. Down through the centuries, Chinese women writers and artists played with the same cards and according to the same rules as did men. Further comparisons between the situations of talented Chinese and Japanese women in premodern times can be drawn on the basis of the six chapters in this volume that deal with later periods, principally the Ming (1368-1644) and Ch'ing (1644-1912) dynasties and the Edo period (1615-1867). Before turning to these comparisons, however, some of the female artists not featured in this collection of essays, namely, those active before the Ming dynasty in China and between the Heian and Edo periods in Japan, must be briefly acknowledged.

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This acknowledgment is particularly important in the case of China, where the history of women artists unfolded progressively and women often drew inspiration from the achievements of female painters and calligraphers of earlier times. In the Ch'ing dynasty it was common for painters such as Ch'en Shu, the subject of Chapter 5, to identify themselves with female predecessors with whom they shared class status and artistic ideals. This art historical self-consciousness was a product of the scholar-amateur, or literati (wen-jen), painting tradition, the history of which encompasses the majority of China's noted women artists. For women as for men, this tradition was grounded in calligraphy. The most famous female artist of early times was the calligrapher Madam Wei (Wei Shuo, known as Wei Fu-jen [272-349]), who taught the great master of the art Wang Hsi-chih. During the Sung dynasty, when Su Shih (1036-1101) and members of his circle were establishing the theoretical foundations of scholar-amateur painting, some of the women of their families joined them in sketching such typical literati subjects as plum blossoms and bamboo. Also at the Sung courts, as indicated above, women emulated officials and male members of the imperial family in painting for pleasure. Unfortunately, no paintings securely attributable to women of this period are known to have survived, and accounts of women's painting activities during this time must be based on textual notices. 41 The earliest woman whose artistic personality can be defined on the basis of both written records and extant paintings is Kuan Tao-sheng of the Yuan dynasty (1260-1368). Wife of the renowned scholar-official and artist Chao Meng-fu, Kuan Tao-sheng is the most famous female painter in Chinese history. She is remembered not only as a talented woman, but also as a prominent figure in the history of bamboo painting. Men as well as women imitated her works in this genre, and she was associated with a special type of bamboo landscape—bamboo groves on a misty riverbank. Her treatment of this subject can be seen in a handscroll dated 1308, now in the National Palace Museum in Taipei. 42 Kuan Tao-sheng is one of the few women who is mentioned in early Western surveys of Chinese painting and whose work has been studied by modern Chinese scholars.43 The gap in the chronological coverage of the history of Japanese women in this anthology does not entail the omission of recognized artists or major developments in a continuous art historical sequence. In fact, much more research will be required before it will be possible even to describe the transmission of a cohesive set of artistic ideals by Japanese women of a single social class from the Heian through the Edo periods. Little is known about the aristocratic women who continued to paint as amateurs during the Kamakura and Muromachi (1333—1573) periods, carrying on the traditions of women painters of the Heian court. 44 The art produced by these women, moreover, was unrelated to that of the leading female painters of the Edo period, who for the most part belonged to literati (bunjin) circles that embraced the subjects and styles of the scholar-amateur painting tradition of China. One of the few things that most Japanese women painters of

Introduction

15

the Heian and Edo periods had in common was their status as amateur artists, although, as Akiyama Terukazu and Patricia Fister make clear, in both periods women sometimes moved into professional arenas. The importance of the "amateur ideal" to the history of Chinese and Japanese women artists cannot be overstated. In both countries the acceptance of painting as an appropriate activity for well-born people made this art accessible to upper-class women. It enabled them to discover and cultivate their brush skills without breaking the rules of feminine decorum or even so much as leaving the protection of the women's apartments. Moreover, because amateur art was so highly regarded in China and Japan, women's works, if good, were taken seriously. The scholars of China endowed amateur painting—their own painting— with great prestige, and in both China and Japan, styles developed by amateurs were so influential that they were taken up by professional artists. In at least one case, the Heian-period style represented by The Tale of Genji scrolls, a manner of painting apparently created by female amateur artists became part of the professionals' repertory. Thus, women who painted as amateurs were by no means peripheral to the artistic mainstream; they were an integral part of it. The Japanese artistic mainstream, however, was composed of more currents or discrete schools than that of China, where from the Sung through the Ch'ing periods two broad traditions—the professional (academic) and the scholar-amateur—coexisted, and the latter eventually upstaged the former. In Japan, amateur painting had only moments in the sun, and even then did not dominate the field. Moreover, its two major moments, in the Heian and Edo periods, bear little resemblance to one another. Heian amateur painting was primarily an indigenous development in which women and female society played leading roles. The amateur ideal of the literati of the Edo period was borrowed from China and cultivated mainly by men, though women also found it congenial. Female painters faded into the deep background of Japanese painting history between the Heian and Edo periods, as professional painters responded to the shift of political power away from the imperial court to the military aristocracy and to the growth of Zen monasteries as centers of Chinese learning. While Heian court painting traditions were carried on by conservative professional masters as well as by the noblewomen mentioned above, artistic leadership was claimed by the men who painted to the taste of the new military elite. Paintermonks such as Shubun and Sesshu and subsequently the masters of the Kano School set the pace with styles derived from the professional traditions of China, and within this context there were no socially sanctioned places for female artists. The low profile of women in the history of Muromachi painting might also be connected to changes in the general status of women that occurred during that time. At the opening of the military age in the preceding Kamakura period, upper-class women retained important rights; most notably they could still inherit, own, and control property. As evident from Brock's description of the

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contributions of Lady Sanmi to Kozanji in the early thirteenth century, the wealth acquired by some women gave them considerable local influence. Moreover, widows frequently assumed leadership positions within their families. This was most dramatically demonstrated by the rise of the widow of Minamoto Yoritomo, Hojó Masako, who took control of the government and effected the transfer of power from her husband's family to her own. 45 With such circumstances in mind, the Kamakura period has been described as a high point in the status of Japanese women. Nevertheless, it gave rise to feudal institutions and military mores that brought about the increasing subjugation of women in the centuries that followed. The military class embraced Confucian dictates, especially those concerning loyalty and superior-subordinate relationships, and, at the same time, patrilocal patterns of marriage residence developed. In the Muromachi period women were steadily deprived of property rights and the practice of leaving a whole estate to one son became common. The degree to which women came to be regarded as property themselves is indicated by the frequency with which daughters of the great families were given in marriage as political pawns or used as outright hostages in the sixteenth century. 46 While the women of military families in the Muromachi and subsequent periods did not enjoy the independence, influence, and social status known by the women of the Heian aristocracy, they often lived much more physically active and busy lives. In addition to traditional wifely duties, they were charged with the management and protection of their households and family estates while their husbands were away at war. 47 If leisure was a factor in the creation of great literature and art by ladies of the Heian court, as has been suggested, then by the same token, it is possible that the creativity of the wives of warriors was restricted by the press of domestic responsibilities, especially during the war-torn fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. No comparable changes took place in the status of Chinese women because they never, at least in imperial times, enjoyed the rights and privileges that Japanese women once did, and because nothing akin to Japan's shift from imperial to military rule occurred in China. This does not mean, however, that the position of Chinese women was static. Their lives were significantly affected by the Sungdynasty revival of Confucian thought as synthesized by the renowned Neo-Confucian Chu Hsi (1130-1200). Chu Hsi believed in the ethical perfection of the individual as a precondition for good government and peace, and advocated the development of personal ethics through the study of precepts and examples from the past (see Julia Murray's discussion in Chapter 1). Inculcated through the formal study requisite for government service and widely disseminated through popular didactic texts such as those discussed above, Neo-Confucian views on moral conduct became pervasive in late imperial Chinese society. As a consequence, more repressive emphasis was placed on virtuous female behavior, especially in the Ch'ing period.

Introduction

17

The Neo-Confucianism of Chu Hsi also emerged as a powerful force in seventeenth-century Japan, as the newly established Tokugawa shogunate recognized the philosophical authority this school of thought lent to the existing social hierarchy and to rigid social control. The Greater Learning for Women by Kaibara Ekken was a product of this period. This didactic text was part of Ekken's effort (and possibly his wife's, since it is said that she actually wrote the book) to make Neo-Confucian principles accessible to ordinary people. 48 Indicative of the success of such efforts is the common judgement that the status of Japanese women reached its lowest point in history in the Edo period. All of the later Chinese and Japanese women introduced in this volume—Liu Yin, Ch'en Shu, Gyokuran, and Cho Koran, as well as the painters discussed by Ellen Laing and Patricia Fister in their respective overviews of the Ming-Ch'ing and Edo-early Meiji periods—were affected to some degree by Neo-Confucian social ideals, and there were other similarities between the societies in which they lived. Some of these artists suffered in periods of political transition, but most knew times of peace. W i t h peace came widespread prosperity, thriving cities, affluent merchant classes, vibrant urban cultures, and increased literacy—including female literacy. 49 Poetry writing was a popular pastime for women in China and Japan, and in both countries many women were connected with literati circles. Since the Japanese literati painters took their cues from the scholarly artists of China, female artists associated with literati circles in the Ming, Ch'ing, and Edo periods also shared art theories and painting styles. This was the case with Liu Yin, Ch'en Shu, Gyokuran, and Cho Koran, whose landscapes display a similar disregard for literal description and decoration, primary reliance on ink rather than color, emphasis on expressive brushwork, and references to styles of the old masters of the orthodox Southern School as defined by the late-Ming scholar Tung Ch'i-ch'ang. Despite the parallels and connections cited above, the biographies of these women are quite dissimilar, as are the social implications of their art. The main distinctions can be attributed to fundamental differences in the social structures and the art worlds of the two countries in the late premodern period. The social categories used by Laing and Fister indicate the distance between the systems. Laing finds Chinese women painters mainly in two groups: gentry women and courtesans. The status of Chinese gentry families was based on Confucian scholarship rather than inheritance. It was earned and maintained by sons who succeeded in the examination system and became eligible for government office. Women, in turn, derived their status from the positions of their fathers and husbands. The literati or scholar-amateur painting tradition was created by members of the gentry, and it was intimately bound up with their class standing. It was, therefore, a form of social and political as well as artistic expression. Courtesans had no formal niche in the class structure; still, they painted in this scholarly

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manner to affirm the tenuous links they maintained through their gentlemen clients to the upper echelons of society. Fister groups Japanese painters under the headings " n o b l e w o m e n , " " e d u cated t o w n s w o m e n , " and "atelier professionals." Comparatively few painters are identified in the first category, which includes w o m e n of the court nobility and military elite, classes with position and political power based on inherited rank and property. T h e majority belong to her second category, "educated townsw o m e n , " which comprises w o m e n f r o m middle- and low-ranking samurai families and members of the merchant and artisan classes, groups that might have had wealth and learning but until the Meiji period were denied access to the halls of power. It is in this category that w e find the w o m e n , such as the tea shop proprietor Gyokuran, the subject of Stephen Addiss's chapter, w h o discovered their artistic abilities in the literati milieu created by educated men of diverse backgrounds w h o took up the Chinese scholarly arts. In Japan, then, the class associations of the scholar-amateur painting tradition were much altered. Some Japanese Confucian scholars served the shogunate or local overlords, but this intelligentsia did not by virtue of its scholarship constitute a distinct stratum of society comparable to the scholar-official class—the gentry—in China. A m o n g the leading Japanese literati artists, moreover, were men w h o were neither scholars by profession nor amateur painters. These artists painted for a living. Their bonds to the imported scholar-amateur tradition were therefore forged primarily from devotion to Chinese intellectual and aesthetic ideals. Adherence to these ideals distinguished them f r o m their contemporaries, described by Fister as "atelier professionals." T h e various schools of painting included under this third heading worked in manners unrelated to the amateur traditions of China, and, except in the workshops that produced popular images for a general clientele, w o m e n were scarce in their ranks. Only a few female names appear on lists of artists of the elite Kanó School, the most influential painting academy. N o t many women are known from the ranks of the professional painters of China either, but from the point of view of women's position in the broader sweep of painting history, this was not of as much consequence as it was in Japan. In Ming and C h ' i n g China the literati did not just make up a " s c h o o l " ; they came to be the dominant tastemakers across the board. Therefore, in terms of patronage and style, the art world of C h ' i n g China was less fragmented than that of Edo Japan. The contrasts between the various Ch'ing-dynasty regional schools of painting were not nearly as great as those between the Kano, Sotatsu-Korin, Tosa, genre, and literati schools in Japan, and since scholar-amateur ideals were pervasive in artistic circles throughout China, women were active in almost all of the regional schools, from Yangchou and Shanghai to Kuangchou. They were excluded only from service as court artists, and even this situation was modified at the end of the dynasty, when Empress D o w a g e r Tz'u-hsi summoned women known for their painting ability to instruct her in the art and to paint at her command.

Introduction

19

Chinese women painters of the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties also differed from their counterparts in Edo-period Japan in their relationship to women artists of the distant past, and this brings us back to the issue of continuity versus discontinuity in the histories of the women painters of the two countries. By the beginning of the Ch'ing dynasty, the image of the scholarly woman painter was firmly in place in China and sanctioned by well-known historical precedents. Ch'en Shu could easily see herself as heir to the legacies of the calligrapher Madam Wei and the painter Kuan Tao-sheng. The female painters of the Edoperiod literati school had no corresponding history or early role models whose social situations and artistic concerns closely matched their own. They could, of course, look back to the illustrious women of the Heian court who had done so much to shape their country's literature, and this may be one reason why they spread their efforts somewhat more evenly over the sister arts of painting and poetry than did the women of China. Fister observes that "the great majority of Japanese women who succeeded as artists were also talented poets." Only a qualified version of this statement can be made about the female painters of China. Like their male counterparts, Chinese women artists usually wrote poetry, and some, such as Liu Y i n (the subject of James Cahill's study in this volume), Huang Yüan-chieh (17th c), and Lo Ch'ilan (late 18th c), are better remembered as poets than painters. The most influential Chinese women artists, however, notably Kuan Tao-sheng, Wen Shu, Ch'en Shu, Yün Ping, and Ma Ch'iian, are known primarily for their skill with the brush. Ch'en Shu left a collection of poems, but just one unrevealing example is preserved. For her view of the world we must rely almost entirely on her paintings and the words of her biographers. Her son characterized her as an exemplar of Confucian propriety, and this accords with the conservative personality she displayed in her art, especially in her landscapes. Only her delicate sketches of birds, flowers, and insects suggest something more personal, an acute sensitivity to the familiar beauties of the garden. We are left to wonder about her responses to special experiences—to travel, meetings and partings, and love—the types of responses that the Japanese women Gyokuran and Cho Koran registered in their poems, a number of which are translated here by Addiss and Fister. Our knowledge of the personalities of these individuals may be uneven, but their stories as told in the pages that follow challenge the lingering stereotypes that have impeded serious consideration of women's roles in the history of East Asian painting. Even briefly sketched, the lives and achievements of Lady Tosa, Lady Kii, Lady Sanmi, Princess Sengge Ragi, Liu Yin, Ch'en Shu, Gyokuran, and Chó Koran are singular. Their biographies, while closely tied to those of famous men, have their own cadences and their own points of contact with familiar historical and art historical events. Inevitably they ask us to take a fresh look at these events, and this alone should be enough to recommend the regular inclusion of such women in future studies of East Asian art.

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NOTES 1. Justus Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese (London: S. Low, Son, and Marston, 1868), 489-499; Adele M. Field, Pagoda Shadows, Studies from Life in China (Boston: W . G. Corthell, 1886); R . L. McNabb, The Women of the Middle Kingdom (Cincinnati: Jennings and Pye; New York: Eaton and Mains, 1903); Jane Shaw Ward, Shanghai Sketches (New York: The Womans Press, 1917); J. T. Gracey, China in Outline and Woman in China (Rochester, New York: J. T. Gracey, n.d.). 2. James Legge, trans., The Chinese Classics, 5 vols. (London: Trubner and Co., 1861-1872; 2d rev. ed., Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1893-1895); idem, The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism in The Sacred Books of the East, ed. F. Max Müller, vols. 16, 27-28 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879-1885). 3. Legge, The Shoo King, The Chinese Classics (reprint, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1970), vol. 3, 302-303; idem, The She King, The Chinese Classics, vol. 4, 561. 4. Legge, The She King, vol. 4, 306-307. 5. Legge, The Li Ki, The Sacred Books of China, vol. 27, 441. 6. Ibid., 449-479. 7. A. C. Safford, Typical Women of China [Abridged from the Chinese Work "Records of Virtuous Women of Ancient and Modern Times."] (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1891). The translator describes the Chinese work as a Ming-dynasty text based on the Biographies of Eminent Women (Lieh-nü chiian) by Liu Hsiang of the Han dynasty. Apparently the Ming text in question was the Kuei-fan (Regulations for the women's quarters) by the sixteenth-century author Lü K'un. About the missionaries' interest in female education in China, see Margaret E. Burton, The Education of Women in China (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1911). 8. Sarah Pike Conger, Letters from China, with Particular Reference to the Empress Dowager and the Women of China (Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co., 1909); Katherine A. Carl, With the Empress Dowager of China (London: Eveleigh Nash, 1906); Isaac Taylor Headland, Court Life in China (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1909). 9. J. O. P. Bland and E. Backhouse, China Under the Empress Dowager: being the History of the Life and Times of Tzu Hsi (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippencott Co., 1910), 477-47910. Philip W . Sergeant, The Great Empress Dowager of China (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1910); Der Ling, Two Years in the Forbidden City (New York: Moffat, Yard and Co., 1911); idem, Old Buddha (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1929); idem, Imperial Incense (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1933); W u Yung, The Flight of an Empress (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1936); Daniele Varé, The Last Empress (New York: Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1936); Marina Warner in The Dragon Empress: Life and Times of Tz'u-hsi, 1835-1908, Empress Dowager of China (1972; reprint, New York: Atheneum, 1986). 11. Genevieve B. Wimsatt, The Bright Concubine and Lesser Luminaries (Boston: John W . Luce and Co., 1928). See also Shu Chiung, Yang Kuei-fei, the Most Famous Beauty of China (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1923). 12. Sophia H. Chen, The Chinese Woman and Four Other Essays (1932); Florence Ayscough, Chinese Women, Yesterday & To-day (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1937); Albert R . O'Hara, The Position of Woman in Early China (Catholic University in

Introduction

21

America, P h . D . diss., 1945; published in H o n g K o n g in 1946); Nancy Lee Swann, Pan Chao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China ( N e w York: Russell & Russell, 1932). 13. Contrast, for instance, these descriptions of the receptions of girl babies in China and Japan: W h e n the girl baby first opens her quaint little eyes in a Chinese h o m e — b e it hut or palace—she is greeted w i t h a frown. N o one in the household is made happy by her advent. (McNabb, Women of the Middle Kingdom, 15) To the Japanese baby the beginning of life is not very different from its beginning to babies in the Western world. Its birth, whether it be girl or boy, is the cause of much rejoicing. A s boys alone can carry on the family name and inherit titles and estates, they are considered of more importance, but many a mother's heart is made glad by the addition of a daughter to the family circle. (Alice Mabel Bacon, Japanese Girls and Women [Boston: H o u g h t o n Mifflin, 1891; reprint, N e w York: Gordon Press, 1975], 37) 14. Bacon, Japanese Girls and Women, 154-168; Julia Meech-Pekarik, The World of the Meiji Print: Impressions of a New Civilization

( N e w Y o r k and T o k y o : Weatherhill,

1986), 111-137,158-159, 209-210. I am grateful to Karen Brock for bringing to my attention the importance of the Meiji empress and for commenting on the treatment of other Japanese subjects in this essay. 15. Edward G . Seidensticker has noted Japan's lack of "scarlet empresses and wicked d o w a g e r s " ; see his "Eminent W o m e n Writers of the C o u r t : Murasaki Shikibu Sei Shonagon," in Great Historical Figures of Japan, ed. Murakami Hyoe and Thomas J. Harper (Tokyo: Japan Culture Institute, 1978), 60. Empress Koken's misplaced confidence in the monk D o k y o is discussed by Ross Bender, " T h e Hachiman C u l t and the D o k y o Incident," Monumenta Nipponica 34 no. 2 (Summer 1979), 125-153. Hino Tomiko's deeds are recounted in H . Paul Varley, The Onin War ( N e w Y o r k and London: Columbia University Press, 1967). T h e last t w o references were provided by Maribeth Graybill, w h o was also kind enough to review and improve the sections of this essay pertaining to Japan. 16. For Empress W u , see n. 24, below; for Precious Concubine Y a n g — Y a n g Kuei-fei—see n. 11 above. 17. Tan Hamaguchi, " S o m e Striking Female Personalities in Japanese History," Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society, London 6 (1902-1903): 236-267; Margaret E. Burton, The Education of Women in Japan ( N e w York: Fleming H . Revell Company, 1914). Between 1935 and 1939, sketches of notable w o m e n in Japanese history were collected by a research committee in T o k y o , but, due to the war, they were not published until 1953, when Mary R . Beard brought them out under the title The Force of Women in Japanese History (Washington, D . C . : Public Affairs Press). T h e article by Tan Hamaguchi introduces the warrior-empress Jingu (A.D. 3d c), w h o led her armies in conquest of the Korean peninsula; Empress K o m y o (700-760), consort to Emperor Shomu and fellow devotee of Buddhism and patron of Buddhist art; the writer Murasaki Shikibu (fl. late ioth-early n t h c); H o j o Masako (1156-1225), the wife of Minamoto Yoritomo and considered by many the architect of the Kamakura military government; Lady Hosokawa (16th c), w h o committed suicide to avoid being taken hostage by enemies of her husband; and Kasuga no Tsubone (17th c), wet-nurse to the third T o k u g a w a shogun. Maribeth Graybill notes that to this group should be added Taikenmon'in (d ca 1140), w h o is men-

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tioned in the article by Akiyama Terukazu in Chapter 6 of this volume and was admired as an intelligent, gracious, and powerful patron, and also Tomoe Gozen (12th c), the famous woman warrior w h o fought and died beside her husband in battle. For recent studies of Murasaki Shikibu and Höjö Masako see: Edward G. Seidensticker, "Eminent Women Writers of the Court: Murasaki Shikibu and Sei Shönagon," and Kenneth D . Butler, " W o m a n of Power Behind the Kamakura Bakufu: Höjö Masako," both in Great Historical Figures of Japan, ed. Murakami Hyoe and Thomas J. Harper (Tokyo: Japan Culture Institute, 1978), 61-71, 91-101. 18. Annie Shepley Omori and Kochi Doi, Diaries of Court Ladies of Old Japan (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1920); Arthur Waley, trans., The Tale of Genji, by Lady Murasaki, pt. 1 (London: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1929); idem, The Pillow Book of Sei Shönagon (London: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1929). 19. William Elliot Griffis, The Mikado's Empire (New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1876; 9th ed., 1899), 551-561. 20. Basil Hall Chamberlain, Things Japanese, 4th ed. (London: John Murray, 1902), 495-506; Kaibara Ekiken, Women and Wisdom of Japan (New York: Dutton, 1908). 21. Herbert A. Giles, An Introduction to the History of Chinese Pictorial Art (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1905). 22. Ivan Morris, The World of The Shining Prince (London: Oxford University Press, 1964); idem, trans., The Pillow Book of Sei Shönagon (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967); Edward G. Seidensticker, trans., The Gossamer Years: The Diary of a Noblewoman of Heian Japan (Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1964); idem, trans., The Tale of Genji (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976); Wilfred Whitehorse and Eizo Yanagisawa, trans., Lady Nijo's Own Story (Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1974). 23. H u Pin-ch'ing, Li Ch'ing-chao (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1966); Kenneth Roxroth and Ling Chung, trans., Li Ch'ing-chao: Complete Poems (New York: New Directions, 1979); idem, The Orchid Boat: Women Poets of China (New York: The Seabury Press, 1972). 24. C. P. Fitzgerald, The Empress Wu, (Melbourne: W . Cheshire, 1955; 2nd ed. London: The Cresset Press, 1968); Joyce Ackroyd, " W o m e n in Feudal Japan," Transactions of the Asiatic Society, 3d ser., 7 (Nov. 1959): 31-68; William H . McCullough, "Japanese Marriage Institutions in the Heian Period," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 27 (1967): 103-167; Lien-sheng Yang, "Female Rulers in Imperial China," in Studies of Governmental Institutions in Chinese History, ed. John L. Bishop (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968), 47-61; C h ' ü T'ung-tsu, Han Social Structure, ed. Jack L. Dull (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1972), 54-62. 25. Margery Wolf and Roxane W i t k e , eds., Women in Chinese History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975); Joyce Lebra, Joy Paulson, and Elizabeth Powers, eds., Women in Changing Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976); Paul S. Ropp, " T h e Seeds of Change: Reflections on the Condition of Women in the Early and Mid C h ' i n g , " Signs 2, no. 1 (Autumn, 1976): 5-23; Diana Y. Paul, Women in Buddhism: Images of the Feminine in Mahayana Tradition (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1979); E. Patricia Tsurumi, "Japan's Early Female Emperors," Historical Refections 8, no. 1 (Spring, 1981): 41-49; Anna Gerstlacher, et al., eds., Woman and Literature in China (Bochum, West Germany: Studienverlag Brockmeyer, 1985); Marjorie Wall Bingham and Susan Hill Gross, Women in Japan, from Ancient Times to the Present (St. Louis Park, Minn.: Glenhurst Publications, 1987).

Introduction

23

26. Tseng Yu-ho [Ecke], "Hsüeh W u and Her Orchids in the Collection of the Honolulu Academy of Arts," Arts Asiatiques 2, no. 3 (1955): 197-208; Osvald Siren, A History of Early Chinese Painting, 2 vols. (London: The Medici Society, 1933); idem, A History of Later Chinese Painting, 2 vols. (London: The Medici Society, 1938); idem, Chinese Painting, Leading Masters and Principles, 7 vols. (New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1956-1958.) 27. Lori Hagman, "Ladies of the Jade Studio: Women Artists in China," in Women Artists: Recognition and Reappraisal from the Early Middle Ages to the Twentieth Century, ed. Karen Petersen and J. J. Wilson (New York: New York University Press, 1976). 28. Patricia Fister, Japanese Women Artists 1600-1900 (Lawrence, Kans.: Spencer Museum of Art, 1988); Marsha Weidner, et al., Views from Jade Terrace: Chinese Women Artists 1300-1912 (Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 1988). 29. Priscilla Ching Chung, Palace Women in the Northern Sung (Leiden: Brill, 1981); Chung Ling, "Li Qingzhao: the Moulding of Her Spirit and Personality," in Woman and Literaturein China, ed. Gerstlacher, 141-167. 30. Paul, Women in Buddhism, 3-59, 106-165; Thomas Cleary, trans. Entry into the Realm of Reality: The Text (Boston and Shaftesbury: Shambhala, 1989), 146-149. The phrase "an enlightening concentration called 'realm of nonattachment' " is taken from Cleary's translation. 31. J. Edward Kidder, Early Buddhist Japan (New York and Washington: Praeger, 1972), 203 (Kidder also mentions the patronage of the Japanese empresses Suikö and Shötoku; see pp. 32, 46, 87, 127); Fitzgerald, Empress Wu, 130, 132-133. For discussions of other important Chinese female imperial patrons see: Alexander Soper, "Imperial Cave Chapels of the Northern Dynasties: Donors, Beneficiaries and Dates," Artihus Asiae 28, no. 4 (1966): 244-245, 247-248, 255; and Yang Hsüan-chih, A Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Loyang, trans. Yi-t'ung Wang (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 13, 83-85,125. 32. The princess provided for the construction of temples in her ancestral fief; see Francis Woodman Cleaves, " T h e Sino-Mongolian Inscription of 1338," HarvardJournal of Asiatic Studies 14 (1951): 37-39. 33. See Morris Rossabi, "Khubilai Khan and the Women in his Family" in Studia Sino-Mongolica: Festschrift für Herbert Franke, ed. Wolfgang Bauer (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1979), 153-180. 34. The first chapter of Yü-t'ai hua-shih (Jade terrace history of painting), a collection of notices concerning female artists compiled by T'ang Sou-yii of the Ch'ing dynasty, is devoted to imperial women (in Hua-shih ts'ung-shu [Collected works on the history of painting] [Shanghai: Jen-min mei-shu ch'u-pan she, 1963]). 35. See n. 29 above. 36. For discussion of onna-e see Louisa McDonald Read, " T h e Masculine and Feminine Modes of Heian Secular Painting and Their Relationship to Chinese Painting" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1976). See also Chapter 6, note 5, in this volume. 37. Yang, "Female Rulers in Imperial China," 61; Molly Spitzer Frost, Chinese Matriarchy: Clues From Legends and Characters, Ph.D. dissertation, Georgetown University, 1982; Edward H. Schäfer, The Divine Woman (San Francisco: North Point Press, 1980). 38. Tsurumi, "Japan's Early Female Emperors." 39. McCullough, "Japanese Marriage Institutions," 105-118.

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40. Edwin O. Reischauer, Japan, Past and Present (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle C o . , 1 9 6 9 ) , 35-

41. Paintings attributed to women of the Sung period include: Wang Chao-chün Leaving China attributed to Kung Su-jan (possibly a twelfth-century Taoist nun), a handscroll in the Osaka Municipal Museum; Hsiian-chi t'u: Preparing a Palindrome attributed to Liu Hsi (concubine of Sung Kao-tsung), a handscroll in the Fujii Yürinkan, Kyoto; an album leaf with two orioles on a branch of cherry tree attributed to Yang Meitzu (consort of Emperor Ning-tsung), reproduced in T'ang Sung Yiian Ming Ch'ing huahsiian (Selected paintings of the T ' a n g , Sung, Yüan, Ming, and Ch'ing dynasties) (Canton, 1963), 10; and a fan painting of chrysanthemums in a vase attributed to Yao Yüeh-hua, reproduced in Sung-jen hua-ts'e (Peking 1957), 54. For discussion of the identification of K u n g Su-jan and the date of the scroll attributed to her, see Elizabeth Brotherton's note in Weidner, Views from Jade Terrace, 29. The scroll attributed to Liu Hsi is listed in James Cahill, An Index of Early Chinese Paintings: T'ang, Sung, and Yiian (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 134, where it is pointed out that similar pictures have been credited to Kuan Tao-sheng. The same source (p. 190) lists the album leaf attributed to Yang Mei-tzu and suggests that, although the empress inscribed this painting, it was probably done by an academy master of her time. In the case of Yao Yüeh-hua (Cahill, Index, p. 192) both the attribution and the identity of the artist are problematic. She has been variously placed in the T ' a n g , Sung, and Ming dynasties. 42. Reproduced in Three Hundred Masterpieces of Chinese Painting in the Palace Museum (Taichung: National Palace Museum and National Central Museum, 1959), 150. 43. Ch'en Pao-chen, "Kuan Tao-sheng ho t'a te chu-shih t'u" (Kuan Tao-sheng and her painting of bamboo and rock), National Palace Museum Quarterly 11, no. 4 (1977): 5 1 84 (English summary, 39-49). 44. It has been suggested, for instance, that the Illustrated Pillow Book of Sei Shönagon, a scroll in ink on paper from the Kamakura period, now in the Asano Collection, may have been the work of a woman. See Pageant of Japanese Art 2, pt. 2 (Tokyo: Tokyo National Museum, 1952), pi. 32. A n ink-monochrome handscroll of illustrations from The Tale of Genji by Keifukomon'in, an aristocratic woman of the late Muromachi period, is in the N e w York Public Library. Karen Brock has also observed, in private correspondence, that the naive pictures and kana texts of so many otogizöshi (companion tales) and Nara e-hon ( " N a r a " picture-books) of this interim period speak so directly to women that it is difficult to believe they were not also produced by them. 45. Butler, " W o m e n of Power Behind the Kamakura Bakufu: Höjö Masako"; Ackroyd, " W o m e n in Feudal Japan," 41-43. 46. Ackroyd, " W o m e n in Feudal Japan," 49-51. 47. Bingham and Gross, Women in Japan, 69-70. 48. George Sansom, A History of Japan, 1615-1867 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1963), 87-88. 49. Paul Ropp, Dissent in Early Modern China (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1981), 124-125.

PART I

China

2

Princess Sengge Ragi Collector of Painting and Calligraphy SHEN TRANSLATED

AND

C . Y.

ADAPTED

FU BY M A R S H A

WEIDNER

During the Yuan dynasty China was ruled by descendants of Chinggis (Genghis) Khan. Since the early Mongols are remembered primarily for their military conquests, it may be surprising to learn that in the middle of this period two members of the imperial household, the Imperial Elder Sister Grand Princess Sengge Ragi and her nephew Tugh Temiir, posthumously known as Wen-tsung, became important collectors of Chinese art. The princess might, in fact, be regarded as the foremost female collector in Chinese art history. She enjoyed prerogatives unusual for a woman, even an imperial woman. She had her own collector's seals, associated with leading scholars, and invited these gentlemen to compose colophons for pieces in her collection. Works of art bearing impressions of her seals and colophons written by scholars at her behest have survived and constitute a significant art historical legacy. The present study grew out of an attempt to reconstruct a part of the princess's collection through the identification of her seals on extant and recorded paintings and examples of calligraphy.1 Because I wished to gauge the depth of her interest in these arts and to understand the background from which she emerged, I also looked into the ways in which Chinese culture influenced the Yuan ruling house. At the same time, so as not to view her collection in isolation, I briefly examined the early history of the Yuan imperial collections.2 This study therefore not only introduces a figure significant in Chinese art history, it also considers aspects of Mongol sinicization in the Yuan period.

The Influence of Chinese Culture on the Mongols Before Chinggis Khan's sudden rise to power in the north beyond the Great Wall, the Mongols had no written language. In Chinggis's time they adapted

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Uighur script to Mongolian for their dispatches. Subsequently, Khubilai Khan (r 1260-1294) initiated the use of a Mongol script devised by a Tibetan monk, the 'Phags-pa lama, yet the emperor remained unfamiliar with Chinese writing. 3 Whether the Mongols borrowed Uighur or used the new 'Phags-pa script, in the beginning they wrote only to transmit official orders or to keep records. Consequently, when they first conquered China, a vast cultural gulf yawned between the Mongol elite and China's scholar-official class. Even in the late years of the dynasty Mongols and Central Asians who lacked Chinese educations were not uncommon in the official ranks. 4 Nevertheless, to govern China the Mongols found it necessary to understand the nature of imperial authority in Chinese history and the ideals of government embraced by China's Confucian scholars. In the early Yuan, high-level secretaries trained in Mongolian and Chinese made translations from Chinese texts. Once the Mongols came in contact with Chinese culture, their admiration for it grew. Confucian scholars were treated with respect at the court, and children of the imperial household began to receive Chinese educations. Confucian ideas were inculcated in the heir apparent and other princes as well as in the sons of nobles and high officials. As they learned to read Chinese, the young Mongols also began to study calligraphy, and this was their initial encounter with the Chinese arts of the brush. Interest in cultivating their own writing led them to appreciate the works of the great calligraphers of the past and present. The Chinese characters written by the Mongol princes as part of their daily lessons were frequently preserved in the palace, and after these young men ascended the throne they usually kept up their calligraphy practice. Sometimes they executed pieces to bestow on favored officials or personally wrote out their imperial decrees. Examples of their handwriting were treasured by officials of the time and, in the later years of the dynasty, encomiums composed for imperial autographs became increasingly common in the collected literary works of leading scholars. The cultural environment at the court was, thus, unbiased regarding Chinese art. Although the Sung-dynasty painting academy and system of art study were discontinued, nearly bringing academy-style painting to an end, the arts of painting and calligraphy were not suppressed in the Yuan period. 5 On the contrary, owing to factors too complicated to review here, literati painting had an opportunity to come into full flower, changing the course of Chinese painting history. As art patrons and collectors, the Yuan rulers were certainly not the equals of Hui-tsung or Kao-tsung of the Sung dynasty or of Kao-tsung (Ch'ien-lung) of the Ch'ing. 6 However, if the non-Chinese origin of the Yuan dynasty is taken into account, the imperial family cannot be found deficient in this area. Ayurbarwada's (Emperor Jen-tsung) expressions of esteem for the scholar and artist Chao Meng-fu and Tugh Temur's scholarly academy, the Pavilion of the Star of Literature, which included art connoisseurship in its purview, are cases in point.

Princess Sengge Ragi

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Even more noteworthy is Princess Sengge Ragi's collection of painting and calligraphy. The Mongols ruled China for a very short time—less than a century—but the interest they took in art and artists does not compare unfavorably with that displayed by the imperial families of other dynasties. That this is so is confirmation of the pervasive influence of Han civilization and its art.

A r t Collection and Chinese Learning at the C o u r t of Khubilai K h a n Coming out of the northern deserts, the early Mongol rulers had no leisure for literary matters. When they defeated the Chin-dynasty rulers of northern China in 1234, apparently they did not have a plan for taking over the Chin imperial collection of books, calligraphy, and painting. 7 The Mongol palace collection eventually came to include many works that once belonged to Emperor Changtsung of the Chin, but some of these pieces were acquired later, over a period of time. The foundation for the Yuan imperial art collection was established by Khubilai, principally with objects taken from the collection of the Southern Sung dynasty. 8 In the fall of 1275, with the conquest of the Southern Sung imminent, the director of the Yuan Imperial Archives, 9 Chiao Yu-chih, and his colleagues in the newly established Mongol capital of Ta-tu (Peking) presented the following memorial to the throne: " T h e Imperial Archives of Lin-an [Hangchou] contain occult books and documents, as well as classic books, works of calligraphy, paintings, etc., that our archives should collect; [we must] not allow them to become lost. . . . many of the provinces of the southern region also have classics, histories, and printing blocks, all of which should be collected and counted so as to not be lost." 1 0 The preservation of the Sung collection can be attributed both to Khubilai's wisdom in heeding this memorial and to the surrender of Hangchou, the Southern Sung capital, without a fight. Spared the ravages of battle, the Sung collection passed undamaged into Mongol hands. Early in 1276, after the Mongol general Bayan entered Hangchou, the imperial storehouses were sealed and the Mongols took possession of the libraries of the Historiography Institute and Court of Rituals as well as the tallies and seals of the officials. At that time Chiao Yu-chih was serving as the Pacification Commissioner of Liang-che, the administrative territory that included Hangchou. He was ordered " t o seek out the books and records of the Sung Imperial Archives." Later in the year he shipped this material north to Ta-tu. There the various books, paintings, paper, brushes, ink, ink stones, and other objects were handed over to the Imperial Archives of the Yuan dynasty. 11 Soon after the transfer of the Southern Sung imperial collection to the north, the prominent scholar and official Wang Yun had a chance to see a number of the paintings and pieces of calligraphy. Since he had just been assigned to a post in Ta-

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tu and was an old friend of the man who was then supervisor of the Imperial Archives, Wang Yiin found it possible to spend a day examining and taking notes on selected works of art. In this he was joined by Shang Hu, the father of the painter Shang C h ' i . Wang Yiin's record of this viewing session lists 147 calligraphy scrolls and 81 paintings. 12 He even managed to copy the original texts of some pieces of calligraphy. In a single day, however, he could not produce a complete account of the works of art acquired from Hangchou. The next year (1277) the palace mounter estimated that 1,009 scrolls of painting were in need of remounting, evidence that Wang Yiin's report covers only a small portion of the collection. 13 Still, many of the objects Wang Yiin recorded were of great value. These include famous pieces of calligraphy from the Chin (265-420), T ' a n g (618906), and Sung dynasties, such as Huai-su's autobiography, 14 Sun Kuo-t'ing's Shu-p'u, and several scrolls by Huang T'ing-chien, one of the " F o u r Great Calligraphers" of the Sung period. 15 Among the paintings on Wang Yiin's list that are known to have survived are the Sung imperial portraits now in the collection of the National Palace Museum. 1 6 The Yuan palace collection of this early period was not limited to the shipment from Hangchou. The holdings of the Ta-tu treasuries were also substantial. When the Imperial Archives were reorganized to accommodate the Southern Sung collection, an imperial edict was handed down directing officials to select books, paintings, and other objects from the Ta-tu imperial storehouses for transfer to the archives. Permission was given for ten carts to be used to move the objects. 17 With works of art acquired in the north and south stored together, Khubilai's collection must have been well worth seeing. Not long after taking over the Sung imperial collection, Khubilai decided to bring scholars from the old Southern Sung area into his government, a step that profoundly affected the development of Yuan culture. The key figure in this decision was a southerner, Ch'eng Chii-fu. 1 8 Khubilai appreciated Ch'eng Chu-fu's talent and repeatedly promoted him until the censors objected, protesting that Ch'eng Chii-fu was not only from the south, but also young. The emperor angrily responded: " Y o u have not yet used southerners, so how do you know they cannot be employed?" Acting on Ch'eng Chu-fu's suggestion, Khubilai initiated a search for "scholar-recluses" in the south. 19 Among the southerners summoned to the capital was the celebrated scholar, painter, and calligrapher Chao Meng-fu. Chao Meng-fu's development as an artist and his influence on artists of subsequent generations were, in fact, connected with his government service, which afforded him opportunities to travel widely, examine objects in the imperial art collection, and acquire works of art himself. Although Khubilai never mastered the Chinese language, he directed his son and heir apparent Chen-chin (Yii-tsung) to study it. 20 When Chen-chin came of age he, too, actively promoted Chinese learning in the palace. According to a story recounted in his biography, an official of Chen-chin's household brought

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his son for an audience with the prince, and Chen-chin ordered the boy to begin his studies. A year later Chen-chin asked him what he had read and the boy replied, "Mongol books," whereupon Chen-chin instructed him to study Chinese writings. 21 Unfortunately, Chen-chin died without taking the throne. Had he lived to rule, Chinese literature and art might have flourished in the palace twenty years earlier than they did. As it happened, the cultural seeds sown in his lifetime bore fruit later, with his grandchildren Ayurbarwada and Sengge Ragi.

Chinese A r t and Culture at the M o n g o l C o u r t in the T i m e of Princess Sengge R a g i Princess Sengge Ragi's brother Ayurbarwada had a deep regard for Confucianism and Neo-Confucian teachings. He was much concerned with education and ordered Li Meng, an administrator of the Secretariat who had been his own tutor, to take charge of the Schools for the Sons of State in the capital. More importantly, Ayurbarwada reinstituted the civil service examination system, which his predecessors had suspended.22 Even before he ascended the throne, however, Ayurbarwada displayed his regard for Chinese scholarship and culture. After he was proclaimed heir apparent in 1307, he sent envoys all over the country seeking classical texts. He was particularly impressed with the Ta-hsiieh yen-i, a Sung-dynasty amplification of the Ta-hsueh (The great learning), and ordered it, along with the illustrated Classic of Filial Piety and the Biographies of Eminent Women, published and presented to his officials. 23 The prince's respect for scholars is further evident from his treatment of Chao Meng-fu, whom he summoned to serve in the Academy of Scholarly Worthies as an academician reader-in-waiting and drafter (of imperial pronouncements). When Ayurbarwada became emperor in 1311, he promoted Chao Meng-fu again and paid him various compliments. For instance, he compared Chao to the famous T'ang-dynasty poet Li Po and the celebrated Sung-dynasty scholar Su Shih. The emperor described Chao Meng-fu's writings as lofty and antique, and praised his calligraphy as extraordinary. Recognizing too that Chao Meng-fu's wife, Kuan Tao-sheng, was an able writer and calligrapher, Ayurbarwada selected some of her calligraphy and had it mounted along with pieces by her husband and their son Chao Yung. The imperial seal was applied to these works and they became part of the Imperial Archives collection. 24 Ayurbarwada loved painting, and both Chao Meng-fu and the court artist Wang Chen-p'eng did works for him when he was still heir apparent. In 1310 the prince ordered Chao Meng-fu to paint a picture of grain to commemorate a particularly abundant, and therefore auspicious, crop. 25 For the prince's birthday in the same year, Wang Chen-p'eng painted a handscroll of an imperial dragon-boat regatta, and added a poetic inscription that included the lines " T h e crown prince

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has simple tastes and is without sensual desires; the 'garden of arts' and 'forest of books' delight his mind and eyes." 26 W h i l e reigning, in 1314, Ayurbarwada summoned the scholar-artist Li K ' a n to paint bamboo on a palace wall, an event recorded by the eminent official Yii Chi. 2 7 Ayurbarwada's fondness for art is further confirmed by the documentation on a scroll of calligraphy by the fourth-century master W a n g Hsi-chih that was once in the Yuan palace collection. 28 This scroll, which n o w belongs to the National Palace Museum, is followed by colophons written at the emperor's command by the officials Chao Meng-fu, Liu Keng, and Hu-tu T'a-erh. Liu Keng's note indicates that this work was in the Imperial Archives. Hu-tu T'a-erh commented on the preciousness of the object, and flattered the emperor by remarking on his knowledge of things ancient and his regard for literature. These colophons record a comparatively early instance of a Mongol emperor taking a work of art from the imperial collection and instructing his officials to inscribe it. Five years later his sister, Princess Sengge Ragi, brought forth pieces from her o w n collection and invited noted scholars to compose colophons for them. Clearly, brother and sister were of like mind in this regard. In addition to appreciating the works of the masters, ancient and contemporary, Ayurbarwada was himself devoted to the practice of calligraphy and often presented samples of his own writing to his officials. These were highly valued, and praised by such prominent individuals as Yuan Chueh and Teng Wen-yuan, one of the greatest calligraphers of the period. 29 This cultural environment was sustained by Ayurbarwada's son Shidebala (Ying-tsung). Shidebala's calligraphy was also praised by Yuan Chueh, and the scholar Hsu Yu-jen recorded an occasion upon which the emperor transcribed a poem by the T ' a n g poet P'i Jih-hsiu. 30 In the Shu-shih hui-yao (Collection of essential records of the history of calligraphy) by the late-Yuan historian T ' a o Tsung-i, Shidebala is first on the list of Mongol emperors skilled in calligraphy, and his writing is characterized as powerful and unrestrained, with a resolute and heroic air.31 In the period of Shidebala's successor, Yesiin Temur (the T'ai-ting emperor), the scholars W u C h ' e n g and Teng Wen-yuan presented expositions on the classics to the heir apparent, other princes, and officials. 32 The Yiian-shih (History of the Yuan) also reports that in 1328 the emperor ordered a depiction of silkworms and wheat, a painting that honored the pillars of the Chinese economy, sericulture and agriculture. 33 Although the early Mongol emperors' concern with Chinese art and culture was uneven, their levels of interest increased as time passed. However, as far as w e now know, the member of the imperial family most interested in traditional Chinese painting seems not to have been an emperor, but rather a princess—the Grand Princess of the State of Lu, Sengge Ragi.

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T h e Imperial Elder Sister Grand Princess Sengge R a g i Collectors and connoisseurs have long known about Princess Sengge Ragi, but because information about her life is scarce and more than one woman held the title "Grand Princess of the State of L u , " she has at times been confused with other princesses, most frequently with Khubilai's daughter. 34 Sengge Ragi was the daughter of Darmabala (posthumously known as Shun-tsung), 35 and to understand why she became so interested in collecting Chinese painting, it is helpful to know something of this man. Darmabala never ascended the throne, but a short account of his life appears in the Yiian-shih.36 Born around 1265, he was the second son of Khubilai's original heir apparent, Chen-chin, the welleducated prince discussed above. Darmabala's relationship with his father was apparently a close one. It is reported that the young man always accompanied his father on inspection tours and to court on special occasions such as the beginning of the new year or the imperial birthday. 37 Since Chen-chin valued Chinese culture and learning, we might assume that he paid special attention to his son's Chinese education. The princess had three brothers. The eldest, a step-brother, was eventually enfoeffed as the Prince of Wei. The other two were full brothers and both became emperors. Khaishan, who was older than the princess, was born in 1281. Ayurbarwada, who was her junior, was born in 1285. Her birthday, then, can be put around 1283. She was married, 38 but her husband died in 1310, when she was only about twenty-seven, and she remained a widow. Khaishan ruled briefly, from 1307 until his death in 1311, and was posthumously called Wu-tsung. His regard for his sister is evident from the historical record. The year he ascended the throne, Sengge Ragi was enfoeffed as the Grand Princess of the State of Lu(Lu-kuo ta-chang kung-chu), and her husband became the Prince of Lu. 3 9 The following year she received the Yung-p'ing district as a land grant from which to derive income. The emperor also wanted her to have Yungp'ing's salt taxes, but this was obstructed by officials of the Secretariat.40 Ayurbarwada, who was on the throne from 1311 to 1320, also looked out for his sister's economic welfare. In the fifth lunar month of the first year of his reign he presented her with ten thousand ting in currency (an amount worth about five hundred thousand ounces of silver). 41 In the seventh month she was given the title "Imperial Elder Sister and Grand Princess." The eighth month brought her another ten thousand ting, and in the ninth month, on the order of the empress dowager, she was given the annual income of the Yung-p'ing district after expenditures. 42 In 1319, as an act of Buddhist charity, the princess freed twenty-seven important prisoners in the Ch'uan-ning district. 43 She obtained her belief in Buddhism from her family. In 1309, for instance, her mother made a pilgrimage to the sacred Buddhist mountain Wu-t'ai shan in Shansi province. 44 It appears that

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the aforementioned financial g i f t s t o the princess w e r e also secretly supported b y her m o t h e r . C o n s i d e r i n g Princess S e n g g e R a g i ' s favored position, her family's interest in calligraphy and p a i n t i n g , and the fact that she lived w h e n Y ü a n culture w a s reaching its h e i g h t , it is n o t difficult to understand h o w she w a s able t o b e c o m e an i m p o r t a n t collector o f C h i n e s e art. N o matter w h e t h e r she obtained objects f r o m the palace collection w i t h the help o f her father and brothers or w h e t h e r she acquired t h e m herself w i t h her o w n f u n d s , in the end she possessed a t r u l y admirable private collection o f painting and calligraphy. 4 5

The Imperial Elder Sister's Elegant Gathering In 1323, on the t w e n t y - t h i r d day o f the third m o n t h b y the lunar calendar, Princess S e n g g e R a g i held a historic " e l e g a n t g a t h e r i n g , " an affair made unique b y the fact that it w a s hosted b y a w o m a n . In the course o f the g a t h e r i n g , a n u m ber o f scrolls w e r e b r o u g h t o u t and the assembled scholars w e r e instructed t o add c o l o p h o n s t o t h e m . Since it w a s close t o Hsiu-hsi

day (the third day o f the third

m o n t h ) , one o f the pieces that the princess ordered inscribed w a s a c o p y o f the T i n g - w u Lan-t'ing

hsii ( O r c h i d Pavilion preface), a r u b b i n g taken f r o m a stone

e n g r a v i n g o f a celebrated piece o f calligraphy w r i t t e n b y W a n g Hsi-chih in c o m m e m o r a t i o n o f one o f the m o s t f a m o u s o f all scholarly parties, the O r c h i d Pavilion g a t h e r i n g that t o o k place o n this day in the year 353. 46 T h e princess's party held nearly a thousand years later w a s described b y Y ü a n C h ü e h . O n chia-yin [day] in the third month of the third year of the Chih-chih [reign period], the Grand Princess of the State of Lu assembled scholarofficials of the highest ranks at the T'ien-ch'ing Temple in the southern city. Assistant Director Li of the Imperial Archives was ordered to act as host, and officials of her palace served as assistants. The food vessels were clean and refined, the jade wine cups were spotless and cool, and wine was drunk politely. A glittering array of guests attended, and sumptuous delicacies of all kinds were brought from far and wide. While following etiquette, everyone was of exceedingly good cheer, enjoying what the lady bestowed and not daring to act carelessly. W h e n the wine was finished, a number of paintings were brought out and the guests were ordered to follow their abilities and write something at the end of each. The ceremony over, she again ordered those w h o were skilled at writing to record clearly when this event took place so as to inform posterity. 47 T h e guest list for this elegant g a t h e r i n g , w h i c h j u d g i n g f r o m Y ü a n C h ü e h ' s description w a s impressive indeed, can o n l y b e reconstructed f r o m c o l o p h o n s on a f e w extant and recorded w o r k s o f art. W e cannot b e certain that all o f the col-

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ophon writers actually attended the party, but most probably did. Of the twenty men so far identified, all were outstanding scholars of the period. 48

Works in T h e Imperial Elder Sister's Collection The most readily available source of information about the contents of Princess Sengge Ragi's collection is the record left by Yuan Chiieh. In addition to the description of her gathering cited above, we have the poetic colophons he composed for some forty works of art that he was shown on this occasion.49 Since most of these works have not survived, this record is invaluable. The titles of these objects (listed below by subject category rather than in the order in which they appear in Yuan Chiieh's writings) suggest the general character of the princess's collection: I.

Calligraphy 1. Ting-wu Lan-t'ing 2. T'ang copy of Ho-chieh-piao by Chung Y u 3. Huang T'ai-shih (Huang T'ing-chien), Sung-feng-ko shih (Hall of the Windy Pines poem) 50 4. Hui-tsung, Fan 5. Hui-tsung, Ch'iung-lan-tien chi (Record of the Jade Orchid Hall) II. Paintings A . Religious subjects 1. Heavenly Kings Making Offerings to the Buddha 2. Buddha Emerging from the Mountains 3. Lung Mao-tsung (Fan-lung), Lohan 4. Chou Fang, Golden Star (Venus) 5. Fan-lung, Lokapala 6. Lohan B. Landscapes 1. Chiang Kuan-tao (Shen), Mist and Rain 2. Hui-ch'ung, Small Scene 3. Hsiao Chao, River and Mountains 4. Chii-jan, Landscape 5. Yen Wen-kuei, Landscape C . Figures, horses, and animals; dragons, fish, and miscellaneous subjects 1. Herding Sheep 2. Nine Horses 3. Wang Chen-p'eng, Cat 4. Autumn Pond and Playing Fish by Hsu Po 5. Mr. Wang, Ghost Play

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SHEN C . Y . FU 6. Ch'uan-ku, Dragon 7. Master Ho, Drunken Cat 8. Ch'ien Shun-chii (Hsiian), Grain and Rat 9. Shih Miao Leaves the Calf 10. The Parting of Su and Li 11. Seal Den Rocks 12. Wang Chen-p'eng, The Championship 13. Ocean Tide 14. Huang Tsung-tao, The Girl of the Yang Family ofPo-chou D . Flowers and birds; ink bamboo 1. W u Yiian-yii, Cut Branches of the Four Seasons 2. Chou Tseng, Autumn Birds at the Water's Edge 3. Cut Branch 4. Huang Chii-pao, Lake Rocks and Water Birds 5. Ma Fen, Autumn Embankment and Water Birds 6. 7. 8. 9.

Solitary Crane Hui-tsung, Water Bird(s) Hui-tsung, Peach Pit Hui-tsung, Plum and Small Bird(s)

10. Chao Ch'ang, Cut Branch 11. Shun-tsung, Ink Bamboo These paintings belong to many of the traditional categories of Chinese painting, with the distribution being about average. The depictions of flowers and birds are comparatively numerous. There are also quite a few religious paintings inspired by Buddhism. If we consider the chronological distribution, works of the Sung dynasty are in the majority, but some pieces are attributed to masters of much earlier times. In a number of cases the artist is not given, so the period is unknown. As for the Yuan dynasty, it is represented by one painting by Ch'ien Hsiian and two by Wang Chen-p'eng. Wang Chen-p'eng was a contemporary of the princess, and he executed one of his best known compositions, The Dragon Boat Regatta (Yuan Chiieh called it The Championship), at her command. 51 This commission shows that Sengge R a g i was not just heir to a collection formed by someone else, but appreciated art herself. The history of this painting also underscores the conclusion that the princess's interest in art was stimulated by the sinicized cultural pursuits of her immediate family. The subject, the dragon boat regatta, is the same one that the artist had treated in a handscroll for the princess's brother Ayurbarwada on the occasion of his birthday in 1310. The princess liked that work so much that just before her elegant gathering of 1323 she asked Wang Chen-p'eng to paint another version of it for her. 52 The familial context in which the princess developed an interest in art is fur-

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ther suggested by Yuan Chiieh's record of an ink painting of bamboo by Shuntsung. Shun-tsung was the posthumous temple name of the princess's father, Darmabala. While several of the Yuan emperors and princes are known to have practiced calligraphy and made presents of their writings, indications that they did likewise with painting are scarce. Darmabala's Ink Bamboo has not survived, so we cannot assess its artistic merit, but we might consider the lines Yuan Chueh wrote for it. Deep and pale, attractive as the autumn moon; Low and high, light as the spring clouds. What need has the mind of a thousand mou of land, When the brush tip can capture it in just a few feet?53 Apparently the dark and light values were clear and distinct, an indication that the painting could not have been too poor. If it had been, presumably the princess would have been uncomfortable about displaying it with works by famous masters and asking scholars to compose encomiums for it. Since her father painted, it would have been quite natural for the princess to have followed his lead, and we might wonder if she tried her own hand at the brush and ink. Besides the account of Yuan Chueh, scattered through other texts are references to many more pieces that once belonged to the princess. These include Streams and Mountains in Wind and Rain by Tung Yuan, Monkeys Presenting Fruit by Liu Sung-nien, Wang Hsi-chih Writing on a Fan by Liang K'ai, Fighting Bulls by Wang Chen-p'eng, Pine Tree(s) by Ts'ao Chih-po, and the Tu-jen ching by Liu Kung-ch'uan. 54 The princess's seals—Huang-tzu t'u-shu (Seal of the Imperial Elder Sister) and Huang-tzu chen-wan (Precious Plaything of the Imperial Elder Sister)—appear on a number of extant paintings and pieces of calligraphy, and, together with inscriptional evidence, they enable us to reconstruct more of her collection. Listed below are the works so far identified in this manner. 1. Chan Tzu-ch'ien, Traveling in Springtime, Palace Museum, Peking (Huang-tzu t'u-shu) 2. Lu Leng-chia, Six Arhats, Palace Museum, Peking (Huang-tzu t'u-shu) 3. Anonymous, Half-length Portrait of Liang Wu-ti, National Palace Museum, Taipei (Huang-tzu chen-wan) 4. Ts'ui Po, Sparrows in the Cold, Palace Museum, Peking (Huang-tzu t'u-shu) 5. Chao Ch'ang, Butterflies, Palace Museum, Peking (Huang-tzu t'u-shu) 6. Liang Shih-min, River Bank in Heavy Snow, Palace Museum, Peking (Huangtzu t'u-shu) 7. Liu Sung-nien, Lohans (three scrolls), National Palace Museum, Taipei (Huang-tzu t'u-shu)

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8. Wang Chen-p'eng,

The

Championship

(Huang-tzu

t'u-shu and

Huang-tzu

chen-wan) 9. Anonymous,

Yuan dynasty,

The Kuang-han

Palace,

Shanghai Museum

(Huang-tzu t'u-shu) 10. Anonymous, Sung dynasty, Hibiscus and Butterfly,

fan painting mounted

together with no. 11 below in a handscroll; excavated from the tomb of the Ming prince Chu T'an (Huang-tzu t'u-shu) 11. Emperor Kao-tsung, inscription originally mounted on the reverse of the Hibiscus and Butterfly

fan (no. 10 above), remounted with no. 10 in a

handscroll; excavated from the tomb of the Ming prince Chu T'an (Huangtzu t'u-shu) 12. Ch'ien Hsiian, White Lotus Flowers, from the tomb of Prince Chu T'an (no seal) 13. Kuo-ch'iian, Buddhaghosa's

Commentary

on the Vinaya,

Palace Museum,

Peking 14. Emperor Kao-tsung, Nymph of the Lo River Prose-poem, Liaoning Museum (Huang-tzu t'u-shu) 15. Huang T'ing-chien, Sung-feng-ko

shih, National Palace Museum, Taipei

(Huang-tzu t'u-shu)55

Authenticity of the Seals of the Imperial Elder Sister Because Princess Sengge Ragi was a famous imperial collector of the middle Yuan period, the presence of her Huang-tzu t'u-shu or Huang-tzu chen-wan seal on a painting or piece of calligraphy both enhances the value of the object and helps connoisseurs determine its date.56 Therefore, these seals, like those of other notable collectors, were sometimes forged. The authenticity of impressions of these seals can be determined by comparing extant examples. Of the fifteen works listed above, I have not seen the seal on number 13, and numbers 3 and 8 will be discussed below. On the rest the princess's seals are identical. None of these works, moreover, postdate the princess's lifetime, so even if scholars disagree about the artists or periods to which they should be ascribed, this does not cast doubt on the seals. Except for numbers 10 through 14, I have seen these pieces in the original. Although I have not studied numbers 10 and 11 in person, I believe them to be reliable because they were excavated from the tomb of the Ming prince Chu T'an, who lived from 1370 to 1389 (only about half a century after the princess's death). This provenance also lends credibility to these works because many paintings and examples of calligraphy in the early Ming imperial collection are known to have come from the Yuan palace. Comparing the Huang-tzu t'u-shu seals on these excavated pieces with those on the other scrolls, it is not difficult to see that the impressions were made with the same stamp. Some of these scrolls,

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including Chan Tzu-ch'ien's Traveling in Springtime, Chao Ch'ang's Butterflies, and Huang T'ing-ch'ien's Sung-feng-ko shih have not only the Huang-tzu t'u-shu seal, but also inscriptions by Yuan officials who attended the princess's gathering of 1323. These inscriptions are additional evidence that the princess's seals on these works are genuine and can therefore be used as a standard in assessing the authenticity of other seals that purport to be hers. Generally, the princess's two seals are not found on the same object. In only one known case, that of the versions of Wang Chen-p'eng's The Championship (Dragon Boat Regatta), number 8 in the list above, do they appear together. Here the Huang-tzu chen-wan seal is found in the upper right corner at the beginning of the scroll, and the Huang-tzu t'u-shu seal follows the artist's inscription at the end. The other scrolls have just one of the princess's seals, usually the one reading Huang-tzu t'u-shu. The Huang-tzu chen-wan seal appears alone only on number 3, the Half-length Portrait of Liang Wu-ti. Since questions have been raised about the authenticity of the Wang Chen-p'eng scrolls and the portrait of Liang Wu-ti, we lack a reliable example of the Huang-tzu chen-wan seal. The genuine Huang-tzu t'u-shu seal, however, can be described from measurements taken from the examples on the Lohan scrolls by Liu Sung-nien and Huang T'ing-chien's Sung-feng-ko shih. The seal is almost square (4.8 X 4.8 cm), but is slightly wider at the top (4.9 cm). The usefulness of this determination can be demonstrated with reference to a version of Wang Chen-p'eng's composition The Championship. One of the three recensions of this painting in the principal collection (cheng-mu) of the National Palace Museum has the princess's seals, as described above, and the artist's inscription stating that he executed the scroll at her command. I compared the Huangtzu t'u-shu impression on this painting to the standard example on Huang T'ingchien's Sung-feng-ko shih, and found that, although they are similar, they were not made by the same seal. The seal on the former is not wider at the top and is nearly rectangular (4.7 cm wide and 5 cm high). It is therefore evident that this scroll is not the one that once belonged to the princess.57

T h e Grand Princess as Imperial Aunt The princess's elegant gathering was the high point of her career as an art collector, but it was not the peak of her power and influence. This came after her daughter was married in 1324 to Tugh Temiir, the son of the princess's older brother Khaishan.58 This marriage strengthened the bond between Sengge Ragi and Tugh Temiir, the Yuan dynasty's most cultivated princess and its most culturally inclined prince. Tugh Temur's ascendance to the throne in 1328 brought the princess both new wealth and new titles. In the first month of 1329 she was given twenty thou-

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sand ting in currency to build a residence. 59 W e can assume that this new residence was vast and the allotted money inadequate because in the fifth month of the same year she was presented with another twenty thousand ting for building costs. 60 This probably occurred at the time of the Tuan-wu chieh, the Dragon Boat Festival held on the fifth day of the fifth month, when upon imperial command, Yii Chi w r o t e a poem entitled "Tuan-wu

Presentation to the Grand Princess." 6 1

K ' o Chiu-ssu's "Palace P o e m s " also include the following annotation: " O n tuanwu, in the second year of T'ien-li . . . the emperor granted [her] very liberal gifts and sent them [to her] together with an Imperial p o e m . " 6 2 The circumstances of the emperor's presentation of these gifts can be glimpsed in K ' o Chiu-ssu's poem. Ice mixed in jade bowls, overflowing with flakes of snow, Fans bound with golden threads, embroidered on red gauze, Imperial poetry on variegated paper, on the subject of the tuan-wu. [These] shall be sent by Imperial order to the household of the Princess, Imperial Aunt. 63 From the last line of this poem w e also learn that the former "Imperial Elder Sist e r " had come to be called the "Imperial A u n t " (Huang-ku.) In the tenth month of 1329 the following imperial decree was issued. " R e n t paid on land given to princes, princesses, government offices, and temples, except for that collected by the messengers of the Grand Princess of the State of L u , is all to be handed in to the officials." 6 4 Evidently she was given preferential treatment because she was not merely an "Imperial A u n t , " but also the emperor's motherin-law. In the last month of the same year Wen-tsung instructed the officials of the court: The Imperial Aunt, Grand Princess of the State of Lu, was widowed early and remained unmarried. She did not attach herself to her husband's brothers, but raised her children alone. Her son inherited the title of prince; her daughter was married to me. If I think of common people who are like this and confer honors upon them, certainly I should consider my closest relatives. Chao Yen, Yii Chi, and others can deliberate about a title of honor that will make her reputation known. 65 T h e princess then received the additional title of Hui-wen i-fu chen-shou Ta-changkung-chu—The Grand Princess.

Honorably Cultured, Virtuously Blessed, Chastely Longevous, 66

A f e w days later she was awarded sixty thousand in "salt certif-

icates" (vouchers redeemable for state-monopolized salt and used as instruments of credit) for " h o t bath f u n d s . " 6 7 During this single year, then, the emperor bestowed gifts upon her several times. N o t counting the rent from lands, she received funds totaling one hundred thousand ting. Perhaps she was repeatedly rewarded because she remained a w i d o w . Grateful as she might have been for the

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kindness, the princess nevertheless initiated a major building p r o g r a m

that

exhausted w h a t e v e r funds she w a s given. A c c o r d i n g to the Yuan-shih,

she

received another series of gifts in the ninth m o n t h of 1330. Since her residence w a s still unfinished, she w a s given ten thousand ting in currency and an administrator of the Secretariat w a s instructed to oversee the w o r k . She w a s also presented f i v e hundred ch'ing (15.13 acres) of state land in P ' i n g - c h i a n g and other places, and yet another ten thousand ting.68 H e r n e w residence w a s probably finished around this time. J u s t over half a year later, in the f o u r t h m o n t h of 1331, she died. B o r n around 1283, she lived only about forty-eight years. 6 9 R e p o r t s of the princess's involvement in artistic activities after her elegant gathering of 1323 have not been f o u n d , and her collector's seals read only " I m p e rial Elder S i s t e r " ; none read " I m p e r i a l A u n t . " T h u s it appears that in her later years, w h i l e her position w a s steadily elevated and her spending became increasi n g l y lavish, she did not progress significantly as a collector. A s to the fate of her collection, it is possible that after she died, it became the property of T u g h Temiir's Pavilion of the Star of Literature. H o w e v e r , today w e rarely see the seal of the Pavilion of the Star of Literature, or inscriptions b y officials such as K ' o Chiu-ssu w h o served there, on w o r k s that once belonged to the princess. It is therefore more likely that S e n g g e R a g i ' s son inherited her collection. F o r f u t u r e study, the t w o w o r k s bearing the princess's seal that w e r e recently recovered f r o m the M i n g dynasty tomb of C h u T ' a n provide a n e w clue to the later history of the objects once treasured b y this remarkable w o m a n .

NOTES [This article originally appeared as the first in a four-part series, Yuan-tai huang-shih shu-hua shou-ts'ang shih-liieh ( " A History of the Yuan Imperial Art Collections") in Chinese, with English summaries, in the National Palace Museum Quarterly 13, nos. 1 - 4 (Autumn 1978-Summer 1979). In 1980 the National Palace Museum published the series as a book with the same title. The article is presented here in an abridged form that emphasizes the activities of the princess. Some of the material taken from early Chinese sources has been paraphrased rather than translated in its entirety, and discussions of the cultural pursuits of other members of the Yuan imperial family have been condensed. Observations not directly relevant to the princess or to an understanding of her cultural background have either been omitted or moved to the notes. The structure of the article, however, remains intact, and none of Dr. Fu's findings about the princess's life and collection have been omitted. I have added many of the dates (in the glossary) and alternate names, and the decision to use the Mongol names of the emperors rather than their posthumous Chinese temple names was also mine. In a few instances information has been introduced to clarify terms or situations that might be unfamiliar to Western audiences. I am very grateful to Dr. Fu for allowing me to present his work in this volume, and, of course, take full responsibility for any misinterpretations or errors.—TRANS.] 1. In 1966-1969, when I was writing "Chii-jan ts'un shih hua chi chih pi-chiao yen-

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chiu" (A comparative study of the extant works of Chii-jan) (National Palace Museum Quarterly 2, no. 2 [October 1967]: 51-79) and doing research on Chiang Shen, because the paintings carried Yuan imperial seals and appraisals by the Yuan court connoisseur K ' o Chiu-ssu, I began to collect materials having to do with the Yuan imperial collection and collectors' seals. In 1972, when I was working on Huang T'ing-chien's scroll Sungfeng-ko shih, I began to pay attention to the collection of the Imperial Elder Sister, the Grand Princess of the State of Lu. In the summer of 1975 Dr. John D . Langlois, Jr. organized a Yiian history symposium at Princeton University; Professor Sun K'o-k'uan also came from Canada to participate. At their urging I presented a paper on the Pavilion of the Star of Literature (K'uei-chattg ho). At that time I pulled together and supplemented the fragments I had collected over the years, and subsequently this became the first draft for the present study. In the fall of the same year, upon taking a position in the art history department at Yale University, I unexpectedly met Mr. Chiang I-han in the library and learned that he was also investigating the Pavilion of the Star of Literature. In recent years Chiang I-han had been deeply involved with research, but was again proceeding with his investigation, so I decided to keep my work private out of deference to his greater expertise. However, my Princeton paper was mentioned by Professor Sun in his essay "Chuang-ssu-t'ang chiang-hui chi, P'u-lin-ssu-tun ta-hsueh hsia-chi Yiian-shih yen-chiu she chi-liieh" (A summary of the Princeton University summer research conference on Yiian history), Ming-pao yiieh-k'an (October i975):7o; afterwards, it also appeared in Dr. Langlois's synopses of the Princeton symposium proceedings. Thus, before long, people began inquiring about my work. I insisted that I planned to keep it private, but friends argued that it is impossible for two people doing research at the same time to select exactly the same data or adopt the same point of view. It is a problem if too few people investigate a topic, not if too many do. I found their arguments convincing, and so continued with my research. However, rather than staying with the limited topic of my original paper, I decided to produce a short history of the Yiian imperial collections of painting and calligraphy that might be of help to others as well as to Mr. Chiang when he prepares his more specialized work. In preparing this study I first read K'o Chiu-ssu shih-liao (Historical materials concerning K ' o Chiu-ssu) compiled by Tsung Tien (Shanghai: Jen-min mei-shu ch'u-pan she, 1963) and "Kuo-li ku-kung po-wu-yiian ts'ang Ch'ing nan-hsun tien t'u-hsiang ts'un-i k'ao" (Portraits from the Nan-hsiin tien) by Chiang Futsung, the director of the National Palace Museum, in the National Palace Museum Quarterly 8, no. 4 (Summer 1974): 1-16. Later I read: Herbert Franke, " C o u l d the Mongol Emperors Read and Write Chinese?" Asia Major, n.s., 3, pt. 1 (1952-1953): 28-41; Yoshikawa Kojiro, "Gen no shotei no bungaku" (The literary erudition of the Yiian emperors) Toyoshi Kenkyu 8, nos. 3, 4, 5/6 (1943), 9 (n.s. 1), no. 1 (1944), no. 3 (1945); Torn Haneda, "Gencho no Kan bunmei ni taisuru taido" (The attitude of the Yiian dynasty toward Han culture), in Kand Kyoju kanreki kinen Shinagaku ronso, Suzuki Torao ed. (Kyoto: Kobundo shobo, 1928), 719-747; Kanda Kiichiro, "Gen Bunso fiiryu ni tsuite" (Concerning the taste of Wen-tsung of the Yiian) in Haneda Hakushi shoju kinin toyoshi ronso (Kyoto: Toyoshi Kenkyu kai, 1950), 477-488. For the rich materials presented in these studies, and the findings that preceded my own, I wish to express my heartfelt respect. 2. D o w n through the ages and across the vast area of China, there have been many "private" collections of painting and calligraphy, but most of them were far surpassed in size by the collections of the imperial houses. We have catalogues of the great collections

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of Emperor Hui-tsung of the Sung dynasty (r 1100-1125) and Emperor Kao-tsung (Ch'ien-lung) of the Ch'ing (r 1735-1796), and the contents of the collections of Changtsung of the Chin dynasty (r 1190-1208) and of the early Ming court (14th c) have been partially reconstructed on the basis of seals. For Sung Hui-tsung's collection see the Hsiian-ho shu-p'u (Hsiian-ho reign period record of calligraphy; preface dated 1120) and Hsiian-ho hua-p'u (Hsiian-ho reign period record of painting; preface dated 1120); the collection of the Ch'ien-lung emperor is recorded in Chang Chao et al., comps., Shih-ch'u pao-chi ch'u-pien (Catalogue of painting and calligraphy in the imperial collection, first compilation) (1745) and Wang Chieh et al., comps., Shih-ch'u pao-chi hsii-pien (second compilation) (1793) (facsimile eds., Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1971). For the research into Chin Chang-tsung's collection, see Toyama Gunji, Kincho shi kenkyii (Studies in the history of the Chin dynasty) (Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku toyoshi kenkyukai, 1964), app. 5. A portion of the early Ming collection has been reconstructed on the basis of the Ssu-yin half-seal; see Chuang Shen, Chung-kuo hua-shih yeti-chiu hsu-chi (Studies in the history of Chinese painting, second part) (Taipei: Cheng-chung shu-chii, 1972). 3. Chao I, Niett-erh shih cha-chi (Notes on the twenty-two histories) (1799; reprint, Shanghai: Shih-chieh shu-chii, 1947), 30:431. 4. The fourteenth-century scholar T'ao Tsung-i wrote: "Today there are many Mongol and se-mu [miscellaneous aliens, mostly Western and Central Asians] officials who cannot use the brush to sign their names, and customarily use signature seals carved of ivory or wood. By imperial decree high-ranking officials could use jade seals, but they would not dare to use them if they were not specially presented." (Cho-keng lu [Notes taken during breaks from ploughing], [1366; reprint, Taipei: Shih-chieh shu-chii, 1971] 2:44.) 5. Though the Mongols did not follow Sung precedent and set up a painting academy, they did establish a Painting Service (hua-chii) under the Imperial Manufactories Commission (chiang-tso yuan) in 1278. Attached to this office were artisan painters who decorated palace halls. See Sung Lien et al., Yiian-shih (History of the Yuan dynasty), in Erh-shih-wu shih (Twenty-five dynastic histories) (Shanghai: K'ai-ming shu-tien, 1935), 88:229-230. 6. See n. 2 above. 7. This is suggested by the fact that in 1236, two years after the Chin conquest, the Mongols, acting on the advice of Yeh-lii Ch'u-ts'ai, established an Institute of Literature (ching-chi so) in P'ing-yang, Shansi, to compile classical texts. Ch'ien Ta-hsin, Yiian-shih iwen chih (Bibliography of literary productions of the Yuan period), (1791) 1:1. 8. Early in his reign Khubilai took a series of steps designed to make his capital, Tatu, a center of culture. In 1266 the Institute of Literature (see n. 7 above) was moved to Ta-tu and renamed the Institute for the Advancement of Literature. In 1272 the grand guardian Liu Ping-chung and the chamberlain of the National Treasury Po-lo were ordered by the emperor to establish the Imperial Archives (Mi-shu chien) to take charge of the land charts, census records, and occult texts of the past dynasties. Then, in the following year, the former minister of revenue Chiao Yu-chih was given the title director of the Imperial Archives and Shih Kang was named vice director. See Wang Shih-tien, Mishu chien chih (Records of the Imperial Archives), (1342) 1:1, in Chi Fo-t'o, ed., Kuangts'ang hsueh-ch'iin ts'ung-shu (Shanghai: Ts'ang-sheng ming-chih ta-hsiieh, 1916). 9. [Mi (or Pi)-shu chien, which is here rendered "Imperial Archives" to be consistent with the usage found in the original English summary of this article published in the

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National Palace Museum Quarterly, is translated as "Palace Library" in Charles O . Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), 377. Hucker's translations are used elsewhere in this chapter and Chapter 5.—TRANS.] 10. Wang Shih-tien, Mi-shu chien chih, 5:10. 11. T ' o T ' o et al., Sung-shih (History of the Sung dynasty), in Erh-shih-wu shih (Shanghai: K'ai-ming shu-tien, 1935), shang, 47:106; Sung Lien et al., Yüan-shih 9:24; Wang Shih-tien, Mi-shu chien chih 5:11. These records match the personal account of the scholar Wang Y ü n : " T h e illustrious emperor has been on the throne for eighteen years. In the first month of 1276, the south was pacified, and in the twelfth month the charts, books, and ritual objects were sent to the capital." (Wang Yiin, Shu-hua mu-lu [Catalogue of calligraphy and painting], in Mei-shu ts'ung-shu [A collectanea of writings on art], Teng Shih and Huang Pin-hung, comps., [1911-1936, rev. and enl. ed., Shen-chou kuokuang she, 1947] vol. 18, 4 / 6 : 2 1 . ) 12. Wang Yiin, Shu-hua mu-lu 23-39. 13. Wang Shih-tien, Mi-shu chien chih, 6:2. N o t only did Wang Y ü n not see all of the collection, it also appears that the painting and calligraphy Khubilai obtained from Hangchou did not constitute the entire Southern Sung imperial collection. A m o n g the works in early Yüan-dynasty private collections recorded in Chou Mi's Yün-yen kuo-yen lu (Record of clouds and mist that passed my eyes [A catalogue of paintings and other objects seen by Chou Mi]) are many that once belonged to Emperor Kao-tsung. Probably, in the late years of the Southern Sung, just before the Yüan army occupied Hangchou, many pieces from the imperial collection were dispersed. 14. The autobiography by Huai-su in the National Palace Museum lacks Y ü a n seals or colophons, perhaps because it went into storage in the palace. Chou Mi, in Yün-yen kuo-yen lu, also records such a w o r k , maybe another version, that he saw in a private collection. 15. The scrolls by Huang T'ing-chien include one written for his nephew Chang Ta-t'ung and the Biography of Lien P'o in cursive script. The former, which once belonged to Chang Ta-ch'ien, is now in a private collection and kept at T h e Art Museum, Princeton University. All the seams of this scroll carry impressions of the Neifu shu-yin seal of Sung Kao-tsung, and the double square seal reading "Shao-hsing" is found at the end, so clearly this piece was part of the Sung imperial collection. The Cursive Script Biography of Lien P'o is probably the Biographies of Lien P'o and Lin Hsiang-ju in the collection of John M . Crawford, N e w York. This scroll also has the Nei-fu shu-yin seal, as well as the seal of Chia Ssu-tao, which is consistent with the history of this period. [For reproductions and more description of these works, see Shen C . Y . Fu et al., Traces of the Brush: Studies in Chinese Calligraphy (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977), 9 8 - 9 9 , 1 4 6 - 1 4 7 , 243-245.—TRANS.] 16. Wang Y ü n ' s entry reads: "Portraits of Sung emperors from Hsüan-tsu to Tutsung, altogether twelve emperors. Also included is [a portrait of] the Empress Huai-i of the Li family. In this painting purple color was applied [to the face] from the eyebrows down, with t w o square leaves daubed on the cheeks, leaving a line of skin color on the bridge of the nose; it resembles a veil of purple sand." (Shu-hua mu-lu 36). These are not only true portraits and records of the costumes worn by members of the Sung imperial house, but also representative works by leading portrait painters of the Sung academy. For a discussion of the transmission of these works see Chiang Fu-tsung, "Kuo-li ku-hung po-wu-yüan ts'ang Ch'ing nan-hsün tien t'u-hsiang ts'un-i k'ao."

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17. Wang Shih-tien, Mi-shu chien chih, 5:11. 18. Ch'eng Chii-fu was from an old and honorable family, and Yii Chi very much admired his easy and correct writing style. See Sun K'o-k'uan, Yiian-tai Han wen-hua chih huo-tung (Han cultural activity in the Yiian dynasty) (Taipei: Chung-hua shu-chii, 1968), 373. Ch'eng Chii-fu was also an able calligrapher, and among his surviving writings is the colophon following the handscroll The Parting of Su Wu and Li Ling, attributed to Chou Wen-chu, in the National Palace Museum. See Ku-kung shu-hua lu (Record of calligraphy and painting in the Palace Museum), National Palace Museum, comp. (rev. and enl. ed., Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1965), 4:14. 19. Sung Lien et al., Yiian-shih, 172:404. 20. Ibid., 143:343. 21. Ibid., 115:290. 22. Ibid., 24:66. 23. Ibid., 24:63. 24. Yang Tsai, "Chao kung hsing-chuang" (A brief biography of Mr. Chao), appended to Chao Meng-fu, Sung-hsiieh chai ch'uan-chi (Complete literary works of Chao Meng-fu) (Shanghai: Hai-tso shu-chii, n.d.). 25. Sung Lien et al., Yiian-shih, 24:63. 26. Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 4:121-122. 27. Yii Chi, Tao-yuan hsueh-ku lu (Collected writings of Yii Chi) (Taipei: Chunghua shu-chû, 1971), 28:3. 28. K'uai-hsueh shih-ch'ing t'ieh; see Ku-kung fa-shu (Calligraphy in the Palace Museum) (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1962), 1:3. 29. For an account of the emperor writing characters for the official Li Meng, see Sung Lien et al., Yiian-shih, 175:412. Yiian Chiieh praised an official appointment written out by the emperor; see Yiian Chiieh, Ch'ing-jung chii-shih chi (Collected literary works of Yiian Chiieh) (Taipei: Chung-hua shu-chii, 1971), I7:3b-4a. Teng Wen-yiian's appreciation of the emperor's calligraphy can be found in Ku Ssu-li, Yiian-shih hsiian erh-chi (Selection of Yiian poetry, second compilation) (Ch'ang-chou: Hsiu-yeh-ts'ao t'ang, 1702), ping:sb. 30. Yiian Chiieh, Ch'ing-jung chii-shih chi 17:4a; Hsii Yu-jen, Chih-cheng chi (Collected literary works of Hsii Yu-jen), 73. 31. T'ao Tsung-i, Shu-shih hui-yao (Collection of essential records of the history of calligraphy) (1376; reprint 1929), 7:1. 32. Sung Lien et al., Yiian-shih, 29:75. 33. Ibid., 30:79. 34. The Chu kung-chu piao (Table of various princesses) in the Yiian-shih 109:282, lists at least five or six individuals who were enfoeffed as princess of the State of Lu. Sengge Ragi is mistaken for Shih-tsu's daughter in the Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 7:4. 35. Shao Yiian-p'ing, Yiian-shih lei pien (Compilation of Yiian history) (1699; Hsi Shih-ch'en, ed., Suchou: Sao-yen shan-fang, 1795), 29:2ib-22a. 36. Sung Lien et al., Yiian-shih, 115:291. 37. Ibid. 38. Shao Yiian-p'ing, Yiian-shih lei-pien, 29:21. 39. Sung Lien et al., Yiian-shih, 22:57• 40. Ibid., 22:59; Shao Yiian-p'ing, Yiian-shih lei-pien, 29:21. 41. Sung Lien et al., Yiian-shih, 24:64. A ting referred to fifty ounces of silver or the

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equivalent in paper money. See Lien-sheng Yang, Money and Credit in China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1952), 45-46. 42. Sung Lien et al., Yuan-shih, 24:64. 43. Ibid., 26:69. 44. Ibid., 116:291. 45. Available materials provide no information about the origins of the princess's collection. However, one possible source is suggested by the records concerning another Grand Princess of the State of Lu, Pao-t'a-shih-lien, the daughter of the Prince of Wei Apu-ko. One of the Yuan princesses to marry a Korean, she married the Korean king C h ' i (later named Chuan). (See K ' o Shao-min, Hsin Yuan-shih [New history of the Yuan dynasty], in Erh-shih-wu shih [Shanghai: K'ai-ming shu-tien, 1935], 104:241.) According to the preface of the Korean text Yong ch'on tam chok ki (1909) by Kim An-lo, at that time there were dowries that included books and paintings: " W h e n the Grand Princess of the State of Lu came out, various objects for daily use, pieces of military equipment, books, works of calligraphy, and paintings were transported by sea; many of the marvelously painted precious scrolls which have been handed down to the present day came out [to Korea] at that time." (Cited from Wu-hyon K o Yu-sop, Han'guk misul-sa, 71. This passage was brought to my attention by Dr. Hongnam Kim, who was at the time a graduate student at Yale University and was investigating the influence of paintings from the Yuan imperial collection on Korean painting.) The Korean King C h ' i ascended the throne in 1351 and the Mongol princess died in 1365, more than thirty years later than Princess Sengge Ragi, and so they were not of the period here under consideration. Nevertheless, this case provides an example of an instance in which paintings and pieces of calligraphy were part of the dowry of a Yuan princess. We do not know whether the inclusion of such objects had to do with the personal interests of the princess or with the person she married, and it is not certain that all princesses took works of art with them when they became brides. Still, this example suggests that at least a portion of Princess Sengge Ragi's collection may once have been part of her trousseau. 46. [On Hsiu-hsi day, the third day of the third lunar month, customarily a ceremony of purification was performed. In his "Preface" for the poems composed by the scholars who took part in the Orchid Pavilion gathering on this day, Wang Hsi-chih wrote: " . . . early in the final month of spring, we gathered at Lan-t'ing Pavilion in Shan-yin in Kuei-chi for the ceremony of purification. Young and old congregated and there was a throng of men of distinction. Surrounding the pavilion were high hills with lofty peaks, luxuriant woods and tall bamboos. There was, moreover, a swirling, splashing stream, wonderfully clear, which curved round it like a ribbon, so that we seated ourselves along it in a drinking game, in which cups of wine were set afloat and drifted to those who sat downstream. The occasion was not heightened by the presence of musicians. Nevertheless, what with drinking and the composing of verses, we conversed in whole-hearted freedom, entering fully into one another's feelings." (Translation from H. C . Chang, Chinese Literature, 2, Nature Poetry [New York: Columbia University Press, 1977], 8.)—TRANS.] 47. Yuan Chiieh, Ch'ing-jung chii-shih chi 45:sb-6a. The "southern city" was the

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"outer city" of the Yuan capital of Ta-tu (Beijing), which adjoined the capital on its south side. According to the "Ta-tu ch'uang-chien T'ien-ch'ing ssupei" written by Wang Yiin in 1272, formerly, in the Liao period, this temple was known as the Yung-t'ai ssu; during the Chin dynasty, between 1209 and 1211, it was destroyed by fire in war and the site was abandoned for over sixty years. Then, in the reign of Shih-tsu, in 1271, the monk Hsiieh-t'ang began to build a small monastery there, and the imperial son-in-law Prince Kao-t'ang gave money for the master's lodging. In the winter of 1284 an imperial grandson also gave twenty-five hundred strings of cash in addition for the reconstruction of the temple, which was begun in the spring of 1285 and completed in the autumn of 1286. In the course of the reconstruction an old bell engraved with the two characters " T ' i e n ch'ing," the name of a Liao-dynasty reign period (1110-1118), was recovered, and so the temple was called T'ien-ch'ing ssu. The monk Hsiieh-t'ang was Chang P'u-jen (tzu Chung-shan), a native of Hsii-ch'ang. When the buddha hall was reconstructed Yuan Chiieh wrote a composition in honor of the event (Yuan Chiieh, Ch'ing-jung chii-shih chi 35:9a-b). After the rebuilding was finished, the T'ien-ch'ing Temple became one of the famous scenic spots outside the capital. Scholars would come to the temple to enjoy the cool air. Ma Tsu-ch'ang wrote a couplet about enjoying the cool at this spot. Also, according to Sung Chiung's Yen-shih chi (Collected literary works of Sung Chiung), the T'ien-ch'ing Temple had a Pavilion of Refined Thoughts (see Chu I-ts'un, Ch'in-ting jihhsia chiu-wen k'ao [History of Peking and its environs, rev. and suppl. by order of Emperor Kao-tsung in 1774], 58:19). Given this environment, it is not difficult to imagine w h y the Imperial Elder Sister selected the temple as the site for her elegant gathering. Mr. Li of the Imperial Archives mentioned by Yuan Chiieh may be identified as Li Shihlu. See Wang Shih-tien, Mi-shu chien-chih, 9. 48. Wei Pi-fu, academician expositor-in-waiting, Academy of Scholarly Worthies; Li Chiung, administrator, National History Academy; Chang Kuei, manager of governmental affairs, Central Secretariat; Wang Yiieh, grand academician, Academy of Scholarly Worthies; Feng Tzu-chen, formerly edict attendant, Academy of Scholarly Worthies; Ch'en Hao, formerly grand academician, Academy of Scholarly Worthies; Ch'en T'ing-shih, supervisor of Confucian schools; Po-chu-lu C h ' u n g , vice director, Office of the Right, Central Secretariat; Li Yiian-tao, academician reader-in-waiting, Hanlin Academy; Teng Wen-yuan, auxiliary academician, Academy of Scholarly Worthies; Liu Tsan, erudite of the National Academy; Chao Yen (office not recorded); T u Hsi, junior compiler, Hanlin and Historiography Academy; Chao Shih-yen, grand academician, Academy of Scholarly Worthies; Wang I, vice censor-in-chief; Ts'ao Yiianyung, auxiliary academician, Hanlin Academy; Yiian Yung-chen, vice director, Ministry of Rites, Central Secretariat; Liu Kuan, erudite of the National University; W u Ch'iianchieh, great patriarch of the Sublime Learning (a Taoist master); Wang Kuan, formerly secretarial receptionist of the Palace Ceremonial Office. The first thirteen men listed above and Yiian Chiieh wrote on the Sung-feng-ko shih (Hall of the Windy Pines) scroll by Huang T'ing-chien (1045-1105), now in the National Palace Museum (Ku-kung fa-shu 10, pt. 2). Chao Shih-yen, Wang I, and Ts'ao Yiian-yung inscribed Autumn Embankment (listed by Yiian Chiieh as Autumn Birds at the Water's Edge) by Chou Tseng (Pien Yungyii, Shih-ku-t'ang shu-hua hui-h'ao [Shih-ku hall collected treatises on calligraphy and painting] [1682; reprint, Taipei, 1958], hua-k'ao [investigation of painting], 13:29). Yiian Yungchen and Liu Kuan wrote on a painting titled Large Rat by Ch'ien Hsiian. This is

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probably the painting listed by Yuan Chiieh as Grain and Rat. Nine of the scholars who inscribed Huang T'ing-chien's Sung-feng-ko shih also added colophons to this painting (Pien Yung-yii, Shih-ku-t'ang, hua-k'ao, 17:168). W u Ch'uan-chieh added a colophon to the Chin-ming Pond by Wang Chen-p'eng, and Wang Kuan wrote on the same artist's Ink Painting of Fighting Bulls (Pien Yung-yii, Shih-ku-t'ang, hua-k'ao, 19:195; 18:197). 49. Yuan Chiieh, Ch'ing-jung chu-shih chi, 45:642-647. Before the poems is a problematic heading that reads: "Inscriptions written upon command for paintings belonging to the Imperial Aunt and Grand Princess of the State of L u . " However, the princess was not given the title "Imperial A u n t " until 1329, six years after her "elegant gathering." When Yuan Chiieh wrote the preface for his poems in 1324, the emperor was Chin-tsung (the T'ai-ting emperor), who was of the same generation as the princess, and hence she could not yet have been called "Imperial A u n t . " This error was evidently made by someone later when the book was published. 50. Other than Wang Chen-p'eng's The Championship, this is the only one of the more than forty works for which Yuan Chiieh wrote at the princess's command that is known to have survived. It has, moreover, the greatest number of colophons by participants in the princess's elegant gathering. Altogether fourteen men wrote on it; see n. 48 above. In their colophons Feng Tzu-chen and Li Chiung state that they wrote at the princess's command. Li Chiung also recorded the exact date: " T h i r d year of Chih-chih [1323], last month of spring, twenty-third day." This is also the date given by Yuan Chiieh. By the Western calendar it is April 28,1323. 51. There are at least seven extant versions of this composition. Four belong to the National Palace Museum, Taipei; the others are in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Detroit Institute of Art, and a private collection in Tokyo. For the Metropolitan Museum scroll, see Sherman E. Lee and Wai-kam Ho, Chinese Art under the Mongols: The Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368) (Cleveland: The Cleveland Museum of Art, 1968), cat. no. 201. 52. [These circumstances are explained in the artist's inscription; see Ku-kung shuhua lu, 4 : 1 2 1 - 1 2 2 . The inscription is translated in Sherman E. Lee and Wai-kam Ho, Chinese Art under the Mongols, cat. no. 201.—TRANS.] 53. Yuan Chiieh, Ch'ing-jung chu-shih chi, 45:645. 54. This list was put together from sources immediately at hand and awaits supplementation. The first, second, fourth, and fifth works are all recorded as having the princess's Huang-tzu t'u-shu seal. The third has her seal reading Huang-tzu chen-wan. The scroll by Tung Yuan also had a poem by Feng Tzu-chen written upon the order of the princess; see Li Tung-yang, Huai-lu t'ang chi (Collected writings of Li Tung-yang), 21:12, and Pien Yung-yii, Shih-ku-t'ang, hua-k'ao, 11:431. The painting by Liu Sung-nien is recorded in W u Sheng, Ta-kuan lu (Record of wonderful sights [catalogue of calligraphy and painting]), (1712) 14:58. This scroll may be one of the three lohan paintings by Liu Sung-nien now in the National Palace Museum; see Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 5:88-89. About the painting by Liang K ' a i , see Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 7:4. More than ten individuals, including Feng Tzu-chen, wrote colophons for Wang Chen-p'eng's scroll; see Pien Yung-yii, Shih-ku-t'ang, hua-k'ao, 18:197. Ts'ao Chih-po's Pine Tree(s) is recorded in Chang Chao et al., Shih-ch'u pao-chi, 1213. This work was inscribed by Feng Tzu-chen and others. References to the Tu-jen ching can be found in Ch'en Chi-ju, Ni ku lu (Notes on antiquities), 4:291; W u Sheng, Ta-kuan lu, 2:38; and Pien Yung-yii, Shih-ku-t'ang, shu-k'ao

Princess Sengge Ragi

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[investigation of calligraphy], 8:379. The colophons by Chao Yen and Feng Tzu-chen on this piece were written at the command of the princess. 55. Again, this list was compiled from materials at hand. The first painting on the list, Traveling in Springtime, is followed by a poem that was written upon the command of the Imperial Elder Sister and Grand Princess by the former member of the Academy of Scholarly Worthies Feng Tzu-chen. There are, in addition, poems by Chao Yen and Chang Kuei, but this does not seem to be the full complement of original inscriptions. This scroll was once in the collection of Chia Ssu-tao of the Southern Sung period. It is recorded in W u Sheng, Ta-kuan-lu, 11:3, and reproduced in Ku-kung po-wu-yuan ts'ang-hua (Paintings in the collection of the Palace Museum), vol. 2 (Peking: Jen-min mei-shu ch'upan she, 1964), 1-4. The scroll by Lu Leng-chia is reproduced in Ku-kung po-wu-yiian ts'ang-hua, 2:26-31. The portrait of Liang Wu-ti is recorded in Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 7:4, and reproduced in Masterpieces of Chinese Portrait Painting in the National Palace Museum (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1971), no. 11. Sparrows in the Cold by Ts'ui Po is reproduced in Chung-kuo ku-tai hui-hua hsiian-chi (A collection of ancient Chinese paintings) (Peking: Jen-min mei-shu, 1963), 32. Butterflies by Chao Ch'ang has colophons by Feng Tzu-chen and Chao Yen; see Chang Chao et al., Shih-ch'u pao-chi ch'u-pien, 959. The painting is reproduced in I-yiian to-ying (Gems of Chinese Fine Arts) no. 1 (1979). The scroll by Liang Shih-min is reproduced in Chung-kuo ku-tai hui-hua hsiian-chi, 43. The lohan paintings by Liu Sung-nien are recorded in Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 5:88, and reproduced in the National Palace Museum Quarterly 11, no. 4 (Summer 1977): pis. 28-30. For information on Wang Chen-p'eng's The Championship, see n. 51 above. The Kuang-han Palace was probably done by Wang Chen-p'eng; it is reproduced in Shanghai po-wu-kuan ts'ang-hua (Paintings in the collection of the Shanghai Museum) (Shanghai: Shanghai jen-min meishu ch'u-pan she, 1959), 27. Numbers 10 and 11, Hibiscus and Butterfly and Kao-tsung's inscription, originally opposite sides of a fan, were remounted in a handscroll to which Feng Tzu-chen and Chao Yen added colophons. This scroll and the handscroll by Ch'ien Hsiian, White Lotus Flowers, were excavated in 1971 from the tomb of the early Mingdynasty Prince Chu T'an in Tsou county, Shantung province; see "Fa-chueh Ming Chu T'an mu chih-shih" (Record of the excavation of the tomb of Chu T'an of the Ming), Wen-wu (Cultural Relics), (1972), no. 5:25-32. Although the painting by Ch'ien Hsiian does not have the princess's seals, it is included on this list because it is followed by colophons by Feng Tzu-chen and Chao Yen that are similar in form to those on the handscroll with the fans, and because Ch'ien Hsiian was one of the few Yuan artists whose works were collected by the princess and recorded by Yuan Chiieh. Buddhaghosa's Commentary on the Vinaya has colophons by Chao Yen and Feng Tzu-chen written at the command of the princess. This work is recorded in Wang Chieh et al., comps., Shih-ch'u pao-chi pi-tien chu-lin hsii-pien (Catalogue of Buddhist and Taoist paintings and texts in the imperial collection, second compilation) (1793; facsimile ed., Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1971), 56, and reproduced in Wen-wu, 1977, no. 8: pi. 8. The only Yuan colophon attached to Kao-tsung's Nymph of the Lo River Prose-poem is by Chao Yen; see Liao-ning po-wu-kuan fa-shu tan yin pen (Reproductions of calligraphy in the Liaoning Museum). For information on Sung-feng-ko shih by Huang T'ing-chien, see nn. 48 and 50 above. 56. Her two square seals reading Huang-tzu t'u-shu and Huang-tzu chen-wan are alike in size and style, which suggests that they were made by the same hand. The composi-

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tion in both seals is loose and unbalanced and the seal script less than first rate. Perhaps a eunuch was entrusted with inviting whomever he wished to carve them. 57. Of the seven versions of this composition known to me (see n. 51 above), I have seen six, but at different times and places, so direct comparisons have not been possible. However, I have found the calligraphy and seals on the version in the Metropolitan Museum of Art to be superior in quality to those on the similar scroll in the cheng-mu of National Palace Museum. 58. Shao Yiian-p'ing, Yuan-shih lei-pien, 29:21. 59. Sung Lien et al., Yuan-shift, 33:83. 60. Ibid., 33:84. 61. Yii Chi, Tao-yiian hsueh ku lu, 21:194. 62. K ' o Chiu-ssu, Tan-ch'iu chi (Collected literary works of K ' o Chiu-ssu) (reprint, Taipei: Hsiieh-sheng shu-chii, 1971), 40. The translation is from Francis Woodman Cleaves, "The 'Fifteen Palace Poems' by K ' o Chiu-ssu," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 20, nos. 3, 4 (December, 1957): 423. 63. Cleaves, "The 'Fifteen Palace Poems,' " 423. 64. Sung Lien et al., Yuan-shih, 33:85. 65. Ibid., 33:86 66. Shao Yiian-p'ing, Yiian-shih lei-pien, 29:21. 67. Sung Lien et al., Yiian-shih, 33:89. [About salt vouchers, see Lien-sheng Yang, 58.—TRANS.]

68. Ibid., 34:88; Shao Yiian-p'ing, Yiian-shih lei-pien, 29:29. 69. Sung Lien et al., Yiian-shih, 35:90.

GLOSSARY A-pu-ko f - 7 ^ - 1 Chang Kuei (1264-1327) J M i Chang P'u-jen (tzu Chung-shan) Sfc-f-'f(1+04 ) Chang Ta-t'ung (§] Chang-tsung (r 1190—1208) if; Chan Tzu-ch'ien ÉL Chao Ch'ang § Chao I & & Chao kung hsing-chuang "a if Chao Meng-fu (1254-1322) Chao Shih-yen Chao Yen jfk Chao Yung (ca 1289-ca 1362) Ch'en Chi-ju íf Chen-chin (Yii-tsung) (1243—1285) f - ¿ t Ch'eng Chii-fu (1249—1318) f i l p ! . ^ cheng-mu JE. El

Ch'en HaofifcM Ch'en T'ing-shih I t M - t Chiang Shen (tzu Kuan-tao) i t "ft" it.) Ch'i #t Chia Ssu-tao (1213-1275) f -frxit Chiang-tso Yüan fáfó fe Chiao Yu-chih Ch'ien Hsiian (tzu Shun-chii; ca 1235—d aft 1301) Ch'ien-lung (r 1735-1796) $ t f t Ch'ien Ta-hsin Chih-cheng chi 3LJLS Ch'in-ting jih-hsia chiu-wen k'ao ik^L 0 ~F ch'ing tfl Chih-chih ching-chi so Ch'ing-jung chii-shih chi Chin-tsung %

Princess Sengge Ragi Ch'iung-lan-tien chi it. Cho-keng lu VLtyifr C h o u Fang $ C h o u M i (1232-ca 1308) M fé C h o u Tseng $ C h o u Wen-chii $ X f e C h u I-ts'un Ch'uan-ku Ch'uan-ning Chu-jan Ë. & C h u n g Yu i t If. C h u T'an fcfêL Chuan Fan-lung j t flfc Feng Tzu-chen -fHan'guk misul-sa SI ^ # î ÎL Ho-chieh-piao ITit^fe Hsiao C h a o Hsin Yiian-shih IfivLit Hsiu-hsi 'flf-#? Hsiian-ho hua-p'u fa Hsiian-ho shu-p'u ï fa -g- if Hsu-ch'ang f.^f g Hsu P o # - é ? Hsu Yu-jen (1287-1364) e i f - ^ i hua-chit Jt Huai-lu t'ang chi 'W.M.'ÈM Huai-su H u a n g Chii-pao ^ Huang-ku jL -iè Huang T'ing-chien -^-Jtl?H u a n g Tsung-tao ^ it Huang-tzu chert-wan jL^fci^it Huang-tzu ta-chang kung-chu jL # ^ "a Î Huang-tzu t'u-shu S] -gHui-ch'ung & ^ Hui-tsung (r 1100-1125)-SSl^ Hui-wen i-fu chen-shou Ta-chang kung-chu flkXMiS & # H u - t u T'a-erh Jen-tsung (Ayurbarwada) (1285-1320; r 1311-1320) Kao-t'ang g, fe Kao-tsung (of the Sung dynasty, r 11271162; of the C h i n g dynasty, r 1735— 1796) % Kim An-lo

K ' o Chiu-ssu K ' o Shao-min ft H S K'uai-hsueh shih-ch'ing t'ieh "S? sf Kuan Tao-sheng (1262—1319) •fiiL-flK'uei-chang ko i ^ Kuo-ch'uan g] I t Liang K'ai H f ë Liang Shih-min H Li C h i u n g (1274-1332) Li K'an (1245-1320) Li M e n g (1255-1321) 4 - j j . Lin-an Li Po 4 . 6 Li Shih-lu H'tLi T u n g - y a n g 4- f% Liu Keng J?1] Liu Kuan (1270—1342) M?~ft Liu Kung-ch'uan fit Liu Ping-chung (1216-1274) ^'J Liu Sung-nien Jt'J fa Liu Tsan ifLi Yiian-tao 4 Ì® i l . Lu-kuo ta-chang kung-chu •§- 0 A-ft.'K Lu Leng-chia ^-fto Lung Mao-tsung M a Fen Ma Tsu-ch'ang Mjis.i(? Mi-shu chien iiÊ Mi-shu chien chih JL Nei-fu shu-yin 1*] /ft # ip Ni-few luML-^m. Nien-erh shih cha-chi JZ. Pao-t'a-shih-lien f Pien Yung-yii -f P'i Jih-hsiu A. E) P'ing-chiang -f- v i P'ing-yang -f- P% Po-chu-lu C h ' u n g (1279-1338) ^ rft.fPo-lo ^ f t se-mu ¡5, 0 Sengge R a g i (ca 1283-1331) Shang Ch'i fâ}^ Shang H u $ Shao-hsing ggJflShao Yuan-p'ing -3(5 i l - f Shih-ch'u pao-chi 4ft- tf ^ Shih Kang

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Shih-ku-t'ang shu-hua hui-k'ao Shih-tsu (Khubilai Khan) (r 1260-1294) Vrfa Shu-hua mu-lu % 0. Shun-tsung (Darmabala) % Shu-p'u If Shu-shih hui-yao ssu-yin s] ip Sung Chiung Sung-feng-ko shih fe M, Mi of Sung-hsiieh chai ch'uan-chi fe % ^h^^jr Sung Lien ^.¿ft Sung-shih Sung-shu i-wen thih Sun Kuo-t'ing # Su Shih

ij"

Ta-hsueh yen-i ^ ^ fit 41, T'ai-ting (Yesiin Temur) ( 1 2 9 3 - 1 3 2 3 ; r 1324-1328) T'ai-tsu (Chinggis Khan) (r 1206-1227) Ta-kuan lu T'ao Tsung-i (ca 1 3 1 6 - 1 4 0 2 ) pft ^ ^ Tao-yiian hsiieh-ku /h it.® Ta-tu Ta-tu ch'uang-chien T'ien-ching ssu pei Tan-ch'iu chi-ft-^% Teng Wen-yiian (1258-1328) T'ien-ch'ing ssu T'ien-li ting Ting-wu Lan-t'ing hsii ^ T'o T'ofl&JK, Ts'ao Chih-po ( 1 2 7 2 - 1 3 55) Ts'ao Yiian-yung ^ iL T s u i Po 4 6 Tuati-wu chieh ^ ip Tu Hsi

Tu-jen ching iA.M. Tung Yiian it; Wang Chen-p'eng (ca 1280-ca 1329) iifcJ* Wang H s i - c h i h i | t ^ Wang l i f t Wang Kuan i ffc Wang Shih-tien i i . f i Wang Y i i e h i ^ j Wang Yiin (1227-1304) i l ^ Wei Pi-fu«,o£-iS. Wen-tsung (Tugh Temur) ( 1 3 0 4 - 1 3 3 2 ; r 1328-1332) Wu C h e n g (1249-1333) -g-ifWu Ch'uan-chieh & & ft Wu-hyon ko Yu-sop X. % Wu K'uan & % Wu S h e n g ^ - f f Wu-t'ai shan iL, Wu-tsung (Kaishan) ( 1 2 8 1 - 1 3 1 1 ; r 1307-13 Wu Yiian-yii ^ t L J ^ Yang Tsai ( 1 2 7 1 - 1 3 2 3 ) Yeh-lu Ch'u-ts'ai Yen-shih chi && # Yen Wen-kuei ¡ft 5C -fr Ying-tsung (Shidebala) ( 1 3 0 3 - 1 3 2 3 ; r 1320-1323)^^ Yong ch'on tam chok ki Yiian Chiieh (1266-1327) Yiian-shih TC

/f

Yuan-shih hsiian erh-chi TL %% Yiian-shih i-wen chih iL it -ft Yuan-shih lei-pien TLJLMM Yiian Yung-chen $ Yii Chi ( 1 2 7 2 - 1 3 4 8 ) ^ $ : Yung-p'ing Yung-t'ai ssu Yiin-yen kuo-yen lu "Si Yii-tsung

Plate I. Attributed to Ma Ho-chih (fl 12th c). Illustration to The Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety chapter 1, " T h e Starting Point and Basic Principles." Section (8) of a handscroll, ink and color on silk, h. 26.4 cm. Collection of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China.

Plate 2. Ch'en Shu. Autumn Wildlife. 1700. Hanging scroll, ink and colors on silk, 100.1 x 29.2 cm. Collection of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China.

Plate 3. "Hashihime" from the Tale of Genji scrolls. Handscroll fragment, ink and colors on paper, 22.0 x 48.9 cm. National Treasure. Tokugawa Reimeikai, Tokyo.

Plate 4. "Suzumushi I I " from the Tale of Genji scrolls. Handscroll fragment, ink and colors on paper, 21.8 x 48.2 cm. National Treasure. Gotoh Art Museum, Tokyo.

Plate 5. Tales of Gisho and Gangyo. Ca 1219-1225. Gisho scroll II, Painting C., Gisho encounters Zenmyo. Section of a handscroll, ink and colors on paper, h. 31.7 cm. National Treasure. Kozanji, Kyoto.

Plate 6. Kaji. Waiting for Spring Blossoms. Hanging scroll, ink on decorated paper, 17.i x 15.9 cm. Private collection.

Plate 7. Ike Gyokuran. Bamboo Fan with Inscription by Yuri. Fan on hanging scroll, ink on mica paper, 20.8 x 43.1 cm. Private collection.

Plate 8. Cho Koran. Plum Blossoms. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 134.9 x 47-6 cm. Private collection.

3 Women Painters in Traditional China ELLEN J O H N S T O N

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The principal source for this overview of women artists in traditional China is Y u Chien-hua's biographical dictionary, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia jen-ming tz'u-tien, published in 1981. Yii's biographical dictionary, though the most recent and most comprehensive compilation of material on Chinese artists, does have some shortcomings for a study such as this one. First, the data provided for each individual is often incomplete; the frequent absence of birth and death dates, for example, precludes any chronological charting of changes in attitude toward women as painters. Second, certain major sources have not been fully utilized by Yii, in particular, the biographical sections for both women and men in the local gazetteers. Of the approximately 31,200 entries in the main body of Yii's book, only 1,046 are for women. Of these, 27 women were in one way or another associated with the imperial court, and 19 were either Buddhist or Taoist nuns. The remainder of the women painters can be divided into two categories: courtesans (45) and gentry women (527). 1 An analysis of the last two categories thus promised to be the most productive, and it is for this reason that the following discussion focuses on these two groups of women painters. Furthermore, since the majority of these women artists lived during the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, the statements below pertain particularly to these two eras.2 After a brief introduction to the social environment and expectations of the courtesan and then the gentry woman, I will turn to some of the issues pertinent to painting by women: their art education, painting as a social asset, painting as an emotional outlet, painting as an economic asset, the subjects depicted by women, and, finally, standards of judgment and criticism.

Social Environment and Expectations Translations of and comments on Chinese documents pertaining to courtesan life in the ninth and seventeenth centuries indicate that courtesans in China were very much like the Japanese geisha. They wore beautiful clothing and

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exquisite jewelry; as charming companions for cultured men at banquets and drinking bouts, they had to be proficient in the arts of entertainment—witty conversation, singing, dancing, and playing musical instruments. Many ninthcentury courtesans were able poets, but the additional skills of calligraphy and painting became desirable attributes for these women only later, that is, after these pursuits became common among scholarly gentlemen, certainly by the end of the Ming period. Further, the courtesan might be expected to appreciate flowers, incense, and culinary delicacies, in short, all the attractions and distractions of the sensuous life. 3 Until the publication in 1988 of the catalogue of the exhibition of paintings by Chinese women, Views from Jade Terrace, only three courtesan painters had been written about by Western scholars: the sixteenth-century Hsiieh W u (Hsiieh Su-su), Ma Shou-chen (ca 1592-1628), and Liu Yin (Madame Ho-tung, 1618-1664). 4 Liu Yin, also known as Liu Shih and Liu Ju-shih, is the subject of James Cahill's essay, Chapter 4, in this volume. Less well known was Tung Pai (1625-1651), the Nanking courtesan who became the concubine of the poet Mao Hsiang in 1642. Mao, in his reminiscences of her, recounts each of her talents and interests: embroidery, calligraphy, painting, and T'ang poetry. She also assisted Mao in his own literary endeavors and he helped her complete a compilation of references to descriptions of ancient people, their clothing, food, furniture, and the like. Together they enjoyed the moonlight and the flowers of the seasons; together they brewed and tasted special teas; together they blended fragrances and evaluated perfumes; together they savored the gourmet delicacies she so expertly prepared.5 Tung Pai is also credited with the invention of a form of "painting" consisting of pasting flower petals cut from fabric (or possibly paper) on fans, perhaps as a sort of decoupage.6 Courtesans were usually required to dwell in a closed and special world. From the written sources, it would appear that the courtesan painter had no influence whatsoever on painting as practiced outside her isolated domain. Nowhere in Yii's dictionary is there any indication that a courtesan developed a following of students or influenced other painters, male or female, in any fashion. The lives of gentry women were also circumscribed by all kinds of restraints and mores; many of these strictures became even more rigid after the widespread acceptance of Chu Hsi's Neo-Confucian ideals from the twelfth century on with their persistent stress upon the proper place of women inside the house. The gentry girl was to be industrious, quiet, dutiful, compliant, and modest; she was trained to attend to the needs of her husband and his family in a subservient and self-effacing manner. The oft-quoted popular saying " A woman without talent has virtue" captures a pervasive attitude toward gentry women and their training in the arts. Women were not encouraged to develop any innate artistic bent. Despite such stifling attitudes, there were gentry women who acquired recognition as painters. Indeed, a few achieved sufficient fame to merit discussion in

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Western-language surveys of Chinese painting, in books on noteworthy Chinese women, or in biographical dictionaries of eminent Chinese. Thus students of Chinese painting and culture are familiar with the names of such illustrious Chinese gentry women painters as Kuan Tao-sheng (1262-1319), the great Yuandynasty bamboo painter; Wen Shu (1595-1634), descendant of the distinguished artistic Wen family of Suchou; Ma Ch'tian (ca 1768-1848), daughter of the renowned male flower painter Ma Yuan-yii; and C h ' e n Shu (1660-1736), perhaps the most influential of all Chinese women painters. 7 C h ' e n Shu's success as both an artist and a paragon of Confucian womanhood is discussed in Chapter 5 of this book. O n the basis of the entries in Yii's biographical dictionary, it is evident that in the C h ' i n g dynasty a larger number of women were noted as painters than had been in earlier periods. It is also clear from Y u ' s material that these female painters had more opportunities to engage in a broader spectrum of intellectual endeavors than had been previously allotted to women. The expanded intellectual life of the C h ' i n g woman painter parallels Mary Backus Rankin's observations on the enhanced status of women in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century China. By the end of the eighteenth century, accomplished women were presenting conservatives with a heightened dilemma. Many such women enjoyed rich social and intellectual lives, gained public recognition, and associated frequently with men. Husbands with poetic and artistic interests found companionship with wives of similar abilities. In some respects, women's education, with its emphasis on art and poetry, must have seemed enviable to young men from good families with plenty of money and no taste for studying the eight-legged essays required for the official examinations. By the 1890's orthodox views of women had been compromised in many ways. Nonetheless, it was still accepted that women functioned mainly within the household and men without. Education and literary skills, which for men were stepping stones to power and prestige, remained largely an adornment even for the most admired and able women. They might bring individual satisfaction, but were not important to society. At best, women outside the family were integrated into the high culture that was an inseparable part of the Confucian tradition, but art and poetry, when cut off from the serious pursuits of statesmanship or classical scholarship, potentially were associated with heterodox bohemianism.8 A n analysis of gentry women painters as found in Yii's volume (425 first wives, 51 women of second-wife rank, and 51 of concubine status) underscores the artistic riches obtainable within gentry society. T h e high educational level of these women painters is reflected in the fact that most of them also excelled in literati pursuits other than art, interests identical to those cultivated by the courtesan in the seventeenth century and later. Indeed, despite a different social status,

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the artistic interests of gentry women and courtesans were often the same, and often served to enhance their attractiveness to men. In addition to being a painter, a gentry woman might also be a calligrapher or a poet, occasionally a musician, and sometimes proficient at chess or seal carving. One or two were knowledgeable in medicine or mathematics, and several were accomplished in the martial arts. Like men, gentry women also participated in poetry meetings and belonged to poetry clubs. Ch'ien Lin, an eighteenth-century woman, for instance, sponsored a general convocation of women poets and painters by the West Lake in Hangchou. 9

A r t Education The traditional Chinese art education system was always one of individual instruction on a tutorial basis. Although there were "painting academies" in the imperial court, to the best of our knowledge these were not teaching institutions but workshops responsible for producing paintings, and sometimes other art objects, for court use. The information on courtesan painters in Yii's book provides only occasional hints of how they learned to paint. In one case, a late-fifteenth-century courtesan called Servant Lin (Lin Nu-erh) studied painting with the Nanking artists Shih Chung, who was noted for his rather unconventionally splashy ink work, especially snowscapes, and Wang Meng-jen, a landscapist. In a second instance, two eighteenth-century Yangchou courtesans named Yiieh-hsiang and Mo-hsiang were students of the male painter Ch'en Hung-shou. 10 Other references which permit us to establish teacher-pupil relationships by name are scarce. We know that the training of a courtesan was normally undertaken by her older colleagues, 11 and it may be that the more experienced women taught the novices the rudiments of brush painting as well. Liu Yin, as Cahill explains in his essay, learned painting from another courtesan, Hsu Fo. Presumably, talented courtesan painters could seek instruction outside, as did Lin Nu-erh, Yiieh-hsiang, and Mohsiang. Perhaps special tutors were hired, as was the case for singing. We have the example of a male vocal teacher coaching the courtesan-heroine of the seventeenth century play The Peach Blossom Fart.12 Instruction in painting for the courtesan must, then, with a few exceptions, have been relatively informal. The paintings would, for the most part, be done for casual, perhaps even frivolous reasons: fans or album leaves quickly sketched as occasional pieces for presentation to a client, for example. The following excerpt from The Peach Blossom Fan, which concerns the visit of the male painter, poet, and official Yang Wen-ts'ung to an elegant house of pleasure, gives a good idea of the off-hand spontaneity which could be associated with painting in the courtesan world.

W o m e n Painters in Traditional C h i n a YANG

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: I have not seen y o u for several days, and y o u have g r o w n much lovelier

in the meantime. W h a t profound truth the poems on this w a l l express! I see that some were w r i t t e n b y m y dearest friends. Since they have paid y o u such a compliment, I must j o i n them. . . . I doubt if I could ever compete w i t h these masters. T o conceal m y failings, I shall contribute a sketch of orchids. LI [the brothel owner]: I can assure y o u it w i l l be appreciated. YANG: Here is a fist-shaped rock b y Lan [Ying]. I'll paint some orchids beside it. [Sings]: T h e w h i t e wall gleams like silk for me to paint on: Fresh leaves, sweet buds, an aura of mist and rain. Here a fist-rock bursts w i t h inksplashed energy, There specks of moss are elegantly scattered. [Standing back to survey his finished painting, he says]: I believe it w i l l do. [Sings]: N o match for the splendid vigor of the Y u a n masters, B u t at least our ladies w i l l have orchids to set them off. L1: This is a genuine w o r k of art. It vastly improves the r o o m . YANG: D o n ' t mock me! [To the Girl]: Please tell me y o u r name so that I can inscribe it here. GIRL: I am too y o u n g to have a name. L 1: W e should be obliged if Y o u r H o n o u r w o u l d choose one for her. YANG: A c c o r d i n g to the Tso chuan, 'the fragrance of the orchid pervades a w h o l e nation, it captivates all mankind.' W h y not call her Fragrant Princess? LI : T h a t is perfect. Fragrant Princess, come and thank His H o n o u r . FRAGRANT YANG

PRINCESS

[curtseying]: I thank Y o u r H o n o u r kindly.

[laughing]: It provides us w i t h a name for the house also. [As he writes

the inscription, he reads it aloud]: In the springtime of the Year of the Horse during the reign of C h ' u n g - c h e n , I painted these orchids in the A b o d e of Entrancing Perfumes, in order to w i n a smile f r o m Fragrant Princess. Signed, Y a n g W e n - t s ' u n g of K w e i y a n g . 1 3 M a o Hsiang also illuminates the role painting played in the life of his beloved courtesan-concubine, T u n g Pai. While at Soochow, my concubine learned the art of painting, but without mastering it. She could, however, paint fairly well the wintry shrubs and trees, and often scribbled on the ink-slab or desk. She therefore took a great fancy to paintings, ancient and modern, and every long roll or short scroll she came across as well as those antique productions in our cupboard, she would unfold and review now and then. 14 W h e n one analyzes the information about g e n t r y - w o m e n painters' art education in Y u ' s compendium, it reveals no definite patterns w h i c h m i g h t suggest that their education w a s different f r o m that available to men. B y

patching

together scattered references found in Y i i ' s compilation, it is possible to recon-

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struct some family relationships which make it evident that many patriarchs must have encouraged the artistic training of offspring regardless of their gender. The following reconstructions of the Chiang, Ch'ien, T'ang, T ' a o , and Chi families will demonstrate this and will also supply examples of the artistic ties (sometimes quite complicated) within the family. Chiang I had a son and a daughter who were painters. T'ing-hsi, the boy, took as his model for flower depictions a man, Ma Yüan-yü, 1 5 whereas the girl, Chi-hsi, worked in the style of Ma's daughter, Ma Ch'üan. 1 6 T'ing-hsi became an important artist in the Ch'ing court; his son, P'u, and his daughter, Shu, both did flowers in the family style, 17 as did the grandson, Ting. 1 8 Ch'ien Lin studied poetry with her brother, Tu, who was a well-known painter, and painting with her male cousin, Tung. 1 9 Ch'ien Tu's daughter, P'ei, was also a painter,20 as were two of the wives of Ch'ien Tung, Lu Yüan-su and W u Shen. 21 The family of T'ang I-fen, a painter in his own right, could count as artists his wife, Tung Wan-chen (the granddaughter of Tung Ch'ao, a painter and calligrapher), 22 two of his daughters, Chia-ming (who studied art with her mother) and Tzu-ch'un, 2 3 and three of his four sons (Yiian-ming, Mou-ming, and Luming) 24 as well as Chin P'ei-fen, the wife of his second son (she learned brushwork from her mother, Sun Yün-hou). 25 T'ang's great-grandson, Ti, worked in Peking and Shanghai in the first half of the twentieth century. 26 Of five painter descendants of T'ao Lo-shan, the collector and flower painter, three were women: T ' a o Fu, T'ao Han, and T'ao Ko. 2 7 One of the T'ao men married the painter W u Hsiu-shu 28 and another married Chi Chu-i. Chi Chu-i herself came from a family of eight artists in which two other women of her generation were also painters.29 The full importance of these women painters becomes apparent when we view them in the extended family context and and recognize the extent to which they were instrumental or at least influential in the training of artistically talented progeny. An outstanding example in this regard is Ch'en Shu, who married into the Ch'ien family of Hai-yen, Chekiang. N o fewer than twenty of her descendants, including five women, are recorded in Yü's book as painters. 30 In addition, Ch'en Shu had a number of students, both male and female (such as Yii Kuanghui), 31 and they in turn taught other pupils. Further, a few women painters, though neither directly related to nor students of Ch'en Shu or her family, were influenced by her style. Perhaps the most illustrious of her pupils were two men: her grandnephew, Ch'ien Wei-ch'eng, 32 whose mother, W u Ken, 3 3 was also a painter, and Chang Keng, who is perhaps best known as an art historian. 34 It is also noteworthy that this type of family tradition continued into modern times. Chang Ta-ch'ien, one of the greatest twentieth-century male painters, received his first instruction in painting from his mother and his elder sister, while Chin Ch'in-po, after the death of his painter-uncle in 1926 turned for further training

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in painting to two other artists in Peking, one of whom was his aunt Chin Chang. 35 From the above data, it becomes clear that women could learn to paint at home from an artistic parent or from another relative, male or female. The option of studying outside the home was also possible, for a number of women were pupils of men or women who were unrelated to them. And, of course, women were active as art teachers for both female and male students. The real question is the attitude of parents toward a daughter's pursuit of painting, whether they considered it proper or realistic to encourage her to continue her studies. Unfortunately, this type of documentation is rarely specified in Yii.

Painting as a Social Asset and an Emotional Outlet As indicated above, painting was considered a desirable skill for the wellrounded courtesan, and, as Mary Rankin has noted, by the end of the eighteenth century "husbands with poetic and artistic interests found companionship with wives of similar abilities." 36 The following information, based upon painters' biographies in Yii's compilation, serves to amplify Rankin's statement about gentry women. Many gentry women married men who were painters or calligraphers. Clearly, a woman's talent in painting (as well as in calligraphy and poetry) might be a bonus in marriage prospects. As we shall see, Mao Hsiang, W u Sung-liang, Juan Yiian, and Ch'en Wen-shu are examples of men who must have deliberately sought out and cultivated artistically talented ladies. The bon vivant poet Mao Hsiang had three concubines noted for their painting. Aside from the courtesan Tung Pai (mentioned above) the other two were Ts'ai Han, who became his concubine in 1665, and Chin Yiieh, who joined him in 1667. Ts'ai and Chin were called "Mao's two lady painters." 37 Chiang Hui, the second wife of W u Sung-liang, painted landscapes, while two of his concubines (Yiieh Yun and Ou-yang T'ing-t'ing) and his daughter Hsiian, all, like W u himself, painted epidendrum.38 The second wife of Juan Yiian, the statesman, antiquarian, and bibliophile, was K'ung Lu-hua, a descendant of Confucius. She, three of his concubines, his granddaughter, and two of his female descendants or relatives all won some reputation as painters.39 In the family of Ch'en Wen-shu, the official and poet who was Juan Yiian's "favorite student" and who was acclaimed for his liberal attitudes and "fairmindedness toward women," four concubines, two daughters, and even two female servants knew how to paint,40 as did a number of his female students in poetry and calligraphy. It is interesting to note in the examples given above that often it is the sec-

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ond wife or the concubine who is a painter. This suggests that sometimes in selecting secondary wives and concubines, a man might exercise greater freedom in finding someone sympathetic with his own proclivities, whereas the criteria for choosing a first wife focused on the benefits she might bring to the family, such as improving or sustaining the family's prestige, or social or economic status. Sometimes husbands and wives pursued artistic ventures jointly, indicating yet other levels of appreciation of women's abilities. One way of tendering recognition to feminine painting talent is apparent in those instances where man and woman collaborated in making pictures. For example, it is said that the famous Yuan-dynasty painter Kuan Tao-sheng and her equally famous husband, Chao Meng-fu, did paintings together. 4 1 In the C h ' i n g dynasty, Fo-yiin-pao and her husband, Yen-hsu, depicted the Pi-shu shan-chuang (the C h ' i n g imperial retreat in Jehol); 4 2 Ch'en Hung-shou and his concubine, W u Ching-man, did a flower album together; 4 3 while the cooperative paintings by Hsu Pao-chuan and her husband, Li Hsiu-i, it is said, were especially appreciated at the time. 4 4 Such collaborative works raise a number of questions which will be discussed later. Women were included in other art-related ventures, such as critiquing paintings or working on a book on painting. 4 5 General public approbation of a woman's accomplishments might be expressed in yet other ways. In the C h ' i n g dynasty, for example, T ' a n g K ' u n was an expert in depicting epidendrum, while her husband, Shen Po-ying, excelled at calligraphy and seal carving; they were known as a "pair of perfections" (shuang-chieh).46 N o t all women were so fortunate in finding sympathetic husbands, however. In the C h ' i n g dynasty, Sun Pao-shan, w h o specialized in painting flowers and in small-seal script calligraphy, was married to a callous merchant who disapproved of her artistic efforts and is said to have reprimanded her about it so often that she died of grief before the age of forty. Similarly, in the nineteenth century Jen Ch'un-ch'i, a student of T ' a n g I-fen, apparently stopped painting after her marriage and, seeing her painting implements lying unused in her trousseau b o x , also died of grief. 4 7 These two unhappy cases are important for our understanding of women painters in China, for they reveal that painting to this pair of women, and perhaps to many unrecorded others, was not merely a pleasant pastime or a social grace, but a deeply felt avenue of personal expression and a mode of emotional outlet.

Painting as an E c o n o m i c A s s e t The courtesan had no family to support her. Her livelihood depended upon her varied personal and artistic attractions, of which painting was but one. It was not mandatory that the courtesan paint, but being able to do so with some degree

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of competence surely enhanced her chances for success in her profession and thereby her financial well-being. That painting could be a contributing factor to a courtesan's economic prosperity almost goes without saying, but the fact that skill in painting could also be a means of economic survival for a gentry woman in difficult times, especially when we have always been told that women depended upon their husband's family for financial support, deserves further discussion. By the late seventeenth century, if not earlier, the lofty literati ideal of "amateur" painting done only to show to friends or to present as gifts had begun to succumb to the realities of the market. The renowned literatus landscapist Taochi, for example, commercially exploited his talent by both teaching students and selling his scrolls and albums for a living. 48 The commercialization of painting continued unabated in the eighteenth-century artistic center of Yangchou and in the nineteenth-century center Shanghai. Gentry women could also make painting a vocation and could supplement the family income or their private purses by teaching painting and by selling their works. We know that Wen Shu, Ma Ch'iian, Chu Lin, and Ch'en Shu had painting students from outside the family, and there certainly must have been other women who were teachers of painting. 49 Presumably they were compensated for this, although, since the sources do not specify, exactly how is open to speculation; gifts, favors, or cash are all possible. Some thirty-three Ming- and Ch'ing-dynasty gentry women listed in Yii's book are recorded as selling their paintings to support themselves (or other persons as well). Of two we know only that they painted for a living; for two other women the sources mention simply that they sold their work to help their destitute husband's families. 50 In the remaining cases, more specific circumstances surrounding the reasons for selling paintings are supplied in the records. The motivation was usually family or personal need. For example, two women never married, but sold their works to support their parents. One of them was Wang Ch'in-yiin, a student of Ch'en Wen-shu; the second filial daughter was Chu Lin, who not only supported her parents, but also provided the funds for her father's burial. Yiin Heng sold paintings to support her parents before her marriage. 51 Hsii Shih and Ch'en Shu both married men who, although in straitened circumstances, liked to entertain, so their wives sold paintings to provide funds for the family. It is said that Ch'en Shu pawned her clothing and sold her jewelry as well as her paintings to keep things going. 52 A certain Ch'en Shuai-tsu, in the eighteenth century, encouraged his family to study painting; once when he held office near present-day Shanghai, he was poverty-stricken and so his wife, Ch'en Fu-jen, and daughter, Ch'en Fa-hsiang, sold the products of their brushes to augment his salary.53 In another case, whenever her husband went traveling, Chu Lan-chen relied on selling her paintings for an income. 54

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The circumstances of the women who sold their paintings to satisfy personal needs are of special interest because they cast some light on the workings of the social system. Nine women, we are told in the records, turned to painting as a means of income for themselves after they were widowed. This fact suggests that their position within their husband's family, for whatever reason, was not all that secure. Of these nine, Pi Chao-wen, W u Shan, and Hsiang Pao-ai are the most interesting. 55 Pi, beautiful and talented, was once a court lady in the Ming Imperial palace, but with the fall of the dynasty, she was left to wander about the capital city. Subsequently she married a man named Wang K'ai-sheng as his second wife and moved south. After Wang's death, Pi sold her paintings to support herself. In the case of W u Shan, after the death of her husband, she and her daughter, Pien Te-chi, moved to West Lake and together "morning and night made poetry and painting for their living." Some of these women continued to sell paintings in their old age. Hsiang Pao-ai when an octogenarian was still actively engaged in this commercial venture. In three cases cited by Y u Chien-hua, the deaths of fathers or spouses left women stranded in distant cities. Rather than return home, they elected to remain there and sell their paintings for a livelihood. 56 This abandonment by the family or, conversely, the reluctance to return to the family suggests that these women saw the sale of their paintings as a way of avoiding an onerous or burdensome home situation. A strict mother-in-law or a hostile family wherein the woman painter, because of her husband's death, lacked a defender come to mind as possible reasons. That these women chose independence goes against the stereotype of the Chinese woman as a docile creature irrevocably bound to her husband's family. However, the inequities of the social system, wherein the position of the concubine was often insecure, especially if she had no children, are underscored in the plight of Ch'en Shih. As a childless concubine Ch'en Shih supported herself in her waning years by selling her paintings. 57 Huang Yiian-chieh had a totally different reason for selling her paintings. Her family destroyed in the turmoil of the collapse of the Ming dynasty, she moved to West Lake in Hangchou, where she rented a pavilion and supported herself through the sale of her work. 5 8 No such hardship is evident in the life of another woman painter, the daughter of the sixteenth-century artist Y u Ch'iu, known only as Miss Y u (Yu Shih). She and her husband supported themselves by selling their pictures. 59 In three cases the reasons women sold their paintings seem to be quite singular. In the Ch'ing dynasty, a certain Li Ch'iung-hsien and her husband wandered homeless throughout Kiangsu and Chekiang provinces, selling paintings to pay for their lodgings. Wang Ch'ien used the profit realized from her paintings to defray the cost of printing the poetry of her husband's first wife. In Shanghai about 1900, Sung Chen used her paintings to raise money to aid refugees fleeing the Boxer Rebellion. 60

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Presumably the potential of women to augment the family finances through their painting or to go it alone if need be, even if as a minor factor, was taken into consideration by the families of prospective husbands. Little is known about the channels through which women sold their work. The painter-daughters of such well-known professional male artists as Tai Chin, Ch'iu Ying, Y u Ch'iu (the son-in-law of Ch'iu Ying), and Lo P'ing 6 1 may have taken advantage of the mercantile outlets and patronage contacts established by their fathers. Whatever the sales arrangements, there obviously was a substantial market for paintings by women. The artistic reputation and prestige of such female artists as Ma Ch'iian and Chang Lun-ying puts them in the foremost ranks of professional artists.62 Chang Lun-ying, who was born in 1798 and still selling her painting and calligraphy when more than seventy-seven years old, even gained an international reputation, for we are told that Japanese and Koreans were eager to purchase her works. The quality of the paintings sold by less noted women must have been quite high, or these women simply would have been ignored, and certainly could not have expected to survive for long on an income derived from the sale of their pictures. By the seventeenth century, the making of woodblock prints for illustrated books was often an adjunct to painting. Women, however, apparently did not participate in this artistic and commercial venture, while a number of famous men artists, such as Ch'en Hung-shou, did. Moving down the social scale from gentry to artisan, the names of some craftsmen who decorated Buddhist and Taoist temple walls are known, but there is no record of women muralists. The questions of whether women in artisan families had opportunities to develop artistic talents and, if so, how, remain to be explored.

Subject Matter An analysis of the information on subjects depicted by Chinese women found in Yii's compendium reveals that courtesans drew upon a very narrow range of subjects. They most often depicted orchids. 63 (Orchids are noted as a specialty twenty-one times.) W h y courtesans should be so partial to this flower may have to do with its symbolic meanings of purity and purity in seclusion, based on the poetry of Ch'ii Yuan. 64 Apparently, the courtesan, like an orchid, was thought of as a secluded, hidden rarity. Mao Hsiang, after an initial encounter with the courtesan Tung Pai, says, " I found her again like a fragrant orchid flower growing in a secluded valley." 65 The orchid also figures prominently in the excerpt from The Peach Blossom Fan quoted earlier. After orchids, the favorite subject of the courtesan-painter was landscape, but the tabulation shows a sharp drop to nine specialists in this genre. This is followed by bamboo (five), stones and flowers (three each), figures (two), and

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finally the bird-and-flower theme and plum blossoms (one each). Apparently, although courtesans in reality may have depicted subjects such as insects and butterflies, animals, fruits, or Buddhist or Taoist sages or worthies, these were not common themes for them. In contrast to the courtesan's preference for orchids, the gentry-woman painter's first choice in subject matter was the general category of flowers (270 women specialized in flower painting), followed by landscape (153 specialists), then orchids (128), and on down through the complete traditional range of flora, fauna, and figures (including portraiture) to one specialist each in horses, fungus, tigers, children, sparrows, and buildings. The gentry woman clearly had a more extensive and more demanding repertoire of themes than had the courtesan. Interestingly, perhaps the only subject not essayed by women was ghosts, which, of course, were not overwhelmingly popular subjects for Chinese artists anyway, the major exception being the Yangchou eccentric Lo P'ing. Four of these subjects deserve further discussion: ink bamboo, flowers, butterflies, and portraits. The subject of ink bamboo is of importance to any study of Chinese women's paintings. Ink bamboo, the symbol of Confucian moral character, integrity, and flexibility, is considered the literatus gentleman's subject par excellence. Yet, by tradition, the first person to depict ink bamboo was not a man but a woman. The story goes that during the Five Dynasties period a woman of the Li family (Li Shih) was carried off by invaders and imprisoned in a desolate place. Sitting alone one moonlit night she noticed the shadow of bamboo on the paper window and traced its outline in ink. 66 W h y did flowers and plants have such appeal to the Chinese gentry-woman painter? Was it because, sequestered in the back apartments, her only experience of nature was in her garden? Is it because of the rich traditional poetic and popular symbolic associations of flowers as emblematic of beauty, wealth, success, happiness, and other positive aspirations? Since women are often likened unto blossoms, did they paint flowers as images of themselves?67 If so, how can we explain the fact that they sometimes depicted plants with masculine associations (the chrysanthemum, for example, with the recluse or the pine tree with venerable wisdom) and that a large number of men also specialized in flower painting? (Indeed, although it is generally assumed that landscape was the male painter's favorite subject, a study might prove otherwise for the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.) Similarly, it is difficult to explain why butterflies are singled out as a specialist subject for seventeen gentry-woman artists. Is it again the effect of being secluded in the garden or because of the Chinese symbolism of longevity associated with butterflies? Whatever the reasons for depicting such subjects, if nothing else, flowers and butterflies, were certainly appropriate subjects for presentation paintings at birthday celebrations or other special occasions. If restriction of the gentry woman to the garden environment is to account for her preference for painting flowers and butterflies, then how can we explain that the second favorite subject among gentry-woman artists was landscape?

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The existence of a number of women portraitists also raises several unanswered questions. Whom did they portray, why were the paintings done, where were they exhibited? Are we to assume that all the sitters were women, in keeping with the seclusion of women? Unfortunately, the literature on Chinese painting at hand does not supply sufficient information to answer these questions. Interestingly, the heroine of the play The Lute made portraits of her deceased parents-in-law and took them with her when she went in search of her husband. 68 Another example, from the sixteenth-century drama The Peony Pavilion, suggests that it was not unusual for women to be adept at portraiture. The heroine's selfportrait is instrumental in allowing her lover to find and identify her; one entire scene is devoted to the portrait and throughout the remainder of the drama the portrait plays a significant role. 69 According to art records, the woman's self-portrait as an amorous device or stratagem goes back to at least the T'ang dynasty, when Ts'ui Hui, separated from her lover, sent him her self-portrait, declaring that when the day came that she no longer looked like that image, she would have died of love for him. 70 A depiction of a lady flautist seated in a garden painted by the courtesan Hsiieh W u might be her self-portrait. 71 The artist's own poetic inscription on the painting includes the phrase "jade flute," an image with definite sexual allusions; perhaps it was a present to a paramour. The purpose and appearance of other self-portraits by women is unexplored at this time. 72 Were the portraits made by women commemorative or presentational? If so, on what occasions and why? All this remains to be satisfactorily explained.

Standards of Judgment The issue of quality in women's painting is only slightly illuminated by the comments in the biographies in Yu's volume. However, it is made clear that in things artistic, women were judged apart from men. Women's achievements in painting were generally seen against those of other women, and this could be expressed in several ways. For example, two Ming-dynasty women, Yang Huilin and Lin T'ien-su, are said to have been "equally famous." 73 Of the flower painters Yun Ping and Ma Ch'iian, who worked in different styles, it was said that "people of south China refer to them as the two perfections (shmng-chieh)."74 In another case, the works of Chu Hsin are ranked superior to those of both Yiin Ping and W u Hsiao. 75 Another way to praise within the sphere of women was to claim a particular woman to be a reincarnation of an earlier female exemplar. Thus Chi Shou-tuan, poet, painter of bamboo and flowers, and the mother of one of the greatest masters in the Ming period, Wen Cheng-ming, was declared by Shen Chou to be "the Kuan Tao-sheng of today." 76 The Ch'ing-dynasty woman Lu Hsi-chen, according to another commentator, was "Wen Shu reborn." 77 Only rarely is a woman likened to a man, as when the nineteenthcentury painter Wang Ch'in-yiin was called a "feminine Chao Po-chii or Ch'iu

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Y i n g , " 7 8 and Ch'u Ping-yiin a "lady Li Kung-lin." 7 9 An extraordinary accolade was given to Ch'en Shu. It was said of her flower painting brushwork that it was "like that of Ch'en Tao-fu, but in vigor and originality, she surpassed him." 8 0 Although there are instances where a woman's brushwork is described as being "unyielding and strong," 8 1 generally, their painting was characterized as soft and delicate. In what might be construed as the highest possible praise, a woman's painting is sometimes said to be "without feminine qualities" or "lacking in feminine softness." 82 The nature of this feminine "softness" is never defined. One assumes that, in contrast, paintings by men are automatically "strong" and that this "strength" is the superior attribute. It is contradictory that the very qualities cultivated and nurtured in the appearance, demeanor, and attitude of the ideal Chinese woman—yielding softness, gentleness, beauty, and delicacy—become, when supposedly detected in her painting, undesirable traits. The castigation of women's paintings as generally weak and soft is based on a premise rendered untenable by two facts which have come to light in this study. First, there were the men who studied with women and who, in keeping with Chinese artistic schooling, adopted the style of their mentor. For example, in the Ch'ing dynasty Chuang Chu-san continued the style of his mother, Tso Wanhsiin, and Ch'a Yiin-fan followed that of his sister, Chih-sheng. Ch'ien Lin was a student of the well-known woman flower painter Ma Ch'iian, and, as noted earlier, both Ch'ien Wei-ch'eng and Chang Keng first studied with the woman Ch'en Shu. Yiin Ping's art was continued by three of her sons.83 W h y would men study with women if their art was weak or incompatible with avowed masculine goals? Second, there is the matter of "ghost painting," a practice which seems to have known no boundaries by gender. Ch'ien Chang, a man who excelled in depicting butterflies and flowers, sometimes served as a ghost painter for the woman Ma Ch'iian. 84 On the other hand, Yii Chien-hua identifies two women who were ghost painters for men. In one case, it was said that Ch'ih Tuan originally was not at all good at painting and that everything came from his concubine's hand. 85 In another case, Yiin Heng's style was so close to that of her maternal uncle that she did paintings for him when he was busy, and no one could tell the difference. 86 Obviously, distinctions of masculine and feminine hands did not always exist. Speculation on the relative quality of paintings by men and women prompts several questions. Is the collaborative work mentioned in the records merely submitted as a demonstration of Confucian harmony between man and wife or concubine, or is it evidence that both are equally talented? Are collaborative works by men and women evaluated differently from collaborative works by only men or by only women? A closer perusal of the literature of criticism is necessary to determine whether the contributions of each person are considered equal. And last, how would an admired Chinese painting, ascribed to a man, be viewed in either Western or Chinese circles, if it were determined that the work

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was really by a woman? Would its putative valued artistic strength immediately, magically vanish and the scroll be consigned to oblivion? O r would it retain its superior quality despite its revised attribution to a woman?

Conclusions It is evident that in traditional China some women had art educational opportunities similar to those of men. Through their o w n w o r k and by teaching others, w o m e n played important roles in insuring the continuation of China's artistic heritage. Moreover, skill in painting could, for courtesan and gentry women alike, be socially and financially advantageous. That gentry w o m e n could use painting as a means of support suggests a certain degree of tolerance of artistic women in a society that normally frowned upon feminine independence. Painting also had its rewards as an emotional outlet. Lest it be assumed that the life of the woman artist in China was as well favored as the comments above might imply, the reader should be reminded that only a small percentage of women sold their works or married men of like interests. Many women of talent never had opportunities to develop it; many suffered from the evils of footbinding and concubinage, and sometimes from slavelike subservience to family pressures, including constant childbearing. It should also be clear that much w o r k needs to be done to establish a more complete and solid foundation for the understanding of women painters in traditional China.

NOTES I am grateful to Professor Norma Diamond, who kindly read this paper in an earlier draft and for her helpful comments. 1. No information is given in Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia jett-ming tz'utien (Biographical dictionary of Chinese artists) (Shanghai: Jen-min mei-shu ch'u-pan she, 1981), about the position in society for 618 of the women. The categories listed above are not mutually exclusive; for example, ranks of Buddhist and Taoist nuns were often filled by gentry women or courtesans. 2. This is not to say that women painters in the other groups do not deserve attention; indeed, a study of women painters in the imperial courts could be extremely rewarding. 3. Howard S. Levy, "The Gay Quarters of Ch'ang-an," Orient/West 7, nos. 9 and 10 (1962); 8, no. 6 (1963); 9, no. 1 (1964). Idem, annotator and translator, A Feast of Mist and Flowers: The Gay Quarters of Nanking at the End of the Ming (Yii Huai's Pan-ch'iao tsachi, Miscellaneous Records of Wooden Bridge) (Yokohama: n.p., 1966). Robert des Rotours, annotator and translator, Courtisanes Chinoises à la fin des Tang entre circa 789 et le 8 janvier 881: Pei-li Tche (Anecdotes du quartier du Nord)par Souen K'i (Paris: Bibliothèque de l'institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 1968), vol. 22.

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4. Marsha Weidner et al., Views from Jade Terrace: Chinese Women Artists 1300-1912 (Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 1988), entries for Hsueh W u , Ma Shou-chen, and Liu Yin. For earlier studies on Hsueh W u see Tseng Yu-ho, "Hsiieh W u and her Orchids in the collection of the Honolulu Academy of Arts," Arts Asiatiques 2, no. 3 ( I 955). a n d Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles, 7 vols. (New York: The Ronald Press Co., 1956-1958), 5:72-73; on Ma Shou-chen, Yutaka Mino and James Robinson, Beauty and Tranquility: The Eli Lilly Collection of Chinese Art (Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 1983), 324, and Siren, Chinese Painting, 5:71-72; on Liu Yin, Robert J. Maeda, " T h e Portrait of a Woman of the Late Ming-Early Ch'ing Period: Madame Ho-tung," Archives of Asian Art 27 (1973-1974), and Arthur W . Hummel, ed., Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (1644-1912) (Washington, D . C . : United States Government Printing Office, 1943-1944), 529-530, under Liu Shih. 5. Mao Hsiang, Ying-mei-an i-yti (Reminiscences of the Convent of the Shadowy Plum Blossoms), trans. Pan Tze-yen as The Reminiscences of Tung Hsiao-wan (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1931), 37, 42, 43, 44-66; see also Weidner et al., Views from Jade Terrace, 15-16, 24, 43, 53, and catalogue entries for Tung Pai; for a characterization of Mao and Tung as "romantics," see Frederic Wakeman, Jr., "Romantics, Stoics, and Martyrs in Seventeenth-Century China "Journal of Asian Studies 43, no. 4 (Aug. 1984): 635-636. 6. Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1060, under Ch'iao Hsiao-hung. 7. On Kuan Tao-sheng, see Florence Ayscough, Chinese Women, Yesterday & To-day (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1937), 202-210, and Siren, Chinese Painting, 4:24; on Wen Shu, see Siren, Chinese Painting, 5:30, and Tseng Yu-ho Ecke, Poetry on the Wind: The Art of Chinese Folding Fans from the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties (Honolulu: Honolulu Academy of Arts, 1981), 89; for Ma Ch'iian, see Ayscough, Chinese Women, 210-213; for Ch'en Shu, see Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 99, and Siren, Chinese Painting, 5:220. See also Weidner et al., Views from Jade Terrace. 8. Mary Backus Rankin, " T h e Emergence of Women at the End of the Ch'ing: the Case of Ch'iu Chin," in Women in Chinese Society, ed. Margery Wolf and Roxane Witke (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975), 42, 44. 9. Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1428. Nevertheless, conservative tendencies often persisted. Sophia H . Chen, writing in 1930, provides a disheartening picture of a gentry girl, some fifty years earlier, being equipped for her future according to old-fashioned attitudes (The Chinese Woman and Four Other Essays, 2d ed. [N.p., 1932], 2-7). 10. Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 524, 50,1337. 11. Levy, "Gay Quarters" 7:97. 12. K'ung Shang-jen, The Peach Blossom Fan (T'ao-hua shan), trans. Chen Shihhsiang and Harold Acton (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976), 19. 13. Ibid., 18-19. 14. Mao Hsiang, Reminiscences, 46-47. 15. Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1359. 16. Ibid., 1360. 17. Ibid., 1363,1362. 18. Ibid., 1366. 19. Ibid., 1428.

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20. Ibid., 1426. 21. Ibid., 1402, 281. 22. Ibid., 1228. 23. Ibid., 1088,1087. 24. Ibid., 1087,1088. 25. Ibid., 55326. Ibid., 1088. 27. Ibid., 966. 28. Ibid., 285. 29. Ibid., 645. 30. These five women are: Ch'ien Meng-t'ien, Ch'ien Ch'ing-tsao, Ch'ien Yüling, Ch'ien Yün-su, and Ch'ien Chü-ying. See ibid., 1427,1430,1435,1438. 31. Ibid., 571. 32. Ibid., 1434; Siren, Chinese Painting, 5:220. 33. Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 283. 34. Ibid., 831; for some of these connections see also Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 99. 35. Li Chu-tsing, Trends in Modem Chinese Painting, Artibus Asiae Supplementum 36 (Ascona: 1976), 99,118. 36. Rankin, 42. 37. Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1369, 554; Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 566-567; Mary H. Fong, "Notes on Four Chinese Paintings in a Private Collection," Oriental Art 27 (1982): 178. 38. Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1366 (Chiang Hui); 515 (Yüeh Yün); 1343 (Ou-yang T'ing-t'ing); 289 (Wu Hsüan); 306 (Wu Hsüan under her alternate name Yün-hua). 39. Ibid., 27 (K'ung Lu-hua); 1470, 1305, 668 (Juan Yüan's three concubines Hsieh Hsüeh, Liu Wen-ju, and T'ang Ch'ing-yün); 468 (his granddaughter, Juan Enluan); 468,1335 (the two relatives, Juan Yü-fen and Liu Fan-yung). About K'ung Lu-hua see also Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 402. 40. Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 103-104. Also, Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shuchia, 1365, 1464, 1260, 40 (Ch'en Wen-shu's concubines Chiang Jui-lan, Hsüeh Hsien-a, Kuan Yün, and Wen Ching-yü); 1027, 1050 (Ch'en's daughters Ch'en Hua-kan and Ch'en Li-kan); 928, 677 (Female servants Hsi-yao and O-mei). 41. Siren, Chinese Painting, 4:24. 42. Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 246. 43. Ibid., 298. 44. Ibid., 728. 45. In the nineteenth century Mao Ch'ing-shan and his second wife, Ku Hui, collaborated as painting critics (ibid., 1548). Shen Ts'ai and her husband, Lu Hsüan, collaborated on a painting book (ibid., 431, 976). 46. Ibid., 1086. 47. Ibid., 694,183. 48. Richard Edwards, The Painting of Tao-chi 1641-ca. 1720 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Museum of Art, 1967), 48. 49. Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 37 (Wen Shu), 771 (Ma Ch'üan), 228 (Chu Lin), 1013-1014 (Ch'en Shu). See also n. 7 above.

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50. Ibid., 1436 (Ch'ien P'u), 1184 (Yang Fen), 819 (Chang Yin), 299 (Wu Kueich'en). The last two sold their work to help their husband's families. 51. Ibid., 456 (Wang Ch'in-yün), 228 (Chu Lin), 1071 (Yün Heng). 52. Ibid., 935 (Hsü Shih), 1013 (Ch'en Shu). How poor Ch'en's family really was is questionable, since one of her sons received a substantial education, passed the civil service examinations, and became a leading high official. See Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 99. 53. Yü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 992. 54. Ibid., 231. 55. Ibid., 916 (Pi Chao-wen), 276 (Wu Shan), 1123 (Hsiang Pao-ai). For the other six see, 930 (Chuang Ts'ai-chih), 659 (Ling Tai), 420 (Shen Chu-chün), 712 (Hsü Ch'en), 1070 (Yün Yü), 45 (Fang Shu-chen). 56. Ibid., 996 (Ch'en Fen-o), 1130 (Feng Ts'ai-chen), 1073 (Yün Huai-ying). 57. Ibid., 994. 58. Ibid.,1154. 59. Ibid., 28. 60. Ibid., 410 (Li Ch'iung-hsien), 93 (Wang Ch'ien), 326 (Sung Chen). 61. Ibid., 1448 (Tai Shih), 20 (Ch'iu Shih), 28 (Yu Shih), 1505 (Lo Fang-shu). 62. Ibid., 771 (Ma Ch'üan), 869 (Chang Lun-ying). 63. See also Levy, A Feast of Mist and Flowers. 64. Mino and Robinson, Beauty and Tranquility, 324. 65. Mao Hsiang, Reminiscences, 12. 66. Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 350; Lorri Hagman, "Ladies of the Jade Studio: Women Artists of China," appendix in Karen Petersen and J . J . Wilson, Women Artists: Recognition and Reappraisal from the Early Middle Ages to the Twentieth Century, (New York: New York University Press, 1976), 151. 67. Hagman, 155; Hans H. Frankel, The Flowering Plum and the Palace Lady: Interpretations of Chinese Poetry (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1976). 68. Kao Ming, The Lute: Kao Ming's P'i-p'a chi, trans. Jean Mulligan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1980), 2o6ff. 69. T'ang Hsien-tsu, The Peony Pavilion (Mudan Ting), trans. Cyril Birch (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980). 70. Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 800. 71. Nan-ching po-wu-yiian ts'ang-hua (Paintings in the Nanking Museum) (Shanghai: Jen-min mei-shu, 1981), 31. 72. The portraits produced by women certainly were not "ancestor portraits," for these were made by artisans who specialized in them as a trade. 73. Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1198. 74. Ibid., 771. 75. Ibid., 220. 76. Ibid., 549. 77. Ibid., 984. 78. Ibid., 456. 79. Ibid., 514. 80. Ibid., 1013. 81. Ibid., 1356, under Ying Ch'uan. 82. Ibid., 696, under Shih Miao-ying; ino, under Hua Yü-heng.

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83. Ibid., 162 (Chuang Chu-san, recorded in the entry for his mother, Tso Wanhsün), 602 (Ch'a Yün-fan, in entry for Chih-sheng), 1432 (Ch'ien Lin, under Ma Ch'üan), 1071 (Yün Ping's three sons, listed under Yün Ping's name). 84. Ibid., 1435. 85. Ibid., 1378; Sun Ta-kung, Chung-kuo hua-chia jen-ming ta-tz'u-tien (Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Artists) (reprint, Taipei: Tung-fang shu-tien, 1962), 624. 86. Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1071.

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Fig. 3. (Opposite) Ch'en Shu. The Mountains Are Quiet and the Days Grow Long. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 91.7 x 54.1 cm. Collection of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China.

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much appreciated by the Ch'ien-lung emperor. He inscribed The Mountains Are Quiet and the Days Grow Long in 1785, and wrote on Imitating Wang Meng's "Dwelling in the Summer Mountains" five times, in 1782, 1787, 1789, 1791, and 1793. 40 He wrote twice on another of Ch'en Shu's landscapes after Wang Meng, a hanging scroll entitled Reading the I-ching in a Mountain Study (Fig. 4). Colophons were also added to this painting by the distinguished officials Tung Kao and Liang Kuo-chih, and by the powerful Manchu official Ho-shen. The artist's own inscription on Reading the I-ching in a Mountain Study gives this account: "Grasping the brush I wished to imitate Shu-ming's [Wang Meng] Reading the I-ching in a Mountain Study; but trusting my hand, unexpectedly I incorporated the brush methods of old master Shih-t'ien [Shen Chou]. Arriving at this peaceful, secluded place, in the hottest days of summer, I am able to forget the heat. Fu-an Ch'en Shu at the age of seventy-five [1734] . " 4 1 The Ming-dynasty W u School of Suchou, led by Shen Chou and Wen Cheng-ming, was another major source of inspiration for Ch'en Shu. She drew on Suchou styles in both her landscapes and flower paintings. In Reading the Iching in a Mountain Study, while curling texture strokes drawn from the style of Wang Meng linger in the mountains, aspects of the foreground are indeed reminiscent of the mature works of Shen Chou: dry, choppy strokes define somewhat awkward tree trunks; blunt round strokes create contrasting foliage patterns; and repeated straight lines drawn freehand characterize the simple buildings. Further evidence of Ch'en Shu's taste for the styles of Ming-dynasty Suchou is found in the hanging scrolls Imitating T'ang Yin's "Dwelling in the Summer Mountains" (Fig. 5) and The Tall Pine (Fig. 6). The former, a work in ink and color on paper, recalls the softer, more scholarly side of T'ang Yin's art based on the methods of Shen Chou. It presents an idyllic view of the southern countryside, with neat fields, waterside pavilions, and fishing boats, in a composition organized around a river that winds up and back to distant mountains. Ch'en Shu painted this scene in 1734, at the age of seventy-five (sui), and thirty-three years later the Ch'ien-lung emperor filled much of the sky with a long poem. The painting is now in the National Palace Museum. 42 The present location of The Tall Pine scroll is unknown, but it was among the paintings, once kept in the Ch'ing summer palaces in Manchuria, that were brought to Beijing in 1913 and put in the care of the Bureau of Exhibition of Antiquities of the Ministry of the Interior. 43 The Tall Pine was yet another of Ch'en Shu's works that was much appreciated by the Ch'ien-lung emperor; he wrote on it four times between 1764 and 1793. The early twentieth-century connoisseur Ch'ung I praised it as follows: " T h e brush work in this scroll is antique and elegant, and the ink colors are deliberately applied and harmoniously blended in a manner that combines [elements of the styles of] Wen [Cheng-ming] and Shen [Chou]. This is truly an outstanding piece of work, one which few of the famous painters of her time could match. It must not be regarded as [merely] a

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Fig. 6. Ch'en Shu. The Tall Pine. Hanging scroll, ink and colors on paper. From Li-tai ming-jen shu-hua, vol. 3.

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painting from the women's quarters." 44 Ch'en Shu did not acknowledge a debt to Wen or Shen in her inscription, but simply stated: " T h e tall pine outside the pavilion is three hundred years old. In a moment of leisure I have depicted it." Nevertheless, the composition, in which an attenuated pine towers over a thatched riverside hut occupied by a lone scholar, recalls numerous narrow, vertical W u School paintings of similar themes. Ch'en Shu also did albums of landscapes in old styles. As mentioned before, such an album purported to be her work once belonged to An Ch'i. It passed through the hands of Su Ning-a, a Manchu scholar of the Ch'ien-lung period, before becoming the property of Shao Sung-nien. 45 Among the old masters referred to in this album were Tung Yuan, Chu-jan, Chao Meng-fu, Lu Kuang, Huang Kung-wang, and Kao K'o-kung. On one leaf the artist wrote about Chao Meng-fu's famous handscroll Village by the Water: " I have seen three or four versions of Chao Wen-min's picture Village by the Water. All suggest etherealness, elegance, and an untrammeled spirit. When the Hua-t'ing [painters] copied it, the result was truly marvelous." The "copyists" of Hua-t'ing were Tung Ch'ich'ang and his followers. In another leaf, Ch'en Shu paid homage to the Yuan master Huang Kung-wang: "This is the painting method of Ching-hsi lao-jen [Huang Kung-wang]. The present-day followers of Hsi-lu [Wang Shih-min] imitate it, quite capturing its spirit and structure." Shao Sung-nien's critical comments about this album include the suggestion that Ch'en Shu was indebted to Wang Shih-min for the vigor of her style, which, Shao noted, was without the stiffness and weakness thought to be typical of women's painting. A number of Ch'en Shu's extant landscape album leaves are casual sketches of idealized scenes based on life in the lower Yangtze River region—fishing boats drifting among water reeds and scholarly gentlemen seated on shaded embankments (Figs. 7 and 8). Executed in light colors, they have a mild, Wu-School flavor. Some may have been painted in response to views Ch'en Shu encountered while traveling about her native region. In a colophon for one of her landscape fans, Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'un described an occasion on which he accompanied her on a boat trip on Lake Kan and while on board the boat she painted several such "small scenes." 46 Ch'en Shu is perhaps best remembered for her flower paintings. Like her landscapes, her works in this genre range from formal, straightforward copies of old compositions to light, informal sketches similar to those of the W u School artists. The latter, arguably the most appealing works in her oeuvre, are well represented by the ten "sketches from life" in an album dated 1713, now in the National Palace Museum. 47 Rendered in direct applications of color, without outlines, these leaves of flowers, vegetables, birds, and insects (Figs. 9 and 10) recall the flower studies of the Suchou master Ch'en Shun. The art of this man with the same family name was of special interest to

Fig. 7. Ch'en Shu. Fishing Boats among the Reeds, from Miscellaneous Paintings. Album leaf, ink and light colors on paper, 23.9 x 36.8 cm. Collection of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China.

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Fig. 9. Ch'en Shu. Iris and Roses, from Sketches from Life. 1713. Album leaf, ink and colors on paper, 21.8 x 33.0 cm. Collection of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China.

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Fig. 10. Ch'en Shu. Vegetables, Fruit, and Asters, from Sketches from Life. Album leaf, ink and colors on paper, 21.8 x 33.0 cm. Collection of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China.

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Ch'en Shu, and she made this known, in part, by using a seal that stated that she was following his methods.48 This seal appears on her album of 1713 and elsewhere. Moreover, four of her recorded paintings, all ink monochrome studies of flowers, plants, and fruit, are inscribed as based on Ch'en Shun's works or methods. T w o can still be located: a hanging scroll of a lotus plant in flower, and a handscroll of narcissus flowers and rocks.49 Since Ch'en Shu's father-in-law Ch'ien Jui-cheng, who died in 1702, compared her art to that of Ch'en Shun, she must have begun studying the Ming master's methods fairly early in her career. The inscription on the handscroll of narcissus and rocks is evidence of her sustained interest in his art: "Po-yang of my family [Ch'en Shun] had [among his works] a handscroll of narcissus flowers painted in ink. By a rainy window I copied it and rather obtained a relaxed brush quality. Nan-lou lao-jen Ch'en Shu, at the age of seventy-five [SMI]."50 The painting has, unfortunately, been damaged and retouched, further blurring the already smudgy rocks. The plants, however, have an appealing vitality. The narcissus flowers, which bloom in abundance amid bristling leaves, are accompanied by two types of crisp bamboo, one outlined and the other defined by single grey-to-black strokes. The scroll closes with an energetic rendering of plants reminiscent in its boldness of the sketches of lateMing painter Hsu Wei. Some of Ch'en Shu's more formal flower-and-bird paintings, such as The White Cockatoo of 1721 (Fig. 11) and Autumn Wildlife dated 1700 (see Plate 2), are based on academic models of the distant past. The White Cockatoo, though not inscribed as a copy or imitation, clearly relies on Sung-dynasty precedents. In fact, the same composition can be found in a scroll dated 1427 that purports to be a copy of a work by Emperor Hui-tsung of the Sung. 51 The precise detail, the accurate yet decorative color, the emphasis on a few exquisite motifs, and the dramatic diagonal composition are all elements typical of the flower-and-bird paintings by Hui-tsung and the artists of his imperial painting academy. The subject too is a courtly one. Pet birds of this type were kept by court ladies. When Ch'en Shu painted it, she may well have remembered the "Snowy-Garbed Maiden," a white cockatoo that belonged to China's most famous beauty, the T'ang dynasty imperial concubine Yang Kuei-fei. This scroll is not recorded in the standard catalogues and bears no collectors' seals, but the artist's seals do match those on the better-documented Autumn Wildlife.52 The two paintings are also similarly rendered in cool colors and delicate outline-and-color techniques. Autumn Wildlife was previously in the Ch'ing imperial collection and was recorded in the imperial catalogue completed in 1793. In her inscription for this scroll Ch'en Shu stated that she was "copying the ancients," but she did not cite a specific model. She might have had any number of Sung treatments of this popular auspicious theme in mind, or, possibly, the paintings of birds in landscape settings by the Yuandynasty master Wang Yuan. Among the formal studies of flowers and plants that bear Ch'en Shu's signa-

Fig. II. Ch'en Shu. The White Cockatoo. 1721. Hanging scroll, ink and colors on paper, 94.0 x 43.7 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, John Steward Kennedy Fund, 1913 (13.220.31).

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ture and seals are three brightly colored works on silk: an album of the flowers of the four seasons, and two hanging scrolls of New Year's table arrangements—one with a celadon planter and the other with a blue vase and cut branches of flowers. 53 The album, which belongs to the Tokyo National Museum, is dated to the fifteenth day of the first lunar month (Lantern Festival) of 1733, and so was also a New Year's painting. The inscription specifies that the twelve leaves were done " i n imitation of [the art of] antiquity." The technical means, including direct applications of color without outlines in the "boneless" manner and subtle gradations of color, connect this album with the academic works of the followers of the great Ch'ing flower painter Ytin Shou-p'ing. The New Year's hanging scrolls, both dated 1735 and in the collection of the National Palace Museum, are likewise conventional exercises in the decorative manner influenced by the work of Yiin Shou-p'ing and popular at the Ch'ing court. Questions might be raised about the authenticity of the two paintings. Although they are dated to the same season of the same year and are comparable in format and theme, they are dissimilar in execution. Moreover, they lack the thorough documentation that accompanies other of Ch'en Shu's works preserved in the imperial collection. The least attractive of the two, the rather hard, bright painting of the vase and cut flowers, has the most documentation, including a colophon by an official written in 1820. The prettier, more softly colored scroll with the celadon planter has, in addition to the artist's signature line and seals, only an impression of a Chia-ch'ing period (1796-1820) imperial seal. While we might hope that Ch'en Shu was responsible for this work rather than the other, it is impossible to demonstrate conclusively that either one came from her hand. For that matter, it is generally difficult to weed out the unreliable works with Ch'en Shu's signature because, in her art as in her life, she was both ambitious and conservative; she worked in many genres and styles, but stayed well within the bounds of established traditions. Numerous late-Ming and early-Ch'ing women from gentry families cultivated painting skills similar to those of Ch'en Shu. They included Hsu An-sheng, Wang Lang, Ts'ai Shih-jun, Wang Tuan-shu, Huang Yiian-chieh, Hsu Ts'an, Chou Hsi and Chou Hu, Wang Cheng, and Wang Liang, to cite just a few of the more notable individuals. Hsu An-sheng, a native of Suchou active in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, painted flowers in Sung- and Yuandynasty manners, and once made a copy of W u Chen's Bamboo in Wind and Rain and presented it to the writer Shen Te-fu. A handscroll of orchids and bamboo that she did in 1617 is now in the Palace Museum, Peking. 54 Wang Lang, daughter of the poet Wang Yen-hung, was known for her "boneless" flower-and-bird paintings in which she went beyond established formulas to develop her own method. Her ink plum blossoms were also said to be superb. The only painting credited to her today, however, is a hanging scroll depicting a meeting between a monk and an official in a garden setting. 55 Ts'ai Shih-jun (or Jun-shih), who married the painter, poet, and Ming loyalist Huang Tao-chou, was an able poet and

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calligrapher, but was especially skilled in painting. For her mother she once depicted the realm of the immortals. In painting flowers and plants she is said to have used the methods handed down from the masters of the Five Dynasties period. 56 Wang Tuan-shu was a poet, historian, calligrapher, and painter. The daughter of the scholar, calligrapher, and painter Wang Ssu-jen, she followed her father in painting landscapes in the manner of Mi Fu and Ni Tsan, and was also good at depicting flowers and plants. 57 Huang Yüan-chieh's life was seriously disrupted by the fall of the Ming dynasty in 1644, and through the turbulent MingCh'ing transition period she was forced to support herself with her poetry and painting. Influenced by Tung Ch'i-ch'ang and his followers, she did landscapes in Yüan-dynasty styles and found inspiration especially in the art of W u Chen. 58 Hsu Ts'an, the wife of the high-ranking official Ch'en Chih-lin, was well known as a poet, calligrapher, and figure painter; in her late years she specialized in ink monochrome portrayals of the bodhisattva Kuan-yin. 59 Also active in the seventeenth century were the Chou sisters, Chou Hsi (Shu-hsi) and Chou Hu (Shu-hu). They specialized in flowers, insects, and birds, and Chou Hsi also painted Buddhist figures. Samples of their work in both categories remain.60 Wang Cheng of Yangchou was a well-educated woman who eventually traveled to Peking to serve as a tutor for the women of the family of a high-ranking Manchu official. Several of her works can still be seen, including a delicate fan of autumn plants and insects after Ch'ien Hsüan dated 1686 and an album of flower sketches done in Peking in 1701. 6 1 Wang Liang, a woman of the eighteenth century, came from a scholarly family and was herself fond of study. She was good at poetry, her calligraphy was refined, and she excelled at landscape painting. In landscape she followed the early Ch'ing orthdox master Wang Huí and also learned from Ch'en Shu's student Chang Keng. About one of her landscapes an early nineteenth-century scholar remarked: " I t does not look like a work from the women's quarters." 62 As noted above, similar comments were made about the work of Ch'en Shu. These women were all successful painters and in many cases no less talented than Ch'en Shu, yet neither their reputations nor their paintings proved as durable as hers. As time passed and most of their works were lost, even artists as accomplished and once famous as Huang Yüan-chieh, Hsü Ts'an, the Chou sisters, and Wang Cheng gradually slipped into the recesses of history. The female painters whose reputations best withstood the test of time make up a small and socially diverse group. Some, such as Ma Shou-chen, Hsüeh Su-su (Hsüeh Wu), Liu Yin (Liu Shih, the subject of James Cahill's chapter in this volume), K u Mei, and Li Yin, were courtesans or concubines whose enduring fame can be attributed mainly to their romantic biographies and beauty, and only secondarily to their brush skills, which in some cases were considerable. Others, notably Kuan Tao-sheng, Wen Shu, Y ü n Ping, Ma Ch'iian, and Ch'en Shu, though politely referred to as "beauties," belonged to the gentry and were members of respected,

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if not always affluent, families. 63 On the basis of their social standing and artistic achievements, as well as their sustained renown, these last five women can be regarded as the elite of China's female painters. The women of the gentry, especially, became models for later female painters, and their works were sometimes critically compared. In a colophon written for a fan painting of crabapple flowers by a woman named Chu Hsin, for instance, the famous calligrapher Liang T'ung-shu observed: In my lifetime I have seen many paintings by women. The very best [artists], such as [the wife of] Huang Shih-chai [Tao-chou], Madame Ts'ai [Shih-jun or Jun-shih], and Minister Ch'ien's [Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin] mother, Nan-lou laojen [Ch'en Shu], amply possess the methods handed down from Hsu [Hsi] and Huang [Ch'iian]. A sense of antiquity and sincerity inform the beauty and elegance [of their art]. They are not like Wen Shu and Yiin Ping of W u , who were merely known for belonging to a school of seductive charm. 6 4

This largely rhetorical comparison ignores important connections between the methods and concerns of these artists, all of whom painted for literati society and were well aware of the achievements of their predecessors in the history of flower painting. Still, there is something to the idea that the paintings of Wen Shu and Yiin Ping, which are based on painstaking observation of flowers and plants, display the beauties of nature more seductively than do the works of Ch'en Shu. Derived from family and local traditions, the styles of Wen Shu and Yiin Ping were also undoubtedly affected to some degree by commercial considerations. Art seems to have been a means of livelihood for both women, due to straitened family circumstances, and elegant, decorative treatments of flowers were always in demand. This may even be a subtext of Liang's comparison. Although, as noted earlier, Ch'en Shu upon occasion sold her paintings to contribute to the family purse, she does not appear to have depended significantly on the sale of her art or to have painted for a market. Her flower paintings are attractive and in some cases colorful, but on the whole, art history takes precedence over decoration and easy appeal in her oeuvre. Like so many of the male scholarpainters of her period, Ch'en Shu took a long view of the history of painting and sought to define her position within it primarily through references to artists of the distant past. While Ch'en Shu shared the artistic interests of many men, including members of her own family, she did not stand in the shadow of a male relative or husband, and here again she might be contrasted with other leading female painters. Unlike Wen Shu and Yiin Ping, who were descended from the masters Wen Cheng-ming and Yiin Shou-p'ing, respectively, and Ma Ch'iian, the daughter of Ma Yuan-yii, Ch'en Shu was not born into a prominent family of painters with well defined areas of specialization and stylistic traditions. And unlike Kuan Taosheng, who was the wife of the celebrated painter and calligrapher Chao Meng-

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fu, Ch'en Shu was not married to a famous artist. To be sure, she lived in a cultured environment surrounded by people who appreciated and created art, and claimed as an artistic ancestor the much earlier master Ch'en Shun, to whom she does not appear to have been directly related. Still, family ties do not explain the character of much of her painting. Ch'en Shu tapped into the broader stylistic and theoretical currents of her time, and even though her father-in-law painted, she became the dominant artistic figure in the family, the one to influence painters of subsequent generations. Whereas Wen Shu, Yiin Ping, and Ma Ch'iian emerged within established artistic lineages, Ch'en Shu can be regarded as the founder of such a line. A number of young people developed their brush skills under Ch'en Shu's guidance, starting with her own children. Her son Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'un was recognized as an artist primarily for his calligraphy, but he also painted. Once he depicted a pine (or pines) for the scholar-official Lu Chien-tseng, and this work was subsequently obtained by the collector Chang T'ing-chi. 65 Ch'en Shu's youngest son, Ch'ien Chieh, was a more serious painter with a range similar to his mother's. As a youth, he learned from her how to sketch from life (hsiehsheng). He became known for his renderings of plum and narcissus, and in his middle years he admired and studied N i Tsan's method of painting delicate bamboo and strange rocks. T w o of his landscape paintings, one in color and the other in ink, were recorded by the late-Ch'ing scholar Li Yii-fen. 66 Chang Keng, who also studied with Ch'en Shu when he was young, similarly took up the subjects and styles she preferred; he drew fine-line figures in ink, sketched flowers in the manner of the Ming master Ch'en Shun, and did landscapes in orthodox styles. His Landscape after Wang Meng, dated 1732, one of his few surviving works, is very like some of Ch'en Shu's landscapes done around the same time. 67 Ch'ien Tsai first learned flower painting from Ch'en Shu, then later, in the capital, he developed his technique under the influence of Chiang P'u, son of the celebrated court master Chiang T'ing-hsi. 68 Other recipients of Ch'en Shu's instruction included her brother's son Ch'en Yuan, 69 about whom nothing else is known, and a young woman named Yii Kuang-hui. Yii Kuang-hui was the granddaughter of Yii Chao-sheng, one of the scholars mentioned earlier as a close friend of the Ch'ien family. The Ch'ien and Yii families were also connected by marriage; one of Yii Chao-sheng's nieces was married to Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin. Yii Kuang-hui is said to have been naturally inclined to painting. When at the age of seven she sketched a branch of flowers on the wall, her grandfather was greatly impressed. Owing to the family ties, she was able to study with Ch'en Shu and is said to have consequently made great progress. 70 Through her paintings Ch'en Shu continued to touch later artists, especially, but not exclusively, her female descendants. Ch'ien Yii-ling, Ch'en Shu's greatgranddaughter, was skilled in "sketching from life" in her manner. Yii-ling also

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obtained instruction from her cousin Ch'ien Tsai, and was particularly accomplished at painting plum blossoms. 71 Ch'ien Yün-su, a great-great-granddaughter, was versed in the classics, history, and literature, knowledgeable in medicine, a skillful calligrapher, and a painter who maintained the family tradition. 72 Ch'ien Chü-ying, a daughter of Ch'ien Tsai's grandson Ch'ien Ch'ang-ling, painted flowers in Ch'en Shu's style, was good at small-standard script, and was an able poet. A sample of her work, an ink sketch of plum blossoms dated 1861, survives in a collaborative composition of painting and calligraphy on a goldflecked paper fan. 73 Ch'en Shu's influence extended beyond her family as well. The mid-eighteenth-century court master Chin T'ing-piao executed an album of paintings "imitating Ch'en Shu," probably based on one of her works in the imperial collection. 74 And Ch'eng Ching-feng, a concubine of the art historian P'eng Yünts'an, is known to have been very fond of Ch'en Shu's work. 7 5 The art historian Chiang Pao-ling recognized Ch'en Shu's role as a teacher and her position as an artistic matriarch by comparing her to the Chin-dynasty calligrapher Madam Wei (Wei Shuo), who instructed China's most celebrated master of calligraphy, Wang Hsi-chih. 76 Ch'en Shu would have appreciated this, since she used a seal that read "Madams Wei and Kuan are both my teachers." 77 (Madam Kuan is, of course, Kuan Tao-sheng.) Ch'en Shu was like other Chinese women painters, then, in having artistic heroines, but unlike most she eventually became such a figure herself. In the final analysis, however, the stature Ch'en Shu attained in the history of Chinese painting is only partially explained by the quality of her art and the number of artists she influenced. The events of her life reviewed at such length in the first half of this article were equally important, because for Chinese critics a person's character was inseparable from his or her art. The praise that Ch'en Shu's paintings elicited from connoisseurs on the highest levels of society down through the years was therefore a response to her complete persona: filial daughter, dutiful wife, devoted mother, strict teacher, and talented painter. Had she not been recognized as a woman of great virtue—a highly esteemed matriarch—her art might have slipped into semiobscurity, as did that of many upper-class Ming and Ch'ing women who were good painters but not otherwise memorable figures. Ch'en Shu distinguished herself by leaving her mark on both society and art. The artistic personality she revealed in the process, moreover, recommended itself by its orthodoxy. The emphasis she placed on traditional methods and sanctioned models in painting complemented the zeal with which she ostensibly patterned her behavior on that of exemplary women of the past. For a woman in premodern Chinese society art seems to have been no different from other endeavors: high-minded adherence to tradition offered the surest path to acclaim. We should not be surprised or disappointed to find that although Ch'en Shu was an exceptional woman, she achieved success in the most conventional ways.

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1. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi (Collected prose works of Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin), 26:6a-22a, in Hsiang-shu chai ch'iian-chi (Complete works of Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin) (1885 ed.). Other sources of information about Ch'en Shu's life and work include Li Fu, "Ch'ien mu Ch'en T'ai-shu-jen mu-chih-ming" (Epitaph for Ch'en Lady of Great Virtue, mother of the Ch'ien family), in Ch'ien I-chi, Kuo-ch'ao pei-chuan chi (Collection of epitaphs and biographies of the Ch'ing dynasty) (Kiangsu shu-chii, 1893), 149:6919-6920; Chang Keng, Kuo-ch'ao hua cheng lu (Record of painters of the Ch'ing dynasty) (preface 1735; reprint, Nagoya: Nagoya book shop, n.d.), hsia: 2ib-22a; Arthur W . Hummel, ed., Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (1644-1912) (Washington, D . C . : United States Government Printing Office, 1943), 99. 2. National Palace Museum, comp., Ku-kung shu-hua lu (Record of calligraphy and painting in the Palace Museum) (rev. and enl. ed., Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1965). 5:556-560; 6:157-158; 8:47,101-102,146. 3. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 26:6b. 4. Chia-hsing fu-chih (Prefectural gazetteer of Chia-hsing), (1742) 14:40b; Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 26:7a. 5. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'un, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 26:7a. 6. All of the ages mentioned in this article are given in sui, that is, "years" by the Chinese method of reckoning wherein a child is one year old at the time of birth. 7. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 26:7b; Li Fu, "Ch'ien mu Ch'en T'ai-shu-jen mu-chih-ming," 6919. 8. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 26:7b. 9. P'an Kuang-tan, Ming Ch'ing liang-tai Chia-hsing ti wang-tsu (Respected families of Chia-hsing of the Ming and Ch'ing periods) (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1947), genealogical chart no. 15. 10. Chung-kuo jen-ming ta-tz'u-tien (Chinese biographical dictionary) (Taipei: The Commercial Press, 1972), 1619; Chia-hsing fu-chih I4:25a-b. 11. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 26:8a. 12. Ibid., 26:8a-9a. 13. Ibid., 26:10a, na-b. 14. At least three such albums are known: (1) a six-leaf album, with two landscapes (Figs. 7 and 8) and four floral compositions, in the National Palace Museum (Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 6:156-157); Wang Chieh et al., comps., (Shih-ch'u pao-chi hsit-pien [Catalogue of painting and calligraphy in the imperial collection, second compilation] [1793; facsimile ed., Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1971], 1750); (2) a ten-leaf album of five bird-andflower paintings and five landscapes, in the National Palace Museum (Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 6:157-158); (3) a six-leaf album, present location unknown (Shanghai: Yu-cheng Book Co., n.d.). 15. Chang Keng, Kuo-ch'ao hua-cheng lu, hsia: 22a. 16. Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia jen-ming tz'u-tien (Biographical dictionary of Chinese artists) (Shanghai: Jen-min mei-shu ch'u-pan she, 1981), 571. 17. Chang Keng, Kuo-ch'ao hua-cheng lu, hsia: 22a; Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 26:9b. 18. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 26:9b-ioa. 19. Ibid., 26:ioa-nb; Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 147; Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'iin,

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Hsiang-shu chai shi-chi (Collected poems of Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'ün), in Hsiang-shu chai ch'iianchi, 5:5b-6a. 20. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'ün, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 2ö:iib-i2b; Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 147. 21. Shao Sung-nien, Ku-yiian ts'ui-lu (Catalogue of paintings and calligraphy in the author's collection) (1903), n:22a-23b. 22. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'ün, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 2Ö:i2b-i3b. 23. Ibid., 26:13b, iöb-i9b. 24. Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 147. 25. Harold L. Kahn, Monarchy in the Emperor's Eyes: Image and Reality in the Ch'ienlung Reign (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), 91, 96-97. 26. See n. 19 above. 27. Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 146. 28. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'ün, Hsiang-shu chai u>en-chi, 26:14b, 2ia-22a, Y ü Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1429. 29. Ibid., 26:20b. I thank Marshall Wu for bringing the familial relationship between Chang Keng and Ch'en Shu to my attention. 30. Ibid., 26:20b; Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 156-157. Some authors have identified Ch'ien Wei-ch'eng (1720-1772) as one of Ch'en Shu's students, but this seems to be a mistake. He was certainly not her grandson, as has also been reported. Ch'ien Weich'eng was a native of Wu-chin, Kiangsu province, not Chekiang province, the home of Ch'en Shu's husband's family, and unlike Chang Keng and Ch'ien Tsai, he is not mentioned in Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'ün's biography of Ch'en Shu. 31. Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'ün, Hsiang-shu chai wen-chi, 26:7b, 12a, 2ob-2ia. The title of Ch'en Shu's collected poems was Fu-an shih-kao (Draft copy of the poems of the Fu [diagram] Retreat). A poem that she composed for a painting of Yellow Hollyhock(s) done for Madam Tsou, the mother of the flower painter Tsou I-kuei (1686-1772), is recorded in Li Chün-chih, ed. and comp., Ch'ing hua-chia shih-shih (Poems and biographies of Ch'ing painters) (Peking: National Library, 1930), kuei, shang: 20. 32. Chang Chao et al., comps., Shih-ch'ii pao-chi ch'u-pien (Catalogue of painting and calligraphy in the imperial collection, first compilation) (1745; facsimile ed., Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1971), 755-758. 33. Chang Keng, Kuo-ch'ao hua-cheng lu, hsia: 22a. 34. Ku-kung shu-hua lu 5:559; Wang Chieh et al., comps., Pi-tien chu-lin hsü-pien (Catalogue of Buddhist and Taoist paintings and texts in the imperial collection, second compilation) (1793; facsimile ed., Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1971), 320. 35. Li Tso-hsien, Shu-hua chien-ying (Reflections on calligraphy and painting) (1871), 22b-23a. For Wen-chi, see Kenneth Rexroth and Ling Chung, The Orchid Boat: Women Poets of China (New York: The Seabury Press, 1972), 4-7, 134; and Irving Yucheng Lo and Wu-chi Liu, eds., Sunflower Splendor: Three Thousand Years of Chinese Poetry (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Anchor, 1975), 36-39. 36. Chang Chao et al., Shih-ch'ii pao-chi ch'u-pien, 451. I am grateful to Dr. Irving Lo for his advice on the translation of this and other Chinese texts quoted in this chapter. 37. Imitating Wang Meng's "Dwelling in the Mountains on a Summer Day" is recorded in Hu Ching et al., comps., Shih-ch'ü pao-chi san-pien (Catalogue of painting and calligraphy in the imperial collection, third compilation) (1816; facsimile ed., Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1969), 2245; The Mountains Are Quiet and the Days Grow Long is

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recorded in Wang Chieh et al., Shih-ch'ü pao-chi hsii-piett, 603. For reproductions of the compositions by Wang Meng see: Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles, 7 vols. (New York: The Ronald Press, 1956-1958) 6:109b ("Passing a Summer Day in the Mountains"); Richard Vinograd, " N e w Light on Tenth-Century Sources for Landscape Painting Styles of the Later Yiian Period," in Suzuki Kei sensei kanreki kinen, Chügoku kaigashi ronso (Collected essays on the history of Chinese painting, in honor of the sixty-first birthday of Professor Suzuki Kei) (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Köbukan, 1981), 16 ("Alchemist's Terrace in the Dawn of Spring"); P'an T'ien-shou and Wang Po-min, Huang Kung-wang yü Wang Meng (Shanghai: Jen-min mei-shu, 1958), pi. 15. For the painting by Wang Fu see Siren, Chinese Painting 6:127, o r Kathlyn Liscomb, " W a n g Fu's Contribution to the Formation of a N e w Painting Style in the Ming Dynasty," Artibus Asiae 48, no. 1 / 2 (1987): 56 (discussed on p. 46). The album, entitled Hsiao-chung hsien-ta (The great revealed in the small), is recorded in Ku-kung shu-hua lu 6:71-75; this leaf is reproduced in Shina Nanga taisei (Conspectus of Chinese Paintings of the Southern School) (Tokyo: Köbunsha, 1936), 14:74. About the attribution of the paintings in this album, see Howard Rogers and Sherman E. Lee, Masterworks of Ming and Qing Painting from the Forbidden City (Lansdale, Penn.: International Arts Council, 1988), 156. Other paintings by Ch'en Shu after Wang Meng recorded in the imperial catalogues include a hanging scroll Watching the Clouds from Opposite the Waterfall and a handscroll Sea of Clouds on Mount Huang; Hu Ching et al., Shih-ch 'ii pao-chi san-pien, 3177, 2244. Both are in the National Palace Museum catalogued in the chien-mu; Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 8:101, 47. 38. Chang Keng, T'u-hua ching-i shih (Record of essential characteristics of paintings), in Mei-shu ts'ung-shu (A collectanea of writings on art), Huang Pin-hung and Teng Shih, comps. (1911-1936, rev. and enl. ed., Shanghai: Shen-chou kuo-kuang she, 1947), vol. 11, 3 / 2 : 7 2 - 7 4 . Chang Keng's name also appears on a hanging scroll based on Wang Meng's Dwelling in the Mountains on a Summer Day. The painting is dated 1759 and is in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 39. Another problem may of course be authenticity. The evidence provided by the artist's seals and calligraphy is inconsistent and thus not very helpful in determining which of the landscapes that bear her signature are most likely to be genuine. 40. Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 5:557-559; Wang Chieh et al., Shih-ch'ü pao-chi hsii-pien, 603; Hu Ching et al., Shih-ch'ü pao-chi san-pien, 2245. 41. Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 5:556-557; Wang Chieh et al., Shih-ch'ü pao-chi hsü-pien, 1751. 42. Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 5:558. 43. H u Ching et al., Shih-ch'ü pao-chi san-pien, 4415; H o Y ü et al., Nei-wu-pu ku-wu ch'en-lieh-so shu-hua mu-lu (Catalogue of calligraphy and paintings in the Bureau of Exhibition of Antiquities of the Ministry of the Interior) (Peking: Nei-wu-pu ku-wu ch'en-liehso, 1925), 7:67a-b. It is also reproduced in Ku-kung chou-k'an (Palace Museum Weekly) (I93i), 3:7544. C h ' u n g I, Hsüan-hsüeh-chai shu-hua yü-mu pi-chi (Catalogue of paintings seen by the author), hsia (1921), in Mei-shu ts'ung-shu, Huang Pin-hung and Teng Shih, comps., 6/ 5:i5445. Shao Sung-nien, Ku-yüan ts'ui-lu, n:22a-23b. 46. T ' a n g Sou-yü, Yü-t'ai hua-shih (Jade Terrace history of painting), in Hua-shih ts'ung-shu (Collectanea of texts on Chinese painting), Y ü An-lan, comp., (Shanghai: Jenmin mei-shu ch'u-pan she, 1963), 3:50.

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47. Wang Chieh et al., Shih-ch'ii pao-chi hsii-pien, 599; Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 6:158159. Other works of the same general type by Ch'en Shu include the fan painting of mallows, asters, beetle, and butterfly, dated 1735, reproduced in Marsha Weidner et al., Views from Jade Terrace: Chinese Women Artists 1300-1912 (Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 1988), 120; and a handscroll of insects, flowers, and a pond in the collection of Chang Yun-chung, Tokyo, reproduced in Suzuki Kei, Comprehensive Illustrated Catalog of Chinese Paintings, 5 vols. (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1982-1983), 4: 206-207. 48. "Po-yang [Ch'en Shun] chia hsiieh" (Learning from Po-yang [Ch'en Shun] of my family). 49. Wang Chieh et al., Shih-ch'ii pao-chi hsii-pien, 1752, 2107. The Lotus Flower hanging scroll is in the National Palace Museum (Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 5:560); the handscroll of narcissus flowers and rocks now belongs to the Tokyo National Museum, and is reproduced in Suzuki, Catalog of Chinese Paintings, 3:104-105, and in Sogen Minshin meiga taikan (Survey of famous paintings of the Sung, Yuan, Ming and Ch'ing dynasties) (Tokyo: Otsuka kogeisha, 1931), 291. The other t w o paintings are a handscroll of " f l o w ers and plants sketched from life" (Hu Ching et al., Shih-ch'ii pao-chi san-pien, 2931) and a "small handscroll of flowers and fruit" (Shao Sung-nien, Ku-yiian ts'ui-lu, 23b). The former was a work in ink monochrome and inscribed " C o p y i n g thirty kinds of flowers and grasses by Po-yang shan-jen [Ch'en Shun]." The latter, a work in ink on paper, was dated to the spring of 1729; the brushwork was praised by Shao Sung-nien as strong and free of feminine mannerisms. A hanging scroll of Plum Blossoms and Narcissi after Ch'en Shun (reproduced in Ming-jen shu-hua [Calligraphy and painting by famous people] [Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1920], 2:3) carries the impossible date "Ch'ien-lung, 1735, N e w Year's d a y " ; in the first month of 1735 the Yung-cheng emperor was still on the throne. 50. Wang Chieh et al., Shih-ch'ii pao-chi hsii-pien, 2107. 51. This work is in the collection of the Seattle Art Museum. Another version of this composition signed " C h ' e n S h u " and dated to 1705 is inscribed as in a Sung manner. The latter painting, which was brought to my attention by James Robinson, belongs to Far East Fine Arts, Inc., in San Francisco. I have not had an opportunity to examine either it or the Seattle scroll. 52. Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 5:560; Wang Chieh et al., Shih-ch'ii pao-chi hsii-pien, 2107. 53. The album is reproduced in Suzuki, Catalog of Chinese Paintings, 3:39-40. The hanging scroll with the vase and cut flowers is reproduced in Daphne Lange Rosenzweig, "Official Signatures in Qing Court Painting," Oriental Art, n.s. 27, no. 2 (Summer 1981): 187. The painting of the arrangement with a planter is in Masterpieces of Chinese Painting in the National Palace Museum, supplement (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1972), 45. 54. T'ang Sou-yii, Yii-t'ai hua-shih, 3:46; Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 703; Chung-kuo ku-tai shu-hua mu-lu (Catalogue of authenticated works of ancient Chinese painting and calligraphy) (Peking: Wen-wu ch'u-pan she, 1985), 58 (1-2489). 55. T'ang Sou-yii, Yii-t'ai hua-shih, 3:34; Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 103; Li-tai ming-jen shu-hua (Calligraphy and paintings by famous artists of successive dynasties) (Peking: Ministry of the Interior Museum, 1925), 2:19. 56. T ' a n g Sou-yii, Yii-t'ai hua shih, 3:43; Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1368; Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 347.

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57. T'ang Sou-yii, Yii-t'ai hua-shih, 3:46; Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 121. 58. T'ang Sou-yii, Yu-t'ai hua-shih, 3:47-48; Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1154; Chung-kuo ming-hua (Famous Chinese paintings) (Shanghai: Y u Cheng Book Co., 1920-1923), 15:2; T'ien-chin shih po-wu-kuan ts'ang-hua chi (Paintings in the collection of the Tientsin Municipal Art Museum) (Peking: Wen-wu Pub. Co., 1959), 1:48; Chungkuo ku-tai shu-hua mu-lu 2:85; 3:60. 59. T'ang Sou-yii, Yu-t'ai hua-shih, 3:49; Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 720; Chung-kuo ming-hua, 15:3. 60. T'ang Sou-yii, Yu-t'ai hua-shih, 3:31; Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 490; Weidner et al., Views from Jade Terrace, no, 187. 61. T'ang Sou-yii, Yu-t'ai hua-shih, 3:52; Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 67-68; Wang Tuan-shu nii-shih hua-hui (Paintings by Miss Wang Tuan-shu) (Shanghai, n.d.); Ts'ao-ch'ung hua t'e-chan t'u-lu (Illustrated catalogue of a special exhibition of insect painting) (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1986), 44. 62. T'ang Sou-yii, Yii-t'ai hua-shih, 3:58-59; Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 452. 63. Weidner et al., Views from Jade Terrace, 66-70, 88-91,122-129,130-136. 64. T'ang Sou-yii, Yii-t'ai hua-shih, pieh-lu, 4-5. 65. Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1431. 66. Ibid., 1429; Li Yii-fen, Ou-po-lo-shih shu-hua kuo-mu k'ao (Record of paintings and calligraphy by Ch'ing artists) (1894), 2:27, in Mei-shu ts'ung-shu, Huang Pin-hung and Teng Shih, comps., vol. 25, 5/9. 67. Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 831; Li Yii-fen, Ou-po-lo-shih shu-hua kuo-mu k'ao 3:3; Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue of the Paintings in the National Palace Museum (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1968), 108. 68. Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1434. 69. Ibid., 991,1013. 70. Ibid., 571; Chang Keng, Kuo-ch'ao hua-cheng hsii-lu (Record of painters of the Ch'ing dynasty, continuation), (n.d., reprint, Nagoya: Nagoya Book Shop) hsia: 16a. 71. Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1435. 72. Ibid., 1438. 73. Ibid., 1435; Weidner et al., Views from Jade Terrace, 145-147. 74. Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 8:155. 75. Yii Chien-hua, Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia, 1099. 76. Chiang Pao-ling, Mo-lin chin-hua (Comments on contemporary painters) (n.p., 1852), 3:1a. 77. Wei Kuan fu-jen chieh wo shih. This seal is found, for example, on her hsiehsheng album dated 1713 in the National Palace Museum (Ku-kung shu-hua lu, 6:158).

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G L O S S A R Y An Ch'i (168 3 - a f t 1744) 4

Ch'u-chou ft^'l

Chang Chao

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PART II

Japan

6 Women Painters at the Heian Court AKIYAMA TRANSLATED

TERUKAZU

AND

MARIBETH

ADAPTED

BY

GRAYBILL

In his many writings on the famous twelfth-century handscroll paintings illustrating The Tale of Genji, Akiyama has often mentioned the possibility that some of the artists involved in the project might have been women. It was only in 1979 that he focused exclusively on the topic of women's painting at the Heian court, first in his retirement lecture at Tokyo University, and subsequently in the article on which this chapter is based. 1

The Cultural Context of the Heian Period Perhaps at no other time or place did women play so central a role in shaping a cultural tradition as in Heian Japan. Various theories have been advanced to account for this phenomenon, but the fundamental reason can be found in the Fujiwara political system. The Fujiwara regents, and their occasional competition, sought to control imperial succession through female consorts. Placing a daughter at court was a fiercely contested point of political prestige, and tremendous resources were lavished on those daughters to enhance their charms. The result was, as one historian put it, that the women's quarters at the rear of the imperial palace became the center of the Heian world. 2 By no coincidence, its inhabitants became important patrons, practitioners, and consumers of the arts. The importance of women's contributions to Heian literature is well known. In an age when the educated male was expected to write both public documents and private memoirs in Chinese, women took the lead in developing prose writing in Japanese.3 Sei Shonagon and Murasaki Shikibu, w h o served rival empresses at the court of Emperor Ichijo, are deservedly the most famous of Japanese female authors. Sei Shonagon's Makura no soshi (Pillow book) is a collection of brisk, sharp-witted short essays on contemporary material culture and human relations. By contrast, Murasaki Shikibu's lengthy novel, Genji monogatari (the

i6o

AKIYAMA

TERUKAZU

tale of Genji), is written in a complex narrative style that mirrors the shifting psychological states of its characters. These t w o luminaries were unequalled masters of their chosen genres, but there were many other gifted w o m e n writers at the Heian court. There is ample evidence that The Tale of Genji was both preceded and followed by numerous, less ambitious monogatari (tales), often by w o m e n authors. Heian noblewomen also specialized in the literary or poetic diary, a format in which they selectively recounted the important events in their lives: the course of romantic affairs, the excitement of court celebrations, the births and deaths of relatives and friends. Only in the field of poetry, or waka, did men give serious thought to expression in Japanese and share literary honors with women. Women's impact on the visual arts of the Heian period was equally important, although more difficult to define and document. T h e elegant curvilinear kana calligraphy used for transcribing Japanese poetry or prose was called onna-de (women's hand); to this day the Heian kana is considered unsurpassed in beauty. 4 An analogous term in painting is "onna-e" (women's painting), which refers to the ostensibly amateur style of secular painting developed by court w o m e n to illustrate tales, in contrast to "otoko-e" (men's painting), the professional style of secular painting that demanded skilled brushwork. 5 The terms "onna-de" and "onna-e" may be understood as tacit, contemporary acknowledgment of the role that w o m e n played in the formation of these characteristically Heian art forms. Beyond this semantic analysis, and the clichés about a "feminine sensibility" pervading Heian aesthetics, what can be said specifically about women as makers of art in the ninth through twelfth centuries? That is the issue addressed by Professor Akiyama in the following essay.—TRANS.

Pictures and Painting among Heian Court Women In the Heian period, both the appreciation of painting and the ability to paint were considered requisite skills for the cultivated aristocratic woman or lady-inwaiting at court. 6 In the tenth century w o m e n became especially important as connoisseurs and patrons with the rise of new pictorial genres to complement literature in the vernacular, namely the uta-e (poem picture) related to waka verse and the monogatari-e (tale picture) meant to accompany prose tales. Both were small-scale genres intended for private, informal viewing by a principally female audience. W o m e n must have executed these pictures as well, and evidence for this fact emerges clearly in the first half of the eleventh century, when court society was at its zenith. In the " H o t a r u " chapter of The Tale of Genji, for example, there is a description of the ladies in Genji's household enjoying themselves by reading illustrated tales and making personal copies of favorite illustrated manu-

Women Painters at the Heian C o u r t

161

scripts. 7 In fact, repeated discussions of painting in The Tale of Genji reveal Murasaki Shikibu's abiding interest in the art; 8 a headnote to one of her poems states that she herself painted a picture to accompany verses sent to a friend. 9 Still more concrete evidence for women's painting is seen in Eiga monogatari (A tale of flowering fortunes), a chronicle of the redoubtable Fujiwara family centering on the career of the illustrious Michinaga. T h e daughter of Michinaga's cousin Tadanobu is said to have "painted delightful pictures," which w e may understand in this context to mean illustrations to tales. 10 In a later passage, Eiga reports that Michinaga's granddaughter Kanshi was so skilled at painting, even of the professional-style otoko-e, that she put the professionals to shame. 1 1 These passages refer to cultivated, high-born w o m e n for w h o m painting was but one of many courtly accomplishments. The question remains whether w o m e n ' s painting was ever a public art form, or whether its influence approached w o m e n ' s literature in importance. To date this issue has not been sufficiently explored. T h e literary and pictorial arts were the t w o main aspects of court culture, yet they differed considerably in their modes and circumstances of production. Since the mid-ninth century, painting, especially secular painting, had been the chief occupation of professionals (eshi) in the court painting bureau (edokoro). To satisfy the demands of imperial and other aristocratic clients, the professional painters regularly executed large-scale room furnishings, such as wall paintings, sliding doors, or portable screens, as well as small-scale precious objects, such as illustrated handscrolls and codices. 12 W o m e n did not, therefore, have the opportunity to play as seminal a role in the development of secular painting styles as they did in literature. Nonetheless, it would be a mistake to conclude that Heian w o m e n were no more than a passive, albeit highly engaged, audience for painting. It is my contention that the evidence presented below, from both the literary record and extant paintings, reveals that women's painting emerged into the public arena by the first half of the twelfth century, or during the Insei period. 1 3

L a d y Tosa A w o m a n k n o w n to us only as Tosa no Tsubone (the Lady of the Tosa Chamber, hereafter rendered in the translation as Lady Tosa) served at the court of the Retired Emperor Toba as lady-in-waiting to Toba's empress, Taikenmon'in. 1 4 Like Murasaki Shikibu and Sei Shonagon of an earlier day, she was a member of a special elite k n o w n as the nyobo, women w h o occupied private quarters in the imperial palace or high aristocratic households. Nyobo were chosen for their accomplishments in such crucial social skills as calligraphy, poetry, and w i t t y conversation. 15 Lady Tosa's reputation as a painter is established by the testimony of her great-nephew Bishop Gyohen. In the Sangoshii, a document recording the oral instructions and secret teachings of Gyohen, w e find the following: 1 6

I62 Akiyama

Terukazu The Secular Genealogy of the Bishop

Shinkei Choson Ninson 1 GYOHEN

1 Ninsho

1 TOSA NO TSUBONE

1 Yuson

1 Shonagon no Tsubone

Sonpen

Shozen

Tosa no Tsubone was Taikenmon'in's nyobo. She painted meisho-e shoji for Hokongoin. The calligraphy on the shikishi was by Lord Hosshoji. In the note a c c o m p a n y i n g the g e n e a l o g y , G y o h e n claims that his ancestor, L a d y Tosa, had the extraordinary h o n o r o f e x e c u t i n g shoji (panel paintings) for an imperially

commissioned

temple,

the

Empress

Taikenmon'in's

Hokongoin,

w h i c h w a s built in the 1130s. T h e subject o f her w o r k w a s meisho-e (pictures o f f a m o u s places). Meisho-e w a s a standard theme in Heian-period yamato-e painti n g , 1 7 one closely associated w i t h seasonal m o t i f s and poetical allusions. L o r d H o s s h o j i is none other than F u j i w a r a Tadamichi, head o f the regent's branch o f the F u j i w a r a family and f o u n d e r o f the H o s s h o j i style o f calligraphy. H i s inscriptions w e r e brushed o n shikishi,

small colored squares o f paper that w e r e then

pasted o n t o the silk painting panels. T h e Sangoshii passage is cited or quoted in later sources, i n c l u d i n g the Ninnaji sho inke hi ( R e c o r d s o f various subtemples o f N i n n a j i ) b y the m o n k K e n s h o , 1 8 and in the section o n ancient paintings in K a n o E i n o ' s Hottcho gashi ( H i s t o r y o f Japanese painting), compiled in 1678. T h e s e recurring references suggest that the case continued to attract interest t h r o u g h o u t the centuries. G y o h e n ' s Sangoshii w a s w r i t t e n over a century after the purported e v e n t — s o taken alone, its t e s t i m o n y is n o t conclusive evidence f o r L a d y Tosa's i n v o l v e m e n t in the H o k o n g o i n

project. C a n c o r r o b o r a t i n g evidence be f o u n d in earlier

records? Fortunately, detailed c o m m e n t s o n the construction and dedication o f the H o k o n g o i n appear scattered in the diaries o f t w o courtiers, M i n a m o t o M o r o t o k i ' s Choshuki

and F u j i w a r a M u n e t a d a ' s

Chuyuki.19

F r o m their accounts, w e k n o w that T a i k e n m o n ' i n decided in 1129 t o build a temple in the n e i g h b o r h o o d o f N i n n a j i , on the w e s t e r n outskirts o f K y o t o . A f t e r some deliberation, a picturesque location t o the southeast o f N a r a b i g a o k a hill w a s selected, partly because it w a s the site o f T e n ' a n j i , an earlier temple dedicated b y E m p e r o r M o n t o k u (Choshuki 1 1 2 9 / 9 / 1 0 - 1 6 ) . C o n s t r u c t i o n c o m m e n c e d straighta w a y , and the main f r a m e w o r k o f the temple w a s in place b y the end o f the seco n d m o n t h o f the f o l l o w i n g year (Chuyuki 1130/2/29). L i k e other imperial v o w temples o f the Insei period, the H o k o n g o i n c o m p o u n d included a residential villa f o r its patron. In this case the villa and temple w e r e located o n opposite sides o f a

W o m e n Painters at t h e Heian C o u r t

163

large artificial lake, w i t h the residence to the east and the A m i d a Hall on the west. 2 0 B y mid-summer a decision w a s reached on the program of panel paintings for the villa (Choshiiki 1130/5/27). Fujiwara A t s u m i t s u , then the leading scholar of Chinese letters at court, had been charged w i t h selecting appropriate passages f r o m Chinese classics. His choices of texts, and their distribution, w e r e as foll o w s : the shinden, or main hall, was to be decorated w i t h themes f r o m the K'unyiiatt lu (Records of the earth principle) and t w o histories, Shih chi (Records of the historian) and Han shu (History of the former Han). Paintings in the tainodai, or side hall, w o u l d illustrate/« (rhyme prose) from Wen hsiian (Literary selections). Finally, a small annex to the audience chamber, the tenjoro, w o u l d contain scenes f r o m Po shih wen-chi (Collected w o r k s of Po Chii-i). 2 1 This repertoire is somewhat unusual for an empress's apartments, as Chinese subject matter w a s not normally considered " f e m i n i n e " in the Heian period. Its choice in this case may reflect the formal aura of a temple retreat. T h e H o k o n g o i n paintings were probably assigned to artists in the court painting bureau, although the diaries do not so specify. In the seventh month of 1130, all but a f e w of the paintings in progress were lost in a fire at Retired Emperor Toba's O i d o n o palace, and it w a s necessary to start over (Choshiiki 1130/ 7/10). Thereafter the record is silent for t w o months, until w e come to an entry in M o r o t o k i ' s diary w h i c h is central to our concerns (Choshiiki 1130/9/17). Fine weather. I visited the retired emperor's palace at the hour of the monkey [between 3:00 and 5:00 P . M . ] , and went to the nyobo edokoro to view paintings. This passage has been discussed in earlier studies, 22 but thus far no additional evidence has been introduced to corroborate the existence of a nyobo edokoro, a painting atelier staffed b y court ladies-in-waiting. But w h e n w e recall the testim o n y in the Sangoshii about Lady Tosa's painting for the H o k o n g o i n , M o r o t o k i ' s cryptic remark acquires n e w meaning. B y conflating the t w o literary sources w e may plausibly reconstruct events as f o l l o w s : T h e fire of the seventh m o n t h was apparently not sufficient to deter the imperial resolve to complete the temple before the end of the year. It was presumably in the ensuing rush that Lady Tosa, already k n o w n w i t h i n the court as a talented painter, w a s pressed to j o i n the professionals, and that to accommodate her, a w o r k s h o p — t h e nyobo edokoro—was

set up at Toba's palace. M o r o t o k i w a s

responsible for supervising the construction of the H o k o n g o i n , so his visit to the w o m e n ' s painting atelier was probably in the nature of an inspection tour. There is one minor difficulty w i t h this scenario. A s noted above,

the

Sangoshu states explicitly that Lady Tosa painted meisho-e, w h i c h are b y definition Japanese themes, and that the shikishi inscriptions were contributed b y Fujiwara

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Tadamichi. But w e k n o w from the contemporary diaries that the second series of paintings for the villa retained the original program of Chinese subject matter, and that the calligraphy for these was executed by Fujiwara Sadanobu in 1134 (Choshuki 1134/4/30).23 This inconsistency can be resolved if w e assume that Lady Tosa's panel paintings were for the villa's less formal, more private quarters. After the fire, work on the temple furnishings proceeded quickly. The temple name Hokongoin (Temple of the Adamantine Law) was chosen on the fourteenth day of the tenth month of 1130, and on the twenty-fifth of the same month Emperor Toba and Taikenmon'in witnessed the extravagant consecration ceremony. O n this occasion three artisans were awarded honors. Kunisue, the supervising carpenter-architect, was appointed to the Junior Fifth Rank. Inkaku, sculptor of the principal icon (a large seated Amida Buddha), and the Buddhist painter (ebusshi) Myogen were both granted the title Hokkyo (Bridge of the Law) (Chuyiiki 1130/10/25).24 Myogen was probably the painter in charge of decorating the doors and pillars of the Amida Hall. The original plan was for Toba and Taikenmon'in to occupy the Hokongoin villa a few days before the consecration ceremony, but for unknown reasons their sojourn was delayed until the twenty-ninth of the tenth month (Chuyiiki 1130/ 10/29). It is possible that the secular painting panels for the residential quarters were not finished and installed until after the official consecration ceremony. Although some details are lacking, the literary evidence clearly establishes that in 1130 the Lady-in-Waiting Tosa contributed paintings to the Hokongoin, an important imperial v o w temple. The circumstances of the case are unusual, but nonetheless it demonstrates that a woman's painting could be considered appropriate for a formal commission. It is this distinction that Lady Tosa's greatnephew Bishop Gyohen proudly records as a point of family honor. Lady Tosa's name appears once again in Minamoto Morotoki's diary, in his account of a fan-painting contest that took place in 1135 (Choshuki 1135/5/17). Sponsored by Taikenmon'in, this elegant gathering was a competition between t w o teams of eleven nobles w h o were to submit decorated fans for aesthetic evaluation. Lady Tosa was one of five women on the Team of the Right (teams were designated " L e f t " and " R i g h t " ) . It is not known whether each participant presented personal or commissioned w o r k . A t the very least, the Lady Tosa mentioned here must be the same individual w h o painted the Hokongoin panels, and w e may imagine that she would have painted a fan for this occasion.

Lady K i i The second painter to be considered is Kii no Tsubone, the Lady of the Kii Chamber (here translated as Lady Kii). Another nyobo in Toba and Taikenmon'in's entourage, she was on the same team as Lady Tosa in the fan-painting

Women Painters at the Heian Court

165

competition of 1135 (Choshuki 1135/5/17). Lady Kii may have participated in public commissions also, not for large panel paintings, but for the format most readily associated with Heian women's painting, the picture handscroll. A Kamakura-period text, the "Genji-e chinjo" (Genji painting defense) names a certain " K i [it'c] no Tsubone" as a painter of an illustrated Tale of Genji in twenty scrolls.25 Dating from the thirteenth century, the "Genji Painting Defense" is the earliest extant record of a debate about the iconography of Genji pictures.26 The object of the controversy was a recently completed set of Genji-e screens made for Prince Munetaka, then in Kamakura as shogun. One scene from each of the novel's fifty-four chapters was selected for depiction on a square of paper (shikishi), and these were pasted on folding screens. Supervising this project was the Nijo captain of the guards,27 and the paintings were executed by two ladies-in-waiting, Ben no Tsubone and Nagato no Tsubone. However, their work was criticized by another woman in the shogun's retinue, Kosaisho no Tsubone, on the grounds that two of the pictures were unfaithful to the text. 28 Each side presents its argument in the "Defense." The painters defend their representations not, as one would expect, by evoking a variant text, but by citing as their authority an earlier painting, a twelfth-century handscroll in the shogun's collection. Our interest here is in the twelfth-century painting cited as a model. According to the "Defense" it comprised twenty scrolls. The calligraphers were Lord Hosshoji (the same Fujiwara Tadamichi encountered above) and the Hanazono Minister of the Left, Minamoto Arihito. To these we may add from another source the name of Fujiwara Koremichi.29 Two ladies-in-waiting are named as painters: Ki no Tsubone and Nagato no Tsubone. (In fact, it would no doubt take the labors of many artists to make a twenty-scroll set; possibly only the known women artists were singled out by the authors of the "Defense.") The text of the "Genji Painting Defense" has attracted considerable attention in recent years, with interest centered on the date and circumstances of the twelfth-century Genji paintings. They must have been executed in the first half of the century; and the extravagant scale and the involvement of the highest-ranking courtiers suggest that it was an imperial commission. Inaga Keiji attempts to be much more specific. On the basis of the dates of the calligraphers Tadamichi and Arihito, and their relationships with the imperial house, he proposes that their scrolls are the same Genji paintings commissioned in 1119 by Retired Emperor Shirakawa and Taikenmon'in, mentioned in Choshiiki (1119/11/27). He further speculates that both documents refer to the oldest extant Genji paintings, the famous handscrolls now cut into fragments and divided between the Tokugawa Reimeikai and the Gotoh Art Museum (hereafter referred to as the Tokugawa-Gotoh version).30 Inaga's theory is challenged by Teramoto Naohiko, who focuses on the identity of Ki no Tsubone. Teramoto argues convincingly that " K i no Tsubone" of

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the "Genji Painting Defense" must be the same person as the Lady Kii at Taikenmon'in's fan-painting contest of H35-31 Lady Kii was wet nurse to Taikenmon'in's fourth son Prince Masahito (the future Emperor Goshirakawa), w h o was born in 1127. Assuming that Kii entered Taikenmon'in's service in that year, Teramoto dates the twenty-scroll painting to sometime between 1127 and 1147. 32 Lady Kii is mentioned frequently in twelfth-century sources. These provide conflicting opinions concerning her parentage. Teramoto accepts the theory that Kii is Choshi, daughter of Fujiwara Kanenaga, governor of Kii province. 33 Another possibility is that she was related to the famous court painter Fujiwara Takayoshi. 34 The contemporary records are consistent, however, in identifying Kii as Goshirakawa's wet nurse and as the wife of his trusted adviser Fujiwara Michinori. Michinori is better known to history as Shinzei, the name he assumed on taking the tonsure. 35 Kii was the mother of Shinzei's fourth son, Narinori. Narinori enjoyed a successful official career: He married a daughter of the powerful Taira Kiyomori, and after a round of appointments to profitable governorships, he was promoted to Middle Counselor, Senior Second Rank. Narinori filled his mansion's garden with cherry trees, earning the endearing nickname "Sakuramachi C h u n a g o n " (Middle Counselor of the Cherry Manor). 36 Kii may have been the mother of Narinori's younger brother Shoken also. A Shingon monk, Shoken held the rank of Hoiti (Seal of the Law) and frequently played an important role in Goshirakawa's commissions for temple construction or handscroll paintings. Shoken served several terms as abbot of Daigoji, and briefly as superior at Toji. In 1188 he took on the additional responsibility of being head monk at the Shojokoin, Lady Kii's private temple. 37 Kii had built the Shojokoin in 1158. A t Goshirakawa's command, Fujiwara Tadamichi wrote the calligraphy for the gate plaque. 38 After Shinzei was killed in the Heiji Disturbance of 1159, Kii was protected by Goshirakawa and granted the second rank. A reference to a memorial service allows us to date her death to 1167. 39 Lady Kii was thus a woman w h o moved easily among the inner circles of the Insei court. Her position as Goshirakawa's wet nurse was obviously an incalculable advantage to her husband and children, w h o in turn reinforced her stature by loyal service to the throne. In terms of her period of activity and her personal connections, Kii/Fujiwara Choshi emerges as by far the most likely candidate to be the " K i no Tsubone" w h o participated in the twenty-scroll painting described in the "Genji Painting Defense." From the art historical viewpoint, the Tokugawa-Gotoh Genji paintings can be attributed on stylistic grounds to circa 1120-1140. 40 W h i l e it is obviously a collaborative project, the calligraphers have not yet been positively identified. Until further evidence comes to light, then, it is impossible to confirm—or deny—a

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connection between the extant paintings and either the 1119 commission or the (possibly later) scrolls inscribed by Tadamichi and Arihito. 4 1 The possibility of women painters' participation in the extant Genji paintings will be discussed below. For our purposes here, the "Genji Painting Defense" is important because it confirms not only that Genji paintings were in vogue in the Insei period, but also that ladies-in-waiting at court were actively involved in painting them. Lady Kii's biography is of interest to art historians for a second reason: It has bearing on our interpretation of the colophon of another famous w o r k of art, the underdrawings of the Menashikyd. Menashikyo, or "eyeless sutra," is a descriptive title given to a group of sutra texts written on paper decorated with faint monochrome ink drawings (Figs. 1 and 2). In these drawings, which appear to be unfinished sketches for secular monogatari-e, faces are drawn in outline only, without any features, except for an occasional lower-class figure. Surviving today are the second, third, and fourth scrolls of the Konkdmydkyo (Sutra of Golden Light), dispersed among several collections, and one scroll of the Hannya Rishukyo (Sutra of the Perfection of Wisdom), in the Dai Tokyu Memorial Library. A t the end of the third scroll of the Konkdmydkyo is a colophon dated to the third year of the Kenkyu era (1192), fourth month, first day. The Hannya Rishukyo has a long colophon dated the following year (1193) (Fig. 3). Portions of this text are difficult to decipher and there is some disagreement about its interpretation, but the standard reading accepted today by most scholars is: The Tonsured Emperor Goshirakawa and Nun [X]'s painting, when not yet completed [was interrupted by] the emperor's demise, whereupon the paper was used for copying this sutra. The calligraphy [of the sutra text] is by [former] Major Counselor Master Johen [and the] Sanskrit letters are by Master Joken. In the eighth month of the fourth year of the Kenkyu era, this scroll was respectfully received from the abbot [Shoken] by Shinken. According to this interpretation, the Hannya Rishukyo was copied out on sheets of paper which bore incomplete painting sketches, and that these paintings were by, or for (the grammar of classical Japanese does not specify which) the Retired Emperor Goshirakawa and a certain nun. Unfortunately the character for the nun's name is the sole illegible character, lost through abrasion of the paper's surface; her identity remains problematical. Komatsu Shigemi suggests that it should be the Lady of the Tango Chamber, Takashina Eishi. Lady Tango was Goshirakawa's concubine in his late years and took the tonsure immediately after he died. 42 O n the other hand, the person indicated may be Lady Kii, w h o also took vows and is referred to as " K i i the n u n " in several documents. This second interpretation is strongly reinforced by Kii's ties with the monks w h o wrote and owned the scrolls: The abbot referred to is Shoken, son of Shinzei (and possibly Kii also) and head monk at Kii's temple, Shojokoin. The t w o calligraphers, Joken

Fig. I. Menashikyo (section). Handscroll, ink on paper. National Treasure. Dai Tokyu Memorial Library, Tokyo.

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8

Women Artists in Traditional Japan PATRICIA

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Women have shared in the creation of art from at least as early as the tenth century in Japan. However, due to the changes that occurred in the political and social climate over the centuries, their activity does not form a continuous thread. The t w o premodern eras in which women artists flourished were the Heian and Edo periods. The cultural accomplishments of cultivated Heian aristocratic women, w h o enjoyed an unusual degree of autonomy, are discussed thoroughly in Chapter 6. The greatest increase in number of women artists, however, occurred in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In this chapter I provide a historical overview of the social backgrounds, artistic activities, and patronage of women artists active from 1600 to 1900, encompassing the Edo and early Meiji periods. 1 The growing eminence of female artists in the Edo period occurred despite the fact that women's position in society was lower than before, following the Neo-Confucian philosophical ideas promoted by the Tokugawa shogunate. The reasons for the increased presence of women artists are manifold. For one, Japan was enjoying an age of peace and prosperity, and as affluence spread to the lower classes, new patrons as well as new schools of art developed, encouraging the creative achievements of ever greater numbers of artists. The participation of women in both art and literature was abetted by the spread of education; the popularity of private and clan schools stimulated the g r o w t h of learning and literacy among men and women of all classes. Women w h o were educated stood a better chance of being accepted into artistic communities. Although the acceleration of w o m en's cultural activity may seem surprising in view of the restrictive lives they were expected to lead, Neo-Confucianism was not a monolithic system and, in fact, allowed gifted and determined women to enjoy a limited degree of freedom. Early in the seventeenth century, Tokugawa Ieyasu enforced the division of the populace into four major social classes. In descending order they were: samurai, farmers, artisans, and merchants. Excluded from these four classes were members of the imperial family and the aristocracy (who retained their high stature), and the clergy. Mobility within this framework was restricted; in theory no

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person could rise above the class into which he or she was born. Samurai were the most privileged class and received fixed hereditary stipends based upon the yearly rice harvest of their domains. 2 Second in rank, theoretically, were the farmers, because agriculture was the basis of the national economy. In reality, however, the life of the peasants was usually wretched as they were continually oppressed by the feudal lords controlling the land they cultivated. Artisans and especially merchants came to enjoy the greatest economic prosperity, even though they were relegated to the lower positions on the social ladder.

Social Position and Educational B a c k g r o u n d NOBLEWOMEN

B y the dawn of the Edo period, it was not uncommon for women of highranking samurai families to receive training similar to those born into the court nobility. Most women from the aristocratic and samurai elite classes at this time were educated to be thoroughly at home in a world revolving around cultural activities. Confined to their living quarters within grand castles and palaces, they led the most restricted lives of all Japanese women. However, since they had servants w h o performed routine household duties, these women had a certain amount of leisure time, which they spent enjoying various pastimes and amusements. As part of their feminine education, they received instruction in calligraphy and in composing waka, and occasionally in painting. In their idle hours they practiced these arts; some women explored the creative possibilities further than others, refining their talents to produce calligraphy and paintings that were highly regarded by their contemporaries. A m o n g the many noblewomen w h o distinguished themselves in the arts were Ono O z u (or Otsu, 1559/68-1631), Tôfukumon'in (1607-1678), R y ô n e n Gensô (1646-1711), and Genyô (also known as Rinkuji Miya, d 1726). Ono O z u , Tôfukumon'in, and R y ô n e n were all descendants of high-ranking samurai generals. O z u served as lady-in-waiting to the families of three successive leaders: Toyotomi Hideyoshi, Tokugawa Ieyasu, and Tokugawa Hidetada. According to some biographies, she also attended Shinjôtômon'in, the mother of Emperor Goyôzei, and later Tôfukumon'in, the daughter of Tokugawa Hidetada, w h o became a consort of Emperor Gomizunoo. Well k n o w n for her artistic talents, O z u most likely acted as a poetry and calligraphy teacher to the women she served. Her fluent style of calligraphy with its attenuated flourishes was extremely influential upon upper-class samurai women of her day; 3 she also painted Zen subjects in the monochrome ink tradition. Tôfukumon'in also became a fine calligrapher, perhaps under the guidance of O z u . Because of her connections with both the shogun and the emperor as well

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as her cultural accomplishments, T o f u k u m o n ' i n served as a model for high-ranking w o m e n of her era. T h e daughter of one of T o f u k u m o n ' i n ' s attendants, R y o n e n Genso, served at the imperial court and became celebrated for her achievements in poetry, calligraphy, and painting. She made the momentous decision to leave her family and become a nun around the age of twenty-six. W h e n a Zen abbot refused her request to enter his temple because she was too beautiful (and thus w o u l d be a distraction to the monks), she burned her face w i t h a hot iron in order to make herself acceptable. G e n y o , the seventh daughter of Emperor G o m i z u n o o , also became a nun; she achieved a high degree of skill in painting Buddhist figures. EDUCATED

TOWNSWOMEN

A second category of w o m e n artists is w h a t I term "educated

towns-

w o m e n " and includes w o m e n from merchant and artisan classes, as w e l l as l o w and middle-ranking samurai families, w h o lived in Japan's villages and cities. T h e shift in educational trends in the second half of the Edo period had a profound effect upon the lives of these w o m e n . Whereas in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries education had been primarily the prerogative of aristocrats and high-ranking samurai, some clans n o w began to establish village schools. Popular education w a s sanctioned b y the feudal government, and Japan witnessed a rapid expansion of schools for commoners (terakoya) in the later eighteenth century. 4 Children w h o attended terakoya received basic instruction in reading, w r i t ing, and arithmetic. Furthermore, by 1800 children of merchants or well-to-do farmers could enter private schools (shijuku) specializing in Chinese studies and/or Japanese classics w h i c h had been established primarily for samurai. A s a result, in the nineteenth century merchants and village headmen were often as erudite as samurai, and literacy continued to spread at the l o w e r levels of society. A l t h o u g h schools w e r e established for educating boys, girls were also permitted to attend. B y the time of the Meiji Restoration in 1868, it is estimated that 40 percent of boys and 10 percent of girls in Japan w e r e acquiring some form of academic education. 5 This percentage may seem small, but it represents a significant increase over the preceding centuries. T h e 10-percent figure for girls is, in fact, surprisingly high considering the social structure of Edo-period Japan. Education broke d o w n the barriers of traditional class restrictions, once the singlemost determinate factor in the lives of Japanese people. Education also functioned as the key for those w o m e n w h o wanted release from ideological restrictions. L o w - and middle-ranking samurai as w e l l as well-to-do t o w n s m e n became more disposed to educate their daughters, either through private tutoring or b y sending them to schools. Consequently many y o u n g w o m e n received a more extensive education than had been the case previously. There is a definite correlation between the vast expansion of the educational system and the broadening

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range of roles for w o m e n , as illustrated by the dramatic increase in the number of women artists during the nineteenth century. Their success was closely linked with the type of education they received and the literary skills they developed. The great majority of Japanese w o m e n w h o succeeded as artists were also talented poets. Because so many women of earlier ages were renowned for their novels, diaries, and waka, the Edo-period literary world was prepared to accept women. Waka was initially considered the literary form most appropriate for them. Although the recognized female poets of the early Edo period were primarily members of the aristocracy and samurai elite, for w h o m verse composition was part of the basic training for w o m e n , as literacy became widespread, more and more w o m e n distinguished themselves in waka. This phenomenon was augmented by the fact that in the eighteenth century some scholars involved in the kokugaku, or "national learning," movement made special efforts to encourage women to study classical poetry. 6 Kamo no Mabuchi was the leader in promoting waka studies among women; he is recorded as having forty female pupils. 7 H e was followed by Kagawa Kageki, a central figure in Kyoto poetic circles in the first half of the nineteenth century, w h o also taught many w o m e n . It was as part of a revival of past epochs of national glory that kokugaku scholars reemphasized the role of w o m e n in the arts. Mabuchi and others cited the importance of w o m e n in the founding of Japan, 8 and praised the role of Japanese w o m e n in the development of classical poetry and literature. The majority of w o m e n waka poets w h o achieved celebrity in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were not members of the Kyoto nobility or the upper samurai class; instead they came from the merchant and artisan classes or from lower-ranking samurai families. Those w h o w o n the most popular acclaim did so because their talents were visible to the urban public. Many were courtesans, employed in one of the few vocations in which intelligent women of the lower classes were encouraged to display their artistic skills. There were different levels within this profession; at the b o t t o m were low-class prostitutes, but at the top were exceptionally talented w o m e n skilled in traditional poetry, calligraphy, and painting. A m o n g the most famous courtesan artists were Yoshino (1606-1643) and Ohashi (active in the mid-eighteenth century); both were k n o w n for their waka written in flowing script, which they shared w i t h friends and favored patrons. The artistry of courtesans was celebrated in woodblock prints, which frequently depict these w o m e n writing out poems and occasionally painting (Fig-1)It was not only courtesans w h o became recognized for their waka. Numerous other t o w n s w o m e n also achieved fame. In the eighteenth century, three generations of w o m e n w h o ran a teahouse in Kyoto—Kaji, Yuri, and Ike Gyokuran —became renowned for their verse (see Chapter 9). They associated w i t h poets from all classes; members of the court nobility frequented their teahouse and served as mentors. Other notable female waka poets of the eighteenth and nine-

Fig. i. Koryusai (fl ca 1764-1788). Yujo Koshikibu ofTakeya Painting on Vertical Scroll Held by Assistant, from Hinagata waka no hatsu moyo series. Woodblock print. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (11.14578).

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teenth centuries from townsmen or low- to middle-ranking samurai families include Inoue Tsu, Arakida Rei, Takabatake Shikibu, Otagaki Rengetsu, and Nomura Boto. 9 The daughter of a scholar-official in Shikoku, Inoue Tsu attained fame as a writer as well as waka poet. She was encouraged in her endeavors by her father, who took her to Edo for a stay of nine years, which inspired Tsu to write travelogues and a journal of her life there. Arakida Rei, the daughter of a Shinto priest, wrote lengthy novels in addition to waka and travel diaries. The calligraphy of Tsu and Rei is as highly admired as their literary output. Takabatake Shikibu's father was an Osaka doctor; she married a Kyoto acupuncturist who was also an amateur poet. Shikibu outlived her husband and became highly respected for her vigorously brushed waka, sometimes accompanied by simplified paintings. Otagaki Rengetsu is by the far the best-known poet of this group. Adopted as an infant by a low-ranking samurai serving at the temple Chion'in in Kyoto, by the age of thirty-three Rengetsu had suffered the deaths of two husbands and several children. She became a nun of the Pure Land sect of Buddhism and thereafter made a living through her waka, calligraphy, pottery, and, to a lesser extent, painting. She became a pupil of the Kyoto waka poet Kagawa Kageki, who was also a teacher of Shikibu. 10 Rengetsu became especially famous for her elegant, threadlike calligraphy, which she often incised in or inscribed on pottery. Nomura Boto, the daughter of a samurai from Fukuoka prefecture in Kyushu, was notorious for her political activities as well as her literary skills. Like Rengetsu, she took the tonsure after her second husband's death and devoted herself to the study of waka. Bot5 played an active role in the loyalist movement to restore power to the emperor in the second half of the nineteenth century, for which she was arrested and imprisoned in the mid-1860s. As education began to filter down to the lower echelons of society and more women became literate, their artistic possibilities increased. Some women became active in haiku and Chinese poetry societies, others wrote novels, and some became painters. Once they had achieved recognition as poets and authors, it was easier for women to gain entrance into the Edo-period art world, in which there was great respect for those with literary talents. Women writers seem to have been in vogue and male teachers began to encourage female students. In the haiku world, Matsuo Basho (1644-1694) accepted women pupils, as did many of his followers. As a result, women became increasingly recognized in haiku circles beginning in the late seventeenth century. Among the well-known women haiku poets were Chigetsu, Shushiki, Chiyo, and Kikusha. Little is known about Chigetsu except that she became a nun after her husband died, lived in Otsu, and immersed herself in haiku. It is believed that she was a pupil of Basho. Shushiki was the daughter of a confectioner in Edo. She married a merchant interested in haiku and they both became pupils of Basho's disciple Kikaku.

Women Artists in Traditional Japan 2 2 5 Chiyo is the most famous of the female haiku poets. The daughter of a scroll mounter in Kaga (Ishikawa prefecture), she studied with two haiku masters who had been pupils of Basho. After her parents died, she adopted a married couple to carry on the family business and became ordained as a nun of the Shin sect of Pure Land Buddhism. Chiyo continued to live in Kaga, dedicating herself to composing haiku. Many poets came to visit her and she took several trips to see others. Following the example of other haiku poets, she produced many charming haiga (haiku poem-paintings). Kikusha was from a samurai household in Nagato (Yamaguchi prefecture). She returned home after her first husband's death, and at the age of twenty-seven she set off on the first of a series of long journeys. 1 1 At the beginning of her trip she visited a temple in Hagi and became a Buddhist nun of the Shin sect. On her travels she met with poets and attended poetry gatherings, musical performances, and tea ceremonies. Kikusha became famous both for her haiku and Chinese-style verse, which she wrote out in confident, vibrant brushwork. The recognition accorded to female haiku poets is indicated by such books as the Kokin haikai jokasen (Women haikai poets of modern and ancient times), an anthology compiled and illustrated by Ihara Saikaku in 1682, 1 2 and Mikawa komachi, published by one of Basho's disciples in 1702, which included one hundred haiku by women of the time. A portrait of Chiyo accompanied by one of her poems appears in the Haikai hyaku isshii (A selection of one hundred haikai) published in 1765 (Fig. 2). Several female haiku poets also had individual collections of their poems published. For example, 546 of Chiyo's poems were published in 1763 in the Chiyo-ni kushu (Collection of Nun Chiyo's verses). 13 Kikusha had a selection of her verses printed in woodblock form in 1813 in a collection called the Taorigiku; in addition, she had twenty-four other poetry collections published. 14 It is significant that Chigetsu, Chiyo, and Kikusha all became Buddhist nuns, as did several female waka poets (for example Ohashi, Rengetsu, and Boto). Becoming a nun was a socially accepted means for women to abandon their roles as mothers, daughters, and wives and to live more independently. With their newly gained freedom, these women had the time and energy to develop and refine their artistic and literary skills. Taking the tonsure did not necessarily imply a life devoted to only religious duties; many women immersed themselves more in artistic than ecclesiastical activities. In the cases of Chiyo and Kikusha, becoming nuns allowed them to travel and to associate with other poets. Although Edo-period women were expected to adhere to strict Confucian codes of conduct which forbade them to mingle freely with men, Buddhist nuns were exempt from many of these social restrictions. As nuns, Chiyo and Kikusha both traveled extensively, visiting well-known haiku poets throughout the country. Neither was affiliated with any one temple, and their devotion to poetry clearly outweighed any religious calling.

Fig. 2. Portrait of Chiyo, from Haikai hyaku isshü. 1765. Woodblock book. From Nakamoto Jodö, Kaga no Chiyo shinseki shü (Kanazawa, 1966).

Women Artists in Traditional Japan 2 2 7 A number of the female haiku and waha poets mentioned above habitually added simplified paintings to their verses. Painting and poetry were not considered to be t w o distinct art forms in traditional Japan, but instead were frequently united. Following Chinese fashion, it became customary for artists to write poems on their o w n paintings, or to request friends to add inscriptions. Those w h o were primarily poets also took up the brush and painted. Poets were almost always skilled calligraphers, and it was an easy step f r o m calligraphy to painting since the t w o art forms share similar brush techniques. Professional skill was not a matter of a great importance in many Japanese literary circles; what was important was the inner character of the artist visible in his or her brushwork. Until the late nineteenth century, very few w o m e n were simply painters, as was more common in the male-dominated art world. This extremely strong link w i t h literature is an important feature of art by Japanese w o m e n . The largest number of respected w o m e n artists in Japan emerged from the bunjin (C. wen-jen "literati") world, where aspiring young scholars were expected to master scholarly arts in their leisure time, especially poetry, painting, and calligraphy. Interest in the Chinese literati painting tradition was stimulated in Edoperiod Japan by the Tokugawa government's promotion of Neo-Confucianism, which led to the study of many facets of Chinese culture. Since travel abroad was forbidden, Japanese scholars and artists learned to paint in the Chinese literati style primarily by studying examples from imported woodblock books and paintings. Introduced in the late seventeenth century, literati painting rapidly progressed in Japan, where it was called bunjinga or nanga (southern painting). 1 5 By the latter part of the eighteenth century it enjoyed widespread popularity, reaching a broad segment of the urban and rural populations. Japanese bunjin were usually members of the samurai and educated townsmen classes. Many of the men were Confucian scholars, working in official posts for the shogunate or local daimyo. Others served as teachers, earning their living by lecturing on the Confucian classics at one of the many clan or private schools. Some bunjin are more difficult to categorize, for although they were men of arts and letters, they held no official position. Background and social status did not matter to these individuals, w h o were drawn together by an intense interest in Chinese literature, art, and culture. They formed Chinese-language study groups, held meetings where they composed poetry and painted pictures, and even organized exhibitions of Chinese art. The earliest female practitioners of bunjinga were active in the second half of the eighteenth century; they were primarily the wives, sisters, or daughters of well-known bunjin artists. Most prominent were Ike Gyokuran (see Chapter 9), Ko Raikin, and Tani Kankan, all of w h o m were married to artists working in the Chinese literati tradition. 1 6 W o m e n bunjin were aided by the fact that they lived and worked within small groups of creative and unconventional intellectuals w h o did not always adhere to the standards imposed upon the rest of Japanese society.

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The nineteenth century saw a dramatic increase in the number of women literati artists, for many scholars now encouraged women to join their ranks. Their motivation was stimulated by certain Chinese exemplars. The Ch'ingdynasty poet Yuan Mei (Sui-yiian) was known to have had many female pupils; he compiled a volume of their poetry entitled Sui-yiian nii-ti-tzu hsiian, which was published in 1796. This book was subsequently republished in Japan, 17 where it had a catalytic effect on Japanese scholars of Chinese studies, who began to cultivate women pupils. Some of the leaders in this movement were Yamamoto Hokuzan, Rai San'yo, Yanagawa Seigan, and Okubo Shibutsu. Like their predecessors, many nineteenth-century women bunjin were the daughters or wives of artists or scholars; others had developed close personal connections with literati like San'yo who became their mentors. Their education was unusual in that it focused on Chinese classical literature. Encouragement from teachers, family, and friends was always a crucial factor in motivating women to rise above what was traditionally expected of them. Exemplary female bunjin of the first half of the middle nineteenth century include Ema Saiko, Yoshida Shuran, Kamei Shokin, Cho Koran (see Chapter 10), and Tachihara Shunsa. Saiko was the eldest daughter of a Confucian scholar and doctor living in Mino (Gifu prefecture). Introduced to the bunjin arts by her father, she became the stellar pupil of Rai San'yo. Remaining single, Saiko visited Kyoto frequently and was an active participant in literary societies there as well as in her hometown. She became celebrated for her Chinese-style verse, calligraphy, and austere manner of ink painting. Shuran shared a similar bunjin life-style. The daughter of a Kyoto doctor, she married the bunjin painter Okura Ryuzan. Like Saiko, Shuran and her husband studied Chinese-style verse with Rai San'yo, and they were part of San'yo's immediate circle of bunjin friends. In addition to poetry, calligraphy, and painting, Shuran was adept at playing the seven-stringed ch'in. Shokin and Shunsa both came from families of prominent Confucian scholars living in outlying provinces. Shokin was the daughter of Kamei Shoyo in Chikuzen (Fukuoka prefecture, Kyushu). Shunsa's father was Tachihara Kyosho in Mito (Ibaragi prefecture). Tutored by their fathers, both women developed a strong interest in Chinese painting and poetry. Whereas Shokin was noted primarily for her Chinese verse and rugged ink paintings, especially of bamboo, Shunsa was exceptionally skilled in rendering birds and flowers in the precise, detailed brushwork she learned from her painting teacher Watanabe Kazan. By the end of the Edo period, there were many female bunjin active who did not come from artistic or scholarly families, indicating that the art world was further opening its doors to women. T w o notable female painters who lived in the late Edo and succeeding Meiji eras were Okuhara Seiko and Noguchi Shohin. Seiko was the daughter of a samurai serving in Koga (Ibaragi prefecture); and Shohin's father was a doctor from Osaka. After receiving instruction in the Chinese classics and painting as children, both women moved to Edo in their twenties in order to become part of the vital art scene there. Seiko remained single,

Women Artists in Traditional Japan 2 2 9 becoming notorious for wearing men's clothing and having her hair cropped short. Her bold, dynamic painting style was wildly successful, and at one point she had more than three hundred pupils. Like Seiko, Shohin led an independent life-style, even after her marriage at age thirty. She remained the family breadwinner, at first earning money through selling her paintings in Edo and its neighboring prefectures. She later served as a painting instructor at the Peers' Girls School and was eventually honored by an appointment as official artist of the imperial household. Her sensitively rendered landscapes, bird-and-flower subjects, and portrayals of beautiful women were highly admired; Shohin regularly received awards at national as well as international expositions and later was invited to serve as a judge. ATELIER

PROFESSIONALS

Professional artists were usually men, for this occupation was not considered fitting for women, w h o , regardless of their artistic inclinations or activities, were expected to fulfill certain household duties. There were exceptions, however. Illustrations in woodblock-printed books such as the Hanasugata joshokujinkan

by

Utagawa Kuninao show women labeled "onna-eshi" (female professional painters) painting fans (Fig. 3). Since members of lower-class ateliers did not sign their works, they remain nameless. Although there are records of isolated females

Fig. 3. Utagawa Kuninao (1793-1854). Onna-eshi, from Hanasugata joshoku jinkan. Ca 1815-1820. Woodblock book. From Hanasaki Kazuo, ed., Zue Edo onna hyaku sugata (Tokyo, 1976).

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within the Tosa, Rinpa, and other schools, it was in the Kano and ukiyo-e ateliers that professional women artists seem to have made their mark in Japan. The Kano school was by far the largest and most influential painting academy in Japan from the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries. It received the patronage of leading feudal lords and government officials throughout the four centuries of its history. Because it was a conservative organization, women Kano artists were rare; only a few female names appear among the lists of hundreds of Kano painters. Kiyohara Yukinobu (1643-1682) is unquestionably the most celebrated female Kano painter; she was the daughter of Kusumi Morikage, one of the leading pupils of Kano Tan'yu. 1 8 Other ateliers which employed women and allowed them to sign their works were primarily those of the mercantile ukiyo-e world. Because of the relative freedom of behavior in the urban pleasure quarters, ukiyo-e artists were more receptive to female apprentices than were traditional art workshops. Unlike the conservative Kano school, ukiyo-e workshops were not bound by restrictive regulations, nor were they dominated by familial ties. One reflection of the more liberal view toward women that prevailed in the pleasure quarters is the popular fiction of the day, which often depicted women as daring and brazen, not the meek creatures praised in Confucian texts. Many female ukiyo-e artists achieved a degree of success in the late seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. The two most famous were Yamazaki Ryu-jo (act early 18th century) and Inagaki Tsuru-jo (act late 18th century), celebrated for their elegant portrayals of courtesans. 19 Ryu-jo was the daughter of a samurai serving the shogunate in Edo. Her paintings follow the style of Hishikawa Moronobu, but there is no evidence that she was his direct pupil. Instead she was probably self-taught. Tsuru-jo, on the other hand, is believed to have studied with Tsukioka Settei in Osaka. Whereas in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, women ukiyo-e artists seem to have done mostly paintings of courtesans or kabuki actors, in the nineteenth century they were also involved in the design and production of prints. Another development of the nineteenth century is that the number of female ukiyo-e artists steadily increased, with several of the leading ukiyo-e masters readily accepting women into their studios. Tatsu and Oi were two of Katsushika Hokusai's daughters who achieved fame for their figure paintings and woodblock designs. Other ukiyo-e artists who had female pupils (sometimes including their daughters) were Utagawa Toyokuni I, Tsunoda Kunisada, and Utagawa Kuniyoshi. The integration of women into the ukiyo-e world is revealed in a sketch from a woodblock book by Kawanabe Kyosai depicting Kuniyoshi's workshop (Fig. 4). Included in the group of pupils is a young woman named Yoshitama, who is seated at a low table just to the left of Kuniyoshi, busily unrolling paper. Not only did ukiyo-e artists take in female apprentices, but there was a growing interest in women historical figures as subject matter for prints. Kuni-

Women Artists in Traditional Japan

2 31

Fig. 4. Kawanabe Kyosai (1831-1889). Painting Studio of Kuniyoshi, from Kyosai gaden. Woodblock book. Collection of Elizabeth Schultz.

yoshi seems to have initiated this trend, doing numerous series memoralizing heroines and women poets, along with dutiful wives. 2 0 The attitude of Kuniyoshi surely paralleled society's changing views and signaled the acceptance of women into the art world in the late nineteenth century.

Style and Subject M a t t e r The question often arises regarding whether or not Japanese women artists practiced a particular " f e m i n i n e " style. For women artists active during the Edo period, the answer is negative. However, in regard to the Heian era, as indicated in Chapter 6 by Akiyama and Graybill, the issue is more complex and cannot be easily resolved. Women generally wrote using the phonetic syllabary (kana) rather than with Chinese characters, and consequently this form of writing was referred to as onna-de or " w o m e n ' s hand." However, men also wrote in this form of kana script. Since scholars as yet have been unable to firmly attribute any extant Heian-

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period kana writings to specific w o m e n , there was obviously no clear stylistic difference by gender. The term onna-e, or " w o m e n ' s painting," which came into use during the Heian period, is another complicated issue which has been the subject of rich debate. Many scholars agree that onna-e refers to a style of painting linked with courtly literature, in which quiet, static indoor scenes depicted with brilliant opaque colors prevail. This contrasts with otoko-e, or " m e n ' s painting," referring to a linear, more calligraphic style which was practiced during the same period. The existence of the term "onna-e" suggests that it was somehow connected with the feminine world. W e know that w o m e n were both the authors of and the audience for a great deal of Heian courtly literature, and therefore onna-e may have been used to describe the painted illustrations associated with literature that was traditionally feminine in inspiration. Furthermore, since aristocratic w o m e n also turned their attention to painting, they may well have been instrumental in the development of onna-e. However, this issue is further confused because there is literary evidence that both men and w o m e n created onna-e as well as otoko-e, indicating that any initial ties between style and gender were lost. 2 1 In later eras, this gender-specific terminology was not used, and there is no evidence that women painted in styles differing from those used by men. Female artists almost invariably studied with male teachers, and following Japanese tradition, they modeled their painting and calligraphy upon their mentor's style. W o m e n bunjin usually painted in the Chinese literati manner, women Kano artists painted in the Kano school tradition, and so forth. Thus, stylistically, the art of women is not distinct from that of their male counterparts. To be sure, there were w o m e n w h o painted or brushed calligraphy with a delicate, meticulous hand that could be described as feminine. Examples are the exquisite bird-andflower paintings of Tachihara Shunsa and the elegant, gossamer script of Ôtagaki Rengetsu. However, there were women like C h ô Kôran and Okuhara Seiko w h o wielded the brush with a boldness and bravura that might be called masculine, leading one to the conclusion that such terms are invalid and should be avoided in the discussion of art. Likewise, in terms of subject matter, the paintings and prints produced by Japanese w o m e n

deviated little from those by contemporary

male

artists.

Depending upon the school or tradition with which they were associated, Japanese w o m e n artists depicted scenes from classical tales, Buddhist and Taoist deities, Chinese and Japanese historical figures, courtesans, kabuki actors, birds, flowers,

landscapes, and the literati plant subjects known as " f o u r gentlemen"

(bamboo, plum, orchid, chrysanthemum). T h e lack of specific feminine imagery is not surprising, given the traditional art education system in Japan where one learned to paint through the copying of models. However, there are indications that some w o m e n were especially attracted to certain subjects. For example,

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among Kiyohara Yukinobu's extant paintings there are numerous portrayals of female legendary and historical personages such as Murasaki Shikibu. 22 Although these figures were occasionally painted by male Kano artists, the percentage in Yukinobu's case is higher, leading one to suspect that she herself favored these subjects, or that her patrons did. Another example of a w o m a n artist w h o gravitated toward a subject w i t h feminine associations was the bunjiti C h o Koran, w h o did many paintings of plum blossoms. She frequently added verses suggesting that she saw herself reflected in this plant, indicating that she was well aware of the long tradition of Chinese poems about w o m e n in which the plum symbolized the passage of time and loss of youth (see Chapter 10). A later w o m a n butijitt, Noguchi Shohin, also occasionally painted themes which seem to express feminine sensibilities. A m o n g her extant works are several depictions of w o m e n engaged in the arts of painting, calligraphy, and music. 2 3 In many ways these paintings are reminiscent of depictions of Chinese literati absorbed in various scholarly arts. This suggests that Shohin viewed herself and other women artists as equal to men and that she wished to celebrate female artistry. However, paintings with such explicit references to a feminine consciousness are rare among the works of Japanese w o m e n artists, w h o ordinarily adhered to the styles and subjects established by their schools or artistic traditions.

Patronage Documentation regarding the patronage of Japanese w o m e n artists is scarce; nevertheless, a few generalities can be made. Noblewomen composed poems, w r o t e calligraphy, and painted primarily for their o w n pleasure as well as for their families, friends, and acquaintances. O n l y in rare cases, for example, the nun Ryonen, did their w o r k reach beyond their domestic circle. After taking the tonsure, Ryonen occasionally brushed one-line Zen phrases that were used to teach certain tenets of Zen; she also painted portraits of abbots (chinso) for temple use. O t h e r noblewomen w h o became nuns, such as Genyo, also created Buddhist paintings which were undoubtedly h u n g in temples. The question of w h o patronized the educated townswomen artists is more complex. Like the noblewomen discussed above, most townswomen artists could be characterized as amateurs. While some of them were self-taught, others received instruction from family members or artistic friends. In either case, their creativity was not the product of a profession, except perhaps in the case of Noguchi Shohin in her later years when she was appointed as artist to the imperial household. T h e poems and paintings by female haiku and waka poets, as well as those by many bunjin, were frequently given to like-minded individuals. H o w -

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ever, painting, calligraphy, and occasionally pottery were also used b y many w o m e n to supplement their income. This is especially true in the cases of those w o m e n w h o were forced to support themselves and their families because of financial difficulties, the early deaths of husbands, or because they chose not to marry. In addition, they sometimes exchanged their works for food, lodging, or travel expenses. Since the transactions were irregular and the w o r k s were often exchanged in an informal manner, one w o u l d hardly consider these w o m e n as professionals in the w a y one w o u l d atelier artists. Furthermore, the painting, calligraphy, and pottery produced b y educated t o w n s w o m e n primarily represented personal expression, uninhibited b y the demands of would-be patrons. Paintings and calligraphy b y educated t o w n s w o m e n unquestionably reached a broader spectrum of Japanese society than that b y noblewomen. T h e majority of the former's patrons were members of the merchant class or samurai families w h o lived in Japan's g r o w i n g towns and cities. However, there are several documented cases of t o w n s w o m e n being patronized b y daimyo, members of the imperial family, and other high-ranking persons. Widespread education had served to break d o w n traditional class barriers, which were also transcended b y shared understanding of and sensitivity for the arts. There are numerous examples of special patron-artist relationships within the educated t o w n s w o m e n group. T h e haiku poet C h i y o was once commissioned by the Maeda daimyo of Kaga to inscribe verses on a group of scrolls and fans which were then given b y the T o k u g a w a shogunate to Korean envoys. 2 4 A m o n g C h o Koran's patrons were the samurai-statesman Kido Takayoshi and the owner of the K y o t o paper store K y u k y o d o , Kumagai Naotaka; from the latter she frequently received paper and ink instead of cash. Transactions involving currency were frequently handled indirectly. Ema Saiko's mentor, Rai San'yo, took charge of disseminating her w o r k ; in a letter to a prospective client, he noted that he was sending along an example of Saiko's bamboo painting for consideration. 25 In her later years, after the death of San'yo, w e k n o w that Saiko was patronized by the w i f e of the Toda daimyo living at O g a k i Castle. 2 6 The w o r k of the female bunjin Okuhara Seiko gained such popularity in Edo that it became fashionable for teahouses and restaurants to o w n a scroll by her. 27 In her later years, after retiring to Kumagaya, Seiko tended to rely more upon private patrons such as Hasegawa Ichiro, w h o lived in Tsukayama (Niigata prefecture). 28 A s noted above, Noguchi Shohin's patrons even included members of the imperial family. Relations between artists and their patrons were not always harmonious, however. For example, collectors were so eager for the waka and pottery of the reclusive poet Otagaki Rengetsu that they came in droves to her home, forcing her to move continually in order to avoid them. She even employed assistants to help her meet the demand for her w o r k . A m o n g Rengetsu's patrons were daimyo and statesmen as well as commoners, poets, and scholars.

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Women employed by professional ateliers responded more directly to requests from private patrons, or in the case of ukiyo-e workshops, from private publishers. Commissions were usually contracted through the atelier master, who then assigned work to individual artists. When an artist became famous enough, she was permitted to sign her own name, and thereafter patrons could specifically request works by her. As in the case of educated townswomen artists, the status of patrons was quite diverse for atelier professionals, ranging from samurai of varying ranks to commoners. In view of her great-uncle's position as one of the leading artists working for the shogunate, it is likely that Kiyohara Yukinobu's patrons were samurai and well-to-do townsmen. Yet we know that she was once commissioned by a Kyoto courtesan to paint an autumn scene on a piece of satin, which was then inscribed by eight court nobles and made into a kimono. 29 The people who commissioned work from female artists were in most cases patrons of male artists as well. Usually these patrons were men, although there are cases in which women commissioned works by women. 3 0 There were undoubtedly collectors who were attracted to the work of women artists because of the artists' somewhat unusual personalities. Only those women with exceptional talent made a name for themselves in the male-dominated art world, where their artworks were probably considered novel and interesting.

Contemporary Evaluations and Present Scholarship There is ample evidence that many women earned the plaudits of their peers and became important figures in both literary and artistic circles. They felt at ease in the masculine world and, with only a few exceptions, they were fully accepted by their male colleagues. Women were also regularly included in compilations of famous artists and poets. Examples of publications listing women artists alongside men are the Heian jinbutsu shi (Who's who in Kyoto) (1768-1867), Kinsei kijin den (Lives of modern eccentrics) (1790), Koto shogajinmei roku (Record of calligraphers and painters in the imperial capital) (1847), and Edo tdji shoka jinmei roku (Catalogue of Edo-period personalities) (1815). The inclusion of women's names in such publications indicates that many women artists were highly respected in their own day and that their works were considered the equal of men's. Further indication of the high regard for the artistry of women is the existence of books devoted solely to the poetry and/or brushwork of one or more women. The masterful calligraphy of Ono Ozu and other Edo-period women such as Sasaki Shogen was disseminated through woodblock books containing printed examples of their work. Almost all of the important female haiku and waka poets had books of their poetry published or selections included in other

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compendiums. This is also true of many of the w o m e n hunjitt. In addition, w o m e n bunjin had woodblock-printed designs of their paintings included in various publications, and w e r e regularly invited to do paintings or calligraphy in collaborative albums, handscrolls, and hanging scrolls. A s was pointed out previously, w e l l - k n o w n poets and scholars all over Japan enthusiastically encouraged the activities of w o m e n in the arts, and accepted w o m e n into their ranks w i t h o u t hesitation. Modern Japanese scholars have not always viewed the history of art w i t h such unbiased eyes, and in this century the artistic contributions of w o m e n in earlier eras have been obscured. T h e standard dictionaries of Japanese artists contain entries on a substantial number of w o m e n , but they are far f r o m comprehensive. 31 O n l y rarely have w o m e n been included in exhibitions and literature on art, reversing the conditions of their o w n day, w h e n w o m e n were often thoroughly integrated into the artistic w o r l d . This modern trend can partially be explained by lingering Confucian concepts that w o m e n are subordinate to men and that their place is in the home. Scholars w h o have w r i t t e n biographies of w o m e n artists have often gone to great pains to stress their subjects' modest, docile natures and faithfulness as wives. W o m e n are usually designated as the wives or daughters of important figures, w i t h little information provided about their personal lives. It is as t h o u g h authors w e r e afraid that readers w o u l d criticize such w o m e n for self-indulgence and straying f r o m the correct path of family service. A s a result of this d o w n p l a y i n g of accomplishments, modern readers have been offered little insight as to h o w w o m e n fit into the history of Japanese art. Fortunately, the neglect of w o m e n in modern art historical writings is somew h a t compensated for b y numerous publications dealing w i t h Japanese female literary figures. Since many w o m e n poets and writers w e r e also painters, w e can glean some information about their lives and w o r k f r o m books on Japanese literature and calligraphy. 3 2 In addition, local historians in Japan have delved into the lives of interesting w o m e n artists of their regions and are actively publishing biographical studies. Perhaps in response to the attention being given to w o m e n artists in the W e s t , Japanese museums have recently organized o n e - w o m a n exhibitions devoted to O k u h a r a Seiko (Saitama Prefectural M u s e u m , 1978, and Ibaragi Prefectural Historical M u s e u m , 1988), N o g u c h i Shôhin (Yamanashi Prefectural M u s e u m of A r t , 1982), and O t a g a k i R e n g e t s u ( K y o t o Furitsu Sôgô Shiryôkan, 1984). 33 H o w e v e r , the first comprehensive exhibition devoted to Japanese w o m e n artists of the seventeenth t h r o u g h nineteenth centuries w a s not held until 1988, and it took place in the U n i t e d States. 34 Further studies of w o m e n artists are planned in both the W e s t and in Japan, and it is hoped that these w i l l lead to a more complete understanding of the position of w o m e n in Japanese art history.

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NOTES 1. For further information on individual female artists, the life of women during the Edo period, and a comprehensive bibliography, see Patricia Fister, Japanese Women Artists, 1600-1900 (Lawrence, Kans.: Spencer Museum of Art, 1988). 2. There were various levels of samurai; the shogun and high-ranking feudal lords called daimyo formed what can be termed a samurai elite class, while under them were low- and middle-ranking samurai. 3. Examples of Ozu's writing were disseminated in woodblock-printed books which were used as models for young women to copy. 4. The primary source of information on education in this chapter was R . P. Dore, Education in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965). Since Buddhist temples (tera) had been the traditional centers of education, terako (temple children) came to refer to pupils, and terakoya to schools for commoners, which were often located in private homes or temples. See Dore, 252. 5. Ibid., 254. 6. Kokugaku emphasized the study of Japanese ancient texts and classical literature. It was initiated by scholars wishing to revive native sentiments that predated the introduction of Confucianism and Buddhism. 7. Mori Keizo, Kinsei joryu kajin no kenkyu (A study of women waka poets of the modern era) (Tokyo: Shirotosha Shoya, 1935), 2. 8. The imperial line traced its ancestry back to the sun goddess Amaterasu, and during the Asuka and Nara periods, half of the Japanese rulers were women. 9. For a more comprehensive listing, see Mori Keizo, "Tokugawa jidai no joryu kajin," in Nihonjosei bunka shi (Cultural history of Japanese women), ed. Miwata Gendo, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Zenkoku Koto Gakko Cho Kyokai, 1938-1939), 565-567. See also the table of contents in Aida Hanji's Kinsei joryu hunjin den (Biographies of women literary figures of the modern era) (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, i960). 10. Rengetsu and Shikibu became friends and collaborated in many ways. In 1868 a compendium of their verses was published called the Rengetsu Shikibu nijo waka shu, and they frequently joined in the creation of poem-paintings. 11. Kikusha traveled all over northeastern and central Japan. In addition, it is believed that she visited the Kyoto area seven times and Kyushu four times. 12. For an illustration, see Yoshida Teruji, Ukiyo-e jiten (Dictionary of ukiyo-e), vol. 2 (Tokyo: Gabundo, 1965-1971), 385. 13. Chiyo also had another collection entitled Haikai matsu no koe (Haikai: Voice of a pine) published during her lifetime. 14. For detailed information on poetry collections and other books by women, see Joshi Gakushuin, Joryii chosaku kaidai (Synopsis of literary works by women) (Tokyo: Nihon Tosho Center, 1978). 15. Bunjinga is the Japanese pronunciation of the Chinese characters for "literati painting," wen-jen hua. Nanga is an abbreviation for "southern school painting," referring to the Chinese scholar-artist Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's (1555-1636) theory of the northern and southern schools, in which the southern school represents the literati or scholar-amateurs. 16. Gyokuran was the wife of Ike Taiga (1723-1776), Raikin, the wife of K o Fuyo (1722-1784), and Kankan, the wife of Tani Buncho (1763-1840).

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17. Sui-yiian nii-ti-tzu hsiian was republished in 1820 and again in 1830; the characters in the title were altered slightly so that in Japanese it became known as Zuien jodaiko shisensen. 18. Yukinobu's familial bond to Tan'yu was strengthened by her marriage to another of Tan'yu's pupils. In addition, her mother was Tan'yu's niece. Although Yukinobu probably initially studied painting with her father, there is reason to believe that she also took lessons from her great-uncle Tan'yu as well. 19. In premodern Japan, it was common to add the suffix jo or me to feminine names, written with the character meaning woman. 20. Among Kuniyoshi's works were Kenjo reppuden (Stories of wise and strong women), Kenjo hakkei (Eight views of wise and strong women), Jikkert onna ogi (Ten fans of wise women), Ken'yu fujo kagami (Mirrors of intelligent and strong women), Kokon honcho meijo hyaku den (One hundred stories of famous women of our country, ancient and modern), and Honcho taoyame soroi (Delicate ladies of our country). 21. For a survey of the problems surrounding the origins of onna-e, see Louise McDonald Read, " T h e Masculine and Feminine Modes of Heian Secular Painting and Their Relationship to Chinese Painting" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1975; Ann Arbor, Mich.; University Microfilms International, 1976). 22. See Fister, Japanese Women Artists, no. 7. 23. See ibid., nos. 82, 83, and 84. 24. Yamanaka Rokuhiko, Chiyo-jo to Kikusha-ni (Chiyo-jo and Kikusha-ni) (Kyoto: Jinbun Shoin, 1942), 19-20. 25. For transcription of this letter in English, see Yoko Woodson, Traveling Bunjin Painters and Their Patrons: Economic Life-style and Art of Rai San'yd and Tanomura Chikuden (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1983), 42. 26. Ito Shin, Saiko to Koran (Gifu: Yabase R y u kichi, 1969), 244-245. 27. Fujikake Shizuya, ed., Okuhara Seiko gashit (Collected paintings by Okuhara Seiko) (Tokyo: Kogeisha, 1933), 19. 28. See Fister, Japanese Women Artists, nos. 80 and 81. 29. See Hamada Kengi, The Life of an Amorous Man (Rutland, V t . and Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle C o . , 1964), 185. 30. The patronage of art by Heian-period women is discussed in Chapter 6 of this volume. T w o Edo-period examples were cited above: the courtesan commissioning a special work from Yukinobu, and the wife of a daimyo patronizing Saiko. In addition, Saiko herself collected paintings and calligraphy by twenty-two other female artists which she had mounted together in a handscroll. 31. Three biographical dictionaries of Japanese artists were surveyed, with the following results. Asaoka Okisada's Koga biko (1904) includes just over one hundred women artists (2 percent of the total); Sawada Akira's Nihon gaka jiten (1927) has 144 (3 percent); and Laurance P. Roberts' Dictionary of Japanese Artists (1976) has 34 (1 percent). B y pooling documents from other sources, such as dictionaries of ukiyo-e artists, Ichikawa Taro's Kinseijoryu shodo meika shi den (Biographies of women calligraphers of the modern era) (Tokyo: Kyoiku Shuppansha, 1935), Mori Senzo's Kinsei jinmei roku shusei (Compendium of modern era biographical dictionaries) (Tokyo: Benseisha, 1978), and Takamure Itsue's Dai Nihon josei jinmei jisho (Dictionary of Japanese women) (Tokyo: Koseikaku, 1942) it becomes evident that there were many hundreds of women producing art. 32. Some excellent compendiums of women literary figures are: Aida, Kinseijoryu

Women Artists in Traditional Japan 239 bunjin den; Mori, Kinseijoryû kajin no kenkyû; Ichikawa, Kinsei joryû shodô meika shi den; Nagasawa Mitsu, ed., Nyonin waka taihei (Compendium of women waka poets) (Tokyo: Kazama Shobô, 1968); Kawashima Tsuyu, Joryû haijin (Women haiku poets) (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1957); and Joshi Gakushuin, Joryû chosaku kaidai. 33. The catalogues published in conjunction with these exhibitions are as follows: Tokubetsu ten: Okuhara Seiko ten zuroku (Omiya: Saitama Kenritsu Hakubutsukan, 1978); Tokubetsu chinretsu: Okuhara Seiko (Mitô: Ibaragi Kenritsu Rekishikan, 1988); Noguchi Shdhin ten zuroku (Kôfu: Yamanashi Kenritsu Bijutsukan, 1982); Otagaki Rengetsu: Bakumatsu joryû kajin no shoga to tôgei (Kyoto: Kyoto Furitsu Sôgô Shiryôkan, 1984). 34. The exhibition, Japanese Women Artists, 1600-1900, was organized by the Spencer Museum of Art at the University of Kansas. It was displayed in Lawrence, Kansas, from April 2 to May 22,1988 and at the Honolulu Academy of Arts from September 8 to October 9, 1988. Included in the exhibition were more than ninety paintings, calligraphy, woodblock prints, and ceramics borrowed from museums and private collections in Japan, the United States, and Europe.

GLOSSARY Arakida Rei (1732-1806) i ^ f f l f bunjin 5C A bunjinga Ai®/ Chigetsu (1632?—?I7o6) Chikuzen ai ch'in % chinsö TS b f f t i i & Otagaki Rengetsu (1791-1875) i W i a xi H otoko-e B Otsu ^ R a i San'y5 (1780-1832) ^ f j j f f R i n k u j i Miya ^ j i "g" Rinpa R y o n e n Gens5 (1646-1711) 7 Sasaki Sh5gen -fi ^ ^ H3 7C. shijuku & ShinjStomon'in (1545-1620) £ HP& Shushiki (1669-1725) f k & Sui-yuan nii-ti-tzu hsuan ® ¡fa -JTachihara Ky5sho (1785-1840) &rff Tachihara Shunsa (1814-1855) j t ^ ^ y M

Takabatake Shikibu (1785-1881) I , g Tani Kankan ( 1770-1799) Taorigiku -f- ^ 15 Tatsu (act 1804-1830) & terakoya -^•f-J% Toda p W T ò f u k u m o n ' i n (1607-1678) fS FI TxL T o k u g a w a Hidetada (1578-1632) %% T o k u g a w a Ieyasu (1543-1616) %% Tosa T o y o t o m i Hideyoshi (1536-1598) % g 1st Tsukayama Jfi. il» Tsukioka Settei (1710-1786) fl ISJlTfi Tsunoda Kunisada (1786—1864) # W ® ^ ukiyo-e m ji. U t a g a w a Kuninao (1793-1854) U t a g a w a Kuniyoshi (1797-1861) ffcjll HI % U t a g a w a T o y o k u n i I (1769-1825) waka i o f f c Watanabe Kazan (1793-1841) Y a m a m o t o Hokuzan (1752-1812) il» i t ili Yamazaki R y ü - j o (act early 18th c) ileMjYanagawa Seigan (1789-1858) Yoshida ShGran (1797-1866) "If Wf&Sj Yoshino (1606-1643) "o f f Yoshitama % Í Yiian Mei (Sui-yüan) Bt®) Yuri (1694-1764) "§" &

9 The Three Women of Gion STEPHEN

ADDISS

O n e o f the finest w o m e n painters of the E d o period w a s Ike G y o k u r a n ( 1 7 2 7 / 2 8 1784). H e r story is especially interesting because it also involves her m o t h e r Y u r i (1694-1764) and her grandmother K a j i (dates u n k n o w n ) , b o t h exceptional poets in the classical waka tradition. 1 T o g e t h e r , the " T h r e e W o m e n of G i o n " represent a singular p h e n o m e n o n in Japanese cultural history. A l t h o u g h they lived at a time w h e n w o m e n ' s position w a s extremely restricted, K a j i , Y u r i , and G y o k u r a n maintained their personal and artistic independence w h i l e operating a teahouse in K y o t o ' s G i o n Park. Little is k n o w n of K a j i except that, in the first f e w years of the eighteenth century, she opened her teahouse j u s t south o f the gate of G i o n Park, not far f r o m a popular Shinto shrine. H e r establishment, k n o w n as the M a t s u y a , offered tea at the reasonable rate of ippuku issen (one sen per cup) to customers w h o sat on benches (Fig. 1). T h e G i o n area w a s already a center for entertainments o f various kinds; the teahouse seems to have prospered, w h i l e its proprietor became k n o w n for her skills at poetry. O n e of her verses, w r i t t e n at the age o f thirteen, displays her precocious talent. In this waka, she f o u n d a n e w w a y of utilizing the i m a g e of the N e w Year ( w h i c h usually t o o k place in February) heralding the b e g i n n i n g o f spring. 2 I longed and yearned, but again another year now draws to an end, and all of my frozen tears are sure to melt tomorrow. In 1707 K a j i ' s waka w e r e collected b y the E d o poet M i y a z a k i

Ameishi

(d 1758) in a small v o l u m e called Kaji no ha (Paper mulberry [Kaji] leaves), w i t h occasional illustrations b y the K y o t o textile designer and dyer M i y a z a k i Y u z e n (I654?-?I736). T h e poems are primarily about love, and often have a melancholy flavor.

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Fig. 1. Mikuma Katen (1730-1794). The Matsuya Teahouse. Woodblock book illustration, ink on paper, 25.5 x 15.9 cm. Private collection.

Only painfully can I bear to recall the days I have endured, when at my lonely bedside his shadowed image appears. In her nature and travel poems, K a j i simultaneously captures a particular seasonal m o o d and hints at her o w n emotional state. F o r example, another waka evokes the autumn sound of a w o m a n beating cloth on the fulling block. As night is fading, I stay awake with the sounds of a humble woman pounding and fulling her cloth— sojourn at a grasslands inn. There is a deliberate a m b i g u i t y here; w e w o n d e r w h e t h e r K a j i stays awake because of the sound of the fulling b l o c k , or because an unhappy love affair keeps her f r o m sleep. A sense of loneliness unites the c o u n t r y w o m a n and the poet f r o m K y o t o , both a w a k e deep into the n i g h t .

The Three Women of Gion 2 4 3 Kaji used the word shizunome, meaning " a humble w o m a n " or " a peasant woman," in another waka which again shows a sympathy with the lot of the hard-working farm wife. A humble woman works in the rice paddy ponds, but she has no time to see her own reflection as she transplants young rice sprouts. Seen from the perspective of an independent Kyoto woman running her own business and achieving success as a poet, this waka has several layers of meaning. On one hand, Kaji can sympathize with the difficult life of the farm woman who has no time to look at her reflection, something a fashionable woman of the city might do several times a day. On the other hand, Kaji may also see value in a life without pretense or vanity, with the further suggestion that the humble woman has no worries about love. Another poem by Kaji again shows her ability to appreciate the minor and yet characteristic moments of country life, perhaps all the more distinctive to a woman who lived amid the bustle of Kyoto's entertainment area. The crunching footsteps in the winter snow of the traveler at dawn can be heard from my pillow at the rustic roadside inn. This can be taken merely as a pleasant verse about a winter dawn, but there are also underlying questions evoked by the poem. Did Kaji wake up early, or had she lain awake all night? Is it even possible that the traveler in the poem had left her own bedside a few moments earlier?3 In any event, we are made aware not only of the external world, but also of the solitary inner world of the poet. These waka show Kaji to be accomplished in a form of poetry that had already gone through more than a thousand years of development in Japan. By writing in the classical courtly tradition, she was eschewing the new poetic world of haiku popularized by the slightly earlier master Matsuo Basho (1644-1694). Instead, Kaji added a personal voice to a form of verse that had become somewhat stale in the hands of the court poets of the time. Less bound to tradition than other practitioners of waka, she was able to infuse in her works a vitality that was not always apparent in the verse of other poets of her generation. Examples of Kaji's calligraphy are now rare, but what remains shows a strong and lively brushwork that matches her personality. An example of a shi-

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kishi (square poem card) on decorated paper displays bold variations b e t w e e n thick and thin lines, a lively sense of movement in w h i c h brushstrokes twist this w a y and that and w o r d s g r o w smaller or larger, and especially a passionate sense of energy as characters sometimes run into each other (see Plate 6). T h e p o e m , "Waiting for Spring Blossoms," contrasts the darkness of dreams w i t h the brightness of cherry blossoms. As I wait, even in the darkness of my dreaming, I have visions of the cherry blossoms at Katano no mino. Kaji does not seem to have married, but in the early eighteenth century she adopted a gifted daughter named Y u r i . N o t h i n g is k n o w n of Y u r i ' s early background except that she may have come f r o m Edo; of her accomplishments, w e k n o w more. A s w e l l as b e c o m i n g a proficient manager of the Matsuya teahouse, she was adept at music, needlework, calligraphy, and especially waka poetry, w h i c h she learned from her adopted mother and for w h i c h she became famous. Y u r i ' s w o r k s were published in a b o o k entitled Sayuriba (Leaves from a y o u n g lily) in 1727, w h e n she w a s thirty-three years old. W h a t w e k n o w of Y u r i ' s life is due to the interest of the later poet and historian R a i San'yo. H e w r o t e a short biography of her w h i c h has been translated in full b y B u r t o n W a t s o n . 4 San'yo gathered most of his information f r o m the m o n k Yamaoka Geppo, a pupil of Gyokuran's husband Ike Taiga, so w e can assume that although the tale may have been slightly romanticized, the information is essentially correct. A c c o r d i n g to this charming biography, Y u r i was exceptionally attractive but had only one lover, the y o u n g e r son of the T o k u y a m a samurai family f r o m Edo. This y o u n g man w a s intelligent and talented but penniless, and while living in K y o t o he depended upon Y u r i for his support. Their affair lasted for a decade, resulting in the birth of a daughter, first called Machi, w h o later became k n o w n as G y o k u r a n . O n e day the y o u n g man learned that his elder brother had suddenly died; he was urgently requested to come back to Edo to take charge of his family. H e wished to take Y u r i w i t h h i m , but she refused despite her great love for him. In San'yo's account, she tells her lover: " Y o u and I have been very close for ten years, and now in one morning to part like drifting duckweed or tumbling grasses will be a hard thing to bear indeed. But you are going home to a place of honor, and if you were to appear dragging some woman along with you, I'm afraid you would invite unfavorable comment . . . I have enjoyed much love—more than I deserve— and it would be impossible for me not to leap with joy at the thought of

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accompanying you. The reason I cannot comply with your command is that you have been chosen to carry on the ancestral line of a distinguished family and must select a person of proper standing to be your mate. No roadside cherry or willow such as I would do for plucking. If I were to be so rash as to accompany you and prolong our alliance, I would bring disgrace not only to you, but to your ancestors as well . . . I have pondered the matter deeply day and night, and I believe that parting from you today is the best way to insure a fitting close to the love and kindness you have shown me for these ten years . . . All I have to rely upon is this one child, and while I see her I seem to see you as well." 5 N o t h i n g the young man could say would change Yuri's mind; considering the feudal social order of the times and the lowly position of most w o m e n , she was no doubt correct in her assessment of the situation. Yuri seems to have had no more lovers, but devoted herself to the teahouse, her daughter, and her poetry. W h i l e she generally continued the waka tradition of her mother, Yuri's verses have a special flavor of purity and renunciation. Just like the dewdrops beaded into a long thread on the willow leaves, this pledge I have now taken will remain deep in my heart. Even w h e n her poems are ostensibly about nature rather than her o w n feelings, one senses a refinement in Yuri's waka that suggests an emotional distance f r o m the cares of the world. This doubtless came from her steadfast devotion to the single love that had led to an ultimate parting. O n e of her winter poems, for example, must certainly apply to her o w n emotional state of being. The flowing waters are now completely covered with a sheet of ice— this melancholy morning, the little stream has no voice. Compared to Kaji's warmer but often forlorn poems, Yuri's waka have a coolness and clarity that are intensified by her inner strength. By operating a popular teahouse, Kaji and Yuri were able to meet a great assortment of people f r o m every station of life. This no doubt increased their range of experience during an age when w o m e n were usually limited to the roles of farm wife working in the fields, city wife confined to the home, or courtesan. O n e of Yuri's highest-ranking friends was the court noble Reizei Tamemura. H e

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served Yuri as a teacher and critic of her poetry, and this association was of great importance to her artistic development. She would visit him at the appropriate seasons with small gifts and show him poems for his comments, which seem to have been generally kind and encouraging. One of Yuri's rare extant calligraphic works is an introduction and waka dedicated to Tamemura (Fig. 2). For Reizei Tamemura: a poem offered with chimaki [a rice dumpling] covered with an arrowroot leaf.6 Too humble a gift is this jadelike arrowroot's flower coronet— yet for how many autumns have I made this offering? The calligraphy of this work gives us a further avenue of insight into Yuri's character. Although generally restrained in composition, it is confident and relaxed in execution, especially for a work presented to a court noble. The characters are in differing sizes and are further enlivened by their slightly aslant placements, frequently tilting to the right or left. The variation in line width also adds to the total sense of spontaneity; the final three characters can serve as an example. The first starts with a wide line that becomes extremely attenuated before

Fig. 2. Gion Yuri. Waka for Reizei Tamemura. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 30.2 x 33.6 cm. Shoka Collection.

1

j

I

The Three Women of Gion 2 4 7 leading to the small, seemingly unbalanced right half of the form. The next character is thin and tilts to the left, while the final "ya" is wide and short, balancing a sharp stroke vertically on the left with an elegant horizontal varied-width curve of the brush. This is clearly the writing of a well-trained calligrapher. At the same time, it displays a natural and unself-conscious artistry which makes no effort at patterned regularity or outward attractiveness of effect. In comparison, the calligraphy of Reizei Tamemura is much more carefully organized within the established tradition of Fujiwara Teika (1162-1241) and Kobori Enshu (1579-1647). A tanzaku (tall, thin poem card) by Tamemura demonstrates the extreme variation of line width characteristic of his style (Fig. 3). The balance of each character within the total composition is masterfully handled and the brushwork is entirely smooth and confident. Tamemura was an influential calligrapher, as were several members of his family, but he represents expertise in a traditional style rather than the personal freedom of expression that can be seen in the work of Yuri. Late in her life Yuri seems to have practiced calligraphy at the Matsuya, writing out, at the request of a patron, either classical waka or her own verse. 7 Unfortunately, these works were usually treated as ephemera, and only a few examples are still extant. During her final illness, Yuri composed a last waka. Gyokuran did not want to transcribe it, hoping that her mother would recover, so Yuri herself wrote it on a piece of old paper she found by her bed. When living purely, the heart is like a shining moon which casts no shadows— not knowing the seasons pass, flowers bloom eternally. Yuri's daughter, Gyokuran, was different in several significant respects from her mother or grandmother. First, she was the only one of the three who did not have an adopted or natural child, and second she seems to have been the only one to marry. Direct evidence for a ceremony, however, has not come to light. In addition, she became more famous as a painter than as a poet. Her verse was issued posthumously, in 1910, in a volume entitled Shirofuyo (White mallow) which contained only 19 poems, far fewer than the published collections of 120 poems by Kaji and 159 by Yuri. Although poetry was not the most important of the arts for Gyokuran, 8 she was far from untalented as a poet, and it is instructive to compare her waka with those of her mother and grandmother. Gyokuran's verses are almost exclusively nature studies rather than love poems. She was sharply observant, and able to achieve a quality of synesthesia, as in the following poem which combines color and scent.

Fig. 3. Reizei Tamemura (1712-1774). Waha on a Tanzaku. Tanzaku, ink on decorated paper, 6.4 x 35.9 cm. Private collection.

T h e T h r e e Women of G i o n 2 4 9 Its purple richness, deepened by the reflection of the iris plants, sends forth a varied fragrance— the little pond in our yard. Another poem about her pond, rather an unusual subject for waka, finds cleanliness and innocence in a homely setting. No impurities— we see the duckweed's shadow at the clear bottom; the water has so long been pristine in our yard's small pond. These poems have a different flavor than those of Kaji or Yuri, reflecting, perhaps, Gyokuran's happy marriage and carefree domestic life. They celebrate daily life rather than passion or renunciation, and have a feeling of contentment that is somewhat rare in the waka tradition. The best way to understand the poetic styles of the " T h r e e W o m e n of G i o n " is to compare their verses on the same subject. They each w r o t e on the theme of the cuckoo (hototogisu), one of the few birds that sings as it flies. Kaji suggests in her poem that she is waiting all night long for an absent lover w h o will not come to her, leaving her to listen for the call of the cuckoo. Waiting is anguish— and painful too not to hear the voice of the cuckoo; in which of the villages will it first call out its song? Yuri suggests a similar feeling of loneliness, but less sense of personal involvement. Instead, she has a knifelike sharpness of imagery It cried once and left, no one knowing where it went, the lonely cuckoo— was it in my reverie that single call split the night? Gyokuran's poem seems to follow her mother's lead, but its tone is more serene.

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When the summer night comes to its deepening end, will the cuckoo's voice again shatter the silence with its own singular cry? All three poets have chosen the traditional imagery of a cuckoo calling late at night, frequently a metaphor for human passion, but the temperaments of the women are distinct in their varied approaches to the subject. Kaji's verse most clearly evokes the longing of an unhappy lover. Y u r i suggests the dreamlike nature of the single romance in her life, while Gyokuran, less emotionally and more naturalistically, awaits the repeat of the cuckoo's song. A second comparison represents the three women's individual sensibilities even more clearly. They each wrote a waka upon the theme of fireflies (hotaru), with Kaji again writing about spurned love. Flaming as they pass, the fireflies of the swamp— I would show them to an uncaring lover as my overflowing feelings. Y u r i does not express this sadness, but rather a deeper pain caused by her single love affair's unhappy ending. Never extinguished can be the suffering that I will always feel— I am like the firefly that has scorched its own body. Gyokuran avoids mention of love entirely, and instead writes a small but redolent observation of nature. Summer evening— over the shallow swampland, shining upon the waters are the entangled reflections of fireflies. W i t h her gift for natural observation and disinterest in romantic melancholy, it is not surprising that Gyokuran turned to painting as her major artistic activity. While continuing to help her mother operate the tea shop, she was

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given lessons by the artist Yanagisawa Kien (also known as R y u Rikyo), a fascinating personage in early-eighteenth-century society. A man of great curiosity and broad interests, Kien had himself been taught painting as a child by a master of the orthodox Kano school. Finding this style had lost its creative impulse, he investigated various forms of Chinese brushwork from more recent centuries, as yet little known in Japan. Although considered one of the pioneers of the nanga (literati) school, Kien was equally interested in more professional traditions such as the bird-and-flower painting style brought to Japan in the early 1730s by the Chinese artist Shen Nan-p'in. Rather than forming a particular personal style, Kien preferred to paint a variety of subjects in a wide range of brushwork traditions. Kien took an interest in his young pupil, giving her the art name Gyokuran, which means "jade waves," and beginning her instruction in painting in the literati style. It was, however, a young man who tried to sell his fans in Gion Park who was to teach Gyokuran the nanga tradition. This was Ike Taiga, one of the greatest masters in the history of Japanese brushwork. While his talents made him famous later in his life, according to Rai San'yo's account it was Yuri who first recognized the young artist's genius. Encouraged by her mother, Gyokuran first studied with and later apparently married Taiga. Perhaps the wedding took place after Taiga's mother, to whom he was devoted, died.9 Taiga and Gyokuran seem to have led a happy and extremely bohemian life together in Yuri's rustic hut on the edge of Gion Park. With Reizei Tamemura the young couple studied waka poetry. In this art Gyokuran was the more well versed (and perhaps more talented) and so she helped to teach her husband. There are a number of charming anecdotes about the two artists. Since they are quite different from the usual stories about painters, they may be accepted either as facts or as indications of how contemporaries understood Taiga and Gyokuran as people. 10 T w o of these anecdotes relate to Reizei Tamemura. In one, Taiga and Gyokuran visited the courtier at his elegant Kyoto home; Gyokuran, wearing a cotton kimono and straw sandals, brought a basket of fish as a gift. Her costume and gift were considered inappropriate but charming. In future years, they brought with them young green herbs as a New Year's offering, inspiring Tamemura to compose a waka.11 Fresh-picked young green herbs with a branch of plum blossoms— color and fragrance combine in these tender plants to show the heart of springtime. According to the other anecdote, Tamemura gave Gyokuran a gift of white hand towels and a red apron, the latter of which she wore proudly both on ceremonial visits to the imperial palace and while serving tea at the Matsuya.

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It was this serene indifference to social mores and status that seems to have distinguished the lives of Taiga and Gyokuran. 1 2 They cared little for money; Taiga habitually carried around coins to give to the less fortunate. One day he accidently left a sizable sum of money on a boat. When Gyokuran went out to discover where he had lost his wallet, she found it on the boat, but returned home without bothering to collect the money. Taiga and Gyokuran not only painted, practiced calligraphy, and composed poems, they also enjoyed making music together. Along with Kien and Yuri, they were included in the book of unusual Kyoto personalities Kinsei kijin den (Lives of modern eccentrics, Kyoto) (1790). 1 3 An illustration in this volume by Mikuma Katen shows the couple in their room, which is strewn with paintings, calligraphy, brushes, books, and sculpture (Fig. 4). Gyokuran is playing the koto, a thirteen-stringed zither, while the unshaven Taiga plays a miniature biwa (fourstringed lute). In the illustration they are clothed; but apparently they also enjoyed playing music naked. Furthermore, they occasionally wore each other's clothes, putting on whatever was handy.

Fig. 4. Mikuma Katen (1730-1794). Taiga and Gyokuran in Their Home. Woodblock book illustration, ink on paper, 25.5 x 15.9 cm. Private collection.

The Three Women of Gion 253 Gyokuran did not, as was customary for married w o m e n , shave her eyebrows. This may be one reason that she was sometimes considered old-fashioned and homely. 1 4 Although the couple seemed to be totally beyond worldly cares, art remained important. In another anecdote Taiga went out one day to paint but forgot his brushes. Gyokuran hurried after him, and when she gave him the brushes, Taiga held them over his head and bowed l o w to her in salutation. Without either one saying a w o r d , Gyokuran returned home. Taiga and Gyokuran were extremely hospitable to their friends. Once when a guest had come from a distance, he was invited to spend the night. He did not realize he had been given the only futon (quilted covering) until the next morning, when he found Taiga rolled up in a rug and Gyokuran covered with painting paper and silk. W h a t most impressed the people of their time was the couple's sincerity of feeling, which appears constantly in their art. Taiga was, from his youth, a prodigy with the brush. His works, despite their great variety of subjects and styles, have an enthusiasm and j o y that are unmistakable. Gyokuran's works share some of that feeling of j o y , but while her paintings are equally free in spirit, they have a quiet beauty rather than the full dramatic bravura of Taiga. A t least half of her extant works are fan paintings, a format in which both she and her husband excelled. Unlike Taiga, she often added poems in Japanese rather than Chinese to her paintings, achieving her o w n union of painting, poetry, and calligraphy. She did not add dates to her works, so a chronological assessment cannot be made, but a number of features of her brushwork style can be mentioned. Beginning with calligraphy, Gyokuran shows in her character formation and lineament some features of the styles of both her mother, Y u r i , and her teacher,

Fig. 5. Ike Gyokuran. Two Waka on Maple Leaves at Mount Tatsuta. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 15.9 x 39.7 cm. Private collection.

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Tamemura. Figure 5 illustrates Gyokuran's pair of waka on the theme of viewing maple leaves on Tatsuta-yama, a mountain near Nara famous for its autumn foliage; Princess Tatsuta is the goddess of autumn. The princess of Mount Tatsuta dyes the colors time and time again, deepening the richness of the autumn foliage. Mount Tatsuta is turning to a rich brocade— after a shower the autumn maple leaves intensify their colors. In its free use of varying line-width, this calligraphy is similar to that of Yuri. Gyokuran's more stable total composition, however, shows the influence of Tamemura. With a writing style more controlled and slightly more ornate than that of her mother, Gyokuran conveys a more direct sense of conscious artistry. Like Taiga, Gyokuran was very fond of painting the "four gentlemen"— bamboo, plum blossoms, orchids, and chrysanthemums. The subjects had long been favored by the Chinese literati and identified with virtues of the sage. Bamboo, for example, bends but does not break in the wind, and shows its fortitude by remaining green all winter. Gyokuran painted bamboo in several different styles, 15 but for fan paintings she favored an unusual triangular leaf shape combined with a few long, thin leaves and slender branches. 16 Plate 7 shows what must be one of her earlier works in this style, as it bears an inscription in waka form by her mother Yuri. Alluding to the timeless virtues of bamboo, the poem invokes Yuri's faithfulness to her lover. I repeat my vow in unchanging colors of the ageless bamboo— which still creates ten thousand generations of shadows. As a collaborative work of mother and daughter, this piece is rare if not unique in East Asian art history. Here it seems as though Gyokuran's bamboo leaves are bending and beckoning toward the poem in a filial salute, while Yuri's waka remains modestly poised on the left side of the fan. Gyokuran's signature, just to the right of the poem, shows her slightly more baroque calligraphy in comparison to the free but restrained hand of her mother. The placement of the

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artist's seals to become part of the pictorial imagery is a special feature of paintings by both Taiga and Gyokuran, but the spirit of this work is more quietly personal than the dynamic bamboo paintings of Taiga. Although her first painting teacher was Kien, the major influence upon Gyokuran's painting was that of her husband. Yet the styles of Taiga and Gyokuran are quite distinct, as can be seen in a comparison of their fan paintings of orchids, each utilizing mica-covered paper so that the ink could create tonal variations as it dried. Both artists show complete command of the brush and ink, and both have incorporated calligraphy into the total design. In Taiga's case, his signature becomes part of the flowers, featuring long elegant horizontal lines that echo the shapes of the orchid leaves (Fig. 6). There is some feeling of enclosure in the composition of his fan, but perhaps what is most notable is the exuberance of the artist. It is as though Taiga could not restrain himself from painting on and beyond the fan surface with bold strokes that affirm his delight in brushwork for its own sake. In Gyokuran's fan, her own waka poem begins under the protection of orchid leaves and floats down gently to the lower left of the fan surface (Fig. 7). The feeling of enclosure is here stronger than in the work of her husband, and the most salient quality is gracefulness rather than dynamism. Leaves extend slightly beyond the picture plane, but they do not suggest a bursting forth of nature, rather a serene elegance. Gyokuran also did a number of landscape paintings that display her individual style. One handsome example, possibly from later in her life, demonstrates an absolutely equal balance on the fan surface between painting and calligraphy (Fig. 8). The subject is the Japanese scenic spot of Akashi Bay, here rendered with great simplicity. 17 Three series of umbrellalike tree forms extend out horizontally on land spits over the fan surface, slightly echoing the curve of the format; three

Fig. 6. Ike Taiga (1723-1776). Orchid Fan. Fan, ink on mica paper, 23.0 x 50.8 cm. Shoka Collection.

Fig. 7. Ike Gyokuran. Orchid Fan with Waka Poem. Fan, ink on mica paper, 21.7 x 43.1 cm. Private collection.

Fig. 8. Ike Gyokuran. Akashi Bay. Fan on hanging scroll, ink on mica paper, 17.6 x 44.8 cm. Shöka Collection.

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small boats above the trees are m o v i n g w i t h the w i n d . G y o k u r a n has utilized the mica-coated paper surface t o a l l o w a fine shading o f ink tones f r o m deep black to v e r y light gray. B e g i n n i n g j u s t t o the r i g h t o f center, the p o e m b o l d l y unfurls; the third line begins w i t h the character for " m o o n , " w h i c h itself b e c o m e s a lunar vision over the trees. O n Akashi Bay this evening's moon is now glittering brightly— boats out on the waters are sailing to the distant sea. T h i s integration o f poetry, calligraphy, and painting has l o n g been a feature o f the scholarly artistic tradition. In Japanese literati w o r k s , h o w e v e r , C h i n e s e rather than Japanese poetry has almost a l w a y s been utilized. G y o k u r a n ' s achievem e n t w a s n o t o n l y to f o r m a personal style w i t h i n ttanga, b u t t o ally it t o her m o t h e r ' s and g r a n d m o t h e r ' s waka p o e t r y tradition, p r o d u c i n g w o r k s quite n e w and fresh in the w o r l d o f Japanese art. O t h e r painters certainly mastered the c o m bination o f Japanese p o e t r y and p a i n t i n g , b o t h in waka and haiga (haiku-painting) f o r m s . Nevertheless, it w a s G y o k u r a n w h o c o m b i n e d a creative tianga style w i t h waka poems in a unique blend that has assured her a place in the history o f her c o u n t r y ' s art. A l t h o u g h m o s t o f her e x t a n t w o r k s are fan paintings, a l b u m leaves, or small-size h a n g i n g scrolls, G y o k u r a n also w o r k e d in larger scale. 1 8 H e r e the influence o f Taiga is especially apparent. She k e p t until her death a large album o f landscape painting models he had painted f o r her; the album w a s published in w o o d b l o c k f o r m in 1804 under the title Taigado gaho (Taiga's p a i n t i n g m e t h o d s ) . T h e three-volume set begins w i t h an o p e n i n g description, " G a s h i n "

(Painting

deity), w r i t t e n in elegant seal script b y Taiga's friend K o F u y o . A t the close is an e p i l o g u e b y the C o n f u c i a n scholar and artist M i n a g a w a K i e n (not t o be confused w i t h G y o k u r a n ' s first painting teacher, Y a n a g i s a w a K i e n ) . T h e e p i l o g u e recounts that the gaho contains painting m e t h o d s f o r r o c k s , trees, and m o u n t a i n s painted b y Taiga for G y o k u r a n , w h o kept the original album privately and did not s h o w it t o others; after her death, it w a s sold for a large sum. T h e r e are seventy-eight designs in the three v o l u m e s , a f e w printed in color b u t the great m a j o r i t y in i n k . A n u m b e r o f different themes and landscape styles are included, all utilized b y Taiga b u t o n l y some of w h i c h can be seen in G y o k u r a n ' s w o r k . A l t h o u g h this album w a s presumably a s t r o n g influence u p o n G y o k u r a n , her paintings s h o w h o w w e l l she assimilated Taiga's style and h o w distinctly she c o u l d display her o w n talents and personality. For e x a m p l e , she frequently used a m e t h o d o f adding t e x t u r e strokes t o mountains b y u t i l i z i n g thin, c u r v i n g , w i g g l y lines. In the gaho, Taiga gives several examples o f these " o x - h a i r

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Fig. 9. Ike Taiga (1716-1776). Mountain with Ox-hair Wrinkles. Woodblock book illustration, ink on paper, 28.0 x 19.7 cm. Private collection. wrinkles," one of which is shown in Figure 9. W h e n Gyokuran painted them, however, they show a quite different touch, such as in her landscape Excursion to the Hills (Fig. 10). In this somewhat formal painting with colors on silk, the main mountain mass as well as several smaller hillocks in the lower right are textured by "ox-hair wrinkles." In contrast with Taiga's album, however, the small inner lines bend and wriggle less, are often broken by stronger outlines, and create shapes that are more contained. In addition, Gyokuran used more dots than did her husband, while omitting the small trees seen in the album page. The result seems less playful and less concerned with brushwork for its o w n sake. Despite the overlapping shapes that Gyokuran clearly rendered with strong, curving, variable-width outlines, the mountain mass forms a single unit. Excursion to the Hills, which may have been inspired by a poem of the T ' a n g master T u M u , 1 9 displays other features that can frequently be seen in Gyokuran's larger works. T h e brushwork style, which in Taiga's hands always maintained some organic roots in nature, here becomes patterned to give a feeling of fantasy.

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The two pairs of figures, the meandering spits of land that make up the shoreline, and the strong countering diagonals of the composition all suggest a world that exists only in the painter's imagination. Some critics might conclude that Gyokuran was more effective in small formats, but these larger works have their own charm, often enhanced by a sensitive use of pale, pure colors. 20 Taiga's landscapes reach out to us with a bold appeal, but Gyokuran's draw us into her inner world with its own poetic vision. Taiga's fifth-generation follower Taigado Teiryo (1839-d aft 1910) commented that there may have been other women artists w h o surpassed Gyokuran in technical skill, but none who were more deeply respected. 21 The artistry of Gyokuran was the culmination of the unique talents of the " T h r e e Women of G i o n . " Well accepted as an artist during her lifetime, Gyokuran was listed as a painter of the Gion area in the first three editions of the Heian jimbutsu shi (Who's w h o in Kyoto) (1768, 1775, and 1782). Her basic painting style derived from that of her husband, but her sense of personal freedom was doubtless inspired by her mother and grandmother. Within a society in which women's roles were severely limited, Kaji, Yuri, and Gyokuran were indepen-

« M H H M M M K

Fig. 10. Ike Gyokuran. Excursion to the Hills.

Hanging scroll, ink and color on silk, 35.6 x 26.0 cm. Private collection.

2 6 o

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dent both artistically and financially. It is significant that after the death of Taiga in 1776, G y o k u r a n continued b o t h to paint and to operate the family teahouse. 2 2 In 1778 G y o k u r a n had poems b y K a j i and Y u r i engraved on marker stones w h i c h were placed near her house at the north side of the temple Sorinji as an offering for the repose of their souls. 23 W h e n G y o k u r a n died in 1784, she was buried not w i t h her husband but in the gravesite reserved for her maternal family. 2 4 In histories of Japanese painting G y o k u r a n was until recently usually included in short sections on w o m e n artists rather than as part of the nanga tradition; 2 5 nevertheless, her w o r k s have been continuously praised and collected. Today, as her paintings are featured in nanga exhibitions and published in catalogues and journals, she is emerging not only as a member of the Taiga tradition, but also as a unique artist. T h e " T h r e e W o m e n of G i o n " have become part of Japan's artistic heritage. K a j i , Y u r i , and G y o k u r a n added fresh voices to the age-old waka tradition; in

Fig. 11. " K a j i " injidai matsuri parade. Photograph by Stephen Addiss.

T h e T h r e e W o m e n of G i o n

261

addition, they became models for creative w o m e n w h o wished to preserve their independence. G y o k u r a n also became an outstanding nanga artist, learning the literati painting style f r o m K i e n and Taiga w h i l e maintaining the poetic traditions of her mother and grandmother. She thus created a n e w and unique genre in nanga in w h i c h the " f o u r g e n t l e m e n " and landscape subjects from the Chinese tradition could be combined w i t h Japanese waka verse. For their achievements, K a j i , Y u r i , and G y o k u r a n have remained a m o n g the most admired of Edo-period personalities. In 1910 the Gion sanjo kashii (Poem collection of the Three W o m e n of Gion) was published, printing their verses w i t h a w o o d b l o c k design of the Matsuya teahouse at the G i o n shrine; 26 the poems have been reprinted several times since. Furthermore, in one of the great K y o t o yearly events, the Jidai matsuri (Festival of the Ages), y o u n g w o m e n proudly march as Kaji (Fig. 11) and G y o k u r a n (Fig. 12). Japan has been slower than some countries in the West to respond to femi-

Fig. 12. "Gyokuran" in Jidai matsuri parade. Photograph by Stephen Addis s.

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nist interests. T h i s has n o t diminished the role o f the " T h r e e W o m e n o f G i o n " ; on the c o n t r a r y , it has made t h e m even m o r e i m p o r t a n t as symbols of w o m e n ' s independence, courage, and artistic accomplishment. K a j i , Y u r i , and G y o k u r a n achieved their u n i q u e place in Japanese cultural h i s t o r y b y steadfastly f o l l o w i n g their o w n course in the midst o f an active urban society, recording their poetic and artistic vision f o r their o w n and later generations t o admire and enjoy.

NOTES 1. I would like to thank Midori Deguchi, Patricia Fister, Larry Marceau, Joseph Seubert, and Fumiko Yamamoto for their helpful suggestions on this material. 2. Translations are mine unless otherwise credited. 3. The words "yuku hito" can mean either " a passerby" or " a person leaving." 4. Burton Watson, Japanese Literature in Chinese, vol. 2 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 162-170. 5. Ibid., 164-165. 6. Yuri's dwelling in Gion Park was known for its arrowroot vines. 7. Mori Senzo, Mori Senzo chosakushii (Collected writings of Mori Senzo), vol. 3 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1981), 33. 8. It must be remembered, however, that a larger number of unpublished waka by Gyokuran exist upon her extant paintings and calligraphic works. 9. For a thorough study of the rather contradictory accounts of Taiga's life, see Melinda Takeuchi, " I k e Taiga: A Biographical Study," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 43, no. 1 (June 1983): 141-186. 10. These anecdotes are gathered in Hitomi Shoka, " G y o k u r a n , " Ike Taigado henkyu happyo (Research reports about Ike Taiga), no. 2 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1938). 11. This poem is sometimes listed as composed for Kaji, but given the age differences this seems unlikely. 12. For example, the monk Tankai Daiten (1719-1801) wrote for Taiga's grave inscription in 1776 that Gyokuran's "tranquil and unassuming manner matches her husband's conduct" (see Takeuchi, " I k e Taiga," 180). 13. Ban Kokei, Kinsei kijin den (Lives of modern eccentrics) (1790; reprint, Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1940). 14. See Mori, Mori Senzo chosakushii, 28. 15. For an example with thick stalks and long vertically extended leaves in the style of Obaku Kakutei (1722-1785), see Nanga to shaseiga (Tokyo: Suntory Bijutsukan, 1981), 916. For another example, see Suzuki Susumu, "Taiga to Gyokuran," Kobijutsu, no. 44 (Apr. 1944): 33. 17. T w o other fan paintings on this theme by Gyokuran are illustrated in ibid., 30. 18. She does not, however, seem to have painted through-composed screens. T w o pairs of her six-panel screens are known to me, one in the Biwako Bunkakan and the other in the Yabumoto Collection, Hyogo; in each case there are separate paintings on each panel. Gyokuran's largest single composition may be a set of four fusuma with a landscape design, now in the Naito Collection.

The Three Women of Gion 263 19. See Yoshizawa Chu, "Furin teishaku" (A painting of halting a carriage by maples), Kokka, no. 885 (Dec. 1965): 20. 20. A delightful set of Landscapes of the Four Seasons in the Freer Gallery displays Gyokuran's range of landscape styles and her adroit use of colors. These four scrolls, which were published in Kokka, no. 758, bear poetic inscriptions in Chinese by Taiga's friends and followers K o Fuyo, Kimura Kenkado (1736-1802), Fukuhara Gogaku (17301799), and Yoshinori Hakuun (1764-1825), attesting to the respect paid to Gyokuran as a painter. 21. Hitomi, " G y o k u r a n , " 16. 22. She may also have become a teacher of calligraphy; see Mori, Mori Senzo chosakushii, 22. 23. These stones are still preserved in the temple, but the carving is no longer sharp and clear. 24. Gyokuran's gravestone can still be seen in the cemetary attached to Kurodani temple in the foothills of eastern Kyoto. 25. See, for example, Umezawa Seiichi, Nihon nanga shi (Japanese nanga history) (Tokyo: Rakuto Shoten, 1919). 26. Gion sanjo kashu (Anthology of poems by the three women of Gion) (Kyoto: Gion Furyu, 1910).

GLOSSARY "Gashin" Gion sanjo kashü Gyokuran (1727/28-1784) i hotaru % hototogisu >f±3.| Ike Taiga ( 1 7 2 3 - 1 7 7 6 ) A^t Kaji fe Kaji no ha Kinsei kijin den Ur-ffi-®^ Afs K o Fuyo (1722-1784) ^ ^ Matsuya Mikuma Katen (1730-1794) Äfe ijt

Minagawa Kien (1734-1807) R a i San'yo ( 1 7 8 0 - 1 8 3 2 ) ^ J j If Reizei Tamemura ( 1 7 1 2 - 1 7 7 4 ) Sayuriba Shirofuyö shizunome Sörinji Taigadö gaho ^ jt >£ tanzaku waka fa Yanagisawa Kien (1706-1758) Yuri (1694-1764) "S"-q

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10 The Life and Art of Chó Koran PATRICIA

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Today in the small town of Ogaki (Gifu prefecture), near the temple Kakeiji, stands a memorial hall dedicated to Yanagawa Seigan and his wife Cho Koran (1804-1879).1 Visitors being infrequent, a foreign guest is greeted with bows and smiles. Enthusiastically inviting me in for a cup of tea, the wife of the temple priest proudly brought out numerous books containing information on Koran. In her own day Koran had been famous as a poet, calligrapher, and painter, as well as for the antigovernment sentiments she shared with her husband. Both played significant roles in the loyalist movement to restore power to the emperor, but Koran outlived Seigan to witness the overwhelming changes which took place in Japan at the end of the nineteenth century. As this priest's wife, a tiny, energetic old woman, excitedly related anecdotes about the unusual woman artist, it became apparent that Koran is still a local celebrity. Because she married a free-spirited poet, Koran's life did not follow the conventional pattern for a woman in nineteenth-century Japan. "Cooking is only for old women—with no set purpose, I aimlessly travel all around," 2 she wrote in an early poem. She further expressed her unconventional nature by using seals reading "Extra things besides needle and thread," referring to her painting and calligraphy. Koran spent a good deal of her time traveling with her husband, keeping company with some of the great intellectuals of the day. Although she experienced difficulty at first, Koran gradually adapted to a bohemian life-style, and as the years went on devoted more and more of her time to reading and composing poetry, painting, and playing the Chinese seven-stringed ch'in (zither). One of the many recognized and appreciated women artists to emerge from the bunjin world, she painted for her own enjoyment and stimulation and her artistic life was closely linked with poetry and scholarship.3 The daughter of a country samurai in the village of Sone in Mino province (present-day Gifu prefecture), as a child Koran learned to read and write Chinese from her great-uncle, who served as a priest at the temple Kakeiji. 4 Such early training was unusual for a woman, and Koran was fortunate to have had openminded parents. Women were usually denied formal education and provided

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instead with moral instruction books aimed at instilling Confucian virtues and "creating a type of woman convenient for the smooth functioning of the feudal system." The influence of Confucianism and the feudal system on Japanese women is discussed elsewhere in this volume (see Introduction and Chapter 8), but the conservative position on women's education is quintessentially summed up in a statement by Matsudaira Sadanobu, a leading government official of the time: " A woman does not need to bother with learning; she has nothing to do but be obedient." 5 Koran's mother died when she was only thirteen,6 a factor which may have contributed to her adopting a more independent and masculine life-style. The next year she was permitted to enroll at a private village school, the Rikasonso (Pear Flower Villa) established by Yanagawa Seigan. 7 Three years later, at the age of seventeen, Koran married her teacher (Seigan was thirty-two). One of the anecdotes most frequently told about the couple relates how Seigan left Koran soon after their marriage to go on an extended journey. He suggested that, to occupy her time, Koran might study and memorize a portion of a book of Chinese T'ang-dynasty poetry. Upon returning, Seigan was astonished to find that his new wife had memorized the entire book of 494 poems. He continued to play a significant role in encouraging Koran's studies in Chinese poetry (kanshi), literature, and painting. Most Japanese kanshi writers in the eighteenth century modeled their verses upon works by T'ang-dynasty masters, endeavoring to reproduce the lofty tone of their poetry. However, at the end of the eighteenth century, Japanese writers began to take greater interest in the poetry of the Sung period, which dealt with scenes and activities of everyday life in a simple and unpretentious manner.8 Seigan initially studied Sung poetry with Yamamoto Hokuzan in Edo, but later turned back to T'ang poetry for inspiration and also looked to masters of the Ch'ing period. Influenced strongly by her husband's work, Koran's poetry displays characteristics of various Chinese traditions. Seigan was the central figure of a literary society called the Hakuosha (White Sea Gull Society), which met monthly at the temple Jissoji in Ogaki. There were ten regular members, 9 including Koran and another woman, Ema Saiko. Saiko, who was seventeen years older than Koran, served as a role model to the younger poet. In a portrait of this group painted in 1822 (Fig. 1), Seigan is the figure with the long dark hair seated in the upper middle. In the lower right is Ema Saiko, with Koran seated behind. Murase Tojo, a member of the Hakuosha, described both women as "not dressed in jade, but having natural good looks." 1 0 Koran and Seigan were intrigued with the idea of meeting poets and scholars in other parts of Japan, and in 1822, encouraged by their friend Rai San'yo, who had returned to Kyoto from Kyushu a few years earlier, they embarked on a long journey west. 1 1 At the time Koran was nineteen years old. Women traditionally remained at home while their husbands traveled, and Seigan was viewed by many

Fig. I. Kodama Sekiho. Hakuosha (detail). H a n g i n g scroll, ink and color on silk. Ema Shöjirö Collection.

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as eccentric because he took his young wife along with him. Traveling to the other end of the country was no easy undertaking for the couple; they had little money and went most of the way on foot. However, they enjoyed the hospitality of other scholars. In nineteenth-century Japan there was a close network of scholars and poets who were always eager to meet with like-minded individuals. 12 This trip not only expanded their circle of friends, it also provided Koran and Seigan with their first exposure to some of the exotic elements newly introduced to Japan by foreigners. While passing through Osaka, the couple saw two camels that had been imported by the Dutch in 1821. These immigrant beasts created a sensation in Japan and inspired a number of woodblock prints, paintings, and songs. 13 Seigan composed a poem entitled "Lamentation for Camels," comparing the camels' long journey to his and Koran's wanderings. 14 This poem became so well known that, later, when a husband and wife traveled together in Japan it was often humorously referred to as a rakuda ho, or a "camel journey." Seigan and Koran crossed to Okayama by boat and met with a number of scholars in that area, including Kan Chazan, one of Japan's most distinguished writers of kanshi. Chazan kept an album in which he asked his visitors to write or paint. This album, which can still be seen in his old school in Kannabe, includes an orchid painting by Koran (Fig. 2) that was probably done at this time. The subject of this painting indicates her early interest in the Chinese literati tradition. The Asian orchid, with its small, unobtrusive flowers and delicate fragrance, was regarded by scholars as a symbol of modesty and purity. They also enjoyed painting this plant because its form lends itself to the free ink play they espoused and because the strokes used to define the blossoms and leaves are similar to those they employed in calligraphy. Koran's simple design and delicate variation of moist gray ink tones are in keeping with scholarly practice and imbue this painting with a subtle charm appropriate to the values traditionally attached to the subject. Since she does not seem to have had formal instruction in painting in her youth, we might assume that, like other Japanese bunjitt, she learned to render the orchid and other subjects by studying Chinese woodblock-printed manuals such as the Chieh-tzu-ymn hua-chuan (Mustard Seed Garden manual of painting) and the Pa-chung hua-p'u (Eight albums of painting), which by this time had been republished in Japan. To commemorate the couple's visit, Chazan wrote a poem comparing Seigan to the Han-dynasty Chinese poet Liang Pai-luan, who, instead of seeking wealth or fame, secluded himself in the mountains with his wife, Yu-kuang, to compose poems and to play the ch'in.15 Since you and your wife are both hermits, you journey together with ease. You drink happily the wine daily presented by your wife. People compete to recite your poems once they escape your gate— You are the Liang Pai-luan of this age.

T h e Life and A r t of C h o Koran 2 6 9 Chazan persuaded Koran and Seigan to travel to the port city of Nagasaki in Kyushu, so they took to the road once again. En route they stopped in Hiroshima to visit scholars there, including the uncle and the eldest son of San'yo, R a i Kyohei and R a i Itsuan. They stayed for three months in Hiroshima, taking pleasure in the company of many colleagues. From there they went to Mihara, where they sojourned until the end of the year 1823. Although Koran was proud and

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Fig. 2. Koran. Orchid. Album leaf, ink on paper. Koyosekiyosonsha, Kannabe.

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happy to be accompanying Seigan on such a momentous journey, her poems make it clear that she suffered spells of homesickness. One such poem is "Recalling Home." 1 6 Flowers wither, but a fresh green appears; Each time the change of seasons causes tears to stain my clothes. I remember cherries and bamboo shoots being prepared in the kitchen far away, M y sisters and family lack one member.

The couple continued to stop for visits with fellow poets and well-to-do townsmen all the way to Kyushu. This took them through provincial towns, where people had different customs, and Koran, in particular, seems to have been a conspicuous sight. Evidently her robes were more colorful and ornate than the ordinary provincial clothing. In the town of Chikuzen (Fukuoka prefecture), the Confucian scholar Kamei Shoyo reportedly scoffed at Koran's style of dress, saying that she looked like a prostitute. 17 W h e n Koran and Seigan reached Nagasaki they found the most cosmopolitan city in Japan, the only port open for foreign trade, which was at that time conducted exclusively with China and Holland. 18 Intellectuals gathered here, hoping for an opportunity to meet and to talk with Chinese or Dutch visitors. Koran and Seigan became friends with a Chinese merchant from Suchou, Chiang Yiin-ko (J. K o Unkaku), w h o was adept at painting and poetry. 19 The opportunities to visit directly with a Chinese artist and to associate with Japanese buttjiti on this trip stimulated Koran's interest in painting; several of her earliest extant works date from these years of travel. Her paintings from this period are almost all decorative depictions of birds and flowers. Koran's predilection for this subject matter was undoubtedly fostered by the surge in interest in plant life by both the intelligentsia and the general public at this time. This was in part a response to the earlier introduction of Chinese pharmacology, called honzogaku in Japan, which involved precise studies of the medicinal properties of animal, vegetable, and mineral substances. Spurred on by the interest in honzogaku and scientific texts imported from the West, numerous botanical studies were subsequently published in Japan, exposing Japanese artists of various schools to Western artistic styles and techniques. A n example of the works painted by Koran on this journey is Butterflies, dated 1824 (Fig. 3). She seems to have been especially enamored with these insects, perhaps simply because their multicolored wings are so visually appealing. Since butterflies were a popular subject in Chinese painting, however, w e might assume that Koran followed Chinese models. The range of species in this painting suggests that she may also have been inspired by botanical texts. T h e butterflies are painted with a combination of ink, mineral pigments, and gold

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Fig. 3. Koran. Butterflies. 1824. Hanging scroll, ink and color on silk, 123.0 x 41.0 cm. Hirose Choji Collection.

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paint, and their jewel-like wings form intricate patterns against the amber silk background. In the ninth month of 1824 Koran and Seigan left Nagasaki. On their journey homeward they continued to visit scholars and poets. At times, however, since Koran did not always fit comfortably into the world of the male scholar, she did not go with Seigan to literary gatherings. The Confucian scholar Hirose Tanso recorded the couple's visit to Hida in his diary, noting that Koran was skilled at poetry and painting but that she had stayed at the inn and had not come to his house. 20 An anecdote from a later time suggests that Seigan sometimes felt awkward about being accompanied by his wife. According to the story, Seigan frequently accepted invitations to visit with a certain feudal lord, but because he could not bring himself to admit that his wife had come with him, he left her in a waiting room. The servant women, unaccustomed to a wife accompanying her husband, believed that Koran's presence indicated a jealous nature and teased her while she was waiting. On one visit, Seigan kept Koran waiting very late. When Koran learned that her husband had been detained after his lecture by the ladiesin-waiting, she became so upset that she jumped into the garden well. Fortunately the well was dry and she was not injured, but the disturbance was brought to the attention of the host, who said that he did not mind if Koran visited him together with Seigan. From that time on, the story goes, Koran always accompanied Seigan, and the feudal lord came to recognize her literary merits as well. 2 1 Koran demonstrated her knowledge of Chinese literature in the poems she composed during these years of travel, and on occasion she would compare herself with famous female historical and literary figures in China. In a verse entitled "Thoughts of Return" Koran alluded to the celebrated Chinese poem about Mulan, a young woman of the Six Dynasties period who joined the military service in place of her father and served for ten years without betraying her identity as a woman. In another poem, "Expressing Feelings While Traveling," Koran compared her talents with Lady Wen-chi, a woman of the Han dynasty who was abducted from her home in Honan province by the Huns and forced to spend twelve years in Inner Mongolia as the wife of a chieftain. 22 Koran identified with both of these women, and perhaps the memory of their brave endurance of their fate far from home inspired and consoled her in times of homesickness. Koran and Seigan returned to their hometown in 1826, four years after their departure. The long journey to Kyushu had whetted their appetite for a more intellectually cosmopolitan life-style, however, and in the following year they went to live in Kyoto. They continued to enjoy travel, and seemed to have followed literally the advice of the Chinese scholar-artist Tung Ch'i-ch'ang, who wrote that, in order to be truly cultivated, one should travel ten thousand miles and read ten thousand books. 23 The couple made a meager living through lectures, calligraphy, poetry lessons, and the sale of their paintings. 24 From Koran's poems we know that they

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were bitterly poor, yet she was stubbornly proud of their simple life-style. Koran disdained women who squandered money on extravagant clothes. She wrote, " M y dress does not follow fashion and I usually wear cotton; it is a good policy and I keep myself warm in winter." 2 5 Seigan and Koran developed an increasingly strong friendship with Rai San'yo, who was instrumental in introducing them to other scholars, artists, and poets in the old capital. San'yo described the couple as inseparable, a fact substantiated by the following anecdote. Koran and Seigan had gone to spend the night at San'yo's house so they could talk and drink until dawn. In order to fit under the mosquito nets, the two couples split up, the men retiring into one room and San'yo's wife and Koran to another. In the middle of the night, Koran burst into tears, complaining that San'yo was insensitive to her wishes to be included in the "men's party." She was then permitted into the other room and the three slept under one netting. 26 Koran and Seigan changed residences in Kyoto many times, and at one point they lived near Kyukyodo, a famous shop specializing in paper, brushes, and ink. It was owned by Kumagai Naotaka, who encouraged and actively patronized a number of literati artists. Naotaka had assisted Nakabayashi Chikuto and Yamamoto Baiitsu in finding homes when they first arrived in Kyoto, and it was perhaps through his introduction that Koran became a painting student of Chikuto around the years 1827-1828. 27 Under Chikuto's direction she learned to paint bird-and-flower subjects in a Chinese manner. An example is Two Birds Seated on a Rock (Fig. 4), dated 1829. The focal point is the pair of birds in the center, but the composition has been filled with other motifs, including bamboo, peonies, butterflies, and a large Chinese rock. Koran may well have modeled this work after a design by her teacher.28 The main difference between her work and Chikuto's lies in the brushwork. Koran's handling of the brush at age twenty-six was still somewhat stiff and formal. The rock appears to be very flat, for she had not yet mastered the technique of building up areas of brushstrokes and wash to suggest three-dimensional form. However, in comparison with Butterflies (Fig. 3), done five years earlier, the composition displays a more complex organization and sophisticated concept of design. Under Chikuto's influence Koran also began to explore the literati landscape tradition, as can be seen in her Landscape in the Style of Mi Fu (Fig. 5). Like the works associated with Mi Fu, a Chinese master of the Sung dynasty, Koran's painting features mountains composed of overlapping layers of repeated horizontal dots. This work is not dated, but on the basis of style and signature it must be a work of her early career. By the nineteenth century, a larger number and wider range of Chinese paintings were available to Japanese artists than had been previously. As bunjin acquired a deeper understanding of Chinese painting, they began to concentrate on capturing the properties of the Chinese orthodox literati tradition. Believing deeply in the superiority of Chinese painting, Chikuto and his colleagues in Kyoto restricted themselves to following the landscape models sane-

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Fig. 4. Koran. Two Birds Seated on a Rock. 1829. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper, 117.o x 40.5 cm. From Ito Shin, Yanagawa Seigan O (Gifu, 1925).

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The Life and Art of C h o Koran

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tioned by the founder of the orthodox tradition, Tung Ch'i-ch'ang, and assimilated the vocabulary of forms and brush methods of the Chinese works they copied. 29 Chikuto discouraged his pupils from doing entirely original paintings, placing more importance on the faithful transmission of Chinese ideals. Consequently, he contributed to the trend toward conservatism in bunjinga. His paintings and those of his followers, such as Koran, are characterized by tightly organized conventional compositional schemes, systematically constructed forms, and restrained brushwork. In both composition and brushwork, Koran's Landscape in the Style of Mi Fu is exceptionally close to Chikuto's works following the Sung master. 30 After placing a foreground bank and a grove of trees at the bottom, she arranged the layers of mountains along a vertical axis, occasionally interspersing plateaus and areas of mist-shrouded houses and trees. By using a range of ink tones from light gray to black, she created a feeling of moist atmosphere and lush foliage. Like Chikuto, Koran applied her brush very systematically, the primary stroke being the oval-shaped " M i dot" made by laying the brush tip down horizontally. Her brushwork is restrained and exhibits an allover consistency. The repetition of similarly shaped mountain forms and brushstrokes establishes a sense of unity and stability. At the same time, the layering of short horizontal strokes creates a shimmering surface pattern. Despite her efforts to evoke the spirit of original Chinese works, Koran's paintings, like those of her teacher, exhibit the Japanese sensitivity to decorative surface effects. Koran and Seigan lived briefly in Hikone in 1830, then returned to Kyoto for a short period before deciding to move to Edo in 1832. 31 By this time Koran had become well known enough in Kyoto to be included in the list of bunjinga artists in the Heian jinbutsu shi (Who's who in Kyoto) published in 1830. 32 Koran continued to flourish in the Edo world of artists and poets. Her artistic and literary abilities were soon recognized, and one of her bamboo paintings was reproduced in the woodblock-printed volume Hyaku meika gafu (Album of calligraphy and painting by one hundred artists) published in Edo in 1837. This was followed in 1841 by the printing, also in Edo, of a collection of 130 of her poems entitled Koran koshii. Compared with most women of the day, her life was unconventional, but it would be incorrect to view Koran as an early advocate of women's liberation in Japan. She did not turn her back on the prescribed household duties of a Japanese wife, and to a large extent she conformed to the traditional role of women. It is clear from her poems, moreover, that she wholeheartedly embraced this aspect of her life. As she wrote in a verse when she was around the age of thirty-nine: 33 I look for thread ends on the tattered silk of my torn winter clothes, And add fallen leaves to the firewood which furnishes fuel for cooking lunch. Do not laugh at my trifling mind inclined toward hard work and frugality— What is the merit of being a wife besides this?

m im

Fig. 5. Koran. Landscape in the Style of Mi Fu. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 193.0 x 39.0 cm. Hakutakuan Collection.

The Life and Art of C h o Koran 2 7 7 Koran never bore any children, probably due to infertility rather than by choice. At the age of forty she wrote a poem lamenting her childlessness, again indicating her compliance with the customary role of women. While Koran expressed sentiments appropriate for a dutiful wife, she also became famous for her strong-minded and severe personality, and her relationship with Seigan was not always a peaceful one. According to Seigan's pupil Ono Kozan, in Edo the couple was unable to keep servants because Koran was so difficult. 34 When Koran and Seigan came to stay with Kozan, they found that his house was so close to the adjacent house that the neighbor's bamboo laundry pole stuck into Kozan's yard; Koran's anger at this embarrassed Kozan. Kozan also wrote that there was never an end to the couple's arguing. One time Seigan became so upset with Koran that he was ready to send her home. Because Seigan had very little money, Kozan agreed to take her if Seigan paid for half of the trip to Mino. In the end, Seigan changed his mind; even though Koran was sometimes disagreeable, she was still his wife and he felt morally obliged to stay with her. Kozan said that he felt like a fool and resolved never again to get involved in domestic quarrels. In Edo Koran and Seigan began to get involved in political affairs of the day. 35 From around 1830 on, there was a rising tide of discontent with the country's leadership, and many cities seethed with unrest. Japan suffered a series of famines between 1832 and 1839, and the government was unable to relieve the situation. In 1837 riots broke out in Osaka. The failure of government reforms in the 1840s demonstrated the shogunate's inability to handle economic crises, and dissatisfaction spread throughout Japan. The Japanese also became alarmed by the news of the Opium War and defeat of Chinese troops by the British, and began to fear attacks by foreign warships. Advances in European science and technology made it impossible for Japan to defend itself successfully in the event of war. In 1844 the king of Holland sent a letter to the shogunate describing developments in international politics and urging Japan to cooperate by opening its doors to trade. The shogunate resisted, but it was clear that something had to be done to contend with foreign governments intending to break Japan's seclusion policy. From the poems of both Koran and Seigan, we know that during this period they lived in poverty worse than they had experienced in earlier years. Once, they were forced to move because fire destroyed their home, but through the auspices of Fujita Toko, a samurai in the service of the daimyo Tokugawa Nariaki, they were able to rent a house on the land of the Mito Tokugawa family. The Mito domain was regarded as a major center of Confucian education and now became actively involved in current political affairs. Toko was deeply concerned about the threat of foreign invasion and advocated that the shogunate fight to preserve its seclusion policy. He proposed administrative reforms and plans to build up Japan's national defense forces using Western technology. Toko's ideas were

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strongly supported by his lord, Nariaki. However, in 1844 Nariaki was forced into retirement by the shogunate, which regarded his promotion of Toko's reforms as an attempt to discredit the Tokugawa regime. Koran and Seigan were sympathetic to Toko's cause. They also became friends with the famous advocate of Western studies Sakuma Shozan, who lived nearby. Shozan had learned to read Dutch and avidly studied Western science and technology. He fervently believed that acquiring Western knowledge would help Japan to resist outside aggression, strengthen its government, and improve social and economical conditions. Seigan also associated with Watanabe Kazan, an important artist and cultural leader who favored learning from Western countries. Kazan was put under house arrest in 1838; he committed suicide three years later. Because of the uneasiness in Edo and their concern that the shogunal government might suspect them of subversive activity, Koran and Seigan left Edo suddenly in 1845 and returned to their hometown. They stayed in Ogaki for over a year, living near the poet Ema Saiko. It was at this time that Koran and Saiko became intimate friends. In their previous association, Saiko had served as a mentor to the younger Koran. N o w that Koran was a fully mature woman of forty-two, their friendship deepened and they began to exchange letters and poems. One Japanese author compared them to two Heian-period women, equating Saiko with Murasaki Shikibu and Koran with Sei Shonagon because of her strong-willed spirit.36 It was also around the year 1846, during a trip to Tsu, that Koran set to work learning how to play the ch'in, the seven-stringed zither cherished by Chinese scholars. She became a pupil of a man named Ogata who taught the method of Toko Shin'etsu, 37 and Seigan composed a poem saying that Koran practiced night and day, forgetting to eat and to sleep. Koran herself wrote many poems about playing the ch'in and the wonders of its music. In 1846 Koran and Seigan returned once again to Kyoto. They remained very poor, and were forced to move five times in three years. There were occasions when Koran did not attend certain poetry gatherings because she lacked suitable clothing. However, she continued to associate with Chikuto and other artists in his circle, including Yamamoto Baiitsu and Nukina Kaioku. 38 Despite the fact that Koran was widely respected for her literary and artistic talents,39 there were those who were still unable to accept her into the world of the male scholar. In 1847 a book of parodies of well-known Confucian scholars and poets in Kyoto was published (Tosei meika kidatt) which referred to Koran as a "lewd woman." This criticism seems to have been based on an earlier book, the Meika

hydban hi, which was purportedly written by the scholar-painter Oda

Kaisen.40 Seigan appealed to authorities to punish Kaisen, but since there was no firm evidence regarding the origin of this stinging insult, no action was taken. Besides Ema Saiko, there was one other woman, Yoshida Shuran, who belonged to the diverse circle of poets and artists in Kyoto. Shuran was also a

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pupil of Chikuto, as was her husband Okura R y u z a n . She had in common with Koran a skill in playing the ch'in, and the t w o became close friends. Shuran's name appears several times in Koran's poetry. Once when the cherry blossoms were beginning to open, Koran met Shuran and went with her to admire them, afterward composing a poem with the concluding couplet: 4 1 Last night the spring wind wove a brocade of flowers— I welcome my female friend, and we celebrate by drinking sake while viewing the blossoms. For a while Koran and Seigan lived peacefully in K y o t o . There Koran delved deeper into her studies, reading books on Taoism and divination, executed most of her paintings, and wrote most of her poetry. From a collection of her poetry called the Koran iko,42 w e learn about the people and places she visited and the activities in which she participated from 1841 on. T h e subjects of her poems were frequently drawn from nature, as is exemplified by the following verse, entitled " A Summer's D a y Miscellany at the K a m o g a w a Residence." Veils of light mist envelop the curving inlet, Weeping willows are luxuriantly green and pomegranate blossoms red. With bamboo blinds half rolled up, for a time I do nothing, Sitting and facing the mountains during the spring rains. Koran also continued to develop her skills at painting, and she actively sought Chinese scrolls to study. She rejected the decorative bird-and-flower painting she had practiced in earlier years, and turned wholeheartedly to the Chinese literati ink-monochrome landscape tradition. She wrote poems describing and praising a landscape by Huang K u n g - w a n g as well as about a painting of plum blossoms by Wang Mien. In another poem she discussed the brush methods of both N i Tsan and Huang K u n g - w a n g . In the following verse, Koran alludes to the famous declaration by Su Shih that " I f anyone discusses painting in terms of formal likeness, his understanding is nearly that of a child." 4 3 Hidden orchids and tall bamboo—they are two of a kind. Under the window I burn incense and read the Women's Admonishments.*4 Who speaks of painting only in terms of resemblance? The tip of my brush records the essence of winter. A good example of Koran's painting at this time is her landscape dated 1848 (Fig. 6) with inscriptions by herself and Seigan. This w o r k again features the horizontal " M i d o t " and is still solidly in the conservative literati tradition she learned from Chikuto, but the composition is no longer patterned directly on her

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teacher's w o r k . It appears that once she learned his basic principles of painting, Koran no longer felt bound to imitating Chikuto's style. For example, instead of layering the mountains vertically as she did in her Landscape in the Style of Mi Fu (Fig. 5), Koran attempted to add a sense of drama by using a diagonal orientation; the brushwork is somewhat simplified and confined to the edges of the mountains. B y surrounding the figure with empty space, Koran focused attention on the small sage w h o pauses on the bridge to gaze at the beautiful scenery. Koran seems more interested in expressing a spirit of scholarly restraint in this painting than in dazzling us with brilliant brushwork. From this point on, she usually added poetic inscriptions to her paintings, enhancing their bunjin spirit. Her poem here reads: A lucky person knows the time and place for opportunity, From ancient times, the hidden and obvious are naturally distinguished. Putting away my ch'in and books I go outside, Desiring to enter the mountains and lie down amidst the white clouds. Koran also continued her interest in music, in 1852 acquiring from a K y o t o merchant an old ch'in which was inscribed with the two-character name " O l d D r a g o n . " She had long wanted a distinguished instrument, and even sold some of her hair ornaments and clothing in order to buy it. To commemorate the event Koran composed a poem entitled " S o n g of Buying the

Ch'in."45

In the summer of 1852, in the fourth month, A merchant came boasting about the ch'in he was carrying. "Such an instrument is rare in this world— The cracks in the old lacquer are thinner than hair." Oh, I have desired such a ch'in for a long, long time— How could I foresee that one day I would see such a rare thing? Its ancient spirit is majestic, reaching out to touch mankind, My eyes are ecstatic, my heart jubilant, and my lips speechless. The years of tranquility ended around 1853, when Koran and Seigan received the disturbing news that Commodore Matthew Perry of the United States N a v y had arrived in the port of Uraga near the mouth of Edo Bay demanding that Japan open its doors to trade and diplomatic relations. Perry departed after forcing the Japanese to accept a letter from the president of the United States, and promised to return the next spring for the answer. T h e Japanese realized that their small vessels were no match for Perry's fleet or the still larger British naval forces in Asian waters. However, the government was unable to come up with an immediate plan of action, and more and more Japanese became apprehensive about a foreign invasion. In 1854 the Japanese government signed a friendship

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Fig. 6. Koran. Landscape. 1848. Hanging scroll, ink on paper. Private collection.

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treaty with the United States, which provided for diplomatic exchange between the two countries. T w o years later Japan signed commercial pacts with the United States and several European countries. Designated Japanese ports were opened to international trade and fixed custom levies were established for all imported goods. These treaties became the subject of hot debate, and the controversy which dominated the 1850s and 1860s centered on the question of opening the country. Around the same time as this crisis in foreign relations a great dispute arose regarding the shogun's successor. Koran referred to the distressing political situation in one of her poems. 46 These days we must not allow foreign barbarians to infiltrate; While viewing maples we debate how our country should be ruled. As opposition to the shogunate intensified, many radicals sought refuge in Kyoto, and by the middle 1850s the old capital had become the nucleus of politics. Seigan acted as an elder advisor to the patriots gathering in Kyoto, and the Yanagawa home became a meeting place for those seeking reform. Among the leading members of the loyalist movement were Yoshida Shoin, Saigo Takamori, Umeda Unpin, Sakuma Shozan, and Rai Mikisaburo. Yoshida Shoin is particularly well known for his reformist writings advocating major social and political changes. Seigan had many friends at the imperial court and through them Shoin's treatises were passed on to the emperor. As the authority of the shogunate weakened, more and more people turned to the emperor for leadership, and a movement arose to restore imperial sovereignty. In 1858 Yoshida Shoin devised a plot to assassinate Manabe Akikatsu, who had been sent by the shogunate to Kyoto to repress loyalist forces. Shoin's plot was detected, however, and he was imprisoned and executed the next year. Seigan was also implicated, but in the ninth month of 1858, three days before government officials came to arrest him, he died of cholera. The officials thereupon arrested Koran. 47 Although detained in Kyoto for half a year, she refused to answer questions regarding loyalist affiliations. While in jail she allegedly chanted poetry and painted on wooden boards. The following verse, entitled "Written in Jail," is included in the Koran iko. Who holds up the net of dust confining this lonely bird? Forbidden to dance or fly, the prisoner finds captivity difficult. That honor is disgraced and love is humiliated—this is part of life. Who can be certain about what is unpredictable. Upon her release in the second month of 1859, Koran stayed temporarily at the home of a former pupil. She moved back to her old home on the bank of the Kamo River in i860 and opened a private school for women where she gave

The Life and Art of C h o Koran 2 8 3 instruction in Chinese poetry and gained a reputation as a strict and demanding teacher. Normally a widow would have gone to live with her children or family. It is significant that Koran did not return to her hometown, but chose instead to live independently in Kyoto. Women teachers of kanshi were unusual in Edoperiod Japan, and Koran's position reflects both her own determination to succeed and the great respect accorded her as a woman scholar. Koran remained active in Kyoto literary and artistic circles until her death at the age of seventy-six. She continued to associate with many of Seigan's pupils, 48 and in some ways was even more prominent than before. Okazaki Shunseki has observed that previously people believed that Koran's husband had assisted her in writing, but the poems she wrote as a widow were in many ways superior to her earlier ones, proving them wrong. 4 9 The antigovernment movement she had supported with her husband grew in intensity and ultimately led to the overthrow of the Tokugawa shogunate. 50 Committed to modernization, the new Japanese government put into effect a series of sweeping social reforms, abolishing feudalism and granting all people legal equality. The resulting political, social, and economic changes disrupted many traditional artist-patron relationships, especially for professional artists in the service of daimyo and high-ranking samurai. However, since bunjin ordinarily relied upon private patrons for support, Koran's life-style was unaffected. Seemingly oblivious to the changes taking place all around her, she continued to write poetry and to paint in the traditional manner well into her seventies. While her husband was alive, she remained somewhat in his shadow, but after his death she blossomed artistically and the unwavering strength of her character manifested itself more freely in her artworks. She became more prolific in painting, in part because she had no children to rely on and producing scrolls was one way to help support herself. From Koran's letters we know that she attended gatherings at Kyukyodo and that she received gifts of paper from its owner, Kumagai Naotaka, indicating that he was a good patron and friend. 51 One of Koran's best landscapes from this time is painted on satin and dated 1869 (Fig. 7). The composition is rather conventional, with the rustic cottage on a foreground bank in the lower left and distant mountains arranged along diagonals. The upward thrust initiated in the trees in the foreground and echoed in the rising layers of mountains serves to unify the scene. What makes this landscape special is Koran's remarkably refined brushwork, which displays a wide variety of texture strokes rendered with ink tones ranging from subtle grays to jet black. The brushstrokes used to build up the forms are finer and drier than those in her earlier Landscape in the Style of Mi Fu (Fig. 5) and 1848 Landscape (Fig. 6). The rocks and mountains are described with more interior lines and strokes, creating richer textures and a more intricate, animated surface. The dry, tight nature of the brushwork may be related to the difficulties inherent in working on slippery satin. Koran's use of such restrained brushwork creates a subtle beauty not usu-

Fig. 7. Koran. Landscape. 1869. Hanging scroll, ink on satin. Private collection.

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T h e Life and Art of C h o Koran 2 8 5 ally seen in her landscapes and complements the quiet serenity evoked by the view of mountains bathed in mist. In the same year that this landscape was painted, the government presented Koran with a two-person stipend of rice in recognition of her loyalty to Seigan. 52 This may have eliminated the need for her to paint for a living; her subsequent paintings seem to be more freely brushed. She increasingly turned to painting the "four gentlemen," subjects through which literati had for ages expressed an admiration for endurance and inner strength. Perhaps these subjects came to have special meaning for Koran because of the suffering she endured due to poverty, her political convictions, and her lack of acceptance by male scholars. On her Bamboo and Rock (Fig. 8) she inscribed a poem referring to the fortitude of bamboo and its ability to rejuvenate. The town is filled with peach and plum blossoms, competing in springtime; They resemble, in their profusion, frivolous people. W h o notices that this "gentleman" can be strong and upright, Creating spring amidst the hills even in the eighth month.

The poem and painting are beautifully united, a feature frequently apparent in Koran's work. The close relationship between painting and calligraphy is underscored by the use of rich black ink in the writing as well as in the bamboo leaves in the center and lower left. To introduce variation, Koran used wet gray ink to form the remaining bamboo and the eroded rock and softly modulated the ink and light color within the rock which contrasts with the sharp, crisp leaves of the plants. Despite her avoidance of politics after Seigan's death, Koran enjoyed the patronage of a leading Meiji statesmen, Kido Takayoshi, who had been an important samurai serving the domain of Choshu. From 1871 to 1874 he traveled to the United States and Europe, and afterward affected a Western life-style, cutting his hair short and wearing Western clothes. Takayoshi was a dilettante; in addition to writing poetry himself, he was an avid art collector. He was especially fond of bunjinga and socialized with many bunjin. He attended gatherings at Kyukyodo and recorded in his diary meetings with Koran as well as with two younger women artists, Okuhara Seiko and Noguchi Shohin. 53 Toward the end of her life Koran did a large painting, Plum Villa Landscape (Fig. 9), which she inscribed and presented to Takayoshi. In this scroll, beneath an overcast sky in a snow-covered landscape, a small figure sits in a thatched hut gazing out at blossoming plum trees. To re-create the appearance of snow, Koran left much of the white paper blank and darkened the sky with gray ink washes. Then she touched the blossoms with pink and added some of the same color to the hillsides. In comparison to her landscape on satin dated 1869 (Fig. 7), the variety of brushstrokes is severely restricted. However, this painting more clearly reflects Koran's personal-

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Fig. 8. Koran. Bamboo and Rock. Hanging scroll, ink and light color on silk, 125.7 X 3 1 -? cm. Private collection.

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Private collection.

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ity in its simple yet forceful brushwork and in the free manner in which the strokes were applied. Her verse praises the plum trees, and through inference Koran compares herself to these harbingers of spring which survive the snow and cold. W h e r e are the butterflies, madly flying to and fro? T h e lonely nightingale has not yet begun to sing. Before the arrival of spring, one snowy branch Blossoms a little, sending forth its fragrance three ft. Silently its shadow moves with the help of the wind; Its most cherished moment comes when whitened by the moon. Most people have eyes for only bright reds and purples— W h o can believe that this jade lady endures the frost?

In 1876, at the age of seventy-three, Koran inscribed the same poem above a twisted branch of blossoming plum (see Plate 8). In contrast to her Plum Villa Landscape (Fig. 9), with its focus on the elegant beauty of blossoming plum trees dotting the hillsides, this later painting in monochrome ink emphasizes the toughness of the old tree with its battered trunk and branches. Both the painting and poem communicate the idea that blossoms last only a moment, but the tree endures. In Chinese poetry there is a long tradition of poems about women in which the plum is used allegorically to express distress at the passage of time and loss of youth. 5 4 Plum trees were especially appropriate symbols for hunjin women since "they share a delicate and understated elegance that sets them apart from the ostentation women." 5 5

and overt

sensuality of colorful flowers

and

voluptuous

By the Sung dynasty, the flowering plum had become identified with

women who lived in solitude and who had suffered bitter hardships. K5ran was aware of the hidden meaning of this subject, and she employed the plum time and time again as a metaphor for herself. The vigorous quality of Koran's late brushwork is even more apparent in this work, especially in the dry, rough strokes forming some of the branches. The painting harmonizes with the calligraphy; one forked branch even reaches upward as though to embrace the script. The vertical columns of writing are echoed in the lower left by the row of shoots springing upward from the main branch. As Koran grew older, she brushed the poems on her paintings in larger characters than before, giving them a more prominent role in the overall design. Her calligraphy here exhibits the same raw power as her painting. Koran remained in Kyoto until late 1877, when she went with Okamoto Koseki to Ogaki to visit Seigan's family. After several months she returned to Kyoto, where she died two years later at the age of seventy-six. Only an exceptional woman could have achieved recognition in the areas of art and scholarship during the Edo period. Throughout her life, despite the politi-

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cal and social turmoil of the period and the criticism she received from those w h o held conservative views about the proper behavior of women, Koran maintained a commitment to art and poetry. She was fortunate to have had a supportive husband w h o encouraged her to develop her talents, and to have lived and worked within a small world of unconventional intellectuals which fostered creativity. Nevertheless her maturity as an artist and poet can only be attributed to her own forceful determination. In the succeeding Meiji era, women were given more opportunities, but Koran was unusual in that she, like the plum tree, put out her blossoms early. There could hardly be a more fitting emblem than the plum to represent the life and art of C h o Koran.

NOTES The research for this article was supported by grants from the Metropolitan Center for Far Eastern Art Studies and the University of Kansas General Research Fund. 1. In signing her paintings, Koran frequently used the surname Cho instead of her husband's. It is generally believed that she adopted the character Cho from the province name of Owari, where some of her ancestors had lived. 2. From the Koran koshti (Selected poems by Koran), Edo: Tamaike no Hokankaku, 1841. 3. The concept of bunjin, which means " a person who excels in literary w o r k s , " originated in China. The ideal scholar was viewed as a sophisticated, cultured person, and hence aspiring young men were expected to master literati arts in their leisure time, especially poetry, painting, and calligraphy. A new style of art was created by scholar-amateurs who rejected "professionalism" and sought to remove painting from its associations with mere crafts. Whereas academic artists displayed representational fidelity and technical finesse, scholar-painters emphasized personal expression and stressed the kinship between painting and calligraphy. 4. The information about Cho Koran's life in this essay was drawn largely from Ito Shin's two books, Yanagawa Seigan O (Gifu: Yanagawa Seigan O Itoku Kensho Kai, 1925) and Saiko to Koran (Gifu: Yabase Ryukichi, 1969). 5. Joyce Ackroyd, " W o m e n in Feudal Japan," Transactions of the Asiatic Society, 3d ser., 7 (Nov. 1959): 53, 56. Takamure Itsue, Josei no rekishi (History of women), vol. 2 (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1972), 268. 6. Throughout this article, ages are given by the Japanese count (adding about one year to the Western). 7. Seigan was actually Koran's second cousin, and he had recently returned to his home village after studying for several years in Edo. 8. Burton Watson, Japanese Literature in Chinese, vol. 2 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 8-9. 9. The other members were Kashibuchi Atei, Hatto Shogaku, Hibino Sosen, Samei Shoka, Ishihara Totei, Tsukahara Koho, Shibayama Rozan, and Murase Tojo. 10. Ito, Yanagawa Seigan O, 72. 11. Ohara Tomie retraced their footsteps and wrote about this journey extensively in Yanagawa Seigan/Koran (see vol. 12 of his Nihon no tahihito [Kyoto: Tankosha, 1973]).

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12. In the Edo period, many poets and bunjin artists were motivated to travel by economic and social needs. Their trips were occasions to meet friends and patrons who would help them sell their works of art to interested clients. Yoko Woodson has done an enlightening study of the patronage of bunjin artists entitled Traveling Bunjin Painters and Their Patrons: Economic Life-style and Art of Rai San'yo and Tanomura Chikuden (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1983). 13. See Calvin French, Through Closed Doors: Western Influence on Japanese Art 16391858 (Rochester, Mich.: Meadow Brook Art Gallery, 1977), 48. 14. For Seigan's poem, see Ito, Yanagawa Seigan O, 81. 15. Ibid., 83. 16. From the Koran koshu. 7. Ito, Yanagawa Seigan 0,102. 18. As a result of their unhappy experiences with foreign missionaries and merchants, the Tokugawa shogunate had instituted a seclusion policy in 1639 as a means of eliminating potential threats to national security. Japanese were forbidden to leave the country and the only foreigners permitted into Japan were Dutch and Chinese traders, who were generally confined to the port of Nagasaki. 19. Koran included a verse about one of their nightly poetry meetings with Chiang Yun-ko in the Koran koshu. 20. Ito, Yanagawa Seigan O, 113. 21. Soeda Tatsumine, "Yanagawa Seigan to Koran Joshi," Gajinkawa (1923), 150-151. 22. Wen-chi was later rescued by a ransom mission, and upon returning to China wrote a series of poems known as the Eighteen Songs of a Nomad Flute. For more information, see The Metropolitan Museum of A r t , Eighteen Songs of a Nomad Flute: The Story of Lady Wen-chi (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1974). 23. For Tung's Chinese text, see Susan Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), 191. 24. In a letter to one of his friends, Seigan made reference to sending to a Mr. Nekota a bird-and-flower scroll painting by Koran as well as two landscapes, suggesting that Koran's brushwork was one of the many means through which they supported themselves (see Ito Shin, ed., Seigan zenshii (The complete works of Seigan), vol. 5 [Gifu: Yanagawa Seigan Zenshu Kanko Kai, 1958], 78). 25. From the Koran koshu. 26. Soeda Tatsumine, " E m a Saiko to Yanagawa Koran," Toei 12, no. 3 (1936): 23-24. 27. Chikuto was also a member of the literati coterie surrounding Rai San'yo, so Koran could have been introduced by San'yo as well. 28. For a similar painting by Chikuto, see Nagoya Shi Hakubutsukan, Owari no kaiga shi: Nanga (History of nanga in Owari) (Nagoya: Nagoya Shi Hakubutsukan, 1981), 86. 29. It is unlikely that they saw many genuine Sung and Yuan works, but rather learned through Ming and Ch'ing copies. 30. For an example of one of Chikuto's paintings following the style of Mi Fu, see James Cahill, Scholar Painters of Japan (New York: Asia Society, 1972), pi. 59. 31. T w o years after moving to Edo, Seigan opened a school called the Tamagaike Ginsha after its location in the section of Kanda known as Tamagaike. Seigan's fame

The Life and Art of Cho Koran 291 attracted scholars from all walks of life, and the Tamagaike Ginsha became a popular meeting place. 32. Koran's name appeared in successive issues of the Heian jinbutsu shi (Who's who in Kyoto), including 1838, 1852, and 1867 (see Mori Senzo, ed., Kinseijinmei roku shusei [Compendium of modern era biographical dictionaries], 5 vols. [Tokyo: Benseisha, 1978]). 33. From the Koran iko. 34. Tokari Soshinan, "Seigan fusai no tegami" (Letters of Seigan and his wife), Atone 15, no. 5 (1938): 2 6 - 2 7 . 35. The information on Edo-period politics and culture in this essay was adapted primarily from: W . G . Beasley, The Modern History of Japan (New York: Frederick A . Praeger, 1963); David Magary Earl, Emperor and Nation in Japan (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1964); Thomas M . Huber, The Revolutionary Origins of Modern Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1981); George Sansom, A History of Japan, 1615-1867 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1963); H . Paul Varley, Japanese Culture (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1984). 36. Ito, Saiko to Koran, 469. 37. Toko Shin'etsu (C. Hsin-yiieh, 1639-1696) was a member of the Ts'ao-tung (J. Soto) sect of Zen. A n extremely cultivated man, he became famous as a musician, poet, calligrapher, painter, and seal-carver. Distressed by the collapse of the Ming dynasty, he emigrated to Japan in 1677. The daimyo of Mito heard of Shin'etsu's learning and invited him to come to his province, where Shin'etsu founded the temple Gionji. In Mito, Shin'etsu taught a large number of Japanese pupils how to play the ch'in, reviving this instrument in Japan, where it had been forgotten for five hundred years. 38. In the Kyoto National Museum there is a long handscroll with paintings by Koran, Baiitsu, Chikuto, Kaioku, and others done for Ikeda Shoson in 1847. In addition, there are numerous albums extant with paintings and calligraphy by these and other artists, testifying to their camaraderie. 39. Koran's name appears in the Koto shoga jinmei roku (Record of calligraphers and painters in the imperial capital) published in Kyoto in 1847. 40. Soeda, " E m a Saiko to Yanagawa Koran," 24. 41. From the Koran iko (see Tominaga Chojo, Seigan zenshit, vol. 4 [Gifu, 1958]). 42. This collection of 450 poems was never published during Koran's lifetime, but survived into this century in the form of a handwritten copy by Ono Kozan. The Koran iko was later published by Tominaga, Seigan zenshu, vol. 4. 43. Quoted from Susan Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting, 32. 44. In Edo-period Japan, moral instruction books for females were common, based on similar books in China. Koran does not refer explicitly to which volume she was reading in her poem, but it may have been the Onna daigaku. 45. From the Koran iko. 46. From the Koran iko. 47. Yoshida Shoin, Umeda Unpin, and Rai Mikisaburo were also arrested and sent to Edo in early 1859; they were executed later the same year. 48. They included Okamoto Koseki, Ema Tenko, and Ono Kozan; there are several letters which Koran wrote to them still extant today. They assisted her in gathering Seigan's remaining poems for a collection entitled Seigan Sensei iko, which was published in 1863.

2 9 2 PATRICIA

FISTER

49. Tokari, "Seigan fusai no tegami," 27. 50. The climax occurred in 1866 when the shogunate made a second attempt at suppressing a loyalist faction in the domain of Choshu. After defeating shogunate troops, loyalists carried out a coup in Kyoto demanding that power be restored to the emperor. The shogunate capitulated and the Meiji Restoration was accomplished by early 1867. 51. Ninchoji Seison, " K o r a n mibojin no shokan" (Letters of the widow Koran), Kamigata, no. 111 (1940): 139. In 1867 at the age of sixty-four, Koran wrote out a will in the form of a letter to Naotaka which is now in the collection of the Gifu Shi Hakubutsukan. Her heir was to be the great-grandchild of Seigan's younger brother, but she expressed concern that the child was young and his future undecided. If he grew up to be stupid or became a merchant, she did not want him to remain the heir. If this were to happen, she asked that Naotaka see that another person was chosen, saying that she wished the library and estate to go to someone in the Yanagawa family w h o liked to read. It did not matter if he was a scholar, samurai, or doctor, but it was important that the heir carry on the Yanagawa spirit. 52. In traditional Japan, incomes were measured in quantities of rice. 53. Several volumes of Takayoshi's diary have been translated into English (see Sidney Devere Brown and Akiko Hirota, trans., The Diary of Kido Takayoshi, 3 vols. [Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1983-1985]). 54. For a thorough study of the plum motif in Chinese art and literature, see Maggie Bickford, Bones ofJade, Soul of Ice (New Haven, C o n n . : Yale University Art Gallery, 1985). 55. Ibid., 19.

GLOSSARY Asai Hakuzen é? JJ bunjin X A bunjinga X.A it/ Chiang Yiin-ko vX ® F«I Chieh-tzu-yüan hua-chuan if-J-IS Í&is Chikuzen íA. mf ch'in Cho Koran (1804-1879) $ft U B Choshu -JS: Jti Ema Ransai (1747-1838) >X & ® & Ema Saiko (1787-1861) vX Ema Tenk5 (1825-1901) Fujita T5ko (1806-1855) Gionji Hakuosha é? BI Hatt5 Shogaku flfcgp g t ^ Heiati jinbutsu shi jf Í Hibino S5sen B Ihff $ HI Hida 0 H? Hikone #

Hirose Tanso (1782-1856) £ Hiroshima £ % honzogaku % ¿F Hsin-yueh (1639-1696) Huang Kung-wang (1269-1354) Hyaku meika gafu W tSt i a Ikeda Shoson vfe W f£ ^ Ishihara T5tei /& $ Ishikawa Kansai Já )1| ÍJilil1 jissoji £ # Kakeiji Kamei Shoy5 (1773-1836) kamigata _k ij Kamogawa Kanda i t ® Kannabe # Í3. Kan Chazan (1748-1827) % % J j kanshi >H Kashibuchi Atei ttrMi*' Kido Takayoshi (1833-1877) ^ p # i t

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Contributors

Stephen Addiss received a Ph.D. degree in art history and musicology from the University of Michigan. He is professor of art history at the University of Kansas. Among his writings on Japanese literati and Zen art are Tall Mountains and Flowing Waters: The Arts of Uragami Gyokudo and The Art of Zen: Paintings and Calligraphy by Japanese Monks, 1600-1925. Akiyama Terukazu, professor emeritus of Tokyo University and former professor of Gakushüin University, received his doctorate from Tokyo University. Among Akiyama's numerous publications is Heianjidai sezokuga no kenkyti (Secular painting in early medieval Japan). In recognition of his outstanding contributions to the study of culture, Akiyama was named Correspondant de L'Académie des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettres, L'Institut de France, and Corresponding Fellow of the British Academy. Karen L. Brock, assistant professor of Japanese art history at the University of Michigan, holds a Ph.D. from Princeton University. She is author of "Awaiting Maitreya at Kasagi" and "The Case of the Missing Scroll," and is coauthor of Autumn Grasses and Water Motifs in Japanese Art. James Cahill received a Ph.D. in the history of art from the University of Michigan. Formerly curator of Chinese art at the Freer Gallery, he is currently professor of the history of art at the University of California at Berkeley. Among his publications is The Compelling Image: Nature and Style in Seventeenth Century Chinese Painting, which won the College Art Association's Morey Prize for the best art history book of 1982. Patricia Fister holds a Ph.D. in art history from the University of Kansas. She is assistant professor of art history at the University of Kansas and curator of Oriental art at the Spencer Museum of Art. Among her publications is Japanese Women Artists, 1600-1900. Shen C. Y. Fu received his master's degree from the Institute of Chinese Culture in Taipei and his doctorate in art history from Princeton University. He is senior curator of Chinese art at both the Freer Gallery and the Arthur M. Sackler

296 Contributors Gallery. His publications include Traces of the Brush: Studies in Chinese Calligraphy and A History of the Yuan (1271-1368) Imperial Art Collection. Maribeth Graybill, assistant professor of Japanese art history at the University of California at Berkeley, received a Ph.D. in Japanese art history from the University of Michigan. Among her publications is "Nobuzane and Gotoba In." She is currently at work on a book-length study of narrative structures in twelfthcentury Japanese handscroll painting. Ellen Johnston Laing is Maude I. Kerns Distinguished Professor of Oriental Art at the University of Oregon. She received her Ph.D. in Far Eastern art history from the University of Michigan. Among her publications is The Winking Owl: Art in the People's Republic of China. Julia K. Murray, who received her Ph.D. in Chinese art and archaeology from Princeton University, is assistant professor of art history at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. She previously held curatorial positions at the Metropolitan Museum, the Freer Gallery, and Harvard University Art Museums. She is the author of numerous articles and catalogues on wide-ranging areas of East Asian art. Marsha Weidner received her doctorate in art history from the University of California at Berkeley. She is currently assistant professor of art history at the University of Virginia. Her most recent publication is Views from Jade Terrace: Chinese Women Artists 1300-1912.

Index

Boldface numbers refer to illustrations in the text Academy of Scholarly Worthies, 59, 75n.48 Admonitions for Women (Nii chieh), by Pan Chao, 29-30, 31, 49 nn. 27, 28 Admonitions of the Court Instructress (Nii-shih chen t'u), by Chang Hua, 28-29, 30, 47n.9 Agriculture and Sericulture (Keng-chih t'u), by Lou Shu, 42,43, 50n.37 Akashi Bay (painting), by Ike Gyokuran, 255257, 256 Amaterasu, 237n.8 Amateur painting, 112, 126-127, 233; Chinese and Japanese systems of, contrasted, 15; class associations of, 17-18; ideal of Chinese courtesans, 106-107; importance of "amateur ideal" to, 15, 89; versus painting as a profession, 12, 15, 89, 109, 160, 174, 233, 289n. 3; and scholar-amateur, 14-15, 17-18, 123, 127, 237n. 15, 289n. 3. See also Bunjin; Literati painting; Painting as a profession Amida Hall of Hôkongôin, 163, 164, 179n.20, 179n.23, 180 n. 24 "Ancestor portraits," 98n. 72 An Ch'i, 127, 140 Arakida Rei, 224 Aristocratic women/noblewomen painters, vii, 18, 105, 177n.6, 232, 234; central cultural role of Heian, 159-161; training and accomplishments of Edo-period, 220-221, 232 Art education/training: of Edo-period noblewomen, 220, 232; traditional Chinese, 84-87, 95. See also Education for women Artisans, 71n.5, 91, 98n.72, 164 Artists, Asian women: art exhibitions by, xi-xii, 7, 236, 239nn. 33, 34; in Chung-kuo mei-shuchia jen-ming tz'u-tien, 81, 82, 83-84, 85-87, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95n. 1, 97n.30, 97nn. 38, 39, 40; in other compilations, 5, 104-105, 118n.6, 231, 235, 236, 237n. 1, 238nn. 20, 31,32 Asukai Masataka, 180n.27 Asukai Masatsune, 180n.27

Asukai Norisada, 180 n. 27 Atelier professional painters: in Edo-period Japan, 18, 229-231, 234, 235; in Heian Japan, 163. See also Nyobo; Painting as a profession Autumn Wildlife (painting), by Ch'en Shu, 143, Plate 2 Avatamsaka sutra (Kegonkyo), 9, 186, 187, 201, 206, 215n. 39 Ayscough, Florence, 4, 6 Ayurbarwada (Jen-tsung) (emperor), 61, 64; as art patron, 56, 59-60 "Azumaya" (chapter 50 of Tale of Genji): illustrations), 173 Babies: attitudes toward boy versus girl, 2, 21n.13 Backhouse, Edmund, 3-4 Bamboo (painting subject), 91, 106, 107, 145, 232; ink, viii, 64, 65, 92; Kuan Tao-sheng noted painter of, 14; in paintings by Ike Gyokuran, 254, 262 n. 15, Plate 7; in scroll painting and poem by Cho Koran, 285, 286; in Sengge Ragi's collection, 63, 64, 65 Bamboo and Rock (painting), by Cho Koran, 285, 286 Bamboo Fan with Inscription by Yuri (painting), by Ike Gyokuran, 254, Plate 7 Bamboo in Wind and Rain (painting), by W u Chen, 145 Barnhart, Richard, 43 Basho (Matsuo), 224, 225, 243 Bayan (Mongol general), 57 Beating the Clothes (painting), by Mou I, 109 Beautiful lady/beautiful woman (painting tradition), 12, 28,103,118n. 2 Ben no Tsubone, 165, 180n. 28 Biographical dictionaries. See Artists, Asian women Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Artists. See Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia jen-ming tz'u-tien Biographies of Eminent Women, by Liu Hsiang, 4, 20 n. 7, 27, 28, 29, 30, 59, 125; as source for Ladies'Filial Piety, 31-32, 41, 48n. 20

298 Index Bird-and-flower paintings, 229, 232, 251; by Ch'en Shu, 143, 144, 150n. 14, Plate 2; by Cho Koran, 270, 273, 274, 279, 290n.24; by Liu Yin, 108-109, 108; in Sengge Ragi's collection, 64. See also Flowers Bird on a Flowering Branch (painting), by Liu Yin,

108-109, 108 Bland, J. O. P., 3-4 Boxer Rebellion, 90 Buddhism, women and, 8, 9-10, 61, 81, 95 n. 1, 186, 194-205, 211, 221, 225, 233 Bunjin, 227-229, 232, 233, 234, 236, 265, 268, 270, 273, 280, 285, 288; in Heian jinbutsu shi,

275; motivation for travel of, 290n. 12; term explained, 227, 237n.l5, 289n.3. See also Amateur painting; Literati painting Bureau of Exhibition of Antiquities (Beijing), 136 Burton, Margaret E., 5 Butterflies (painting), by Cho Koran, 270-272, 271, 273 Butterflies (painting subject), 92, 94; by Cho Koran, 270-272, 271, 273; in Sengge Ragi's collection, 65, 67, 77n.55 "Butterfly" binding, 170, 182 n. 45 Byodoin, 179n.20 Calligraphy, 7, 73n. 18, 164, 263n.22, 291n.38; of Edo-period women, 220, 224, 232, 235; Hosshoji style of, 162; by Ike Gyokuran, 253254, 253, 255, 256; by Ike Taiga, 255, 255; by Kaji, 243-244, Plate 6; kinship of, with poetry and painting, 19, 222, 227, 236, 257, 268, 285, 286, 288, 289n. 3, Plate 8; literati painting grounded in, 14; Madam Wei in the heritage of, vii-viii, 14; in Menashikyo and Hannya Rishukyo, 167-170, 168, 169, 171,

172; Mongol appreciation for, 56, 59, 73n. 29; in Sengge Ragi's collection, 63, 65; Sesonji masters of, 179 n. 23; of Southern Sung, 8,11, 33, 43-45, 44, 45; in Tale of Genji, 165,166, 173, 182n.41; by Tamemura Reizei, 247, 248; by Yuri, 246, 246, 253, 254, Plate 7 Camels: Yanagawa Seigan's poem on, 268 Ch'a Chih-sheng, 94, 99 n. 83 Chamberlain, Basil Hall, 6 Chang Hsiian, 12, 28 Chang Hua, 28, 30 Chang Keng, 86, 94, 129, 133, 146, 148, 151 nn. 29, 30,152n.38 Chang Kuei, 75n.48, 77n.55 Chang Lun-ying, 91, 98n. 62 Chang P'u-jen (Chung-shan; Hsueh-t'ang), 75n.47

Chang Ta-ch'ien, 72n. 15, 86 Chang Ta-t'ung, 72n. 15 Chang T'ing-chi, 148 Chang-tsung (emperor), 57, 71 n. 2 Chang Yin, 98n.50 Chan Tzu-ch'ien, 65, 67 Chao (king of Ch'u), 32 Chao Ch'ang, 64, 65, 67, 77n. 55 Chao Ling-jang, 111 Chao Meng-chien (Tzu-ku), vii, 14, 56, 58, 59, 60, 88,105 Chao Meng-fu, 140, 147-148 Chao Po-chü, 42, 49n.27, 93 Chao Shih-yen, 75 n. 48 Chao Wen-min, 140 Chao Yen, 68, 75n.48, 77nn. 54, 55 Chao Yung, 59 Ch'a Yün-fan, 94, 99n.83 Chen, Sophia H., 4, 6, 96n.9 Ch'en Chih-lin, 146 Chen-chin (Yü-tsung), 58, 59, 61 Ch'en Chü-chung, 49n. 27 Ch'en Fa-hsiang, 89 Ch'en Fen-o, 98n.56 Ch'en Fu-jen, 89 Cheng, Madam: Ladies' Filial Piety composed by, 29, 30, 31, 32 Ch'eng Ching-feng, 149 Ch'eng Chii-fu, 58, 73n. 18 Ch'eng-ti (emperor), 30 Ch'en Hao, 75n.48 Ch'en Hua-kan, 97n.40 Ch'en Hung-shou, 84, 88, 91, 109 Ch'en K'ang-po, 124 Ch'en Kung-en, 28 Ch'en Li-kan, 97n.40 Ch'en Shih, 90 Ch'en Shu, 14, 17, 19, 86, 89, 94, 96n.7, 97 n. 49, 98 n. 52, 151 n. 29, 153 n. 47; biographical account of, 123-129; bird-and-flower paintings by, 143, 144, 150n. 14, Plate 2; flower paintings by, 140, 142, 143, 145, 153nn.47, 49; and Kuan-yin figure, 130, 131; landscapes by, 132-140, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 141, 150n. 14,151 n.37, 152n.39; as most influential woman painter, 83; poems by, 129, 151 n. 31; representative of Ch'ing gentry women, 123, 145-149; sources on, 123, 150n. 1 Ch'en Shuai-tsu, 89 Ch'en Shun (Tao-fu; To-yang), 94, 126, 140, 143,148, 153 n. 49 Chen T'ing-shih, 75n.48

Index 299 Ch'en T'ing-ts'ai, 125 Ch'en Tzu-lung, 104, 118n.4 Ch'en Wen-shu, 87, 89, 97n.40 Ch'en Yao-hsun, 124, 125 Ch'en Yin-k'o, 118nn. 4, 7, 119n.l8, 120n.20 Ch'en Yuan, 148 Ch'iang, Lady, 32, 48 n. 20 Chiang Chi-hsi, 86 Chiang Hsiian, 87 Chiang Hui, 87, 97n.38 Chiang I, 86 Chiang I-han, 70 n. 1 Chiang Jui-lan, 97n.40 Chiang Pao-ling, 149 Chiang P'u, 86, 148 Chiang Shen (Kuan-tao), 63, 70n. 1 Chiang Shu, 86 Chiang Ting, 86 Chiang T'ing-hsi, 86, 148 Chiang Yun-ko (Ko Unkaku), 270, 290n. 19 Chiang-yiin lou (Crimson Cloud Storeyed Hall), 104, 108-109, 115; poems, 119n.l8 Chiao Yu-chih, 57, 71 n. 8 Chia Ssu-tao, 72n. 15, 77n.55 Chi Chu-i, 86 Chieh-hua (ruled-line drawing), 109 Chieh-tzu-yiian hua chuan (Mustard Seed Garden manual of painting), 268 Ch'ien An (Chang-ju), 132 Ch'ien Chang, 94 Ch'ien Ch'ang-ling, 149 Ch'ien Ch'en-ch'un, 127-128, 129, 130, 132, 140, 147, 148; account of Ch'en Shu by, 123124, 151n.30 Ch'ien Chieh, 127, 129, 148 Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (Yung-chiang), 104, 105, 106, 107, 109, 119n. 8, 120n.22; Chiang-yiin Lou poems by, 119n. 18; "Eight Views" poems by, 112-113, 117, 118n.2, 119nn. 18, 20 Ch'ien Ch'ing-tsao, 97n.30 Ch'ien Chii-ying, 97n.30, 149 Ch'ien Feng, 127, 129 Ch'ien Hsiian (Shun-chu), 64, 66, 75n.48, 77n. 55, 119n. 16, 146 Ch'ien Jui-cheng, 126, 143 Ch'ien Lin, 84, 86,94, 99n.83 Ch'ien-lung (Kao-tsung) (emperor): as art patron, 49n.28, 56, 71 n. 2, 123, 128, 130, 136 Ch'ien Lun-kuang, 125, 126, 127 Ch'ien Meng-t'ien, 97n.30 Ch'ien P'ei, 86 Ch'ien P'u, 98n.50 Ch'ien Tsai, 129, 148, 149, 151 n. 30

Ch'ien Tu, 86 Ch'ien Tung, 86 Ch'ien Wei-ch'eng, 86, 94, 151 n. 30 Ch'ien Yu-ling, 97n.30, 148-149 Ch'ien Yun-su, 97n. 30, 149 Chigetsu (haiku poet), 224 Ch'ih Tuan, 94 Chih-yen, 186, 187, 189 Chikahira (son of Fujiwara Tadasue), 208, 216nn. 46, 48 Ch'in (Chinese seven-stringed zither), 132, 228, 265, 268, 278, 279, 280, 291 n. 37 China Under the Empress Dowager, by J. O . P. Bland and Edmund Backhouse, 3 Chin Chang, 87 Chin Ch'in-po, 86 Chin dynasty (265-420), 58 Chin dynasty (1115-1234): imperial collection, 57, 71 n. 2 Chinese poetry (kanshi): in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Japan, 224, 225, 228, 257, 266, 268, 283 "Chinese Woman in the Modern World, The," by Sophia H. Chen, 4 Chinese Women, Yesterday & Today, by Florence Ayscough, 4 Ch'ing dynasty: imperial collection, 71 n. 2, 123, 132, 143; opportunities for women in, 83-84; scholar-amateur tradition among women of, 14, 18, 19 Chingen, 2 1 2 n . l 0 Chinggis Khan, 55 Ch'ing-ming Festival, 113 Chin Nung, 112 Chino Kaori, 212n. 10 Chin P'ei-fen, 86 Chin T'ing-piao, 149 Chin-tsung (emperor). See T'ai-ting Chin Yiieh, 87 Chi Shou-tuan, 93 Ch'iu Shih, 98n. 61 Ch'iu Ying, 91,93-94 Chiyo (haiku poet), 224, 225, 234, 237n. 13; and Portrait of Chiyo, 225, 226 Chiyo-ni kushû (Collection of Nun Chiyo's verses), 225 Chô Koran, 17, 19, 228, 232, 233, 234, 290n.27, 291nn. 32, 38, 39, 48; bamboo and rock painting by, 285, 286; bird and flower painting by, 273, 274; butterfly painting by, 270-272, 271, 273; early years of, 265-266; imprisoned, 282; and journey with Seigan, 266, 268-272, 289n. 11; landscapes by, 273,

3 0 0 Index 275, 276, 279-280, 281, 283-285, 284, 287, 288, 290n. 24; orchid painting by, 268, 269; origin of surname of, 289 n. 1; plum blossom paintings by, 233, 285, 287, 288, 292n. 54, Plate 8; poetry by, 270, 272, 275, 279, 280, 282, 285, 288, 290n. 19, 291nn. 42, 44; on traditional women's role, 275, 277; will of, 292n.51 Chdshûki (diary of Minamoto Morotoki), 165, 179 n. 19; comments on Hôkongôin in, 162— 164, 179n.23, 181-182n.41 Chôshû no miya (Long Autumn Palace), 178n. 19 Chou Fang, 12, 28, 63 Chou Hsi (Shu-hsi), 145,146 Chou Hu (Shu-hu), 145, 146 Chou Mi, 43, 72nn. 13, 14 Chou Tseng, 64, 75n.48 Chou Wen-chii, 28, 73n. 18 Chrysanthemum (painting subject), 92, 232, 254 Chuang (king of Ch'u), 41 Chuang Chu-san, 94, 99 n. 83 Chuang Ts'ai-chih, 98n. 55 Ch'uan-ku, 64 Chu Hsi, 16-17, 82 Chu Hsin, 93, 147 Chu I-tsun, 126 Chu-jan, 63, 140 Chu Lan-chen, 89 Chu Lin, 89, 97n.49, 98n.51 Chung, Priscilla, 8 Ch'ung I, 136 Chung-kuo mei-shu-chia jen-ming tz'u-tien (Biographical dictionary of Chinese artists), by Yii Chien-hua, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91,93, 9 5 n . l Chung Ling, 8 Chung Yu, 63 Ch'ii Ping-yun, 94 Chu T'an (Ming prince), 66, 69, 77n. 55 Ch'u Yuan, 91 Chûyûki (diary of Fujiwara Munetada), 179n. 19; comments on Hôkongôin in, 162-163, 164, 179n. 19, 180 n. 24 Civil service examinations, 17, 59, 127, 128 Classic of Filial Piety (Hsiao ching), 8, 32, 50n.41, 59; illustration from ("Starting Point"), 34, 34; and Ladies' Classic compared, 30-32, 33, 34, Plate 1, 37, 41, 43, 46, 48n. 19, 49n.32 Classic of History (Shu ching), 31 Classic of Poetry (Shih ching), 31, 35, 43 Classic of Rites (Li chi), 35; status of women in, 23,30

Collectors and patrons, 51 n. 50, 127; Ch'ienlung as, 49n. 28, 56, 71 n. 2, 123, 128, 130, 136; importance of imperial, 56, 71 n. 2; and Japanese women artists, 233-235, 238n. 30, 285; Mongols as, 56-63, 71 n. 5, 71 nn. 7, 8; retired emperors (In) as, 178 n. 13; seals of, 50nn. 36, 39, 55, 70nn. 1, 2, 72nn. 14, 15, 143; women as, 7, 10-11, 23nn. 31, 32, 55, 61-69, 86, 160, 177n.6, 186, 206, 207-210, 212n. 11, 215n.44, 234, 235, 238n.30. See also Imperial collections; Sengge Ragi "Common People" (chapter 5 of Ladies' Filial Piety), 35, 37, 38 Confucianism, 92, 227, 237n.6, 277; Buddhist nuns unrestricted by, 225; Mongol acceptance of, 56, 59; Neo-, 8-9, 16-17, 32, 46, 59, 82, 219, 227; parody of, 278; position of women according to, 1, 2-3, 6, 7-9, 12-13, 16-17, 27-32, 35, 46, 82, 83, 94, 219, 227, 236, 266; versus Taoism, viii. See also Didactic painting and literature; Education for women Conger, Sarah, 3 "Copying thirty kinds of flowers and grasses by Po-yang shan-jen [Ch'en Shun]" (painting), by Ch'en Shu, 153n. 49 Courtesans/concubines, 7, 17-18, 87, 95, 9 5 n . l , 105, 106-108, 238n. 30; as artists and poets, 222, 223; compared with geisha, 81-82; education of, 83, 84-87; favorite subjects of, 91-92, 106; ideals and values of, 106-107; painting as livelihood for, 88-89, 90; portrayal in paintings of, 118n.2, 230; social environment of, 81-84, 106-107, 117 Court of Rituals, 57 Court painting bureau (edokoro), 161, 163 Cuckoo (hototogisu): theme in waka by "Three Women of Gion," 249-250 Daigoji, 166 Darmabala (Shun-tsung) (father of Princess Sengge Ragi), 61: painting by, 64, 65 Demon daughters (rasetsunyo), 197, 199, 200, 201, 213n. 19 Dharma: Zenmyo as protector of, 197-204 Didactic painting and literature, 3, 16-17, 27-32, 46, 291 n. 44; Admonitions for Women, 29-30, 31, 49 nn. 27, 28; Admonitions of the Court Instructress, 28-29, 30, 47n. 9; Biographies of Eminent Women, 4, 20n. 7, 27, 28, 29, 30, 3132, 41, 48n.20, 59, 125; Classic of Filial Piety as, 8, 30, 31, 32, 46; Classic of Rites, 2-3, 30, 35; Greater Learning for Women, 6, 17; Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety, 7-8, 27, 28-29, 48n.22;

Index 301 Tales of Gisho and Gangyo, 8, 9-10, 193-194. See also Classic of Filial Piety; Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety "Divorce, seven causes for justifiable," 6 Dojo (Ninnaji prince), 206-207 Dojoji: story of Gisho compared to legend of, 193, 212n. 10 Dokyo, 21 n. 5 "Domestic Rules" (Nei-tse) (chapter of Classic of Rites), 3, 30 Dowry: paintings and calligraphy as, 74n.45 Dragon Boat Regatta, The (The Championship) (painting), by W a n g Chen-p'eng, 59-60, 64, 66, 67, 76nn. 50, 51, 77n.55, 78n.57 Dream Record (Yumenoki), by Myoen, 209-210, 216nn. 55, 56 "Dwelling in the Mountains on a Summer D a y " (painting), by Wang Meng, 152n. 38; Ch'en Shu's painting after, 132-133, 134, 136, 151n.37 Dwelling in the Summer Mountains (painting), by T ' a n g Yin: C h ' e n Shu's painting after, 136, 138 Ebusshi (Buddhist painter), 164, 180n. 24 Ecke, Tseng Yu-ho, 7 Edo period: historical context of women's activity in, 14-15, 17, 18, 19, 219-236 Edo tdji shoka jinmei roku (Catalogue of Edo-period personalities), 235 Education for women, 3, 5, 6, 20n. 7, 123, 220, 232, 265-266; and Chinese literature for bunjin, 228; eighteenth- and nineteenth-century art, 83-87, 95; Matsudaira Sadanobu on, 266; participation in art and literature aided by, 219, 221-222, 224, 234; through terakoya and shijuku, 221, 237 n. 4 Education of Women in Japan, The, by Margaret E. Burton, 5 Eiga monogatari (A tale of flowering fortunes), 161, 177n. 10 Eight Albums of Painting (manual), 268 Eighteen Songs of a Nomad Flute (Hu-chia shi-pa p'ai), by Liu Shang, 43, 290n. 22 "Elegant gathering" of Princess Sengge Ragi, 10-11, 62-63, 64, 67, 69, 75n.47, 76nn. 49, 50; names of scholars w h o attended, 75n.48, 76n.54 "Elucidating W i s d o m " (chapter 9 of Ladies' Filial Piety), 40, 41 Ema Saiko, 228, 234, 238n. 30, 278; as role model for Cho Koran, 266 EmaTenko, 2 9 I n . 4 8

"Emperor, T h e " (chapter 2 of Classic of Filial Piety), 31 "Empress and Imperial Consorts, T h e " (chapter 2 of Ladies'Filial Piety), 31, 34, 35 Eshi (professionals) at Heian court, 161 Excursion to the Hills (painting), by Ike Gyokuran, 258-259, 259 Exhibitions of works by Asian women artists, x i xii, 7, 236, 239nn. 33, 34 "Expressing Feelings While Traveling" (poem), by Cho Koran, 272 "Famous Beauties" (section of Yii-t'ai hua-shih), 105 Fan, Lady, 41 Fang Chao-ying, 103-104 Fang Shu-chen, 98 n. 55 Fan-lung, 63 "Feminine" style in painting, viii (aesthetic), 7 (grace), 94 (qualities), 160 (sensibility), 163, 231-233; and masculine terms, 232 Feng Chii-ch'in, 129 Feng Ts'ai-chen, 98 n. 56 Feng Tzu-chen, 75n.48, 76nn. 50, 54, 77n.55 Fen-pen (study-copies), 109 Fighting Bulls (painting), by W a n g Chen-p'eng, 65, 76nn. 48, 54 Fireflies (hotaru): theme in waka of "Three Women of Gion," 250 Fishing Boats among the Reeds (album painting), by Ch'en Shu, 140, 141, 1 5 0 n . l 4 Five Dynasties period: beautiful-lady painting tradition in, 28 Flower Message Pavilion (Hua-hsin Lou), 114, 115 Flowers (painting subject): by C h ' e n Shu, 140, 142, 143, 145, 153nn. 47, 49; by Cho Koran, 268, 269, 288, Plate 8; as common subject of courtesan painters, 106-107; in Sengge Ragi's collection, 64; a specialty of Chinese gentry women painters, 91-92, 93-94, 145-146, 147. See also Bird-and-flower paintings Flute playing, 107-108 Fogg Art Museum: portrait of Liu Yin at, 103, 117n. 1, 118n. 2 Footbinding, 2, 5 "Four gentlemen" (painting subjects), 232, 254, 261, 285 Four Women Who Were Chaste to the Death (Ssu lieh fu t'u) (painting), 4 8 n . 2 0 Fo-yun-pao, 88 Fu (rhyme prose), 163 Fu-an Shih-kao (Draft copy of the poems of the Fu [diagram] Retreat), by Ch'en Shu, 151 n. 31

3 0 2 Index Fugen (Samantabhadra) (bodhisattva), 199, 200 Fu Hsi (legendary emperor), 130 Fujita Toko, 277-278 Fujiwara Atsumitsu, 163 Fujiwara Choshi: as Lady Kii, 166, 181 n. 33 Fujiwara family, 13, 159, 161 Fujiwara Kanshi, 161, 1 7 7 n . l l Fujiwara Koremichi, 165, 182 n. 41 Fujiwara Michinaga, 161, 177 nn. 10, 11 Fujiwara Michinori (Shinzei), 166, 167, 181 nn. 33, 34

Gion: area of Kyoto, 241 Gionji, 291 n. 37 Gion sanjo kashii (Poem collection of the Three Women of Gion), 261 Gisho: 186, 211 n. 3, 212n.4; and encounter with Zenmyo, 9, 186-195, 188, 189, 190-191, 197,199-200, 201, 210, 213n. 12, Plate 5; text by, 214 n. 32 Gishumon'in (empress), 208 Goddess of the Lo River (Lo-shen fu), by Ts'ao Chih, 43

Fujiwara Mototaka, 180n.24 Fujiwara Munetada, 179 n. 19; on Hokongoin, 162 Fujiwara Narinori, 166, 169, 181 n. 33, 36 Fujiwara Sadaie, 208, 216 n. 53 Fujiwara Sadanobu, 164, 179 n. 23 Fujiwara Shoken, 166 Fujiwara Sueko: as Lady Sanmi, 216n. 45 Fujiwara Tadamichi (Lord Hosshoji), 162, 163— 164, 165, 166, 167, 170, 181 n. 32, 182 n. 41 Fujiwara Tadanobu, 161, 177n. 10 Fujiwara Tadasue, 208, 216n.48 Fujiwara Takayoshi, 166, 181 n. 34 Fujiwara Teika, 247 Fukuhara Gogaku, 263 n. 20

Golden Hall (Kozanji), 207, 209, 215n. 44 Gomizunoo (emperor), 220, 221 "Good friends" (zettchishiki): Buddhist women as, 9,10, 201, 214n.23 Goreizei (emperor), 177 n. 11 Goshirakawa (Prince Masahito) (emperor), 166, 167, 169, 173, 176 n. 1, 178 nn. 13, 14, 181nn. 32, 33 Gotoba (retired emperor), 185, 205, 206, 208, 215n.36, 216n.45 Gotoh Art Museum, 165, 172, 182n.44 "Government by Filiality" (chapter 8 of Ladies' Filial Piety), 40, 41 "Government by the Sage" (chapter 9 of Classic of Filial Piety), 31 Greater Learning for Women, The, by Kaibara Ekken, 6, 17 Great Learning (Ta hsiieh), 46, 59 Griffis, William E., 5-6 Gyohen, Bishop, 161-162, 164; genealogy of, 162, 178n. 16

Gandavyiiha (Nyuhokkaihon) (section of Kegonkyo), 9, 201, 214n. 23 Gangyo, 9, 186, 187, 189, 197, 210, 211 n. 3, 212n.4, 215n.32; dream of, 187, 212n.5; listing of texts by, 214 n. 32 Geisha: and Chinese courtesans compared, 81-82 Genghis Khan (Chinggis Khan), 55 Genji higisho (Notes on the secret meanings of the Genji), 180 n. 25 Genji Painting Defense (Genji-e chinjo), 165-167, 180nn. 25, 26, 27, 182n.41 Genpei War, 208 Genre school of painting, 18 Gentileschi, Artemisia, 117 Gentry-women painters, 17, 81, 145-147; art education for, 85-87; favorite subjects of, 92; painting as livelihood for, 89-91, 97 n. 49, 98nn. 50, 51, 52, 55, 56, 60, 61, 62, 126; and scholar-amateur tradition, 123, 126-127, 145147; social environment of, 82-84, 87-88, 95, 95n. 1, 96n.9; who painted with husbands, 87-88 Genyo (Rinkuji Miya), 220, 221, 233 "Ghost painting," 94 Ghosts (painting subject), 92 Giles, Herbert, 6

Haiga (haiku poem-paintings), 225, 257 Haikai hyaku isshii (A selection of one hundred haikai), 225, 226 Haikai matsu no koa (Haikai: Voice of a pine), by Chiyo, 237 n. 13 Haiku, 233, 243; Edo-period women who excelled in, 224-225, 227, 234, 235-236 Hakuosha (White Sea Gull Society), 266, 289 n. 9; portrait of members of, 267 Hamaguchi, Tan, 5 Hanasugata joshoku jinkan (woodblock-printed book), by Utagawa Kuninao, 229 Han dynasty: didactic art and literature from, 2728, 29-30 Hanlin Academy, 75n.48, 127 Hannya Rishukyo (Sutra of the Perfection of Wisdom) (scroll): colophon to, 167, 169 Han shu (History of the former Han), 29, 163 Haritl: in Yen-shan-ssu wall paintings, 197, 199, 213n. 19

Index 303 Hasegawa Ichiro, 234 " H a s h i h i m e " (chapter 45 of Tale of Genji), 173-

174, 176, Plate 3 Hatto Shogaku, 289 n. 9 Heianjinbutsu shi ( W h o ' s w h o in Kyoto), 235, 259, 275, 291 n. 32 Heian-period w o m e n : and Chinese counterparts compared, 11-13, 14; contributions to literature and arts of, 159-161, 176, 178n. 15; and Edo-period amateurs compared, 14-15; and Muiromachi w o m e n compared, 16; on personal names of, 176n. 1; yamato-e painting of, 162, 179 n. 17. See also Nyoho Heiji Disturbance of 1159, 166, 179n. 16 Heike nogyd (Taira family sutras), 199 HibinoSosen, 289 n. 9 Hikime kagihana (line-for-an-eye and hook-for-anose), 171 Hikohohodemi no mihoto emaki, 213 n. 13 Hinagata waka no hatsu moyo (woodblock print series), 223 Hino Tomiko, 5 Hiraoka Hachiman Shrine, 205 Hirose Tanso, 272 Hishikawa Moronobu, 230 Historiography Academy (Yuan), 7 5 n . 4 8 Historiography Institute (Sung), 57 History of the Former Han (Han shu), 29, 163 H o j o Masako, 16, 21 n. 17 H o j o Yasutoki, 207 Hokekyo (Lotus sutra): image of w o m e n in, 197, 199; -sasshi, 170-172, 171, 172, 182nn. 44, 46 Hokkyo (Bridge of the Law), 164, 180n. 24 Hokongoin, 10, 179 nn. 18, 20; construction and panel paintings of, 162-164, 170, 179nn. 23, 24 Hokusai (Katsushika Hokusai): fame achieved by daughters of, 230 H o Man, 113 Honcho gashi (History of Japanese painting), by Kano Eino, 162 Honcho Hokke genki (Miracles of the Lotus in our country), 193 Honcho taoyame soroi (Delicate ladies of our country), by Utagawa Kuniyoshi, 238n. 20 Hosokawa, Lady, 21 n. 17 Hosshoji, Lord (Fujiwara Tadamichi), 162, 163164, 165, 166, 167, 170, 181 n. 32, 1 8 2 n . 4 1 Ho-ti (emperor), 30 H o - t u n g Fu-jen (Madam Ho-tung). See Liu Yin Hou-mou-ch'en M o , 29, 47n. 10 Hsiang Pao-ai, 90, 9 8 n . 5 5 Hsiang Sheng-mo, 126

Hsiao Chao, 63 Hsiao ching. See Classic of Filial Piety Hsiao-chung hsien-ta (The great revealed in the small) (album of paintings), 1 5 2 n . 3 7 Hsieh Hsüeh, 9 7 n . 3 9 Hsi-yao, 9 7 n . 4 0 Hsiian-chi t'u: Preparing a Palindrome (painting), by LiuHsi, 24n.41 Hsiian-ho hm-p'u, 29, 32, 43, 50n. 39 Hsü An-sheng, 145 Hsüan-tsu (Sung emperor), 7 2 n . 4 6 Hsüan-tsung (Ming-huang) (emperor), 5, 108, 119n.6 Hsü C h ' e n , 9 8 n . 5 5 H s ü Chia-yen, 126 Hsüeh Hsien-a, 9 7 n . 4 0 Hsüeh W u (Su-su), 7, 82, 93, 9 6 n . 4 , 107, 108, 119 nn. 13, 16, 146 H s ü Fo, 8 4 , 1 0 6 , 1 1 9 n . l 0 H s ü Hsi, 147 Hsü Pao-chuan, 88 Hsü Po, 63 H s ü S h i h , 89, 9 8 n . 5 2 Hsü Ts'an, 145, 146 H s ü Wei, 143 Huai-i (empress), 72n. 16 Huai-su, 58, 7 2 n . l 4 H u a n g C h ' ü a n , 147 H u a n g Chü-pao, 64 H u a n g Kung-wang (Ching-hsi lao-jen), 116, 140 H u a n g Tao-chou (Shih-chai), 145-146, 147 H u a n g T'ing-chien (T'ai-shih), 58, 63, 66, 67, 7 0 n . 1, 72n. 15, 7 5 n n . 48, 55 H u a n g Tsung-tao, 64 H u a n g Yüan-chieh, 19, 90, 115-117, 120n.23, 145, 146; landscape painting by, 115, 116 H u a - t ' i n g "copyists," 140 Hua-yen (Kegon) sect of Buddhism, 186 Hui-ch'ung, 63 Hui-tsung (emperor), 56, 63, 64, 71 n. 2, 143 H u - t u T'a-erh, 60 H u Ying-lin, 1 1 9 n . l 6 Hyaku meika gafu (Album of calligraphy and painting), 275 Ichijo (emperor), 159 Ichijo hokkaizu (Diagram of the Mahayana Dharma Realm), by Myoe, 214n. 32 Ihara Saikaku, 225 Ii Haruki, 180n.29 Ikeda Shoson, 291 n. 38 Ike Gyokuran, 17, 18, 19, 222, 227, 2 3 7 n . 16, 241, 244, 247-260, 261, 261, 262, 2 6 2 n . 12,

304 Index 263nn. 22, 24; calligraphy of, 253-254, 253, 255, 256; fan paintings by, 253, 254, 255-257, 256, 257, 262n. 17, Plate 7; and Japanese waka combined with Chinese painting, 257; landscapes by, 255-259, 256, 259, 262n. 18, 263 n. 20; screen paintings by, 262 n. 18; waka by, 247, 249-250, 251, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 262n. 8; in woodblock illustration, 252,

252 Ike Taiga, 237n. 16, 244, 251-253, 254, 255, 257, 260, 261, 262nn. 9, 12, 263n. 20; fan paintings and calligraphy by, 253, 255, 255; illustrations in Taigadd gaho by, 257-259, 258; landscape by, 257-259, 258; in woodblock illustration, 252, 252 Imitating T'ang Yin's "Dwelling in the Summer Mountains" (painting), by C h ' e n Shu, 136, 138 Imitating Wang Meng's "Dwelling in the Mountains on a Summer Day" (painting), by C h ' e n Shu, 132-133, 134, 136, 151 n. 37 Imperial Archives, Yuan, 57, 59, 60, 71 n. 8, 72 n. 9 Imperial collections: Chin (1115-1234), 57, 71 n. 2; C h ' i n g , 71 n. 2, 123, 132, 143; Ming, 66, 71 n . 2 ; Sung, 57-58, 7 2 n n . 11, 13, 15, 16; Sung Archives, 57; Yuan, 55-56, 57, 58, 59, 70n. 1; Yuan Archives, 57, 59, 60, 7 1 n . 8 , 72 n. 9 Imperial Manufactories Commission (Chiang-tso Yuan), 71 n. 5 In (retired Japanese emperor), 178n. 13 Inaga Keiji, 165 Inagaki Tsuru-jo, 230 Infanticide, 2, 5 Inkaku, 164, 180 n. 24 Ink bamboo (style of painting): first painted by Lady Li, viii, 92; in Sengge Ragi's collection, 64, 65 Inoue Tsu, 224

Jen-tsung (emperor). See Ayurbarwada Jidai matsuri (Festival of the Ages): " K a j i " and " G y o k u r a n " featured in, 260, 261, 261 Jikken onna ogi (Ten fans of wise women), by Utagawa Kuniyoshi, 238 n. 20 Jingoji, 215 n. 36 Jingü (empress), 21 n. 17 Jissóji, 266 Jóhen, Master, 167, 169 Jóken, Master, 167, 169 Juan En-luan, 97 n. 39 Juan Yüan, 87, 9 7 n . 3 9 Juan Yü-fen, 9 7 n . 3 9 Judith with the Severed Head of Holofernes, by Artemisia Gentileschi, 117 "Jui-yün, a Famous Courtesan" (story), by P ' u Sung-ling, 107 Kagawa Kageki, 222, 224 Kaibara Ekken, 6, 17 Kaikei, 207, 210, 215 n. 44 Kaji, 222, 237n. 16, 241-244, 245, 247, 259, 260, 260, 261, 262, 262n. 11; calligraphy by, 243-244, Plate 6; waka by, 241-244, 249, 250, 262n. 3, Plate 6 Kaji no ha (Paper mulberry leaves), 241 Kakeiji, 265 Kamakura period, 14, 15-16 Kamei Shókin, 228 Kamei Shóyó, 228, 270 Kami Sanmi. See Sanmi, Lady Kamo no Mabuchi, 222 Kamo Shrine, 215 n. 36 Kana (Japanese writing), viii (hiragana), 160, 231232 Kan Chazan, 268-269; poem about Yanagawa Seigan by, 268 Kanfugenkyo sasshi (book), 182 n. 44 Kano Einó, 162

Insei period, 178 n. 13; emergence of women's painting in, 161, 170 Institute for the Advancement of Literature, 71n. 8

Kano school, 15, 18, 232, 233, 251; the largest and most influential painting academy, 230 Kano Tan'yu, 230, 238 n. 18 Kanshi (Chinese poetry), 224, 225, 228, 257, 266,

Institute of Literature (Ching-chi so), 71 nn. 7, 8 Iris and Roses (painting), by C h ' e n Shu, 140, 142 Ishihara Totei, 289n. 9

268, 283 Kao K ' o - k u n g , 140

Jang-li-kuan kuo-yen lu (Record of works seen in the Luxuriant Pear-Tree Studio), by Lu Hsinyiian, 4 9 n . 2 8 Japanese Women Artists, 1600-1900 (exhibition), xi-xii, 7, 236, 239nn. 33, 34 Jen C h ' u n - c h ' i , 88

Kao-tsung ( C h ' i n g emperor). See Ch'ien-lung Kao-tsung (Sung emperor), 2 1 n . 4 1 ; as art patron, 46, 5 0 n . 3 7 , 5 1 n . 5 0 , 56, 7 2 n n . 13, 15; calligraphy of, 33, 44, 45, 45, 4 9 n . 32, 66, 77n. 55 Kara-e (Chinese painting), viii Karakami (mica paper), 170, 171, 172, 182nn. 44, 46

Index 305 Kashibuchi Atei, 289 n. 9 "Kashiwagi g r o u p " (chapters 36-40 of Tale of Genji), 173, 174 Kasuga no Tsubone, 21 n. 17 Kawanabe Kydsai, 230, 231 Kegon Fifty-five Visits, The (handscroll), 201 Kegonkyo (Avatamsaka siitra), 9, 186, 187, 201, 206, 215 n. 39 Kegon sect of Buddhism, 185, 186, 194, 199, 201, 210 Kegon Yuishingi (The doctrine of mind-only in Kegon), by Myoe, 2 1 2 n . 11 Keifukomon'in, 2 4 n . 4 4 Kenjo hakkei (Eight views of wise and strong women), by Utagawa Kuniyoshi, 238n. 20 Kenjo reppuden (Stories of wise and strong women), by Utagawa Kuniyoshi, 238n. 20 Kenreimon'in Tokuko, 1 8 0 n . 2 9 Kensho, 162, 1 7 9 n . l 8 Ken'yiifujo kagami (Mirrors of intelligent and strong women), by Utagawa Kuniyoshi, 238 n. 20 Khaishan (Wu-tsung) (emperor), 61, 67 Khubilai Khan (Shih-tsu), 56, 61, 7 3 n . 3 4 , 75 n. 47; established imperial art collection, 57, 58, 71 n. 8, 72n. 13; and southern scholars, 58, 72 n. 8 Kichijoten, 204 Kido Takayoshi, 234, 285, 291 n. 53 Kii, Lady (Ki(i) no Tsubone), 11, 12, 19, 164170, 181 n. 39, 182n.43; identity of, 164-170, 181 n. 33; pronunciation of name of, 181 n. 31 Kikai, 215n. 44 Kikaku, 224

stories of famous w o m e n of our country, ancient and modern), by Utagawa Kuniyoshi, 238 n. 20 Kokugaku (national learning), 237n. 6; and w o m en's role in arts, 222 Komatsu Shigemi, 167, 1 8 2 n . 4 6 K o m y o (empress), 10, 21 n. 7 Konkdmyokyo (Sutra of Golden Light) (scroll), 167 Konoe Motomichi, 209, 2 1 6 n . 5 3 K o R a i k i n , 227, 2 3 7 n . l 6 Koran iko (collection of C h o Koran's poems), 279,282, 291 n. 42 Koran koshii (collection of C h o Koran's poems), 275, 290n. 19 Korea: Yuan princess married to king of, 7 4 n . 4 5 ; Buddhist monks from, 9, 186, 187 Koryusai, 223 Kosaisho no Tsubone, 165, 180 n. 28 Ko Sanmi no Tsubone. See Sanmi, Lady Kose no Hirotaka, 178 n. 16 Koto shogajinmei roku (Record of calligraphers and painters in the imperial capital), 235, 291n.39 Ko U n k a k u . See Chiang Yiin-ko Kozanji, 10, 16, 185, 201, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 2 1 1 n . 2 , 2 1 4 n . 3 1 , 2 1 5 n . 3 2 Kozanji engi (History of Kozanji), 201, 206, 215 n. 44 Kozanji Myoe shonin gyojoki (Life of Saint Myoe of Kozanji), 213n. 12 Kozanji shogyo mokuroku, 214 n. 32 Kuangchou, painting in, 18 Kuan Tao-sheng, vii, 14, 19, 2 4 n . 4 1 , 59, 83, 88,

Kikusha, 224, 225, 2 3 7 n . l l Kim An-lo, 7 4 n . 4 5 Kimura Kenkado, 263 n. 20 Kinsei kijin den (Lives of modern eccentrics), 235, 252

93, 9 6 n . 7 , 105, 146,147, 149 Kuan-yin, 9, 107; painting by C h ' e n Shu of, 130,

Kiyohara Yukinobu, 230, 233, 235, 238nn. 18, 30 Kobori Enshu, 247 K ' o Chiu-ssu, 68, 69, 70n. 1 Kodama Sekiho, 267 Ko Fuyo, 237n. 16, 257, 2 6 3 n . 2 0 Kohitsu Ryoetsu, 171 Koken (empress), 5, 21 n. 15 Kokin haikaijokasen (Women haikai poets of modern and ancient times), by Ihara Saikaku, 225 Kokin wakashu (Collection of ancient and modern

K'uei-chang ko. See Pavilion of the Star of Literature Kuei-fan (Regulations for the w o m e n ' s quarters), by Lii K ' u n , 20n. 7 Kugyd hunin (Court appointments), 181 n. 36 Ku Hui, 9 7 n . 4 5 Ku K'ai-chih, 28, 43, 4 7 n . 9 Kumagai Naotaka, 234, 273, 283, 292n. 51 K u Mei, 107, 146 K ' u n g Lu-hua, 87, 9 7 n . 3 9 K u n g Su-jan, 2 4 n . 4 1 Kunisue, 164

Japanese poems), 1 8 2 n . 4 4 Kokon honcho meijo hyaku den (One hundred

K'un yiian lu (Records of the earth principle), 163 Kuo-ch'ao hua cheng lu (Record of painters of the

131, 146 Kuan Yu, 130 Kuan Yiin, 9 7 n . 4 0

306 Index Ch'ing dynasty), by Chang Keng, 129, 150n. 1 Kuo-ch'üan, 66 Kurihara Nobumitsu, 206, 215n. 40 Kurodani temple, 263 n. 24 Kusumi Morikage, 230 Kyosaigaden (woodblock book), 230, 231 Kyükyodó (Kyoto paper store), 234, 273, 283, 285 Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety/Ladies' Filial Piety (Nii hsiao ching): background and sources, 7-8, 11, 27-32, 48 nn. 19, 20, 22; and Classic of Filial Piety compared, 30-32, 33, 34, 34, 37, 41, 43, 46, 48n. 19, 49n. 32, Plate 1; illustrations of, 32-45, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, Plate 1; Taipei and Peking scrolls compared, 33, 34, 35-37, 38-39, 41, 42-43, 44-45, 4 8 n . 26, 49nn. 27, 28, 30, 50nn. 36, 40 Ladies on a Terrace (painting), by Liu Yin, 109, 110 "Lamentation for Camels" (poem), by Tanagawa Seigan, 268 Landscape (painting, 1848), by Chó Koran, 279280, 281, 283 Landscape (painting, 1869), by Chó Koran, 283285, 284 Landscape after Wang Meng (painting), by Chang Keng, 148 Landscape in the Manner of Huang Kung-wang (painting), by Huang Yüan-chieh, 115, 116 Landscape in the Style of Mi Fu (painting), by Chó Koran, 273, 275, 276, 280, 283 Landscapes (painting subject), 91, 92, 146, 148, 261; by Ch'en Shu, 132-140, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 141, 150n. 14, 151n.37, 152n.39; by Cho Koran, 273, 275, 276, 279-280, 281, 283-285, 284, 287, 288, 290n. 24; by Huang Yüan-chieh, 115, 116; by Ike Gyokuran, 255259, 256, 259, 2 6 2 n . l 8 , 263n.20; by Ike Taiga, 257-259, 258; by Liu Yin, 109-112, 110, 111, 112, 113, 119n. 18; in Sengge Ragi's collection, 63 Landscapes of the Four Seasons (paintings), by Ike Gyokuran, 263 n. 20 Landscapes with figures (album by Liu Yin), 109112, 110, 111, 112, 113, 119n. 18 Lan-t'ing Pavilion. See Orchid Pavilion Legends of the Kegon Sect, 185, 211 n. 1. See also Tales of Gisho and Gangyo Leng Mei, 117n. 2 Li, Lady (Li Shih): ink bamboo first painted by, viii, 92

Liang K'ai, 65, 76 n. 54 Liang Kuo-chih, 136 Liang Pai-luan, 268 Liang Shih-min, 65, 77 n. 55 Liang T'ung-shu, 147 Li chi. See Classic of Rites Li Ch'ing-chao, 4, 6, 8, 13 Li Chiung, 75nn. 48, 50 Li Ch'iung-hsien, 90, 98 n. 60 Lieh-ch'ao shih-chi, 104 Li Hsiu-i, 88 Li K'an, 60 Li Kung-lin, 32, 94, 109, 110; influence on textual illustration of, 43 Li Meng, 59, 7 3 n . 2 9 Ling-kuang Hall, 27 Ling Tai, 9 8 n . 5 5 Lin Nu-erh (Servant Lin), 84 Lin T'ien-su, 93 Li Po, 59 Li Shih-lu (Assistant Director Li of the Imperial Archives), 62, 75n.47 Literacy, female, 7, 17 Literati/Chinese/Scholar-amateur painting, viii, 56, 92, 107, 147; Ch'en Shu in the tradition of, 126-127; importance of "amateur ideal" to, 15, 89; Japanese and Chinese traditions contrasted, 15; rejection of "professionalism" by, 289n. 3; related terms explained, 237n. 15, 289n. 3; (scholar-amateur), 14-15, 17-18, 123, 127, 237 n. 15, 289n.3; tradition in Japan (hunjin), viii, 15, 18, 227-229, 232, 233, 237n. 15, 251, 254, 257, 261, 268, 273, 275, 279, 285, 289n.3, 290n.27. See also Amateur painting; Bunjin Literature, 236, 238n.32; Asian women in Western, 2-7; Heian women created first great prose, 13, 16, 159-160; Institute for the Advancement of, 71 n. 8; Institute of, 71 nn. 7, 8; Pavilion of the Star of, 56, 69, 70n. 1; strong link between Japanese art and, 227. See also Didactic painting and literature Li Tso-hsien, 132 Liu, Consort, 43 Liu Fan-yung, 97 n. 39 LiuHsi, 2 4 n . 4 1 LiuHsiang, 4, 2 0 n . 7 , 125 Liu Ju-shih. See Liu Yin Liu Keng, 60 Liu Kuan, 75n.48 Liu Kung-ch'üan, 65 Liu Ping-chung, 71 n. 8 Liu Shang, 43

Index 307 Liu Shih. See Liu Yin Liu Sung-nien, 65, 67, 76n. 54, 77n. 55 LiuTsan, 7 5 n . 4 8 Liu Wen-ju, 9 7 n . 3 9 Liu Yin (Shih; Ju-shih; Ho-tung fu-jen [Madam Ho-tung]; Yang Yin; Yang Ai; Yang Yinglien), 17, 19, 82, 84, 9 6 n . 4 , 118nn. 3, 4, 6, 119n. 10, 120n.23, 146; bird-and-flower painting by, 108-109, 108; doubtful portrait of, 103, 117nn. 1, 2; Ladies on a Terrace, 109, 110; landscape album by, 109-112, 110, 111, 112, 113, 119n. 18; Misty Willows, 112-115, 114-115, 117, 117n. 1, 119n. 20; names used by, 103-104, 1 0 5 , 1 1 8 n . 7 , 119nn. 8, 18; unauthenticated paintings by, 108-109 Lives of the Founders of the Kegon Sect, 185,

Male artists: taught by women, vii, 86, 94, 99 n. 83, 129, 148-149 Ma Lin, 45, 5 0 n . 4 0 Manabe Akikatsu, 282 Manjusri Hall at Yen-shan-ssu: wall paintings at, 196-199, 196, 198, 199 Mao Ch'ing-shan, 97 n. 45 Mao Hsiang, 82, 85, 87, 91, 9 6 n . 5 , 105-106, 107, 119n. 9 Marriage residence: patrilocal versus matrilocal, 13, 16 Masahito, Prince. See Goshirakawa MaShou-chen, 82, 9 6 n . 4 , 107, 108, 118n.2, 146 Ma Tsu-ch'ang, 75n.47 Matsudaira Sadanobu: on women's education, 266

211 n. 1. See also Tales of Gisho and Gangyo Li Yin, 146 Li Yuan-tao, 75 n. 48 Li Yu-fen, 148 Lo Ch'i-lan, 19 Lo Fang-shu, 9 8 n . 6 1 LoP'ing, 91,92

Matsuya (teahouse), 241, 244, 245, 247, 251, 260; in woodblock illustration, 241, 242, 261 Maya, Queen: in Parinirvana paintings, 201, 202, 204; as source for representation of Zenmyo, 201; in Yen-shan-ssu wall paintings, 197, 198 Ma Yuan, 33, 43, 45, 49n. 32 Ma Yuan-yu, 83, 86, 147 Meigetsuki (Record of the bright moon), 208 Meiji Restoration, 283, 292n.50 Meika hyoban ki (book), by Oda Kaisen, 278 Meisho-e (pictures of famous places), 162, 163 Menashikyo ("eyeless sutra") (scroll), 167, 168,

Lotus Flower (painting), by Ch'en Shu, 143, 153 n. 48 Lotus Sutra (Hokekyo): Heian book of, 170-172, 171, 172, 182 nn. 44, 46; image of women in, 197, 198 Lou-chii t'u (Living aloft) (painting), by Wen Cheng-ming, 111 Lou Shu, 43, 50n.37 Lou Yueh, 5 0 n . 3 7 Lu Chien-tseng, 148 Lu H si-chen, 93 Lu Hsin-yuan, 49 n. 28 Lu Hsiian, 9 7 n . 4 5 Lu Kuang, 140 L u K ' u n , 20 n. 7 Lu Leng-chia, 65, 77n.55 Lung Mao-tsung (Fan-lung), 63 Lung-mien chii-shih. See Li Kung-lin Lute, The (play), 93 Lu Tung-pin, 130 Lu Yiian-su, 86 Ma C h ' u a n , 19, 83, 86, 89, 91, 93, 94, 96n. 7, 9 7 n . 4 9 , 98n.62, 99n.83, 146, 147, 148 Maeda daimyo, 234 Ma Fen, 64 Ma Ho-chih: Classic of Filial Piety and Ladies' Filial Piety paintings attributed to, 33, 42, 43, 4 9 n . 3 2 , 50n.40; illustrations by, 34-41, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, Plate 1

169,170,171-172 " M i d o t " brushwork technique, 275, 279 Mi Fu, 146, 290n. 30; Cho Koran's painting in style of, 273, 275, 276, 280, 283 Mikado's Empire, The, by William Elliot Griffis, 5-6 Mikawa komachi (haiku publication), 225 Mikuma Katen: woodblock illustrations by, 241, 242, 252, 252 Minagawa Kien, 257 Minamoto Arihito, 165, 167, 170, 181n.32, 182 n. 41 Minamoto Michichika, 208, 209, 216n. 48 Minamoto Morotoki, 179 n. 19; on Hokongoin, 162-164 Minamoto Yoritomo, 16, 21 n. 17 Ming-huang (emperor). See Hsiian-tsung " M i n o r i " (chapter 40 of Tale of Genji), 173 Miscellaneous Paintings (album), by Ch'en Shu, 140, 141, 150n. 14 Missionaries, 20n. 7, 290n. 18; Asian women as described by, 2, 3, 4, 5-6 Misty Willows at the Moon Dike (painting), by Liu Yin, 112-115, 114-115, 117, 1 1 7 n . l ; Ch'ien Ch'ien-i's poem on, 112-114, 115, 120n.20

3 0 8 Index Mito Tokugawa family, Til Miyazaki Ameishi, 241 Miyazaki Yuzen, 241 Mo-hsiang (courtesan), 84 Mongols, 10, 11, 7 1 n . 4 ; as art collectors and patrons, 56-63, 71 nn. 5, 7, 8; influence of Chinese culture on, 55-57; Sung collection preserved by, 57-58, 72nn. 11, 13, 15, 16. See also Sengge Ragi; Yuan dynasty Monogatari (tales), 160 Monogatari-e (tale pictures), 160, 161, 167, 170, 171, 177n. 10 M o n t o k u (emperor), 162 " M o o n D i k e " (Yiieh-t'i) poem by Ch'ien Ch'ien-i, 112-114, 115, 1 2 0 n . 2 0 Mou I, 109 Mountains Are Quiet and the Days Grow Long, The (painting), by C h ' e n Shu, 133, 135, 136, 151n.37 Mountain with Ox-hair Wrinkles (woodblock book illustration), by Ike Taiga, 258, 258 Mount Hua (painting), by W a n g Meng, 132 Mu-chai Ch'u-hsiieh chi (Collected works of Ch'ien Ch'ien-i), 1 2 0 n . 2 0 Mu-chai Yu-hsiieh chi (Collected works of Ch'ien Ch'ien-i), 1 2 0 n . 2 2 Mu-lan, 272 Munetaka (prince), 165 Murasaki Shikibu, viii, 13, 21 n. 17, 159-160, 233, 278 Murase Tojo, 266, 289n. 9 Muromachi period, 14, 15, 16 Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting, 268 Myoe (monk), 185, 186, 193, 201, 205, 206, 207, 208, 211, 2 1 1 n . 2 , 212nn. 7, 11, 2 1 3 n . l 2 , 214n. 32, 215nn. 36, 44, 216nn. 45, 50; dream of Zenmyo by, 209-210, 2 1 6 n n . 55, 56 Myogen, 164 Nagasaki, 290n. 18; journey of Koran and Seigan to, 269-272 Nagato no Tsubone, 165, 1 8 0 n . 2 8 Nakabayashi Chikuto, 273, 275, 278, 279, 280, 290nn. 27, 2 8 , 2 9 , 30, 291 n. 38 Nakayama Tadachika, 181 n. 39 Nanga (southern painting), 227, 251, 257, 260, 261; term explained, 237n. 15 Nara e-hon ( " N a r a " picture-book), 2 4 n . 4 4 Narcissus (painting subject), 106, 143, 153 n. 49 N e w Year: N e w Year's paintings, 145; waka by Kaji on, 241 Nihon kokugenzaisho mokuroku, 29, 4 7 n . 11 Ning-tsung (emperor), 11, 45, 2 4 n . 4 1

Ninnaji, 162, 1 7 8 n . l 6 , 2 0 6 Ninnaji sho inke ki (Records of various subtemples of Ninnaji), 162 Ni Tsan, 146 " N o b l e Ladies" (chapter 3 of Ladies' Filial Piety), 35,36 Noen, 208, 2 1 6 n . 4 8 Noguchi Shôhin, 228, 229, 233, 234, 285; exhibition of works by, 236, 239 n. 33 Nomura Bôtô, 224, 225 Nu hsiao ching (Ladies' classic of filial piety). See Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety Nukina Kaioku, 278, 291 n. 38 Nymph of the Lo River Prose-poem, by Emperor Kao-tsung, 66, 7 7 n . 5 5 Nyôbô, 161, 162, 164, 170, 1 7 8 n . l 5 , 181n.31; -edokoro (court ladies' painting atelier), 163; painters and Tale of Genji, 170-176 Nyûhokkaihon (Gandavyûha) (section of KegonkyS), 201, 2 1 4 n . 2 3 Ô b a k u Kakutei, 262 n. 15 Oda Kaisen, 278 O g e n , 180 n. 24 O ' H a r a , Albert R . , 4 Ohashi, 222, 225 O i (daughter of Hokusai), 230 Oidono palace, 163 O k a m o t o Kôseki, 288, 291 n. 48 Okazaki Shunseki, 283 Ô k u b o Shibutsu, 228 Okuhara Seiko, 228-229, 232, 234, 285; exhibitions of works by, 236, 2 3 9 n . 33 O k u r a Ryuzan, 228, 279 O-mei, 9 7 n . 4 0 Ô n i n War, 5 Onki (twelfth-anniversary memorial service), 181n.39 Onna daigaku (volume of moral instruction for women), 291 n . 4 4 Onna-de (women's hand), 160, 231-232 Onna-e (women's painting), 12, 2 3 n . 3 6 , 160, 177n.5, 232, 2 3 8 n . 2 1 Onna-eshi (female professional painters), 229, 229 O n o Kozan, 277, 291 nn. 42, 48 O n o O z ù (Otsu), 220, 235, 237n. 3 O p i u m War, 277 Orchid Fan (painting), by Ike Taiga, 255, 255 Orchid Fan with Waka Poem (painting), by Ike Gyokuran, 255, 256 Orchid Pavilion, 62, 7 4 n . 4 6 Orchid Pavilion preface (Ting-wu Lan-t'ing hsu), 62, 63, 7 4 n . 4 6

Index 3 0 9 Orchids (painting subject), 107, 232, 254, 255; by Cho Koran, 268, 269; courtesans' partiality to, 91, 92, 106 Otagaki Rengetsu, 224, 225, 232, 234, 237n. 10; exhibition of works by, 236, 239n. 33 Otogizdshi (companion tales), 2 4 n . 4 4 Otoko-e (men's painting), 160, 161, 177n.5, 232 Ou-yang T'ing-t'ing, 87, 9 7 n . 3 8 "Ox-hair wrinkles" (painting technique), 257258, 258 Pa-chung hua-p'u (Eight albums of painting), 268 Pai-miao (ink outline) (style of painting), 109 Painting as a profession/livelihood, 126, 147, 170, 173-174; and "atelier professionals," 18, 163, 229-231, 234, 235; for Ch'ing-dynasty women, 88-91, 97n.49, 98nn. 50, 51, 52, 55, 56, 60, 61, 62; of eshi at Heian court, 161; versus painting as amateur tradition, 12, 15, 89, 109, 160, 289 n. 3; and question of patronage, 233-235. See also Amateur painting; Nyobo Painting Service (Hua-chii), 71 n. 5 Painting Studio of Kuniyoshi (woodblock-book print), by Kawanabe Kyosai, 230, 231 Pai-sha, Honan: wall paintings at tomb in, 196, 196 "Palace Poems" of K ' o Chiu-ssu, 68 Palace Women in the Northern Sung, by Priscilla Chung, 8 Pan Chao (Ts'ao Ta-ku), 29-30, 31, 49nn. 27, 28; depicted in Ladies' Filial Piety, 33, 34 Pan Chao, Foremost Woman Scholar of China, by Nancy Lee Swann, 5, 21 n. 12 Pan Chieh-yu, 30, 47n. 17 Pan Ku, 29 Pan Piao, 29 Parinirvana paintings, 201, 202, 204 Patriarchal tradition, vii-viii, ix, 2; in didactic literature and art, 8; in Sung and Heian compared, 12-13 Patrons. See Collectors and patrons Pavilion of the Star of Literature (K'uei-chang ko), 56, 69, 7 0 n . l Peach Blossom Fan, The (play), 84-85, 91 Peers' Girls School, 229 P'eng Sun-yii, 126 P'eng Yun-ts'an, 149 Peony Pavilion, The (play), 93 Perry, Commodore Matthew, 280 'Phags-pa lama, 56 Pi Chao-wen, 90, 9 8 n . 5 5 Picture handscrolls: associated with Heian wom-

en's painting, 165; informative on Japanese life in Heian, 185-186 "Pictures of Eminent W o m e n " (Lieh ttii t'u), 49 n. 28 Pien Te-chi, 90 P'i Jih-hsiu, 60 Pillow Book (Makura no soshi), by Sei Shonagon, 159; illustrated version, 24n.44 Pine trees (painting subject), 92; by Ch'en Shu, 136, 139, 140; by Ts'ao Chih-po, 65, 76n. 54 Pi-shu shan-chuang (Ch'ing imperial retreat in Jehol), 88 Plum Blossoms (painting), by Cho Koran, 288, Plate 8 Plum Blossoms and Narcissi (painting), by Ch'en Shu, 153 n. 49 Plum blossoms/trees (painting subject), 64, 92, 107, 145, 232, 292n. 54; by Ch'en Shu, 153n. 49; by C h o Koran, 233, 285, 287, 288, Plate 8; by Ike Gyokuran, 254; as symbol of lost youth and women's hardships, 288 Plum Villa Landscape (painting), by Cho Koran, 285, 287, 288 Po Chii-i, 163 Poetry, 6, 13, 17, 237n. 14; Chinese-style (kanshi) in Japan, 224, 225, 228, 257, 266, 268, 283; haiku, 224-225, 227; kinship with painting and calligraphy of, 19, 222, 227, 236, 257, 268, 285, 286, 288, 289n.3, Plate 8. See also Waka Po-lo, 71 n. 8 Polygamy, 6 Portrait of Chiyo (woodblock print), 225, 226 Portraits/figures (painting subject), 67, 77n.55, 92, 93, 98n. 72, 107; by Ch'en Shu, 129, 130132, 131; of Chiyo, 225, 226; Liu Yin's album of landscapes with, 109-112, 110, 111, 112, 113, 119n. 18; in Sengge Ragi's collection, 63-64, 77n.55; Sung imperial, 58, 72n. 16; women's self-, 93, 98 n. 72. See also Religious images Po shih wen chi (Collected works of Po Chii-i), 163 Position of Woman in Early China, The, by Albert R. O'Hara, 4-5 Precepts of the Emperors of Successive Dynasties (album of paintings), by C h ' e n Shu, 130 Principles of Family Behavior (Chia-fan), by Ssu-ma Kuang, 32 Pure Enjoyment of the Flowering Spring (painting), by Ch'en Shu, 140, 141, 150n. 14 P ' u Sung-ling, 107

31 o Index Rai Itsuan, 269 Rai Kyöhei, 269 Rai Mikisaburö, 282, 291 n. 47 Rai San'yö, 228, 234, 266, 269, 273, 290n. 27; biography of Yuri by, 244-245, 251 Räksasas (demons), 197. See also D e m o n daughters Rahuda kö (camel journey), 268 Rankin, Mary Backus, 87; on nineteenth-century

Sanmi, Lady (Ko [Kami] Sanmi no Tsubone), 10, 16, 19, 216n. 52; genealogy of, 208; identity of, 207-208, 2 1 5 n . 4 5 , 2 1 6 n n . 46, 48; as patron of Kozanji and of Gisho scrolls, 207210, 2 1 5 n . 4 4 Sasaki Shogen, 235 "Sawarabi" (chapter 48 of Tale of Genji), 173 Sayuriba (Leaves from a young lily) (book), by Yuri, 244

Chinese w o m e n , 83 Rasetsunyo. See D e m o n daughters Reading the I-ching in a Mountain Study (painting), by C h ' e n Shu, 136, 137 "Recalling H o m e " (poem), by C h ö Koran, 270 Record of Shökyü (Shökyüki), 206-207 Record to Urge Faith in Sand [Blessed by] the Bright Light Mantra (Kömyö shingon dosha kanjinki), 208, 216n. 50 Reizei Tamemura, 245-247, 248, 251, 254; calligraphy by, 247, 248; waka by, 248, 251, 262n. 11; Yuri's waka to, 246, 246, 247, 262 n. 6

Scholar-amateur painting. See Amateur painting; Literati painting Seals: of Ch'en Shu, 152n.39, 149, 1 5 4 n . 7 7 ; of C h o Koran, 265; collectors', 5 0 n n . 36, 39, 55, 70n. 1, 71 n . 2 , 7 2 n n . 14, 15, 143; o f L i u Yin, 109, 119n. 18; of Sengge Ragi, 10, 65, 66-67, 7 6 n . 5 4 , 77nn. 55, 56; signature, 7 1 n . 4 ; of Taiga and Gyokuran, 255 Sea of Clouds on Mount Huang (painting), by

Religious art: in Sengge Ragi's collection, 63; women's contributions to, 10 Religious images: Fugen, 199, 200; Harlti, 197, 199, 213 n. 19; Kuan-yin, 130, 131, 146; in Pai-sha tombs, 196, 196; Parinirväna, 201, 202, 204; Queen Mäyä, 197, 198; Wakasa deities, 204, 204; Zenmyö, 201, 203, 204, 205, 214 n. 29 Rengetsu Shikihu nijo waka sha, 237 n. 10 Retired emperors (In) in Japan, 178 n. 13 Rikasonsö (Pear Flower Villa), 266 Rinkuji Miya. See Genyö Rinpa school, 230

Sei Shonagon, 2 4 n . 4 4 , 159, 161, 278 Sengge Ragi, 19, 55, 61-69, 7 3 n . 3 4 , 7 4 n . 4 5 , 77n. 55; contents of collection of, 63-66, 7 4 n . 5 5 ; "elegant gathering" of, 10-11, 6 2 63, 64, 67, 69, 7 5 n n . 47, 48, 7 6 n n . 49, 50, 54; importance of, as a collector, 55, 57, 62, 66, 67, 69, 70n. 1; seals of, 10, 66-67, 7 6 n . 5 4 , 7 7 n n . 55, 56 "Serving One's Parents-in-Law" (chapter 6 of

"River and Hills before R a i n , " by H u a n g Kungwan, 116 River and Mountains (painting), by Hsiao Chao, 63 Ryönen Gensö, 220, 221, 233 R y ü Rikyö. See Yanagisawa Kien

C h ' e n Shu, 152n.37 Seclusion policy of Japan, 277, 290 n. 18 Seigan Sensei iko (collection of Seigan's poems), 291 n. 48

Ladies'Filial Piety), 37, 3 8 , 39, 43 Sesonji line of calligraphers, 179 n. 23 Sesshu, 15 Setsuwa (collections of tales), 212n. 11 Shang C h ' i , 58 Shanghai, painting in, 18 Shang H u , 58

Safford, A. C „ 3 Saigö Takamori, 282 Saionji Kintsune (prime minister), 206, 207 Sakuma Shözan, 278, 282 "Sakuramachi C h ü n a g o n , " 166 Säkyamuni, 192, 197, 201, 202, 205, 207, 210, 215 n. 44

Shan-hu-wang hua-lu (catalogue of Shan-miao. See Zenmyo Shao Sung-nien, 127, 140, 151 n. Shen Chou (Shih-t'ien), 93, 111, Shen Chu-chiin, 9 8 n . 5 5 Shen Nan-p'in, 251 Shen N u n g (legendary emperor), Shen Po-ying, 88 Shen Te-fu, 145 Shen Ts'ai, 9 7 n . 4 5

paintings), 105

Samantabhadra (Fugen) (bodhisattva), 199, 200 Samei Shöka, 2 8 9 n . 9 Sangoshü (Collected sayings of the Saint of Mikawa), 161-162, 163, 1 7 8 n . l 6 , 1 7 9 n . l 8 Sankaiki (diary of Nakayama Tadachika), 181n.39

Shibayama Rozan, 289 n. 9 Shidebala (Ying-tsung) (emperor), 60 Shih chi (Records of the historian), 163 Shih ching (Classic of poetry), 31, 35, 43 Shih C h u n g , 84 Shih Kang, 71 n. 8

49 136, 140

130

Index Shih K ' o , 29, 32 Shih-tsu (emperor). See Khubilai Khan Shijuku (private schools), 221 Shikishi (square poem card), 162, 163, 165, 243, 244 Shinjotomon'in, 220 Shinken, 167, 169 Shin-Yakushiji, 10 Shinzei. See Fujiwara Michinori Shirakawa (retired emperor), 165, 178nn. 13, 14, 181 nn. 3 2 , 4 1 Shirofuyd (White mallow) (volume of poetry), by Ike Gyokuran, 247 Shitennoji: fan-shaped sutras at, 199, 214n.21 Shizunome (a humble woman): waka by Kaji on, 243 Shoji (panel paintings), 162, 178n. 12 Shojokoin, 166, 167, 182 n. 43 Shoken, 167, 169, 182n.43 Shoken, Empress Dowager, 5 Shokyuki (Record of Shokyu), 206-207 Shokyu War, 205-207, 209, 210, 216n. 58 Shotoku (empress), 2 3 n . 3 1 Shubun,15 Shu ching (Classic of history), 31 Shun-tsung. See Darmabala Shu-shih hui-yao (Collection of essential records of the history of calligraphy), 60 Shushiki, 224 Siren, Osvald, 7 Six Dynasties period: textual illustration in, 28 Sketches from Life (album), by Ch'en Shu, 140, 142, 143, 154n. 77 Sokosoden sho (Digest of Sung Kao-seng chuatt), 215n.32 "Some Striking Female Personalities in Japanese History," by Tan Hamaguchi, 5 "Song of Buying the Ch'in" (poem), by Cho Koran, 280 Sonpi hunmyaku (Noble lineages), 178n. 16, 181 nn. 33, 36, 208, 215n.41, 216n.48 Soong sisters, 4 Sorinji, 260, 263 n. 23 Sotatsu-Korin school of painting, 18 Sounds of the Mountain Spring in the Pine Valley (painting), by W a n g Meng, 132 Spinning and Teaching the Classics at Night (painting), 127 Spring Dawn over Mount Tan-t'ai (Tan-t'ai ch'unhsiao t'u) (painting), by W a n g Meng, 133 Ssu-ma Chin-lung, 4 7 n . 17 Ssu-ma Kuang, 32 Ssu-yin half-seal, 71 n. 2 "Starting Point and Basic Principles, T h e " (chap-

311

ter 1 of Ladies' Filial Piety and Classic of Filial Piety), 33; illustration of Classic, 34, 34; illustration of Ladies' Filial Piety, 34, Plate 1; transcription of Ladies Filial Piety, 44, 45 Suchou, painting in, 136, 145 Sudhana (Zenzai), 9, 201, 2 1 4 n . 2 3 Suiko (empress), 2 3 n . 3 1 Sui-yiian (Yiian Mei), 228 Sut-yuan nii-ti-tzu hsiian (volume of women's poetry), compiled by Yiian Mei, 228, 238 n. 17 "Summer's Day Miscellany at the Kamogawa Residence, A " (poem), by Chô Koran, 279 Sung Chen, 90, 9 8 n . 6 0 Sung Chiung, 75 n. 47 Sung dynasty, 56; academic painting in the Southern Sung, 56, 130; and Heian women artists compared, 11-13, 14; Imperial Archives, 57; imperial collection preserved by Mongols, 57-58, 72nn. 11, 13, 15, 16; imperial portraits, 58, 72 n. 16; Japanese literati models from, 17, 267; Ladies' Filial Piety reflects, 8 - 9 , 32, 42, 43, 46; as model for appearance of Zenmyô, 195-204, 213nn. 14, 17; as model for Tales of Gishô and Gangyd, 186, 189-194; paintings attributed to women of, 14, 24n. 41; scholars brought in by Khubilai, 58, 71 n. 8; works in Sengge Ragi's collection, 64, 77n.55 Sung-feng-ko shih (Hall of the W i n d y Pines poem) (scroll), by Huang T'ai-shih (Huang T'ingchien), 63, 66, 67, 7 0 n . l , 7 5 n . 4 8 Sung History (Sung shih), 29 Sung kao-seng chrnn (Lives of eminent monks compiled during the Sung), 186, 211 n. 3; Gishô and Zenmyô Story in, 186-194, 215 n. 32; textual changes in Japanese translation, 189-194, 212n. 7 Su Ning-a, 140 Sun Kuo-t'ing, 58 Sun Pao-shan, 88 Sun Shu-ao, 41 Sun Yiin-hou, 86 Su Shih, 14, 59 "Suzumushi" (chapter of Tale of Genji)-. illustration I, 173, 175; illustration II, 174, Plate 4 Swann, Nancy Lee, 5 Tachihara Kyôsho, 228 Tachihara Shunsa, 228, 232 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien (Collected statutes of the empire), 128 Ta-hsiieh (The Great Learning), 46, 59 Ta-hsiieh yen-i, 59 Tai Chin, 91

3i2

Index

Taiga and Gyokuran in Their Home (woodblock book illustration), 252, 252 Taigadôgahô (Taiga's painting methods) (woodblock album), 257-258 Taigadô Teiryô, 259 Taiheiki (Chronicle of the grand pacification), 183 n. 51 Taikenmon'in (Shôshi) (empress), 10, 21 n. 17, 161, 162, 164, 165, 166, 170, 178n.l4, 181nn.32, 41 Taira family sutras (Heike nôgyô), 199 Taira Kiyomori, 166, 171, 180n.29, 208, 216n.48 Tai Shih, 98n.61 T'ai-ting (Yesiin Temur) (emperor), 60 T'ai-tsu (Sung emperor), 150 Takabatake Shikibu, 224, 237n. 10 Takakura (emperor), 180n.29, 181 n.33 Takanaga (prince), 183 n. 51 Takashina Eishi (Lady Tango), 167 Takashina Shigenaka, 181 n. 33 "Takekawa" (chapter 44 of Tale of Genji), 173, 174-176, 175 Tale of Genji, The (Genji monogatari), viii, 12, 13, 15, 24n.44, 44, 159-160, 160-161; identity of calligraphers for, 182n.41; illustrations from, 175, Plate 3, Plate 4; and "Painting Defense," 165-167, 180nn. 25, 26, 27; styles in paintings of, 173, 182n.49; twenty scroll paintings of, 159, 165-167, 169, 170, 171, 172, 176, 180n.29, 181nn.32, 41, 182n.49, 183n. 51; women's participation in illustrating, 167, 170-176 Tale of the Heike, The, 171, 181 n. 36 Tales of Gishoand Gangyo, 8, 9, 185-186, 210, 211n. 1, 212nn. 5, 6, 10, 11, 214n.31; commentary to, 192-194, 205, 207, 211, 212n.9, 215n.35; creation and patronage of, 205-211, 216n. 58; editorial changes in Japanese version of, 189-194, 212 n. 7; and marked differences between the two tales, 186; the story of Gishô and Zenmyô in, 187-194, 188, 189, 190-191, Plate 5. See also Zenmyô Tall Pine, The (painting), by Ch'en Shu, 136, 139,140 Tamagaike Ginsha, 290n. 31 T'ang Ch'ing-yiin, 97n.39 T'ang-dynasty painting, 58; beautiful-lady tradition in, 12, 28 T'ang History (T'ang shu), 29 T'ang I-fen, 86, 88 T'ang K'un, 88 Tango, Lady (Takashina Eishi), 167

T'ang Sou-yii, 104 T'ang Ti, 86 T'ang Yin: Ch'en Shu's paintings inspired by, 136, 138, 139 Tani Buncho, 237n. 16 Tani Kankan, 227, 237n. 16 Tankai Daiten, 262n. 12 Tanzaku (tall, thin poem card), 247, 248 Tao-chi, 89 T'ao Fu, 86 T'ao Han, 86 T'ao Ko, 86 T'ao Lo-shan, 86 Taorigiku (woodblock haiku collection), 225 Tao Te Ching: as exploration of feminine philosophy, viii T'ao Tsung-i, 60, 71 n. 4 Tatsu (daughter of Hokusai), 230 Tatsuta-yama (Mount Tatsuta): scroll and waka on, 253, 254 "Ta-tu ch'uang-chien T'ien-ch'ing ssu pei," by Wang Yiin, 75n.47 Ten'anji, 162 Teng Wen-yuan, 60, 73n.29, 75n.48 Terakoya (schools for commoners), 221, 237n.4 Teramoto Naohiko, 165-166, 181n.32, 182n.43 "Thoughts of Return" (poem), by Cho Koran, 272 "Three obediences" (san-ts'ung), 2-3 "Three Powers, T h e " (chapter 7 of Ladies' Filial Piety), 37, 39 T'ien-ch'ing Temple, 62, 75 n. 47 Ting-wu Lan-t'ing hsti (Orchid Pavilion preface), 62, 63, 74n.46 Toba (retired emperor), 10, 161, 163, 164, 170, 173, 178 nn. 13, 14, 181n.32 Toda daimyo, 234 Tofukumon'in, 220-221 Toji, 166, 178 n. 16 Tokiko (mother of Chikahira), 208 Tokiko (wife of Taira no Kiyomori), 216n. 48 Toko Shin'etsu (Hsin-yiieh), 278, 291 n. 37 Tokugawa Hidetada, 220 Tokugawa Ieyasu, 219 Tokugawa Noriaki, 277, 278 Tokugawa Reimeikai, 165, 172 Tomoe Gozen, 22 n. 17 Tosa, Lady (Tosa no Tsubone), 11, 12, 19, 161— 164, 179n. 16 Tosa school of painting, 18, 230 Tosei meika kidan: Confucian scholars parodied in, 278 Townswomen: in arts of the Edo period, 18, 221-

Index 229, 233-234; patronage of, 233-234, 238n. 30; renowned as waka poets, 222, 224 Toyotomi Hideyoshi, 220 T'sai Han, 87 Ts'ai Shih-jun (Ts'ai Jun-shih), 145, 147 Ts'ai Yen (Wen-chi), 132, 151n.35, 272, 290n.22 Ts'ai Yung, 28 Ts'ao Chih, 43 Ts'ao Chih-pa, 65, 76n.54 Ts'ao Shih-shu, 30 Ts'ao Ta-ku. See Pan Chao Ts'ao Yüan-yung, 75n.48 Tseng-tzu, 31, 34 Tseng Yu-ho Ecke, 7 Tsou I-kuei, 151 n. 31 TsoWan-hsün, 94, 99n.83 Ts'ui Hui, 93 Ts'uiPo, 65, 77n. 55 Tsukahara Koho, 289n. 9 Tsukioka Settei, 230 Tsukuri-e (constructed picture), 170, 174 Tsunoda Kunisada, 230 Tsurugi Shrine, 201 "Tuan-wu Presentation to the Grand Princess" (poem), by Yü Chi, 68 Tugh Temür (Wen-tsung) (emperor), 55, 56, 67, 69 T u H s i , 75n.48 Tu Mu, 258 Tung Ch'ao, 86 Tung Chia-ming, 86 Tung Ch'i-ch'ang, 17, 107, 116, 140, 146, 237n. 15, 272, 275, 290n.23 Tung Kao, 136 Tung Lu-ming, 86 Tung Mou-ming, 86 Tung Pai (Hsiao-wan), 82, 85, 87, 91, 96n.5, 105-106, 107 Tung Tzu-ch'un, 86 Tung Yiian, 65, 76n. 54, 140 Tung Yüan-ming, 86 Tu-tsung (emperor), 72n. 16 Two Birds Seated on a Rock (painting), by Cho Koran, 273, 274 Two Waka on Maple Leaves at Mount Tatsuta (poems and calligraphy), by Ike Gyokuran, 253, 254 Typical Women of China, by A. C. Safford, 3 Tz'u-hsi (empress dowager), 18; Western descriptions of, 3-4

313

Uisang. See Gisho Ukiyo-e ateliers, 230, 235 Umeda Unpin, 282, 291 n. 47 Uta-e (poem picture), 160 Utagawa Kuninao, 229 Utagawa Kuniyoshi, 230-231, 231; works by, 238n.20 Utagawa Toyokuni I, 230 Vairocana, 215 n. 44 Vasumitra, 9 Vegetables, Fruit, and Asters (painting), by Ch'en Shu, 140, 142 Views from Jade Terrace: Chinese Women Artists 1300-1912, xi-xii, 82 Village by the Water (painting), by Chao Meng-fu, 140 "Virtuous Concubine Pan," 30 Waiting for Spring Blossoms (poem and calligraphy), by Kaji, Plate 6, 244 Waka, 160, 220, 222, 225, 227, 233, 234, 237n.9, 241, 251, 260, 261; Edo-period women talented in, 222-224, 227, 235; by Ike Gyokuran, 247, 249-250, 251, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 262n. 8; by Kaji, 241-244, 249, 250; by Reizei Tamemura, 247, 248, 251, 262 n. 11; by Yuri, 245-247, 246, 249, 250, 254, 262 n. 6, Plate 7 Waka for Tamemura Reizei (poem and calligraphy), by Yuri, 246, 247 "Waka Murasaki" (chapter of Tale of Genji), 172 Waka on a tanzaku (calligraphy), by Reizei Tamemura, 247, 248 Wakasa no kuni chinjujin ekeizu, 213 n. 13 Wakasa province: tutelary deities of (painting), 204, 204 Wang Chao-chun Leaving China (painting), by Kung Su-jan, 24 n. 41 Wang Cheng, 145, 146 Wang Chen-p'eng, 59, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 76nn. 50, 54, 77n.55 Wang Ch'ien, 90, 98n.60 Wang Ch'in-yun, 89, 93, 98n.51 Wang Fu, 135, 152 n. 37 Wang Hsi-chih, 60, 74n. 46; Madam Wei the teacher of, vii, 14, 149 Wang Hsi-chih Writing on a Fan (painting), by Liang K'ai, 65, 76n. 54 Wang Hui (Ch'ing-hui shan-jen), 132, 146 Wang I, 28, 75n.48 Wang K'ai-sheng, 90 Wang K'o-yu, 105

314

Index

Wang Kuan, 75n.48 Wang Lang, 145 Wang Liang, 145, 146 Wang Meng (Shu-ming), 148, 151 n. 37, 152n. 38; Ch'en Shu's paintings inspired by, 132-136,151 n. 37 Wang Meng-jen, 84 Wang Shih-chen, 116 Wang Shih-min (Hsi-lu), 132, 140 Wang Ssu-jen, 146 Wang-tu, Hopei: excavated wall paintings at, 28 Wang Tuan-shu, 145, 146 Wang Yen-hung, 145 Wang Yuan, 143 Wang Yuan-sun, 104, 105, 118n.6 Wang Yiieh, 75n.48 Wang Yiin, 75n.47; on Sung Imperial Archives, 57-58, 72 nn. 11, 13, 16 Watanabe Kazan, 228, 278 Watching the Clouds from Opposite the Waterfall (painting), by Ch'en Shu, 152n.37 Wei, Madam (Wei Fu-jen; Wei Shuo): Chinese calligraphy emanates from, vii-viii, 14, 19 Wei Hsieh, 28 WeiPi-fu, 75n.48 Wei Shuo. See Wei, Madam Wen Cheng-ming, 93, 111, 136, 140, 147 Wen-chi, Lady. See Ts'ai Yen Wen Ching, 4 Wen Ching-yu, 97 n. 40 Wen hsiian (Literary selections), 163 Wen-jen. See Bunjin; Literati painting Wen Shu, 19, 83, 89, 93, 96n.7, 97n.49, 146, 147, 148 Wen-tsung. See Tugh Temur White Cockatoo, The (painting), by Ch'en Shu, 143,144, 153n.51 White Horse Monastery, Loyang, 10 " W h o ' s W h o in Kyoto" (Heianjinbutsu shi), 235, 259, 275, 291 n. 32 Wisdom of the East (series), 6 "Wives of Feudal Lords" (chapter 4 of Ladies' Filial Piety), 35, 37 Women's Admonishments (moral instruction book), 279, 291 n. 44 "Women's painting" (onna-e), viii, 12, 23n.36, 160,177n. 5, 232, 238n. 21 WSnhyo. See Gangyo Woodblock prints/printed books, 91, 229, 230, 235, 236, 237n.3, 242, 252, 252, 257; Chiyo's poems published in, 225, 226; courtesans celebrated in, 222, 223 "Written in Jail" (poem), by Cho Koran, 282

W u , Empress, 5, 10, 43, 45, 50n.37, 51n.48 W u Chen, 145, 146 W u Ch'eng, 60 W u Ching-man, 88 W u C h o , 103, 117n. 2 W u Ch'uan-chieh, 75n.48 W u Hsiao, 93 W u Hsiu-shu, 86 W u Hsiian (Yiin-hua), 97n.38 W u Ken, 86 W u Kuei-ch'en, 98n.50 W u School of Suchou, 136, 140 W u Shan, 90, 98n.55 W u Shen, 86 WuSheng, 49n.27 W u Sung-liang, 87 Wu-tsung. See Khaishan W u Yuan-yii, 64

"Yadorigi" (chapter 49 of Tale of Genji), 173 Yamamoto Baiitsu, 273, 278, 291 n. 38 Yamamoto Hokuzan, 228, 266 Yamaoka Geppo, 244 Yamato-e (painting in the Japanese manner), viii, 162; meaning of term, 179n. 17 Yamazaki Ryu-jo, 230 Yanagawa Seigan, 228, 265, 266, 273, 275, 279, 283, 285, 289n. 7, 290nn. 24, 31; journey of Cho Koran and, 266, 268-272, 289n. 11, 291 n. 48; Kan Chazan's poem about, 268; political activity of, 277-278, 280, 282 Yanagisawa Kien (Ryu Rikyo), 251, 252, 255, 257, 261 Yang Ai. See Liu Yin Yangchou, painting in, 18 Yang Fen, 98n.50 Yang Hui-lin, 93 Yang Kuei-fei, 5, 109, 119n. 16, 143 Yang Mei-tzu (empress), 11, 24n.41, 45; calligraphy by, 44, 45 Yang Wen-ts'ung, 84 Yang Yin. See Liu Yin Yang Ying-lien. See Liu Yin Yang Yiian-hsun, 115 Yao Yiieh-hua, 24n.41 Yeh-lii Ch'u-ts'ai, 71 n. 7 Yellow Hollyhocks) (painting), by Ch'en Shu, 151n.31 Yen-hsii, 88 Yen Li-pen, 32-33, 49 n. 27 Yen-shan-ssu wall paintings, 196-199, 198, 199, 201, 213n. 19

Index 315 Yen-shih chi (Collected literary works of Sung Chiung), 7 5 n . 4 7 Yen Wen-kuei, 63 Yesiin Temur (T'ai-ting) (emperor), 60 Ying-tsung (Shidebala) (emperor), 60 Yotig ch'on tarn chok ki (text), by Kim An-lo, 74n.45 Yoshida Shoin, 282, 291 n. 47 Yoshida Shuran, 228, 278-279 Yoshihisa, 215 n. 36 Yoshino, 222 Yoshinori Hakuun, 263 n. 20 Yoshitama, 230, 231 Yiian-chi, 105 Yuan Chiieh, 10-11, 60, 64, 7 3 n . 2 9 , 75nn. 47, 48; poetic colophons by, 63, 7 6 n n . 49, 50; record of "elegant gathering" by, 62-63, 65, 76n. 54, 7 7 n . 5 5 Yuan dynasty, 14; Imperial Archives (Mi-shu Chien), 57, 59, 60, 71 n. 8, 72n. 9; imperial art collections, 55-56, 57, 58, 59, 70n. 1; influence of Chinese culture on, 55-56; private collections, 72 n. 13 Yuan Mei (Sui-yuan), 228 Yuan-shih (History of the Yuan), 60, 61 Yuan Yung-chen, 7 5 n . 4 8 Yii Chao-sheng, 126, 148 Yii Chi, 60, 68, 73n. 18 Yii Chien-hua, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94; as source on w o m e n artists, 81, 95 n. 1 Yu C h ' i u , 90, 91 Yii C h ' i u - t z u , 41 Yiieh-hsiang, 84 Yiieh Yiin, 87, 9 7 n . 3 8 Yujo Koshikibu ofTakeya Painting on a Vertical Scroll Held by Assistant (woodblock print), by Koryusai, 222, 223

Yu-kuang, 268 Yu Kuang-hui, 86, 148 Yung-cheng, 128 Yiin H e n g , 89, 94, 9 8 n . 5 1 Yiin Huai-ying, 98 n. 56 Yiin Ping, 19, 93, 94, 9 9 n . 8 3 , 146,147, 148 Yiin Shou-p'ing, 145, 147 Yun-yen kuo-yen lu (Record of clouds and mist that passed my eyes), by C h o u Mi, 72nn. 13, 14 Yiin Yu, 9 8 n . 5 5 Yuri, 222, 237n. 16, 241, 244-247, 251, 252, 259, 260, 261, 262; calligraphy by, 246, 246, 253, 254, Plate 7; waka by, 245-247, 246, 249, 250, 254, 2 6 2 n . 6, Plate 7 Yu Shih (Miss Yu), 90, 9 8 n . 6 1 Yu-t'ai hua-shih (Jade Terrace history of painting), 104-105, 118n. 6, 119n.20, 1 2 0 n . 2 3 Yii-tsung. See Chen-chin

Zenmyo, 9 - 1 0 , 207, 209, 211, 214n.27; as demon daughter, 197, 199; as " g o o d friend," 201; Myoe's dream of, 209-210, 216nn. 55, 56; as protector of Dharma, 194-205; sculpture in Kozanji (Zenmyo-shin), 201, 203, 204, 205, 2 1 4 n . 2 9 ; and similarity to Wakasa deity, 204; and story of encounter with Gisho, 9, 186-195, 1 8 8 , 1 8 9 , 190-191, 197, 199-200, 201, 210, 213 n. 12, Plate 5; Sung costume of, 195-197, 2 1 3 n n . 1 4 , 1 7 Zenmyoji (nunnery), 201, 206, 210, 2 1 5 n . 4 4 ; circumstances behind founding of, 205; identities of nuns at, 206, 207 Zenmyo koshiki, 205 Zenzai (Sudhana), 9, 201, 2 1 4 n . 2 3 Zuienjodaiko shi-sensen (volume of women's poetry), by Yuan Mei, 238n. 17

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