Florentine Politics and Society, 1343-1378 9781400847860

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FLORENTINE SOCIETY,

POLITICS 1343-1378

AND

PRINCETON STUDIES IN HISTORY, 12

Florentine ^Politics and Society 1343-1378 B Y G E N E A.

BRUCKER

PRINCETON, N E W J E R S E Y PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS I962

Copyright © 1962 by Princeton University Press ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

LC Card 62-7035 •*•

Publication of this book has been aided by the Ford Foundation program to support publication through university presses, of work in the humanities and social sciences. • Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ.

To Patricia

PREFACE This book is a study of Florentine politics in the third quarter of the fourteenth century, from 1343 to 1378. It is the first of a projected series of investigations into the political and social life of Florence during its transition from a "medieval" to a "Renaissance" city. Briefly sketched in two introductory chapters is the economic, social, and political milieu in which the communal government functioned in these years. The main body of the work traces the history of the communal regime which was established in 1343: its unstable beginnings, its mature period of uneasy equilibrium, and the years of crisis which culminated, in 1378, in its downfall. My objective has not been to write a political narrative, but to delineate and explore the most significant problems and issues confronting the Florentine commune. These are treated in the context of the society which faced them, and of the age which experienced them. It is now thirty years since Robert Davidsohn published the last volume of his magisterial work, Geschichte von Florenz, terminating his study at the year 1330, when, in his opinion, medieval Florence reached its zenith. Davidsohn's history was written in the orthodox manner of the nineteenth century; it is factual, solid, and pragmatic. As Professor Sestan has noted in his introduction to the Italian edition, Davidsohn's treatment of Florentine history was descriptive or "topographical," not analytical. But the German scholar's impressive achievement was to establish a solid foundation of historical evidence upon which future generations of students could build. No work of comparable scope and depth exists for the years after 1330; our knowledge of late medieval and Renaissance Florence is, by contrast, sketchy and fragmentary. For the period treated in this study, the most satisfactory general account remains that of the French historian, Perrens, whose work, now seventy years old, is essentially a chronicle of political events. Recently, much significant research has been done in specializedfields,most notably by Sapori, Renouard, Fiumi, and Rodolico in economic and social history, by Antal, Meiss, and Offner in the history of art. Yet, notwithstanding the extraordinary richness of the source material, large segments of the city's history in the vti

PREFACE

second half of the trecento have remained almost totally unexplored. On such important subjects as the social structure, the church, public finance, and communal administration, historical research has scarcely begun. Part of the explanation for this scholarly neglect is inherent in the period itself. The late trecento is not an heroic epoch of Florentine history. The annals are filled with accounts of pestilence and famine, unresolved political crises, social upheavals, economic stagnation. In these years, Florence did not experience the prosperity, nor did it exhibit the dynamism and vitality, of its earlier history. The city's cultural achievement is also inferior: there are no Florentine writers or artists in this age equal to Dante or Giotto. Compared to the quattrocento, with its panoply of renowned artists, scholars, and statesmen, the period appears drab. In the general histories of Florence, the late trecento is characterized as an age of decline and disintegration, or, at best, as a stagnant interval between two pinnacles of glorious achievement. Yet it is precisely this spectacle of a society in crisis which infuses the period with significance and drama. While the historical annals do not portray stirring progress and growth, they do depict the reaction of a society to adversity of more than common intensity. The crisis which struck Florence was experienced, in varying degrees, by the whole of Latin Europe, and the city's tribulation was thus part of a general phenomenon. That the Arno city weathered this crisis well is attested by its history in the following century, an age of creativity which has scarcely been equaled in European history. No small part of this achievement was due to the foundations—political, social, economic, intellectual—which were preserved or constructed during the troubled years encompassed by this study. Documentary sources are extensive and informative. The operation and function of no European state in the fourteenth century— whether kingdom, feudal principality, or commune—is so well documented as that of the Florentine republic. The corpus of legislative enactments (Provvisioni) is practically complete, and this is supplemented by the statistics of council votes (Libri Fabarum), electoral records (Tratte), and the protocols of extraordinary commissions (Balie). Judicial administration is amply documented by the court records. Information concerning the economic life of

viii

PREFACE

the city and of individual citizens can be gleaned from guild docu­ ments, notarial protocols, tax lists, and private diaries. Of supreme importance is the survival, in fragmentary form, of the Consulte e Pratiche records. These documents constitute one of the earliest extant sources of political debates in the history of European gov­ ernment, and their value can hardly be overestimated. These protocols contain clues to the divisions and discords within the electorate, and to the relationship between communal opinion and the implementation of policy. It is thus possible to study in some detail the formulation of communal policy on such important issues as officeholding, taxation, justice, economic regulations, foreign affairs, and the church. This work originated as a doctoral dissertation at Princeton University, where it was accepted by the Department of History in April 1954. It has since been thoroughly revised. To the director of the thesis, the late Professor Theodor E. Mommsen, I owe an incalculable debt. It was a great privilege to have known this man and to have worked with him. The research for this work was begun while I was a Porter Ogden Jacobus Fellow in the Princeton Graduate School, and completed while I held a Fulbright Scholarship in Florence. With­ out the financial support from these sources, there would have been no dissertation and no book. My thanks are due, also, to the archivists of the Archivio di Stato in Florence, for their coopera­ tion and assistance, and to the Institute of Social Sciences at the University of California, for financial aid in preparing the final manuscript. To many scholars, who share my interest in Floren­ tine history, I am indebted for information, advice, encourage­ ment, and criticism. I wish, in particular, to acknowledge my obligation to two of them: Professor Lauro Martines of Reed College, and Professor Robert Brentano of the University of California, Berkeley. Florence, Italy January ιφι

ix

CONTENTS vii

PREFACE ABBREVIATIONS FREQUENTLY CITED THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND The Decade of Disaster, 1338-1348 Revival and Reorientation of the Economy after 1348 The Pattern of Social Change The Heightening of Social Tension

xiii

3 3 9 27 50

Π. THE POLITICAL BACKGROUND The Structure of Communal Government Political Ideology The Vital Political Issues

57

III. THE FIRST DECADE, 1343-1353 The New Regime and its Enemies The Patrician Resurgence and the Origins of Partisan Conflict Two Divisive Issues: the Church and Foreign Policy

105

131

IV. PRECARIOUS EQUIUBRIUM, 1354-1365

148

The Politics of Compromise The Ghibelline Question, 1354-1360 Florence and the Papal States, 1354-1360 Dissension, Conspiracy, and War, 1360-1365 V. DOMESTIC FERMENT AND FOREIGN PERILS, 1366-1370 Storm Signals The Popular Resurgence: the Reform of the Parte Guelfa, 1366-1367 External Dangers

xi

57 72

83

105

116

148 159 172 183 194 194 202 221

CONTENTS

VI. THE BURGEONING

CRISIS, 1371-1375

"... Fra le pessime sette che ci sono"

244 244

T h e Disintegration of the Guelf Entente

265

T h e Path to W a r

282

VII. THE WAR OF THE SAINTS" 1375-1378

"EIGHT 297

T h e W a r Within

297

T h e Pattern of Conflict

308

T h e Problem of Peace

319

VIII. THE DEMISE OF THE REGIME, 1378 T h e Guelf Terror

336 336

T h e Response to the Oligarchic Challenge

351

June

363

July

373

Post-Mortem

387

BIBLIOGRAPHY

397

INDEX

413

xii

ABBREVIATIONS FREQUENTLY CITED ARCHIVES

ACP AEOJ AP APG ASF ASS BNF CP LF Pres. Prov.

Atti del Capitano del Popolo Atti del Esecutore degli Ordinamenti della Giustizia Atti del Podesta Archivio di Parte Guelfa Archivio di Stato, Firenze Archivio di Stato, Siena Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze Consulte e Pratiche Libri Fabarum Prestanze Provvisioni PUBLISHED WORKS

ASl Capitoli

Archivio storico italiano I Capitoli del Comune di Firenze. Inventario e regesto. C. Guasti and A. Gherardi, eds. 2 vols. (Florence, 1866-1893). Delizie Delizie degli eruditi toscani. Ildefonso di San Luigi, ed. 24 vols. (Florence, 1770-1789). Diario d'anonimo Diario d'anonimo fiorentino dall'anno 1358 al 1389, in Cronache dei secoli xiii e xiv. A. Gherardi, ed. (Documenti di storia italiana, vi). (Florence, 1876) Rerum Italicarum Scriptores RRIISS Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani. Stefani N. Rodolico, ed. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, new ed., xxx, Part 1 (Citta di Castello, 1903-1955). La cronica domestica di Messer Donato Velluti, Velluti scritta far il ιφη e il iyjo con Ie addizioni di Paolo Velluti. I. del Lungo and G. Volpi, eds. (Florence, G.Villani M.Villani

Cronica di Giovanni Villani. F . Dragomanni, ed. (Florence, 1844-1845). Cronica diMatteo Villani. F. Dragomanni, ed. (Flor­ ence, 1846).

NOTE: All dates cited are New Style.

xiii

FLORENTINE SOCIETY,

POLITICS 1343-1378

AND

CHAPTER

I

£>he Social and Economic background The Decade of Disaster, 1338-1348 The eleventh book of Giovanni Villani's chronicle contains a famous chapter entitled "On the Greatness and State and Magnificence of the Commune of Florence."1 It is a description of the city in the year 1338, in which the chronicler measures statistically the physical and material manifestations of Florence's grandeur: population, industrial production, food consumption, and the riches of its citizens. The data collected by Villani indicate that Florence then ranked among the five largest and wealthiest urban centers in Europe. Her population of ninety thousand—astronomical compared to the size of the average medieval city—derived its livelihood in large part from the production and sale of woolen cloth, the value of which exceeded one and one-half million florins annually. For the larger part of his description, Villani is content to allow the figures to speak for themselves, confident that they will evoke only admiration and astonishment. At the end of the chapter, however, he abandons numbers for words, describing the beauty and magnificence of the city, with its galaxy of palaces, churches, and country villas, visible symbols of the great wealth of Florence and her citizens. Within the structure of Villani's chronicle, the survey of the city in 1338 represents a climax, deliberately selected by the author, depicting the city at the height of its power. Giovanni had been both observer and participant in the steady progress of his native city since 1300, when he first conceived the plan to write his chronicle, convinced that "Florence, the daughter and creature of Rome, was in the ascendancy and destined for great things."2 The events of this era seemed to justify fully his predictions; the city overcame every obstacle in its path, recovered quickly from every disaster, natural or man-made. In describing the entry into the 1

G . Villani, Cronica, ed. Dragomanni (Florence, 1844-45), xl> 94· An abridged translation of the chapter, with notes and bibliography, is in R. Lopez and I. Raymond, Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World (New York, 1955), pp. 69-74. 2 G. Villani, VIH, 36.

3

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

city of the Duke of Calabria in 1326, the chronicler wrote: "Con­ sider the great enterprise of the Florentines, after having suffered so many afflictions and so much damage... in less than one year... [they] arranged for the coming of so great a lord . . . which was considered a great achievement by all Italians. . . ." s Even the disastrous flood of 1333 did not reverse the trend of burgeoning prosperity and power. Within a few months after the deluge, measures were taken to rebuild the destroyed bridges and to repair the other damage. So inexhaustible, apparently, were the city's resources that other building enterprises were inaugurated: the cathedral campanile in 1334 and the reconstruction of Or San Michele in 1337. When six young lions, symbols of Florence's Guelf tradition, were born in 1337, Villani referred to an ancient pagan belief that it augured greatness, and he added, "Truly in this time and immediately thereafter [Florence] was at the sum­ mit of her power."4 The year 1338 was not only the climax, but also the turning point in Florentine fortunes; it marked the beginning of a decade of unrelieved disaster. Signs of the forthcoming difficulties were not absent from Villani's account of the last years of Florentine prosperity. The vices of the citizens were of such magnitude, in the chronicler's opinion, that they invited divine retribution. Vil­ lani interpreted the flood of 1333 as God's warning to the Floren­ tines to abandon their evil habits and practices, among which he included avarice, fraudulent business activities, and usury.5 A more tangible element of danger was the increasing difficulty of the great mercantile companies, the Bardi and the Peruzzi. Upon the prosperity of these companies depended the entire economic struc­ ture of Florence, and by 1338 the first tremors of the future collapse 8 were already being felt in the business community. It was an issue of foreign policy, not domestic difficulty, which constituted the gravest menace to the city in these years. In 1329 8

8

Ibid., x, i. * Ibid., xi, 67. Ibid., xi, 2. Ibid., xi, 88. While this chapter sketched the economic conditions of the Bardi and the Peruzzi in the 1330's, it was written or revised after 1342, when the companies had already suffered bankruptcy. Thus Villani's description had the benefit of hindsight. For other evidence of the economic decline of the Bardi and the Peruzzi, see A. Sapori, La crisi delle compagnie mercantili dei Bardi e dei Peruzzi (Florence, 1926), pp. 105-07; and his Studi di storia economica, 3rd ed. (Florence, 1955), pp. 681-86. β

4

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

Florence was on the verge of acquiring Lucca, a city which had seriously threatened her security for a decade. According to ViIlani, internal factional strife disrupted the negotiations into which a group of Florentine citizens had entered with Lucca's German rulers.7 Infuriated by thus being balked of its prey, the business class which controlled the communal government determined to gain possession of Lucca at all costs. There followed a complicated maze of diplomatic negotiations and military enterprises which culminated in a war with the powerful and dangerous lord of Verona, Mastino della Scala. Time and again, Lucca appeared about to fall into Florentine clutches, but the Arno city was never able to possess her rival on the Serchio. The campaign for the possession of Lucca was extremely costly. In 1338 Villani estimated that Florence had spent 600,000 florins for war purposes, that the communal debt stood at 450,000 florins, and that the gabelle revenues for the next six years were already pledged to pay the debt. This financial burden weighed heavily upon the taxpayers, and the commune instituted special financial measures to assure an adequate revenue for war expenses.8 Moreover, with the government's failure to conquer Lucca, the temper of the citizenry became strained. Sensing that its control over the city was weakening, the ruling group established a new police office, with broad authority to maintain order and suppress opposition. But the arbitrary acts of the police officials added fuel to an overheated political atmosphere.9 It is against this background of heavy economic burdens, recurring military disappointments, and mounting political unrest that the decade of catastrophe began. Viewing the events in retrospect, Villani recalled the warning signs of impending disaster. In the summer of 1339, a comet made its appearance in Tuscan skies, followed shortly by unusually severe thunderstorms. A more tangible portent was a bad harvest, which sent the price of grain soaring.10 Into a city whose population was weakened by famine conditions there came, in the spring of 1340, the first of a series of plagues which periodically ravaged Tuscany for the next halfcentury. Villani estimated that 15,000 Florentines were buried; he reported that no family escaped without at least one casualty.11 7

G. Villani, x, 143. Ibid., xi, 100.

10

8

Ibid., xi, 45. Ibid., xi, 114.

%1

5

9

Ibid., xi, 39, 100.

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

The political ferment, which had been brewing during the height of Florentine prosperity, exploded in 1340 from a totally unforeseen quarter. Several members of the Bardi family, including one of the directors of the mercantile company, plotted to overthrow the regime, of which they were an influential part. The conspiracy was discovered in November 1340, and the communal authorities took prompt steps to crush it. In addition to the sixteen Bardi who were condemned in absentia, members of other magnate houses, the Frescobaldi, Nerli, and Rossi, were also involved in the plot. This abortive revolt was clearly designed to exploit political unrest and to attract a wide variety of malcontents within and without the city. In part, it was an expression of the perennial desire of the magnate class to regain full participation in the communal government, which it had lost in 1293. The specific motives which induced the Bardi to become involved in this perilous enterprise are complex, but one factor was certainly the impending financial crisis. Had the Bardi and their allies gained control of the government, they would have used their position to safeguard their economic interests at home, and to protect themselves from the demands of foreign creditors abroad.12 The eighteen months following the putative revolt were deceptively calm, as the ruling group endeavored to recover its equilibrium and restore confidence in the government. Its task was made more difficult by the depressed state of the city's economy. The Italian market had been adversely affected by war, famine, and plague; Villani noted that by 1340 all business activity in the city, from banking to baking, was in a slump.13 The Anglo-French war had disrupted commercial ties with northern Europe, and in France the Florentine bankers and merchants were in disgrace because of the financial support given by the Bardi and Peruzzi companies to the English monarch. The insolvency of Edward III was common knowledge after the failure of the king's invasion 12 On the Bardi plot, see ibid., xi, 118; Annali di Simone della Tosa, in Cronichette antiche di van scrittori del buon secolo della lingua toscana, ed. D. Manni (Florence, 1733), p. 168; and Istorie pistoled ovvero delle cose avvenute in Toscana dall'anno MCCC al MCCCXLVIII (Prato, 1835), PP· 345-4^- Sapori's revisionist interpretation is not entirely convincing; Crist, pp. 117-27. His argument that the Bardi were seeking to reverse Florence's Guelf policy and to reorient it toward Ghibellinism is based upon very slim evidence. 13 G. Villani, xi, 100.

6

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

of France in 1340. Indeed, the great companies were able to survive after 1340 only because news of their deteriorating position had not yet circulated among their creditors, who did not immediately demand the return of those assets, which had been sunk irretrievably into the maw of the English war effort.1* Florentine wealth and power had masked the weaknesses in the city's economic and political position. The facade crumbled in 1342. Neither appeals to the pope and Naples for financial and military assistance, nor threats to seek Ghibelline support, achieved any positive results. Indeed, these diplomatic maneuvers only provoke the Neapolitans to demand the return of their deposits from the Florentine companies, thus dooming those organizations to inevitable bankruptcy.15 Confronted with economic collapse and political upheaval, the ruling group, in a final effort to save itself, had recourse to the ngnore. Walter of Brienne, Duke of Athens, had been selected to command Florence's troops in the Lucca war; but he was also given supreme judicial authority within the city for a one-year period. Supported by magnates eager to regain political influence, by bankers hoping to salvage their fortunes, and by artisans impoverished by the business depression, the duke was proclaimed ngnore for life in September 1342. Although the Duke of Athens took certain measures to alleviate Florence's desperate position, he was unable to reverse the tide of misfortune. The economic advantages gained by the termination of the Lucca war and the moratorium granted to the banking companies were dissipated by the duke's extravagance and his harsh tax policy.18 The business depression continued, and its 14 On the deteriorating economic situation, see Sapori, Crist, pp. 131-40. By 1342, confidence in the companies had been thoroughly shaken, as the petition of Taddeo dell'Antella to the Duke of Athens indicates: "Quod propter adversitates et sinistros casus, qui multis societatibus mercatorum in civitate Florentie hiis temporibus evenerunt, . . . creditores dictorum Taddey et sociorum concurrerunt pro eorum creditis repetendis ab eis... ." The petition further stated that "modica fides hodie in civitate Florentie mercatoribus adhibetur." Sapori, "Il quaderno dei creditori di Taddeo dell'Antella e compagni," Rivista delle Ublioteche e degli archivi, n.s., in (1925), 159-60. 15 Sapori, CnVj, pp. 141-45. le O n the ducal regime in Florence, see C. Paoli, Delia Signoria di Gualtieri Duca d'Atene (Florence, 1862); M. Becker and G. Brucker, 'The Arti Minori in Florentine Politics, 1342-1378," Mediaeval Studies, xvm (1956), 94-96; M. Becker, "Gualtieri di Brienne e l'uso delle dispense giudiziarie," Archivio storico italiano [ASI], cxiii (1955), 245-51.

7

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

effects were made more acute by a poor harvest and food scarcity.17 Artisans and workers became disenchanted with the duke for his failure to provide them with work, and the patriciate turned against him because he was determined to rule alone for his own advantage. Walter of Brienne's expulsion in July 1343 represented a unified effort of all classes in Florence, but the spirit of harmony and cooperation was of short duration. In September, street fighting broke out between magnates and a popular front comprising merchants, artisans, and laborers. The grandi, led by the Bardi, Rossi, and Adimari families, were decisively defeated, and the city's third regime in one year was established. Into this government—from which the magnates were again excluded—a significant number of artisans and shopkeepers from the fourteen lower guilds were admitted, for the first time in Florentine history.18 The new regime which emerged from the political disorders of 1343 inherited a bleak legacy. From her position as the leading Guelf power of Tuscany, Florence had sunk to a lowly state. The commune had lost a large portion of territory so painfully acquired over decades, including the cities of Arezzo, Pistoia, and Volterra. As a consequence, the city also suffered a loss of prestige, revenue, and control over local trade routes.19 Not only were the coffers of the communal treasury empty, but a huge public debt remained to be paid.20 The new government was far from stable; during the first five years of its life, there were several attempts to overthrow it.21 The economic slump continued. "Florence today is in a very poor state for artisans and the lower classes, for we can earn nothing," wrote two workers to a friend in Avignon in 1344.22 The bankruptcy of the Bardi, Peruzzi, and Acciaiuoli companies caused the collapse of many smaller business firms. There was at least a kernel of truth in Villani's lament: "Our republic has lost all of its power, and our citizens have nearly all been impover17

G. Villani, xn, 13. The events of this revolution are described in ibid., XH, 19-22. 19 G. Villani, xn, 24, lists the losses and comments upon them. 20 On the commune's financial difficulties, see B. Barbadoro, Le finanze della Repubblica fiorentina (Florence, 1926), pp. 629-49. 21 G. Villani, xn, 28, 34; M. Becker and G. Brucker, "Una lettera in difesa della dittatura nella Firenze del Trecento," ASI, cxm (1955), 254-56. See below, 18

pp. 107-11. 22

Becker and Brucker, "Lettera," 258.

8

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND 23

ished." In 1346 famine conditions again prevailed in the city and surrounding countryside, more severe, according to Villani, than the previous shortages of 1329 and 1340. In the following year, Florence was struck by a plague which killed some four thousand citizens.24 This relatively mild epidemic was a prelude to the Black Death, which made its appearance in Italy in the spring of 1348. No other event of the century so impressed itself upon the minds of contemporaries as did this scourge. The chroniclers clearly sensed the inadequacy of words in describing the immensity of the catastrophe. Some sought to compensate for this verbal deficiency by making exaggerated estimates of the plague's toll. For Florence, these guesses ranged from a loss of one-third to four-fifths of the population.25 According to the most accurate estimate based upon available sources, approximately fifty thousand Florentines died in 1348, of a total population of some eighty thousand. Between 1350 and 1380, the city's population fluctuated between fifty thousand and sixty thousand, or three-fifths of the figure which was reached at the height of Florence's prosperity in 1338.26 Revival and Reorientation of the Economy after 1348 The economic situation in Florence after the Black Death can only be described as chaotic. Upon a business community shaken by the bankruptcies, there now fell the further misfortune of a population and a market reduced by one-third.27 While it was still 23

2 G. Villani, XH, 55. * Ibid., xn, 73, 84. The most detailed accounts of the plague in Florence are M. Villani, Cronica (Florence, 1846), 1, 1, 2; Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stejani, ed. N. Rodolico, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, \KRllSS\ new ed., xxx, Part 1 (Citta di Castello, 1903-55), rubrics 634, 635. 28 E. Fiumi, "La demografia fiorentina nelle pagine di Giovanni Villani," ASI, CViH (1950), 112-18. Fiumi corrects earlier estimates by Rodolico, Pardi, and Barbadoro. The effects of the plague were more severe in the city than in the contado; the Florentine urban proletariat was a prime target of the pestilence, as were the monastic houses. The Dominican monastery of S. Maria Novella lost 83 friars, of a total of 130; S. Orlandi, O. P., "Necrologio" di Santa Maria Novella (Florence, 1955), 1, 388-90. 27 The effects of the plague in southern Europe are summarized by R. Lopez in The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, 11 (Cambridge, 1952), 338-39. Lopez estimates that the mortality rate of the urban population varied between 35 and 65 per cent 25

9

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

struggling with the complex problem of liquidating the assets of the insolvent companies, the commune faced the additional task of supervising the affairs of those merchants who were killed by the pestilence.28 The situation confronting the survivors of the plague may be visualized by this description of Paolo Morelli's experiences, after the pestilence of 1363 had claimed his three brothers: "Paolo, young, inexperienced and alone, . . . frightened by the death of his [brothers] and in fear of his own life, found himself in great confusion as a result of the need to collect credits worth thousands of florins. Many of the creditors and the employees of the company, who had their affairs in their heads, had died. Paolo had to search for these credits in Florence and the contado, and beyond, in Arezzo, Borgo [S. Sepolcro], Siena, Pisa, and in other foreign parts. He also had to retrieve merchandise and sell it and take charge of everything. At the same time, he had to give five hundred florins to Calandro's [his brother's] wife, to arrange the household affairs, the funerals, the legacies, and all of the other details which are without number in such times."29 Compounding the domestic difficulties was the disruption of the network of Florentine business interests abroad, following the collapse of the companies. Many employees of these organizations streamed back to Florence to seek employment, while their compatriots who remained abroad were harassed by the authorities. According to the chronicler, Marchionne Stefani, Florentine merchants were badly treated in France, Germany, and Lombardy.30 King Philip of France was incensed with the city's expulsion of the Duke of Athens, and in retaliation he evicted Florentines who were living and trading in France.31 Even in the territories of the 28 On the commune's administration of the bankrupt companies, see Sapori, Crist, pp. 158-84. This problem still occupied the attention of the government in 1348 and 1349; Archivio di Stato di Firenze [ASF], Provvinoni, 35, ff. 86r88r, I22r-I24v; 36, ff. 48r-48v, 78V-79V, io8r-io8v. In June 1349 the commune appointed officials to setde the affairs of some 30 deceased merchants; Prov., 36, ff. io6r-io7v. 29 Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli, Ricordi, ed. V. Branca (Florence, 1956), pp. 153-54· 30 Stefani, 620, 639. 31 Ibid., 608, 627; I Capitoli del Cotnune di Firenze. Inventario e regeslo, ed. C. Guasti and A. Gherardi, 2 vols. (Florence, 1866-93), n> 49°·

10

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

city's traditional Guelf allies, the merchants were in constant danger of losing their property through reprisals, to satisfy the creditors of the defunct companies.32 Despite these adverse economic conditions, the Florentine business community recovered from the decade of disaster with remarkable rapidity.83 Rental income from shops, which had declined steadily since 1340, began to rise sharply after 1350, an indication of increased demand for business establishments.3* A contemporary writer, describing the adverse effects on business of robber bands and marauding soldiers, noted that Florence's wool industry was still flourishing, and that it provided a livelihood for large numbers of workers.35 The measures taken by the Lana guild after the Black Death to prevent the payment of high wages and ensure a fair distribution of the available labor supply indicate that both the demand for cloth and potential profits were substantial in these years.36 The matriculation figures of the guilds engaged in large-scale industry and commerce reveal a notable increase in the number of matricolati after 1348. Between 1349 and 1356, over one hundred new members were enrolled in the Lana guild of woolen cloth manufacturers, and 132 matricolati were inscribed in the records of the Calimala guild, which specialized in the refinement of quality cloth. In the same period, the bankers of the Cambio guild accepted 224 new entrants, and forty-one 82

Sapori, Crist, pp. 187-93. The rapidity of this recovery is described by Lopez in The Cambridge Economic History, 11, 343. 34 Sapori has collated statistics for the period 1314-1367 on the rental income from certain shops owned by members of the Del Bene family; Studi, pp. 320-23. This income declined some 40 per cent between 1340 and 1352; it then rose until by 1367 it had nearly reached the 1340 figure. 85 ASF, Manoscritti, 222, f. 198: "In Talia si trovava in malle stato, per che la chorte non stava a Rroma; eran rotte Ie strade da malandrini . . . ma per Io sussidio de panni che molto se ne lavorara in nostra citta, molte gente si sostenava." Even in 1345, when business conditions were most depressed, some firms prospered. The company headed by Antonio di Lando degli Albizzi made a profit of 33 per cent on its investment in that year; R. de Roover, "The Story of the Alberti Company of Florence, 1302-1348, as Revealed in its Account Books," The Business History Review, xxxn (1958), 38, n. 77. This firm, however, was badly disrupted in 1348 when Antonio and two of his partner sons succumbed to the Black Death. 36 A. Doren, Die Florentiner Wollentuchindustrie vom vierzehnten bis zum sechzehnten Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1901), pp. 229, 240. 83

11

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

silk manufacturers enrolled in the guild of Por San Maria.37 Al­ though a certain proportion of this influx involved the replacement of deceased guildsmen, the trend indicates that opportunities for business activity and profit still existed in banking, commerce, and industry. Monetary evidence also supports the conclusion that the years immediately following the Black Death were character­ ized by rapid economic expansion and prosperity for the entre­ preneurial classes. Between 1348 and 1354, the value of the gold florin, in terms of silver currency, rose very sharply, a condition which both reflected and contributed to a favorable economic situation for businessmen.88 Nor was the foreign network of Florentine commercial activity totally disrupted by the events of the 1340's. Many merchants who remained abroad survived the difficulties, renewing and expanding their business operations after the Black Death. The extent of the Florentine diaspora cannot be determined with accuracy, but it involved many hundreds and perhaps thousands of merchants.89 In the Romagna towns of Rimini, Fano, and Pescara, some fifty natives of the Arno city were engaged in business in 1345.40 Flor­ entine merchants remained active in Perugia and other Umbrian cities throughout the 1340's.41 The city's mercantile community in Naples apparently survived the displeasure of the royal court, for in 1353 the commune demanded that Queen Joanna's government cease molesting and persecuting its citizens who resided there. 42 Southern France remained a focal point of Tuscan business ac­ tivity; in 1350, thirteen Florentine banking firms were engaged in the transfer of papal funds from Avignon to Italy.43 Colonies of 37

The lists of matricolati in the respective guilds for this period are recorded in ASF, Lana, 19, 20; Cambio, 12; Por San Maria, 7; Manoscritti, 542 (Calimala). 88 C . Cipolla, Studi di storia della moneta, 1 (Padua, 1948), 59-60, 106. Al­ though Florentine fiscal policy contributed to this phenomenon, it occurred throughout northern and central Italy; ibid., 26, 45, 47, 56, and especially, 187-200. 39 In 1375 the Florentine community in Avignon numbered 600; Sapori, Studi, p. 161. 40 ASF, Atti del Esecutore degli Ordinamenti della Giustizia [AEOJ], 38, f. 2V. 41 G . degli Azzi Vitelleschi, Le relazioni tra la Repubblica di Firenze e VUmbria nel secolo xiv, secondo i documenti di R. Archivio di Stato di Firenze (Perugia, 1904), 1, docs. 107-09, 113, 131, 154, 162. 42 ASF, Missive, n , f. 22Γ. 43 Y. Renouard, Les relations des Papes d'Avignon et des compagnies commerciales et bancaires de 1316 ά iyj8 (Paris, 1941), pp. 2501!.

12

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

Florentine merchants were established in Marseilles, Nimes, Montpellier, and Toulouse.44 Although Sicily and England were two areas where Florentine commerce declined after 1343, this loss was partially balanced by increased activity in the lands to the north and east of Venice, particularly Hungary.45 A notable example of a business organization which survived the economic pitfalls of the 1340's was the Alberti company.46 Established early in the fourteenth century, the Alberti firm ex­ perienced a period of adversity between 1310 and 1318. It survived these difficulties, however, and maintained its position as a pros­ perous company of middling rank. In the 1340's the Alberti did suffer losses from insolvent debtors, particularly the Bardi,47 but " O n Florentine business activity in France, see E. Labande, "De quelques Italiens etablis en Languedoc sous Charles V," Melanges d'histoire du moyen age dedies ά la mSmoire de Louis Halphen (Paris, 1951), pp. 359-67; E. Baratier and F. Reynaud, Histoire du commerce de Marseille (Paris, 1951—), 11, 172-75. Donato Velluti described the career of his brother Piccio who engaged in trade in Marseilles between 1346 and his death in 1348; La cronica domestica di Messer Donato Velluti, ed. I. del Lungo and G. Volpi (Florence, 1914), pp. 146-47. 45 On Florentine commercial activity in Sicily, see C. Trasselli, "Nuovi documenti sui Peruzzi, Bardi e Acciaiuoli in Sicilia," Economia e storia, 111 (1956), 179-95. On declining trade with England, see A. Ruddock, Italian Merchants and Shipping in Southampton, 1270-1600 (Southampton, 1951), pp. 39-44; E. Carus Wilson, 'Trends in the Export of English Woolens in the Four­ teenth Century," Economic History Review, ser. 2, m (1950), 162-76; E. Power, The Wool Trade in English Medieval History (Oxford, 1941), pp. 54-62; A. Beardwood, Alien Merchants in England, 1350 to /377 (Cambridge, Mass., 1931), p. 160.

On the important Florentine commercial expansion into the area north and east of Venice, including Hungary, see G. Canestrini, "Discorso sopra alcune relazioni della Repubblica fiorentina col Re d'Ungheria," ASl, ser. 1, iv, Pt. 1 (1843), i88ff.; G. Wenzel, Monumenta Hungariae Historica. Acta extera (Buda­ pest, 1874-76), in, 131-32, 150-52; C. de Franceschi, ^suli fiorentine della compagnia di Dante mercanti e prestatori a Trieste e in Istria," Archivio veneto, ser. 5, xxiii (1938), g2fT.; P. Neri, "I commercianti fiorentini in Alto Adige nei secoli xiii e xiv," Archivio per I'Alto Adige, XLII (1948), 90-146; N. Rubinstein, "The place of the Empire in 15th Century Florentine Political Opinion and Diplomacy," Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, xxx (1957), 129-30. 46 Sapori has recently edited the surviving account books of the Alberti; I libri degli Alberti del Giudice (Milan, 1952). For discussions of the material provided by this source, see Sapori, "GIi Alberti del Giudice di Firenze," Studi in onore di Gino Luzzatto (Milan, 1950), 1, 254-73; R- de Roover, "Alberti," Bus. Hist. Rev., xxxii, 14-59; G. Luzzatto, "Per la storia deU'economia rurale in Italia nel secolo xiv," Sventail de I'histoire vivante. Hommage a Lucien Febvre (Paris, 1953)» " . 105-13· 47 D e Roover, "Alberti," 29.

13

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

at mid-century they were the largest solvent business organization in Florence. In 1348 they employed nineteen factors in Florence, Avignon, Naples, and Barletta, and their annual payroll amounted to 790 lire.** Significant evidence of their economic strength is provided by the substantial purchases of real estate, exceeding eleven hundred florins in value, made by one of the partners, Bartolomeo di Caroccio Alberti, between 1349 and 1353.49 However, the economic prosperity of the period immediately following the Black Death was not permanent, and Florence did not regain the level of productivity and wealth she had achieved before 1340. The general contraction of the European economy, reflecting a major decline in population, persisted throughout the fourteenth century.50 There were periodic recurrences of plague and famine, and reinforcing the adverse effects of these natural calamities were the unsettled political conditions which prevailed in many part of Europe: the war in France, civil strife in Spain and Germany, and, most serious of all, the devastations of the armed companies.51 From Piedmont to the Abruzzi, the Italian peninsula was ravaged by marauding bands of discharged soldiers, the dregs of the armies of Europe. These endemic war conditions seriously restricted mercantile activity. For the cloth industry the halcyon days had definitely passed, and after 1348 the output of Florentine factories probably did not exceed thirty thousand pieces annually.52 This was less than one-half of the amount manufactured in 1338, although the rate of production, in terms of the city's population and working force, had not greatly decreased.53 iS

Ibid., 26. I libri degli Alberti del Giudice, pp. 303-05. 60 On this problem, see Comb. Ec. Hist., 11, 343-45; C. Cipolla, 'The Trends in Italian Economic History in the Later Middle Ages," Journal of Economic History, ix (1949), 181-84. 51 There is an excellent summary of perils and difficulties of mercantile activity in Renouard, Relations, pp. 199-200. For a vivid description of the depredations of the armed companies, see M. Villani, ix, 1. 52 Doren, Wollentuchindustrie, pp. 406-10; R. Davidsohn, "Bliite und Niedergang der Florentiner Tuch-Industrie," Zeitschrift fur die gesammte StaatsWissenschajt, LXXXV (1928), 241-46. In 1373 the poet Antonio Pucci stated that the industry produced 30,000 pieces annually. Since this was in a period of economic depression, it is possible that the figure was higher during the years of prosperity after 1348. 58 Davidsohn has calculated the population, size of working force and production for 1338 and 1373 as follows: 49

14

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

A graph of Florentine business trends for the period 1348-1378 would reveal a series of short-term fluctuations, with alternating phases of prosperity and recession. If the incidence of bankruptcy is used as an index of business conditions, the most prosperous years were 1349-1357 and 1361-1365, while the years 1358-1360 and 1366-1378 were periods of depression." The 1360 crisis was the direct consequence of the exodus of Florentine merchants from Pisa, as part of the campaign to extract greater port privileges from that city. According to a Sienese chronicler, the Florentine cloth industry was seriously damaged by the abandonment of the Arno port.55 The end of the Pisa war in 1364 ushered in a brief era of prosperity before the onset of another grave economic crisis beginning in 1369.66 This depression resulted from a combination of unfortunate circumstances: famine, plague, and the spread of war, which blocked trade routes and ruined markets. In 1369 an anonymous chronicler lamented, "Profits have greatly diminished," while in that same year a decree of the Lana guild referred to "the depressed condition of the guild and of its members and of the other merchants in the city."57 This crisis was prolonged and intensified by the war with the papacy (1375-1378) and the upheavals of the Ciompi revolution and its aftermath (1378-1382); it is probable that during this decade the Florentine economy reached its lowest point since 1348.58 In the midst of these difficulties, Florence was Year

Population

Wording Force

Production

1338

90,000

30,000

75,000

1373 55. 0 0 0 !4.°0° 3°»000 A controversy among scholars has developed over the extent of the decline of the cloth industry in Florence in the late fourteenth century. The views of A. Sapori, in Studi, pp. 544-47, represent a balanced and judicious estimate of the problem. 54 These figures are derived from the provisions pertaining to the appointment of bankruptcy commissions: 1349-1357, seven bankruptcies; 1358-1360, twelve; 1361-1365, two; 1366-1370, thirty; 1371-1376, forty-three. 55 Cronaca senese di Donate di Neri e di suo figlio Neri, in Cronache senesi, ed. A. Lisini and F. Iacometti, RRIISS, new ed., xv, Part 6 (Bologna, 1931-39), 595. See also Cronica di Pisa, RRIISS (Milan, 1723-51), xv, col. 1035. 56 Doren, Wollentuchindustrie, p. 410. 57 Cronichetta d'incerto, in Cronichette antiche, p. 191; A. Doren, Le arti fiorentine, trans. G. Klein (Florence, 1940), 1, 255, n. 7. 58 In 1381 woolen cloth production had declined to 20,000 pieces; one of the demands of the Ciompi in 1378 was that 24,000 pieces be produced annually; Doren, Wollentuchindustrie, pp. 467-68, 526.

15

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

able to finance a war costing two million florins—additional proof of the sturdy and resilient character of her economy and the massive resources of her citizens.59 The revival of the Florentine economy after the Black Death indicates that neither the capital resources nor the productive capacity of the city were mortally damaged by the events of the I34o's.eo However, the economic structure did not emerge from the crisis unaltered and intact. Two significant and related developments had decisively changed the pattern of the economy: a substantial redistribution of wealth, and a major revolution in the personnel who controlled Florence's large commercial, industrial, and banking enterprises. Literary evidence and economic data both support the conclusion that many Florentines suffered economic loss during the 1340's. In the prologue to his Novelle, Franco Sacchetti made note of the many individuals and families in his time who had been reduced to poverty.61 Paolo di Ser Pace da Certaldo, the moralizing collector of proverbs, observed: "I have seen great kings, great lords, great citizens, and great merchants fall from their position, and . . . living in poverty and misery."62 The "great merchants" to whom Paolo referred doubtless included the socii of the great companies, although these men did not have a monopoly on business failure. Catalogued among the archival records of communal elections is an incomplete list of 350 Florentines who suffered 59

Stefani, 795, estimated the cost of the war at 2,243,000 ft. In the light of the evidence presented in the preceding pages, Renouard's conclusion that the Florentine economy did not recover to an appreciable degree until 1360 must be revised; Recherches sur les compagnies commerciales et bancaires utilisees par les Papes a"Avignon avant Ie grand schisme (Paris, 1942), pp. 24-28. The amount of capital and the scope of operations of the companies between 1348 and 1360 was much greater than Renouard assumed; ibid., p. 25, notes 2 and 3. In 1367 the company headed by Carlo degli Strozzi, which succeeded an earlier one, had a capitalization of 53,600 fl., a figure which compares favorably with the capital of the Bardi and Peruzzi organizations before 1340; ASF, Carte Strozziane, ser. 5, 1, f. 5V. The capitalization of the larger Alberti antiqui company must have been considerably greater. On the business activities of the Uzzano company between 1360 and 1370, see V. Rutenberg, "La Compagnia Uzzano," Studi in onore di Armando Sapori (Milan, 1957), 1, 689-706. 61 F. Sacchetti, Il libro delle trecentonovelle, ed. E. Li Gotti (Rome, 1946), proemio. 62 Libro di buoni costumi, ed. A. Schiaffini (Florence, 1945), pp. 173-74· 60

16

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

63

bankruptcy between 1333 and 1346. In addition to the prominent families—Bardi, Peruzzi, Acciaiuoli, Baroncelli, Antellesi—the list contains hundreds of unfamiliar names belonging to obscure, petty entrepreneurs, the minor casualties of the mid-century economic disasters. More numerous than the bankrupts were the investors, who had deposited funds with the defunct companies and received back only a portion of their investment.64 The list of creditors of the Antellesi company reveals that individuals from all levels of Florentine society were directly involved in the fate of the com­ panies: magnates, merchants, artisans, widows, and orphans.65 Losses of the greatest magnitude were sustained by the mer­ chants who controlled the bankrupt companies, although few suffered imprisonment and total ruin. Adoardo Acciaiuoli and Giovanni Villani were among those imprisoned for debt. Matteo Villani returned to Florence a bankrupt after a prosperous career as an associate of the Buonaccorsi company in Naples and Avignon, and he was forced to accept a petty clerical post in the communal administration to support himself.66 Several company directors, however, were able to salvage a substantial part of their fortunes. Taddeo dell'Antella and his associates kept their assets out of the hands of the bankruptcy commissioners by making fictitious sales of their property, and by hiding the company's books.67 None of the Bardi or Peruzzi became destitute; indeed, the Bardi remained 83 ASF, Tratte, 1155, no pagination. The list includes the bankrupts with given names A through S. It was probably compiled as a guide for election officials; bankrupts were excluded from communal office. e * Creditors of the Bardi, Peruzzi and Acciaiuoli companies were authorized to receive 48 per cent, 37 per cent, and 50 per cent of their investments, respec­ tively; Sapori, Crist, pp. 174, 193. 65 Sapori, "Quaderno," Rivista delle biblioteche e degli archivi, n.s., m, i68ff. The creditors included Ciore and Neri Pitti (400 fl.). Francesco di Lapo Mangioni (540 fl.), Messer Bindaccio Ricasoli (380 fl.), Lemmo di Ser Cambi, drug­ gist (24 lire), and Monna Antonia, widow of Messer Talano degli Adimari (380 fl.). ββ See the plea for mercy by the imprisoned and impoverished Acciaiuoli; Prov., 38, fl. I57v-i58r. On the Villani, see Renouard, Recherches, p. 21, n. 4; Brucker, "The Ghibelline Trial of Matteo Villani," Medievdia et Humanistica, XiH (i960), 48-55. Matteo's tax levy in the 1352 sega was small, but still in the upper 50 per cent of his quarter; ASF, Esttmo, 306, f. 84r. This tax assessment has been analyzed statistically by B. Barbadoro, "Finanza e demografia nei ruoli fiorentine d'imposta del 1352-1355," Atti del Congresso intemazionde per Io studio dei problemi della popolazione (Rome, 1933), ix, 624-29. 67 Sapori, "Quaderno," 161.

17

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

one of the three or four wealthiest families in Florence after 1350.68 The tax assessments of Sandro di Bartolo, Bartolo di Giovanni, and Piero di Messer Ridolf0, all socii of the Bardi organization, ranked in the upper two percent of the quarter of S. Spirito.89 With few exceptions,70 neither these merchants nor their direct descendants re-entered the business world in an active capacity after the 1340's. Either the stigma of the failures or their own loss of confidence restrained them. However, some of their relatives, who had not been involved in the bankruptcies, continued to pursue active business careers. One notable example was Simone di Rinieri Peruzzi, who combined the management of an international trading company with an influential role in communal policies.71 Not all Florentines, however, experienced economic adversity in the 1340's. We may accept with reservations Matteo Villani's assertion that the lower classes enjoyed great prosperity after the plague, although the labor shortage did improve temporarily their economic situation.72 The money spent on medicines and burials in 1340 and 1348 promoted the economic interests of those doctors, druggists, gravediggers, and manufacturers of shrouds who sur­ vived the pestilence. A more important factor in redistributing wealth was inheritance. If some part of the property of the plague's victims enriched the treasuries of churches and religious confra­ ternities,73 the major portion was willed to relatives. Donato VeI68

On the economic status of the Bardi, see Brucker, "Un documento fiorentino sulla guerra, sulla finanza e sulla amministrazione pubblica (1375)," ASI, cxv (1957), 166, n. 8. The socii (or their descendants) of the Peruzzi company were nearly all in the upper one-fourth bracket of tax assessments in 1352, and some were in the upper one-tenth; Estimo, 306, ff. 77r, 78V, 8ir. On this point, see P. J. Jones, "Florentine families and Florentine diaries in the fourteenth cen­ tury," Studies in Italian Medieval History presented to Miss E. M. Jamison (Rome, 1956), p. 202, who describes the long and tedious nature of bankruptcy proceedings. ea Estimo, 306, ff. ior-nv. 70 Two exceptions were the small Bardi companies formed after 1346; Sapori, Crist, pp. 86-90; Renouard, Recherches, pp. 28-29. 71 Simone directed one of the companies which used the port of Pisa in 1369; S. Peruzzi, Storia del commercio e dei banchieri di Firenze (Florence, 1868), pp. 219-21. For a fragment of his account books, see Sapori, I libri di commercio dei Peruzzi (Milan, 1934), pp. 515-25. He was one of the wealthiest men in Florence; see his tax assessments in 1352, 1364, and 1378; Estimo, 306, f. 78V; ASF, Prestanze, 117, f. 83V; 333, f. 74η 72 M . Villani, 1, 4. 73 These bequests were in many cases utilized for religious building and

18

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

luti was one of many Florentines whose possessions were materially increased by bequests from those who died in 1348.7* The records of the monte, the communal public debt, constitute an important source for documenting the redistribution of wealth in Florence. When, in 1345, the commune consolidated all of its outstanding obligations into a funded debt, paying five percent interest annually, it also authorized the transfer of credits between individuals. The release of this reservoir of hitherto unavailable capital stimulated a veritable orgy of buying and selling monte shares, whose market price fluctuated between one-fourth and onethird of the original value.75 That large numbers of investors were prepared to sacrifice their holdings clearly indicates a wide­ spread and pressing need for liquid assets in Florence.76 Although a part of this money was doubtless used to invest in more lucra­ tive enterprises, many of these sales, made to pay debts or to re­ place sources of income that had dried up, were symbols of economic decline. One striking example of this trend involved the widow of a magnate, Messer Tegghie Buondelmonti. She liquidated her monte credit of 866 florins, a large investment which indicates that her husband was quite wealthy.77 In 1352 her two sons, Benghi and Ruggiero, received a tax assessment which was lower than that of many artisans, suggesting that their fortune was of extremely modest proportions.78 decoration, thus contributing indirectly to the welfare of painters, sculptors, and stonemasons. Thus Orcagna's construction of the tabernacle in the Or San Michele was made possible by the 350,000 fl. received by the confraternity at the time of the plague; M. Meiss, Painting in Florence and Siena after the Blac\ Death (Princeton, N.J., 1951), pp. 78-79. 7i Velluti, pp. 190-91. M. Villani, 1, 4, also comments on this transfer of wealth through inheritance. 75 M . Villani, m, 106. 76 On the liquidation by the Medici of their monte credits, see Brucker, "The Medici in the Fourteenth Century," Speculum, xxxn (1957), 5. 77 ASF, Monte of 134$, Santa Maria Novella [5.MJV.], f. 921η Most of the loans which were consolidated in the monte were forced loans, levied in the period 1328-1343 on the basis of wealth. A large monte credit therefore indi­ cates a heavy prestanza assessment and substantial wealth during this period; Barbadoro, Finanze, Ch. 8. Jacopo and Amerigo del Bene paid 336 fl. in forced loans between November 1337 and April 1340; Sapori, Studi, pp. 217-19. 7S Estimo, 306, f. 95r. A large number of magnates liquidated their monte credits after 1345; for example, in the quarter of S. Maria Novella, Messer Andrea Buondelmonti (148 fl.), Messer Biagio Tornaquinci (360 fl.), Messer

19

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

The plight of those who were forced to sell their monte credits was turned into substantial advantage for individuals with availa­ ble capital. By purchasing these credits at bargain prices, specu­ lators were able to ensure themselves of a guaranteed return of fifteen or twenty percent on their investment. For Florence's monied class, the monte was a welcome alternative to commercial and real estate investment; it had the double advantage of being 79 safe and lucrative. Many of these speculators belonged to the old mercantile patriciate, which had participated in the business life of Florence for a century or more. Several members of the Strozzi family, for example, were heavy investors in monte shares and were also partners in a flourishing mercantile company en­ gaged in international trade. Their neighbours in the quarter of S. Maria Novella, the Rucellai, also possessed extensive monte investments and were active in the manufacture of woolen cloth.80 A significant number of these large-scale speculators were men whose ancestors had not been prominent in business circles before 1340, and whose families did not belong to that select group which had controlled the economy and the politics of Florence since the beginning of the century. Their fortunes relatively unimpaired by the economic difficulties of the 1340's, these gente nuova were in a position to invest heavily in business, real estate, and government securities. Notable examples of these new elements in the Floren­ tine business world were two brothers, Francesco and Piero di Tani Pantaleoni. Both were heavy investors in the 1345 monte, their holdings exceeding four thousandflorins.Francesco had died before 1352, but his brother was matriculated into the Lana and Giovanni Gianfigliazzi (1463 fl.), Jacopo Cavalcanti (304 fl.), and Jacopo Giandonati (241 fl.); Monte of 1345, SJWJV., ff. i8v, 59r, 4i8r, 419^ 424η 79 On monte speculations after 1345, see M. Villani, in, 106; A. Sapori, Studi, pp. 347-52; G. Brucker, "Documento," 168-70; P. J. Jones, "Florentine families," P- 199, «· 13°· 80 Strozzi investments in the 1345 monte totalled nearly 25,000 fl.; Brucker, "Medici," 5, n. 22. Heavy investors included Benedetto and Leonardo di Messer Giovanni (2145 fl.), Carlo (2000 fl.), Palla di Messer Jacopo (3773 fl.), and Strozza di Rosso (3707 fl.); Monte of 1345, 5JIiJV., ff. 98V, 223Γ, 697V, 703r, 784Γ, 945r. Members of the family who were shareholders in Carlo degli Strozzi's company are listed in Carte Strozziane, ser. 5, 1, f. 5V. Rucellai credits in the monte exceeded 7000 fl.; Monte of 1345, 5JIiJV., ff. 58r, i6ir, 280V, 343V, 36or, 513V, 586V, 827r, 944Γ. Eleven members of the family were enrolled in the Lana guild between 1350 and 1378.

20

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

Por San Maria guilds, and in 1369 was the head of a mercantile company engaged in foreign trade. His tax assessments indicate that he had become one of the wealthiest residents of the quarter 81 of S. Maria Novella. The economic status of the gente nuova and the extent to which they had achieved wealth are further documented by the com­ 82 munal tax records. After 1350, the greatest concentrations of wealth were still in the hands of certain old families, most notably, 83 the Bardi, Alberti, Strozzi, and Albizzi. The business disasters, political revolutions, and plagues of the 1340's had not changed this situation. However, the gente nuova, who can be roughly defined as those individuals whose families were not represented in the Signoria before 1343, constituted a very definite economic challenge to the old order. The records of the 1352 estimo indicate that the "new men" comprise two-fifths of those households in the highest two percent of tax assessments.84 81

For the tnonte transactions of the Pantaleoni, see Monte of 1345, SMN., ff. 915^ o.i7r; on their tax assessments, Estimo, 306, f. 97V; Pres., 118, f. igv; 334, f. 2iv. Other heavy speculators in tnonte credits from the quarter of S. Maria Novella included these gente nuova: Giunta Rosini, Giovanni di Guido Perini, Giovanni di Lapo Davizzi, Giovanni Guglielmi, setaiuolo, Lippo Doni del Saggina, Lorenzo Bufache; Monte of 1345, SMN., ff. 335V, 417Γ, 42Or5 422r, 423^ 513V, 576r, 917V. 82 The city's first complete tax roll which has survived is the 1352 sega; for a discussion of this tax, see Barbadoro, "Finanza e demografia," 615-23; Fiumi, 'Oemografia fiorentina," ASI, cvm, 106-10. The extant records of forced loans (prestanze) begin in 1359, and they continue without any appreciable gaps throughout the century. 83 See Brucker, "Medici," 5-6. The Bardi were both the wealthiest and the largest family in Florence; in the prestanza of August 1364, 52 households were assessed a total of 2555 fl.; Pres., 116, ff. 12-33. 8 *This tax bracket included some 170 households. Of the ten richest Floren­ tines in this period, only four were from families of the highest rank: Messer Niccolo Alberti, Messer Pazzino degli Strozzi, Castrone di Sinibaldo de' Bardi, and Bettino Ricasoli. The other six included Bartolomeo Panciatichi, a member of the Pistoian nobility who had emigrated to Florence; Tedaldo Tedaldi, who belonged to an ancient Florentine family which had never been represented in the Signoria; and four men who can legitimately be classified as gente nuova: Francesco Rinuccini, Messer Lapo Ruspi, Guido di Francesco Monaldi, and Francesco di Giovanni Davizzi. These names were collated from three tax lists: the 1352 sega, and the prestanze of August 1364 and April 1378. Although the methods of tax assessment in Florence were haphazard, inaccurate, and arbitrary (at least before the institution of the catasto), the results were fairly consistent. While it would be impossible to estimate the size of an individual's fortune from his tax quota, it is possible to rank him economically in rela­ tion to his fellows.

21

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

Survey of a single district brings this general pattern into sharper focus. The district (gonfalone) of the White Lion, in the quarter of S. Maria Novella, was the second most populous of the four dis­ tricts in the quarter. Within its boundaries lived representatives of every stratum of Florentine society: magnates, wealthy mer­ chants, artisans, shopkeepers, usurers, porters, servants, and market women.85 The most affluent residents of the district were Carlo degli Strozzi, head of one of the largest mercantile companies in the city, and two cousins, Andrea di Segnino and Baldese di Torino Baldesi.86 The Baldesi had first entered the Signoria in 1310 and were active in business and politics throughout the fourteenth century. In a more modest but still substantial economic category were such mercantile families as the Dietsalvi, Sassetti, and Buere.87 The most striking fact revealed by the tax data is the number of old, established families in the district whose economic fortunes had declined sharply. Most precipitous was the descent of the Bordoni, formerly one of the most prominent families in Florence, whose members had been reduced to near-poverty in this period.88 The Scali, Amieri, Mangioni, and Beccanugi families had also experienced economic adversity, and after 1350 were living in the shadow of their former prosperity.89 The greatest magnate house in the district was the Tornaquinci, and its mem­ bers cannot be fitted into a single economic category. Those who engaged in banking and exchange activities were prosperous, but the majority were in modest economic circumstances. Indeed, some of the Tornaquinci received tax assessments which were near the minimum. 90 In this district, as elsewhere in Florence, 85

The evidence on which this paragraph is based is from the tax assessment (sega) of 1352, and the prestanze of August 1364 and April 1378; Estimo, 306, ff. n8r-i26r; Pres., 118, ff. 85r-io8v; 334, ff. 93r-i27r. 88 I n April 1378 Carlo degli Strozzi was assessed 91 fl.; the Baldesi were assessed 76 and 42 fl.; Pres., 334, ff. io3r, io6v; 335, f. 78Π 87 On the Sassetti, see P. J. Jones, "Florentine families," pp. 184-85. 88 Cf. the Bordoni tax assessments; Estimo, 306, f. i2ir; Pres., 334, ff. 1040 io5r. 89 The Scali and the Amieri suffered bankruptcy in 1326; G. Villani, x, 4. On the importance of the Bordoni and Beccanugi in the late thirteenth century, see N. Ottokar, Il Comune di Firenze alia fine del dugento (Florence, 1926), pp. 92-96. Sacchetti described one of the Beccanugi, Salvino di Simone, as "poverissimo"; Novelle, no. 133. 90 On the tax assessments of the Tornaquinci, see Estimo, 306, ff. i2or, i23r; Pres., 118, ff. 9ir-92r, 96r-96v, io8r; 334, ff. 99V, ioiv, 121V. Several members

22

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

there were several prosperous artisans and shopkeepers who paid 91 higher taxes than most magnate households. With few exceptions, the "new men" who became rich were personally engaged in large-scale business activities—mercantile, industrial, financial. Constituting a large and influential element in the Florentine business elite, they competed strenuously with the members of the old mercantile patriciate who still pursued 92 active business careers. That most aristocratic of guilds, the Calimala, whose matriculation list in the early fourteenth century could be equated with the city's social register, contained a signifi­ 98 cant number of gente nuova in the second half of the century. Equally noteworthy is the flood of unfamiliar names inscribed in the rosters of the other great guilds—Lana, Cambio, Por San Maria—where the "new men" overwhelmed the remnants of the old patriciate by sheer weight of numbers.94 of the family became popolani after 1361, changing their names to Popoleschi and Cardinali. In April 1378 the highest tax assessments were levied against Gregorio and Niccolo di Pagnozzo Cardinali (25 fl., 10 s.) and Simone di Tieri Tornaquinci (20 fl., 8 s.); Pres., 334, ff. 99V, ioov. These men were active members of the Cambio guild; Cambio, 14, ff. 3r, 28V. The lowest assessments (1 fl., 5 d.) were levied against the households of Domenico di Manetto, Sandro di Simone, Tiero di Francesco, and Niccolo di Tegghie Tornaquinci; Pres., 334, ff. ioor-ιοιν. Only a very few households in the district were assessed lower amounts: 10 s., 6 s., and 5 s. 91 Cf. the April 1378 assessments of Jacopo di Riccio (7 fl., 13 /.) and Niccolo di Tieri (19 fl., 14 /.), blacksmiths; Piero di Lippo (8 fl., 10 s.) and Chelluccio di Chele (7 fl., 3 s.), old-clothes dealers; and Bencivenni Gratini, tanner (10 fl., 17 s.); with the levies of Filippozzo di Messer Jacopo degli Amieri (1 fl., 5 /.), Leonardo di Niccolo Beccanugi (3 fl., 1 s.), Cipriano di Lippozzo Mangioni (3 fl., ι s.), Niccolo, Angelo, and Chele di Jacopo Bordoni (2 fl.), Carlo di Francesco Mangioni (1 fl.), and Simone di Bordone Bordoni (1 fl., 3 /.); Pres., v 8r 334. ff· 93 » 9 > I04r-i05r, io6v, 109V, n5r. 92 There had always been a small but steady influx of "new men" into the top rank of the Florentine business community; in 1300 the Cerchi were con­ sidered gente nuova "siccome genti venuti di piccolo tempo in grande stato e podere"; G. Villani, vni, 39. What distinguishes the period after the 1340's is the large number of parvenus who had broken into the select circle of business leadership. 93 At the beginning of the fourteenth century, the Calimala guild was the exclusive preserve of the old mercantile families: Cerchi, Mozzi, Pulci, Canigiani, Bardi, Pazzi, Spini, Peruzzi; G. Filippi, L'arte del mercanti di Calamala ed il suo piu. antico statute (Turin, 1889), pp. 46-50. After the Black Death, gente nuova infiltrate into the guild in increasing numbers: Tommaso di Lippo Amizzini, Niccolo di Piero del Bagniuolo, Lorenzo Bartoli, Niccolo Benedicri, Jacopo Betti, Giovanni Bianciardi; Manoscritti, 542, passim. 94 The names of the newly enrolled members of the great guilds after 1348

23

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

The infusion of new elements into international trade after 1350 can be seen clearly by comparison of two lists of Florentine companies who were authorized to use the facilities of the port of Pisa.85 The earlier list, drawn up in 1329, has the names of twenty seven firms engaged in international commerce, nearly all of which were controlled by men from ancient families: Bardi, Peruzzi, Acciaiuoli, Alberti, Buonaccorsi, Antellesi, Albizzi, Rucellai, Corsini, Biliotti. The much larger list, from 1369, comprises 106firms.It also includes representatives from the families who had been engaged in foreign trade for decades: Alberti, Castellani, Strozzi, Ricci, Covoni, Baldesi, Rucellai. However, nearly one-half of the companies (51 of 106) were headed by genie nuova, whose participation in international commerce began after 1350, and whose names—Tommaso di Piero Parigi, Valeriano Dolcibene, Zanobi Truffe, Francesco Vigorosi—made but a fleeting impression in the economic records of the city.88 That large numbers of genie nuova moved into the upper echelons of the Florentine business class after 1350 is a trend which can be amply documented. However, the evidence supporting a corollary proposition, that there was a corresponding withdrawal of the old mercantile patriciate from entrepreneurial activity, is less conclusive.87 Clearly, there was no absolute or total retreat are recorded in Lana, 19, 20; Catnbio, 12; For San Maria, 7. The names of gente nuova also predominate in the lists of the consuls of the major guilds. m J 355 the consuls of the Cambio guild were Francesco Bonafati, Giovanni di Matteo Guidi, Jacopo di Piero Sacchetti, Cambio di Arrigo Fei, Simone di Neri dell'Antella, Piero di Bonaventura Ricoveri, Sandro Barucci, Giovanni Bianciardi, Amerigo di Bernardo da Sommaia, Jacopo Renzi, Ubaldino di Fastello Petriboni, and Albizzo di Lippo Bellandi; S. La Sorsa, L'organizzazione dei cambiatori fiorentini nel medio evo (Cerignola, 1903), p. 86. Only three of these cambiatori were members of old, established families (Sacchetti, Antellesi, Ricoveri)—a much lower ratio than before 1343; cf. ibid., pp. 83-85. 95 The 1329 list is printed in P. Silva, "L'ultimo trattato commerciale tra Pisa e Firenze," Studi storici diretti da F. Crivellucci, XVII (1908), 642-43. The 1369 list is printed in ibid., XVII, 679-83, and in S. Peruzzi, Storia del commercio, pp. 220-22. 96 A similar ratio between old and new families is found in two other lists of merchant companies in 1357, one group engaged in trade with Naples, the other with Avignon; Prov., 45, Pt. 2, f. io8v; G. Milanesi, "Ordini della 'Scarsella' de' mercanti fiorentini per la corrispondenza tra Firenze e Avignone," Miscellanea fiorentina di erudizione e storia, ed. I. del Badia (Florence, 1902), h 152-53· 87 Entrepreneurial activity, as used in this paragraph, is defined as active participation in large-scale business activities in Florence or abroad; Le. the

24

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

from large-scale business operation on the part of the old families; their members still made up at least half of the entrepreneurial class in the second half of the century. Although there was no mass exodus from the counting house to the country villa,98 the evidence does suggest that after the Black Death a substantial portion of the old mercantile class did abandon active business careers in favor of safer and less adventurous pursuits. While the late trecento does not represent a sharp reorientation in the pattern of Florentine society, with its perpetual rise and fall of families, it does constitute a distinct phase in that pattern. It was a period of unusual instability and insecurity, when fortunes fluctuated more rapidly than usual, when the abrupt rise of new elements in the society was paralleled to some extent by the decline of a part of the old order. The retreat from business was most evident among the magnate families. Although some noble clans, notably the Ricasoli and Visdomini, had never participated in business, several magnate families—the Bardi, Cerchi, Frescobaldi, Pazzi, Pulci, Scali— were very active in the Florentine business world in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries." The guild records after 1348, however, tell a different story. Only seven of the 188 entrants into the Calimala guild between 1343 and 1378 were magnates, and the proportion of grandi in the Lana and Cambio guilds was also very small.100 Among the prominent popolani direction and management of firms engaged in foreign commerce, banking, and cloth manufacture. It does not include investment of deposit capital in business divorced from any managerial function, investment or management of real estate, or business activities of local or limited scope. 98 The best discussion of this complex problem is P. J. Jones's article, "Florentine families and Florentine diaries in the fourteenth century." Using material gleaned from the ricordanze and private papers of Florentine families, the author emphasizes the continuity of the city's social and economic history, particularly with reference to the transformation of the merchant class into a landowning class. 89 The business activities of these families is documented by R. Davidsohn, Geschichte von Florenz (Berlin, 1896-1927), iv, it (Gewerbe, Ziinfte, Welthandel, und Bankwesen); and Forschungen zur Geschichte von Florenz (Berlin, 18961908), in, 1-259. 100 Of 864 entrants into the Lana guild during this period, 25 were magnates, while 54 grandi were included among the 642 matricolati in the Cambio guild. Not a single magnate is included in the 965 entrants into the Por San Maria guild. Jones's statement ("Florentine families," p. 203) that a high proportion of Florentine magnate families traditionally engaged in business is true only for the period before 1340.

25

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

houses the trend was less pronounced, but still distinguishable. Guild records indicate that several families—the Acciaiuoli, Bordoni, Bucelli, Machiavelli, Magalotti, Mangioni, Quaratesi, Risaliti, Serragli—had withdrawn almost entirely from entrepreneurial activity.101 While certain other popolani houses—the Strozzi, Albizzi, Capponi, Guasconi, Ricci, Rucellai, and Salviati—were heavily involved in business affairs, many mercantile families after 1350 were represented in commerce and industry by only one or two members. For example, the Medici counted several bankers and merchants among their number in the early decades of the fourteenth century. Between 1340 and 1380, however, only the brothers Vieri and Giovanni di Cambio continued the businesss pursuits of their forebears, while their relatives were scioperati, living on the proceeds of real estate holdings, supplementing their rental income with stipends from offices and the interest on petty loans to contadini.102 This partial retreat from the world of business is but one manifestation of a general state of mind of the patriciate in these years. Its spirits dampened by the grim experiences of mid-century, this generation sought to achieve economic security by practicing caution and restraint.103 For these men, living in troubled times, the regular income from rentals and monte investments was more attractive than the large fortune which could be made only through entrepreneurial activity.104 Instead of committing all of its resources to business, the typical patrician family followed a policy of diversification, investing in real estate and government securities as well as trade and industry. The same pattern emerged with respect to vocation. Rarely, after 1350, did all members of one family band together to operate a company. Instead, one brother might manage a cloth factory, another enter the church, a third study law, and a fourth live as 101 J n cer tain cases, this withdrawal was temporary; some families returned to business after a period of retirement. 102 Brucker, "Medici," 6-10. Francesco and Giovanni di Bicci, who laid the foundations for the great Medici fortune of the fifteenth century, began their business careers in the 1380^; ibid., 21-22. 103 On this point, see ibid., 7; Jones, pp. 204-05. 104 Great fortunes in Florence were invariably built up through business activity, rarely through real estate investment alone. On the comparative return from business and real estate, see Jones, p. 199, n. 130.

26

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

a rentier and devote much of his time to politics. The Corsini family provides an excellent illustration of this tendency. After the bankruptcy of the family business firm in 1346, the survivors branched out into multifarious paths. Remaining in business were Stefano, who operated an international mercantile firm, Matteo di Niccolo, who manufactured woolen cloth, and Jacopo di Jacopo, who was engaged in business in Venice in the 1370's. Two of the Corsini, Filippo di Tommaso and Tommaso di Duccio, became prominent lawyers, while two others achieved eminence in the church: Andrea di Niccolo, an ascetic monk who was later canonized; and Piero di Tommaso, whose long ecclesiastical career was climaxed by his promotion to the cardinalate in 1369.105 The Pattern of Social Change Historically, Florence's social structure had always been flexible, characterized by a constant shifting in the composition of its various classes. The extraordinary disturbances of the 1340's and the recurrence of plague, war, and economic crises after 1350 intensified the internal displacements andfluctuations,making generalizations about social groups extremely hazardous. To construct a valid and useful picture of the social structure, one must employ several criteria for distinguishing between classes. These criteria may be listed as wealth, occupation, family antiquity, marriage connections, behavior patterns, and attitudes. Applying these standards, Florentine society after 1350 may be divided into four groups: 1) the patriciate; 2) the gente nuova, the newly enriched mercantile element; 3) the petty bourgeois artisan-shopkeeper class; and 4) the unorganized and property less laborers.108 105

On the bankruptcy of the Corsini, see Sapori, Crist, p. 177. Three Corsini are listed among the bankrupts in Tratte, 1155: Duccio di Niccolo, Corsino di Mozzo, and Gherardo di Duccio. For the careers of the men mentioned in this paragraph, see L. Passerini, Genealogia e storia della famiglia Corsini (Florence, 1858), pp. 37-90. In addition to the businessmen described, Amerigo di Tommaso di Duccio was enrolled in the Lana guild in 1354, and Andrea di Tommaso was enrolled in the Por San Maria guild in 1374. 106 In formulating this classification, I owe much to the perceptive analysis of the Florentine social structure by G. Scaramella, Firenze alio scoppio del tumulto dei Ciompi (Pisa, 1914), pp. 20-47. My major criticism of Scaramella's description of the class structure is that it is based almost entirely upon economic criteria, to the exclusion of other important factors. For a Marxist analysis of

27

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

These social groups each possessed distinctive characteristics: their members held certain common attitudes and beliefs and conformed to similar behavior patterns. Most important for the political history of the city, these classes maintained a sense of identity and common purpose which was often transformed into political programs. It is legitimate to speak of a patriciate in trecento Florence, although its membership was not legally defined, as was that of the Venetian oligarchy. This patriciate was composed of individuals from families who had long been active and important participants in the city's history, whose ancestors had fought at Montaperti and Altopascio, had held major offices in the commune, and had acquired wealth and status.107 Membership in an old and eminent family was an essential qualification for high social standing. Florentines who compiled ricordanze invariably made reference to the anttchith of their house, and the imposing role their ancestors had played in the life of the city.108 These evocations of family pride indicate that the blood tie remained the strongest and most durable link in the social structure. Families were closely knit units, their members banding together to form solid nuclei of wealth, political power, and social prestige. Florentine society, which also relies upon economic distinctions between classes, see F. Antal, Florentine F'canting and its Social Background (London, 1947), Ch. i. Attempts to divide Florentine society into legally defined categories—e.g. magnati and popolani, or upper guildsmen and lower guildsmen—are unsatisfactory because these rigid definitions do not take into account the complex social pattern which was perpetually changing. For an analysis and critique of the various interpretations which see the basic political struggle between 1343 and 1378 as one between the arti minori and the arti maggiori, see Becker and Brucker, "Arti minori," Med. Stud., xvni, 93-104. 107 Chroniclers and other writers frequently compiled lists of the most eminent Florentine families; e.g. G. Villani's lists of ancient and noble families at the beginning of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (iv, 10-13; v> 39) 5 the poet Antonio Pucci's list written about 1370, in Delizie degli eruditi toscani, ed. Ildefonso di San Luigi (Florence, 1770-89), vi, 180-82; and an anonymous compilation from the same period (Manoscritti, 222, £ 182). One of the most significant indications of high social status for popolani families was the incidence of membership in the Signoria. There are numerous copies in Florentine libraries and archives of elaborate prior lists or prioriste, describing the details of each family's representation in the Signoria between 1282 and 1530. 108 P. J. Jones, p. 204. See, for example, the ricordi of Giovanni di Alessandro Arrigucci, "per far memoria di tutti gli huomini delli Arrigucci," Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze [BNF], Magliabechiana, xxv, 44, ff. 36r-42v.

28

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

The visible evidence of their cohesiveness was the tendency of households belonging to a single family to cluster together in the same district, a vestigial practice from a past age when family vendettas were commonplace. Relationships formed by marriage alliances also served to bind together the families which constituted the aristocracy of Florence. United by blood, by community of interests, and by a shared tradition, this patrician class wielded a powerful influence over the destinies of the Arno city.109 Within this group, and even within individual families, there were infinite gradations of wealth, status, and pre-eminence. The magnate families constituted roughly the upper stratum of this patrician class. Many of these houses were descended from the Tuscan feudal nobility, and several still possessed large estates in the contado. Through decades of intermarriage and close social, economic, and political contact, they had become so fused with the old popolani houses as to be scarcely distinguishable from them. Originally, the distinction between magnati and popolani had been an empirical one. The decisive criteria for magnate status were not antiquity and nobility; more important was the behavior pattern of the family, its reputation for violence and disorder, and the extent to which it constituted a threat to communal peace and security.110 The Cerchi, though not of noble descent, were designated as magnates in 1293 because they were rich, numerous, and dangerous; the Castiglionchi, though noble in origin, remained popolani because they were not sufficiently powerful to constitute a threat to the government of the guilds.111 A scholar has recently observed that "the history of Florence, even at its most democratic, remains in large measure the history of its principal families."112 The identification of these families is thus an essential preliminary to any investigation of the city's social structure. In the quarter of S. Spirito, the Bardi had survived the bankruptcy of their company and the political reverses 109

This is the major theme of N. Ottokar's work, Il Comune di Firenze alia fine del dugento. 110 In his recent article, "Fioritura e decadenza delPeconomia fiorentina," ASI, cxv (1957), 385-439, E. Fiumi has clarified the definitions of noble and magnate, and has demonstrated convincingly that very few Florentine magnate families were actually descendants of the feudal nobility. 111 On the Cerchi and the Castiglionchi, see P. J. Jones, pp. 184-85, 191-93. 112 Ibid., p. 183.

29

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND suffered in 1340 and 1343 to remain the predominant magnate house in Florence. 118 Of the other grandi families in the quarter, only the Rossi had preserved a comparable fund of wealth and manpower, although they too had been bruised by their encounter with the popolo in the summer of 1343. 1 1 4 A m o n g the notable popolani families in S. Spirito were three small houses of ancient lineage and conservative political orientation: the Corsini, Soderini, and Canigiani. Each of these families furnished leaders of the Parte Guelfa w h o played prominent roles in Florentine public life: Messer Tommaso di Duccio Corsini and his son Filippo, Niccolo di Geri Soderini, and Piero di Dati Canigiani. 115 Their political rivals in the quarter were the Capponi and the Quaratesi, two families w h o were hostile to the conservative elements of the aristocracy. 118 T w o other houses of long standing, later made famous by illustrious sons, were the Machiavelli and the Guicciardini. T h e Machiavelli has suffered an economic eclipse through their involvement in the Bardi debacle, but the Guicciardini 113

See the tax assessments o£ the Bardi in 1352, 1364, and 1378; Estimo, 306, ff. ior-i4v; Pres., 116, ff. 3V, 5V, i2r-23r; 332, ff. n r , i3v-2or, 2gr-3gr. For the names of the Bardi who held those communal offices which were open to magnates, see Manoscritti, 534, no pag. In this volume, alphabetical lists of officeholders have been compiled for all magnate families. 114 For the list of magnate families which acquired popolano status, see G. Villani, xn, 23. For the tax assessments of the Rossi, see Estimo, 306, ff. 12V, i6r-i7v, 29r-35r; Pres., 116, ff. I2r, 37r-55r, 6gi-69V, 75r-78v, nov, 135V; 332, ff. 37r-5or, 73r-88v. On the rise and decline of the Frescobaldi, see Sapori's article, "La compagnia dei Frescobaldi in Inghilterra," Studi, pp. 859-926. Their tax assessments are in Estimo, 306, ff. 34r, 36r, 37V-4or; Pres., 1 1 6 , ff. 59v-68r, n 8 v I 2 2 V ; 3 3 2 , ff. 5 1 V , 58r, 64r-75r, i28r. 115 On the importance of the Canigiani and the Soderini in the late thirteenth century, see Ottokar, Comune, pp. 6 9 - 7 0 ; on the Corsini, see above, p. 2 7 , and Passerini, Corsini, pp. 3 7 - 9 0 . These three families were quite small in size in the late trecento, each consisting of only five households in the city in 1378. For their tax assessments in that year, see Pres., 3 3 2 , ff. 2 7 V - 2 8 V , 90v-9ir, io7r, 129V, 116

137v.

The Capponi were first represented in the Signoria in 1287, the Quaratesi in 1317; Stefani, 170, 326. The Capponi were very active in business, their members enrolled in both the Lana and Cambio guilds; Lana, 19, f. i2v; 20, ff. ir2v, 6r, 8r, ior; Cambio, 14, ff. iv, 2ir. The Quaratesi were not active in business in the second half of the fourteenth century. For their tax records, see Pres., 116, ff. 2 3 V - 3 0 V , 6or-6ir; 3 3 2 , ff. 2r-7r, 36r-36v, 6 7 V - 6 9 V , i28v-i29r. The wealthiest and most prominent members of the two families were Vanni di Simone, Sandro di Simone and Bernardo di Castello da Quarata, and Filippo and Mico di Recco Capponi. On the Capponi, see P. Litta, Famiglie celebri italiane (Milan and Turin, 1 8 4 7 - 9 9 ) , Capponi.

30

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND counted among their number one of the richest men in Florence, the banker, Piero di G i n o . 1 " In the quarter of S. Croce, with its numerous botteghe

of

lanaiuoli and dyers, were concentrated many of the leading business families of Florence. Pre-eminent were the Alberti, whose great wealth and authority derived from their control of the city's largest mercantile company and their position as papal bankers. 118 T w o other prominent mercantile families were the Peruzzi and the Antellesi, whose fortunes had been sensibly diminished by the bankruptcy of their companies, but w h o continued to play an important role in communal politics. T h e Baroncelli, w h o had been closely associated with the defunct Peruzzi company, remained influential; Filippo di Giamori Baroncelli was a leading statesman and Parte Guelfa figure.119 T w o other representatives of political conservatism in the quarter were the canon lawyer, Lapo da Castiglionchio, and the wealthy merchant, Michele di Vanni Castellani. 120 S. Croce also provided leadership for the more liberal elements in communal politics: the Covoni, Soldani, Salviati, and Rinuccini. 121 T h e leading magnate houses 117 On the Machiavelli, see Ottokar, pp. 71-73; and Litta, Machiavelli. The economic decline of the Machiavelli is proved by their tax assessments in 1378; Pres., 332, ff. 46V, 48V, 62V, i42r, 182V. On the Guicciardini, see Litta, Guicciardini. Their prestanza records are in Pres., 116, ff. 4ir-4iv, 44V, 54r; 332, ff. 4ir41V, 45r, io6v. 118 On the Alberti, see above, pp. 13-14. Scholars have credited the Alberti with noble origins, but Fiumi, "Fioritura," 4 0 6 - 0 7 , reveals that this claim is not based upon solid evidence. Their great wealth is attested by their tax assessments, consistently among the highest in the city; Estimo, 306, ff. 75v-jgr; Pres., 117, ff.

65r-66r, 7 7 r - 7 9 v ; 3 3 3 , ff. 63V, 66v, 69V, 7 2 v - 7 3 r , 84V. 119

The financial condition of the Peruzzi, Antellesi, and Baroncelli may be estimated from their tax records; Estimo, 306, ff. 58r-58v, 6ir, 72r-8iv; Pres., 117, ff. 8v-9r, 20v-24r, 74r-88v; 3 3 3 , ff. u r - i 2 r , i6r, 22r-22v, 72r-77r. Tax data also provide evidence for the economic decline of a once prominent family, the Mancini; Ottokar, p. 81; Estimo, 306, f. 72V; Pres., 117, ff. 38r-38v; 333, ff. 33V, 62V. These records also reveal the poverty-stricken condition of the son of a famous father, Gabriello di Dante Alighieri, who in 1352 received the minimum tax assessment; Estimo, 306, f. 84V. 120 Both the Castiglionchi and the Castellani were small families, each comprising only three taxpaying households in the city. For Michele Castellani's tax payments, see Pres., 117, f. 3r; 333, f. 2v. 121 The Covoni, Soldani, and Salviati were all heavily represented in the Lana guild; Lana, 19, ff. 33V, 36V, 38r-38v, 40r, 8iv; 20, f. 87V. For their substantial tax payments in 1 3 7 8 , see Pres., 3 3 3 , ff. 78V-79V, 88V-93V. On the wealthy merchant, Francesco Rinuccini, see Brucker, "Medici," 6; Ricordi storici di

31

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND of the quarter were the Cavalcanti, Gherardini, Cerchi, and Pulci, all living in the shadow of their former greatness. 122 T h e Cavalcanti, by virtue of their numbers and wealth, still constituted a formidable family bloc, but their position was steadily weakened by defections of their members into the ranks of the popolani,123 T h e western quarter of Florence, which received its name from the Dominican monastery of S. Maria Novella, was dominated by the Strozzi, the largest popolano house in the city. It contained within its ranks men of every political persuasion and every economic condition. T h e most prominent members of the family were Carlo and Pazzino, wealthy merchants and Parte Guelfa leaders, and Tommaso di Marco, a cloth manufacturer and opponent of the Parte. 124 T h e Strozzi had supplanted the Acciaiuoli as the quarter's major representative of the Florentine business world; the latter's position had been very seriously damaged by the collapse of their company in 1343. 1 2 5 T w o other prominent popolani families in S. Maria Novella were the Rucellai and Altoviti. Both houses were politically conservative, closely associated with the Parte Guelfa leadership. 126 Indeed, S. Maria Filippo di Cino Rinuccini, ed. C. Aiazzi (Florence, 1 8 4 0 ) , pp. noff; Fiumi, "Fioritura," 413. 122 On the Cavalcanti and the Cerchi, see P. J. Jones, pp. 1 8 4 - 8 6 ; Fiumi, "Fioritura," 411. The Cavalcanti were one of the few families living in more than one quarter; they were also located in S. Maria Novella and S. Giovanni. The comparative numerical strength of these families may be estimated from the number of taxable households: in 1378 the Cavalcanti numbered thirty households; Pres., 3 3 3 , ff. 8v-i2r, 57r, g6i; 3 3 4 , ff. 1 0 V - 1 3 V , 3 2 V , 93r; 3 3 5 , ff. 1 4 7 V , i78r; the Gherardini, eighteen; Pres., 3 3 3 , ff. 3 V - 7 V , 54r, 7 6 V ; the Pulci, six; Pres., 3 3 3 , ff. 4r, 6r, x r 7 > 55r; the Cerchi, three; Pres., 333, ff. 87r-87v, 92V. 128 The provision of August 1361, which established the procedure for individual magnates to achieve popolano status, stipulated that the magnate must change both his name and his residence, and sever all ties with his family; Prov., 49, ff. ir-2v. 124

On the Strozzi, see Fiumi, "Fioritura," 4 1 4 ; Jones, pp. 1 8 6 - 9 0 ; Litta, Strozzi. The Strozzi were one of the largest families in Florence; in 1367, 54 of their number were nominated for the Signoria by the captains of the Parte Guelfa; Tratte, 136, no pag. In the 1378 prestanza records, 36 Strozzi households are listed; Pres., 3 3 4 , ff. 2 0 V - 2 1 V , 33r, 52v-56r, 9 7 V , 1 0 5 V , 1 1 4 V ; 3 3 5 , ff. 7or, 78r. 126 Between 1282 and 1343, the Acciaiuoli were represented 42 times in the Signoria; between 1343 and 1378, they were represented twice; Stefani, 654, 750. See their modest tax assessments; Estimo, 306, ff. 92r-93r, 95V, 96r; Pres., 118, f- 7 v : 334. ^ 5V> 8r, 1 3 V . 126 See L. Passerini, GeneaJogia e storia della famiglia Rucellai (Florence, 1 8 6 1 ) ; Ottokar, p. 8 7 ; Fiumi, "Fioritura," 4 0 7 - 0 8 . Both families were frequently repre-

32

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND Novella was a stronghold of political conservatism in Florence. T h e leadership of the liberal forces in the quarter did not come from any of the great families. It came from men of small and relatively weak houses: Gino di Bernardo Anselmi, Luigi and Piero di Lippo Aldobrandini, Francesco di Jacopo del Bene. T h e Ricasoli were the leading magnate house in the quarter, and also one of the richest of the city, deriving their income mainly from their extensive possessions in the Chianti district of the contado,

which their descendants hold to this day. Both the

Ricasoli and the Buondelmonti were descendants of the ancient feudal nobility; neither family had ever made any concessions to the mercantile way of life. T h e y were equally at home in the contado and in the city, supplementing their estate revenues by accepting positions as military captains, castellans, and governors in Florence and elsewhere in Italy. 127 T w o of the most important families in Florentine politics after 1350, the Albizzi and the Ricci, were residents of the quarter of S. Giovanni. In addition to their political activities, these families were very prominent in the business world. T h e Albizzi, by far the larger and wealthier of the two houses, were cloth manufacturers, while the Ricci were engaged in banking and exchange operations. 128 Piero di Filippo degli Albizzi, w h o shared with sented in the Signoria. Eleven Rucellai were matriculated in the Lana guild between 1343 and 1378; Lana, 19, ff. 59r-63r; 20, f. 84r. Most of the Altoviti were scioperati. Although four were matriculated in the Cambio guild, only one was an active banker; Cambio, 14, f. 34r. Both families paid substantial taxes; Pres., 3 3 4 , ff. 2 V - 4 V , 8v-ior, i3r, i9v-2or, 56v-59r, 6 2 V , 66r, ii3r, ii5r. 127 The Ricasoli and the Buondelmonti both counted several wealthy men among their number; Pres., 3 3 4 , ff. 4V, n r , 13V, 33r, 5 1 V , 74V-75V, 79V, 87V. The most prominent members of the two families were Messer Benghi Buondelmonti and Bettino di Messer Bindaccio Ricasoli, leaders of the ultra-conservative faction of the Parte Guelfa; Stefani, 761, 775. On these two families, see also Fiumi, "Fioritura," 4 1 0 , 422, 4 2 7 , 4 3 0 - 3 1 ; Passerini, Genealogia e storia delta jamiglia Ricasoli (Florence, 1 8 7 0 ) , pp. 1 7 3 - 7 6 . 128 For the history of the Albizzi and the Ricci, see Litta, Albizzi-, and Delizie, xiv, 2145. The relative size of the two houses may be seen by comparing the number from each family nominated for the Signoria in 1367: fourteen Ricci and 33 Albizzi; Tratte, 136, ff. ior-i2v. In 1352, nineteen Albizzi were enrolled in the Lana guild; seven others matriculated later; Lana, 19, f. 37V; 20, ff. ir, i4r, 79r-8or, 84r-84v. Seven of the Ricci were active in banking companies; Cambio, 11, ff. 57v-58r; 14, ff. 2r, 3r, 66r. For their tax payments, see Estimo, 306, ff. 163V-165V, I 7 7 r - i 7 7 v , i 8 o v - i 8 i v ; Pres., 174V-175V; 3 3 5 ,

ff.

1 1 9 , ff. 99V-io4r, i i 9 r , 142V,

8r, 1 1 7 V - 1 2 2 V , 1 5 1 V ,

i64r,

33

i8ir,

i8$r-i86r, igov.

167V-168V,

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

Carlo degli Strozzi and Lapo da Castiglionchio the leadership of the Parte Guelfa faction, was also a prominent businessman, the owner of a large cloth bottega, and the head of an international trading company.129 Piero's chief political rivals in the quarter were the wealthy banker, Rosso di Riccardo, and his brother Uguccione, who devoted all of his life to politics and died in 1383 a poor man.130 Inferior in power and influence to the two major constellations of S. Giovanni were several popolano houses of lesser rank: the Medici, Guasconi, Rondinelli, and Del Palagio. The Medici had achieved considerable distinction for their leadership of the struggle against the Duke of Athens and the magnates in 1343, but their political position was weakened by internal dissension, and their economic condition declined as a result of the family's general withdrawal from business enterprise.131 Both the Rondinelli and the Guasconi were deeply involved in partisan politics: the Guasconi were adherents of the Parte Guelfa and the Rondinelli were vehement opponents of the Parte leadership. The Del Palagio brothers, Andrea and Tommaso di Neri, achieved prominence by avoiding partisan strife, serving regularly and competently in public office, and attending to their very lucrative industrial and mercantile enterprises.132 Within the confines of S. Giovanni was a large cluster of magnate houses, some still wealthy and powerful, others experiencing decline. The Adimari were the largest grandi family, and also one of the few magnate houses that remained active in business.133 The turbulent Pazzi 129 On Piero, see Litta, Albizzi, tav. 12. Other prominent and wealthy Albizzi were Alessandro and Bartolomeo di Niccolo, Lando and Pepo di Antonio, and Francesco di Uberto. 130 Jones, p. 186. An indication of the power and influence of the Ricci is given by Giovanni Morelli in his chronicle, referring to Gucciozzo de' Ricci: "Era Gucciozzo grande cittadino, temuto e in istato grande d'ogni bene mondano"; Ricordi, p. 156. 131 For a general history of the Medici in the fourteenth century, see my article in Speculum, xxxn, 1-26. 182 The Rondinelli, Guasconi, and Del Palagio were small families of approximately five households each, but they were all very active in business and politics. Between 1343 and 1378, the Guasconi and Rondinelli were represented thirteen times in the Signoria, the Del Palagio on ten occasions. Members of each family were frequendy selected as consuls of the Lana guild; Lana, 32, anni 1343-1378133 On the Adimari, see Delizie, xi, 239-45; Fiumi, "Fioritura," 402-03, 406.

34

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

and Donati had been subdued by the popolani in 1343, and several of their number were penalized by fines and exile. But they remained powerful and aggressive houses, bulwarks of the forces of extreme conservatism in the city.134 Although these patrician families had been living in an urban environment for more than a century, their behavior was more characteristic of the feudal baron than of the merchant. The spirit of the vendetta still burned brightly in Florence, despite the strenuous efforts of the commune to force citizens to settle quarrels in the courts rather than by resorting to arms.135 Among the magnates, indulgence in violence and disorder was part of an established tradition. In his ricordanze Simone della Tosa mentioned seven cases of assault within a decade involving his magnate relatives.136 Belonging to an ancient and eminent family was no guarantee of respectability. Luca di Totto da Panzano, the scion of a noble house, was described as a "liar, robber, assassin, traitor, gambler, highwayman, arsonist, who associates with outlaws and men of evil condition and who lives by extortion and from the sweat and labor of others."137 The great popolano houses were equally guilty of violent and overbearing behavior, as the record of the Medici family illustrates. Five Medici were convicted of murder between 1343 and 1360, while several others in this period were condemned for a variety of crimes of violence.188 A valuable source for illustrating the outlook of the Florentine aristocracy is the letter written by Lapo da Castiglionchio to his son Bernardo. Answering what may have been a rhetorical Twelve of the Adimari were matriculated in the Cambio guild between 1343 and 1378; Cambio, 12, passim. A large family, the Adimari comprised 33 taxable households in 1378. The tax returns indicate that they were moderately prosperous; Pres., 335, fl. 72v, 83r, 92V, ioor, i65r, i86r-io,2r. 134 On the Pazzi, see Fiumi, "Fioritura," 412; Litta, Pazzi. On the participation of the Pazzi and the Donati in the 1343 upheavals, see Stefani, 592, 599. 185 See Donato Velluti's description of the antivendetta legislation; Cronica, P- 70· 136 Annali di Simone della Tosa, in Cronichette antiche, pp. 163-66. The largest fine imposed upon one of the Tosinghi was 9000 fl. in 1329. 137 AEO], 512, f. i4r. In his ricordanze, Luca candidly admitted his participation in a vendetta; Jones, p. 183, n. 2. On the Panzano family, see ibid., pp. 19394; for Luca's own remarkable career, see Passerini, Ricasoli, pp. 239!!. 138 Brucker, "Medici," 12-14. For similar activities of the Strozzi, see Jones, p. 187.

35

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

question concerning his family's past, Lapo discussed at weari­ some length the nature of nobility, and then proceeded to estab­ lish his family's claim to that title. He traced the origins of the Castiglionchi to the eleventh century, when his ancestors had held lands in the Valdisieve and "all possessed great status and were reputed to be the greatest and noblest men of the district."139 The earliest document in his possession which mentioned his family (1204) was a record of the transfer of lands and feudal jurisdictions between his forebears and the Ricasoli.140 During the thirteenth century, the family had split into opposing Guelf and Ghibelline factions, and Lapo's branch, the Castiglionchi, submitted to Florence, released its vassali and fedeli and estab­ lished residence in the city. While Lapo conceded that the Cas­ tiglionchi had not played a prominent role in Florentine history, he explained that his ancestors preferred to live in the contado, "hunting and falconing on their estates," instead of involving themselves in city politics, as did the Ricasoli. To substantiate his family's claim to nobility, Lapo cited the statement of Andrea di Filippozzo de' Bardi, who was in a company of prominent Florentines "discussing the deeds of the ancient and noble fam­ ilies of Florence," apparently a common after-dinner topic. It was Andrea's opinion that the Castiglionchi possessed as many attributes of antiquity and nobility as did any Florentine family. A final argument adduced by Lapo was the honorable marriage alliances which the Castiglionchi had contracted with some of the great magnate clans: Bardi, Cavalcanti, Foraboschi, Fresco141 baldi, Cerchi. Lapo was forced to admit that in his own day, his family escutcheon had lost much of its sheen. This awareness of decline explains his passionate attachment to the past glory of his house and his rancor against the parvenus who had surpassed him in wealth. Most galling to him was the fact that certain dependent fedeli of the Castiglionchi had become rich merchants, even achieving membership in the Signoria, an honor that Lapo never attained. He described with relish an incident from his student days in Bologna, when one of the descendants of these fedeli lsi Epistola ο sia ragionatnento di Messer Lapo da Castiglionchio, ed. Mehus (Bologna, 1753), p. 31. See Jones, p. 191. 140 141 Epislola, pp. 39S1 Ibid., 5057.

36

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

had taunted him with the claim that his own family was as ancient as the Castiglionchi, but then became contrite and respectful when he learned of his ancestors' servile status.142 Lapo's son Bernardo provided the details of the economic decline of the Castiglionchi: the lands sold, jurisdictions abandoned, church patronage lost. Nevertheless, Bernardo pointed with pride to the fact that none of his family had ever sunk so deeply into poverty that they were forced to pursue a base occcupation or trade. Admittedly, some Castiglionchi had been merchants, but Bernardo contended that they had engaged in "noble and honest not base merchandise, voyaging to France and England and trading in cloth and wool as do all the greater and better men of the city. . . ."14S Lapo's own economic situation had apparently been precarious; he abandoned a clerical sinecure to marry the daughter of a merchant, Margherita di Bernardo Folchi, who, by Lapo's own admission, brought with her a substantial dowry and a useful family connection.144 Like so many of his noble contemporaries, Lapo was forced to marry beneath him, to ally with a family which had no claim to antiquity or nobility, and even to justify his marriage by praising his wife's relatives as men of substance and status in the community.145 Another member of the legal profession, Donato Velluti, compiled a record of his family's past. Donato could not claim noble ancestry, but his family enjoyed a comfortable antiquity, and it had never fallen into such straits as the Castiglionchi. Like so many families of the mercantile patriciate, the Velluti had emigrated from the contado in the first half of the thirteenth century, and were established in the S. Spirito area by 1244.148 An early ancestor, Buonaccorso, had belonged to a mercantile company which operated in Italy, France, and England, and the Velluti remained active in business thenceforth.147 The family had also engaged in the popular pastime of feuding with a noble ^ Ibid., 43-45· 148 Ibid., 147-48. The translation is by P. J. Jones, p. 191. 144 Ibid., 57-58. 146 Donato Velluti considered the Folchi below the social status of his own family; Cronica, p. 42. 146 The authoritative work on this subject is J. Plesner, L'imigration de la campagne h la ville libre de Florence au xiiie Steele (Copenhagen, 1934). 147 Velluti, pp. 4-9.

37

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

family, the Mannelli.148 A Velluti had been chosen to the Signoria in 1283, and thereafter the family had been represented regularly in communal office. Although they never achieved the power and influence of larger and wealthier houses, the Velluti maintained their median position in the patrician ranks, feeding merchants, clerics, lawyers, and an occasional black sheep into the mainstream of Florentine life. They consistently married well, allying with such noted houses as the Frescobaldi, Buondelmonti, Bardi, Rossi, Strozzi, and Soderini.149 In 1367, when Donato began his chronicle, he could look back upon a profitable and prominent career in law and public service, sitting four times in the Signoria, promoting the economic and political interests of his family and friends. Donato Velluti's social outlook is so typical of his class that it deserves a detailed examination. His writing reflects certain traits of mind and personality which were broadly characteristic of the Italian bourgeoisie of this era: shrewdness, acquisitiveness, loyalty to family, city and religion, and a profound appreciation of the realities and difficulties of life.150 Donato's ideal type was the sensible down-to-earth individual who devotes himself to his vocation, while recognizing and accepting the responsibilities and duties imposed by family, state, and church. He had only contempt for his relatives who failed to earn their livelihood and who squandered their inheritance. His own brother Filippo was stigmatized as a wastrel, although Donato admitted that he was a competent merchant.151 Describing two of his cousins of the magnate Frescobaldi family, he noted that Giovanni was "a good trovatore, sonneteer and rhymester, and an excellent player of the guitar, lute and viola," although less adept at making money; the second, Berto, was only concerned with eating and drinking, having consumed his paternal inheritance. Donato predicted a bad end for his cousin, Gherardino di Piero Velluti, who dressed 148

Ibid., pp. 10-24. See the Velluti genealogical table, ibid., tav. 1. 150 On this problem, see particularly Sapori, he marchand italien au moyen age (Paris, 1952), pp. xiJxx. Sapori has also compiled a comprehensive bibliography of primary and secondary sources; ibid., pp. 3-14. i5i Velluti, pp. 141-144. Cf. also Donato's strictures on the spendthrift habits of his distant relatives, Sandro di Zanobi and Gherarduccio di Lapo dello Seel to; ibid., pp. 52-57. 149

38

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

well and hunted with hounds and hawks, "wearing himself out playing the nobleman."152 He would have been horrified by the behavior of Paolo di Michele Rondinelli, who was so infatuated with a woman that, in the words of a judicial deposition of 1375, "being an honest and serious man of forty-five years of age, [he] has wandered from . . . every right path, abandoning his wife, his children, his business and all of his affairs."153 A striking feature of Donato's chronicle is his constant use of the words onore and onorevole in describing individuals and their conduct. This intense preoccupation with status and honor reinforces the conclusion that the prominent bourgeois families of Florence were strongly influenced by a feudal code of ethics and behavior.154 It was not enough to be diligent, serious, and hardworking; one must also conduct oneself according to the standards of one's class. Donato was very critical of his relatives who married beneath their station. He expressed mild disapproval when his cousin Bernardo contracted a marriage with the daughter of one of the Folchi (the family from which Lapo da Castiglionchio chose a wife). "This marriage did not please me greatly . . . because they do not have status nor are they of our condition."155 A dubious matrimonial tie was contracted by his uncle Gherardo di Filippo Velluti, "who wed the daughter of a certain Rustico, a purse maker . . . as a result of which my father and the other relatives were discontented with the lowly marriage."158 The most notorious mesalliance which he describes is that of a distant relative, Piero di Ciore Pitti, who frittered away his father's inheritance, became a foot soldier, and was then reduced to accepting employment as a day laborer in a cloth factory. "He was wounded by one of the Machiavelli and never engaged in a vendetta. He took for a wife Monna Bartolomea, the granddaughter of Bongianni, a wine seller, who had been the 152

Velluti, pp. afroo. AEOf, 751, f. 25V. Paolo's relatives accounted for his strange behavior by asserting that the woman was a witch who used occult powers to dominate her victim. She was condemned to be burned at the stake but avoided execution by flight. 154 On this point, see R. de Roover, "Alberti," 18, who states that the Alberti rated honor higher than wealth, and comments: "Feudal tradition was far from moribund in 1300 and it was still alive in 1400." 155 Velluti, p. 42. 158 Ibid., 107. 153

39

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND

whore of other men, and with whom he lived in a miserable state." When Piero died in 1367 in a hovel near the church of S. Giorgio, none of his relatives were present at his death or burial.157 Despite the gradations and fluctuations of wealth, rank, and status within the Florentine patriciate, it was an established social class. The gente nuova, on the other hand, did not constitute an homogenous group with similar backgrounds, ideals, and objectives. These "new men" did, however, possess certain common characteristics. First, nearly all of them came from obscure backgrounds; few were able to project their genealogy further back than their grandfathers. Some had no family name, but were identified only by their fathers' Christian names. Above all, they did not possess that most valuable of social commodities, a family. Theirs was an isolated and vulnerable position, which they sought to bolster by forging marriage alliances with ancient families, and by associating themselves—socially, politically, economically—with prominent citizens. What they all possessed in large measure was ambition: the determination to achieve wealth, political influence and some degree of social status. It was this quality which made their role dynamic in this period of Florentine history.158 Although the origins of most of the gente nuova are shrouded in obscurity, the background of a few can be traced prior to 1343. Some received their business training as employees of the great mercantile companies, frequently serving abroad as factors or agents. Lodovico di Lippo Ceffini, a member of the Bardi firm from 1338 to 1342, later formed his own international trading company. Piero Bini, who had a long and successful career with 157

ibid., 138-39. There are remarkable parallels, in origins and attitudes, between these gente nuova of Florence and the novi homines of Pisa, two generations earlier. Cf. the description of the Pisans in D. Herlihy, Pisa in the Early Renaissance. A Study of Urban Growth (New Haven, 1958), p. 182: "The center of Pisa's urbanization revolution was a petty merchant . . . who originated in the contado and lived by bringing to Pisa's urban market the wool products of her countryside. This man knew the situation, problems, and opportunities of both city and contado. . . . His rural roots, his interest in wool, gave him a policy to pursue. His late arrival in the city, the social gap which separated him from the aristocracy gave him a kind of self-consciousness, a psychology, whose collective manifestation was the popolo and whose fruits were an unabashed ruthlessness and cruelty in the pursuit of ends which the Renaissance would see again." 158

40

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

the Bardi, became a partner of a banking firm in 1353, asso­ ciated with two other parvenus, Roggerio Lippi and Jacopo Renzi. 159 Several prominent businessmen began their careers as lower guildsmen engaged in retail trade. 160 A dealer in used clothing, Giovanni Goggio, built up a thriving commerce in grain and cloth between Florence and Naples and amassed a large fortune. 161 Included in the 1369 list of trading companies using the port of Pisa are the names of six lower guildsmen whose business activities had spread far beyond the local limits to which the affairs of the arti minori were usually confined.162 Many of the gente nuova were immigrants or the descendants of immigrants who had moved into the city from the contado in the fourteenth century. Frequently, their names, as inscribed in guild matriculation records and prior lists, give clues to the location of their families' origins: Mugnaio di Recco da Ghiaceto, Filippo di Spinello da Mosciano, Niccolo di Ser Bene da Varazzano.163 A collection of Ghibelline accusations in the judicial archives provides information concerning the origin of several of these gente nuova. The Amadori, who were well represented 159

On Ceffini, see Sapori, Studi, p. 745; Peruzzi, Commercio, p. 220. On Bini, see Sapori, Studi, p. 749; Cambio, 14, f. i8r. Bini was an associate of the Alberti company in Avignon in 1359; Renouard, "Le compagnie commerciale fiorentine del trecento," ASI, xcvi (1938), i, 55. He was a member of the Signoria four times: in 1352, 1363, 1365, and 1375. 160 In his article, "Piccoli e grandi mercanti nelle citta italiane del rinascimento," In onore e ricordo di Giuseppe Prato (Turin, 1931), pp. 27-49, G. Luzzatto perhaps overstresses the gulf between piccoli and grandi mercanti. The transition from one group to the other was frequendy made in trecento Florence. For example, six lower guildsmen were matriculated into the Lana guild and seven into Por San Maria between 1350 and 1378. A prominent Florentine mercantile family of the quattrocento, the Martelli, was founded in the fourteenth century by an immigrant artisan from the Valdisieve, Roberto Martelli. A swordmaker by trade, Martelli sat in the Signoria seven times between 1343 and 1373; see Litta, Martelli; L. Martines, "La famiglia Martelli e un documento sulla vigilia del ritorno dalPesilio di Cosimo de' Medici (1434)," ASI, cxvn (1959), 31-41. 181 Although thrice selected to the Signoria as a lower guildsman, Giovanni had also matriculated into the Calimala guild in 1360. For his substantial tax assessment, see Pres., 119, f. 109V. For evidence of his large-scale trading activity, see Prov., 57, ff. 168V-169V. 162 Becker and Brucker, "Arti minori," 102, n. 68. l e s These men were all merchants who were represented in the Signoria; Stefani, 640, 643, 693, 750. For a description of their places of origin, see E. Repetti, Dizionario geografico fisico storico della Toscana (Florence, 1833-43), 11J 6; πι, 616; v, 423, 611, 680.

41

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

BACKGROUND

in the Calimala guild between 1350 and 1380, came from the 164 town of Ancisa. The ancestors of the Busini, five of whose members were enrolled in the Lana guild between 1360 and 1375, were originally jedeli of the Caponsacchi, a Ghibelline noble 165 family with lands near Montereggi. Typical of the rise of these "new men" from poverty and obscurity to wealth and status is the story of a certain Gennaio and his descendants. Emigrating from Montecarelli where he had been the fedelis of a feudal lord, Gennaio established himself as a baker in the parish of S. Maria Bertelde. His descendants prospered: a grandson, Benedetto di Guccio di Gennaio, entered the Lana guild and was a member of the Signoria in 1332. Two of Benedetto's sons, Francesco and Alessandro, built a sizeable fortune from their profits in the Lana guild, and by 1378 had also become important political 166 figures in the commune. The Morelli, whose history was compiled in 1393 by Gio­ vanni di Paolo, had resided in Florence for a century before they achieved a measure of distinction. Emulating his social superiors, Giovanni laboriously constructed, without any documentary proof, a genealogy for the Morelli dating back to the twelfth century. He admitted that his distant ancestors "were not rich but needy folk" when they emigrated into Florence from the Mugello, but he insisted that they were "honorable people."167 The cloudy past of the Morelli became clearer by the end of the thirteenth century, when they had become established as dyers of cloth and traders in dyestuffs. The family's energies in the fourteenth century were devoted exclusively to making money, and the tax records indicate a spectacular increase in their wealth between 1352 and 1378. Outside of the economic sphere, how­ ever, the Morelli made no substantial mark in the city.168 Not 184

AEOJ, 811, f. i93r. For the matriculation of the Amadori in the Calimala, let see Manoscntti, 542, passim. AEOf, 811, f. 224η iee F o r family details, see ibid., 811, fi. 163Γ, i66v. On their guild matriculation, see Lana, 20, if. 7