Fiscal Accounts of Catalonia under the Early Count-Kings (1151-1213) 9780520047198, 0520047192

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FISCAL ACCOUNTS OF CATALONIA UNDER THE EARLY COUNT-KINGS (1151-1213)

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28 INTRODUCTION alonia, incontestably the greatest capbreu or censier now extant for its land in early medieval times.’

A. THE DOMAINS OF OLD CATALONIA 1. Organization and Power

The survey was entrusted to one Bertran de Castellet, a knight who was to distinguish himself in the count’s service. His procedure was to traverse the domains accompanied by a scribe, to convoke notables and bailiffs in the localities, and to record under oath their testimony or their confirmation of information otherwise obtained. The survey (as we have it) began in the Vallés with charters dated at (Sant Pere de) Vilamajor (25 February 1151) and Caldes de Montbui (26 February), and then proceeded without delay to the lower Llobregat area (suburban Barcelona) and thence into the Penedés: Gava (28 February), Sant Feliu de Llobregat (1 March), Vilafranca (2 March) and Piera (3 March).° At this point the work seems to have been interrupted. When it was resumed a month later Bertran’s enter-

prise had backtracked from the edge of the frontier into the heart of Old Catalonia: Caldes de Malavella (2 April), Llagostera (3 April), Girona (5 April), Palafrugell (6 April); it continued northward to Besali (8 April), then into the Vallespir, Conflent and Cerdanya: Prats de Mollé (12 April), Vilafranca de Conflent (14 April), Llivia (16 April), Ix (17 April), before descending to Ripoll (20 April), where this second campaign ended after nearly three weeks of incessant travel. Then followed a new and longer, perhaps very much longer, interruption, before a further and final charter—for Terrassa on 20 July 1151 (or I152?)—was added in the same hand and form as the rest. The resultant survey thus covered much of Old Catalonia, but it was both more and less complete than the itinerary indi-

cates. More complete in the sense that the places of writing were merely convenient sites for recording inquiries that ex7. No. 1A-Q. 8. The charters for Vilafranca and Piera (1EF) were perhaps reversed on the roll.

(s/ .ISGF \

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 29

IT SURVEY OF 1151 (-1152) ~ Accounts, no. 1 A-Q‘oniteeied

iN ) C7Vr. ST(~*~? M Elnat

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A (25 ii 1151). Vilamajor, Cardedeu, J (6 iv). Palafrugell, Liofriu, Esclanya

Tagamanent K (8 iv). Besaki and dependent domains

B (26 ii). Caldes de Montbui L (12 iv). Prats de Mollé

C (28 ii). Gava, Sant Climent, Viladecans M (14 iv). Vilafranca de Conflent, Cornella,

D (1 ii). Sant Feliu de Llobregat Vernet, Pi, Escar6 (etc.)

E (3 ii). Piera N (16 iv). Liivia, Ix, Cereja, Barida (etc.)

F*(2 iii). Vilafranca del Penedés O (17 iv). (x), Querol, Andorra, All (etc) G (2 iv). Caldes de Malavella, Llagostera P (20 iv). (Ripoll), Mollé

H (3 iv). Llagostera Q (20 vii 11527). Terrassa, Ripollet | (5 iv). (Girona), Palau-sacosta, Quart,

Montall, ipsos Cremats * charters E and F may have been reversed on the roll

tended beyond central domains to their environs and dependencies; thus the charter of 25 February 1151 surveyed Cardedeu and ‘Tagamanent as well as Vilamajor, and other charters were even more comprehensive. It was less complete in the sense that the count’s urban domains, so to speak, were entirely ignored. The charter passed at Girona on 5 April 1151 had to do not with

that city but with Palau-sacosta, Quart, and other rural localities. There was nothing on Barcelona city or on Vic. These omissions do not mean that the count was powerless in those

30 , INTRODUCTION places (we know from other sources that he had holdings and revenues in Barcelona and Girona, and we know a good deal

| about one contemporary bailiff of Girona);’ they probably mean that for the cities other forms of record were thought preferable. What is harder to interpret is the omission of certain rural domains within the scope of the existing survey where the count is known to have had rights or revenues—Moia, to mention one, or Corr6, for which there survives an independent and undated capbreu of the count’s rights. Perhaps the simplest ex-

planation is that it was impossible in a campaign of several weeks to record all the count’s rural domains, that certain localities had previously been surveyed in records that retained their utility, that there was a tendency for the new commissioners to select the more concentrated zones of comital settlement, and that it was left to others to survey some places that had been omitted. And if the circumstances were, indeed, such as these, then the inquiry of 1151 as we have it should be of singular value for the comparative study of administrative and economic structures in Old Catalonia. Nothing remotely comparable to this survey exists for the frontier lands, although we may

draw on an inventory and accounts for Estopanya for some comparative details." It was surely no accident that the investigation commenced with the domains around Vilamajor and Caldes de Montbui. Vilamajor was a favored comital residence and, as we know from a remarkable record of 1156-1157, an important hostelry and provisioning center for the administrative traffic between Spain and Occitania.”’ It lay upon the main road passing northeastward from Barcelona toward Girona, Besali, and Rosselld; moreover, like Caldes to the west, it adjoined the artery leading

north to Vic, Ripoll, and Cerdanya. Contiguous and fertile, these domains of the upper Vallés had been resettled early in the

tenth century under the protection of the counts of Barcelona, whose successors continued to reside and to appoint servants g. See p. 74, and Accounts, no. 18. 10. No. 14 (Corrd); ACA, Extra. 3283 (Terrats), 3219 (Vallcebre), 3434 (Vilamajor), 3211 (Copons). 11. Nos. §, 6, 9. 12. No. 4. See also Pl. XXIII.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151—1162) 31 there.’ According to the survey, Ramon Berenguer IV retained no Jess than 153 manses in the districts of Vilamajor, Cardedeu, Tagamanent, and Caldes de Montbui in 1151." This was one of the largest concentrations of comital manses in Catalonia, exceeded in size only by that of bailiwicks in the vicinity of Girona; and it was incomparably more extensive than all the other surveyed domains in the old county of Barcelona put together. In fact, for Gava, Sant Feliu de Llobregat, Piera, Vilafranca, and Terrassa, only seven manses (all at Piera) are recorded.”

This contrast points to some difference in agrarian settlement. Whereas the domains in the Vallés had been organized (or

reorganized) in units of diversified exploitation (the peasant homestead, livestock and fowl, fields, vineyards, woodlands), those in the Llobregat and the Penedés were accumulations of parcels: fields, vineyards, and pieces thereof. In a general way it is easy to imagine a distinction between the flatlands of the delta

and the Penedés exploited by small proprietors associatively carving out their adjoining plots, and the more individualist set-

tlements of the upper Vallés, typically hilly and wooded. But the sociological contrast thus implied should not be exaggerated. The early inventories of Sant Pere de Vilamajor show that the resettlements in that area had originally been parcellary.’° Moreover, there is reason to doubt that the manse was yet very common below the “pre-Pyrenean” uplands of Catalonia before

the early twelfth century.'’ It therefore seems possible, even probable, that the comital domains in the upper Vallés had been

reorganized in manses, and perhaps no very long time before 13. A. M. Mundo, “Domains and Rights of Sant Pere de Vilamajor (Catalonia): a Polyptych of c. 950 and c. 1060,” Speculum, XLIX (1974), 242-250;

T. N. Bisson, “Ramon de Caldes (c. 1135-1199): Dean of Barcelona and Royal Servant,” Law, Church and Society: Essays in Honor of Stephan Kuttner,

ed. K. J. Pennington and Robert Somerville (Philadelphia, 1977), pp. 281292.

° 14. No. 1AB; see also no. 2, an independent breve for Tagamanent, Valldari6, Cardedeu, and Vilamajor, dating probably from 1156. 15. No. rAB: cf. G—I and C-F.

16. See Mund6, “Domains and Rights of Sant Pere de Vilamajor,” 239-242. 17. See generally Joan Vila Valenti, El mén rural a Catalunya (Barcelona, 1973), pp. 28-39, 63-78; Bonnassie, La Catalogne, 1, 106-118, 215-236.

32 INTRODUCTION the survey of 1151. The domains in Cerdanya, Conflent, and the Vallespir were also reckoned in manses,’” probably less ar-

tificially so, and these were regions annexed by the count of Barcelona only in the second decade of the twelfth century. Another reason for supposing that the organization in manses was an administrative phenomenon, at least in the lowlands, is that it must have simplified calculations and collections. Parcels were elements, not units, unstable by nature, multiplying, splitting and reaggregating in every generation. Lordship over parcels required the laborious counting and estimating of dissimilar things to arrive at totals of renders (census). There are signs of

this difficulty in the charter for Terrassa, which is unusually marred by corrections and additions, and which was delayed until the end of the survey despite its having a more natural place among the early charters for the county of Barcelona (no. 1A-—F)."’ In most places the speed with which the charters were

executed—one every day or two, as a rule, and in different places—argues for the prior existence of capbreus in the localities. The distribution of obligations would have been more or less up-to-date and equitable depending on the circumstances of recent administration. That the totaled renders usually cor-

respond imperfectly to the numbers of manses seems to be another indication of past adjustments; by contrast, the independent capbreu for the parishes of Corré has its obligations so neatly unified according to the manse as to reflect a new (although not necessarily very recent) negotiation in that district. The absence of any references to renders proportioned to produce further distinguishes this capbreu from the more demanding charters of 1151." Some of the types of proportionate dues mentioned by the latter—agrarti, tascae—may have been added to the fixed renders from comital domains as early as the tenth century; others, such as the braciaticaum, which is attested near Girona and in Cerdanya, assuredly indicate more recent adjustments.” 18. No. 1L—P. 19. No. 1Q. 20. See no. 1ABEG—J; the same situation at Vallcebre (ACA, Extra 3219). 21. No. 14. Cf., for the Moianés, LFM, 1, nos. 453, 454; in 1152 R.B. IV established a census of one pair of capons per house at Moia. 22. For agrarii and tascae, see no. tAC—JOPQ; for braciaticum, no. IN. In

general, Hinojosa, El régimen serorial, pp. 175-176; Brutails, Populations

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 33 Clearly, then, we must distinguish between the forms in which the information was recorded and the underlying structures of production and power revealed by that information. And for all the indications of recent adjustments, there can be no doubt that some of these structures were very old. Let us begin with the county. Although not mentioned as such by the servants of a ruler in process of forging a principality, the counties of Old Catalonia remain perfectly visible in the survey of 1151. Indeed, these charters afford our best extant guide to the original concentrations of fiscal domains in the old counties of Barcelona (tABQ), Girona (GHIJ), Besald (KLP), Conflent (M), and Cerdanya (NO)—that is, with the single exception of Osona, precisely those counties that had been progressively united by the great prince-counts since the mid-eleventh century. The physiognomies of the three counties most recently annexed—Besali and Cerdanya-Conflent—stand out with especial clarity, for in these areas the surveyors, perhaps less well informed or equipped, seem to have extended their own inquiries to the county limits.” Of the ancient public powers formerly exercised or delegated by the counts, not a few still survived in 1151, often, it is true, in convertible or commuted forms. The count’s justice (placita, placita et justicia) was recognized at Caldes de Montbui, Piera, Palafrugell, Llofriu, Besali, Moll6, Prats de Moll6, Cornella, Llivia, and Ix—that is, in every county.” Although these rights together with the power to take cautions (stachamenta)* had by this time been arrogated and adulterated by the castellans, it would be rash to assert that they had lost all traces of their public character in comital hands; the survival of Visigothic police agents (saxones) and of vicars enfeoffed on fiscal domains, as at

Caldes de Malavella and Besali,*’ would seem to argue the contrary.

Still more striking is the persistence of military and “pararurales du Roussillon, pp. 142-147; Bonnassie, La Catalogne, 1, 253-254; U, $79.

23. Compare no. 1KM with (e.g.) G—I. 24. No. 1BEJ-—P. See also nos. 8, 10,E.

25. No. J-P. 26. No. 1NPGK. See also no. 17.

34 INTRODUCTION military” obligations. Service in the host, which had been commuted to 3 s. on a manse of Corréd d’Avall, was rated (recently, it is clear) at one morabetin per manse at Caldes de Montbui.*’ In Cerdanya and Conflent such reservations were more general

and more onerous: “and the count has the army [scil., armytax] in Vilafranca when he wishes to order [it] there.”” In the valley of Querol the count could demand “three asses ready to go in the army,” and in another bailiwick of Cerdanya he was

: entitled not only to the transport of provisions (conductus) for ten men but also to the shelter and feeding of 132 horses.” The cibaria de alberga reserved at Caldes de Malavella and the cibaria de parada” may be likewise of public descent. Perhaps the most

characteristic survival of fiscal obligations of support is to be found in the “hospitalities” (albergae) that are mentioned in every

county.” In the honor of Quart (Girona), nine albergae were to be provisioned with nine hams, nine pairs of chickens, thirtysix roundcakes (fogazas), and six sextars one quarter of feed grain.” Along the trans-Pyrenean routes of Conflent and Cerdanya this obligation remained, or had been transformed into, a major industry. The count had alberga for eight horses at Eixalada; for 148 horses from Vilafranca to Oleta; for 264 horses from Oleta to La Perxa (these assigned to the manses of Sant Miquel de Cuixa); and from Vilafranca to Bulaternera for yet another 320 horses; plus lesser such obligations assigned to vills and manses of the Conflent.” In Cerdanya the major imposition was the provision for 220 horses in the bailiwick of Ix.” It seems likely that the early allotments had been one alberga (whether for men or horses or for both) per manse, an arrangement that persisted in some parts of Cerdanya, at least, and at Corrd.” By contrast with the uplands, once the cradle of Catalonia and evi-

dently still in 1151 a main thoroughfare and hostelry for the 27. Nos. 14, 1B; see also 1Q: “duas partes de hostibus.”

28. No. 1M. 29. No. NO. 30. No. 1GMN;; see also no. 19. 31. No. rAGIKMOQ. See also nos. 2, 4, 7, 14, 17, 19; and for comital albergae in Rossell6, ACA, Extra. 3283, and LFM, u, nos. 520, $27. 32. Accounts, no. II; see also 1K, for the comparable alberga at Santa Maria de Ridaura.

33. No. 1M.

34. No. 1,0. 35. Nos. 1,O, 14. It is difficult to account for the weight of this obligation, save perhaps on the supposition that those indicated ad caballos applied exclu-

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 35 count’s knights, alberga had almost disappeared as such in the county of Barcelona.” Rights to markets, tolls, and mines, likewise of public origin, were indicated chiefly in the counties of BesalO, Conflent, and Cerdanya.*’ More problematical are the labor services, which form part of an unmistakably seigneurial nexus of obligations developed in the eleventh century. Nevertheless, carting or carrying (tragina) was certainly of public origin; it figures on many comital domains in every county except Girona in 1151, sometimes in combination with “works” (opera).” It is also connected with the right to oxen (joues),” or “plow-works” as this might be called in the North, a fact that supports Pierre Bonnassie’s hypothesis that the transformation of peasant services was associated with an improved discrimination of capabilities and equipment.”

Not only the services but also the endowments evoke the early structure of comital power. The term “fief” (fevum) appears to be used in the survey with exclusive reference to revocable administrative tenures: clusters of manses or revenues pertaining to the count but held by others.” At Piera Ramon Berenguer IV had thirty-four pigs in renders (censualiter), “two

of which form the bailiff’s fief.” At Ix, “of these eight aforesaid manses two form the bailiff’s fief.” “* Among three tenures of manses and bordes at Prats de Mollé, only that of Perella (the bailiff) was called a “fief.” The fevum bajuli is also mentioned

in similar terms, despite very diverse substance and value, at Vilamajor, Caldes de Montbui, Llofriu, Besali, Prats de Moll6, Pi (Conflent), Llivia, and Moll6—once again, that is, in every county.” The vicar’s fief, indicated at Caldes de Malavella, Llasively to horses (cf. no. 1,O: “ad. .iiii. homines et .iiti. cauallos” with : “ad .c triginta .11. cauallos”). Taken all together, including tallage as well as public services, recorded obligations were heavier in the Pyrenees than elsewhere. 36. No. 1AQ; cf. no. 4, the lodging at Vilamajor clearly on a different principle. 37. No. 1KMN;; on these rights, see below, p. 38. See also nos. 13, 18. 38. No. 1K—Q. See also no. 8.

39. No. 1BG-IMOQ. 40. Bonnassie, La Catalogne, 11, 593-594.

41. No. rA—CEJ-Q. See also nos. 15, 17.

42. No. 1E. 43. No. 1,0.

44. No. IL. 45. No. rABJ-—P.

36 INTRODUCTION gostera, and Besali, was identical in nature, only more valuable, as were the fiefs carved from comital-royal domains in the Ribes valley for Galceran de Sales and Bernat d’Espasen.* This consistent use of the word fevum in all the counties seems significant; no mere archaism, it represented a conscious effort by Ramon Berenguer IV’s men to preserve or to restore the old administrative order in which fiefs were conceptually identified with the fiscal land from which they were assigned.”

The most conspicuous administrative unit in the survey of 1151 is the honor (honor, onor). Mentioned in every charter, the honor was the local aggregate of comital manses or tenures, demesnes (dominicaturae), renders, agrarii, and the lhke—a fiscal construct for the convenience of bailiffs and the court.” It corre-

sponded to the bailiwick (bajulia) insofar as the latter was territorial: thus the bajulia and the honor of Ix are equated in one charter, and we hear of “bailiffs of the honor” of Moll6 in another.” But as a rule bajulia still denoted a function—that of custody or exploitation—rather than a district. Even in the irregular case of forty-seven manses of Llagostera that were said to be administered by the bailiff of Caldes, these were described as “de [not in] bajulia de Calidis.”*” The term honor, when used

in reference to concentrated settlements, seems to have represented the centralizing or commutation of individual obligations: for example, Gava, Sant Climent de Llobregat, and Viladecans were each described summarily as honors.” There are traces of such administrative simplification also in the charter for Besalt.” The honor of these records was not necessarily a feudal or military unit of the sort described by Bonnassie from eleventhcentury conventions.” Castellany-honors are perceptible in the county of Besali and perhaps elsewhere in the Pyrenees,” but were by no means typical of the honors listed in 1151. Quart 46. Nos. 1GHK, 15; cf. no. 17. See also ACA, Extra. 4732. 47. Cf. Bonnassie, La Catalogne, 1, 209-211. 48. No. 1A—Q. See also no. 7.

49. No. 1,OP. go. No. 1G.

s1. No. IC. §2. No. 1K.

53. La Catalogne, u, 752—755; cf. Brutails, Populations rurales du Roussillon,

pp. 80-81. 54. No. 1KMNO.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151—1162) 37 (p.j. Girona), for instance, was not a castellany; while Pi (Conflent), which was a domain belonging to Sant Pere de Camprodon, seems to have been unfortified until the end of the twelfth century.” The domains of other lords within which the count had rights were commonly called honors.” Primarily an administrative structure, the honor was also a seigneurial unit. The distinction between tenures or fiefs, on the one hand, and direct exploitation was clearly understood. The latter was termed dominium”’ or dominicatura,” or “demesne,” as

we might say by analogy with the manorial order of northern Europe. Dominium seems to have meant primarily an immediate working as opposed to enfeoffment: thus the count has a forge “in demesne” at Caldes de Montbut, and “fifty manses in demesne” at Palafrugell.” The latter allusion, although it may seem tautological in the charters of 1151, points to the capability of commending or pledging entire bailiwicks to mediate lords, events by no means unknown.” The dominicatura was the (lord-) count’s own landed domain, perhaps virtually a “lord’s manse” or “chief manse” (mansus dominicalis, capud mansus),

which are not mentioned as such in 1151. Dominicatura, too, could be assigned, for in the charter of Vilamajor it was thought

necessary to stipulate that the count “has in his dominium the dominicatura of Vilalgoma.”” More difficult to understand is whether or to what extent the dominicatura was a seigneurial ré-

serve, distinct from other manses and entitled to peasant services. The “works” or “oxen” claimed in many charters are sometimes linked to specified honors or domains, notably in the county of Besalu, but seldom to dominicaturae as such, or to the laborationes that are mentioned together with dominicaturae 55. No. 11M; for Pi, see also Anny de Pous, “Tours et chateaux de la ‘Vall del Feu’ du moyen et du bas Conflent,” Conflent, no. 70 (1974), p. 208. 56. Numerous instances in no. IKNO, etc.

$7. No. rABEH-KMNQ. See also no. 8. 58. No. rACEFKMQ. See also no. 13. 59. No. 1BJ. Cf. no. 1A as quoted below at note 61. 60. To mention only domains surveyed in 1151, Caldes de Malavella was held by the count of Urgell some time before about 1150 (ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501); and Vilamajor was pledged to Hug de Cervellé probably in the later 1150s (R.B. IV, Apéndix 11). 61. No. 1A, cf. K. There is symmetry with the “réserve féodale,” Bonnassie, La Catalogne, 1, 754~755.

38 INTRODUCTION and that were evidently extended or associative cultivations.” The conamina, however, was surely a reserve in some sense: it figures as a share-cropping arrangement held “in demesne” in which, however, the oxen seem to be contributed by the count.” At Cornella the count supplied food to the men who “worked” the fourteen vineyards he had there in demesne.” A variety of other rights—to works, monopolies, markets, tolls, and agrarian dues—also figured in the honorial demesne. The more specialized labors were better defined than the agricultural ones. A manse in Llivia was assigned to the smith who worked iron for the count, for which he was freed of all other rent.” At Prats de Mollé “the smiths of this honor give 120 pairs of horseshoes.” Of the count’s mines and forges something is said below.°*’ But the incidence of “banal” monopolies recorded in 1151 was by no means uniform. The comital oven figures only at Besalti and Vilafranca de Conflent;* the fee for sharpening iron implements (locedum) only in the bailiwicks of Girona county; mills only at Piera and Moll6.” The count profited from markets, tolls (leddae), and the grant of safe conduct at BesalG, where there was also a fair, and at Vilafranca de Conflent; and his tolls and transit tax (passaticus) in Cerdanya were

important.” Among agrarian dues and impositions, the census appears almost everywhere, typically in fixed or commuted forms, normally in kind, and seldom very heavy; one pig per manse was

characteristic, although the renders varied.” The agrarius and tascha, early forms of proportionate levy on produce and prac62. No. 1KN; but cf. HQ together with ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501, and CPC, 1', no. 86. For laboracio at Estopanya, cf. Accounts, no. 6.

63. No. 1HI; but cf. G. 64. No. 1M.

65. No. IN. 66. No. 1L.

67. See no. 1MABGHJQ, and below, p. 46.

68. No. 1KM. 69. No. 1G—J. See also no. 10,D. But cf. nos, 2, 4, which indicate the locet at Vilamajor. 70. No. 1EP. See also no. 7, for mills in the neighboring valley of Ribes. Other records show mills at Girona and Ripollet, and in Cerdanya (nos. 1Q, 13, 18, 19).

71. No. 1KMN. 72. No. 1C—JL—Q,; for specification in coin, 1AK.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 39 tically identical, appear rather generally, but in zones mostly exclusive of each other: the former throughout the county of Bar-

celona,” the latter chiefly in the counties of Girona, Besali, Conflent, and Cerdanya.” The braciaticum, thirds, fourths, and fifths are found only in Cerdanya and at Terrassa and Quart.”

Among other dues of local incidence may be mentioned the levies on threshing (cussura) and on summer trout in Cerdanya and the Mollés.” The count had tithes (decima, decimum) on sev-

eral domains in the counties of Barcelona and Girona and at Prats de Molld.” At least two of these were shared with local churches, so it seems likely that most were of ecclesiastical origin.

It remains to mention the more arbitrary or less regulated emoluments of comital lordship. None of the domains surveyed in 1151 were privileged, so far as we know, and the attractions of New Catalonia in this respect were just then becoming manifest to all.” So it is remarkable to find that most parts of the counties of Barcelona and Girona were represented as free of all arbitrary exactions. At any rate, the count’s men recorded the questia (also chesta, forcia, tolta) only at Terrassa and in the counties of Besali, Conflent, and Cerdanya.” What is more, the

exactions later to be known as the “five [or six] causes,” and later still to be identified with servile status, were limited to but two of the same three upland counties. Homicidia, adulteria, arsina, and exorchia are reserved together in Cerdanya; the two 73. No. rAC-FQ. See also nos. 2, 11, 17; ACA, Extra. 4732. 74. No. 1EG-JLMOPQ. See also nos. 7, 8. 75. No. 1INOQ. See also nos. 11, 17. 76. No. 1LN-P. See also nos. 7, 11; ACA, Extra. 3217, 3433 (Ribes). 77. No. 1BEGHJLQ. See also nos. 8, 11, 18; cf. no. 2; and for New Catalonia, nos. 5, 6. 78. The early charter to Vilafranca de Conflent was of limited scope and duration, CPC, 1', no. 41. For characteristic frontier charters, see ibid., nos. 48, 49, 64, 67, 86, 113. In Old Catalonia, Ramon Berenguer granted a charter only to Osor and its appurtenances in 1144 (ibid., no. 61), domains that were soon afterward pledged to Guillem Ramon de Montcada (Related Records, no. 141). 79. No. 1M—Q. See also no. 8, and for evidence of tallage at Llagostera and Prats de Moll6, nos. 10,E, 11; ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501; and for com-

plaints of comital questa at Font-rubi, Extra. 3409 (Miret y Sans, “Pro sermone plebeico,” 109).

40 INTRODUCTION former appear also at Vilafranca de Conflent.” Although it would perhaps be mistaken to infer that some of these causes were not tacitly subsumed in the comital placita more widely recognized in Old Catalonia,” it was only in the recently annexed counties that they were specified in the form identified ominously with the brutal new modes of castellan lordship.” Quite possibly the relatively free peasantry of the old fiscal order had survived better on the heartland domains of the early counts of Barcelona and Girona than anywhere else. So the seigneurial structure may be said to have corresponded

to the honor somewhat as the public obligations derived from the county. We come finally to the smaller units of administrative order. The parish is mentioned in the counties of Besalt, Conflent, and Cerdanya, although not with great regularity.” It was, however, the basis of an independent capbreu for Corré and its environs (county of Barcelona), which was perhaps made for the count by local clergymen.” The reference to parishes seems

to have compensated for the lack of honorial organization in some smaller domains, particularly those of dispersed habitation. Terminus or terminium, an artificial term used by the surveyers in most of the charters of 1151, also designated the district or environs of a hamlet or castle.” The village (villa), when it appears, is something rather distinct. It is mentioned as such notably in the eastern parts of the county of Besala (Villa Fedanth, Villa Auuonnanth),” but also in the Conflent, in Cerdanya, and more exceptionally elsewhere.” References to obligations at named localities not termed villa, especially when these lie in the regions just mentioned, seem to indicate the same sort of agglomeration or hamlet. The villae of Besalii look hike survivals of ancient or resettled fiscs, at once 80. No. 1MNO. See also no. 17; ACA, Extra. 3217, 3433 (complaints of exorchia in Ribes).

81. For example, the cugucia was renounced in the charter for Osor (CPC, 1', no. 61), and lamented in a memorial for the lower Llobregat (ACA, Extra. 4732).

82. See Bonnassie, La Catalogne, 1, 809-812; also Brutails, Populations rurales du Roussillon, pp. 181-196.

83. No. IKMN. See also no. 8.

84. No. 14; see also ACA, Extra. 3482. 85. No. rA—P. 86. No. IK. 87. No. 1FMN. See also nos. 17, 19.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) Al seigneurial habitats and parcellary villages. They were honors in

1151, as were Viladecans, near the Llobregat, and Vilamajor, having preserved at least a trace of their former identity as they were integrated into comital administrations.” Then there is the valley—perhaps the most fundamental and inherently characteristic of the associative micro-structures. Yet Andorra alone figures in this category in 1151, its render fixed at “twelve good hams,” and the tiny val de Lod near Estopanya is mentioned toward 1157-1159.” Prats de Moll6, which could still be described administratively as a valley (vallis) in 1182, was

reckoned an honor in 1151, as was Ribes a few years later.” A naturally privileged organism, the valley could not withstand the pressures of comital lordship. The parcel and the manse have already been mentioned.”' The former, descended from ancient forms of free property, prevailed (or had once prevailed) in some of the lowland fiscs: at Vilamajor and the Llobregat villages, for example. The manse, which the surveyers recorded almost everywhere in Old Cata-

lonia, corresponded better to the natural habitats of the prePyrenean and mountainous domains than to the coastal plains, where it was sometimes a fiscal construct of more or less uncertain antiquity. Some older manses, like that perhaps of Casa

M6r, near Figueres,” must have been virtually estates. The “administrative manses,” like the parcels, were assessed in individual agreements or charters constantly being adjusted or su-

perseded by honorial custom and commutation. The mention of “old manses” at Llagostera” points to some such process, perhaps not unrelated to the late troubles with the vicar and bailiff there. Nevertheless, the manses were too persistently individualist to be easily regrouped. 88. See generally Balari, Origenes histéricos de Catalufia, 2d ed., 1, 35-37; Mundo, “Domains and Rights of Sant Pere de Vilamajor,” 247—248; Bonnassie, La Catalogne, 1, 215-219. 89. Nos. 1,O, 6, 9. go. Nos. 1L, 15, 41; cf. no. 2 for the “muntaga de Tagamanent . . . Ual d’Ariola,” and ACA, Extra. 3177, for the vall Sant Lloreng. 91. Above, p. 31, with references.

92. No. 1K. 93. No. 1H; cf. G. May it not have been to escape the pressure of a bailiff that some manses of Llagostera were administered in the bailiwick of Caldes de Malavella? See below, pp. 71-74.

42 INTRODUCTION 2. Economy

Northeastern Catalonia was a land of diversified economy in the middle of the twelfth century. The prevailing diet and domestic needs, those at least for persons of status, are perfectly

articulated in the accounts of expense at Vilamajor in 11561157, which specify bread, feed grain for horses, poultry and eggs, fish, pigs and hams, cheeses, roundcakes, onions, chickpeas, garlic, salt, honey, pepper (among other “minor items of the kitchen”), wine, oil, wax, and candles.” The most characteristic unit of production was the manse devoted to cereals, viniculture, pigs, and poultry. At Corré d’Amunt, the manses of Ramon Mir and his neighbors were assessed for dues of feed grain, a ham, wine, wheat, and chickens, and it was not much different at Campelles and Vallcebre.” Crops in grain grew on all the comital domains. Among bread-making varieties, barley (ordeum) was the commonest, being mentioned in every county.” Wheat (frumentum, triticam) was equally dispersed, and of higher value than other cereals.” Rye (segle) was less common, indicated only on some domains near Llagostera, in the Vallespir and Conflent, and in Cerdanya.” As could be expected of a land of horses, oats (avena) was grown around Moll6 and in the Conflent,” but it was certainly more prevalent than the direct allusions show. It was mixed with other cereals, notably barley, to produce feedgrains (cibaria, occasionally ciuada; or blad), which, in this case again, were mentioned almost everywhere.'” Some of the references to cibaria in 1151 may, indeed, mean oats,” but it seems clear that, whether mixed or not, cibaria was not always animal feed. Like other general terms for bread-grain (bladum, annona), cibaria de parada, denoting provisions to travelers, evi94. No. 4. There is also reference, in relation to the queen’s expenditures, to the trade in cloth, evidently with Barcelona; to shoes; and to the painting of a chamber. 95. No. 14; ACA, Extra. 3177, 3219. Cf., too, the manses at Cardedeu, no. IA. 96. Nos. rACK—Q, 10,ACD. 97. Nos. r:AK—-MOPQ, 2, 7, 10,AD; cf. ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501. 98. Nos. 1M—-O; 11; ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501. 99. Nos. 1M, 7. 100. Nos. r:ABG—IK—P, 7, 10,E, 11, 17; ACA, Extra. 3177. 101. Nos. rABGHIK-—P.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 43 dently meant bread grain in an unspecific sense.” Millet, hemp, and flax were grown at Moll6é."” Few areas in Old Catalonia were so concentrated in grains, however, as Estopanya on the frontier, where little else but wheat, barley, rye, oats, and millet

is mentioned." As to the ways in which these cereals were cultivated, the records of Ramon Berenguer IV are very reticent. Yet there are 1n-

dications of labor services and plowing on some comital domains, as we have seen; also of demesnes or “workings” that were undoubtedly extended fields in parts of the lowlands and in Cerdanya. Presumably crops were rotated. Threshing is men-

tioned at Mollé, Prats de Moll6, and in Cerdanya; seed grain at Estopanya, and milling was common.’” Viniculture was likewise well dispersed in Old Catalonia. We

hear of vineyards at Llagostera and in the Conflent, of an important demesne in vines and a trellis (trilea) at Besali, and of renders in or impositions on wine almost everywhere.” Although the toll on wine (botadge) * in Cerdanya points to some local trade, there is hardly yet a trace of variety or specialization

in the texts of Ramon Berenguer IV.” No doubt every domain had its vines. Of crops other than the great staples (panis et uinum),"’® very little is said in 1151, not because they were unknown, but because they were grown in orchards or gardens much more difficult to survey and tax. Minor specialized cultivation does figure at Be-

salu, where almonds are specified, and in the Conflent, where the count had taschae “on the gardens [in ortibus] of the bank”; 102. No. 1N; cf. MO; nos. 2, 7, 10,E, 14, 19; and Paul Aebischer, “Les dénominations des ‘céréales,’ du ‘blé’ et du ‘froment’ d’aprés les données du latin médiéval. . . ,” Essais de philologie moderne . . . (Paris: Bibliothéque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de |’Université de Liége, cxx1x [1953], 77-94).

103. No. 1P. Flax and, to a lesser extent, millet had formerly been cultivated at Vilamajor (Mundo, “Domains and Rights of Sant Pere de Vilamajor,” 239~-251).

104. Nos. §, 6, 9. 105. Nos. rLNOP, 7, II. 106. See nos. 1EP, 5—7, 9, 13, 18.

107. Nos. rAHK-Q, 9, 10, 14; ACA, Extra. 3177.

108. No. IN. tog. Cf., however, “uinum de taberna,” no. 10,A; and below, p. 70. 110. See references to agrarii panis et vini, e.g., no. 1A.

111. No. 1KM. |

AA INTRODUCTION but it was surely widespread. Onions, garlic, and chick-peas in the comital hostelry of Vilamajor have been mentioned. Acorn-bearing trees were reserved at Caldes de Malavella and Llagostera.'” Animal husbandry was very important: few revenues, 1ndeed, were so characteristic of Old Catalonia as the “comital pig.” No less than 1056 whole pigs (not counting great quantities of hams and porksides), or an average of 62 per charter, are claimed in renders by the survey of 1151, with the largest num-

bers due from the manses of Vilamajor (72), Caldes de Malavella (169%), Llagostera (270), Palafrugell (64), and Prats de Mollé (107). By far the greater numbers (88 percent) figure in the counties of Barcelona, Girona, and Besalu-Vallespir, with the main concentration around Girona (§7 percent).'” But the mountain domains, where the fires burned longer, produced relatively more hams and bacons (if we may Judge again from the distribution of tribute) than the coastal plains: 319 pernae out of a total of 455 (or 70 percent).""* The “side of meat” (lats de carne), perhaps beef or mutton but certainly distinct from pork

in most of the charters, is far less common, being mentioned only in the old domains of the county of Barcelona. Indeed, it is virtually confined to the bailiwick of Caldes de Montbui, where

the sixty-five lats de carne represent not only almost the only

tribute there but also 87 percent of the total renders in this foodstuff mentioned in the entire survey of 1151.'° Was it that Caldes specialized in the supply of heavier meats for the count’s table at nearby Vilamajor and elsewhere? Sheep contributed to comital revenue almost exclusively in or near the mountainous domains. They figure at Vilamajor and Terrassa, both conveniently adjoining routes of transhumance, but not at all in the rich fiscal lands of Girona."° Their real importance was in the Conflent, where the count had a levy on 112. No. 1GH. 113. No. rACQ. An earlier capbreu for Vilamajor lists 58 pigs due (ACA, Extra. 3434). See also no. 7, reference to “porci comitales” in the honor of Ribes; and nos. 4, 10,E, 17. 114. No. 1A—Q. See also nos. 7, 14, 17; ACA, Extra. 3177, 3219. 115. No. rABQ. See also no. 14. 116. Nos. rAK—Q, 11; cf. Vila Valenti, El mén rural a Catalunya, map, pp. 88—89.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) AS pastured sheep (pascherium), and in Cerdanya where he collected a toll on flocks in transit (passaticus); in both counties he also had

a tribute in rams or lambs.” Chickens or capons were raised on every parcel or manse, and the count’s dues in poultry were comparable in regularity to those in pigs. Yet with the exception of Prats de Mollé, where

the obligation was 54% pairs of chickens, the overwhelming majority of such dues lay in the counties of Barcelona and Girona. On the six domains nearest Girona each manse was assessed one laying hen (gallina de trescol), for a total of 306; but additional renders there amounted to 236 pairs of chickens plus seven of capons.'* Of related domestic produce, the ancient Catalan roundcake (fogaca, fogaza) is mentioned in every county.''’ Renders in cheese

and eggs were claimed mainly in the Pyrenees.'” Sheep’s cheese

was especially important in the valley of Querol, where the count claimed ten cheeses apiece from specialist cheesemakers. ”!

Some of the dues in eggs, which figure only in the mountains, derived from the customs of individual tenures: at Mollé eggs were assessed by the manse and at Prats de Mollé, where the total was 450, 300 eggs were payable at Easter. '** Honey is men-

tioned in the county of Besali.'” Wildlife and game were likewise exacted chiefly in the mountainous domains. The gamecock may originally have figured in the forest reserve, for the count claimed every bird of this species captured at Prats de Moll6 and half of the take in the valley of Querol.'* He and his bailiff shared in the bears killed at Prats,

while in the Conflent he claimed not only a haunch and the paws of every bear, but also one quarter from each other wild animal.’* Trout were caught in large quantities in the streams of Cerdanya and the Vallespir, where the count had tributes in fresh and salt fish: for example, a census of 1000 trout on 117. No. 1M-—P. Possibly the inscrutable “xvi. paria de 6uis” (M) refers to sheep and not to eggs. 118. No. rA—~OQ. See also nos. 7, 10,E, 14, 17; ACA, Extra. 3177. 119. No. rAIKMNO. See also nos. 4, 14. 120. No. 1:ABLMOP (cheese); L—P (eggs). See also no. 17.

121. No. 1,0. 122. No. 1LP. 123. No. 1K. 124. No. 1LO. 125. No. 1LM; see also H.

46 INTRODUCTION each laboratio of Mollé.'” He had a tithe on marine produce at Palafrugell.'*’

Timber, iron, and silver were exploited in the Vallespir and Conflent, which were, in fact, the industrial centers of the comital domains in 1151. There were iron mines near Cornella and Vilafranca and in the honor of Pi, and a silver mine near Pi. Horseshoes were made at Prats de Mollé and Cornella; iron projectiles (or arrowheads?) in a forge at Pi; and there was an-

other ironworks at Escaré.'* At Prats and Llivia the smiths

were specialized workers, occupied principally with the traffic of mounted knights.'” The mines in the Pyrenees evidently supplied the forges or workshops at Vilamajor, Caldes de Montbui, Terrassa, Caldes de Malavella and Llofriu, where implements were sharpened, and where, we may suppose, horseshoes and tools were also made.” Three woodworkers (torners) at Prats de Mollé produced dishes (no less than 450 annually), bowls, and containers for the count. In the same honor Ramon Berenguer IV had his woodcutter, his washing-man (lavanderius), his lamp-man (or lamp- or candle-maker?: [uminarius), and his falconer (auztorerius).’*’ There were clothmakers at Cardedeu and Llagostera.*”

These industries together with local trades in foodstuffs and wine would have accounted for much of the business in the fair

of Besalii and the markets of Besali, Vilafranca de Conflent, and Ix.” A considerable trans-Pyrenean traffic seems indicated by the tariffs in Cerdanya: 12 d. per Saracen, 6 d. per pack animal, 4 d. per loaded ass, 2 d. per pedlar.*** Coined money circulated in greater volume in these old mountainous zones of transit than on the rural domains of lower Catalonia. While the 126. No. 1LNP.

127. No. 1. 128. No. 1LM. The forges were sometimes at the mines: a bellows (mantega) is mentioned in connection with the mine of Cornella. See generally articles by Geneviéve Gavignaud and Henri Guiter in Mines et mineurs en Languedoc-Roussillon et régions voisines de lV’ Antiquité a nos jours (Montpellier, 1977).

129. No. 1LN. 130. No. 1ABGJQ. See also no. 10,D. 131. No. IL. 132. No. 1A. See also ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501. 133. No. 1KMN.

134. No. IN.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (115 I~—1162) 47

gold morabetin was known, the silver diner was more current, chiefly that of Barcelona by this time, but also no doubt those of Rossellé and Melgueil, among others. Renders or census in sous of account are mentioned here and there—for instance, at Vilamajor and Molld, and in the Conflent—but they were everywhere minor and exceptional.’

Measures were not yet defined in monetary terms. Those most commonly indicated in 1151 were the sextarius and the (h)emina (or half-sextar), ancient units of capacity that the sur-

veyers found in all the counties.’ But the records of Ramon Berenguer IV also refer to a variety of other agrarian measures that continued to be employed—these are discussed in detail in Related Studies 1o—and that show how Roman and Germanic standards prevailing in the uplands of Old Catalonia were coming into touch on the frontier with a Moorish system based on the almud, the faneca, and the kaficium. A standard measure for renders (mensura censalis) is mentioned at Besali; a “comital

measure’ at Girona.’ The count had a toll on measures of grain (mensuraticum) in the market of Girona.'®

From the synoptic view derived chiefly from the survey of I1$1, some characteristic economic contrasts emerge. The most extensive and prosperous cultivations were to be found in the

older domains of Barcelona and Girona, although the county had some important demesne lands also in Besali and Cerdanya. The manses provide a rough index of relative fiscal wealth, for productivity and obligations must have been concentrated in some proportion to the distribution of comital tenures so carefully enumerated in many honors; on this basis the county of Girona, with its 423 manses (or 46 percent of all manses and bordes mentioned), was undoubtedly the richest of 135. No. rAEKLP. See also nos. 4, 7, 10,B, 11, 14, 17; ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501. On the contrast between monetary circulation in the mountain and the village, cf. Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, village occitan de

1294 a 1324 (Paris, 1975), pp. 28-29, 444-445. On coinage see generally

RSL to. ,

136. No. rACHIK—OQ. See also nos. 4, 7, 10,D, 14, 17; ACA, Extra.

3219; and RSL to. 137. No. 1K. See also no. 16. 138. No. 18. See also no. 76.

48 INTRODUCTION the count’s grainlands.’” The fiscs of Besali were much more diverse, their categories of tenure and assessment—still little changed, perhaps, from the days of the independent counts— much less uniform.'” As for the Pyrenean domains, their economy was more varied yet: a congeries of manses, bordes, vills, vineyards, and gardens, more dependent on forests and streams than the lowlands; devoted to sheepherding, mining, and metallurgy; and catering to an important commercial and military traffic.’*’ How new or progressive were the industrial and commercial elements of this upland economy it is difficult to say, but we cannot suppose that the contrast with the lower plainlands was necessarily recent or exclusive. The mountains had been relatively heavily populated for centuries, and transhumance was not the only activity by which they were linked to the lowland habitats. One novel factor tending to distinguish the Conflent and Cerdanya was the growth of inter-regional trade,” so that the determination of markets, tolls, and albergae in these valleys may have been among the more urgent reasons for undertaking the survey of 1151.

Thus Ramon Berenguer IV retained nuclei of power and wealth in each of his aggregated counties. His economic (or seigneurial) holdings differed in nature and value, often for fun-

damentally geographical reasons. Beyond these characterizations it would presently be unsafe to venture. The domains inventoried in 1151 cannot be evaluated comparatively in any precise way, nor did the surveyers imagine that they could. Their record dealt with obligations far more than with wealth, and the former are at best an insecure index to the latter. Moreover, while the elements of fiscal yield could be described, they

could not be fixed; and, as we shall see from the case of bailiwicks near Girona, there could be considerable fluctuations in a few years’ time.'* Economically and socially, the surveys of Ramon Berenguer’s later years covered a diminishing proportion of the comital estate. ‘** One must attend to the urban reve-

nues of Barcelona, Girona, and Vic, or conjecture why these cities were not inventoried, and recognize that great new ex139. No. 1G—J. 140. No. 1K. 141. No. 1L—P. 142. See Bonnassie, La Catalogne, 11, 831-859. 143. See below, pp. 74-75. Cf., also, nos. 1A and 2.

144. Nos, I, 2, 7, 11, 14.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 49 ploitations were then being organized around Tarragona, Tortosa, and Lleida, in order to assess the utility of the survey executed by Bertran de Castellet. Yet it was in these rural domains

of Old Catalonia that the administrative system of a greater Catalonia was nurtured.

B. ACCOUNTING The nature and variety of the count’s rights and revenues are much better known to us than the way in which they were exploited. Settlements with creditors aside, only seven records of

account survive from the reign of Ramon Berenguer IV, and not all of these relate to the unencumbered management of domains. The first of them is a list of disbursements in Old Catalonia to Catalan and Aragonese barons, most likely in 11551156 when the count was organizing a campaign in Provence. Most of the payments are large: a total of 156 1. in pounds and marks of silver was distributed to 48 men who were evidently expected to subsist thereby for some time, or to pay retainers of

their own; some further payments in morabetins and diners averaged 3 |. 14s., not counting mules.” We shall presently see

how this account was related to a pledge of the revenues of Moll6.'” Of altogether more singular interest is a second account of Ramon Berenguer IV. 1. Accounts of Provisioning at Vilamajor (June 1156—April 1157)

This is a running memorandum of expenses, mostly in provisions and meals, incurred by managers of the comital estates at Vilamajor and Sant Celoni."” The dates extend from the first week of June to April of the following year, a period that the scribe himself indicated as the twentieth year of King Louis VII. Now if that regnal year is applied to the early entries of the account, one arrives, with Balari (followed by other scholars), at A.D. 1157-1158 for the record as a whole.” But this is clearly a

mistake. A priori, the notation of the regnal year is no more 145. No. 3. 146. See below, p. 56. 147. No. 4. 148. Balari, Origenes histéricos de Cataluna, 2d ed., u, 605; Antoni Rovira i Virgili, Historia nacional de Catalunya, 7 vols. (Barcelona, 1922—1934), IV, 124;

50 INTRODUCTION likely to have referred to the entries for June and July than to the

entire account, continuing for eight months beyond the anniversary of King Louis’ accession; nor does it appear that the notation, which was added in superscript, was written at the time of the first entries. Other considerations confirm that the regnal year in question was that commencing in August 1156. The accounts show Ramon Berenguer IV absent from Catalonia until

February, an itinerary perfectly in keeping with the count’s known travels in 1156-1157 but impossible to reconcile with those of the following year." What is more, the Easter of these accounts fell at the end of March, a fact that accords as perfectly with the calendar for 1157 (31 March) as it does badly with that for 1158 (20 April). The contents of the record show beyond reasonable doubt

that one of its purposes was to account for military and economic supply to the count on his Provengal campaign of 1156. It is full of allusions to Aragonese knights and foot soldiers on their way to or from the count,’” allusions that make ‘no sense on the assumption that the count was then in New Catalonia or Aragon. It reveals administrators in transit, such as Bertran de Castellet and the bailiffs of Calatayud and Siurana; also merchants, pilgrims, prelates, the emperor’s messengers, the count and countess (-?mother) of Urgell, the countess of Béarn, and others. Queen Petronila was the central personage of the resident court, but she spent time in Barcelona as well as at Vilama-

jor and Sant Celoni. The traffic was local as well as international. Over 100 persons are named, but the fighting men, Squires, and merchants mentioned in general terms must have been far more numerous.” Yet the purpose of these accounts and the nature of the enterprise so recorded are less clear than we could wish. Was it a recVentura, Alfons ‘el Cast,’ p. 56; Mundo, “Domains and Rights of Sant Pere de Vilamajor,” 257 n. 41 (I myself overlooked the error in translating this article). 149. Cf. DI, tv, nos. 86, 88, 92, 102-105.

150. Accounts, no. 44°78 etc. See also: “Ebdomada .iiti. november venit alcauid de Buriana et anaua al comte cum ali milites Saracenos multos”;

“[fourth week of January] venerunt milites et mercaders de Proensa... .” When the count returned in February, he stopped first at Sant Celoni.

151. No. 4.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) SI ord of routine palatine administration, to be inspected by the count and his men on their return? Or did the local agents, finding their operation turned into an “international hotel,” simply

wish to justify the depletion of their inventory or advances beyond income? Unfortunately, the accountant failed to identify himself or his purpose. Could it have been a local operation supplied by the bailiffs of Vilamajor and its appendages? In favor of this supposition is the capbreu for Tagamanent, Valldarid, Cardedeu, and Vilamajor inscribed together with the accounts.

Yet it is impossible to discern any substantial relationship between these documents, nor does the short inventory of 1156 correspond very well to the longer one of 1151 for the same

domains.”

The difficulty is not so much that the expenditures in foodstuffs seem disproportionate to the obligations of Vilamajor and its environs as that the form of the accounting is such as to obscure the bailiff’s function. Although the document is evidently a record of outlay, it is less certain that the bailiffs always do the “dispensing.” Sometimes the verb dispendere appears to have the

visitors, not the palatine staff, as its subject,’ and what they dispense, or rather, spend—foodstufts by measure of capacity or monetary value—is clearly not their own but the count’s. The objective was not to reckon the bailiff’s liability for a commission or farm but to determine with some precision what demands the storehouses of Vilamajor and Sant Celoni had met. In this connection, it should be stressed that Vilamajor was no ordinary place of hospitality; it lodged groups of people week after week and provided for sick travelers as well as supporting the queen’s estate.'” It is hard to believe that such a center was

supplied solely by the obligations of neighboring tenants and manses.

In fact, there are some indications to the contrary. Vilamajor was in frequent touch with Barcelona, whence surely came its

spices and cloths.’ The vicar of Barcelona, Pere Arnau, was among its visitors and so was Arnau de Perella, vicar at Caldes de Malavella and Llagostera. On one occasion, a bailiff of A. de Perela appeared with a Saracen slavegirl; on another, Arnau is 152. Cf. nos. 2, 1A, and 4. 153. E.g., no. 417”. 154. No. 47%. 155. No. 4778908.

$2 INTRODUCTION said, in a form of reference unique in the text, to have dispensed provisions himself.’’° It looks as if Vilamajor was dependent in

part on distribution from outlying domains, some agents of which were themselves involved with the maintenance of this regional center for hospitality. And if that is the case, the accounts of 1156-1157 could well point to an expansion of the older palatine administration to meet the new requirements of a comital politics now extended from Provence to the borders of Valencia. 2. Accounts of Domains (1158, 1160)

In the last week of March 1158 a little meeting took place in Prats de Mollé to certify Bernat de Bell-lloc’s accounts for his stewardship of Prats. The responsible accountant was one Bertran; he was accompanied by Pong, the count’s scribe, by Arnau de Moll6, who was evidently bailiff at Mollé, and by other local

men. They found that Bertran owed 137 s., plus 36 s. on another account, as well as 20 bacons and 3 hams; and there remained stored at Prats 3 muigs 4 sextars of wheat and 24 muigs of mixed grain.'””

The record of this agreement is our earliest evidence for the procedural review of fiscal administration in Catalonia. It heads a parchment on which the scribe added a notation relative to mills at Prats and then went on to summarize, still more briefly,

two further accounts for the comital domains at Mollé and Ribes. But this record cannot be well interpreted without comparing it to two other sets of accounts for these same years: (1) a set of three accounts for receipts at Estopanya in Ribagorga, the

first two dating from May or June probably in 1157, and the third probably from a year or two later; (2) the accounts of four other bailiwicks, plus a sale of one of these, in Old Catalonia

inscribed on a single piece of parchment in October 1160.” 156. No. 4. The “P. A.” of lines 70 and 75 was almost certainly Pere Arnau, vicar of Barcelona; cf. below, p. 68. For Arnau de Perella, see lines 24, 62: “(third week of January 1157]. . . et .i. baiuli de A. de Perela cum .i. caracena et dispensau(it). . . .” 157. No. 7. 158. Nos. 5, 6, 9, 10, A—E.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 53 Now the accounts for Estopanya were reviewed, and in consid-

erable part written, by Ponc, the count’s scribe, and one has only to compare his script in these pieces and in other documents that he claims as his own to recognize his hand also in the

accounts of Prats de Molld. In the case of 1160 the chief accountant was Bertran de Castellet, who, we may now feel sure, was not only the commissioner of 1151 but the same Bertran who had accounted at Prats de Molld in 1158. Having previously surveyed the count’s domains, he was now engaged in the more routine work of receiving their accounts. And he was at least once associated in this work with a scribe who had served in the same capacity himself. What were the characteristics of their accounting? Perhaps the first thing to notice is that their records have already some appearances of customary procedure. Those for Estopanya are substantially lists of receipts according to a simple form of recurrent annual review. That for Prats de Moll6 refers to the account “with Bertran” as if, in the presence of other such

parchments, this well known accountant needed no further identification. Moreover, it alludes to the act of account in the same form of words—date, computavit, followed by the names of the local agent, the count’s supervising auditor and his attendant, and concluding with statements of remainders and the balance—that was used in 1160 and thereafter. The record of 1158, already more sophisticated than those for Estopanya, can hardly have been the first of its kind. On the other hand, it is clear that the act of accounting was not yet an altogether autonomous event. In all three sets of records the summations of account are accompanied by statements

of other sorts, which is true also of the palatine accounts of 11§6—1157, it will be remembered; and in this respect the records of Estopanya and Prats de Moll6 are very illuminating. In one of the former a (local?) scribe had begun with a memorial of tithes before proceeding to a review of receipts and expenses, to which Pong the scribe added summations. In the other case, the summation of balances at Prats is followed, after a space, by the notation: “There are 22 mills in Prats, which render 3 s. apiece.” Below this, again spaced off, come statements of remainders at Mollé in mixed grains, oats, and wheat, followed after yet an-

54 INTRODUCTION other space by remainders in grain for the valley of Ribes, and by statements of the count’s rights to pigs, hams, sheep, and chickens in Ribes.’” In short, the accounts for these bailiwicks remain imperfectly distinct from inventories or capbreus. It is not difficult to imagine a still simpler procedure in which the capbreu alone was annotated or adjusted in the course of oral review. As it comes into

our view the account is a means of determining the count’s rights and wealth as well as of recording balances. What is more, the summaries for Moll6 and Ribes are such as to suggest

that the questions of storehouse balances and comital rights were thought more important than that of the bailiff’s fidelity. The computa for these two localities had apparently gone unrecorded until it was decided, three weeks later, to append their results in abbreviated summations to the record of account for Prats; were it not for the subsequent insertion of headlines, apparently by Pong himself, we should be ignorant of the dates of these accounts and of the identity of the bailiff of Moll6. It is a sloppy parchment, like the first of those for Estopanya, and that in itself affords a clue to its significance. For there can be little doubt that the records for Prats, Moll6, and Ribes represent a common administrative impulse. Bertran de Castellet and Pong the scribe have spent a month in these upland domains. It can hardly have taken that much time simply to record the states of account, efforts that required only a day apiece in other bailiwicks. Yet comparison with the inventory of 1151 suggests that their time was well spent. Nothing had

been said in 1151 about the 22 mills of Prats worth 66 s. annually.’° Moreover, the balances and determinations of comital domain in the valley of Ribes, for which nothing at all had been recorded in 1151, look like a major expansion of the count’s inventory of honors: in addition to four very productive mills are listed 73 porci comitales, 92 hams, 21 spring lambs, and 17 pairs of chickens. “All these,” the record concludes, “are stored [remanent] for the count’s use, all debts having been paid.” The allusions to debts provide another important indication. 159. No. 7(ACA, Extra. 3218); cf. nos. 2, 4, 10 (R.B. IV, 16s.d., 347; and Pl. II). See also no. 11, an account in the form of a capbreu. 160. Cf. nos. 1L and 7. 161. No. 7; cf. no. 15.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 55 It BAILIWICKS AND PRINCIPAL DOMAINS ATTESTED

‘\’ on” \-—, ) Ue TO Cornell N -Querol i‘ Sig *mMolld ( ~ *Besalii (and dependencies) &“

f ~~ 4144-1162 Ce

IN ACCOUNTS, PLEDGES, COMMISSIONS, AND INVENTORIES /

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( t Barida ix Livia «Prats de Molld |

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: sCaldes Mort Quart Palafrugell Pad & Sta.de Creu d’Horta . fOnyars 7 8 . ST Malavella ‘Llagostera

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; St. Cord d’Avall c\ Vilafranca Feliu de oe tee” del Penedés se. Barcelona Cord d’A «, - Vilamajor

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oo A (2x 1160): Tuir me B (1x): Vilafranca (for Cerdanya?)

q.™~C0 25(2x): Vilafranca KM D (10 x): (Llagostera) for Palafrugell? | pZicelona

1—____J E (10 x): Llagostera 929 KM

These chilly domains bordering the passes into Cerdanya and the Vallespir were not a favorite habitat of Ramon Berenguer IV. He ceded a dominicatura of Moll6 to Ripoll before 1162 (and per-

haps already before 1151), and he bequeathed Ribes to the queen.'* Yet they were a prosperous concentration of fiscs well suited to the support of the count’s credit, a matter with which Bertran de Castellet was evidently concerned in 1158. Possibly he was then serving as security for the repayment of loans, for in the accounts at Prats a remainder in specie is charged to him instead of the count. Certainly he was handling another creditor’s account: the carta preposition which 36 s. remained payable 162. LFM, 1, no. 494; cf. Accounts nos. IP, 15.

56 INTRODUCTION probably recorded a loan by a provost of Ripoll, one of whom accompanied the count on a journey to Provence.” Indeed, it is clear that both Moll6 and Prats de Mollé were pledged to the discharge of major loans. Of the silver distrib-

uted probably in 1155-1156, 30 |. had been requisitioned at Ripoll in exchange for the revenues of Molld, as we learn from an account that shows the repayment nearly (or quite) complete after a stipulated term of five years.'** How these accounts were related to the provost’s carta is not evident, however, nor is the

chronology altogether certain. The case of Prats de Moll6 is better recorded, and perhaps, after all, more instructive.

The administrator of Prats in 1158 was not a bailiff in the ordinary sense (to risk an anachronism) but one of the count’s baronial retainers, Bernat de Bell-lloc, who was assuredly collecting on a pledge. It is true that we cannot be sure whether he was himself the creditor or was acting as security for another on this occasion. But he had served as count’s pledge to great lenders in the past, and he was to do so again in June 1159, when Ramon Berenguer IV borrowed 2500 morabetins from Guillem Mainard. And for this new loan the revenues pledged to repayment were precisely those comprising the bailiwick of Prats de Molldé. The charter of pledge enumerates the comital rights at Prats in singular detail, providing our first reliable description of the normal revenues from a bailiwick. It says that Guillem should collect 400 morabetins at Prats during the first year and 300 each year thereafter until the repayment was completed; but it also makes clear that sums in excess of these amounts were anticipated, and that the creditor could keep the excess to his own profit." The conclusion seems inescapable that it was the accounting by Bertran de Castellet with Bernat de Bell-lloc and the bailiffs in 1158 that had made possible this great new loan in 1159.

It is in the other two sets of accounts, then, that we are brought nearest to something like direct fiscal administration. That for Estopanya reveals a comital scribe rewriting local reports of receipt and expenditure without reference to the terms 163. No. 7; DI, tv, no. 132, which probably dates from 1156. 164. Above, p. 49; Accounts nos. 3, 12. 165. No. 8. It is possible, though by no means certain, that no. II 1s connected with this pledge. Cf. nos. 140, 141; DI, tv, nos. 38, 63.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (II 51—I162) $7 on which the bailiff held this relatively new comital domain. Only in the accounts of October 1160 is it fully clear that the accountables are local bailiffs working on a contractual basis. Some of them may have been creditors to the count, although hardly very important ones. Yet the procedure and the consequences were not entirely different from those at Prats two years before. Once again Bertran de Castellet made a tour of contiguous bailiwicks accompanied by a scribe, this time Domingo; once again the results were recorded, not quite in order, on a single piece of parchment. But the preoccupation with remainders (inventory) has diminished, now figuring as the final item in a balance of account. And in these records we can begin

to discern something of the structure of the reckoning.’ The bailiwicks in question and the places and dates of visitation were (apparently in this order): Llivia (1 October 1160, at Vilafranca), Vilafranca de Conflent (2 October, Vilafranca), Tuir (2 October, Tuir), Palafrugell and Llagostera (10 October, Llagostera). It is not self-evident why Tuir was among these accountable domains, for it lay in Rossell6, which was to remain an independent county for another decade. The most likely explanation is that Tuir was an administrative station for comital

rights of hospitality in the neighborhood.’ In any case, the underlying function to which the accounts testify was supply. The key element of each bailiff’s report was his record of expenses (expensas, totas dispendios, etc.), that is, his

sum of payments and provisions in relation to the obligatory render under terms of his commission. The results of this calculation might be complicated by the circumstance that payments had been made in coin or foodstuffs other than those of the bailiff’s stipulated obligation, no reduction to common terms having been reckoned. This may be why the count owed Bernat Guillem of Vilafranca 1118 s., while the latter owed the count 270 muigs of barley.’ The barley remained in storage as well as on account. Behind this result lay the bailiff’s diverse collections from the comital domain, but of this work, which shows up so clearly in the less compressed accounts for Es166. No. 10,A—E. See Map III. A.

167. See ACA, Extra. 3283 (Miret y Sans, “Pro sermone plebeico,” 108-109); LFM, i, no. 681. 168. No. 10,C.

58 INTRODUCTION topanya, the written computum of 1160 took no more notice than had those for the Mollés in 1158. This apparent stress on supply is further illustrated and explained by the sale of the bailiwick: at Llagostera on 10 October

1160, our lone extant specimen of its kind for the reign of Ramon Berenguer IV. For the rights of exploitation, Berenguer Mir and Pere Tosa paid (or engaged to pay) 26 muigs of grain “on condition that if the count or his men came to Llagostera they [the bailiffs] would only have to account to the count for expenses in wine.” In other words, the bailiffs’ advance or ob-

ligation in grain was calculated in relation to the cost of the count’s lodging as well as to the proceeds of the bailiwick. The bailiffs could pocket grain collected in excess of the stipulated amount and they could charge wine to the count, but other proceeds—in meat, poultry, two-thirds of the pleas, and tallages— were to be collected for the count.*” So in 1160 as in 1158 and, indeed, even in 1156 at Vilamajor, the procedures of account are associated with administrative review. The inventory has now dropped out of sight, the charter of sale makes its appearance alongside the computum, and we know from records of his successor that sales of bailiwicks were customary in the time of Ramon Berenguer IV.'” There are indications that one year was a normal term of review.'” Yet it would be rash to infer that supervision of the bailiffs was yet on

a regular footing, that Bertran de Castellet’s tour of October 1160 was any less opportunistic than that of March 1158. For one thing the records we have are still crude, hardly more than memoranda; indeed, the scribe of 1160 wrote much less correctly than Pong had done, and while it seems probable that he was working from original charters turned over to bailiffs, it is difficult to imagine that he was very practiced in that activity. In the second place, we happen to know that two of the bailiwicks that accounted in 1160, namely Palafrugell and Llagostera, were soon thereafter assigned in pledge toward repayment of a vast

, loan to Ramon Berenguer [V—very like what had happened with Prats de Mollé in 1159. The new pledge, amounting to 169. No. 10,E. 170. Nos. 16, 18. 171. No. 10,D: “Et remansit de transacto anno... .” See also nos. 6, 9, 16. The pledges were also pegged to annual revenues, nos. 8, 13.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 59 6000 morabetins advanced by Guilhem Leteric of Montpellier, was drawn up at the siege of Les Baux (February 1162) where it was secured by Bertran de Castellet, among others. For reimbursement, the bailiwicks in question were expected to yield as

much as 1000 morabetins annually, or—short of that—to be supplemented by the comital revenues at Girona.” Once again, it looks as if Bertran de Castellet’s accounting was linked to the mobilization of credit. Given the vast new resources of the frontier, some important domains of Old Catalonia—and more of them, perhaps, than we know of—had become negotiable resources in the count’s short-term finance. Indeed, we are entitled to conclude that a major reason for the new, or renewed, enterprises in administrative account in the 1150s was to strengthen the basis of the count’s credit. The two great pledges included here in the main series of accounts were

by no means the first of their kind, nor even the first known loans to have been secured on Old Catalonian fiscs. But with one exception—the pledge of Osor and Santa Creu d’Horta in 1147—the earlier examples all relate to Barcelona and Viladecans, near Barcelona: that is, to domains easy to supervise; and for none of these previous pledges is it clear that the count’s men knew very surely what these lands could be expected to yield.'”

So it can hardly be doubted that the accounts of 1158 and 1160, like the inventories of 1151, contributed to improving the efficiency of comital fiscal control. How far did this tendency go? Was it consistent with heavy reliance on credit? Can it be called an administrative reform?

C. THE PERSONNEL To answer these questions we must look more closely at the men who served Ramon Berenguer IV. Those who did the fiscal work, while not highly trained, do seem to have acquired some

measure of functional specialization. In general, they may be classified in two groups: the count’s immediate circle of baronial

retainers, courtiers, and scribes; and the vicars and bailiffs responsible for the domains. 172. No. 13. 173. Nos. 140-143.

60 INTRODUCTION 1. Men of the Court

Among those close to the count, the most conspicuous by far was Bertran de Castellet. It was he who directed the survey of Old Catalonian domains in 1151, and conducted the two administrative tours of bailiwicks recorded in the earliest written accounts that have survived. But what else did this Bertran do and what was his background? Was he the famous knight of the same name who took a leading part in the resettlements of the

Alt Camp? However probable, that identification has never been demonstrated, nor indeed is it clear from which “little castle” this (or these) Bertran and his kin derived their name.

There were at least three Castellets with which the name Bertran is associated. One was a lordship near Santa Eulalia de Ronsana in the Alt Vallés, where one Pere de Castellet had lands toward 1173 and where a Bertran de Castellet had once held a vineyard.'” Another is Castellet de Bages, which, it has lately been suggested, may have been a holding of a Castellet lineage in dependence on the vicecomital family possessed of strongholds in the vicinity; yet no one named Castellet is presently known to have held Castellet de Bages in the twelfth century.'” Finally, there is a Castellet on the old frontier in the Penedés. In this case, persons bearing the castle’s name can be traced back to the eleventh century and a Bertran de Castellet still held a vineyard within the castle’s district in 1162; but here again no one of this surname held the castle in the twelfth century. ’” So it seems that the lineage(s) of Castellet, perhaps of humble Or ministerial origin, had quite outgrown its cradle by the time of Ramon Berenguer IV. There were Castellets in the Vallés, one of whom, Ramon, was a castellan for Guillem Ramon (Senescal) III; he was also associated with the Subirats who, having come from the Vallés, were castellans in the Penedés.’”” There were Castellets in Barcelona where, as early as c. 1100-1113 174. ACA, Alfons I, 141; Enric Moreu-Rey, La rodalia de Caldes de Montbui. Repertori historic de noms de lloc i de noms de persona (Barcelona, 1962),

. 69.

i as. ACA, Alfons I, 669; cf. LFM, 1, nos. 341, 347, 382; Els castells catalans, 6 vols (Barcelona: Dalmau, 1967-1980), 1, 162; v, 772-773. 176. Els castells, 11, 879-880; CSC, m1, no. 1047.

177. ACA, R.B. IV, 284; Alfons I, 44, 141; CSC, m, no. 920; cf. CSCr, no. 133.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 61 Berenguer Ramon de Castellet had served Count Ramon Berenguer III and had been rewarded with the tenure of vicarial rights at Castellvell. It is not improbable that Bertran the accountant was descended from this family: a certain Bertran subscribed to the settlement with the count in 1113, and a Bertran de Castellet attended Ramon Berenguer IV’s grant of the vis-

county of Barcelona to Reverter in 1139.'” But in the end we have to rely on records of his own lifetime to establish the likely affinities of the count’s surveyor and accountant.

Among the many texts that refer to Bertran de Castellet in connection with the count of Barcelona,'” there is one of transcendent interest which has been neglected by historians. It is the will of a man of that name, dated 24 April 1149, on the eve of his departure to Majorca.'" The testator’s brothers—Guillem Pere de Castellet and Bernat—were named executors, and the former was to recover the castle of Terrassola, held of him by Bertran, in the event of Bertran’s death. Two other illuminating facts appear: first, that Bertran had considerable wealth in fine

cloths and Saracen slaves to distribute; second, that he was a major creditor not only to barons of the frontier but also to Ramon Berenguer IV. Bertran held pledges from the “lord count” at Font-rubi and he had recently lent money to the count at Tortosa. This testament provides an exemplary portrait of the “work-

ing knight.” Bertran de Castellet had only one minor castle, which he held in fief of an elder brother, and no other lands worth specifying.” His property was in credit, moveables, and slaves acquired in service against the Saracens, his beneficiaries

were two brothers and a sister and their offspring, the Hospitallers, Templars, and churches in Barcelona and Tarragona. He

was a young man, without wife or children. Given these circumstances and his expressed motive, it is reasonable to conjec178. LFM, 1, nos. 382, 341; cf. Els castells, 11, 878—880. The authors of Els castells have made valiant but inconclusive efforts to sort out these Castellets: cf. m1, 882—883; Iv, 414-417; V, 773.

179. E.g., LFM, 1, no. 341; ACA, GPC, arm. 23, 126; DI, Iv, no. 63; CPC, 1', no. 94; but there are at least fourteen others. 180. Related Records, no. 144. 181. He (for I believe it was he) also held a house at Vilobi del Penedés

from Guillem de Sant Marti: undated oath of security to B. de C., son of Sicardis, ADM, Seccién Conca de Odena, leg. 5, 189.

62 INTRODUCTION ture that his will was drawn up in anticipation of a dangerous but potentially rewarding mission to the Saracens in the service of the count. It was the eve of the siege of Lleida. And while Bertran de Castellet had served in the recent campaign of Tortosa, where some traces of his activity are extant,” there is no evidence that he fought at Lleida or acquired interests there. The prince had better uses for him in 1149. With the collapse of the last Moorish strongholds in Catalonia imminent, it was a strategic moment to press the unconquered infidel rulers in Majorca and Spain for tribute. That was Bertran’s commission. He seems to have left Catalonia in the autumn of 1149 and to have been absent for a year or more. In September 1150 he was expected back from Spain with tribute from which a new loan to the

count could be repaid.” He had returned by January 1151, when he subscribed to the prince of Tarragona’s charter for Riudoms in the company of his brother Guillem Pere de Castellet."** A month later he was occupied with the survey of the count’s domains in Old Catalonia. For it now seems impossible to doubt that the comital servant whose will we have examined was, indeed, our Bertran de Castellet. The evidence is circumstantial, but it is strong and unchallenged. We know of no other man so named who attended Ramon Berenguer IV, let alone served him in such financial and fiscal affairs, nor are there discrepancies in the chronology. In 1153 Bertran reappears in the frontier lands as a pillar of the campaign to clear out Saracen strongholds in the mountains of Prades. The count referred to him as “my knight. . . who is in

Siurana for me’—that is, as his castellan—in the settlement charter of 29 April 1153.'° During the next two years Bertran remained busy in this region, figuring in the charters of the count and of Prince Robert concerning the Tarragonés, Tortosa, and Reus; at Reus he is said to have received jurisdictional rights from the archbishop in 1154.'*° 182. No. 144: “. . . Concedo Sepulcro Domini Iherusalem xxxii. moabitinos quos mihi debet Barchinonensis comes, quos ei accomodaui in Tortosa quando perrexit ad victuram”; see also ACA, GPC, arm. 23, 126.

183. DI, Iv, no. 63. 184. CPC, 1', no. 84. 185. Ibid., no. 94. 186. VL, x1x, Documentos, no. 16; DI, Iv, no. 79; CPC, 1’, nos. 95, 99; CP, no. 246 = Jaime Santacana Tort, El monasterio de Poblet (1151-1181) (Barcelona, 1974), apéndice, no. 12.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 63 What may still require explanation is why this “great expert on resettlement in the lands of Tarragona” ’*’ should have taken an interest in the old comital domains. But Bertran’s horizons were no more limited than his master’s. By 1155 the dangers on

the new frontier were subsiding, and Bertran seems to have given up the castellany of Siurana.'™ Henceforth, he was to be more visibly active in Old Catalonia than in New, although his interest in the lately conquered domains persisted. He had ties

of kinship in the county of Barcelona,’” and presumably retained his fiefs in the Penedés. After 1155 the count’s more urgent problems lay in Occitania and Provence, and his finance continued to occupy Bertran de Castellet.

While the count was in Provence in 1156, Bertran passed through the palace at Vilamajor several times, generally in the company of other administrators. In February 1157 he was on his way to Spain together with messengers from the count and with merchants;’” possibly this mission had something to do with the “paria of January” that the count had been awaiting at Montpellier the month before, when he borrowed 4700 morabetins from Guilhem Leteric.™ In any case, Bertran disappears from our sight for more than a year, reappearing only in March 1158 as accountant at Moll6é and Prats de Moll6."” During the following two years he is occasionally visible in matters touching the Penedés and the new frontier, where he accompanied the count himself in May 1159.’” In August 1160 he attended the count at Girona, subscribing two enactments of major fiscal 1mportance.’ Two months later Bertran de Castellet was account187. Diccionari biografic, 4 vols. (Barcelona, 1966-1970), 1, $11. 188. Els castells, 1v, 416-417, 427 n. 32bis.

189. This seems clear from his will (cited above), with which cf. ACB, “LA”, iv, fol. 118, no. 310 (Mas, x1, no. 1750); “LA”, iv, fol. 170, no. 399 (Mas, XI, no. 1781); and especially “LA”, i, fol. 188, no. 507 (Mas, xt, no. 1766). Whether the alliance with the Vernets also indicates holdings in the Conflent or Rossell6 seems more doubtful, but cf. LFM, 11, nos. 679, 681. 190. Accounts, no. 4°7°60677,

191. DI, tv, no. 86. 192. Accounts, no. 7. 193. CPC, 1', no. 109 (but the reference to Bernardus de Castellet is in error; cf. ADM, Archivo histérico, leg. 236-8 [25 vi 1158]); also nos. I10, 113; ACB, “LA”, iv, fol. 170, no. 399 (Mas, x1, no. 1781); CSC, 1, no. 1027; ACA, R.B. IV, 334; LFM, 1, no. 254; CSCr, nos. 89, 90. 194. (1) Sebastian Puig y Puig, Episcopologio de la sede Barcinonense (Barcelona, 1929), apéndices, no. 75, with mistaken date. The date is equivocal in

64 INTRODUCTION ing for other domains in Old Catalonia.'” Thereafter, we know little of his administrative work until October 1162, when he subscribed to the testamentary conditions of the late count at Huesca. *”

However incomplete, our sketch confirms the impression created by the accounts themselves. Bertran de Castellet was preeminently a fiscal specialist for Ramon Berenguer IV. No one else is known to have been so engaged in collecting the Saracen tributes as he; no one else was so thoroughly informed about comital rights in the rural domains of Catalonia. To what further extent he was also a financier is more doubtful: he cer-

tainly lent money to the count, but so did other barons and merchants, and (as far as we know) in greater amounts.’”’ Although the evidence on this critical point is insufficient, Bertran would seem to have functioned normally as a manager of finance, and to have coordinated the management of domains with the count’s other revenues and credit. A seneschal without the title, he had earned a respected place in the count’s court. The character of his fiscal work may be judged in some part by his associations. Of the count’s other great retainers, only Bernat de Bell-lloc took an active part in the known accounts. The Bell-llocs (or Bellog) drew their name from a castle near Cardedeu, in the heart of the old comital lands.’ Bernat’s relation to the castellan family is not clear: he may, perhaps like Bertran de Castellet, have been an under-endowed second son or nephew.’” For many years he was among the most faithful of all the count’s companions, taking part in most of the campaigns and subscribing many of the major charters and conventions, to say nothing of lesser ones.*” He was pledge in 1144 when Ramon

Berenguer IV contracted the first major loan of which we are informed, and he continued to serve in that way or to subscribe two early copies: see Mas, x1, no. 1665; Joaquim Botet y Sis6, “Cartoral de

Carles Many... ,” BRABLB, Iv (1907-1908), 184, no. 268. (2) DI, 1, no. 120. 195. Accounts, no. I0. 196. AHN, Clero: Poblet, c. 2006, 8; LFM, 1, no. 494. 197. Related Records, nos. 140, 141, 143, 144; DI, Iv, nos. 38, 63, 86. 198. Els castells, u, 259-266. 199. Cf. DI, Iv, no. 148. 200. E.g., ibid., nos. 22, 23, 30, 39, 43, 49-SI, 54, 57, §8, 61, 66, 70, 75, 79, 83, 86, 89, 102, 103, 112.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (11 51~1162) 65 comital pledges thereafter.” Whether he took any more pointed interest in the count’s domains is harder to say, but he surely at-

tended many of the routine transactions relating to domain lands in all parts of Catalonia.*” He was involved in a negotia-

tion with Ripoll during a trip to Provence, probably that of 1156, which seems to have entailed an advance of money to the count.”” His activity at Prats de Mollé toward 1157-1158 can only be explained as the recovery of his own or another’s loan, and he served as pledge for a loan by Guillem Mainard secured on these same domains in 1159.°" Thus his path of service intersected with Bertran de Castellet’s in the field of credit, although he was much less the fiscal specialist than Bertran. Few other courtiers can be shown to have taken a regular part

in the surveying and accounting. Arnau de Rased, a knight of the Emporda who attended the accounts at Vilafranca and Tuir in 1160, evidently had some familiarity with the fiscal affairs of Old Catalonia.“” Guerau Alemany, who confirmed the survey-

charter for Terrassa in 1151, was a major lord of that vicinity and the Penedés.*”° As a rule Bertran de Castellet had only scribes at his side during his fiscal tours, and their role is surprisingly obscure. At present we do not even know who wrote the great roll of 1151 or the palatine accounts of 1156-1157. We do know that Pong “the scribe” served as auditor for bailiwicks with or without Bertran de Castellet and wrote most of the surviving records of domain account down to 1162.” Pong was a major figure in the count’s retinue. Canon of Barcelona, often called scriptor comitis, he was enterprising and well rewarded, ac-

quiring a comital manse at Caldes de Montbui and houses at Barcelona, Tortosa, and Lleida.*” He was the busiest of the count’s scribes, so it is hardly surprising that he wrote accounts 201. Ibid., nos. 38, 63, 86; Accounts, nos. 8, 140, I4I. 202. DI, Iv, nos. 49, 50, 67, 75, 89, 101; Els castells, 1, 865, n. 18; ACV, Cart. de l’Estany, nos. 93, 94; perg. l’Estany (13 vii 1158); cal. 6, 1597; ACA, R.B. IV, Apéndix 2.

203. DI, Iv, no. 132. 204. Accounts, nos. 7, 8. 205. No. 10,ABC. See RSL 2. 206. No. 1Q; Els castells, 11, $51; 1V, 323, 330, 333; CSC, m, no. 906; LFM, I, no. 293. 207. Accounts, nos. §—7, 9. 208. No. 1B; ACB, “LA”, 1, fol. 220, no. 590 (Mas, x1, no. 1676); fol. 98, no. 236 (Mas, x1, no. 1746); fol. 222, no. 596 (Mas, x1, no. 1789); fol. 136,

66 INTRODUCTION and pledges among many other documents.*” Yet it is not impossible that he won some special recognition for fiscal competence. Bertran de Castellet (or the count) surely knew of his work at Estopanya, where Pong inventoried the church as well as supervising the domain, when he appointed Pong to serve in the accounts at Prats de Moll6.*° During some period extending

into the next reign, Pong had custody of at least one of the count’s pledges among other records.” But Pong was not the only scribe-accountant. Domingo “the scribe” took part in the accounting of October 1160, which he in his turn may have written. Of this man we know far less. He wrote the testamen-

tary conditions of Ramon Berenguer IV in October 1162 at Huesca, where he probably had his home; he was almost cer- | tainly Aragonese.*”

It was not so much the writing as the presence of these no-

taries in the accounting that was thought worth recording. Scribes were needed to interpret, correct, and preserve the fiscal texts quite as much as to write them, and their mention in these

records is one of our better indications of a more systematic approach to fiscal administration in these years. Nevertheless, the methods of supervision remained informal and, for all we know, occasional. 2. Vicars and Bailiffs

The count’s men in the localities were chiefly the vicars and bailiffs.“ They were often enfeoffed, as we have seen, a fact that no. 350 (Mas, x1, no. 1790); BC, perg. Miret y Sans, 3141, 3142; ACA, R.B. IV, s.d. 3 (cf. DI, 1v, no. 92). On Pong, see also Arag6 and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 422-424; Related Records, no. 145.

209. ACB, “LA”, i, fol. 220, no. 590 (Mas, xI, no. 1676); CSC, m, no. 938; LFM, 1, no. 341; CPC, 1', nos. 75, 76, 79, 86, 90, 91, 94, 97-99, 109, 110; AM Tarragona, perg. 5 (viii 1150); ACV, “Liber dotationum,” fol. 8 (Jurisdiccions de Vich, ed. Junyent, no. 32); cal. 6, 1597; ACB, Div. C (c), c. 4, 26 (3 xii 1148); Accounts, nos. 8, 140, 141, 143. This Pong must not be confused with Pong de Osor; see ACB, “LA”, i, fol. 216, no. 578 (Mas, x1, no. 1883). See also Francesch Carreras y Candi, “Desentrotllament de la institucié notarial a Catalunya en lo segle XIII,” Congrés, u, 753, n. 2.

210. Nos. 5, 6; DI, Iv, no. 92. 211. Accounts, no. 8 note I. 212. No. 10,ABC; LFM, 1, no. 494; and references in RSL 2. 213. See generally Francesch Carreras y Candi, “Divisions administratives

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151—1162) 67 might suggest that they were fideles of the count like the latter’s barons and knights. But their fiefs were elements of an old and characteristically impersonal fiscal order, and there is little evidence that these men commonly attended the count. Occasionally the latter dealt with them directly, it is true. He tended to regard them as in personal or patrimonial subordination: “my bailiff,” as he spoke of Porcell de Cervera.*” In this respect, however, events and his own usual itinerary kept Ramon Berenguer IV in better touch with his agents in New Catalonia than

in Old: it is only on the frontier, for example, that we find a baiulus comitis termed fidelis.”° In these regions bailiwicks were

among the better minor rewards for supporters in arms and money. But we hear of extended or specialized bailiwicks also in the lower Llobregat and in Cerdanya.*”

The vicariate was a more prestigious function than the bailiwick, its jurisdictional powers substantially those of the castellan or even the vicecomital aristocracy. That the vicars of Ramon Berenguer IV are poorly known to us as a group is

probably not accidental: taking a proprietary view of their emoluments, especially in Old Catalonia, they were hard to bring to account and seldom attended the count. The vicars of Cerdanya seem to have been completely out of control.*” Berenguer of Barcelona was charged with serious abuses in 1133, but his successors, whose chronology and family ties have yet to be made clear, were perhaps more compliant.“ At Girona, de Catalunya en les époques passades,” BRABLB, 1x (1921), 33-40, 116, 124; and Lalinde, La jurisdiccién real inferior en Catalufia, ch. 1, which are useful

within their limits. The work of José Serra Rosellé, “Cronologia de los ‘veguers’ de Barcelona,” Documentos y Estudios (Ayuntamiento de Barcelona), v (1961), although undocumented and incomplete, seems to have been the only

attempt of its kind in print. More comprehensive lists are attempted below in RSL 3 and 4, and by locality in RSL 1. 214. DI, 1, no. 57; CPC, 1’, no. 67. Cf., also, the evidence for Enric of Piera, below, pp. 69-70. 215. DI, Iv, no. 79. 216. ACA, Extra. 4732; Accounts, nos. 1,O, 19. 217. No. 17, and below, pp. 71-75. 218. DI, 1v, no. 113 (with erroneous date); Francesch Carreras y Candi, La ciutat de Barcelona (Barcelona, n.d. [1916]), pp. 267-269; Serra Roselld, “Cronologia de los ‘veguers’,” p. 9. Pere Arnau and Guillem Catala occasionally attended the counts, e.g, Puig y Puig, Episcopologio, apéndices, no. 75; DI, tv, nos. 83, 99, 104, 107, 120, 126.

68 INTRODUCTION Ramon de Gironella had inherited the castellany and vicariate that he held in fief from Ramon Berenguer IV.*” He collaborated actively with Bertran de Castellet in the survey of 1151, attending the sessions held at Girona and Palafrugell; evidently a reliable administrator thereafter, he subscribed the fiscal en-

actments of August 1160 at Girona.’ The only other vicars mentioned in the inventories and accounts were Pere Arnau of Barcelona, Pere Berenguer (and his son Pere de Besalti), who confirmed the survey-charter for Besali in 1151, and Arnau de Perella, whose holding at Caldes de Malavella was recorded a few days before.™ Of the latter we happen to be well informed, and his case is examined below.” Here it need only be observed that he was of distinctly less than castellan rank. Conceivably his predecessor in this vicariate had begun his service as a bailiff, but it must have been exceptional for bailiffs to become vicars in Old Catalonia.*” Arnau de Moll6é was bailiff as well as vicar at

Moll6 in 1155 when he subscribed the count’s grant of the vicaria et baiulia of Vilasalva (later to be Montblanc) to Pere Beren-

guer de Vilafranca.” The latter was then a rising entrepreneur in the resettlement of the frontier. Of local peasant stock, he had been bailiff of Vilafranca del Penedés in 1151 when Bertran de Castellet surveyed that domain, and he later obtained the vicariate of Vilafranca as well as that of Vilasalva.™ The bailiffs of Ramon Berenguer IV were invariably promi-

nent men—often prosperous peasants, occasionally Jews—of the localities where they served. Bertran de Castellet relied heavily on them to determine the comital rights in Old Catalonia in 1151: at least thirty-four of them are mentioned in connection with some forty-three domains.” There was normally 219. Els castells, m1, 228 n. 40.

220. No. 1]J; Puig y Puig, Episcopologio, apéndices, no. 75; DI, Iv, no. 120. See further RSL 3.

221. Accounts, nos. 1GK, 4. 222. Pp. 71-73. 223. Another possible example is Pere Arnau, vicar of Barcelona from no later than 1154 (DI, 1v, no. 83), who should possibly be identified with Pere

Arnau the bailiff of Vilamajor in 1151 (no. 1A; cf. no. 4” for “P. A.” on business connecting Vilamajor with Barcelona). See RSL 3, 4. Tido, who held one or more bailiwicks in the Llobregat delta, later became a castellan (RSL 4, under name “Ticio”). 224. CPC, 1', no. 98; RSL 3, 4. 225. Ibid., nos. 98, 99, 119; 1°, 668, 745-747; LFM, 1, no. 330; RSL, 3, 4.

226. Accounts, no. r:A-Q.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 69 one bailiff for each aggregate of lands, although it remained un-

common to speak of the bailiwick territorially. Four bailiffs were identified in the survey-charter for Sant Pere de Vilamajor,

Vilalgoma, Cardedeu, and Tagamanent; while in some other places, bailiffs were designated by their domains: Berenguer Pere, bajulus de Palad Frugell; Joan Scaza, baiulus de Serega; etc.*’ While some of the bailiffs are mere names to us, a fair number

of them can be identified in their local society and routines or be traced through a period of years. Pere Arnau and Oluga, bailiffs

at Vilamajor in I15I, reappear two years later in the count’s grant of an allod in their parish, land of which the count said that the determination and measurement had been made by the

bailiffs “together with my other men.” Pere was perhaps not yet bailiff in August 1149 when, as “Petrus Arnalli de Uilla maiori,” he subscribed the settlement of a dispute over land claimed (in the name of the count) by Porcell, bailiff at Caldes de Montbui.” Porcell de Caldes became an eminence among the administrators of Old Catalonia. Baiulus comitis since at least 1138, energetic and ambitious, he seems to have prospered in his office during some two decades and he lived to see his sons launched on distinguished careers in the royal administrative

service.” Other bailiffs recorded in 1151 likewise held their charges for extended terms: Arnau de Moll6, who added the vicariate to his bailiwick and attended the count at Narbonne in 11$5, was accountant for Mollé in 1158;*' Bernat de Llivia and Bernat Guillem, who accounted for bailtwicks of Cerdanya in 1160;*” and Enric, baiulus comitis at Piera, who subscribed Berenguer Reverter’s oath to the count for the castle of La Guardia de Montserrat in 1157 and the grant of a manse near Piera by Sant Cugat in 1159, and who died in office a year later.*” We must linger a moment over Enric, for the survival of his 227. No. 1AJN. 228. No. 1A; DI, Iv, no. 76. 229. ACA, R.B. IV, 218; Accounts, no. 1B. 230. RSL 4. His son Porcelet is mentioned in Accounts; no. 4”. I have

attempted to document the family’s history in “Ramon de Caldes,” pp. 281-292. 231. Nos. 1P, 7; CPC, 1', no. 98. 232. Accounts, nos. 1,ON, 10, BC; see also RSL 4. In this case it is no better than a likelihood that these bailiffs held continuously.

233. LFM, 1, no. 345; CSC, ml, nos. 1028, 1033 (RSL 4, under name “Alanricus’”).

70 INTRODUCTION testamentary instructions in extremis affords a rare opportunity to become personally acquainted with a bailiff of twelfthcentury Catalonia. Enric left his horse to “his lord the count” plus 60 s. and 5 bacons and he commended his three sons and two daughters to the custody of the count. He wished to be buried at Sant Cugat, whose monks were to have, among other things, Enric’s Saracen (slave), a cow, and an allod at Masquefa; in turn, the abbot and convent were asked to receive the testator’s son Poncet as a monk. The bequests to churches, totaling a modest 6 morabetins, went chiefly to Santa Maria of Piera, then to the bishop of Barcelona, Santa Maria of Montserrat, Santiago de Compostela, and Sant Salvador of Cabrera (d’Anoia). These represented a more traditional devotional preference than the legacies of Bertran de Castellet, who had favored the military orders. The bulk of Enric’s estate was in sheep, goats, and cul-

tivated lands—an olive grove, vineyards, houses, manses, a field—of which the chief beneficiaries were his wife Ermeniard

and his children. But the lineage, too, obtained its share: his brother Pong inherited a manse, half of which had been pledged

to another (less favored) brother for 2 morabetins, while the brothers Pere Fulc and Girard secured rights on a mill, and Girard was given a manse. It remained to settle administrative accounts with Ramon Berenguer IV. Enric seems to have developed a new mill at El Bedorc, which now reverted to the count

under certain conditions; his debts in specie at Barcelona and Piera totalled 60 s., which should be paid from his own field and storehouse. “And his lord [the count] has in Piera four casks and there are two casks full of red and one cask of white wine,” plus other barrels of wine at El Bedorc and in a cellar at Piera, two store-rooms of grain (blad) at Piera, and more grain at Alfor, El Bedorc, and Piera. Enric died on 18 April 1160."

Well might the count have lamented this good and faithful servant. Enric seems to have had few debts, pecuniary or human, and he and his master had prospered. No mere farmer of revenues, he had been a manager, with results that help us to understand what the count hoped to achieve by leaving bailiffs so long in office. Enric’s was the type of a rural bailiwick, less lucrative (though not less tempting) than the urban exploita234. CSC, Wl, no. 1033.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 71 tions of which we know less. It is likely that Jewish bailiffs nor-

mally held on shorter or better specified terms of pledge for their loans, for they are recorded more fleetingly: Jehuda ben Isaac at Viladecans (1143); Mosse at Girona (1151); and Saltell at Terrassa (1158), where no bailiff was mentioned in 1151.” The saigs were evidently subordinate to the bailiffs. Those in

Cerdanya and the Vallespir may have been members of old peasant families of the valleys.” A. CASE HISTORIES IN THE COUNTY OF GIRONA

Not all local officials can have died in such good conscience as

Enric of Piera (nor, even in his case, can we imagine very confidently what his peasants thought of him). But the prevailing standards of administrative efficiency and morality are hard to judge from inventories and accounts which sought to maximize the count’s estate. Luckily the records are not all of this sort, and in the memorials of complaint and justification from Caldes de Malavella, Llagostera, and Girona we may learn something of the temptations to which vicars and bailiffs were prone, and, incidentally, something more about the terms on which they held. Arnau de Perella. The vicar at Caldes de Malavella when that

domain was surveyed in 1151 was Arnau de Perella. His fief comprised renders in pigs, fowl, and grain, as well as certain exploitations (laborationes terrarum) that his predecessor Ramon

Guillem had also held of the count, but there is no indication that Arnau collaborated actively in the ascertainment of these facts.*” This silence may be significant, for a few years later Ar-

nau became the target of serious allegations, and some of the malfeasance with which he was charged antedated 1151. He had

not only failed, so it was said, to respond to the count’s summons to the campaign of Almeria (1147), feigning illness, but 235. Accounts, nos. 11Q, 140; ACA, R.B. IV, 323; Baer, Die Juden, 1', no. 24. On Saltell and Mosse, see respectively RSL 2, 4. The charter for Palau-sacosta (no. 11) is annotated in Hebrew (= Pala(d)), whether by Mosse or by a later bailiff is not clear.

236. No. rLNPQ, 10,E. See RSL s. 237. No. 1G.

72 INTRODUCTION he had extorted payments from the villagers and otherwise bullied them at that time. Over a period of years he had repeatedly

abused his right to share in the fees of court. He had robbed peasants of their harvests, and some said that he had diverted produce and money alike to his own use; there were allusions to the men he employed to work his will, and to his domestic establishment (familia), which reaped the reward.*” Assuming that these charges had some basis in truth, it seems clear that Arnau de Perella was using his office to make a lord

of himself. Certainly he was no lord to begin with. He was, or had been, a working peasant who tilled fields of his own, and perhaps of other lords, as well as the count’s.*” The selfagegrandizement of such a man must have seemed a betrayal to the villagers. In one of the bitterest charges brought against him it was alleged that he had driven out two bailiffs from Caldes

and replaced them with men of his own. These appointments antedated 1151, for the local notables mentioned in the surveycharter for Caldes de Malavella were precisely these men of Arnau de Perella. It is not unlikely that Bertran de Castellet heard some grumbling in these domains at that time: this would help

to explain why Arnau was absent and perhaps even why the scribe uncharacteristically omitted the designation baiulus in referring to Arnau’s cronies.“ Was it that their appointment by a vicar was thought irregular? One of his bailiffs was said to have served Arnau de Perella as his personal lord,™' and we are not otherwise informed of bailiffs commissioned by vicars. Or was

Bertran de Castellet withholding judgment on a situation of which he was still incompletely informed?

Either way, it seems conceivable that the inquiry that produced these charges of infidelity to the count had its origin in the fiscal survey of 1151. What became of this inquiry is not clear, but Arnau de Perella certainly retained the vicariate long enough to pass it on to his son Bernat. The bailiwicks, however, 238. ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501, an anonymous memorial of complaints. A fuller study of this text will be made elsewhere. 239. On this point, see also LFM, 1, no. 400 (p. 420). 240. Accounts, no. 1G: the names of the latter were Arnau Granell and Bernat Vives. 241. Was it perhaps he—“.i. baiuli de A. de Perela”—-who appeared at Vilamajor with a Saracen girl in January 1157 (no. 4%)?

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 73 were restored to the count (or to his successor, the king), and this must have been the cause of renewed disputes, for at some later time a royal bailiff seized the Perella estates at Caldes. The

conflict that resulted came to judgment in 1183.” It was then recognized that in the time of Ramon Berenguer IV vicars had normally been appointed by the count and by charter. Arnau de Perella had possessed such a charter, which, however, fell far short of justifying all his claims to lands and revenues. Some of these claims seem rather to have arisen from alliance with the former vicar Ramon Guillem. It looks as if the Perellas were related by marriage to their predecessor in the vicariate, a possibility that helps to explain why Arnau de Perella weathered the

storms of the 1150s. There was also testimony in 1183 about administrative practice on vicarial domains in the time of Ramon Guillem (i.e., before 1147). One of the witnesses was Pere de Pin, who had assisted in the survey of Caldes and Llagostera thirty-two years before and whose injuries at the hands of Arnau de Perella were detailed in the breve of accusation. He and some others recalled that on one condamina the vicar worked

with the count’s peasants, oxen, and seed, and that when the harvest was in, the four comital bailiffs (evidently two each for Caldes and Llagostera) collected half of the produce and carried it to the granaries of the count’s palace.”

Berenguer Mir. When the domain of Llagostera was surveyed in 1151, the bailiffs there were Berenguer Mir and Pere Tosa.“ Their work—or at any rate, their offers—continued to satisfy Bertran de Castellet, for the same two men repurchased that bailiwick in October 1160.*” But in the meantime, or perhaps more likely between then and the time of the count’s death two years later, accusations of administrative abuse were brought against Berenguer Mir. It was said of him—again in this case we know not precisely by whom—that he had deprived the count of his tascae, tenths, and tallage on certain domains. Some of the latter were new exploitations developed by Berenguer; others had been taken over or purchased from others, as in the case of a 242. LFM, 1, no. 400. 243. Ibid.; ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501. 244. Accounts, no. 1H.

245. No. 10,E.

74 INTRODUCTION vineyard at Cabanyes whose former tenant had migrated to Tarragona. Most of these alleged usurpations seem to have occurred in hamlets bordering on the main cultivations of Llagostera, such as Esclet and Ganix, an appearance that supports the

less explicit evidence from Piera that energetic bailiffs were tempted to expand their operations and profits.” It was further alleged that Berenguer Mir had built new houses and otherwise developed his holdings at Cabanyes at the expense of the count’s right: in other words, that quite like Arnau de Perella although on a lesser scale, he had tried to organize a lordship competitive

with that of the count.” Bernat Bou de Girona. Our sense of the problems on these rural domains of the county of Girona finds confirmation in a record of a different kind: a report to King Alfons I and his court by one Bernat Bou concerning his tenure as bailiff of Girona during the last years of Ramon Berenguer IV. Bernat Bou was a notable of Girona who figures in the count’s enactments relative to persons or domains of that locality, and he is known to have been bailiff as late as 1166.*” In the early years of Alfons I, for motives that will concern us hereafter, he produced an informal justification of his services to Count Ramon Berenguer IV and his son. By his own account Bernat had done well. “On the day when

I bought the bailiwick of Girona,” he wrote, “the bailiff of Girona was giving the lord count only 800 s. from tolls and usages, and I give my lord 1500 s. annually from tolls and usages.” He had increased the comital mensuraticum from 5¥2 muigs of wheat to 7; the renders from mills of the Mercadal from 25 muigs, less expenses for the mills, to 43 muigs clear. And so, too, for other domains: at Palafrugell, the renders in grain were

said to have increased from 14 or 1§ muigs to 22; at Palausacosta, from 2 muigs to 4 muigs I quarta; at Caldes de Malavella, from II to 26 muigs; and at Llagostera, from 12 to 26 muigs.””

This account shows that the bailiff of Girona was charged with the supervision of rural bailiwicks as well as with the reve246. See above, p. 70. 247. ACA, R.B. IV, s.d. 29 (DI, Iv, no. 161). 248. RSL 4. 249. Accounts, no. I8.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 75 nues of Girona. The bailiffs at Palafrugell, Palau-sacosta, Caldes, and Llagostera known to us from the records of 1151 and 1160 (although in 1160, perhaps significantly, they were not termed “bailiff”)*" were in effect sub-bailiffs responsible to a chief in Girona. The latter’s responsibility must have been to secure accounts from the other bailiffs, or at least to review their

productivity in grain, and accordingly to advise in their appointments. Certainly he determined the prices of these rural exploitations, for Bernat’s claim to have augmented the yield of

Llagostera to 26 muigs of grain is perfectly borne out by the charter of sale for that bailiwick in 1160.*' Bernat Bou’s tenure at Girona evidently antedated 1160, probably by several years. Who, then, was his maligned predecessor? The only other bailiff at Girona known for this period was Mosse the Jew, who figures in the charter for Palau-sacosta in 1151; but he seems to have died by 1160 and Bernat Bou speaks of his predecessor as still living several years later.** Only one other possibility, but a

likely one, presents itself: namely, Arnau de Perella. He had been in charge of the bailiwicks of Caldes and Llagostera toward 1150, as we have seen; he retained the vicariate but lost control of the bailiffs in later years. All this is consistent with Bernat’s memorial, which concludes with the allegation that his dispossessed predecessor had used his influence with the count and the king, as a chastised vicar might do, to discredit Bernat’s

administrative achievement. It was in the two bailiwicks formerly abused by Arnau that Bernat Bou claimed to have effected the most spectacular gains in yields of grain, more than doubling the proceeds in each.” There can be no doubt that Bernat Bou of Girona, like most other bailiffs documented from the time of Ramon Berenguer IV, held his post for a long term. And if Bernat may be taken at his word, the achievements of a loyal bailiff were no better

known to the count and his successor than the misdeeds of faithless ones.** It is hard to believe that Bernat Bou had not been called to account from time to time, yet when it came to reviewing the record early in the reign of Alfons I, the court 250. Nos. 1G~—J, 10,DE. 251. No. 18; cf. no. 10,E. 252. Nos. 11, 18; ACG, “LGS”, fol. 8rv.

253. Nos. 1GH, 18. 254. No. 18, final sentence.

76 INTRODUCTION apparently had no better recourse than the word of a veteran bailiff. As for malfeasance, the extant bills of particulars prove that procedures of account had been lax in the county of Girona and that this had occasioned some concern among the count’s men. But it is impossible to discern any functional significance in the testimony against Arnau de Perella and Berenguer Mir;

the memorials may have led to judgments, but they seem to have been the work of different scribes who cannot be linked with other extant accounts or inventories. Nor is there much to suggest that records of the latter kinds were yet mobilized in an ongoing fiscal control. The court not only lacked a central register, but apparently kept no very orderly archive of accounts and commissions. It is not even clear that the survey-roll of I151 was used with regularity, for it bears remarkably few traces of subsequent correction or annotation. What developed in the later years of Ramon Berenguer IV was therefore something less than a thoroughgoing administrative reform. It was a series of initiatives in fiscal management designed primarily to secure and restore the comital domains in Old Catalonia at a time when it was becoming much harder for the count to supervise them himself. The impulse may have originated in a broadly conceived program of judicial review, for the undated depositions of complaint that seem to multiply from the second quarter of the twelfth century and that come from all parts of Old Catalonia resemble the surveys of domain in both substance and form. But the fiscal initiatives were more directly related to the count’s effort to augment and stabilize his credit; indeed there is good reason to think that the inventories and accounts of 1158—1160 were intended to facilitate the massive borrowing with which Ramon Berenguer financed his Occitan campaigns. The fiscal initiatives were the work of specialist courtiers, notably Bertran de Castellet and the scribe Pong. What remains difficult to grasp is the extent to which Bertran’s interest ranged beyond general finance to the regular accounting for domains not pledged by the count. To judge from the forms of extant records, accounting for bailiwicks was still in gestation as an autonomous activity; if such was the case, then Bertran de Castellet may perhaps be credited with originating the system of computa bajulorum that came to prevail in later times.

FISCAL INITIATIVES (1151-1162) 77 But on this point our evidence must be presumed incomplete. We know something of the fiscal interests at court, something, too (and, indeed, a good deal), of the bailiwicks and their admunistrators, but still very little of the supervision and accountability of bailiffs.

II] ALFONS I (1162-1196): THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNTING

ArexRamon 1 was according a child of to five at his father’s death. First Catalonian custom, he took thecalled name Adefonsus (or Ildefonsus) in deference to the Aragonese; and while he retained the title “count of Barcelona,” he was the first of his paternal line to be styled “king of Aragon.” He was to be much occupied with Aragonese affairs, promoting agrarian and military settlements, liberating the Ebro valley from Castilian pressures, and redefining Aragon’s dynastic claim to Valencia.

He was equally active in Occitania and Provence, where his suzerainties and alliances and—in Provence, after 1166—his direct lordship were deployed against Toulouse, Capetian France, and sometimes the Empire. So for this first of her count-kings Catalonia was a heartland, at once a retreat and a source of men

and money to be used in his enterprises beyond her frontiers. Yet, while exploited, Catalonia was not neglected. In the time of Alfons I her territorial consolidation was significantly advanced by the annexations of Rossellé (1172) and Pallars Jussa (1192), and it was in direct consequence of the first of these acquisitions that the king instituted revised statutes of the Peace in the aggregate of counties that now came to be designated “Catalonia” in the administrative language. Building on the regalian postulates of the Usatges of Barcelona and challenging the fidelity

of a restless and aggressive baronage, this innovation was secured by further initiatives in administrative order. Not least among these was a reorganization of fiscal accounting.’ 1. The reign of Alfons I remains very incompletely studied. See generally Soldevila, Historia de Catalunya, 2d ed., ch. 9; Bagué, Cabestany, and Schramm,

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 79

A. THE EARLY YEARS (1162-1177) The management of comital domains and finance continued without perceptible interruption after 1162. Itis true that Bertran de Castellet and Pong the scribe drop out of sight, an indication, perhaps, of the affective character of the fidelity in which they had served their late master,” but several of the latter’s greater

Catalan retainers became regents of the child-king, notably Bishop Guillem de Torroja of Barcelona (1144-1171; promoted archbishop 1172), Guillem Ramon (III) Senescal de Montcada, and Guilhem VII of Montpellier. Debts of Ramon Berenguer IV remained outstanding, some as late as 1185, and the counselors borrowed money on Alfons’s account.” Nevertheless, their first

impulse seems to have been to improve their control of Old Catalonian domains. For it was presumably they who ordered inventories of vegueries in the Capcir and of demesne and feudal

land in the Ribes valley.* The Capcir had been ignored by the surveyors of 1151, and both regions seem to have been drawn upon for strategic feudal endowments. The regent-counselors must likewise have secured the memorial of a military bailiwick in Cerdanya that has the interest of showing an increase of 9/2 percent in stabling capacity from 1151 to about 1165.” And it was expressly Bishop Guillem and Guillem Ramon Senescal, together with others and with the king’s “whole court,” who counseled a concession of the bailiwick of Sant Marti de Castellar in 1165.° This record must be associated with the undated Els primers comtes-reis, ch. 2; Ventura, Alfons ‘el Cast.’ All of these writers speak

of Alfonse “the Chaste,” although the qualifier has no contemporary warrant (in any sense) and should be resolutely eschewed. Of great value for the early part of Alfons I’s reign is Ramon d’Abadal i de Vinyals, “A propos de la “domination’ de la maison comtale de Barcelone sur le Midi francais,” Annales du Midi, Lxxvi (1964), 315-345 (a Catalan translation in Dels visigots als Catalans, 2 vols. [Barcelona, 1969-1970], II, 281-309). 2. Bertran continued active around Tortosa and Tarragona: Accounts, no. 26; ACB, Div. C (c), c. 6, 215; CPC, 1', no. 133; etc.; but his identity in later years remains a problem that cannot be dealt with here. Pong died on 21 April 1168 (Related Records, no. 145). 3. Caruana, “Itinerario de Alfonso II de Aragén,” 88ff; ACA, Alfons I, 13, 48; AD Bouches-du-Rhone, B 292; Accounts, nos. 20-24. 4. Nos. 15, 17. For these regions older inventories have survived (ACA, Extra. 3177, 3441).

5. No. 19; cf. no. 1,O. 6. No. 16.

80 INTRODUCTION memorial of Bernat Bou of Girona that has been discussed above and that may be placed most probably in about the same

year.’ Bernat Bou subscribed the concession of 1165 as did Ramon de Gironella, who as far back as 1151 had participated in the survey of bailiwicks near Girona.* The intervention of these

veteran administrators suggests once again the importance of Girona to the direct exploitation of comital (-royal) domains, the agents there being perhaps better equipped than the court itself to ensure the continuity of account.’ The only other bailiff of this period of whom we are well informed, Jafia of Lleida, was of more interest to the king as a creditor than as a steward.”

But the texts just mentioned are too few—the commission of 1165 being, in fact, the lone record of what may be called the routine management of bailiwicks to survive from the first fifteen years of Alfons’s reign—to enable us to characterize local administration in this period very securely. The real problem is to know whether the orderly charter of Castellar was typical or exceptional; whether the court regularly audited the bailiffs as their terms fell due and, if it did, why more such records failed to survive. We shall return to this problem. What is clear in any case is that the ordinary income of domains continued in some sense to be a less urgent matter than the exploitation of extraordinary resources and credit. The extant accounts of Alfons I in his early years are exclusively concerned with credit, some of it secured on domain revenues, some of it on tribute or maritime tolls, and almost all of it connected with displacements of the king’s entourage for political and military purposes. Over one-third of the sum of all major loans known for the period 1162-1177 was contracted in Montpellier after the seizure of Provence in 1166,"' and this proportion rises to 53 percent if debts left over from the Provengal campaigns of Ramon Berenguer IV are included.” But these 7. No. 18; cf. above, pp. 74-75. 8. Nos. 1]J, 16. See RSL 3 on Raimundus de Girundella. 9. We happen to know, indeed, that Ramon de Gironella had control of an important portion of the comital archives in this period: see below, p. 97. 10. Nos. 20, 25, 28, 146; and RSL 4.

I1. Nos. 20-23, 25-28, 30; ACA, Alfons I, 13, 48, 49, 55, $6, 94, 124, 162, I7I, 192, 199, 207; Alfons I, Extra. 3627; GPC, arm. 11 (Gardeny), 648; arm. 19 (Torres de Segre), 41; CGH, 1, no. 427. 12. In addition to citations in note 11 see Accounts, no. 24; ACA, R.B. IV, 8 Apéndix; Alfons I, 47, 94; AD Bouches-du-Rhéne B 288. The calculation is

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 81

\f‘Girona écoré |

| TY BAILIWICKS AND PRINCIPAL DOMAINS ATTESTED

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ty Lleida “ ;AkersVallb 8 Cabrerat “PI &

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o * Attested in Related Records ~ loans had little impact on the administration of Catalonia. Man-

aged by Guilhem VII of Montpellier and, after his death in 1172, by his brother Gui Guerriat, they were secured by hostage barons and liquidated, reduced, or consolidated as circumstance permitted.’ In May 1171 Guilhem VII accounted at Girona for

an accumulated credit incorporating debts he had incurred on the king’s behalf at Montpellier; and Guerau de Jorba, who had succeeded to Bertran de Castellet’s function as collector of Valencian tribute, likewise borrowed for the king at Montpellier as

well as lending to him, together with other Catalonian barons necessarily rough, for it is not always possible to distinguish new loans from old in the records. 13. Accounts, no. 23 (cf. no. 25); ACA, Alfons I, 48, 49, 55, 56, 124, 162, 171, 207; Alfons I, Extra. 3627; DI, tv, no. 121. The financier was Guilhem Leteric of Montpellier, of whom a remarkable story has yet to be told.

82 INTRODUCTION and Jews, from his own resources.'* The major lenders in Cata-

lonia, however, were the Templars of the frontier, who advanced at least 8500 morabetins to Alfons (or 13 percent of his total major indebtedness down to 1177) in a series of transactions from 1164 to 1175.” The loans in Catalonia once again show credit encroaching on landlordship. When the Templars lent 1100 morabetins in

1164, their repayment was to be drawn from the revenues of two mills at Barcelona in case it had not otherwise been effected in a year’s time.’° In 1167 Alfons pledged half of the revenue from Ascé toward settlement of the Templars’ new loan of 1200 morabetins.’’ In these cases of vif-gage the Templars had only to show their charters to the king’s bailiffs to be repaid. But in May 1169 Alfons contracted a much larger loan, amounting to 5000 morabetins, to meet expenses probably connected with his first Valencian campaign; and on this occasion, counseled by Guil-

hem VII, the bishops of Barcelona and Vic, Guillem Ramon Senescal, Guerau de Jorba “and other Catalan and Aragonese barons of my court,” he simply turned over his castles of Ascé, Serds, and Riba-roja (d’Ebre) to the Templars together with his less vulnerable domains of Gava, Viladecans, and Sant Feliu de Llobregat. The Templars were to have one-third of the revenues of Ascé “for custody and wardship,” a concession that looks for the first time like a provision for a disguised interest; all other revenues were to go toward reduction of the debt without having to be accounted." In all of these places the Templars were to appoint their own bailifts. They received the bailiwicks of Riba14. Accounts, nos. 20, 21, 23, 27, 30; ACA, Alfons I, 49, 94, 192, 199. See also Alfons I, 62 (poorly edited in VL, xvu, 328-330). On Guerau de Jorba see Agusti Altisent, “Seguint el rastre de Guerau de Jorba 1 el seu llinatge,” Aplec de treballs no. 1 del Centre d’Estudis de la Conca de Barbera (Montblanc,

1978), pp. 33-83, and RSL 2. Ramon de Montcada borrowed 300 1. at Pisa (October 1177) possibly to finance the king’s share in a commercial voyage to Constantinople, ACA, Alfons I, 227; Alfons Extra. 2621. 15. Accounts, nos. 22, 26, 28; ACA, Alfons I, 13; GPC, arm. 11, 648; arm. 19, 4I. 16. ACA, Alfons I, 13. 17. ACA, GPC, arm. 11, 648. 18. Accounts, no. 22: “. . . et de his omnibus solo uerbo uestro uobis semper credatur.” See also Miguel Gual Camarena, “Precedentes de la Reconquista valenciana,” Estudios Medievales, 1 (Valencia, 1952), 191-192.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 83

roja and Castej6n del Puente in the same way in 1175." The pledges to barons and churches exhibit a similar tendency. In 1168 Berenguer Reverter received the king’s domains in Cabrera d’Anoia and Piera to exploit freely until his loan of 1500 morabetins was paid from other sources (mort-gage); in 1176 Guerau de Jorba held Cervera, Tarrega, and Piera on (apparently) like terms.” As Alfons I came of age important domains in all parts of Cata-

lonia west of the Llobregat were pledged to barons, churches, and the military orders, their revenues in some cases exempt from the king’s account. Some of these pledges might pass into third hands, and the balances of royal debts must have been con-

stantly altered by a bewildering variety of payments, assignments, and secondary loans in a murky netherworld of baronial enterprise.” It all looks rather disheveled. But this appearance is illusory in two considerable respects. First, the most lucrative

bailiwicks in New Catalonia as well as Old remained in the king’s hands throughout this period: Lleida, Barcelona, and Girona, among others. The assignment of selected domains or revenues—including castles on the Segre-Ebro frontier to the Templars—was administratively as well as financially practical so long as the debts were repaid or accounted efficiently; and one of the pledges edited here shows the Templars themselves accounting for income in reduction of a debt.” Nor were these assignments without resemblance to those of bailiwicks them-

selves. For all we know, a loan of 1000 morabetins to be recovered from proceeds of Lleida may have been the price the king exacted of the bailiff Jafia in 1168 for the renewal of his commission.” Secondly, the records of credit from 1168 to 1176 reveal a new interest in the consolidation and accountability of royal indebtedness. To illustrate this point we may begin with Alfons’s seemingly routine pledge to Guerau de Marimon for 100 mor19. No. 26. See generally A. J. Forey, The Templars in the Corona de Arag6n (London, 1973), pp. 190, 348-352. 20. Nos. 21, 30; see also nos. 24, 27; ACA, Alfons I, 94. In 1176 Guerau de Jorba received Montblanc and La Riba in fief in return for remitting the king’s debt of 2000 morabetins (Alfons I, 192). 21. See, e.g., nos. 25-28, 30.

22. No. 26. 23. No. 20.

84 INTRODUCTION abetins, dated 10 November 1170. As the lender had not yet recovered a loan to Ramon Berenguer IV, he was authorized to retain the mills from which repayment of the new debt was to be made beyond the completion of that repayment and without

accounting for additional revenues “until,” said the king, “I come to account with you for that debt my father owed you.” The old debt had to be verified before the king could commit himself to discharge it; this meant producing the original char-

ters of pledge and accounting for interim adjustments of the balance, a process likewise necessary for the reckoning of current estates of indebtedness. As he came of age Alfons I held a series of such solemn sessions of cumulative account: with Guilhem VII, in which the balance of 24,000 morabetins surely

represents an aggregation of loans contracted with Guilhem Leteric (Girona, 4 May 1171); with the bishop and canons of Vic, for old debts of the king’s father (Vic, 8 June 1172); with merchants of Montpellier, who recognized the reduction of an original debt of 80,000 s. melg. to 21,000 s. (Lleida, 10 Novem-

ber 1173); with Guerau de Jorba, for very diverse obligations (Perpinya, March 1176); and with Bertrand Porcellet, who agreed to a schedule of repayment of 12,000 s. melg. on the accounts of Berenguer Ramon of Provence (d. 1144) and Ramon Berenguer IV (Arles, April 1176).” The significance of these occasions becomes clear when their

records are put together. Indeed, the records are more important than the occasions, in a sense, for they represent the beginnings of a continuous series of written estates of finance in a form convergent with that of subsequent fiscal accounts of Catalonia. The form was still indeterminate, to be sure. The account of 4 May 1171, although passed at Girona, was drafted according to the style of Montpellier, the creditor’s homeland; those for the church of Vic and Guillem de Claramunt are charters in Catalonian form; while that for Guerau de Jorba is simply 24. ACA, Alfons I, 94: “. . . Et quando habebo tibi paccatos iamdictos .c. morabetinos non traham de tuo posse illa molendina donec ueniam tecum ad computum de illo debito quod pater meus tibi debebat et donec habeam tibi

paccatum illum debitum quod in ueritate pro patre meo tibi debebo et illud quod habebis interim de illis molen[dini]s non computetur tibi in paccamentum.” 25. Respectively: nos. 23-25, 27, 30; AD Bouches-du-RhGne, B 288.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 85

a minute prepared for a reckoning of which no formal record survives. Nevertheless, two signs of procedural regularity already appear. First, most of these documents contain the words (or their variants) venire tecum ad computum that had figured in the account of 1170 with Guerau de Marimon. The clause is disposed at the head of the record in such a way as to indicate both the finality and the solemnity of the procedure: “uenisti mecum

Ildefonso . . . ad computum et racionem de omnibus debitis et

firmanciis et negociis m(e)is ...” (no. 23); “computatis omnibus debitis patris mei . . . recognosco” (no. 24); “Ego Ildefonsus ... ueni ad computum cum G. de Claromonte” (no. 27). In the second place, one of these records—the account of November 1173 with merchants of Montpellier (no. 25)— shows that this kind of public reckoning with royal creditors could be delegated according to a form first instanced in the fis-

cal accounts of 1160. This document is our unique surviving witness to the persistence of that formulary between 1160 and 1181, for the curious little account of Berenguer de Montesquiu for an unspecified bailiwick on the first Monday of Lent toward 1177-1178 is clearly patterned on a different form or, perhaps more likely, on none at all.** And by identifying Ramon de Perella among the deputy accountants, the record of 1173 points to some continuity also in the fiscal personnel, for Ramon’s service in supply or audits in Old Catalonia and Rossell6 can be traced from 1157 down to about 1186.” This assimilation of royal accounting for credit to the more routine practice of delegated fiscal audit was a sign of the king’s domestic emancipation. The ties to Ramon Berenguer [V were

broken traumatically with the murder of Archbishop Hug de Cervellé (1171) followed by the deaths of Guilhem VII (1172), Guillem Ramon Senescal (1173), and Archbishop Guillem de

Torroja (1174). The latter had collaborated with the king in instituting the revised Peace of Rossell6 in greater Catalonia (1173), one of the most portentous—and obscure—events of the reign. Although we know neither the month nor the day, it must have occurred when Alfons I proclaimed his independent authority and imposed the peace tax (bovaticum; Cat.: bovatge) which is mentioned as such for the first time in Catalonian his26. Accounts, no. 31. 27. Nos. 4, 25, 33, 39, 45, 52, 153; RSL 2.

86 INTRODUCTION tory in an account of c. 1174-1175.” This imposition, while justified only by a dubious precedent in Cerdanya more than half a century before, brought in enough money to help the king reduce his indebtedness,” but it surely aroused opposition. When Alfons married Sancha of Castile and was knighted in a festive court at Zaragoza (January 1174), the Catalonian barons were conspicuously absent.” During the following months the

king was engaged principally in Aragon, then in Occitania, where his success in securing Provence against the claims of Count Raimond V of Toulouse alienated Viscount Roger II of Béziers and Viscountess Ermengarde of Narbonne, among other princes formerly faithful to the house of Barcelona.

B. THE STRUCTURE OF ROUTINIZED ACCOUNT (1178-1194) The later 1170s saw vigorous diplomatic activity: in the Pyrenees, where Alfons sought solidarity with the counts of Bigorre and Foix; in Spain, where he postponed the conquest of Valen-

cia (treaties of Cazola, March 1179); above all, in Occitania, where new ecclesiastical resolutions against heresy threatened the viscounty of Béziers and forced Roger II, in a stunning reversal of alliance, to renew his family’s vassalic submission to Alfons I (November 1179). The king worked to consolidate this triumph, securing the fidelity of Viscount Bernard Aton at Montpellier in 1183, and negotiating first with Henry II Plantagenet and later with his son Richard against Raimond V of 28. No. 27. The statutes of 1173 are printed in Cortes de los antiguos reinos de Aragon y de Valencia y principado de Cataluna, 26 vols. (Madrid, 1896-1920), 1, $5—62. If the identifiction of Fons daldara with Fondarella (p.j. Lleida, com.

Segria) can be accepted, the assembly probably took place in early summer 1173. | have attempted to sketch the constitutional consequences of this event in Joaquim Nadal and Philippe Wolff, Histoire de la Catalogne (Toulouse, 1982),

pp. 286-292. 29. No. 27; T. N. Bisson, “The Organized Peace in Southern France and Catalonia, ca. 1140—ca. 1233,” American Historical Review, Lxxxt (1977), 298—299.

30. Caruana, “Itinerario de Alfonso II,” 145-146. 31. Ibid., 146-193; Abadal, “A propos de la ‘domination’ de la maison comtale de Barcelone sur le Midi,” 334-345 (Dels visigots als Catalans, u1, 300— 309).

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 87

Toulouse. In Provence, as indeed, since 1173, in Catalonia too, the king’s problem was to maintain the fidelity of enough barons to restrain the more ambitious magnates who were tempted to negotiate with outside powers. Alfons’s brother Sang was stripped of his leutenancy in Provence in 1185, and a military expedition to pacify eastern Provence was required in 1189.” These events left their mark in the fiscal records. Travels to and from Occitania and Provence were sustained by services of finance and supply in Rossell6é that are amply documented between 1178 and 1185.” The Provencal expedition of 1189 was surely the cause for the king’s borrowing from the Templars at that time.* But these operations seem to have been less burdensome than in the past, and their accounting was thoroughly in-

tegrated with what may now be called the routine administration of domains—an operation, for its part, influenced by domestic events far more obscure. It was a time of remarkably accelerated fiscal activity in Catalonia. No less than about 68 records of royal accountability and domains survive from the years 1178—1194 as compared to sixteen for the preceding dec-

ade and a half, while the number of extant accounts for bailiwicks, strictly speaking, rises absolutely from zero to 40.” This increase doubtless owes something to accidents of survival, but the improved preservation of fiscal records is itself a sign of more attentive fiscal management, as we shall see. In functional terms, the accounts fall into four classes. First, there are records of the king’s retainers, such as the list of purchases of horses and of disbursements “for the lord king” by Ramon de Montcada (c. 1175).°° Other examples may be found in Berenguer de Bonastre’s account of expenses and receipts from the local bailiff during a visit to Girona in 1191, and in

a remarkable list of disbursements by Esteve de Marimon at Monzé6n and elsewhere in the early nineties.*” Associated with 32. Caruana, “Itinerario de Alfonso II,” 213-254; AD Bouches-duRhone, B 286; Soldevila, Historia de Catalunya, 2d ed., pp. 202-205, 218; Ventura, Alfons ‘el Cast,’ chs. 29-35.

33. Nos. 33, 41-47, 52, 60; see also nos. 151-153, 155. 34. Nos. 78, 79; cf. no. 72. 35. See Tables I and II. The enumeration is exclusive of Related Records, which likewise increase in quantity. 36. No. 29. 37. Nos. 85, 100; see also no. $6.

88 INTRODUCTION military operations and travel, as already in ¢c. 1155-1156,” these records were kept to justify the disposition of advances the sources of which are seldom identified. Secondly, there were loans or disbursements of which the re-

payment was assigned upon the revenues of bailiwicks. The lender might be a bailiff himself, like Pere de Sant Celoni, who advanced the king 200 morabetins in 1183 for the knighting of

Ponc Hug of Empiries.” Or he might be required to apply to a bailiff, as in the case of Guillem de Vilagranata, whose loan of 60 morabetins in 1185 was to be repaid from royal revenues at Berga.” When Alfons I borrowed some 10,318 s. from the Templars in 1188—1189, he assigned the revenues of Ascé and Serds in repayment.” But the most remarkable records of this class (and of the third, as well) are the accounts and related texts concerning provisioning of the king’s hostelry in Rossellé from 1178 to about 1184. Here Alfons relied on an enterprising and

loyal burgher to play the role formerly assigned to Guilhem Leteric of Montpellier. Unlike the latter, however, Bernat Sang of Perpinya operated within the count-king’s domains, and his

earliest extant account with Alfons, at Perpinya in October 1178—this is another in the series of public summations already mentioned—may point already to an involvement in the man-

agement of bailiwicks in Rossellé that he certainly had thereafter. Drawing upon earlier accounts with royal deputies, it arrives at a balance partly in money and partly in grain.” In September 1182, again at Perpinya, the king recognized a new bal-

ance of 5746 s.b. in favor of Bernat, who was authorized this time to recover the sum from revenues of Perpinya and Prats de Mollé. This debt was designated expressly as the selling price of those revenues for one year, and in a privilege of the same date

Alfons spoke of Bernat Sang as “my bailiff.” Further obligations incurred during a season of military and diplomatic activity in Occitania were settled in yet another public reckoning (Peralada, September 1183) in which Alfons bestowed on Bernat the bailiwick of Perpinya and the revenues of Prats and Banyuls (de la Marenda) from which he was to recover, respectively, 6010 s. melg. and 2686 s.b. over four years.”

38. No. 3. 39. No. 48. 40. No. 154.

41. Nos. 72, 78, 79. 42. No. 33. 43. No. 41; see also no. 151. 44. No. 46.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 89

Béziers ¢ W THE HORIZONS OF BERNAT SANG To Provence

as ‘es _ } . “~ -“ ~ 7 (nos. 33, 41-47, 52, 151-153, 155) Narbonne ® 1178-c. 1185

f_ ™, { ~N. ~, ) Parestortes cam| \ aan ys) Nils _—-Patpinya / u ae nt Vilafrancat + . Tuire ayn : Cv de Conflent — St. Miquel de Cuixa ~ Banyuls de de wo . la Marenda §1 Prats $ parishes of

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u,

f

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by Pere d‘Arasza in 1183 (no.44) Argelers {ef tse andr

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Tinies la Marenda

Banyuls dee

In a third class are accounts of disbursements or expenses (or receipts), sometimes in itemized form, by bailiffs themselves. The most detailed of these were the work of Bernat Sanc: one at Narbonne on 2 August 1183; a second several weeks later, hav-

ing to do with the support of royal armies; a third some time

go INTRODUCTION after 4 September; a fourth just following the accounts at Peralada mentioned above (September 1183); and a fifth covering a period uncertain extending to November 1184. These texts are full of information about the king’s travels, about royal servants,

messengers, captains, and allies, about provisions and costs. They provide hitherto unnoticed evidence of negotiations with Henry II, of consuls at Barcelona, even of Catalonian contacts with the famous peace confraternity of Le Puy.” They are less precise than the accounts of Vilamajor in 1156-1157, for the dating of items has mostly disappeared, but when taken together with the summations of accounts for bailiwicks (see be-

low), they reveal a more carefully regulated adjustment between extraordinary expenditure and domain resources. This functional adjustment comes out clearly in a bailiff’s memoranda of the costs of royal collectors in the Bages (c. 11771178), and in accounts of Castilian knights in transit through Cervera (1183-1184) and of the king’s visit to Manresa for three days in March of an uncertain year toward 1181. In the latter record the diet and accessories—these include spinach, pork, fish (fresh and salted), salt, pepper, sugar, honey, chestnuts, oil, and firewood—are perfectly itemized, showing costs averaging just over 100 s. per diem, with the higher expenditures in salt fish, bread, wine, and feed grain. Completed in duplicate chirographs, the account was to be deducted from “the bailiff’s computum.””’

Credit, to judge from some of these records, had been all but swallowed up by administration. The pledge of September 1182 to Bernat Sanc was formally indistinct from the sale of the bai45. Nos. 43-45, 47, $2; see also no. 42, which is surely related to nos. 43, 44. The Accounts and Related Records concerning Bernat Sang are fully listed in note 33. For his career, see RSL 4; he died toward 1186. For Henry II, see nos. 42, 43 (cf. R. W. Eyton, Court, Household, and Itinerary of King Henry II. . . [London, 1878], pp. 250-253); for consuls, no. 43 (this may be the ear-

liest extant allusion to elected consuls at Barcelona: cf. J. M. Font Rius, Origenes del régimen municipal de Catalufia (Madrid, 1946], pp. 330—331n, 372—373n; and Philippe Wolff, “Barcelone et Toulouse . . . ,” VII CHCA, 3 vols. [Barcelona, 1962], 1, 590); for the homines de capiéns or homines pacis, no. 45 (cf. Georges Duby, Les trois ordres, ou l’imaginaire du féodalisme [Paris, 1978], pp. 393-402, esp. 397-399 [tr. Arthur Goldhammer, Chicago, 1980, Pp. 327-336, esp. 331-333).

46. Nos. 32, 50; see also no. 56. 47. No. 39.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) gi

liwicks of Vilafranca and Font-rubi in 1179, which, however— since the price was not paid in advance and since it has analogues

in our other periods—might almost be said to form a class of related text (not an account) in itself." Moreover, the regularity of fiscal income lessened the urgency to specify sources of re-

payment: “I recognize to you, Bonafos, my bailiff of Tarragona,” wrote the king in 1191 at Poblet, “that you have loaned me $00 s. iacc. at Lleida which I must repay to you.” Accounts of loans and advances decline steeply in frequency after 1185, when they are greatly outnumbered by records of bailiwicks as such—our fourth class. This series begins with an account for an unspecified bailiwick in the Bages, probably Manresa, in 1177 or 1178, and continues hesitantly with sums of account for Lleida (1180), Vilamajor (1181), and Tarragona, Cervera, and Tarrega (1184).””

The latter have already the form that is regular in accounts for Tarrega, Vilamajor, Tarragona-Castellet, and Barcelona (1186); Lleida, Montblanc, Cervera-Tarrega, Vic, and Tarra-

gona (1187); Montblanc, Lleida, and Vilafranca-Font-rubi (1188); Vilamajor (?), Vic, and Moia (1189); Lleida, PerpinyaTuir-Argelers, Tarragona, and Vilamajor (1190); Lleida, Caldes de Montbui and Terrassa, Terrassa (twice more), Caldes, Barcelona, and Girona (1191); Cervera and Barcelona (1192); Cervera and Piera-Cabrera (1193); Vilafranca-Castellet and Lleida (1194). An account of Cerdanya-Conflent in 1186 survives in an irregu-

lar form of receipt.” Forty accounts for at least twenty bailiwicks from c. 1178 to 1194: these are the core of our collection. What is their historical character? What is the significance of their proliferation and survival? 1. New Initiatives in the King’s Court

The years 1178 to 1186 were a transitional period in fiscal control. As the king’s reliance on credit diminished, the mag48. Nos. 34, 41; see also nos. 10,E, 16, 102, 108, 110, III, 114, 116, 118; also RSL 7.

49. No. 86. 50. Nos. 31, 35, 40, 49, §1. $1. These accounts may be found in the order listed from nos. $7 to 98 (or see, more precisely, Table II; and cf. RSL 6). See also no. 160, which, although apparently not a royal account, belongs in other formal respects to this series.

VI BAILIWICKS AND PRINCIPAL DOMAINS ATTESTED _

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THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) Q3

nates in charge of the chamber or procurement became less visible. Alfons I or Archbishop Berenguer de Vilademuls still presided over accounts on occasion, the archbishop having supervision of administration in Rossell6-Cerdanya and perhaps also of the coinage for a time;” but the auditing of accounts and commissioning of bailiwicks came to be delegated routinely to lesser courtiers, scribes, and bailifts, in shifting combinations: to Ramon de Caldes, Perella, Ramon de Perella, Perfet, and Guillem de Bassa for reckonings with Bernat Sanc some time before October 1178; to Ramon de Caldes and the bailiffs of Barcelona for the sale of the bailiwicks of Vilafranca and Font-rubi in April 1179; to the Templar Pong Ademar, the bailiff Llobell, and Pere de Garnal for accounts with the bailiffs of Tarragona and Cervera in January 1184; and to these men with others at

other times.” Among the deputy accountants were some old hands in the comital-royal fiscal service: not only Perella and Ramon de Perella, but also the Aragonese scribe Domingo, who had accounted as early as 1160.7 Most of them were assuredly younger men. Llobell and Perfet were Jewish creditorbailiffs. New accountants continue to appear, notably Pere de Tavertet, sacristan of Vic (beginning in 1187),” and the Templar Guerau de Caerci (from 1190).”° But the most salient novelty of these years is the emergence of the scribes Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa as preeminent specialists in fiscal accountability. Eclipsing the other auditors in regularity after 1185, they presided jointly over the great majority of known sessions of account from 1186 to 1194.” These two men were new to the king’s service in the 1170s. Guillem de Bassa was perhaps no more than a precocious novice in the notarial art when he first subscribed royal charters toward

1174-1176. He wrote the king’s pledge to the Templars in March 1175—this first of his accounts happens also to be the last to bear the subscription of Bertran de Castellet—and by 52. Nos. 33, 35, 41, 42, 45, 46, $2, 54, 60, 151, 153. 53. Nos. 33-35, 41, 45, 49, 60; see also nos. 43, 44, 47. .§4. For Domingo, see nos. 10, ABC, 35, 45. 55. Nos. 65, 73, 74. 56. Nos. 81, 82, 84, 87-90, 92—98. For all of these accountants see generally RSL 2. 57. For these men and their sessions, see RSL 2, 6, 7.

94 INTRODUCTION February 1176 he had begun to call himself domini regis notarius, a style later replaced by the more august regius notarius. A native of the Penedés, he had allodial property and kinsfolk at La Gra-

nada. This place was a domain of the cathedral church of Barcelona, to which Guillem developed strong ties and where he probably received his education. While he seems not to have taken holy orders, he never married, and he acquired a considerable library of biblical, patristic, canonist, and grammatical works, as well as real property at Barcelona, Vilafranca, and Lleida. He was related, perhaps as brother-in-law, to Pere de Bassa, bailiff of Vilafranca in 1187—1188 and later a vicar there.*

Ramon de Caldes was already a distinguished canon of Barcelona when he began to attend the king in 1178. Born toward 1135 probably at Caldes de Montbui in the heartland of comital domains, he was the son of Ramon Berenguer IV’s bailiff Porcell de Caldes. He entered the chapter of Barcelona in 1156, and was promoted to the deanship toward 1162 when he assumed the title Raimundus levita atque decanus that he would retain for the rest of his life.°” He was already a practiced scribe, having written a correct and unformulaic convention for Count Ramon Berenguer IV as early as 1159. For more than a decade after his promotion Ramon de Caldes was engaged in capitular administration.” Meanwhile, his brother Bernat de Caldes became a royal notary in 1167; joined Ramon in the chapter of Barcelona in I171; secured a canonry also at Lleida, where both brothers acquired houses in these years;” and served as deputy accountant for the king already in 1173.” Bernat may thus have been instrumental in associating Guillem de Bassa and Ramon de 58. CGH, 1, no. 461; CSCr, no. 190; Accounts, nos. 26, 33—98 passim, 161. See RSL 2.

59. ACB, “LA”, iii, no. 201 (Mas. xI, no. 1742); see also Mas, XI, nos. 1767, 1772, 1828, 1831, 1835, 1850, etc.

60. LFM, tt, no. 804. 61. Mas, xI, nos. 1860, 1882, 1883, 1894, 1900, 1913, 1948, 1980, 1986, 2006, 2021, 2023, 2034, 2069.

62. LFM, ui, nos. 681, 682, 794; 1, no. 484; cf. AHN, Clero (Poblet), c. 2006, 13. For the canonries, ACB, “LA”, iii, no. 202 (Mas, x1, no. 1948); Div. C (c), c. 6, 227 (30 iv 1173); ACL, “LV,” fols. 33v—34r. For the houses, ACB, Div. B 672 (1 iv 1182; = Mas, x1, no. 2101); ACA, GPC, Cart. Gardeny, fols. 87v—88r.

63. Accounts, no. 25. See also RSL 2.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 95

Caldes in the royal service, setting an example for both while bringing his brother to the king’s notice. In 1177 Ramon and Bernat de Caldes collaborated as provosts for October in the chapter of Barcelona, that is, as superintendents of supply according to the monthly division of responsibility then being organized quite generally in the cathedral communities of Catalonia.™ On the eve of his summons to royal service, Ramon de Caldes had earned recognition as a resourceful administrator. So it was hardly accidental that his appointment coincided with the renewed interest in accounting evident in 1178 and after. But accountability took on a wider meaning during these

years when, for the first time in his reign, Alfons I felt constrained to concentrate on Catalonian affairs. If Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa did not at once assume the direction of fiscal accounting, it was probably because they were deeply engaged in a more urgent campaign to secure the royal title to castles and domains against contentious barons frustrated alike by the king’s failure to lead them to new conquests and by his imposition of a territorial peace. In a series of judicial and administrative enactments Alfons confirmed, recovered, or established his suzerainty over a string of castles stretching from the

upper Bergueda southwest through Bages and thence northwest through the Conca de Barbera to the borderland of New Catalonia. This was a bruising business of summonses and challenges in which administrative as well as political and strategic issues were raised. In December 1178 Ramon de Caldes and the vicar of Manresa attested the king’s purchase of Castellgali from the lady Sibil-la.° This castle dominated the pass from the lower Llobregat valley into the Bages, where royal authority, hitherto

very weak, was to increase dramatically in the next decade, a circumstance reflected in the bitter insinuation by Guillem de Bergueda that Alfons had prevailed upon the lady by ungallant force.” A few days later the men of the castle of El Mor engaged

to provide the king with 30 mitgeres of good wheat and 30 of barley—a useful render from a stronghold adjoining the road to 64. ACB, “LA”, iv, no. 382 (Mas, x1, no. 2034). For a fuller account of Ramon’s early years, see Bisson, “Ramon de Caldes,” pp. 281-284. 65. ACA, Alfons I, 256 (LFM, 1, no. 199); Els castells, v, 623-624. 66. RSL 1, p. 204; Guillem de Bergueda, xxiii: 13-16; ed. Martin de Riquer, Guillem de Berguedd, 2 vols. (Poblet, 1971), 1, 202; see also 1, 140-141.

96 INTRODUCTION Lleida in its thinly settled western stretch—1in return for protection and the king’s promise not to infeudate the castle. Passed at

Tarrega in the presence of Ramon de Caldes and the bailiff of

Tarrega, this charter points to local sentiment in agreement with royal officials on the advantage of bypassing the baronage to create what might be called a military bailiwick.”

From this time forward Ramon de Caldes often figured in conventions or settlements over castles and domains.” Although he was less directly concerned with the procedural than the administrative side of this work, it is in the king’s suits at law that we are afforded the most revealing glimpse of Ramon’s new labors in company with Guillem de Bassa. Let us consider two cases dealt with in the assembly of Tarragona in October 1180. On 23 October Galceran de Pinés was obliged to recognize “in the presence of many noble men” that he had long before loaned money received from the king to Counts Arnau Mir (d. 1174) and Ramon V (1174-1177) of Pallars Jussa, for which he had rece1ved—and retained—the castle of Tol6 and one-half

the revenues of Guils. This was a case of baronial infidelity fostered by laxity in accounting. The king made an example— not too harsh—of Galceran, who when pressed to produce his

instruments of pledge could do no better than to assume the debt himself and to turn over to Alfons I the domains he held in pledge.” Ramon de Caldes was the lone subscriber of subbaronial status, and it was very likely he who ordered the inventory of the honor of Tolé that dates from the same year.” Two days later the king won a suit against Pere de Lluca for “power” of access to the castles of Lluca and Merlés. Pere had claimed that these castles were his allodial property, but Alfons I drew

upon instruments and oaths “from his archive” to prove that Pere’s ancestor had held them in fealty from Ramon Berenguer |

more than a century before. When Pere countered that one of the old oaths was undated, the king’s men showed that “such was then the custom of the land” in recording oaths.” __, 67. LFM, 1, no. 168; RSL 1, p. 212. 68. LFM, 1, nos. 348, 376; ACA, Alfons I, 560; and see below. 69. Accounts, no. 36. See also ACA, Extra. 3411, a contemporary inventory of the comital domain of Pallars. 70. No. 38 (if, that is, no. 38 pertains to Told and not to Tall). 71. LFM, 1, no. 225. On the assembly of Tarragona, see also Caruana, “Itinerario de Alfonso II,” 200-201.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 97

The king might not have prevailed in this case if his archives, here mentioned for the first time as such, had not been classified according to lineages and castles. His grandfather had once lost a castle for want of a misplaced parchment.” And there is reason to believe that such a classification, or at any rate a thoroughgoing reorganization of the comital records, had been undertaken

only during the preceding two years. For at some time after June 1166 Ramon de Gironella had acquired a batch of 144 parchments among which were many of the most fundamental conventions and oaths for Girona and vicinity—and it was not until June 1178 that these were recovered. Guillem de Bassa attested receipt of these parchments at that time and listed them in a remarkable record which, long misplaced and overlooked, can

now be recognized as the earliest extant inventory of the Archive of the Crown of Aragon.” So began the work of consolidating the comital-royal archives, doubtless already under the supervision of Ramon de Caldes, which culminated in 1192 in his compilation of the Liber feudorum maior. The renovation of fiscal account grew out of this more funda-

mental concern for administrative integrity. Whether it was a bailiwick, a castle, even the archives themselves, the pledges had now to be redeemed, the titles restored. Accordingly, the fiscal work undertaken by Ramon de Caldes and his associates was very much a matter of record keeping in the king’s court. What requires explanation is not only the method of reckoning revealed chiefly by the texts of 1186-1194 but also how the king’s rights were recorded and his records employed. It is in these aspects of the matter that we may hope to grasp the structural originality of the fiscal system devised under Alfons I. 2. Bailiwicks and Their Records

The direct domain was taken more seriously. The consolidation of Old Catalonian fiscs initiated by Ramon Berenguer IV was now extended beyond the Penedés to Tarragona, Cervera, Tarrega, and Lleida.” A contrast was accentuated between the 72. ACA, R.B. III, 174.

73. ACA, R.B. IV, 258. It is possible (but by no means certain) that Ramon or Guillem had redeemed the parchments from a Jewish moneylender: the Hebrew attestation is merely for Guillem de Bassa’s receipt from Ramon. 74. See RSL 1, pp. 206-231.

98 INTRODUCTION uplands held by viscounts and barons of uncertain fidelity and

the predominantly demesne lowlands from Tortosa to Perpinya. Alfons I’s sponsalicium of 1174 lists 32 domains in this zone, none of them north (or northwest) of a line running east from the hinterlands of Lleida through Tarrega, Cervera, Santpedor, Moia, Vic, and Prats de Mollé.” Guillem de Bergueda not only resented the king’s intrusion into the Bages but spoke of Alfons I as the rei de Barcelona.” Toward 1184-1185 the two

men came to an accommodation that may have involved the Templars’ acquisition of an administrative role in Cerdanya in return for Guillem’s recognition of the king’s lordship of castles in the Bages and Bergueda as well as his direct domain at

Berga.” We have accounts for Vic and Moia but none for the Ribes valley, the Capcir, nor for most of the old counties of Be-

sali and Cerdanya, which seem to have been enfeoffed in the later twelfth century. Pedro Jimenez held the vicariate and bailiwicks of Cerdanya and Conflent from June 1183 for at least three years, and received the valley of Querol in fief in 1185.” The men of Serrat (Ribes) claimed to be in immediate domain, lamenting, with perhaps less than perfect candor, that they were obligated to a ruler who had failed to collect his dues for two generations.” The extension of royal authority west of the Segre was consummated by the acquisition of Pallars Jussa in 1192,”

but no accounts for this county seem to be extant. The more lucrative domains were clearly those of the lowlands. Bailiwicks multiplied as the domain expanded. They could be purchased for indefinite periods in the reign of Alfons I, although when the usual term of account was fixed at one year (or 75. ACA, Alfons I, 146. The nature of this remarkable list poses difhculties that cannot be dealt with fully here. Certainly the list is not complete (no mention of Barcelona, Lleida, Girona, for example), but it clearly corresponds more closely to the domain the king continucd to exploit directly than _ to Queen Sancha’s preserves, which were subsequently defined as Siurana and, still later, Tortosa (see also ACA, Alfons I, 454; Pere I, 98; and RSL 1, pp. 217-221, 229-231. 76. Guillem de Bergueda, xx: 7, xxiii; ed. Riquer, 0, 174, 201-207. 77. Riquer, Guillem de Bergueda, 1, 20-21, 278-281; Accounts, nos. 53, 76; RSL 1, p. 194. 78. Nos. 60, 73-75; cf. Los documentos del Pilar, siglo XII, ed. Luis Rubio (Zaragoza, 1971), no. 199. 79. Accounts, no. 55; cf. ACA, Extra. 3177, and Accounts, no. 131. 80. ACA, Alfons I, 627.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 99

at most, two or three) toward 1180-1185 the charters of sale may have been adjusted accordingly.” The long tenures of bailiwicks common in the time of Ramon Berenguer IV, and perhaps still as late as 1170-1175, nearly disappeared. Few bailiffs after 1180 can be shown to have served continuously in the same charge beyond terms of one to three years, although some seem to have been reappointed, and others certainly moved to new bailiwicks.” The change must have been a consequence of tight-

ened accountability. How bailiffs who were not also (or primarily) creditors came to be appointed is obscure. Nothing is recorded about competitive bidding, very little about malfeasance by bailiffs.*” Men who could pay or guarantee liberally in advance, such as Bernat Sanc or the Templars, doubtless retained their advantage, yet the assignment of bailiwicks to major creditors became exceptional after 1178. Not even the most favored

creditors held royal revenues unaccountably in this period.” Their remuneration consisted of designated revenues, such as the redecima and portions of the pleas.” Bailiffs of Barcelona and

Vic sometimes accounted for proceeds of the vicariate.” | Records of the royal domain as such must have been very inadequate for the court’s purposes. The inventory of 1151 covered fewer than half of the bailiwicks for which we have accounts after 1178, and was badly out of date for these. Domains bordering the frontier, like Vilafranca del Penedés, had enormously increased in value since 1151,”’ but even for Old Catalonia it is

difficult to find much continuity in the produce of renders of given bailiwicks. Still, the accountants of Alfons I were assuredly less ignorant than we. If they made little visible effort to correct the survey-roll of 1151 or other older capbreus,” it was probably 81. See nos. 16, 20, 34, 57; cf. nos. 41, 46, and others listed in RSL 7. 82. See generally RSL 4. Bernat Granell, Llobell, Pere de Bassa, and Vidal may or may not be exceptions; see also Guillem de Copons, Jafia, Pere de Déu, Pedro Jimenez (Petrus Xemeniz). 83. For allegations against bailiffs, see nos. 57, 61, 64. Ramon de Ribes seems to have been a castellan when he was accused (RSL 4). 84. See nos. 33, 41, 42, 45, 46, 72, 78, 79; also no. 60, and cf. Documentos del Pilar, ed. Rubio, no. 199. 85. Accounts, nos. 34, $1, 65, 70, 71, 74, 83, 88, 89, 92, 93. 86. Nos. 61, 65. 87. Cf. nos. IF, 70. 88. No. 19 was emended, but we do not know precisely when.

100 INTRODUCTION because they set about making surveys of their own after 1178. This is the most obscure aspect of their work. From the capbreus for Tolé (1180) and Cerdanya (c. 1184 and 1184-1189), we can do no better than infer that inventory-charters for each concentration of (comital-) royal manses and revenues were still in use, and perhaps still being made, and kept, in the localities.” But these examples are surely untypical of this class, having to do with temporary or partial assignments of domain, and that may be why they survived. Hardly more characteristic is a curious “oath of fidelity” by villagers of Llagostera concerning the old usages there, although this record does at least suggest official dissatisfaction with existing sources of information.” The new or updated original inventories of the permanent domain almost all disappeared, we may conjecture, because, having been col-

lected from the bailiffs by Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa or by their associates and scribes, they were copied into registers and then discarded.” This conjecture rests upon the certainty that by 1186, at the latest, records of the domain were transcribed in one or more books, first mentioned in May of that year as liber” and thereafter as liber (or libri) computorum domini regis.” These fiscal col-

lections seem to have been the first administrative registers pro-

duced by the royal government of Catalonia. Possibly they were made of paper like so many later ones, for it is known that Guillem de Bassa kept a paper register of his own;™ certainly they all disappeared at an early date. Despite their loss we need 89. Nos. 38, 53, 76. The Templars’ surveys pertain chiefly to their tithe on the royal domain, but one should not rule out the possibility that men in possession of such thorough information (see especially no. 76, and RSL 1, p. 194) were effectively managing the domain in Cerdanya. The charter of 1151 for Cornella (no. 1M) was known locally as late, perhaps, as the 1180s (no. 55); and that for Moll6é (no. 1P) was recopied at Ripoll at about the same time. 90. No. 101; cf. no. §5. g1. That is, not only the bailiff’s copies were lost, as was normal, but also those of the king, while an older stratum of comital capbreus survived in lieu of registration. It may be significant that the older extant surveys (other than that of 1151) mostly concern domains outside the main aggregate of direct exploitation (Corré, Vallcebre, Campelles, etc.).

92. No. 59. 93. Nos. 61, 64, 66, 68—70, 75, 77, 80-84, 87-90, 92—95, 97, 98.

94. No. 162.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 101

have little doubt about their character. They were fuller than the survey-inventories of 1151. They listed not only revenues but also ordinary expenses; and to judge from the name by which they were commonly known, some charters of commission and sums of account may also have been transcribed there to serve as forms. The libri computorum were cited in the original charters

of account as authority for the verification of expenditures as well as of proceeds. For example, in 1187 Pere de Sant Celoni accounted for “revenues and expenses” at Cervera and Tarrega “as it is written in the book of accounts of the lord king.” ” Such citations occur repeatedly. The libri computorum served thus to strengthen the curial control of the domains. They reduced the bailiff’s influence in the

determination of the king’s rights and revenues. Yet only the bailiff could justify his own administration, for which purpose he kept—or, at any rate, needed—not only his copy of his commission but also records of his expenses or disbursements. The

commission or carta of sale is often mentioned in the sums of account, sometimes because the bailiff had failed to produce it; but so few specimens have survived as to suggest that the king’s copies, at least, were routinely disposed of after a bailiff’s last accounting.” Justifications of expenses or provisions, commonly

in the form of hasty memoranda, were hardly more likely to survive the accounts for which they were prepared.” At least two bailifts—Llobell of Barcelona and Arnau Pere of Montblanc— noted expenses or advances in small registers or quires (quaterniones) of their own.”

3. Accounting A. TIME AND PLACE

When and where were the accounts held? The practice had been variable in the 1170s, when the king’s itinerary surely exerted some influence. Berenguer de Montesquiu accounted on 95. No. 64. 96. For the period 1178-1194, see nos. 34, 41, 46; for allusions to such charters, see RSL 7.

97. See, €.g., NOS. 32, 39, 45, §2. , 98. Nos. 61, 68.

102 INTRODUCTION the first Monday in Lent c. 1178 “by order of the king.”” Accounts in the king’s name from 1171 to 1183 are without regularity in time and place save for a certain preference in Rossellé

for early fall.’” It may or may not be coincidental that the accounts of 1160 for Rossell6, Cerdanya, and the Gironés (our lone early record of this kind) were collected in early October. Charters for Perpinya continued to set terms of account in September even after the king ceased to supervise that bailiwick in person; yet the only other account extant for Perpinya (explicitly) was held in April (1190), nor was September—October a usual time of account in the other bailiwicks."™' The only well attested continuity from the practice of 1160 is

that of comital officers touring the bailiwicks. But the forty or so accounts rendered to deputy accountants from c. 1178 to 1194 pose difficulties in this respect that make it advisable to separate the questions of place and date. Only five of them are explicitly located: one each at Cervera, Cotlliure, La Granada, Barcelona, and Lleida.” Since local or nearby administration was at issue in all of these cases, it is reasonable to suppose that many other accounts were likewise recorded in the bailiwicks themselves, as had been done in 1160. This would seem especially likely in the case of accounts for neighboring bailiwicks rendered in close succession, such as for Lleida and Montblanc on § and 10 March 1187, or for Vic and Moia on 4, 5, and 8 August 1189." On the other hand, bailiffs of different localities

sometimes appeared together before the king’s men. On 17 April 1187 accounts for Cervera and Vic were presented to Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa in an unspecified place,

most likely Barcelona; and there are enough other examples of this practice to make it seem that Ramon de Caldes and his associates occasionally summoned the bailiffs to account—perhaps more than once in Ramon’s own house at Barcelona.” 99. No. 31. For this section see generally RSL 6. 100. Nos. 24-28, 30, 33, 35, 41-47. 101. Nos. 10, 33, 41, 45, 46, 80. 102. Nos. 57, 60, 70, 72, 84. Lomit no. 43 (Narbonne) as not directly concerned with a bailiwick. 103. Nos. 62, 63, 73-75. 104. Nos. 64, 65. 105. See nos. 49, 51, 68, 69, and especially 71, 72 (at Barcelona, “in domo R. de Calidis”), 87-80.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 103

Let us next ask whether there were customary dates or terms for delegated accounting. On first sight the evidence looks unpromising. There are references to accounts in at least seven different months. A more suggestive pattern emerges when the records are tabulated by frequency of months represented. About a quarter of them, ten in all, were dated in May, "” followed by nine

or ten in March," five or six in January,” five in April,” five in August,'’’ and three in November.'" Yet if these were, indeed, the months most favored by accountants (the texts we have cannot be presumed perfectly representative in this regard) it is not

evident why they were. There is no correspondence with the intervals of the major Christian feasts, no apparent correlation with feasts within the preferred months, such as Easter, Ascension, or Pentecost, although feast days were often stipulated for particular collections or reckonings.'’* On the other hand, the Roman calendar could well have had some bearing, for we find

records dated 1 January (twice), 1 March (twice?), 1 April, 1 May (twice before 1194 and again in 1204), and twice each on

1 July, 1 August, and 1 November;'” plus twelve other accounts dated within a day or two of the first or fifteenth days of months." Of eighteen such datings from 1182-1183 to 1194, no fewer than twelve belong to the years 1190-1193, so there may then have been some effort to peg the accounts on the calends (possibly under the influence of reformed ecclesiastical administration familiar to Ramon de Caldes). Yet the accounts so dated are, after all, too few'” and too scattered in time to permit us to see how they were related to summonses of bailiffs or perambulations of bailiwicks. In any case, there can have been nothing arbitrary about the holding or scheduling of accounts. One has only to group the records by bailiwicks and to examine the periods of account to obtain a much sharper picture. Some examples: on 10 March 106. Nos. 57-59, 66, 70-72, 81, 82, 94. 107. Nos. 62, 63, 68, 69, 81, 87—89, 97. See also no. 7.

108. Nos. 35, 49, $1, 61, 77, 84. 109. Nos. 64, 65, 80, 95, 98.

110. Nos. 40, 73-75, 92. 111. Nos. 61, 93, 95. 112. Nos. 34, 37, 41, 42, 44, 46, 49, 57, 61, 68, 84, 93. 113. Nos. 61, 84; 68; 95; 70, 94, 109; 90, 107; 40, 92; 93, 95. 114. Nos. 43, 45, $9, 83, 88, 98; 64, 65, 69, 71, 72, 80. 115. They amount to well under half of the total from 1178 to 1194: 25 of about 60.

104 INTRODUCTION 1187 the bailiff of Montblanc accounted for receipts “of the same year’ (i.e., of the year 1187 then coming to an end) and for those of the preceding year still on account. On 1 March 1188 the same bailiff accounted for the year since the preceding account, expressly that of to March 1187." In this instance we

may be sure that the customary term of account was one year and that the auditors were reviewing the accounts at intervals nearly corresponding to the terms themselves. More characteristic is the case of Vilamajor. For this bailiwick we have three accounts dated 1 August 1181, 18 May 1186, and 31 July 1190."”’ Here again the normal term of account was one year: the annual fees are mentioned, although we lack indications as to when the

administrative year began. Clearly that year at Vilamajor did not coincide with the one at Montblanc; most likely it began on 1 August. And equally clearly the dates of enacted accounts did not always correspond to the year of administration. In 1190 the

reckoning was said to cover the three years preceding. It may have been customary at Vilamajor to account for several years at once. In the case of Cervera (joined at times with Tarrega) some

of these inferences are supported in explicit detail. Here, too, the term of record was one year, because we hear of annual fees

and annual proceeds. Yet the accounts were held quite irregularly. On 25 January 1184 they dealt with administration during the fourteen months since the last accounting. On 7 May 1186 the bailiff of Tarrega accounted for the fifteen months since the grant of a charter (for life), which was dated 2 February 1185 and which specified a yearly fee." Similar conclusions may be drawn from the records of other bailiwicks. The usual term of administration was one year; the year could be reckoned from almost any convenient date in the calendar; and the accounts were held at intervals only roughly corresponding to administrative terms. B. PROCEDURE

This brings us to the act of account itself. It bears repeating that the act must be distinguished from the record of the act. 116. Nos. 63, 68. 117. Nos. 40, 58, 83. See also no. 71. 118. Nos. 51, 57. See also nos. 64, 95. On 24 June 1186 the king, sojourning at Vilafranca (de Conflent) on return from Provence, ordered accounts of Cerdanya-Conflent covering three years (60).

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162~—1196) 105

The notices seem to have been written immediately after the settlement in most cases, but not always: thus, a reckoning at Lleida dated 1 January 1191 figures in the corresponding text as having occurred several days in the past.'"” The records were almost always dated by reference to the act of account: for example, “Anno .m.c.xc.i., ii. s(cilicet) kalendas aprilis, computaue-

runt P. de Castlaril et G. de Plegamans baiuli.”'*’ Hence the given dates must be presumed those of the enacted accounts, which, to be sure, may often have coincided with their writing. The steps of the reckoning are veiled behind the formulaic language of the charters. To begin with, the bailiff(s) made his (or their) appearance before comital-royal accountants. There “he” (or “they”) “accounted” (computavit, computaverunt), as the

records of 1160 and many later ones put it,’ or “he came to account” (venit ad computum), to cite the wording preferred dur-

ing the 1180s.’ Just what happened in the computum is commonly left inexplicit, the scribe proceeding at once to summarize the transaction. Even the simplest language, instanced in Domingo’s charters of 1160 and 1180, alludes to the computation of expenses;'* but it is only with the accounts of 1181 and 1184 that the formulary begins to specify that revenues of the bailiwick are in question: “super omnibus expensis quas fecerat et omnibus illis que recollegerat.”'* The most usual form, oc-

curring in some 26 texts down to 1194, included not only the introductory and epitomizing language but also, following at once upon computavit, words such as super omnibus susceptionibus et expensis for such and such a bailiwick and period.’ What may

be described as the classical formulary emerges toward 1190, when the bailiffs were said to have accounted for the proceeds and expenses of a given bailiwick for a stated term (and, sometimes, fee), and, having accounted for all receipts and expenses, as indicated in the king’s register, they were found to owe so much to the king, the king so much to them.'” 119. No. 84. 120. No. 88. 121. Nos. 10,A—D, $7, 62, 71, 73-75, 77, 80, 82-84, 87-90, 92-95, 97, 98. 122. Nos. 40, 43, 44, 49, 51, 58, 59, 61, 63-66, 68-70, 72; cf. nos. 35, 46.

123. Nos. 10,A—D, 35. 124. No. 40; see also no. 49. 125. Nos. 40, 46, 58, 61, 64-66, 70, 72-75, 80, 82-84, 87-90, 92-95, 97, 98. 126. See nos. 80 and following; for earlier records anticipating this form, nos. 64 (1187), 65, 70.

106 INTRODUCTION Yet to state what was covered by the account and how it all ended up was still to leave a good deal of the procedure obscure.

Luckily, not all the records are so laconic, and what some of them say about the balances of specific items of payment or receipt and the production of charters and quires forms the most variable and informative element of their contents. A few of the

texts virtually reiterate the bailiffs records.” When charters were presented, they formed the basis of the computation.” Balances of items not included in the summation normally followed the latter and concluded the record.'” A typical procedure of account might therefore be described as follows. The bailiff produced his charter of sale if he had one (or the creditor his recognition of debt) and his records of receipt and expenditure in the presencé of Ramon de Caldes, Guillem de Bassa, or other accountants, who checked this evidence against

their own records of domain rights, ordinary expenses, and accounts outstanding. Adjustments for debts, wages, defaults or shortfalls and other items of local or exceptional character would be figured in or noted as having been excluded from the calculation. The resultant summation either cleared the account, or established a new balance between the king and the bailiff, or revised an existing balance on account. Where final remainders were small, they were sometimes liquidated on the spot. Three aspects of this procedure require additional notice: the terms of commission on which bailiffs accounted, the ways in which balances in money and kind were computed, and the ancillary operations to which administration and accounting gave rise.

i. Terms of Commission Charters of bailiffs and sums of account alike speak of bailiwicks as being bought and sold; they also refer to annual fixed payments for bailiwicks.'” The prices of sale and the fixed payments were not necessarily identical. In 1165 Pere de Riart paid 50 s. for the proceeds of Sant Marti de Castellar, which he was to 127. Nos. $1, 63, 73, etc. 128. No. 57; see also nos. 77, 84, 90; cf. nos. §9, 61, 72, 73. 129. Nos. 49, 62, 66, 68, 69, 71, 74, 77, 88, 93, 95, 98. 130. Nos. 10,E, 16, 34, 35, 40, 41, $7-59, 69, 73, 74, 77; 80, 82, 84.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 107

exploit indefinitely for a yearly render of six quarts of grain.” The latter payment looks very like a farm: while his charter limited the bailiff to profits of the land, it also appears to have left him free to profit by whatever he collected in excess of the fee. Few other records mention prices or payments other than renders that resemble farms. When Vilafranca (del Penedés) and Font-rubi were sold in 1179, the price was in grain and wine payable several months later from proceeds of the bailiwick, a practice attested as early as the commission of Llagostera in 1160 and subsequently very common.” Bailiwicks could thus be “bought” and “sold” (the words are emere and vendere) simply by guaranteeing some predetermined part of the revenues. Yet it is not at all clear that his purchase routinely entitled the bailiff to exploit his domain unchecked. His only income stipulated in advance was tenths (decima, redecima) of the judicial revenues reserved to the king and sometimes of other revenues un-

specified.’ Could he also collect proceeds of the land over and above his fee? There is nothing explicitly to the contrary in the few surviving charters of sale. Nevertheless, the sums of account seem to show that bailiffs were fully responsible for all revenues, deriving their profit solely from designated shares thereof; and if this appearance is not misleading, it suggests an important conclusion: that the review of the royal domain undertaken in the years after 1178 was intended not only to increase the king’s profits but also to set an upper limit on the obligations of his peasants and townsfolk—to protect the latter from exploitative farming. Certainly the price paid by the bailiff was related to the estimated value of the bailiwick, except in the case of undisguised loans. The fluctuating valuation of Vilafranca del Penedés can be traced from the sale of 1179 through accounts in 1186 and 1188.'* Loans may have been the only payments made in advance of administration. Good examples of such advances may be found in the records of Bernat Sanc.'” Toward 1190 the revenues of Terrassa were pledged to the bailiff Perfet, whose account in July 1191 was explicitly for reduction of his loan.'*’ Yet

by that time, if not already some years before, loans and fees 131. No. 16. 132. Nos. 34, 10,E, 57, 70, 80, etc. 133. Nos. 34, $I, $9, 63, 65, etc.

134. Nos. 34, 59, 70; RSL 1, p. 209. 135. Nos. 33, 41, 46; RSL 4.

108 INTRODUCTION were being distinguished clearly. The latter were carried over to

the accounts. Bernat Granell, bailiff of Tarrega, accounted in 1186 on the basis of a charter that required annual payments of 1000 s. “by reason of the proceeds of that bailiwick.” On Bernat’s showing that he had paid 100 s. to the Templars, goo s. were recognized to be in the king’s favor—that sum was payable in the accounts. Then the bailiff produced records of expense (evidently including the payment to the Templars) of 1143 s., “and so,” it was agreed, “the lord king owes B. Granel 143 s.”°’ On the other hand, in 1181 the bailiff of Vilamajor had

fallen short of collecting the 200 morabetins he owed for the year, even after expenses, and was held accountable for the bal-

ance. An account for the same bailiwick in 1186 was found even, computing a fee of 200 morabetins and 200 sextars of grain.” In these examples—and others could be cited—the price would seem to have been more apparent than real; it often represented a current evaluation of the bailiwick, what the bai-

liff could be expected to collect from it. But the bailiff, being obliged to itemize his receipts, could presumably be held responsible for collections in excess of the price as well as for those inferior to it. So it looks as if the importance of prices or fees to accounting might easily be exaggerated. A review of the sums of account from 1178 to 1194 shows that 26 of them (well over half) make no mention of payments for bailiwicks at all.’ These records merely allude to the computation of receipts and expenses, including the tithes reserved to the bailiff, and they frequently refer to the king’s registers. The latter would have indicated the total receipts for which the bailifts were responsible and which, as we have seen, sometimes appeared as purchase prices.

ii. Computations and Balances

How the balances of account were computed is not clear. The texts say nothing of any routine process of reckoning, nothing of devices such as counters or the abacus. Payments were seldom made in the accounts, so there was no systematic control of the quality of coin. In 1187 Ramon de Caldes and 136. No. go. 137. No. 57. 138. Nos. 40, §8. 139. Nos. 31, 49, §1, 61-66, 68, 71, 72, 75, 81-83, 87—89, 92-98.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162—1196) 109

Guillem de Bassa insisted that a payment made by the bailiff of Lleida in weak diners of Jaca be accounted at a reduced rate,'” but this is the only evidence of its kind. The money of account was the sou of Barcelona or the gold morabetin, the latter generally evaluated at 7 s.b. For collections and payments local currencies were used—that of Jaca in areas bordering on Aragon, that of Melgueil in Rossell6, but chiefly that of Barcelona.” What chiefly complicated the accounts was that the balances

were stated in kind as well as in coin or money of account. From 39 records of account dating mostly from 1178 to 1194, we obtain the following results. Where the bailiff alone owed to the (count-) king he owed in produce three times, in coin three times, and in both at once four times.’ Where the king alone owed the bailiff (thirteen instances), his debt was always in coin.” Where both parties were left with debits (eighteen instances), the bailiff almost always owed in kind (twice in coin and kind), the (count-) king almost equally regularly in coin (once in kind, four times in coin and kind)."* Why was the ruler’s obligation so often in money and the bailiff’s so often in

kind? Why did either party have debts partly in specie and partly in kind? And why were double remainders, with each party owing the other, so common? The answers to these questions have quite as much to do with the structure of ordinary administration as with accounting. In most places the king’s revenues were largely in produce but partly in coin, while his debts, payments, and local expenses were largely in coin but: might include some items—such as provisions or feed grain—1in kind. Consequently the reckoning, and ultimately the records, had to be reducible to totals in both

coin and kind; and the habit of thinking in both terms together helps to explain why sales prices as well as balances were stated in either or both at once. Now when the bailiff accounted it was customary for his sum in coin to show an excess of expenditure over receipt. Thus the total expenses (and/or debt) in coin, re140. No. 62. 141. Nos. 62, 69, 72, 77, 86; 46, $2, 78, 79; 33, 41, 49, etc. See generally RSL to. 142. Nos. 10,BD, 35, 40, 49 (final reckoning), 63, 65, 89, 92, 96. 143. Nos. 20, 31, 46, §7, 62, 64, 69, 72, 75, 84, 90, 95, 98. 144. Nos. 10,AC, 33, 49, 51, 59, 61, 66, 68, 70, 71, 77, 81, 82, 88, 93, 94, 97.

IIo INTRODUCTION duced by the bailiff’s receipts in coin, could easily become the basis for the king’s debit. Only occasionally did expenses in kind exceed the amount the bailiff owed in kind; when that happened

the king might be left with a debit in produce.” On the other hand, the bailiff’s usual debit was calculated in kind, or in coin

and kind together, because his receipts and quotas were frequently in produce. Yet the facts that these remainders in the king’s favor were more nearly mixed between coin and kind and

that prices of bailiwicks were often stipulated in coin suggest that the determination of balances, or at least of the bailiff’s debit, was a more variable process than has yet been indicated. On closer inspection it appears that remainders in kind were quite as negotiable as those in coin and easily interchangeable with the latter. Even though the revenues included renders in fowl, meat, wine, and other perishables, the balance in produce for which the bailiff was responsible was almost always in grains: wheat, barley, spelt, millet—or some combination of these—or fodder.’ Grain was not only the most indispensable and therefore most saleable product, it was portable and easily stored. Wine sometimes figures in fees and balances, but much less regularly.'*” Dues in other items were either sold by the bailiffs themselves or, perhaps more commonly, collected in coin.” For that matter, renders in grain could be evaluated in money at

the time of collection or account,” a practice that helps to explain sales prices expressed solely in money of account. But when the accounts showed remainders in grain, there were other devices. Bailiffs with large credits in specie might be directed to sell the grain they owed the king: we have a striking

example of this procedure for the bailiwick of Tarragona.’ Often a remainder in grain collected could conveniently be held by the bailiff in storage. If such balances were not at once converted into coin, this was because the curia not only needed supplies in the localities but also watched for favorable market con-

ditions. Unfortunately, the compressed form of the records 145. As possibly in nos. 82, 94. 146. Nos. 10,A-—D, 33, 40, 49, 61, 66, 68, 70, 71, 77, 81, 88, 89, 92-94, 96, 97; cf. nos. §1, $9, 63. 147. Nos. 10,A, 34, 49, $1, §9, 70. 148. No. 69; see also nos. 112, 113; cf. no. 93; and see also DI, 1v, no. 118. 149. Accounts, nos. 61, 62, 74, 112, 113; cf. nos. 50, 73. 150. No. 49; see also nos. 53, 75, 76, 84.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) III

makes it difficult to say when remainders against bailiffs (et remanet super, etc.) represented amounts on hand or in storage and when they represented deficiencies. In the case of small balances

in kind,’ there was little urgency to convert into coin: a few sacks of barley were practically currency themselves. Amounts in which large debits in produce accompany counter debits in coin were not necessarily very unbalanced; '” again, the king’s accountants may have preferred to wait for a better market. It may be said in general that the charters of account often record a penultimate phase of reckoning, a phase that led to a variety of subsequent operations in the liquidation of remainders.

ii. Ancillary Operations What happened in the accounts was variable and complicated in other ways. One bailiff might take over the accounts of another and report on two or more charges at once.’ Accounting officers might order local disbursements from balances in settlement of other accounts,'’” or the collection of items not other-

wise prescribed or with irregular terms.’ One or two texts seem to retrace reckonings previously recorded.'° Moreover, the accounts gave rise to secondary operations in administrative

justice. Investigations were sometimes ordered to satisfy the deputy accountants that bailiffs had correctly stated their income or expenses.’”’ Fees or quotas were subject to adjustment in the event of natural catastrophes resulting in the diminution of proceeds.’” Bailiffs often claimed deductions for specific deficiencies (fallitae, fallimenta) and these claims may sometimes

have been allowed in the accounts.”” But the usual practice, whether the issue was revaluation of the bailiwicks, as prescribed

in charters, or the truth of particular allegations or claims, was to appoint men of the localities (probi homines) to investigate un-

der oath.’ There can be little doubt that these sworn commis151. Asin nos. 61, 71, 109. 152. Asin nos. 33, 59, 66, 68, 70, 82. 153. Nos. 77, 84; cf. nos. 69, 72. 154. Nos. 40, 63. 155. Nos. 66, 93, 94. 156. Nos. 59, 66; cf. nos. 87, 89. 157. Nos. $7, 64; cf. nos. 58, 62, 90. 158. Nos. 34, $7, III, 114. 159. Nos. 35, 40, $9, 62, 69, 73, 74, 77, 87, 88, 95.

160. Nos. 34, 57, 64, 74, 87; cf. no. 73: in this case two arbiters were chosen by the bailiffs and the curia; and no. 101. On the origin and functions of

II2 INTRODUCTION sions were descended from those such as had participated in the fiscal survey of 1151. Their existence confirms the impression

that the terms on which bailiwicks were held—after 1178, at any rate—were not intended to be exploitative. 4. The Nature of Reformed Accountability

| Toward 1190 the review of fiscal domains in Catalonia attained an unprecedented regularity. It looks as if all concerned were satisfied. Ramon de Caldes, Guillem de Bassa, and Ponc Ademar were designated procuratores domini regis in Catalonia in

this period.’* Joined by the Templar Guerau de Caerci, they continued to preside over accounts for several years more without altering either the routine or the formulary.'” In their hands the act of delegated account and its record alike assumed procedural autonomy. Formally confused in royal diplomatic as late as 1183 (although conceptually distinct as early as 1160), the charters of account and commission were now seen to correspond to separable occasions of an ongoing fiscal control; the

accounting sessions must have seemed the more distinct for their unmistakable resemblance to proceedings at law. And in these sessions the judicious deportment of Ramon de Caldes and his colleagues cannot have failed to command respect. Insis-

tent and firm yet equitable and discreet, they imposed on the bailiffs an improved conception of local service.‘ And the accumulation of the king’s copies of the sums of account lent to their quasi-judicial surveillance an instrumentality that had been lacking so long as the accounts were preserved (if at all) indistinct

from other records. |

These changes surely enhanced the efficiency of royal fiscal administration. While circumstantial, the evidence all points this way: the apparently increasing value of domains,’® records of major purchases by the king,'® the diminished resort to credit, and a proliferation of routine enactments by bailiffs in the king’s probi homines in Catalonia, see Font Rius, Régimen municipal de Cataluna, PP. 239-308.

161. No. 87. 162. Nos. 80-98. 163. See nos. 10, 41, 46. 164. See, among others, nos. 61, 64, 73, 74, 87, 90. 165. See RSL I, pp. 173, 209-210 (etc.); and below, p. 120. 166. LFM, 1, nos. 243, 267, 376; ACA, Extra. 3140.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) I13

name.'’’ The assembled sums of account together with the registers facilitated the comparative (and no doubt the cumulative) evaluation of domains and the detection of wayward bailiffs. Alfons I knew his domains better than ever before—and such

knowledge is power. One may therefore reasonably inquire whether the improved system resulted in any new device of account for the aggregate of domains. Unfortunately, the loss of the registers makes it difficult to be sure. Were they used to add up the receipts and expenditures of individual domains? That is

quite possible. Contemporary summations of local accounts were not uncommon, while hinterland domains could be aggregated with chief bailiwicks. The king knew the value of Provencal domains very precisely, and probably also of his Catalonian ones, when he assigned his bequests in 1194.'* Yet there is no hint in surviving allusions that the libri domini regis were normally consulted for accumulative figures, let alone for annual review. As we have seen, the periods of local account were variable within certain limits. Accounting remained itinerant, on the whole, being associated with nothing resembling a central treasury. Disbursements continued to be made locally from proceeds of individual domains, tolls, and coinage. Nor is there mention of aggregative accounts, either in or outside the registers, although many lost accounts are known to us, often in sufficient detail that we may be sure of their character.” The reorganized accountability of Alfons I was hardly, therefore, a matter of functional innovation. It was less consciously concerned with efficiency than with convenience. Its directors

manifestly favored the direct management of local domains, which rendered the collection of royal dues less vulnerable to the infidelity of creditors and other intermediaries; they strove to adjust the control of domains to the needs of a transient king.

It may not be accidental that the survival of accounts is most complete for those years (1186-1194) when Alfons I was least preoccupied with affairs external to peninsular Catalonia. Less distracted by problems of foreign supply, his auditors concentrated on accounting; and it was then that their work began to 167. Related Records, nos. 150, 156—159. 168. See, €.g., NOS. 39, 44, 47, 49, 62, 80; and cf. below, p. 120. 169. See RSL 6.

Il4 INTRODUCTION assume some of the characteristics of an autonomous function. It was not so much that the personnel became more specialized. The new fiscal servants like their predecessors were by no means exclusively accountants; this was true—and remained true—even of Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa. The bailiffs continued to be local notables, in most cases, with strong attachments to their homelands or urban communities. Fewer of them were creditors after 1185, although the bailiffs of Barcelona, Lleida, and Tarragona (Llobell, Yucef, Bonafos, Vidal) were doubtless men who (or whose families) had proved compliant before the king’s demands on the Jewish communities. Some were agrarian entrepreneurs, like Bernat Granell of Tar-

rega and Arnau Pere of Montblanc. One—Guillem de Torroja—was a priest.'” The scribes who wrote accounts are harder

to identify, their subscriptions being routinely omitted in the abbreviated protocols. Nevertheless, in addition to those of nine

named scribes, at least eight and perhaps as many as thirteen hands can be recognized in the accounts, commissions, and inventories from 1178 to 1194, with no scribe writing more than three of the extant texts. Ramon de Sitges wrote accounts but much else besides—as befitted the scribe of the Liber feudorum maior. Moreover, the auditors drew on the services of local notaries when necessary: of Virgili of Cervera, among others.'” Yet for all its versatility the group associated in accounting begins to show signs of professional cohesion. The bailiffs who answered repeatedly to Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa cannot have been the king’s fideles in quite so personal a sense as their predecessors; some may have been unknown to the king.

The scribes who followed the auditors exhibited fidelity to a function quite as much as to an absent king; and the same was even more demonstrably true of those scribes who, like Pong Roball and Bernat de Vall, wrote in acknowledged dependence on Guillem de Bassa. Bailiffs, notably Roig of Barcelona, joined scribes in the audition of accounts—perhaps because, as in the case of Bernat Bou of Girona, they were in charge of collections from suburban bailiwicks; conversely, Guillem de Bassa collab170. For these men, see RSL 4. Guillem de Bonastre seems a more exceptional case. 171. RSL 9, Table III, and Pl. V-X, XII—XIX.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 115

orated with the bailiff Arnau Pere in 1187 in an effort to settle the king’s dispute with the prior of Riudebitlles over rights at Cabra.'” Momentarily adversaries in the accounts, the scribes and bailiffs tended nonetheless toward an occupational solidarity in the work of recording and confirming the obligations of domain. The written accounts came to be recognized as categorically distinct, and to be preserved as such. Although difficult to date

with precision, this recognition surely dated from the years around 1178 and after. It was then that the fiscal records of Ramon Berenguer IV were re-labeled, some of them having to be detached from prior bundlings with unrelated parchments. The new accounts were bundled, too, as is clear from certain dorsal notations extending from 1179 to 1187, but only with themselves. Other records of fiscal interest were annotated in such a manner as to suggest that they were at one point grouped with charters destined to be copied in the Liber feudorum maior.

But these notations do not appear on the sums of account, which must accordingly, by 1194 at the latest but probably much earlier, have been perceived to form a class apart.'” Indeed, they must already have been stored apart, and with care. The earliest notations on their reverses invariably postdate the texts of the accounts, being the work of several scribes, possibly laboring in succession as the parchments came into their hands, who had charge of the king’s copies. By 1184 their function had become routine, for the endorsement is henceforth regular and concrete: Summa P. Rubei baiuli de Uilla maiori; Summa A. Petri; etc. These endorsements derived from a reorganization of the fiscal matter that had begun several years before, perhaps

simultaneously with that of the records of castles. For the first stratum of dorsal writing on the sums of account resembles the annotation on some earlier records in being associated physically with the initial folding of these parchments. Written at the moment when this folding was done, the notations occupy the dorsal space set off by the creases in parchments thus reduced uniformly to flattened thirds, quarters, etc.'” 172. Nos. 87, 88, 90, 156. 173. RSL 9, pp. 296-297. 174. RSL 9, pp. 296-300; Pl. XI, XII, XX-—XXIL.

116 INTRODUCTION Was it not to improve the accessibility (and, perhaps, portability) of these records that such pains were taken? It is hard to

think of better reasons. At the very least it seems safe to conclude that the directors of account found it useful to set up a fis-

cal archive in conjunction with their other works of reorganization. Doubtless we owe the survival of their accounts to this impulse. What is less clear is why the sums of account should have been kept (or at any rate, should have survived) so much more abundantly than the charters of sale or commission. Conceivably the latter lost their utility once they or their formulary were copied into the register. The accounts, more variable in substance and often longer, would have been difficult to register. But they may have been needed in negotiations with bidders who had previously served as bailiffs as well as in accounts for immediately succeeding years. Perhaps it was found that the registers were more difficult to keep up-to-date than had been anticipated. Yet even in the period 1186—1194 the survival of original accounts is incomplete, whether because their early custodians were selective or because some pieces failed to reach them, we do not know.'” Such as it was, this organizing of an archive—the preservation of original accounts together with the registration of domains—was the most characteristic innovation in the fiscal work

of Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa. Justification was their motivating imperative, record keeping (in both senses of the term) their means. They surely achieved a new standard of effectiveness in the direct management of domains, while gaining for their procedures an unprecedented autonomy. Viewed as

a whole, their enterprise went well beyond the initiatives of Ramon Berenguer IV. It was a reform, a proto-bureaucratic reform. Yet it was fragile, as we shall see. It remained profoundly

personal in some ways. Its success owed much, perhaps too much, to the character of Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa; it was a matter of fidelity as well as of justification. Servants themselves, the dean and his colleagues can hardly have thought they were founding an institution. 175. The reason cannot be (at least, not primarily) subsequent destruction: the frequency of survival by years is too patterned to have been determined arbitrarily.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 117

C. THE LAST YEARS (1194-1196) Settlements of local accounts proceeded routinely in 1193 and well into 1194. Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Bassa accounted with Pere de Bassa for Vilafranca del Penedés and Castellet on 22 March 1194 and with Guillem de

Bonastre for Lleida on 27 April.'” Then, abruptly—all is silence. The notice for 27 April 1194 is the last of its kind extant

from the reign of Alfons I, the last, indeed, from the twelfth century. Nor have we much else in the way of accounts. On 29 September 1194 Alfons gave quittance to Guillem de la Granada for receipts and expenses in the service of the king and the Infant.’”” A remarkable running account of disbursements and

receipts by Esteve de Marimon probably dates from 11921194.” Finally, and most nearly routine, there is a charter by which royal officials commended the bailiwick of Palafrugell in the Infant’s name (just after his father’s death) on 6 May 1196.'”

The break in 1194 cannot be regarded an illusion of documentary survival. Ordinary fiscal administration continued uninterrupted, to be sure; there is nothing in the local records to suggest otherwise. But the service of Ramon de Caldes and probably also of Guillem de Bassa as supervisors of accounts was at its end. Their retirement might almost be inferred from the lapse of surviving notices, for they had undoubtedly collected the records of their own accounts; but there are other indications. Guillem had only a year and a half to live. He continued to serve the king, and even to write or order royal enactments for another year.’” He figures as paymaster in the accounts of Esteve de Marimon, part of which are in his own hand, but this record may antedate the last extant accounts for bailiwicks."*’ Guillem must have been in failing health by June 1195, when he composed his will, or at any rate by the following September, when he conceded Sant Cugat’s right to a piece of land in the Penedés. He died on 28 November 1195, having

176. Nos. 97, 98. 177. No. 99. 178. No. 100. 179. No. 102. See also below, p. 121. 180. ACA, Alfons I, 681, 705; Luis Batlle y Prats, “Alfonso II en los cartularios de Gerona,” VII CHCA, nu, 168-169. 181. No. 100.

118 INTRODUCTION left (among many other bequests) a fine robe to his old colleague of the accounts." Meanwhile, Ramon de Caldes had completed the “Liber domini regis” (as he called it) that would later be known as the Liber feudorum maior. “Ordained in two volumes,” he explained, “because, owing to its excessive ponderosity, it could not be compiled in one,” this task must have absorbed much of the dean’s energy during his last months as accountant. Ramon attended the king once or twice in the later months of 1194, then retired to capitular life in Barcelona, where he can be traced until July 1199. He died not long thereafter.’ Now it is tempting to connect the royal commission to compile the Liber feudorum—or, perhaps more exactly, the urgent renewal of that commission ’—with the change in fiscal routine. For the commission was undoubtedly connected with disorders

in Catalonia that had lately taken a turn for the worse. The murder of Archbishop Berenguer by Guillem Ramon de Montcada in February 1194 came as a terrifying reminder of the fragility of the Peace and Truce,. which, having apparently been rejected outright by the barons toward 1190, the king had at-

tempted to reimpose with minimal support at Barbastro in 1192." A war with Ponc de Cabrera, whom Alfons had besieged at Castellé de Farfanya in 1192, smouldered until 1194.'*’ The overriding issue common to these conflicts was the familiar

one of power of access to dependent castles. Having already 182. No. 162; CSC, 1, no. 1206. 183. LFM, 1, 1; above, frontispiece. 184. Batlle y Prats, “Alfonso II en los cartularios de Gerona,” 168-169; ACG, “LGS”, fols. 31v—32; Mas, xl, nos. 2261, 2268, 2269, 2273, 2275,

2277, 2278, 2296, 2312; Bisson, “Ramon de Caldes,” p. 287 and note 66. Ramon’s subscription appears on King Pere’s charter for Lleida on 1 April 1197 (Rafael Gras y Esteva, La Paheria de Lérida. .. (Lérida, 1911], pp. 232-234, and his plate 3), but not in his own hand. 185. I believe that the preparatory work for the LFM had been under way for some time, dating back in some sense, in fact, to about 1178 (see above,

P "8. VL, xIx, 305-308; Miquel Coll i Alentorn, La Ilegenda de Guillem Ramon de Montcada (Barcelona, 1958), pp. 29-32. On the Peace, Cortes, 1', 63-71; and for the circumstances, Nadal and Wolff, Histoire de la Catalogne, pp. 289-292. 187. See Santiago Sobrequés i Vidal, Els barons de Catalunya (Barcelona, 1957), p. 47; Caruana, “Itinerarios de Alfonso II,” 271; Riquer, Guillem de Bergueda, 1, 136-144.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) L1g

precipitated a reorganization of the archives toward 1178, this issue must once again have seemed pressing to Alfons when he ordered Ramon de Caldes to devote himself to the classified assemblage of conventions and oaths. But it is hard to say when precisely the heavy work was done or when the finished registers were presented to the king. A. M. Mundo has shown that no documents later than November 1192 were transcribed in the original cartulary, and he believes that “the LFM was finished and presented to the king in 1192.” We can no longer doubt that the commission of the LFM antedated the cessation of (known) accounts, perhaps by a good two years. But it is not so clear that the closing of the selection of instruments late in 1192 represented the completion of the LFM: may it not have marked a beginning (or renewal) of continuous work? This was a troubled time for the king, and it would seem at least possible that Ramon de Caldes’ serene words of dedication date from the conclusion of the Cabrera war, perhaps even as late as August 1194 when Ramon attended the king at Poblet in the plena curia in which Pong and Marquesa de Cabrera made their solemn submission.” The accounts of Guillem de la Granada and Esteve de Mari-

mon may well have been connected with the Cabrera campaign. The second of these refers to operations and payments northwest of Lleida, while the first was passed at Tamarite de Litera, in the same region, just after the settlement at Poblet.'” These accounts point to a renewed concern with credit and finance, a concern that would become more urgent in the months ahead as the king committed himself to a Hispanic crusade and then set out on a pilgrimage to Compostela in 1195. Threatened by the emperor in Provence and by the deaths early in 1194 of his allies Ermengarde of Narbonne and Roger II of Béziers, Alfons cooperated warmly with the Roman church in these enter188. A. M. Mundo, “El pacte de Cazola del 1179 1 el “Liber feudorum maior.” Notes paleografiques 1 diplomatiques,” Jaime I y su época. . . (Zaragoza: X CHCA, 1980), p. 126. 189. LFM,1, nos. 412—414. No. 413 is the last record in the cartulary subscribed by Ramon de Caldes. These pieces, in a distinct hand, seem to have been among the first additions to the completed LFM, Mundé, “El pacte de Cazola,” p. 126 n. 19. 190. Accounts, nos. 99, 100.

120 INTRODUCTION prises.’ To pay for them he sold privileges, imposed new taxes, and debased the coinage of Aragon. Only the first of these modes is directly documented, in records that prove incidentally the continued fidelity of Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa.'” They did not, however, follow Alfons to Perpinya where in December 1194, the king made out a will about which they might have had reservations. It is a remarkable document: a monument, in its way, to the

success of the lately retired fiscal reformers. It itemizes bequests, mostly to cathedral churches, monasteries, priories, and

shrines, which cannot be fully totaled in common terms, but which amounted to a rough minimum of 176,000 s. for all dominions (including Aragon, Occitania, and Provence). The share of Catalonian institutions was to be just under 40,000 s., but since the Catalonian domains alone were enumerated in detail (may we not suppose that the fiscal registers had been consulted to this end?) and since the Provencal revenues were expected to yield well over 10,000 s. melg. per annum, it seems clear that Catalonia was then thought by its ruling court to be by far the most productive aggregate of royal domains in the federation, with gross revenues on the order of 100,000 s. per

annum, and perhaps much more.’” Did the old accountants know what a heavy charge the king intended to place on the resources they had so loyally nurtured? Their place at Perpinya was taken by Guillem de la Granada, Esteve de Marimon, and Guillem Durfort—wealthy lay burghers all, financiers (and, in-

deed, creditors) rather than accountants, their presence symbolic of a new shift in the direction of royal fiscal policy. Yet these men, too, may have come to wonder whether the king had not overpaid for the redemption of his soul. They did not attend Alfons in April 1196 when in his final illness at Perpinya

he not only confirmed but added to his bequests in a codicil 191. Gesta comitum Barcinonensium, ch. 9 (ed. Barrau Dihigo and Masso Torrents, pp. 14-15); Caruana, “Itinerario de Alfonso II,” 279-298; Ventura, Alfons ‘el Cast,’ chs. 35—39.

192. ACG, “LGS”, fols. 31v—32; Batlle y Prats, “Alfonso II en los cartularios de Gerona,” 168-169; AHN, Clero (Poblet), c. 2062, 5; DI, Iv, 403; La documentacion pontificia hasta Inocencio III (965-1216), ed. Demetrio Mansilla

(Rome, 1955), no. 183. 193. DI, Iv, no. 168.

THE REORGANIZATION OF FISCAL ACCOUNT (1162-1196) 121

which, however, explicitly promised repayment of his debts to

Guillem Durfort and Marimon.'” And there is one other circumstance—puzzling but perhaps more suggestive—to notice. When Guillem Durfort commended the bailiwick of Palafrugell to Pere de Pla on behalf of the Infant on 6 May 1196, he surely knew that the king had died eleven days before (on 25 April); yet he surely knew too, as witness to the testament, that Alfons I had bequeathed the domain of Palafrugell to the canons of the Holy Sepulcher."” It looks as if Guillem was putting a stubborn prudence before piety. If so, his act pointed, with involuntary pertinence, to an uneasy future. 194. AHN, Clero, c. 2062, 5. 195. Accounts, no. 102 (cf. RSL 1, p. 177). This act was written at or near Barcelona; and it may also be significant that Pere de Pla was a man not of Palafrugell and vicinity, but apparently of the Vallés (cf. ACA, Alfons I, 664).

IV PERE I (1196-1213): FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE

I;by it was true of Alfons that his history was influenced his enterprises, theIsame wasfiscal far more completely true of his son. Of few rulers in history, indeed, could it more aptly be said than of Pere J (II in Aragon) that the story of his reign is the

story of his money. Contemporaries did virtually say so, and modern historians have not doubted them. Yet the truth of this judgment, and the qualifications to be placed upon it, remain poorly understood; for in spite of its climactic episodes well known from the narratives, the reign of Pere I has yet to be studied critically from its most abundant—and most reliable— sources, the archival records. It is here that the evidence of Pere’s finance is chiefly to be found. Among these records those concerned with fiscal accounting in Catalonia have a consider-

able place, and they serve to illustrate the most characteristic tendencies of the reign. But they must not be presumed to tell the whole story. Pere I was more devoted to his extra-Catalan domains than his predecessors had been, a preference that shows up plainly in the relatively improved survival of Aragonese administrative documents.’ 1. See generally Soldevila, Historia de Catalunya, 2d ed., ch. 10; Bagué, Cabestany, and Schramm, Els primers comtes-reis, ch. 3; Jordi Ventura, Pere el Catélic i Simé de Montfort (Barcelona, 1960); and Nadal and Wolff, Histoire de la Catalogne, pp. 279-292. For contemporary opinion, Gesta comitum Barcinonensium, ch. 10 (ed. Barrau Dihigo and Masso Torrents, pp. 15—18; see also the later redaction, pp. 50-54); see also Libre dels feits, chs. 5—9, (ed. Ferran Soldevila, . . . Les quatre grans croniques |Barcelona, 1971], pp. 5—6).

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) 123

The reign began in threatening yet opportune circumstances. The Almohad victory at Alarcos (1195) had resulted in a restoration of the Castilian-Aragonese alliance just before Alfons’s

death,* and Pere, who was not yet twenty years old and was technically under the dowager-queen’s tutelage, lost no time accepting the challenge. His bold military thrusts in support of his uncle Alfonso VIII not only helped to limit the Almohad danger

but also encouraged the more aggressive barons in his own lands. Their support in his early years may have contributed to the audacity of Pere’s policy on other fronts: his traditionshattering alliance with Toulouse (1202-1204), his marriage with Maria of Montpellier (1204), his gaudy submission to Pope

Innocent III late in 1204, and his project to conquer Majorca (1204—1205).

During these few years the young king’s character was revealed. He had the talents and tastes of his father without his prudence. Even more energetic than Alfons, Pere was to lead military expeditions against Valencia, the Almohads of Andalusia, and French knights in Occitania from I210 to 1213; he would achieve a dazzling victory in the second of these campaigns (Las Navas de Tolosa, 1212)—and suffer a fatal defeat in

the third (Muret, September 1213). It was hardly paradoxical that the crusader of 1212 should have fallen to crusaders in 1213. The vision behind these enterprises was quite as much political

as religious. Pere I was a conventionally faithful son of the church; but his alliance with the pope worked poorly, even worse than that with the house of Toulouse, because he came to view the Occitan crusade as hopelessly sullied. Ever the oppor-

tunist yet not lacking shrewdness, he set aside the initiatives against Majorca and Valencia in favor of enterprises at once more politically rewarding and more urgent. Whatever his ultimate objectives, Pere I stood on the brink of rivaling the prestige of Philip Augustus before the disaster of Muret. But the costs—political and personal as well as financial— had been staggering. Pere retained a full complement of Aragonese and Catalonian barons even on his more distant travels; 2. See AHN, Clero (Poblet), c. 2062, 5; Antonio Ubieto Arteta, “La peregrinacién de Alfonso I] de Aragén a Santiago de Compostela,” EEMCA, v (1952), 438-452.

124 INTRODUCTION his entourage occupied five galleys when he went to Rome in 1204.° He had been compelled to tax and borrow from his earliest days, although it should not be forgotten that his ordinary revenues were encumbered by his father’s bequests or that his father had initiated some of the taxation and borrowing for which Pere was held responsible.* The marriage at Montpellier and the journey to Rome made the year 1204 especially costly: Pere was obliged to pledge his domains in Rouergue and Gévaudan to Raimond VI of Toulouse (April 1204); and he promised to pay the pope 250 mazmudins in annual tribute. His demand for an unprecedented tax in Aragon (November 1205) met stubborn resistance and had to be given up, while his rapacious exploitation of his bride’s inheritance not only resulted in a

war with Montpellier but broke the marriage (perhaps already before the birth of Jaume the Conqueror in 1208).” The heaviest burden, however, was borne by Catalonia. The first ruler of his dynasty who had not known the influence of a wholly Catalan parent, Pere I was the first to neglect

Catalonia. For a long time he made only token appearances there even as his agents collected money. The corts of Barcelona (June 1200) and Cervera (September 1202), in which the king had his first uneasy contacts with barons bent on reducing the

scope of the Peace, were separated by more than two years spent elsewhere; and Pere absented himself again during the Occitan year of 1204 (with possibly one furtive trip to Aragon

to raise money!).° When he returned to Catalonia in March 1205, he met resistance. Disgruntled magnates (we know not precisely which ones) tried to impose a settlement whereby the king would renounce new and arbitrary exactions, would reform the vicarial administration (which had charge of the : 3. La documentacién pontificia hasta Inocencio III (965-1216), ed. Mansilla, no. 307. 4. ACA, Pere I, 26 (ed. T. N. Bisson, “Sur les origines du monedatge: quelques textes inédits,” Annales du Midi, Lxxxv [1973], 99-100); LFM, u, nos. 797, 801, 802; DI, 1v, 403; AHN, Clero, c. 2062, s. 5s. HL, vm, 518-522; La documentacion pontificia, no. 307; T. N. Bisson, Conservation of Coinage. . . (Oxford, 1979), pp. 83-104; Joaquin Miret y Sans, “Itinerario del rey Pedro I,” BRABLB, mm (1905-1906), 273-284, 365-386; Ventura, Pere el Catolic, p. 65. 6. Cortes de Catalufa, 1', 76—88; Miret y Sans, “Itinerario del rey Pedro I,”

BRABLB, i, 151-160, 238-249, 265-284.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) 125

Peace), and would maintain the coinage and the peace without further cost. Pere seems to have evaded any formal commitment to this program, perhaps simply by promising reforms, but he cannot have been unaffected by this rebuff. In the following years he was more scrupulous in visiting Catalonia, more willing to negotiate subsidies which may in some cases have seemed better justified than his earlier ones; but he was not less demanding. And he remained virtually an absentee ruler.’

For the continuity of territorial order in Catalonia, much therefore depended on the king’s lieutenants. Pere relied chiefly on two men who had served his father well: Pere de Tavertet,

sacristan of Vic, and Guillem Durfort. They exercised broad powers, no doubt especially during the king’s absences. But they were primarily concerned with fiscal affairs. Guillem Dur-

fort was the chief accountant for Catalonia by 1202. Meanwhile, the Templars of Palau-solita assumed the task of commissioning and auditing bailiffs formerly performed by the scribes of Alfons I.

A. THE CONTINUITY OF LOCAL ADMINISTRATION The direct administration of local domains persisted tenaciously. As far as we know, the Catalonian bailiwicks, even though heavily burdened, were substantially intact at the death of Alfons I. A very few domains—Llofriu, Osor, Ribes, Prats de Moll6 (the two former perhaps together with certain other places)—had been commended in life tenures, of which one may already have ended by spring 1196, and the other certainly

ended in November 1202. Palafrugell, despite having been deeded to the canons of the Sepulcher, was retained in immediate domain.® From accounts, commissions, and memorials, we 7. T. N. Bisson, “An ‘Unknown Charter’ for Catalonia (A.D. 1205),” AIbum Elemér Malyusz. . . (Brussels, 1976), pp. 61-76; Miret y Sans, “Itinerario del rey Pedro I,” BRABLB, 1, 365-387, 435-450, 497-519; and citations below in note $0. 8. DI, Iv, 397, 403, and see CPC, 1', nos. 195, 197, 198; Accounts, no. 102; Jean Baumel, . . . Naissance de Montpellier (985-1213) (Montpellier, 1969), p. 228. If Palafrugell was part of Dalmau de Palol’s endowment, Dalmau must

126 INTRODUCTION are informed of direct administration under Pere I also at Barcelona, Vilafranca and other lands in the Penedés, Lleida, Almenar, Vilamajor, Sant Feliu de Llobregat, Gava, the Bergueda, Moia, Terrassa, and Vic; the list is certainly incomplete.” If the Templars of New Catalonia are counted as in loco baiuli, we may add Serés and Ascé."° In fact, the only Catalonian lands known

to have been alienated de novo (in any sense) during the early years of Pere I are Serds, which was pledged contingently to Esteve de Marimon in 1200 and later commended to the Templars; and a reduced group of domains, comprising Ascé, Tortosa, Siurana, Montblanc, and Cervera, which had figured in Queen Sancha’s marriage portion in 1174 and were confirmed to her in 1200."' It is true that Pere ceded designated portions of revenues here and there—for instance, at Girona in 1198 and at Vilafranca

del Penedés in 1206—but such grants were in no way unusual with him.” Indeed, they are proof of direct administration. Not until 1208—1209 did he begin to pledge Catalonian domains as such. As we shall see, it is hard to tell how far this movement went, but it is at least possible that even as late as 1212-1213 the king retained control of fiscs around Tarragona, Barcelona, and Girona.

Our record of these domains under Pere I is very fragmentary. Only two inventories survive, neither one very typical, we must suppose, and neither concerned with central domains.” The accountants must have continued to use the surveys revised in the time of Alfons I, although we do not even know for certain that they had the registers of Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa to consult. Despite the poverty of this kind of evidence have died by 6 May 1196 when Guillem Durfort ceded the bailiwick in the name of the Infant (Accounts, no. 102). Pere I confirmed his father’s donation to the Sepulcher only in 1212 (ADB, Santa Anna, Documents Reials [14 v 1212)}).

9. Nos. 106, 107, I09—I19, 125, 127. 10. Nos. 108, 122. One might also add domains before they were pledged: Palafrugell, Lleida, and many others listed in nos. 126, 128. 11. Nos. 103, 104, 108, 121, 123; ACA, Alfons I, 146; Pere I, 98. 12. ACA, Pere I, 39; AHN, Clero (Poblet), c. 2088, 18. See also Related Records, no. 169. 13. Nos. 131, 134. A capbreu of royal rights at Perpinya (c. 1241-1243) seems to be based on a record of Pere I’s day (ACA, Extra. 4734).

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) 127

there are indications that in some places, at least—Vilamajor, Font-rubi, and possibly Barcelona and Vilafranca del Penedés— the domains were increasing in value around the turn of the thirteenth century; probably this was a general tendency." Expansion continued in the more prosperous zones: one of the memorials shows the entrepreneur Ferrer de Girona vigorously developing new vineyards in the Penedés under the bailiff’s di-

rection.’ On the other hand, the king’s men saw no point in challenging local lordship in the remote and sparsely inhabited

Ribes valley, where the men of Serrat renewed their complaint—rather desperately, one gathers—that the king had neglected his rights there." We possess six accounts for bailiwicks: for Barcelona in 1200,

Vilafranca and the vicariate of Penedés (1204), the honor of Bergueda (1205), Almenar (1207), Serds and Asc6 (1209), and Barcelona (1209).'’ Relatively more important is the survival of

nine commissions of bailiwicks, as compared to five for the reign of Alfons I: of Palafrugell (1196), Serds (1204), Sant Feliu de Llobregat and Gava (1204), Vilamajor (1204), Moia (1205), Terrassa (c. 1204-1205), Vilafranca (1207), Serdos (1209), and Vic (1209).*° In addition to records of the bailiwicks, there are three accounts of the Templars’ share in the profits of coinage at Barcelona (1212—1213).” These accounts and related texts prove that local administra-

tion was continuous from the time of Alfons I. Bailiffs purchased their charges normally for periods of one year, although the terms of account might be longer, extending to seventeen months or even to six or eight years.” The prices of bailiwicks were now said explicitly to be payable during the year, commonly in three installments; as in the past, commissions provided for the bailiff’s tenth of judicial income while implying 14. See RSL 1, pp. 172-173, 208; cf. pp. 167, 210. 15. No. 134; cf. no. 171. 16. No. 131; cf. no. $5. 17. Nos. 106, 109, 113 (cf. 112), 117, 122, 125 (RSL 6). 18. Nos. 102, 108, 110, I1I, 114, 116, 118, 122, 127 (RSL 7). I have been unable to confirm that a commission for Ribes cited by Jaume Marti Sanjaume, Dietari de Puigcerda. . . (Ripoll, 1926; Lleida, 1928), pp. 197—198, dates

from the reign of Pere I. 19. Nos. 135, 137, 138. 20. As in nos. 106, 117, 122; see also no. 125.

128 INTRODUCTION Vi. BAILIWICKS AND PRINCIPAL DOMAINS ATTESTED pr

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IN ACCOUNTS, COMMISSIONS, AND INVENTORIES = -+~--~-—” ,

‘ on” Vilafranca de Conflent

* } URGELL , (cty 1210)

& SS ra ~ } § 8. % > £/& OSONA SAN ESTEBAN C/k& . } DE LITERA ra e Y E18 Gironag

a, \ CAMARASA aPalafrugell |S Vicé . Tamarite de Litera,’ a & ¢Almenar/ CUBELLS % «Moia

é|¢

\ Sucs ,*Almacelles “he BN eeesa® St. Pere de

ZAIDIN “imines Tarrega os *Vilamajor

KS Sileida os

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\iU is 0 25 KM Massalcoreig Vinaixa. fnguerde atta Vilafranca_ \, Molins de Rei

, EI Vilosell*. *Moniblanc zg del Penedés \\St. Feliu de Llobregat Mequinenza Vilanova® Valiclara i oot. Marcal Gaya /Barcelona RAN AaO” sAlcover saCASTELLET®

© el’Alei L’Arbo * * Saroqueta tr SIURA Pa Alforja eixar r” ASCO Tarragona*

‘

™“ fo ,

aq * Attested in Related Records

that the bailiff might profit by any amount of other revenues in excess of his fee. Yet, again as in the past, the charters of summation seem to show the bailiff accountable for all proceeds. The revenues of justice were now defined as the “five” or “six causes”: stabilimenta, exorchiae, cuguciae, intestaciones, homicidia;

sometimes also trobae. The commissions also made regular allowance for adjustments of the fee, upon local investigation, in case the proceeds were reduced by natural catastrophes. One account in irregular form shows receipts in produce being evaluated in money, a practice no doubt widespread by then (1205).” The normal form of commission was suspended when the

king intervened in person. Thus in 1204 Pere himself commended Serds to the Templars in virtual propriety while limit21. No. 113.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (I196—1213) 129

ing them to the collection of 1000 marks per annum there.” In 1209 he ceded the bailiwick of Vic to Guillem Escuder and his son for the former’s lifetime, apparently exempt from the obligation to account.” While Pere unquestionably borrowed from bailiffs—the act just cited may point to such a loan—the accounts

rendered to deputy auditors bear out the evidence of commissions that the bailiffs continued to function primarily as administrators. The king might easily run up a heavy bill of expenses with urban bailiffs like Perfet of Barcelona, whose pecuniary credit in 1200 was much higher than his debit in grain; but this form of credit, which was built into the structure of account,

so to speak, was categorically distinct from the pledge of

bailiwicks.” .

B. CREDIT The vigorous survival of delegated administration must be set against the equally striking revival of royal borrowing. Although our evidence is very incomplete, the chronology is clear enough. To mention only major loans, Pere I borrowed 5000 s. iacc. from the Hospitallers in 1198, 10,000 s.b. from the Ribelles family in 1199, 5000 mazmudins (or approximately 76,250

s.b.) from Esteve de Marimon in 1200, 3000 morabetins (approximately 21,000 s.) from the Templars in 1202, and 13,900 s.b. from two knights of Osona in 1203.” For the first eight years of the reign, we know thus of debts amounting to at least 121,150 s.—or roughly 15,143 s. per annum. Borrowing on this scale can hardly be regarded a means of finance. Like that of

Alfons I in his last years, it was simply meant to cover urgent expenses for which the local treasures were inadequate; the loans were for short periods, sometimes on personal surety, and it is likely that most were soon repaid. In 1200 it was expected that Esteve de Marimon would recover his advance from collec22. No. 108. 23. No. 127. 24. No. 106; cf. no. 125, a more doubtful case, discussed below, p. 146. 25. CGH, 1, no. 1023; ACA, Pere I, 67, 158; GPC, arm. 23, 144; Accounts, nos. 103, 104; Pere Bofill y Boix, “Lo castell de Gurb y la familia Gurb en lo segle XIII,” Congrés, 1, 701n.—703.

I30 INTRODUCTION tions by Benveniste in Morocco; only failing that were the revenues of Seréds to be tapped.” Such loans had no effect on local administration. Then came a startling change, as Pere embarked on his foreign adventures. In 1204 he borrowed 150,000 s. melg. from the

count of Toulouse alone; in 1205, 175,000 s. melg. from the men of Montpellier.” And these were but first rumblings in darkening skies. From 1206 to 1213 the king’s cumulative major

debits averaged, at a rough minimum, 244,278 s. per annum—

an increase, that is, of 16 times over the average minimum amount known for the early years! The vast loans by Raimond VI and the town of Montpellier could not have been easily repaid; the former, at least, may have been understood from the

outset to be a virtual sale to Toulouse of the royal domain in Millau, Rouergue, and Gévaudan. From then on Pere I may be said to have financed by credit, pledging portions of revenues and even entire domains, and not hesitating to refinance his loans as they fell due. In some years—1204—1206, 1209, 1212—

loans must have constituted the main source of royal income. The creditors were chiefly lay magnates and allies—the king of Navarre, the viscount of Béarn, the count of Urgell, plus other Catalonian barons to be mentioned.” Thus was wrought a superstructure of personal accountability for the Crown of Aragon as a whole, a proliferation of bilateral pacts between the king and his great men increasingly beyond the control of the king's servants. Now it seems more than likely that the accountants in Catalonia viewed this transformation with dismay. Certainly the most remarkable aspect of the matter from an administrative point of view is how long the Catalonian domains were preserved intact. The most important pledges of the early years were made in Aragon and Occitania; of those in Catalonia, Es26. No. 103. 27. HL, vi, 518-522, §34—538. 28. The evidence cannot be fully cited here. The estimates are based on: ACA, Pere I, 232, 233, 255, 275, 301, 325, 361, 382, 384, 397, 441, 448, 449; GPC, arm. 28, 104; AM Tarragona, parchment-roll (23 111 1208); Documentos de Sigena, ed. Agustin Ubieto Arteta, 1 (Valencia, 1972), no. 50 (= CGH, u, no. 1315); Accounts, nos. 120-126, 128, 132, 133, 136; ACB, “LA”, iv, no. 338, fols. 136vb—138va (Mas, xl, no. 2401); Div. C, (d), c. 23, 3013 (24 v1 1212); AHN, Clero (Poblet), c. 2110, 11.

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teve de Marimon’s seems to have been repaid without resort to the revenues of Serds, while the cession of Gurb to Pere de Torruella in 1203 was that of a peripheral castle that had seldom if ever been administered directly by the count-kings. The earliest known pledges of central Catalonian domains appear to have been those of Castellet (Penedés) and L Arboc toward 1206; and even when a major pledge of Catalonian revenues was required for the first time in 1209, the choice fell on a complex of domains in the mountains of Siurana that had been administered by the late dowager queen.” It is hard to escape the conclusion that Guillem Durfort and Pere the sacristan influenced this policy of protection. Both subscribed the pledges of 1200 and 1203; perhaps more important, one or both were in attendance on the king as he pledged do-

mains and revenues in Aragon and Occitania; and both continued active in the king’s court during the fiscal crisis that began in 1209.” As hope dimmed of saving the Catalonian domains, they could at least urge that extra-Catalan resources con-

tinue to be tapped and that lands for which they had been responsible were relinquished on the least damaging terms. Thus the pledge of Siurana in January 1209 was contrived so as to effect the reduction of Gombau de Ribelles’ loan of 7500 mazmudins, after allowance for 20 percent interest per annum; that

of Moia to Berenguer de Riera for 12,700 s.b. the following May was a vif-gage without interest.*’ Durfort and Pere the sac-

ristan not only subscribed these acts, they also assisted on 10 September 1209 when the king himself, probably for an undisclosed consideration, commended the bailiwick of Vic to Guillem Escuder and his son.” This is one of the few surviving documents that show Pere I personally engaged in the direct management of fiscal domains, and it is tempting to believe that his deputies had urged the importance of the matter upon him.

Guillem and the sacristan were absent when other creditors 29. ACB, “LA”, iv, no. 338; Accounts, nos. 121, 169. 30. Nos. 103, 104, 121, 124, 127, 129, 130, 132, 136, 163, 169, 170; Bofill y Boix, “Lo castell de Gurb,” 7o1n—703; Miret y Sans, “Itinerario del rey Pedro I,” BRABLB, 1, 266; Accounts, no. 120; HL, vim, 518-522; ACA, Pere I, 348, 361; ACG, “LGS”, fol. $7rv; “LV”, fol. 216v—2177r.

31. Nos. 121, 124. 32. No. 127.

132 INTRODUCTION drove harder bargains. The debt to Gombau de Ribelles was apparently discharged speedily, only to be replaced by another, almost as large (70,000 s. iacc.), to Ermengol VIII of Urgell, who

was to receive virtually the same lands in pure profit until repayment.” Arnau de Foixa secured Palafrugell for his 15,800 s.b. on the same terms.” In these acts the king was attended almost exclusively by his barons. The same is true of a monumental pledge to Guillem de Cervera, whose standing credit added up to 21,500 morabetins (or some 150,000 s.b.) in November 1209. In this case the king was granted a delay until Pentecost 1210, after which interest and revenues toward reduction of the debt were to be drawn from a vast aggregate of bai-

liwicks in New Catalonia, including Lleida and its appurtenances and the entire Conca de Barbera.” In 1211 the revenues of Vic were fully assigned to Berenguer de Riera toward repayment of his loan of 5000 s.b.” So the credit of Pere I had not only created an autonomous sphere of accountability centered in the king, it had imposed

a new structure of administration on Catalonia. Gombau de Ribelles followed by Ermengol VIII assumed control of the late queen’s appanage; Guillem de Cervera became the lord of most

of New Catalonia; Berenguer de Riera took over Osona and Moia. To these examples may be added that of Guillem de Creixell, who was apparently induced to advance money and bear the debt by the commendation of Rossell6, Conflent, and Cerdanya (1209-1211), although it is not clear in this case that he collected the revenues.*’ Most such men were making calculated investments in power. The king lost direct control of his ordinary revenues but reinforced the good will of mighty allies who could easily be persuaded to make new advances as their resources permitted. By lending again in 1211 Arnau de Foixa added the mills of the Mercadal of Girona to his pledge of Palafrugell. Since both pledges were held 1n mort-gage, this was blatant profiteering at the king’s expense; yet a baron of the route 33. Nos. 121, 123.

34. No. 126. 35. No. 128. 36. No. 133. 37. No. 132. Is it accidental that these endowments coincided with the debasement of the coinage of Barcelona (see no. 135; and citations in note $7,

below)? By 1211 creditors were securing protection clauses for the contingency of weakened money (ACA, Pere I, 384; Accounts, no. 132).

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) 133

to Occitania thus primed to meet urgent expenses was a precious asset to a spendthrift like Pere I. Useful in a very different way was the commendation of Urgell to Guillem and Ramon

Folc of Cardona in 1210: the king was evidently to have the gold for which the countess had pledged them two castles (and for part of which Montblanc and Tamarit were pledged in reserve), and to be spared the administration of a turbulent and threatened upland county for five years.” The resort to baronial administration could only have pleased those magnates who as late as 1205 had expressed resentment at the expansion of royal

jurisdiction; it may even have generated competition among lesser knights for the favor of a lord-king whose appetite for lucrative adventure was becoming recognized. Loans known only from incidental allusions plus the testimony (however exaggerated) of the Libre dels feits that the crown lands had been “de-

stroyed and pledged” oblige us to suppose that among many loans of which the records have perished were other pledges of Catalonian domains.” King Pere’s credit could only have improved after his triumph in Spain in 1212. Yet his landed collateral may have been diminished beyond further utility. Two major recognitions of the following year were assigned to receipts of the monedatge. And these records may point to some weariness with the king’s demands, for they both show lieutenants— Guillem Durfort and the archbishop of Tarragona—assuming royal obligations to third parties as their own.”

C. EXTRAORDINARY ACCOUNTS Whatever the deputy accountants may have thought, the king’s exploitation of credit was, or tended to become, an administrative system in itself. It was certainly a system of ac38. ACA, Pere I, 384. 39. No. 129. On the aspirations of Guerau de Cabrera to the county of Urgell, see Diego Monfar y Sors, Historia de los condes de Urgel, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1853), I, 429-444. 40. ACB, “LA”, iv, no. 338 (Mas, xm, no. 2401); ACA, GPC, arm. 28,

104; AHN, Cart. major de Poblet, fol. s1v; Clero (Poblet), c. 2104, 17; c. 2110, 4; Accounts, no. 120. 41. No. 136; AHN, Clero, c. 2110, 11.

134 INTRODUCTION count. It could hardly be kept altogether distinct from account-

ing for the domain when debts were made payable from the domain, yet the king’s accounts with his creditors were as characteristic in their way as the courtiers’ and Templars’ delegated accounts with bailiffs were in theirs. But this is far from being

the whole story, for the most remarkable accounts that have come down to us from the reign of Pere I belong to neither of these classes. They are a tertium quid of the highest interest which show how the survival of delegated accounting and the revival of administration by credit were bound up with a fundamental innovation at the turn of the thirteenth century: the institution of extraordinary taxation.

The first two of these accounts are records of the bovatge levied at King Pere’s accession: a receipt by Guillem Durfort for collections by the bishop of Vic in his diocese (August 1200),

and the king’s settlement with the bailiff of Lleida who had drawn on the bovatge collected in his district to balance his own account (November 1205). The second of these records shows

that the levy was very deliberate (or delayed); in fact, it took most of the reign to complete, for we know that the bovatge was

collected in Cerdanya-Conflent and Rossell6 only in 12091210. The account of 1200 is much more important. It suggests

that Pere I’s levy was the first attempt to collect the peace tax systematically throughout Catalonia. It is the earliest extant

collector’s account of an extraordinary tax in the Crown of Aragon.

Guillem Durfort was the chief accountant. His audit at Vic took place in the presence of Pere the sacristan and local notables, including the vicar and the judge, on 10 August 1200 and was recorded in a chirograph the following day. Bishop Guillem de Tavertet reported receipts of 19,900 s. from collectors in his diocese, of whom he mentions the bailiff of Manresa for Bages,

Pere de Tarrega (probably for the Segarra), Guillem de Prat, Joan de Cascai (the latter probably for the Lluganés), and Joan de

Caldes for the Ripollés. Some of the money had been paid to knights as directed by Guillem Durfort, who collected and accounted for the rest; the bishop was allowed to keep 2060 s. gathered in the Ripollés for his tithe (redecimum). The local col42. Nos. 105, I1S.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) 135

lectors had worked with capbreus which listed the residents of at

least 156 parishes, while the bishop kept track of parishes and noted their receipts in a register (liber receptionum). All of these records were (or were to be) turned over to Guillem Durfort, who should thereby have assembled, if similar procedures were followed in other zones of collection, a comprehensive fiscal record of Catalonia—an overlooked ancestor, perhaps never completed, of the great fogatges of the later Middle Ages. The lack of any such instrument before this time helps to explain why bishops were enlisted in the enterprise and allowed a portion of the proceeds. It was not simply that bishops continued to share in the jurisdiction of the Peace with the count-king, but that only the cathedral churches possessed lists of parishes, for their own purposes, which cut across seigneurial lines to give something like a complete census of population by manse, parcel, and household.” The bovatge was not the only special account kept by Guillem

Durfort. In July 1202 he rendered account to the king at Zaragoza “in the presence of many,” according to an arbalanum that evidently listed diverse receipts (doubtless including those from the bovatge) and payments very comprehensively; it probably covered the period from Pere’s accession to date. This record is lost, but we have its successor: the king’s receipt of general account with Guillem in the palace of Barcelona for the period 3 July 1202 to 31 October 1207. Having reckoned receipts, expenses, and payments, and taking account of collections from tallage, pleas, and other exactions, including monedatge, Pere recognized that he owed Guillem Durfort 98,121 s. Excluded from the computation were debts to Berenguer de Castellet, Guillem de Cardona, and others, amounting to something more than 5400 s., plus Guillem Durfort’s own share of 2000 s. for his rights (as castellan) in Cotlliure.*

This record shows clearly that Guillem Durfort was serving the king as general accountant, collector, and paymaster in Cat43. At least two lists of parishes for the diocese of Osona antedate 1200: Antoni Pladevall, “Dues llistes de parroquies del bisbat de Vic del segle XII,” Boletin Arqueoldgico, fascicules 113-120 (1971-1972), 283-304; a related list is in ACA, Extra. 4702. See generally Bisson, “The Organized Peace in Southern France and Catalonia,” 295-304. 44. No. 120.

136 INTRODUCTION alonia and abroad. He had made payments and advances in Provence and Montpellier “and even on the Roman journey” in 1204 and 1205; there is allusion to payments to knights of Aragon and Catalonia and to bowmen of Lattes at the time of the Provencal campaign of summer 1206; but from other references one infers that Guillem’s normal field of operation was Catalonia (including Rossell6). He collected from extraordinary 1mpositions and judicial revenues not comprised in bailiwicks; he met current expenses; and when necessary he advanced money himself to cover imbalances. He did, in short, what the king expected of his wealthy retainers; and his success at it—for Guillem Durfort was well rewarded and never lost his influence— helps us to understand the position of great creditors such as

Guillem de Creixell and Guillem de Cervera in subsequent years. What distinguishes Guillem Durfort from the others is that he functioned primarily as an accountant and collector and only secondarily as a lender, so that by virtue of his well kept records per grossum et minutum he could provide the king witha periodic review of the state of the court’s accounts. It is likely that he retained this role to the end of the reign. In March 1213 he refinanced a major creditor’s advances in a rec-

ord to be discussed in another connection.” But we have no other accounts of his own; moreover, some of his work was passing to other men. Guillem Durfort served as assessor at Perpinya in December 1210 when Ramon de Manresa accounted with the notary Colom for diverse receipts and expenditures for shipbuilding in Rossellé; for the collection of bovatge in Cer-

danya, Conflent, and Rossell6; for justice at Vilafranca (de Conflent) and Tuir; and for tallage at Girona. The accounts for ships showed a balance of 373 s. in the collector’s favor; that for bovatge (which totalled 107,774 s. 3 d.) and related receipts with attendant expenses a balance of 1743 s. in the king’s favor; so that in the end the king had a credit for once of 1370s. 3 d. Here

again we see receipts and disbursements handled by a single person working without visible need of a treasury. Guillem de Creixell may have operated in a similar way in the same regions, but it is not clear from his accounts of c. 1209 and 1211 from what sources he collected.” 45. No. 136. See below, p. 150.

46. No. 130.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) 137

The accounts here in question were thus records of the itinerant court and its expenses. Proofs of local collections, such as at Vic in 1200, had to be adduced in occasional sessions of general review, such as at Barcelona in October 1207; the latter was typical of these accounts, we may imagine. The function of these general accounts was not altogether new, to be sure: we may see something comparable in accounts of Guillem de Claramunt toward 1175 and of Guillem de la Granada in 1194.’ But the rec-

ords of Pere I were more cogent than these, and much more efficient than the running memoranda that had served the same purpose at least as late as the 1180s.*

D. FINANCE The revival of heavy borrowing and the institution of general

taxation illustrate a new interest—not, of course, confined to the Crown of Aragon—in finance. The domain, even though it continued to grow, was ceasing to be self-sufficient. We may suspect that accountants of credit and taxes in Catalonia, and es-

pecially the king himself, were increasingly interested in exploiting new resources—in creating a “new domain,” so to speak—rather than controlling the old fisc. But this was not so much an administrative process as a political one. It entailed a new entente with barons anxious about encroachments of the king’s peace; it meant inventing an argument—the “urgent necessity” of war against the Moors—to justify the levy of a tax hitherto thought of as a seigneurial exaction; it forced the king to negotiate with the clergy for other subsidies as needed.” Concerning this process the surviving accounts, apart from those of debt, have little to tell us. Much of what we know about Pere I’s finance in Catalonia comes from other sources: from charters sold to towns at the beginning of the reign (which

doubtless carried some of the burden later borne by credit), from charters of privilege (which help us to plot the curious his47. Nos. 27, 99. 48. Nos. 4, 45, §2. 49. Most of these points are documented elsewhere in this chapter; on the metamorphosis of taxation, which affected the bovatge as well as the moneytax, Bisson, “The Organized Peace in Southern France and Catalonia,” p. 303.

138 INTRODUCTION tory of the money-tax, imposed locally in 1196-1197, generally

in 1205, but not generally collected until the restoration of a strong coinage in 1213), from charters of nonprejudice to prelates and churches for their grant of a hearth tax in 1207 and for considerations less visible but probably not less substantial in

1211.” It would be digressive to go further into this history here. But the relative importance of Catalonian revenues in the time of Pere I is a matter that must have concerned the king and his fiscal advisers. The accounts contain some clues about it that should not be overlooked. The testimony of credit has already been noticed. From about 1204-1205 Pere borrowed for undisguisedly financial reasons, his total indebtedness often exceeding 200,000 s. per annum. But these are estimates for the Crown of Aragon as a whole,

and it remains to ask what proportion of such amounts was borne by Catalonia. The known major loans from Catalonian sources are few and scattered before 1209. From then until 1213 they average close to 100,000 s. per annum. By far the largest

known Catalonian debit for any one year was 271,4II s. in 1209, but even in that year advances by Catalans amounted to less than half the money borrowed;” and from 1206 to 1213 major loans in Catalonia averaged only 26 percent as much as those from elsewhere.” These raw figures may provide some additional support for the suggestion that the king’s Catalonian accountants tried to limit his borrowing in their homeland. But they raise the question what relation credit may have borne to the value of the Catalonian domain. Here the evidence is very unsatisfactory. No survey remotely like that of 1151 was made by accountants of the early thirteenth

century, whose main task, in any case, like that of their prede50. In addition to citations in notes 4 and 5, see ACA, Pere I, 265-268; VL, Vv, 273-275; ACA, Pere I, 385 (and many other records emanating from the assembly of Lleida in March 1211). $1. Moreover, even in 1209 at least one loan seems to have been repaid at once: cf. nos. 121, 123. §2. Loans before 1209: ACA, Pere I, 67, 158, 233, 255, 275; Accounts, nos. 103, 104; Bofill y Boix, “Lo castell de Gurb,” 701n—703; AHN, Clero (Poblet), 2088, 18; ACB, “LA”, iv, no. 338 (Mas, xu, no. 2401); AM Tarragona, parchment-roll (23 11 1208). For 1209-1213: Accounts, nos. 121, 123-126, 128, 132, 133, 136; ACA, Pere I, 384; ACB, Div. C (d), c. 23, 3013 (24 v1 1212); AHN, Clero (Poblet), c. 2110, 11.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) 139

cessors, was to control the receipts of individual domains, not to total them. Nevertheless, it was observed above that the testament of Alfons I seems to point to ordinary revenues in Catalonia of at least 100,000 s. per annum,” and this estimate is supported by a crude calculation of another kind. If one sums up the estimated values of domains as these are assembled from diverse sources in RSL 1, one arrives at a total of about 100,000 s.' This figure is certainly too low, for it entirely excludes some domains in the king’s hands for which evidence in the required

period is lacking, and omits proceeds in kind (except those mentioned in fees for bailiwicks) and other proceeds (such as from justice) apart from fees. It also omits coinage. For coinage the records are more reliable, but very incomplete. We know that in the 1180s the king’s share of net profits was $5 percent (20 diners out of each 36), the Templars’ barely 7

percent.” For the restored quaternal coinage of Barcelona in 1213, the Templars received 685 s. 7 d. for two brief minting periods; and if we may assume that by this time their share was a full 10 percent while the king’s remained the same, we arrive at net royal profits of 3770 s. 13 d.” At this rate, the king’s moneyage should easily have exceeded 10,000 s. per annum. For the reduced bossonaya mintage during forty-five months from 1209 to 1212 the royal profits, calculated on the same basis, would have been 48,785 s., or about 13,009 s. per annum.”

Accordingly, it would probably be safe to put the annual $3. p. 120. 54. See entries for Barcelona, Sant Feliu de Llobregat, Terrassa, Vilamajor,

Girona, Llagostera, Moll6, Prats de Molls, Ribes, Banyuls, Cotlliure, Perpinya-Tuir-Argelers, Berga, Vic, Moia, Santpedor, L-Arbog, Font-rubi, Vilafranca del Penedés, Tarragona, Cervera, Mor, Tarrega, Cabra, Montblanc, Siurana (etc.), Lleida (etc.), Ascé, Riba-roja, Seros, Tol6. The data will support more systematic estimates when we are better informed about prices, but it has seemed best for the present to leave them in raw form in RSL 1. 55. No. §4. 56. Nos. 137, 138. 57. No. 135. The estimate bears a plausible relation to that for the coinage

of 1213: the bossonaya was a surreptitious issue. See on this matter Philip Grierson, “Notes sobre les primeres amonedacions reials a Barcelona: els termes bruneti, bossonaya i el Chronicon Barcinonense,” Symposium Numismatico

de Barcelona, 1, (1979), 278-287; T. N. Bisson, “Coinages of Barcelona (1209-1222): the Documentary Evidence,” Studies in Numismatic Method presented to Philip Grierson (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 193-204.

140 INTRODUCTION value of the direct domain in Catalonia at something more like 150,000 to 200,000 s., with coinage between 5 and 10 percent of the total. Whatever its inaccuracy, such an estimate should not be regarded wholly arbitrary. Officials like Guillem Durfort or

Ramon Batala of the Temple could have made rough counts from their accounts and commissions much more easily than we can; they would have known without looking that Barcelona was worth around 10,000 s., Terrassa 2600 s., and so forth. And they would have needed such information whenever it was a question of pledging great domains, such as Siurana or Lleida. So it may not be accidental that the annual accumulation of loans by Catalonian creditors seems normally to have been well under the estimated aggregate income of the domain, rising to about 100,000 s. only in the years after 1206, and exceeding the value of the domain only in 1209. For taxation as for coinage the evidence is fragmentary but precise. We know that the bovatge yielded 19,900 s. in the diocese of Vic in 1200, and 107,774 s. in the counties of CerdanyaConflent and Rossellé in 1210.” Now the second of these levies may have been a belated result of the proclamation at Pere’s accession, but it was almost certainly based on a heavier assessment than that of 1200. For other districts, such as Lleida where the collection was probably completed in 1205,” we know nei-

ther totals nor rates of assessment. Extrapolation from the known totals would therefore be too hazardous to be worthwhile. If the ox-team was the fiscal element most heavily assessed, as in 1118 (12 d.) and in 1277 (8s.),” then we should not

expect the bovatge to have brought in as much money in the more thickly settled domains of Barcelona and Girona as in Rossell6 and Cerdanya. Could this have been one reason why the king elected to impose a 10 s. hearth tax on ecclesiastical tenants of Old Catalonia in 1207?” Even for the bovatge it might be more promising to estimate by hearths, for there is some rea-

son to suppose that, whatever the form of the assessment, the average manse may have paid closer to 10 s. than to 2 or 3 s. in the time of Pere J; but this approach must be left open until we 58. Nos. 105, 130. 59. No. 115. 60. Bisson, Conservation of Coinage, pp. 94, 199-200 (or LFM, u, no. 691). 61. Texts cited below, note 66.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) I41

know more about Catalonian population in the thirteenth cen-

tury.” All that can safely be said, therefore, is that Pere I’s bovatges netted him at least 128,674 s. in districts other than Girona, Barcelona, Tarragona, and Tortosa;® that the latter areas may well have yielded quite as much or more themselves; and that a sum total of bovatge for all of Catalonia can never have been estimated, let alone collected, as a portion of annual aggregate revenues. Collected here in one year and there in another, the bovatge created temporary local treasures on which collectors like Ramon de Manresa drew to meet immediate expenses. The same was doubtless true of questiae in the towns and the money-tax of 1213, each of which may have netted the king as much as his bovatge(s).° The best example of a tax levied to meet an urgent need (the repayment of debts) is the unprecedented hearth tax of 1207; but even if we generously estimate the tenants of Sant Cugat, Sant Pere de Besalu, Sant Esteve de Banyoles, Santa Maria de Cornella and the bishops of Girona and Vic at 3000 to 5000, we are dealing with an increment (say, $0,000 s.?) amounting to less than half of the ordinary revenue of Catalonia.” There is no point in recapitulating these totals, all more or less speculative. What this analysis suggests is that in Catalonia, for the reign of Pere I as a whole, the domain must have remained by far the most important fiscal resource. Extraordinary taxation may have brought in something less than half as 62. Only large and wealthy peasant households could have paid more than 2 or 3 s. according to the assessment of 1118 (12 d. per yoke of oxen, 6 d. per man, 3 d. per implement). In Conservation of Coinage, p. 95, I estimated Io s. per hearth as an average yield in 1209, but this now seems to be acceptable

only as a maximum figure, based on a minimum conceivable number of hearths (10, $00). 63. Nos. 105, 115, 130; proceeds at Lleida must have been higher than the

1000 s. the bailiff had “retained.” The problem of the identity of bovatge and monedatge in Rossell6 and Cerdanya posed by no. 130 is discussed in Conservation of Coinage, pp. 94-97.

64. Was it not perhaps in these areas, still untapped, that Pere levied the bovatge of 1211 reported only by Geronimo Zurita y Castro, Anales de la Corona de Aragon, 6 vols. (Zaragoza, 1578-1585), ii, ch. 69 (ed. Antonio Ubieto Arteta et al., 4 vols. to date [Valencia, 1967-1972], 1, 210)? 65. See nos. 120, 125, 128.

66. ACA, Pere I, 265-268; ACG, “LGS”, fols. 4v—5 (ADG, “Carles Many,” fols. 51-52); Jurisdiccions de Vich, ed. Junyent, no. 62.

142 INTRODUCTION much, all told, and credit may have approached the sum of taxation. Pere I was the first ruler of the Crown of Aragon to resort to taxation and credit on any such scale; yet even in his time the

two put together may not have equalled the domain in total value.

E. TOWARD A BUREAUCRATIC ACCOUNTABILITY The structure of accounts was not fundamentally altered under Pere I. As in the time of his father, Pere could account in person with administrators at any level as well as with his great

men and creditors. As late as 1209 he commissioned a bailiwick.® Normally he left it to deputies to audit the bailiffs. But the distinction between accounts of the king or court and those of bailiwicks was accentuated as expenses of the court and taxation came to be handled with new regularity. At the start of the reign Guillem Durfort supervised accounts

of both kinds, often in company with Pere the sacristan and Pere de Medina. His audit of the bailiff of Barcelona on 15 November 1200 proves that the form of record developed by Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa remained in use, but it also shows heightened formality: it is a charter complete with

subscriptions ordered by Guillem Durfort.” His account for bovatge with the bishop of Vic is likewise a charter patterned on the formulary for bailiwicks.” Admirably lucid and flexible for all their formality, these records afford a glimpse of the kind of

competence Guillem Durfort achieved. He employed expert scribes of Barcelona. He collected the capbreus for the bovatge of

Vic and brought his own proofs of collection and outlay to his sessions of account with the king. The records of these sessions, and some of those in which other paymasters accounted in the presence of Guillem Durfort and others, refer to procedure in a way at first uncharacteristic of the king’s settlements with creditors.” Guillem Durfort may thus have been instrumental in in67. Accounts, no. 127; see also nos. 108, 115, 120—124, etc.

68. No. 106. 69. No. 105. 70. See also nos. 120, 130; cf. nos. 121, 123, 124, 126, 128, 132, 136.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) 143

troducing the regularity of local audit to extraordinary accounting. As we have seen, his own accounts with the king formed an organized series, of which, unfortunately, only the second record survives. Nevertheless, Guillem Durfort did not create an office. He evidently kept his accounts, of all kinds, for himself, and most of them perished with his private effects. His record of the bovatge of Osona is preserved only in the bishop’s copy. That we have so little in the way of ordinary accounts may thus be some further indication of Guillem Durfort’s influence in this work. Early in the reign it was decided to subdelegate the supervision of bailiwicks to the Templars of Palau. The origins of this arrangement date back to the years 1184-1194, when the brothers Pong Ademar, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Cerdanyola served as auditors of account for Alfons I.” But the Templar role had evidently lapsed when Guillem Durfort commissioned a bailiff of Palafrugell in 1196 and received accounts from a bai-

iff of Barcelona in 1200, an interruption perhaps connected with the new king’s delay in recognizing the Templars’ established rights on the royal domain. This matter was settled by July 1202,” and from at least 1204 Ramon Batala, comendator of Palau, audited most of the bailiwicks. The house of Palau also audited the moneyers of Barcelona, at least for the Templars’ share of the profits of coinage.” General administrators of the Temple exploited two bailiwicks in New Catalonia: Serds from

1204 if not before, and Ascé after Queen Sancha’s death in 1208.”

The first record of the new series dates from 1 May 1204, when the bailiff of Vilafranca del Penedés accounted with Ramon Batala, Perfet the bailiff of Barcelona, and the king’s notary

Guillem de Corré.” Styled “king’s procurator for bailiwicks” (procurator domini regis in ipsis baiuliis, and the like) from at least 4

May 1204, Batala presided over local accounts until 1207 and probably later. We have four of his sums of account and five of his commissions (or sales) of bailiwicks.” In these proceedings the regularity achieved under Alfons I was restored. It is unnec71. Nos. 49, $1, §9, 61, 66, 72, 81, 82, 84, 87-90, 92-98. 72. ACA, Pere 1, 98, 139, 216; GPC, arm. 23, 144; Accounts, no. 108.

73. Nos. 135, 137, 138. 74. Nos. 108, 122. 75. No. 109. 76. Nos. 109, 113, 117, 125; 110, III, 114, 116, 118.

144 INTRODUCTION essary to repeat here what has been said in Chapter III about the form of the account—presentation of charters and memoranda, calculation of balances, related operations, etc.—which was virtually unchanged.” The term of account—normally one year— and the conditions of the bailiff’s exploitation have been examined as an aspect of local administration.” Like his predecessors,

Ramon Batala dealt with bailiffs and bailiwicks individually. The coincidence of accounts and commissions for Vilafranca,

. Vilamajor, Sant Feliu de Llobregat, and Gava in the days 1-6 May 1204 suggests that he may also have summoned, or even have convoked, bailiffs, in this case assuredly to Barcelona.” He traveled to New Catalonia, although perhaps not frequently enough to keep the bailiwicks there under very tight surveillance. His account with the bailiff of Almenar passed in the Templar stronghold of Gardeny on 21 January 1207 covered six years of administration.” Also like his predecessors, Ramon Batala associated local bailiffs, notaries, and scribes in his work. Perfet the bailiff was conspicuous among these men; co-auditor or co-seller with Batala at least five times, he evidently became expert on administration

beyond his own domain of Barcelona.” Bonafos played the same role at Lleida.” Even more clearly than in the past these

“metropolitan” bailiffs served as collectors for neighboring rural domains. For accounts, at least, notables of the bailiff’s domain were summoned: for instance, Ferrer de Girona for Vilafranca, Esteve de Marimon for Lleida.” As for scribes, Guillem de Corr6 was coadjutor or subscriber in records written by Pere de Corré in 1204;™ and at least three other scribes, one of them

| Bononat scolar, wrote records in 1205.” Ramon Suavis accompanied Ramon Batala and wrote his accounts in 1207.” 77. Above, pp. IOI-I12.

78. Above, p. 127. 79. Nos. 109-111. 80. No. 117. 81. Nos. 106, 107, IOQ—III, I13—I15, 118, 119; he himself bought the bailiwick of Sant Feliu and Gava in 1204 (no. 111). See RSL 4. 82. Nos. 115, 117. See RSL 4. 83. Nos. 109, 117. 84. Nos. 109-111; see also no. 163 (1201). He had written the account for bovatge at Vic in 1200 (no. 105). A veteran king’s notary (see RSL 2), he may have been active in local accounting from 1194-1204. 85. Nos. 112-114, 116. 86. Nos. 117, 118.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (II19Q6—I213) 145

The record became more careful. Like Guillem Durfort, Ramon Batala preferred the formal charter to unattested notices of account, although one of his surviving accounts is irregular.”’ He restored duplication by chirographic lettering, at least for the accounts proper. Of his commissions only the latest (31 May 1207) is so duplicated,” like those of the preceding reign, the

other four being unique originals, two of which were slitcanceled.” It may be that he and his scribes experimented in 1204-1206, requiring bailiffs to produce these charters to secure quittance. In any case, the commissions were composed according to a new formulary that appears in Batala’s earliest extant records of this class. The evidence of this innovation may help

us to understand why the old fiscal registers are never mentioned in the accounts of Pere I; whether lost or overlooked or superseded, they had no visible role in Ramon Batala’s operation.

Enough has been said to enable us to characterize the operation. It was a renovation of fiscal accounting. It restored the sys-

tem established by Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa while adjusting some of the elements. It was a more professional operation than its forerunner—or, at any rate, a more self-consciously official one. Ramon Batala did not succeed to

the general procuratorship “in Catalonia” held by Ramon de Caldes and others; he was “king’s procurator for bailiwicks” very specifically and he regularly bore that title in the accounts. Moreover, in his hands the “accounts” as such were coming to

be regarded as an office. In 1207 Ramon Suavis subscribed a reckoning for Almenar as “brother R. Batala’s scribe in the accounts of the lord king.”” Whether Batala’s office equaled the less formal operation of Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa in effectiveness is another matter. We have too little evidence to

be sure. But an office keeps records, and that is one thing, at least, the accountants of Alfons I had done better. There is some indication, it is true, that a Jewish associate of Batala’s, probably

Perfet, took some interest in labeling the fiscal records;” and 87, I.e., no. 113; cf. nos. 109, 117. 88. No. 118. 89. Nos. 110, 116; nos. 111 and 114 slit-canceled. No. 116, however, was not completed or authenticated. 90. No. 117: “. . . in compotis domini regis.”

gi. Nos. 106, 109, III.

146 INTRODUCTION one of the accounts was marked as belonging to “the accounts of Joan de Cascai,” as if these had a sack or bundle to themselves.” It is even possible that some accounts other than Batala’s found their way into his collection, or were early endorsed for preservation.” But most of the accounts and commissions that we have, including Batala’s, bear no early endorsements at all, and few if any were folded by the accountants as had been the practice in the time of Alfons I. For all that they did to restore order to local accounting, it is unlikely that Ramon Batala and his scribes attained much influence with a ruler so energetic and ambitious as Pere I. Alfons I had taken great interest in the domain, his son took none. Batala was not only more specialized in his function than the accountants of Alfons had been, he was probably less committed. He remained in charge of the Templar community at Palau until 1211—and this place in the upper Vallés was less central than it had been a generation before.” There is no evidence that he controlled a major treasury, either at Palau or at Barcelona: accounts

remained independent of payments, and the king, while he might deposit in the palace at Barcelona, continued to carry his money with him. The scribes of the accounts, mostly younger men—and perhaps now mostly laymen—were trained in Barcelona and their service was not limited to the accounts.” The routine of Ramon Batala was thus ill suited to the manipulation of the domain that began in 1209. The work may already have been disrupted by June of that year, when Batala received an account for Barcelona, but no longer as procurator. It is the last of his accounts—and an extraordinary one (in every sense). It shows the bailiff Durfort of Barcelona acting not only as king’s paymaster but also as collector for neighboring bailiwicks and for heavy tallages in the city.” Counting his own tenth on revenues of Barcelona (revenues that must have amounted to more than 20,000 s. for the period) together with other receipts, Durfort was found to have a net credit approaching 14,000 s. We 92. No. 113. 93. No. 108. 94. Bisson, “Credit, Prices, and Agrarian Production in Catalonia,” 89-— 98; Forey, Templars, pp. 91, 96, 439. gs. Aragé and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 434-439. 96. No. 125. See also no. 170.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) 147

have seen that Durfort’s predecessor had exercised influence in the accounts: he had obtained a second bailiwick and was regularly associated in Batala’s operation. With Durfort, however, influence turned to power. He could not have laid hands on all that money by satisfying Ramon Batala alone. The price of the bailiwick had been his willingness to pay royal expenses and debts while managing collections ordinary and otherwise in and around Barcelona. To establish his account Durfort produced registers and individual albarana. This was the kind of service, in short, that Guillem Durfort had performed—and no wonder. Durfort was Guillem Durfort’s nephew. Control of the accounts had shifted back to the rich men of Barcelona, becoming for a time a family preserve of the Durforts.”’ The bailiffs and vicars elsewhere must have been placed in a difficult position by the tension between financial pressure and administrative order. The vicariates of Barcelona and Vilafranca del Penedés seem to have been given up as personal benefices.” Bailiffs who could make advances were more favored than ever: it is chiefly these men—Perfet succeeded by Ramon the trea-

surer at Lleida, probably also Guillem Escuder at Vic—who held for long terms under Pere I.” It is these urban bailiffs, too, whose proofs of particular accounts or expenses are most often

mentioned, and, in a few cases, survive; there was a cultural gulf opening up, one suspects, between such men and their rural counterparts. The bailiffs commissioned by Ramon Batala were mostly local men who seem to have served less continuously."’* Among bailiffs known to have served Alfons I, only Joan de Cascai of Berga and Bonafos figure in accounts of Guillem Durfort and Ramon Batala. Bonafos was exceptional, hav-

ing served at Tarragona before moving to Lleida."” Pere de Bassa was reappointed vicar in the Penedés but took no visible 97. On this matter, see further, below, pp. 148—150. 98. See nos. 109, 125, 167. 99. See RSL 4: Perfectus, Durfort, Bonafos, R[aimundus] rep[ositarius], Guilelmus Scuterius. 100. Nos. 106, 107, 112, I19. tor. Corneli of Vilamajor (no. 110), Ramon de Passarell and Guerau de Uilar Jouam of Moia (no. 114), Bernat de Sant Marti of Terrassa (no. 116, an uncompleted act; did he replace Pere de Torroella [no. 163]?), Pere Mulet of Vilafranca (no. 118; see also no. 165). 102. Nos. 112, 113, 115; RSL 4.

148 INTRODUCTION part in the fiscal work of that area where Ferrer de Girona was

so active; Guillem de Bonastre, employed in the dowagerqueen’s appanage until 1208, is not mentioned in the delegated accounts.’ The more distant bailiffs may have been less pressed

than in the past: Ramon Dana at Almenar is one clear case, Ramon in the Ribes valley may be another."

There was no lessening of local administrative activity as such. Vicarial and delegated jurisdictions continued busy, even if Pere I allowed the Peace to be weakened; the promotions and excesses of royal bailiffs are widely attested."” But the func-

tional cohesion of auditors, scribes, and bailiffs restored by Ramon Batala was too fragile to withstand the mounting financial pressure of the king and his barons. Neither the territorial scope nor the administrative autonomy of the enterprise initiated by Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa had been fully duplicated. The scribes had been overtaken by the financiers.

Indeed, the fiscal-financial history of Pere I might almost be summed up in the career of Guillem Durfort. It is a career

worth reviewing in conclusion. | We have seen Guillem entering the service of Alfons I in the 11gos. A native of Barcelona doubtless then in his twenties, the

very type of an urban entrepreneur and moneylender, an assessor in the royal accounts as early as 1190, he had impressed the king with his ability to manage property and cash, an ability

not unrelated to his literacy." Lay scribes could be found by that time, literate businessmen were surely still exceptional. The decision to invest Guillem Durfort with general administration in Catalonia checked the influence of the church of Barcelona in

this sphere, and it may have been to “balance the ticket” that

| Pere the sacristan of Vic was appointed his colleague. Pere was a 103. See RSL 4 (Petrus de Bassia, Ferrarius de Girunda, Guilelmus de Bono Astro).

104. No. 117; on Raimundus de Rippis, see RSL 4. The king had felt obliged to admonish the vicars and bailiffs of Bages, Manresa, and Vic in 1202 (no. 164).

105. ACA, Pere I, 131, 456; Cart. Tortosa, fol. 73r (no. 236); Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Benet de Bages, 1852; CSC, m1, no. 1273; etc.; Related Records, nos. 163—166, 170, 171.

106. Nos. 80, 161; and see generally the entry Guilelmus Durfort in RSL 2.

FISCAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER FINANCIAL PRESSURE (1196-1213) 149

distinguished courtier, the uncle of Bishop Guillem de Tavertet of Vic (1195-1233), and he had served in the accounts under Ramon de Caldes."”’ Styled “procurators of the lord King Pere” in 1203,” Guillem and Pere succeeded to the functions of Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa in their broadest definition. Their collaboration long remained active. The two men at-

tended the king, subscribed pledges, and managed affairs in Barcelona during the king’s absences. But Guillem Durfort was the more dynamic partner, commissioning bailiwicks himself, serving as chief auditor of accounts, and assuming responsibility for extraordinary collections and finance. His recognition of

the latter as a distinct function of the court evidently contributed to the decision to subdelegate the audit of the domain to the Templars. Yet Guillem was less disposed than Ramon Batala to organize his accounting bureaucratically. He was under heavy pressure from Pere I, especially after 1204, to make current pay-

ments beyond the amounts available in local purses; and in maintaining the king’s favor he was progressively assimilated to baronial status. This was a pivotal event of the reign. Guillem Durfort was too good a businessman to capitulate to magnates of the court eager to speculate with the king’s credit. He would surely have been among those solicitous for the royal domain, year in and year out the king’s best resource in Catalonia. But among speculators Guillem may well have been sec-

ond to none, and while the history of the financial crisis of 1209-1213 remains obscure, it looks as if he and his family played the game of royal-baronial credit to the hilt. It cannot be accidental that in October 1207, not long after Guillem had re-

ceived the castellany of Cotlliure and just when the king was contemplating a heavy tax expressly to pay off his debts, a kinsman of Guillem Durfort purchased the bailiwick of Barcelona

“by order of the lord king.” Durfort’s record a year and a half later shows how, in such an emergency, accounts for the court could simply swallow up those for the domain. Yet from what we know of the quality of Guillem Durfort’s extraordinary accounts, it would be difficult to contend that much was thereby lost. Whether a routinely delegated surveillance of bailiwicks was reestablished by Pere I seems doubtful. Certainly the Dur107. Nos. 65, 73, 74. 108. AD Pyrénées-Orientales, B 8 (6 vi 1203).

150 INTRODUCTION forts remained dominant. Together with the bailiff Durfort’s brother Berenguer d’Espiells they subscribed a royal enactment concerning the castellany of Font-rubi in December 1212.'” At about the same time Durfort himself was supporting expenses

of the king’s court amounting to 36,000 s. In a beautifully itemized account dated 13 March 1213, Guillem Durfort assigned repayment on the projected monedatge of Barcelona, Tarragona, and Vic, while assuming personal responsibility for the debt.""’ We do not know whether this debt as such was repaid. We do know that Pere I died a few months later deeply in debt

to Guillem Durfort, who had evidently remained loyal to the end. Guillem himself died about 1217, having remitted half of his credit of 60,000 s. against the crown." Guillem Durfort was a brilliant accountant, let there be no mistake. That is one reason why he (and his kinsmen, too?) were so rich. Calculating in his littered rooms, he seems to foreshadow the Mestre Racional. But the circumstances of Pere I’s last years were hardly conducive to the institutionalizing of finance. It is important to remember that Pere was a famous and successful king when he committed the folly that cost him his

life and his dream. He was the kind of a king in whom many men, and by no means only reckless ones, had thought it profitable to invest. He had almost every advantage but prudence at Muret, and if he had won, he could at the very least have paid his debts with interest. Building efficient institutions was not yet an end in itself in the early thirteenth century. It was only a means, one among other still more favored means, in support of the militant designs of a baronial monarchy. Perhaps in these circumstances it 1s remarkable how much the fiscal servants of Pere I achieved. 109. ACA, Pere I, 438. 110. No. 136. Durfort had other credits against the king (e.g., ACB, Div. C [d], c. 23, 3013 [24 vi 1212)). 111. ACB, Div. C (d), c. 8, 4129 (ed. Bisson, “Las finanzas del joven Jaime I,” apéndice 2).

V CONCLUSION

Te twelfth century was aEuropean golden age of innovation in the fiscal affairs of west principalities. In England and probably also in Normandy the pipe rolls of the Exchequer were instituted in the time of Henry I (1100-1135). In Flanders a series of modifications in the curial control of receipts and expenses led to a form of central verification, of which there survives the record for 1187. In France accounting for the royal domain was reorganized toward 1190-1200 on the basis of a central review of receipts and expenses reported by prévéts and baillis.' The records assembled in this work justify the claim of Catalonia to a place in this select company. A strong claim, indeed, for two reasons: first, because next to England Catalonia is incomparably the richest of these realms in respect to the survival of early fiscal records; and second, because the Catalonian experience exhibits structural peculiarities that point to a characteristically Mediterranean mode of incipient fiscal administration. In all of these lands the new records stemmed from reforms of traditional procedures. These procedures may have arisen from common origins in Carolingian and Anglo-Saxon curial

practice. But we know very little of them, especially in the North, where the reforms were well advanced before they become visible in our documents. Thus the pipe rolls are records of an audit centered in treasuries already distinct from cham-

bers. In Catalonia the surveys and accounts of Ramon Ber1. Bryce Lyon and A. E. Verhulst, Medieval Finance. A Comparison of Financial Institutions in Northwestern Europe (Providence, 1967); see also T. N. Bisson, “Les comptes des domaines au temps de Philippe Auguste: essai comparatif,” La France de Philippe Auguste. . . (Paris, 1982), 521-538.

152 INTRODUCTION enguer IV reveal a much less developed stage of cameral account, one still more concerned with defining the rights and domain than with ascertaining balances of receipt and expense. France may have known such a stage as late as the last years of Louis VII (1137-1180), but only in Catalonia do we have it well attested. Even the earliest Catalonian records point to improvements, it is true: the work of Bertran de Castellet and Pong the scribe (c. 1150-1162) suggests a more specialized interest in the:

direction and writing of accounts. But we find no record of a thoroughgoing reform until the time of Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa (c. 1178-1194). Introducing a new regularity to the commissioning and surveillance of bailifts, these courtierscribes improved the yields of domains and lessened the count-

king’s reliance on credit. Their system may have been interrupted after 1194, but it was restored by Guillem Durfort and the Templars under Pere I, and, much later, in the time of Jaume the Conqueror. It is in the records of 1178-1194 that the structure of early Catalonian accounting stands out most typically. The operation was not without analogies in the North. As in France the Knights Templar assumed a role in fiscal audit, and not less clearly because of their solvency and reliability. As in

England (and probably across the Channel as well) so also in Catalonia the bailiffs resembled defendants as they presented their accounts. The revenues and payments for which they accounted differed in detail, to be sure; yet in reading of portions of crops, rents, tolls, and profits of justice, one cannot help but imagine that Catalan bailiffs and French prévéts had similar tasks

to perform. The fiscal economy of Catalonia had come to resemble those of Flanders and France more nearly than those of England and Normandy. Money was in general use for payment as well as account, yet payments and balances in kind remained common. Payments by bailiffs sometimes seem to resemble the farms of Flanders or France.* Despite the proximity of Catalonia to new currents of commercial practice, the reckoning there as in the North remains perfectly innocent of IndoArabic numerals. But the Catalonian accounts are in most respects unlike any2. On this point it would seem unsafe at present to speculate more boldly. The nature and function of early administrative farming are in need of much more thorough comparative study than has yet been attempted.

CONCLUSION 1$3 thing found in the North. Instead of rolls relating consecutively and annually the accounts of all domains, we find a multitude of original notices summarizing the local accounts separately. It is a striking difference. Does it point to a different structure, or level, of administration? Or does it mean that what has survived in Catalonia is simply the record of a different stage of a procedure that otherwise broadly resembled those of northern governments? We may suppose that French and Flemish account-

ants based their summations on local accounts (which, if in writing at all, or in part, have not survived) by prévéts and re-

ceivers; in Catalonia, on the other hand, the local accounts might well have been summarized in central records now lost. Yet it is most unlikely that the Catalans made rolls or records anything like those of the North. The lost registers of Alfons I

were more like polyptychs than estates of account, although they may have been annotated or summarized so as to provide some guidance to overall revenues and ordinary expenses. So it may be said that what we have of Catalonian administration in the twelfth century does, indeed, record a stage of accounting about which the northern evidence tells us very little. The Catalonian accounts are of unusual comparative interest in precisely this respect. But it does not follow that the Catalans had as yet

any stage of comprehensive fiscal review comparable to that represented by the grote brieven or the pipe rolls. The curial records of Guillem Durfort are extraordinary accounts of quite different character. The ordinary sums of account indicate a simpler, more traditional fiscal organization than was then coming to prevail in the North. Other considerations support this observation. It would have been difficult to maintain a central account when the bailiwicks of Catalonia were being granted and their receipts recorded at different times of the year and, in some cases, not even at yearly

intervals. Moreover, the king cannot have had much use for knowing his net domain proceeds when in practice he assigned payments on local revenues so freely that the accounts only exceptionally showed balances in his favor. The recording of accounts devised by Bertran de Castellet and his successors owed little, or little directly, to Jewish (or Moorish) practice,’ but it _ 3. One may point to little more than the Jewish custom of canceling bonds by cutting, which is not attested in sums of account but appears in nos. 8, 13,

154 INTRODUCTION may have been intended to serve the convenience of creditorbailiffs as much as that of the king. Many of the sums of account

resemble the recognitions of debt made out to the king’s other creditors; as late as the 1180s the two forms could coincide. Long after that Pere I (and his successors) could think it more advisable to employ rich men than to worry about the balance of receipts and expenses. Indeed, this was a cultural tradition, as we know from a story of Petrus Alfonsi.* Whatever their purposes, the Catalonian records must have been less useful for budgeting than the northern rolls—and the accounts for Aragon may have been even less developed. Can it be said therefore that the fiscal administration of Catalonia was less “centralized” than those of the North? Not without serious qualification. It is true that the Catalonian bailiff (baiulus) more nearly resembles the Capetian prévét than the Capetian bailli (ballivus); it is also true that the Catalonian bailiffs

accounted by means of local records which have all the appearance of finality. Yet these bailiffs, even those of outlying districts, were more closely associated with the curia than was true of their northern counterparts. Some were creditors of the ruler, some even served as auditors of account for bailiwicks other than their own. From at least 1185 their main revenues, fees, and ordinary expenses were registered in the court. Moreover, the emergence of the northern bailli, whose functions 1ncluded fiscal supervision and account, was paralleled in Catalonia by the new offices assumed by Ramon de Caldes, Guillem de Bassa, and their successors, who were called procuratores in IIQgI and after, and who moved about the Catalan domains much as did the new administrative agents in France and England.

What we find in Catalonia, then, is a fiscal activity less removed from its patrimonial origins than elsewhere, yet coming under a bureaucratic supervision significantly comparable to that developing in the North at the same time. This supervision may reasonably be regarded the most progressive aspect of Cat23, plus two commissions, nos. 111, 114, in which Perfet was involved; see J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law: its Influence on the Development of Legal Institutions

(New York, 1956), pp. 242-243, 361-364. For the Moorish term albaranum, see Index Rerum. 4. Die “Disciplina Clericalis” des Petrus Alfonsi. . ., ed. Alfons Hilka and Werner Sdderhjelm (Heidelberg, 1911), pp. 38-39.

CONCLUSION 1$5§ alonian fiscal operations in the later twelfth century. The beginnings of extraordinary taxation likewise gave rise to new forms

of written account. The management, writing, and preservation of accounts of all kinds became perceptibly more specialized from I1§I to 1213. So did the skills of the auditors. The origins of regular and extraordinary accounting known from the registers of the later Crown of Aragon must be sought in the records of the first count-kings. Yet we must not overrate either the novelty or the success of reformed accountability in Catalonia. Ultimately the most remarkable aspect of these early fiscal records is their structural and procedural archaism. They rested on a traditional conception of the domain perhaps only temporarily altered under the

applied management of Ramon de Caldes and his associates. The purpose of accounting, as in Antiquity, was not so much to arrive at balances, whether for cost analysis or for budgeting, as to verify rights and fidelity.’ This is why the surveys, recognitions of debt, and commissions of bailiffs have been included with estates of receipt and expense in this edition. All such records (not to mention memoranda of complaint, recognitions of

lordship, etc.) were accounts in a society whose rulers continued to think of their domain as an object of seigneurial exploitation. As virtually a static object, moreover. Catalonian domains increased in value and extent in the later twelfth century,

but not so overwhelmingly as in northern France, where the new annual accountability after 1190-1194 may have been contrived to replace a system of occasional reviews based on surveys difficult to keep up-to-date (and some or all of them lately lost). In Catalonia the more gradual transformation of a primitive mode of account preoccupied by inventory and supply can be seen in the annotation of surveys or the formal conflation of surveys and summations in the years 1155-1185. In such a society the count-kings were reluctant to insist on 5. SeeG. E. M. de Ste. Croix, “Greek and Roman Accounting,” in Studies in the History of Accounting, ed. A. C. Littleton and B. S. Yamey (Homewood,

Ill., 1956), pp. 14-74; M. W. E. Glautier, “A Study in the Development of Accounting in Roman Times,” Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité, 3d series, XIX (1972), 311—343; but above all the remarkable unpublished work of

Jean Durliat entitled “La comptabilité publique protomédiévale (notes de cours de l’année 1978-1979, déposés 4 la bibliothéque de |’U.E.R. d’Histoire de Université de Toulouse-le-Mirail).”

156 INTRODUCTION the direct accountability of domains in the way that was already

normal in the North when the earliest rolls of account were compiled. It was not that the idea was unknown. There 1s reason to think that the scribes of Alfons I came to think of efficiency and profit as worthy ends fostered by direct fiscal management, and the Templars of Palau may even have urged such practice against the barons and financiers of Pere I, and again after 1220.° But they were bucking a trend. The assignment of domains to creditors had been normal in the days of Ramon Berenguer IV and was vigorously revived by his grandson. The former’s surveys were assuredly undertaken with security for borrowing in mind. Estates of debt influenced the form of accounts for bailiwicks (when the two were not identical) because they remained the most common form of account throughout society.

Credit was thus connected with a still more deeply determinative institution: the notariate. In the North the Carolingian tradition of fiscal survey had all but died out in the twelfth century. Much of the local procedure of account remained informal

and/or oral; new forms of written account could be devised free of formal encumbrance to meet more exacting requirements of curial supervision. But in Catalonia the surveys were perpetuated by a renascent notariate which also imposed its forms on the determination of periodic local balances. Capbreus, commissions or sales of bailiwicks, estates of local account: all

were habitually recorded in charters or notices; the scribes, it seems, helped to endow the most local occasions of account with ritual solemnity, summarizing the calculations in narrative rather than linear or itemized form. The practical limitations of this system for those charged with the domain as a whole led to the registration of surveys and accounts in the 1180s, an event that, together with the writing of informal accounts of curial disbursement and supply, may be viewed as revealing the more adaptable and innovative side of early Catalonian accounting.

Perhaps it is only in such innovations that one may distinguish the experience of Catalonia from that of her Mediterranean neighbors. Habitual practices of credit, the notariate, the reliance on patrimonial bailiffs for the exploitation of fiscal or 6. Bisson, “Las finanzas del joven Jaime I,” 169-192.

CONCLUSION 1$7 seigneurial rights: all these and more were common to southern Christian lands in touch with Barcelona, perhaps most particularly to the counties of Toulouse and Provence and the lordship

of Montpellier.’ But little research has yet been devoted to “public accountability” in the Midi, and the documents gathered in the present work may not only suggest why this should be so but also encourage the reconsideration of the abundant records of Mediterranean domains in a new light. Once the cap-

breu is seen to be a characteristic form of account in its own right, the conspicuous lack of estates of periodic account becomes understandable. It is not that the latter were unknown in

the South, but that given prevailing attitudes toward the domain they were much more casual and fragile than the surveys and censiers which alone “accounted” for the domain in its enduring reality and value. So dominant was the capbreu in Catalonian territorial accounting that it is difficult to recognize any direct influence from commercial accounting in the new procedures of the later twelfth century. Precocious in its own world, the new Catalonian accountability was not so much backward in northern terms as culturally

different. Ramon de Caldes and Guillem Durfort would not have felt out of place in the company of contemporary fiscal specialists in the North, one suspects; the formers’ functional means were hardly less advanced. But their progressive or bureaucratic impulses met challenges in a land where the burden of

traditional practice weighed heavily on fiscal administration. The delegation and autonomy of accounts remained vulnerable to financial urgency and baronial pressure, the auditors incapa7. See generally Auguste Molinier, “Etude sur l’administration féodale dans le Languedoc (900-1250),” HL, vu (1879), 132-213; André Dupont, Les Cités de la Narbonnaise premiére. . . (Nimes, 1942); J.-P. Poly, La Provence et la société feodale, 879-1166. . . (Paris, 1976), pp. 340-346; and for Montpellier the still incompletely exploited brevia and censiers of the Liber instrumentorum memorialium. Cartulaire des Guillems. .. (Montpellier, 1884-1886). (For Italy there is a careful new edition of Inventari altomedievali di terre, coloni e redditi, ed.

Andrea Castagnetti et al. [Rome, 1979].) See also A. R. Lewis, “The Formation of Territorial States in Southern France and Catalonia, 1050-1270 A.D.,” Recueil des Mémoires et Travaux publié par la Société d’Histoire du Droit Ecrit, rx

(1974), 505~516; and T. N. Bisson, “Mediterranean Territorial Power in the Twelfth Century,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, cxxm (1979), 143-150.

158 INTRODUCTION ble of drawing a clear line between ordinary and extraordinary

finance. Better perhaps than any other such records of their time, the early fiscal accounts of Catalonia evoke the disturbing

ambiguities of an evolution from patrimonial exploitation to public administration. They offer precious witness to a distinctively Mediterranean administrative culture in its formative age.

Vi THE EDITION

Te present edition includes all the accounts, inventories, and commissions of comital-royal domains now known to survive from the reigns of Ramon Berenguer IV, Alfons I, and Pere I (nos. 1-138), as well as a selection of related records (nos. 139-171). Two classes of conceivably pertinent material have been excluded: undated memorials of complaint against bailiffs or vicars, the substance of which is by no means solely fiscal; and accounts of comital-royal credit secured on resources other than, or less than, entire domains or bailiwicks. One piece of the latter class is included among the Related Records (no. 154) by reason of its specific allusion to a bailiff directed to effect pay-

ments. The Related Records comprise six pieces antedating the

survey of 1151 (nos. 139-144), including the earliest extant commission of comital bailiffs (no. 139: 1071); four unprinted wills of personages prominent in the accounting (nos. 144, 145, 162, 168), and a variety of other records pertaining chiefly to the fiscal work and endowment of bailiffs attested in the accounts (e.g., nos. 146, 147, etc.). A considerable element of selectivity has thus entered into the

, composition of this edition. The Related Records, with only slightly more relaxed criteria of relevance, could easily have been expanded so as to rival the Accounts proper in bulk. Nonetheless, the most characteristic records of early Catalonian accountability are gathered here as completely as possible. It is not unlikely, to be sure, that other such records will turn up in the future: the early archives of Catalonia are not yet fully organized, let alone fully explored, and even in the Archive of the Crown of Aragon the uninventoried and undated pergamins re-

160 INTRODUCTION main incompletely accessible. But the material edited here is abundant enough—and, after all, homogeneous enough—to lay claim to authority in its own right. The texts are presented, in two chronological series continuously numbered, according to the editorial standards adopted by the Commission Internationale de Diplomatique in its congresses of 1974—1978. Since these standards correspond in many

particulars to the familiar chartiste style of French scholarship and are available in print,’ only a few reminders seem necessary here. Transcriptions are from. originals as far as possible. All dates are given in new style.* Punctuation and capitalization (with rare exceptions)* have been modernized, the latter necessarily so, for it is characteristic of these texts that their scribes seldom differentiated clearly between majuscule and minuscule initials. In almost every other respect the present edition holds to the faithful reproduction of the texts, even to the point of occasional divergence from the Normalisation internationale. As the

commissionnaires do, in fact, allow for some flexibility in editorial practice, it seems reasonable to list and, in some cases, to justify the relatively few departures from their prescriptions that have been taken here. Early copies as well as originals are fully described.* Endorsements are set forth extensively, omitting only the most recent penciled notations, as follows: contemporary and medieval endorsements are edited in chronological order (insofar as possible) in italics; subsequent marks of classification are reproduced virtually unedited, in most cases, so as to facilitate their recognition by specialists in the history of the transmission of these texts.” Editorial problems peculiar to individual texts are discussed in notes accompanying the presentation. Manuscript lineation is indicated only in cases of mutilated texts to facilitate conjectural readings in lacunae (e.g., no. 20) or of otherwise extraordinary texts to facilitate study of the orig1. Normalisation internationale des méthodes de publication des documents latins du Moyen Age (Colloque de Barcelona, 2-5 Octobre 1974). (Rome: Commission Internationale de Diplomatique, 1977).

2. On prevailing styles of dating, see above, p. 16. 3- Asin nos. 1A and 100, where the repetition of semicolons seemed arbitrary and unnecessary; see also nos. 82 and 89. 4. Cf. Normalisation, § 34. 5. Cf. ibid., § 30 f.

THE EDITION 161 inal (no. 4).° Lines are editorially numbered only for documents so long or so detailed as to render their indexing by headnumber impractical.’ Texts are normally printed according to the format of manuscript originals (when originals survive), for only in this way can the formal diversity of these records be represented. This departure from current French editorial practice might be harder to justify if accounts of multiple items run on in paragraphs were very numerous; but the case is happily otherwise (cf. nos. 3, 14, 38, 45, 52, 76). Editorial adjustments in transcription are distinguished as follows: square brackets [| ] indicate reasonably certain editorial restorations (as well as setting off lacunae, in conformity with Normalisation, § 48); diamond brackets ( ) indicate conjectural restorations or extensions of abbreviations (the latter, in some recurrent cases, without editorial

notation); while parentheses ( ) are reserved for the unnoted correction of manifest scribal slips (omissions of overstrokes and the like), for the extension of s. (= scilicet), and for the editorial notice of extratextual elements, such as “(sign).” Square brackets are also used occasionally with editorial notation (as in

no. 7) to distinguish early additions or emendations. The explanatory notations of lacunae have been held to a minimum, being dispensed with altogether in cases where the documents can be described generally as mutilated, damaged, effaced, etc.” While vernacular language is not distinguished from Latin in the texts, some of which would otherwise have appeared grotesquely

italicized (cf., e.g., no. 4!), vernacular words are indexed distinctly.” As for orthography, the scribal distinction between i and j has been preserved wherever clearly warranted, but the normal preference for i has otherwise been respected. So, too, with the differentiation between u and », the prevailing u being maintained (even in the case of consonantal u) in conformity with Spanish editorial preference.’” Latin transliterations from Greek (which seldom occur) are reproduced." Finally, numerals have been retained in Roman form not only for texts in charter form (as counseled) but also for running accounts.’* To have done otherwise would have been to introduce a glaring incon6. Cf. ibid., § 46, 47. 7. Cf. ibid., § 46. 8. Cf. ibid., § 48. 9. Cf. ibid., § 56.

10. Cf. ibid., § 61, 63. 11. Cf. ibid., § 71. | 12. Cf. ibid., § 72.

162 INTRODUCTION sistency at little gain in clarity, while violating the overriding editorial imperative of textual fidelity.’ The punctuation of numerals has likewise been retained in accordance with traditional

editorial practice, although with more reluctance.'* In Catalonian notarial habit the points often served to define the spacing of numerals; moreover, for the modern reader of some of the accounts collected here they help to distinguish numerals from adjacent words: e.g., “.ii. dies.” In short, the present edition is slightly more faithful to the manuscripts, slightly less “edited,” than has lately been recommended. The texts are mostly originals of a kind very exceptional among the European survivals of their period, and it 1s precisely their original characteristics that have seemed to require unusual respect in an edition that is intended nevertheless to conform to the current international consensus regarding the publication of Latin charters.

spect du texte.” ,

13. Ibid., § 43: “Le principe général qui doit guider tout éditeur est le re14. Cf. ibid., § 73.

RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

i BAILIWICKS AND DOMAINS (1151-1213)

The analytical list that follows assembles basic information on the historical evolution, the value, and the administrative personnel of the comital-royal domain. It 1s by no means an exhaustive list, nor could it be. Newman’s caution that “domain” in the full historical sense comprises incorporeal as well as material rights is as true of twelfth-century Catalonia as of early Capetian France.’ A catalogue of every sovereign concession

of land or revenue in every place mentioned in the records would not only require far too much space, but would be selfdefeating. The count-kings had castles, demesnes (dominicaturae), manses, parcels, pariliates, lordships, and protectorates in every part of Catalonia (except, generally, Urgell and—before 1192—Pallars), and in consequence of incessant alienations, acquisitions, and exchanges, the “total domain” was seldom iden-

tical from one day to the next. It has therefore seemed more useful to list only those domains shown by the accounts and related records to have been directly exploited by Ramon Berenguer IV and his successors. Sources other than those edited here have been drawn upon to this end when they point to the fiscal activity of vicars and bailiffs. Castellanies have been included, as a rule, only when they appear to have been administered with particular regard to their fiscal importance.’ The result of such a selection is to define concentrations of clustered bailiwicks and 1. W. M. Newman, Le Domaine royal sous les premiers capétiens (987-1180) (Paris, 1937), pp. 3—Sff.

2. A comprehensive analysis of territorial administration would have to list and chart the castellanies (enfeoffed or not) with the bailiwicks.

166 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

domains scattered across Catalonia (see especially Map J; also

Maps II-IV, VI-VII). Since this is what one might expect a priori of an itinerant regime, we may safely imagine that the count-kings themselves thought of their fisc in somewhat the same way.

It proved inadvisable to attempt to tabulate the data on revenues. The summations that appear under the heading Valuations only exceptionally lend themselves to precise computation, but they do at least facilitate comparative estimates of local yields.

To avoid equivocation terminology is often reproduced untranslated; for renderings see Index Rerum. The information on personnel is documented in RSL 2-5. Here as there it should be

borne in mind that the dates assigned are strictly those for which direct documentary evidence of service as bailiff (or vicar)

has been found. Accounts, commissions, and inventories are cited in the notices; for listings of them one should consult RSL

6-8 and the Index Nominum. The domains are listed by county or historical comarca or (in New Catalonia) by chief domain, moving from Old Catalonia

roughly according to the survey of 1151 to New. Note well, however, that the correspondence of domain to comarca is not always

precisely that of modern geography: thus some localities of the modern Vallespir are listed with Rossell6, Ax-les-Thermes fig-

ures as a dependency of Cerdanya, and so forth. Under each heading the order is alphabetical, except in some cases where the heading and chief listing coincide (e.g., SIURANA). Within

descriptions cross-references to domains are indicated by the capital lettering of toponyms. The listings are indexed exclusively on p. 231. Texts edited herewith are cited simply by Arabic numerals in parentheses, sometimes preceded by the word “Accounts” to prevent ambiguity.

BARCELONA

BARCELONA. The early history of the comital domain is very incompletely known (cf. Carreras y Candi, La ciutat de Barcelona, pp. 213ff; CPC, 17, 591-594; Els castells, 1, 500-548). While some of its substance must have passed into endowments of the vicecomital cas-

tles, it was both ample and diverse in the later twelfth century. The

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2 ON Bg oo :.orn 4BR: &SR Bees ! Arnallus de Samatan, Samatano. Attested accounts of Lleida in 1180 and 1187 (35, 62). He was a notable of Lleida (ACA, Alfons I,

562; AHN, Poblet, c. 2043, 8; Alart, Priviléges, pp. 67-68; Accounts, 100, 162; etc.) Arnaldus de Serriano, scriptor (ARNAU DE SARRIA). Wrote an account of Barcelona in 1200 by order of Guillem Durfort (106). A local no-

tary, he is styled scriptor or notarius in many records from at least 1197 to 1212 (Mas XII, nos. 2297—2527 passim; Arago and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 437). Arnaldus de Turre rubea, Torroia (ARNAU DE TORROJA, provincial

master of Templars, 1166-1181). Attested an account of Guilhem VII of Montpellier in 1171 (23); represented Templars in major pledges of Alfons I in 1169 and 1175 (22, 26). See Forey, Templars, PP. 55-56, 420.

Arnaldus de Uilla Mulorum, Uilla de Mulis (arNAu DE VILADEMULS). Attested an account of debts to Guerau de Jorba in 1176 (30); figures in other fiscal enactments of 1171, 1172, c. 1177-1178 (23, 24, 33).

Artaldus (arTau 11, bp. of Elne, 1148-21171). Attested an account of Guilhem VII of Montpellier in 1171 (23). B. clericus de Uillafrancha. Ordered writing of sale of rights at Vilafranca in 1204 (165).

B. Caloruco. Co-seller of bailiwick of Vilamajor about 1180 (40).

B. Guilelmus iunior. Audited an account of Cerdanya-Conflent in 1186 (60). Probably the son of Bernat Guillem de Vilafranca (below and RSL 4).

Bartolomeus. Audited an account of Rossellé in 1183 (45). Benvenist. Counseled an augmented pledge to Esteve de Marimon in 1200 (104). See RSL 4. Ber. Michaelis. Audited an account of Bernat Sang in 1183 (44); notable of Perpinya. Ber. de Palaciolo (BER. DE ?PALOL). Attested accounts at Peralada in

2. ACCOUNTANTS, AUDITORS, AND SCRIBES (1144-1213) 237

1183 and at La Granada in 1188 (46, 70). Possibly of the family of Palol d’Onyar (Els castells, m1, 319; cf. ACA, Alfons I, 504). Ber. de Redes. Audited an account of Bernat Sang in 1183 (44); notable of Perpinya. Ber. de Solsa. Audited an account of Bernat Sanc¢ in 1183 (44); notable of Perpinya. See also no. 41. Berengarius (BERENGUER, abt. of Montearagoén; later bp. of Lleida, 1176—1191; and abp. of Narbonne, 1191-1212). Attested accounts of Guilhem VII of Montpellier in 1171 (23), of merchants of Mont-

pellier in 1173 (25), and of Guerau de Jorba in 1176 (30). See also nos. §2, 136. Berengarius (BERENGUER DE VILADEMULS, abp. of Tarragona, 1174-

1194). Audited accounts of Lleida in 1180, Vilamajor in 1181, Bernat Sang in 1183 (35, 40, 47), Pedro Jimenez (for Cerdanya-Conflent) in 1186 (60), and Cervera (56); attested numerous other fiscal enactments 1175-1186 (33, 37, 41, 46, ISI, 153-155, 161). His own expenditures figure in nos. 26, 45, $2, 73; his supervision of coinage in no. $4. Berengarius de Albars. Attested (as iudex) an account of bovatge in Osona in 1200 (105). He figures chiefly in records of Rossell6-Cerdanya from 1186 (or 1173?: AD Pyr.-Or., H 213 [x1 1173]) to 1210 (Accounts, 60; AD Pyr.-Or., J 20D i, nos. 37, 38; 1, no. 254; B 89 [19 vin 1210]; ACA, Alfons I, 596; LFM un, no. 635; Alart, Priviléges, pp. 81, 87).

Berengarius de Colle, Collo. Attested an account of Vilamajor in 1186 (58). See also nos. 34, 43, 45, IOI.

Berengarius de Olzina, notarius domini regis. Attested accounts of Guillem de Creixell c. 1209 and 1211 (132) and of Ramon de Manresa in 1210 (130); subscribed a commission of Osona in 1209 (127), and the commendation of Urgell in 1210 (129). He was “king’s no-

tary” in this period (also ACA, Pere I, 340; Aragé and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 436), endowed by Pere I at Vila-seca de Solcina (Miret y Sans, “Itinerario del rey Pedro I,” Iv, 96). Berengarius de Parietibus (BERENGUER DE PARETS). Wrote a fiscal set-

tlement in 1180 (36), audited and wrote an account in 1183 (50), and audited another with the Templars toward 1185-1186 (72). King’s notary from at least 1178 to 1195 or later (ACA, Alfons I, 245; Reial Patrimoni [9 iit 1177]; Aragé and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 429); queen’s notary in 1190 (LFM, 1, no. 87). Berengarius de Parietibus (BERENGUER DE PARETS). Wrote charters and accounts in 1206 and 1209 (126, 127); subscribed no. 167. He may have been the son of his homonymous predecessor (Aragé and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 436); but while the name is fre-

238 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

quent from 1197 to at least 1234 (CSC, m, nos. 1220, 1253, 1300, 1320; Mas, XII, no. 2195, 2411, 2519; Alart, Priviléges, p. 105), this man's identity has yet to be firmly established. Berengarius de Riaria. Attested an account for bovatge in Osona in 1200 (105). See RSL 4.

Bernar Amaluin. Audited an account of Bernat Sang in 1183 (44); notable of Perpinya. See also no. 47. Bernardinus. Audited or attested accounts of Perpinya in 1190 (80) and Lleida in 1191 (84). Styled notarius domini regis in 1191, probably a native of Osona (ACV, cal. 6, 2535; see also Bofill y Boix, “Lo castell de Gurb,” 697n.), he can be traced from at least 1187 to 1195 (ACA, Alfons I, 468; ACTo, Prior maior, c. 2, secunda, 20).

(Bernardus, presbiter.) It was probably he who wrote accounts for Manresa or vicinity c. 1177-1178 (31, 32); cf. ACA, Alfons I, 225. Bernardus presbiter. Wrote the testament of Bernat Granell in 1207 (168).

Bernardus scriptor in Ylerda. Wrote the translatum of a pledge in 1210 (121).

Bernardus Amelii. Attested accounts for bovatge in 1205 (115) and for receipts and expenditures of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120). See also 169. Bernardus de Bellog (BERNAT DE BELL-LLOC). Accounted for Prats de

Moll6 in 1158 (7). See also nos. 8, 140-143, and above, p. 64. Bernardus de Calidis (BERNAT DE CALDES). Accounted with men of Montpellier in 1173 (25); attested an account of Lleida in 1180 (35); audited an account of Barcelona in 1184 (61); wrote fiscal records in 1168, 1170, 1171, 1173 (probably) and 1180 (21, 23, 25, 37, 146). Brother of Ramon de Caldes (q.v.), he was king’s scribe from at least 1167 and canon of Barcelona from 1171 (Bisson, “Ramon de Caldes,” pp. 283, 289 n. 19).

Bernardus de Caules. Audited an account of Bernat Sanc in 1183 (47). See also no. 45.

Bernardus Guielmi de Uila franca. Audited an account of Cerdanya in 1160 (10,B). See also RSL 4.

Bernardus de Mecina. Attested an account of Tarrega in 1186 (57). See RSL 4. Bernardus de Ualle (BERNAT DE VALL). Wrote an account of Rossellé

by order of Guillem de Bassa in 1183 (46); king’s notary (domini regis literator, domini regis notarius 1185—1189 (CPC, 1', nos. 178, 195; AD Pyr.-Or., J 20D 1, no. 40; ACA, Alfons I, 468, 641; Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Benet de Bages, 1792; Related Records, 161; see also Bofill y Boix, “Lo castell de Gurb,” 697-699; Arag6é and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 430-431). Cf. RSL 3.

2. ACCOUNTANTS, AUDITORS, AND SCRIBES (1144-1213) 239

Bertrandus de Castelleto, Castelét (BERTRAN DE CASTELLET). Re-

ceived surveys of domains in Old Catalonia in 1151 (?—1152: 1A—Q); audited accounts of Prats de Moll6 in 1158 (7) and of Tuir, Conflent, Cerdanya, and (?) Palafrugell in 1160 (10,AD); sold the bailiwick of (probably) Llagostera in 1160 (10,E); and figures in other fiscal enactments of R.B. IV (4°76, 13, 26). For his career, see above, pp. 60—64; his will of 1149 is no. 144. B(ertrandus) de Uilla francha (BERTRAN DE VILAFRANCA). Attested accounts of Montblanc in 1187 and 1188 (63, 68). See RSL 4.

Bonafos. Audited an account of Tarragona in 1190 (81); attested another (with Hebrew subscription) of Almenar in 1207 (117). See RSL 4.

Bononatus. Wrote a commission of Moia in 1205 (as scolar: 114); an account of the Templars in 1209 (122); and pledges in 1209 and 1211

(123, 124, 128, 133). An untitled royal scribe of Pere I, he often wrote by direction of the notary Ferrer (cf. Aragé and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 436).

Carbonellus de Villa crassa. Attested an account of Cervera in 1192 (160).

Columbus (coLtom). Audited an account of receipts from Girona, Rossell6, Conflent, and Cerdanya in 1210 (130); attested an account of Guillem Durfort and ordered the charter thereof in 1207 (120); attested accounts of Guillem de Creixell c. 1209 and 1211 (132); ordered and/or subscribed fiscal enactments in 1209 and 1211 (121, 127-129, 132). A royal notary of Pere I (Arag6é and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 436), he can be traced back to 1191 writing for Alfons I (CP, no. 248) and to 1193 as domini regis notarius (ibid., no. 35; ACA, Alfons I, 646); and he remained active in accounting under Jaume I as late as 1223 (Bisson, “Las finanzas del joven Jaime I,”

pp. 171-172, 184-185). Dalmacius de Crexello (DALMAU DE CREIXELL, d. 1219). Attested accounts of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120), and of Guillem de Creixell Cc, 1209 (132); subscribed a pledge in 1209 (126). See RSL 3.

Dominicus (DOMINGO). Audited accounts for Tuir, Conflent, and Cerdanya in 1160 (10,ABC), for Lleida in 1180 (35), and for expenses in Rossell6 in 1183 (45); wrote the second of these and possibly also the first (Pl. II). He was almost certainly Aragonese. See above, pp. 66, 93; and LFM, 1, no. 494; cf. “Documentos para el estudio de la reconquista (segunda serie),” ed. Lacarra, 567— $68, no. 174; Coleccion diplomdtica de Huesca, ed. Duran Gudiol, 1, no. 263.

Dominicus subdiachonus. Wrote the undated contemporary translatum of a pledge to the Templars in 1175 (28).

240 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

Exemenus, vicarius. Attested an account of bovatge in 1200 (105). See RSL 3.

Ferrarius (FERRER). Audited and ordered the writing of an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120); wrote an account of Durfort before June 1209 (125); ordered charters for other accounts and pledges in 1209 (121-124, 126, 128) and 1211 (133); attested other fiscal enactments in 1206 (167) and 1210 (129). He was king’s notary probably from 1202 or 1203 (Miret y Sans, “Itinerario del rey Pedro I,” m, 271-272; AD Pyr.-Or., J 20D i, no. 170) until at least 1213 (Aragé and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 436). Ferrerius. Audited an account of Bernat Sang in 1183 (44). Fulco de Massilia (FOULQUES DE MARSEILLE, probably the troubadour,

later bp. of Toulouse, 1208-1231). Attested an account of the Templars in 1189-1190 at Arles (78).

G. presbiter de Granata. Attested an account of Vilafranca in 1188 (70).

G. de Ferrals. Audited an account of Bernat Sanc in 1183 (44); notable of Perpinya. G. de Malloleis. Audited an account of Bernat Sang in 1183 (44); notable of Perpinya. See also no. 33.

G. de Villa rasa. Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120).

G[aufridus] de Rochabertino (jorre m1, vct. of Rocaberti, 11811212). Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120). See also no. 126. For his career, see EC, xu, 653, 658. G[eraldus] de Cahercino (GUERAU DE CAERCi, preceptor of Templars

at Palau, 1179-1180; provincial master, 1196). Audited accounts from I190 to 1194 (81, 82, 84, 87-90, 92, 98). See also ACA, Alfons I, Extra. 2607; cf. VL, v, 277-279; and see Forey, Templars, PP. 372, 420, 439, 447. Geraldus de Jorba (GUERAU DE jorBA, d. c. 1190). Attested an account

of Guilhem VII of Montpellier in 1171 (23); counseled a pledge to the Templars in 1169 (22); loaned money to the king before 1176 (30). See also nos. 3, 36, 67, 146, 149. For his career, see Altisent, “Guerau de Jorba”; cf. EC, vim, 775. Gerallus sacerdos, Barchinonensis episcopi capellanus. Wrote a pledge In 1148 (142).

Guido comendator Hospitalis. Attested an account of Guilhem VII of Montpellier in 1171 (23). Guido (commander of Templars at Palau, 1212). Received an account of the coinage of Barcelona (1209-1212) in 1212 (135). See Forey, Templars, p. 439.

G[uilabertus] Eral (GiLapert Erat, provincial master of Templars,

2. ACCOUNTANTS, AUDITORS, AND SCRIBES (1144-1213) 241

1185-1189). Accounted with Alfons [in 1189 (72). See Forey, Templars, p. 420. Guilelmus (GUILLEM DE TAVERTET, bp. of Vic, 1195-1233). Accounted

for bovatge in 1200 (105); attested accounts in 1207, ¢. 1209, 1210, and 1211 (120, 130, 132); and subscribed others in 1209-1211 (121, 124, 127, 128, 133). For his career, see VL, vil, 14-25. Guilelmus (GUILLEM DE TORROJA, bp. of Barcelona, 1144-1171; abp. of Tarragona, 1171-1174). Attested an account with Guilhem VII

of Montpellier in 1171 (23); figures in other fiscal enactments of R.B. IV and the young Alfons I (13, 16, 18, 20-22, 142, 143, 146). For his career see Puig y Puig, Episcopologio, pp. 157-169; Blanch, Arxiepiscopologi de Tarragona, ch. 19.

Guilelmus Adalberti (GUILLEM ADALBERT). Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120). See RSL 4.

Guilelmus de Bassia (Bassa, Uassa, Labassa, etc.); (GUILLEM DE BASSA, d. 1195). Audited or attested accounts for Alfons I from c. 1177-1178 until 1194 (33, 35, 42, 45, 46, §2, §8, 61-66, 68-72, 75, 77, 80, 83, 84, 88-90, 92, 94-98); styled procurator domini regis in Catalonia in 1191 (87). Native of the Penedés and probably brotherin-law to Pere de Bassa (RSL 4), he was king’s notary (notarius regius, etc.) from c. 1174-1175 (CGH, 1, no. 461; CSCr, no. 190; Accounts, 26, 33—98 passim). See also nos. 100, 149, 150, 156, 161; testamentary conditions, 162; and above, pp. 93, 117. He died 28 xi 1195. Guilelmus de Bono Astro (GUILLEM DE BONASTRE). Wrote a recogni-

tion of royal debt in 1191 (86); ordered the writing of an appointment for the dowager-queen in 1207 (ACA, Pere I, 257). Queen’s scribe as early as 1176 (ACA, Alfons I, 120; ACTo, Cart. 2, 119), he was notarius domini regis in 1180 (CGH, 1, nos. $86—588) and long

continued in the service of Alfons I and his queen. See also Aragé and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 433; Related Records, 149, 161; and RSL 4. Guilelmus de Cerdaniola (GUILLEM DE CERDANYOLA, commander of

Templars at Palau, 1181-1199). Attested an account of Caldes de Montbui and Terrassa in 1191 (87); see also no. 72. See Forey, Templars, p. 439. Guilelmus de Cervaria (GUILLEM IV DE CERVERA, d. 1244). Attested

accounts for: bovatge in 1205 (115), receipts and expenditures of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120), and Guillem de Creixell’s credit in I211 (132); attested the commission of Osona in 1209 (127); and subscribed other fiscal enactments in 1200 and 1209 (104, 121, 123). He was the outstanding baronial creditor to Pere I (pledge of 1209,

no. 128). For his career, see EC, v, 39-41.

242 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

Guilelmus de Claris Uallibus. Accounted for military expenses in Occitania in 1183 (44; see also no. 43). Guilelmus de Corrone (GUILLEM DE CORRO). Wrote an account of bovatge in Osona in 1200 (105); subscribed accounts and commis-

sions of Vilafranca (del Penedés), Vilamajor, and Sant Feliu de Llobregat and Gava in 1204 (109-111); see also no. 163. Styled domini regis notarius in these texts, he is visible as a scribe as early as 1188 (ACA, Alfons I, 510, 511; Pere I, 35; Mas, x, no. 2192; cf. no. 2157, and Arag6 and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 436). He was the Infant’s notary in 1190-1191 (CP, no. 30; ACA, Alfons I, 609. See also RSL 3. Guilelmus de Crexello (GUILLEM DE CREIXELL). Attested an account

of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120); accounted for his credit with Pere I in 1211 (132). See also no. 100, and RSL 3. Guilelmus Durfort (GUILLEM DuURFORT, d. c. 1217). Accounted for: bovatge in Osona in 1200 (105); receipts and expenditures in Catalonia and Provence in 1207 (120); and the king’s debt to Durfort in

1213 (136). He commended the bailiwick of Palafrugell in 1196 (102); audited accounts of Perpinya in 1190 (80) and of Barcelona in 1200 (106: he ordered this act); attested accounts of bovatge in 1205

(115), of Arbert de Castellvell c. 1203-1205 (ACA, Extra. 3457), and of Guillem de Creixell c. 1209 (132); and counseled or subscribed other fiscal enactments in 1200 (103, 104) and 1209-1210 (121, 124, 127, 129); styled procurator domini regis in 1203 (AD Pyr.Or., B 8 [6 vi 1203]). An entrepreneur with interests chiefly at Barcelona and in Rossell6, where he was castellan of Cotlliure in 1207

(CPC, 1', no. 223), he can be traced from at least 1185 to 1213 (CSC, m, no. 1159; Accounts, 136, 161, 169, 170). He died before May 1218 (ACB, Div. C [d], c. 8, 4129). See above, pp. 120, 148-150.

G[uilelmus] Galardi. Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120); notable of Perpinya (Alart, Priviléges, pp. 90, 93). Guilelmus de Granata, za Granada (GUILLEM DE LA GRANADA, d. ¢.

1200). Accounted for receipts and expenses in 1194 (99). Compatriot of Guillem de Bassa (CSC, m, nos. 1181, 1206), he was active in the king’s service from about 1185 to 1195 (Accounts, 161; CP, no. 261, 264, 265, 267; ACA, Alfons I, 388, 523, 552, $57, 596, 685, 698). Guilelmus Grunni. Attested an account of the Templars in 1189 (72). A notable of Barcelona, he figures in numerous enactments, many

of them fiscal or financial, from at least 1182 until at least 1214 (Mas, XI, nos. 2106, 2228, 2319, 2322, 2350, 2362, 2535, 2563; CPC, 1', no. 221; cf. CSC, m, nos. 1165, 1176). Guilelmus Petri. Wrote a major pledge of R.B. IV in 1162 (13). He

2. ACCOUNTANTS, AUDITORS, AND SCRIBES (1144-1213) 243

was Aragonese according to Arago and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 423, but their evidence is inconclusive. Guilelmus Petri sacerdos. Wrote the translatum of a commission by the bailiff of Castellet in 1211 (171). G[uilelmus] de Prato Narbonensi. Reckoned defaults in an account of Vic in 1189 (73); notable of Vic (ACV, cal. 6, 405 [11 vi 1196]; cf. cal. 6, 2343, etc.). Guilelmus Raimundi (GUILLEM RAMON III SENESCAL DE MONTCADA, ¢.

1090-1173). Attested an account of Guilhem VIE of Montpellier in

1171 (23); obtained Osor in pledge from R.B. IV in 1147 (141); counseled or subscribed other fiscal enactments in 1144, 1148, 1165, 1168, 1169 (140, 142, 143, 146, 16, 20-22). For his career, see Shideler, The Montcadas.

Guilelmus Raimundi Gantelm. Attested accounts with the Templars in 1189-1190 in Provence (78, 79). See also no. 29.

Guilelmus Scuterius. Attested an account of bovatge in Osona in 1200 (105). See RSL 4.

Guilelmus de Seiano, Segano. Audited and attested accounts of Bernat Sang in 1182—1183 (41, 44). See no. 46.

G[uilelmus] de Turre rubea sacerdos. Attested accounts of Montblanc in 1187 and 1188 (63, 68). See RSL 4.

Guilelmus de Villa de Cols. Attested an account of Ramon de Manresa in 1210 (130). He was a creditor of the king (ACB, c. 23, 3013 [24 vi 1212]; see also Accounts, 120, 170).

Jacobus levita. Wrote fiscal enactments at Vilafranca del Penedés in 1204 by order of B. clericus de Villafrancha (165) and in 1205 by order of R. de Puig clericus de Villafranca (166).

Iohanes (JUAN?) repositarius. Audited an account of CerdanyaConflent in 1186 (60). See also no. §2 (styled “reposter”).

I[ohanes] Andree. Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120); notable of Perpinya (Alart, Priviléges, p. 93). Iohanes Arberti. Audited an account of Bernat Sang in 1183 (44); notable of Perpinya. Iohannes Beraxensis, de Berix (JOAN DE BERIX). Subscribed an account in 1194 (99); wrote or ordered fiscal records in 1186, 1200, 1202, 1204 (103, 104, 108, 155, 164). He was king’s scribe (scriptor domini regis, domini regis notarius) from at least 1184 (Arag6 and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 429, 436; Accounts, 161). See also

Petrus scriptor. _

Iohanes Fochaldi. Attested an account of Cervera in 1192 (160).

Iohanes Raymundi. Attested an account of Ramon de Manresa in 1210 (130).

(Ishaq) see Yishaq.

244 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

Lobellus, Lupellus Gracianus (LLOBELL; Hebrew: Yishaq). Audited accounts of Vilamajor in 1181, 1186, and 1189 (40, $8, 71), and of Tarragona in 1184 and 1186 (49, $9, 66); attested an account of Barcelona in 1186 (61). See Yishaq; and RSL 4. Martinus Gras baiulus de Uilla maiori. Attested an account of Vilamajor in 1186 (58). See RSL 4.

Martinus Rippe. Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120).

P. Galardi. Audited an account of Bernat Sanc in 1183 (44); notable of Perpinya. P. Pauci (PERE Poc). Audited accounts of Bernat Sang in 1183 (44). A notable of Perpinya, he may probably be identified with the Petrus Paucus who figured in a shipping contract of Tarragona before 18 May 1194 (Altisent, “Comerg maritim,” pp. 163-164). Pax. Wrote accounts of Vilamajor and the Templars in 1189 (71, 72). See also CP, no. 286; Mas, XII, nos. 2243, 2337, 2391, 2415, 2424, 2425, acts of 1194—I2I0. Perella. Audited accounts of Manresa (?) and Rossellé toward 11771178 (31, 33); of Rossellé in 1183-1184 (43, 45, 47, 52); attested accounts at Perpinya in 1182 (41), at Béziers and Peralada in 1183 (42, 46; see also 151, 155); at Cotlliure in 1186 (60); at Lleida in 1191 (84); and a charter for Tuir as late as February 1197 (Alart, Priviléges, pp. 86-87); see also no. 39. He was apparently the son of Perella the bailiff (see RSL 4).

Perfectus, Profectus (PERFET), alfachim (also called Perfectus de Pratis). Royal administrator and accountant from at least 1172 to 1200 (29, $4, 103, 104; also possibly 30, 33, 52?; ACA, Alfons I, 132, 281; AHN, Cart. Poblet, fol. 68r; Baer, Die Juden, 1', 57-58); held the bailiwick of Lleida from 13 February to 1 June 1189 (Accounts, 77, 84; see also Baer, pp. 41-43). He was the brother of Benveniste (q.v.) and son of the alfachim Abraim Avenbenvenist, whose endowments in Catalonia and Aragon dated from the time

of R.B. IV (Baer, pp. 35-38, 41-43, 57-58). Baer identifies him with Perfet, bailiff of Barcelona (see RSL 4), but this seems

improbable. ,

Perfectus (PERFET), bailiff of Barcelona. Audited or attended accounts of Barcelona in 1204 and 1209 (109, 125) and of Bergueda in 1205 (113); sold bailiwicks of: Vilamajor in ?1204 (110), Sant Feliu and Gava in 1204 (111), Moia in 1205 (114), and Vilafranca del Penedés in 1207 (118). See RSL 4. P[etrus] (PERE DE SOLER, abt. of Sant Joan de les Abadesses, 12031217). Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120). Petrus clericus. Attested an account of Prats de Mollé in 1158 (7).

2. ACCOUNTANTS, AUDITORS, AND SCRIBES (1144-1213) 245

Petrus levita. Wrote a commission for the bailiff of Castellet in 1211 by order of R. de Castro novo, clerk of Castellet (171). Petrus, maior dome. Audited an account of Bernat Sang in 1183 (47).

Cf. no. 60: Pet{ro.... .]. Petrus monetarius. Accounted for the coinage of Barcelona in 1212 and 1213 (135, 137, 138); attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120). He was moneyer from at least 1206 (CPC, 1', no. 221; AHN, Poblet, c. 2088, 3) until at least 1226 (CSC, ml, no. 1301). Petrus Ausonensis sacrista (PERE DE TAVERTET, Sacristan of Vic). Audited an account of Barcelona in 1200 (106); attested accounts of Vic

in 1187, 1189, and (for bovatge) in 1200 (65, 73, 74, 105), and of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120); counseled an augmented pledge to Esteve de Marimon in 1200 (104) and figured in other fiscal enactments in 1200, 1201, 1209, and 1211 (103, 127, 133, 163); styled procurator domini regis in 1203 (AD Pyr.-Or., B 8 (6 vi 1203). See above, p. 125. Petrus scriptor. Wrote pledges at Zaragoza and Tarragona in 1200 (103, 104), a fiscal directive in 1202 (164), and a charter of cession at Huesca in 1204 (108, Pl. XVID), all by order of Joan de Berix.

Petrus subdiachonus. Wrote the testament of Bertran de Castellet in 1149 (144).

Petrus de Arasza. Accounted for military receipts in 1183 (44; see also 43, and 42).

Petrus Arnaldi. Attested an account of Montblanc in 1188 (68); wrote accounts of Barcelona in 1186 (61) and Tarragona in 1187 (66), and a fiscal settlement in 1187 (156).

Petrus Balb. Attested an account of Lleida in 1187 (62); subscribed pledges of Pere I in 1200, 1209, and 1210 (103, 104, 128, 129); notable of Lleida (Lladonosa i Pujol, Histéria de Lleida, 1, 158, 269, 294; Related Records, 162). Petrus de Blandis (PERE DE BLANES). Attested and wrote an account of Barcelona in 1209 (125); attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120); wrote a charter of quittance in 1194 (99); ordered a charter of account of bovatge in 1205 (115) and fiscal directives in 1207 (169) and 1208 (170); and subscribed the cession of the vicariate of Barcelona in 1206 (167). He was king’s notary from at least 1185 until at least 1209 (cf. Arag6 and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 429, 436). Petrus de Corrone (PERE DE CORRO). Attested an account of Manresa

(or vicinity) c. 1177-1178 (31: called “son of Pere de Corré”); wrote fiscal records and an agreement over mills of Barcelona in 1188 (157), the testamentary conditions of Guillem de Bassa in 1196 (162), and the commendation of Palafrugell in 1196 (102). Identified

246 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

as junior in the 1170s and later styled scriptor (ACA, Alfons I, 127, 135; CSC, m, no. 1086; Mas, x1, nos. 1970, 1971, 1975, 1976, 1991, 2102-2104, etc.; Accounts, 109—I11, 163), he remained active as late as 1212 (Mas, xl, no. 2515). The elder Pere de Corr6 died be-

fore 26 iv 1194 (ibid., nos. 2280, 2317; ADB, Santa Eulalia del Camp, c. 7 [26 iv 1194]).

Petrus de Crexello. Attested accounts of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120) and of Guillem de Creixell c. 1209 (132). Petrus de Deo (PERE DE DEU). Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120); subscribed a cession at Vilafranca del Penedés in 1205 (166). He was surely different from a bailiff of the same name (see

RSL 4), probably also from a Templar commander; he figures in other records, e.g., CSC, m, no. 1260; CPC, 1', no. 221; AHN, Poblet, c. 2088, 3; Related Records, 162. Petrus de Gissona. Wrote a cession of the vicariate of Barcelona in 1205 (167).

Petrus de Guarnali, Garnal (PERE DE GARNAL). Audited accounts of Bernat Sang in 1183 (47); and of Tarragona and Cervera 1n 1184 (49, $1, 59); attested an account of expenses in 1191 (85); see also nos. 45, 100, 162. He was king’s scribe from at least 1179 (Arag6é and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 430: their second citation should read: Alfons I, 444) and active at least as late as 1199 (ADG, Pia Almoina, Caldes, $24). P[etrus] Mascaronis. Attested an account of Vilamajor in 1186 (58);

probably identical with the scribe who served Pere I (Aragé and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 436). Petrus de Medina. Audited an account of Barcelona in 1200 (106; attested accounts with or of Guillem Durfort c. 1203-1205 and 1207 (ACA, Extra. 3457; Accounts, 120); subscribed the commendation of Palafrugell in 1196 (102). See RSL 3. Petrus Raimundi porter. Audited an account of Bernat Sang in 1183 (47). See also no. 43. Petrus de Sala. Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120) and the charter of commendation of Urgell in 1211 (129). A citizen of Lleida, he obtained the lordship of El Vilosell from Pere I in 1213 in exchange for Massalcoreig (AHN, Poblet, c. 2109, 11, 14). Petrus de Sancto Celedonio (PERE DE SANT CELONI). Attested an account of Tarrega and audited another of Cerdanya-Conflent in 1186 ($7, 60). See RSL 4. Petrus Ysarni (PERE ISARN). Attested an account of Manresa (or vicinity) c. 1177-1178 (31). Poncius (PONG, d. 1168). Attested, reviewed, and wrote accounts for

Estopanya and Prats de Molld6, 1157-1159. . . (5-7, 9). Styled

2. ACCOUNTANTS, AUDITORS, AND SCRIBES (1144-~1213) 247

scriba or scriptor comitis, he wrote many fiscal enactments (8, 140, 141, 143) among innumerable charters of R.B. IV. His will is no. 145. See also no. 1B, and above, p. 65. Poncius Ademarii, Ademar (PONG ADEMAR). Audited accounts of Bernat Sang in 1183 (47), and of Barcelona, Tarragona, and Cervera in 1184 (49, $1, 59, 61, 66); procurator domini regis in Catalonia in 1191 (87); see also 90, 100. A Templar, he is poorly known apart

from his fiscal work (cf. ACA, Alfons I, 359; Forey, Templars, p- 345).

Poncius de Alesto. It was probably he who attested an account of bovatge in 1205 (115); subscribed the commission of Moia in 1205 (114).

Poncius de Li[uia] (PONC DE LLiviA). Audited an account of Cerdanya-Conflent in 1186 (60). See RSL 4.

Poncius de Mataplana. Audited an account of Lleida and subscribed a settlement at Tarragona in 1180 (35, 36); see also no. 39. On the family see EC, 1x, 708. Poncius de Monte Pauonis. Audited an account of Bernat de Mo-

zoll4 for Cervera in 1192 (160). ,

Poncius de Osor (PONC DE OsOR). Attested accounts of Lleida in 1180

(35), and of Tortosa-Asc6 in 1189-1190 (79); wrote commissions Or accounts in 1165, 1168, and 1169 (16, 20, 22; and Pl. III); and is otherwise evident in fiscal work (52). Son of a like-named notable (1Q; cf. Puig y Puig, Episcopologio, p. 424), he was king’s scribe from 1163 to 1190 and canon (ultimately precentor) of Barcelona (Arago and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 428; LFM, 1, no. 21). Poncius de Rigaldo (PONG DE RIGALT, provincial master of Templars, 1189-1195, 1202-1206). Accounted with Alfons I in 1189—1190 in Provence (78, 79); see also no. 108, and Forey, Templars, p. 420. Poncius Rotbaldi (PONG ROBALL). Wrote a pledge in 1187 by direction of Guillem de Bassa (67); and possibly several accounts (see RSL 9).

See also nos. 125, 162. He is the scribe Aragé and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 431, list as “Poncius Rotlandi.”

Poncius de Saxano, Sexo. Attested an account of Prats de Moll6 in 1158 (7). See also RSL 4.

Poncius de Serriano. Wrote accounts of the coinage of Barcelona in 1212 and 1213 (135, 137, 138). A scribe of Barcelona, he can be traced in acts of 1207 and 1208 (Mas, XII, nos. 2402~2405, 2407, 2412).

R. Boneti. Attested an account of bovatge in 1200 (105). R. de Castro novo clericus Castelleti. Ordered the writing of a commission by the bailiff of Castellet in 1211 (171). R. de Pedros presbiter. Attested an account of Vilamajor in 1186 (58).

248 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

R. de Podio, clericus de Villafranca. Ordered the writing of a cession of revenues at Vilafranca del Penedés in 1205 (166).

R. Targerius. Attested accounts of the Templars in 1189-1190 in Provence (78, 79). Raimundus. Wrote a cession of rights to water at El] Rourell in 1181 (150).

(Raimundus sacerdos). Almost certainly wrote a recognition of debt to the church of Vic in 1172 (24); scribe of Vic (cf. ACV, cal. 6, 2401, 2403, 2407, 2412, 2413). R[aimundus] (RAMON DE ROCABERTI, abp. of Tarragona, 1199-1215). Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120). Raimundus (RAMON ARLET, commander of Templars at Palau, 12131216). Received accounts of the coinage of Barcelona in 1213 (137, 138). See Forey, Templars, p. 439. Raimundus sacerdos. Wrote an account of Vilamajor in 1181 (40; PI. VIID.

Raimundus Batala (RAMON BATALA, commander of Templars at Palau, 1202-1211). Audited accounts of Vilafranca in 1204 (109), Bergueda in 1205 (113), Almenar in 1207 (117; cf. 119), Barcelona in 1209 (125), and before 1212 (135); sold bailiwicks of: Vilamajor in 21204 (110), Sant Feliu de Llobregat and Gava in 1204 (111), Moia in 1205 (114), Llerrassa c. 1204—1205 (116), Vilafranca in 1207 (118); styled procurator in baiultis pro domino rege or procurator negociorum do-

mini regis in these records from 1204 to 1207. See Forey, Templars, P. 439. Raimundus de Calidis (RAMON DE CALDES, ¢. 1135—1199; dean of

Barcelona cathedral, 1162-1199). Audited accounts for Alfons I from ¢. 1177-1178 until 1194 (33, 40, 57, 58, 61-66, 68—75, 77, 80-84, 87-90, 92-95, 97, 98); see also no. 36. Son of Porcell de Caldes (see RSL 4), brother of Bernat de Caldes (q.v.), and trained as a scribe, he was canon of Barcelona from about 1155, then decanus or levita atque decanus of Barcelona from 1162, and was vir-

tually director of the royal administration from about 1178 until I1194—1195 (above, pp. 93-96; other references, Index Nominum; and Bisson, “Ramon de Caldes,” pp. 281-292). See frontispiece. Raimundus de Ciges (RAMON DE SITGES). Wrote an account (as subdiaconus) in 1179 (34; Pl. VI), and almost certainly other accounts in

1186 and 1188 (58, 68), the former of which he attested. He later wrote much of the “Liber feudorum maior.” See Mund6, “El pacte de Cazola del 11791 el ‘Liber feudorum maior’. . . ,” pp. 119-129. R{aimundus] Ferrarii de Tarrega. Attested an account of Tarrega in 1186 (57); and (if he is the same) an account of Manresa (or vicinity) Cc. 1177-1178 (31). See RSL 4.

2. ACCOUNTANTS, AUDITORS, AND SCRIBES (1144-1213) 249

Raimundus de Guarnerio levita. Wrote a pledge in 1191 (91). Raimundus Iterii. Wrote a fiscal authorization at Lleida in 1192 (159); notary of Lleida. Raimundus de Malloleis. Audited an account of Bernat Sanc¢ in 1183 (44); notable of Perpinya. R[aimundus] de Moncada (RAMON I DE MONTCADA, ¢. 1125—I190). Attested an account of merchants of Montpellier in 1173 (25). See also nos. 8, 22, 26, 29, 146, 149. Ramon Pere. Audited an account of Lleida in 1180 (35). Raimundus de Perella (RAMON DE PERELLA). Accounted with merchants of Montpellier in 1173 (25); audited accounts of Bernat Sang Cc. 1177-1178 (33) and again c. 1182-1185 (45, §2, 153). Probably the brother of Arnau de Perella and Perella (see RSL 4 and 2 respec-

tively), he served R.B. IV as early as 1157 (4"”). See also no. 39; ACA, Alfons I, 279; Extra. 2621; cf. Alfons I, 259; also AD Bouches-

du-Rhone B 288 (iv 1176); CSCr, no. 191. Raimundus ?Rippe. Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120).

Raimundus Suavis. Styled scriptor fratris R. Batala in compotis domini regis, he wrote an account of Almenar in 1207 (117); also wrote a commission of Vilafranca del Penedés in 1207 (118) and a recognition by Perfet the bailiff in 1207 (119). Raimundus de Uilla Mulorum (RAMON DE VILADEMULS, d. ¢. 1199).

Audited an account of Cerdanya-Conflent in 1186 (60). On his work in Rossellé see RSL 1, p. 186; Alart, Priviléges, p. so. Rubeus (roic). Attested accounts of Caldes de Montbui and Terrassa in I191 (87, 88, 90), and of Piera-Cabrera in 1193 (96). See RSL 4. S. de Peraria. Accounted with merchants of Montpellier in 1173 (25). Saltellus (SALTELL). Audited an account of ?Manresa ¢. 1177-1178 (31). A servant of Alfons I and his father from 1157-1158 or before (47, 13; cf. ACA, R.B. IV, 323; also LFM, 1, no. 400; Accounts, no. 27), he was the son of Sheshet (or Perfet), probably that one who died shortly before 1136 (Baer, Die Juden, 1', 9) and probably the uncle of Perfet the bailiff. See also RSL 4. Samuel iudeus. Attested an account of Tarrega in 1186 (57). Sancius de Petrarubea (SANCHO DE PENARROYA?). Wrote accounts and other fiscal enactments at Perpinya and Béziers in 1182-1183 (41, 151, 152, and probably 153); scribe of R.B. IV as early as 1140

(DI, Iv, no. 33), and continued active under Alfons I (Aragé and Trenchs, “Las escribanias reales,” 424, 430). He was probably Aragonese.

Stephanus de Malloleis. Audited an account of Bernat Sang in 1183 (44); notable of Perpinya.

250 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

Stephanus de Maurimonte (ESTEVE DE MARIMON). Attested accounts of Lleida in 1187 (62); of Almenar and of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (117, 120). A wealthy notable of Lleida (see Lladonosa i Pujol, His-

toria de Lleida, 1, 174, 294), he figures in other accounts of 11891190 (72, 77), when he had undoubtedly made advances to Alfons I. Toward 1192-1194 he was a major creditor for operations northwest of Lleida (100), and he continued to lend to Pere I (103, 104). See also no. 162. Stephanus de Villa rasa. Attested an account of Guillem Durfort in 1207 (120); notable of Perpinya (Alart, Priviléges, pp. 82-83, 93). Vidal. Attested (in Hebrew) a recognition by Perfet the bailiff'in 1207 (119).

Virgilius (virciLt). Wrote an account of Tarrega in 1186 (57) and the translatum of an account of Cervera in 1193 (95). Styled notarius Cer-

varie in 1192 (LFM, 1, no. 21), he was a local scribe who wrote or subscribed instruments from about 1181 to 1203 (see CSCr, nos. 241, 259, 269, 315, 364, 365; AM Cervera, perg. 93, 265; Font Rius, Régimen municipal, p. 475).

Vitalis Escapath. Attested an account of Ramon de Manresa in 1210 (130); probably a Jewish notable of Girona (cf. Baer, Die Juden, 1’, no. 81). Viues. Co-seller of bailiwicks of Vilafranca del Penedés and Font-rubi in 1179 (34). See RSL 4. Ximinius de Artusela (jIMENO DE ARTUSELLA). Attested an account of

merchants of Montpellier in 1173 (25); figures in other fiscal enactments of 1169-1171 (22, 23, 146). He was an Aragonese baron: see Ubieto Arteta, Los “tenentes” en Aragon, p. 235.

(Yishaq). Attested (in Hebrew) accounts of Vilamajor in 1181 and 1189 (40, 71) and of Barcelona in 1186 (61). See also Lobellus.

(Yishaq). Attested (in Hebrew) a recognition by Perfet the bailiff in 1207 (119).

VICARS (1151-1213)

The same norms as in RSL 2 are applied here, except that modern equivalents of names are regularly supplied to facilitate identifications from listings in RSL 1. Arbertus de Castro uetulo (ARBERT DE CASTELLVELL, d. c. 1174). Vicar of Siurana toward 1174 (ACA, GPC, arm. 23, 49); castellan

or lord of Siurana from 1163 until his death (CPC, 1', nos. 121, 128, 131, 138, 139, 153; VL, xx, 262). Cf. EC, tv, 614; CPC, 1, 760; Accounts, 4°, 13, 21-23, 142, 143, 146. Arnaldus Berengarii (ARNAU BERENGUER). King’s vicar (vicarius . . . pro domino rege) in 1205 in the Penedés (CSC, m, no. 1259). He fig-

ures without title in a sentence of 1209 (ibid., no. 1273). Arnallus de Moione (ARNAU DE MOLLO). Vicar and bailiff of Moll6 in

11§§ (CPC, 1', no. 98). See RSL 4. Arnallus de Perella (ARNAU DE PERELLA). Vicar at Caldes de Malavella

and Llagostera in 1151 (1G). Apparently the brother of Perella, he succeeded the vicar Ramon Guillem toward 1140-1145 and probably held the vicariate continuously in the later years of R.B. IV (Accounts, 47°; ACA, R.B. IV, 178; R.B. IV Extra. 2501; LFM, 1, no. 400). On the nature of his work, see above, pp. 71-73. His son Bernat de Perella probably succeeded him in the vicariate (LFM, 1, no. 400). Astrugus, Astruc (ASTRUC). King’s vicar (vicarius regis) in the Bages in 1197 (ACV, cal. 6, Episcopologi i, 51); subvicar in the Bages in 1202 (ACA, Pere I, 131). Cf. AHN, Poblet, c. 2060, 11. Berengarius (BERENGUER). Vicar of Manresa (vicarius de Minorisa) in 1160 (ADV, Cart. PEstany, no. 13). One Berengarius vicharius and

his wife Ermessend bought a manse at Chaphelos (county of Manresa) in 1151 (Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Benet de Bages, 192). Berengarius Bouis (BERENGUER BOU). King’s vicar (vicarius regis) in 1180—1182, probably at Barcelona (ADB, Santa Anna, old no. 216

252 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

[21 v 1180]; ACB, Cartes Reiales C-1-11; CSC, m, nos. 1137, 1144; Mas, XII, no. 2106); styled barchinonensis curie uicarius in 1195 (ACA,

Alfons I, 709). Son-in-law of Berenguer de Barcelona, the former

vicar and castellan of Regomir (CSC, m, no. 1246; Carreras y Candi, La ciutat de Barcelona, p. 637; Els castells, 1, 530), he figures in

other acts from 1171 until 1203 (Mas, XI, no. 1951; XII, nos. 2209, 2230, 2231, 2361; CSCr, no. 174; CSC, tm, nos. 1132, 1159, 1176; ACA, Alfons I, 698; Pere I, 15, 77, 86; ACB, Div. C (6), c. 7, 338 (9 X11 1193); c. 7, 340 (14 111195); ADB, Santa Anna, c. 3, 360; ACV, cal. 7, lligal 1, 26). Cf. Serra Rosellé, “Cronologia,” 9. Berengarius de Guardia (BERENGUER DE GuARDIA). Vicar of Perpinya (vicarius Perpiniani, de Perpiniano) in 1172 and 1174 (Alart, Priviléges,

pp. 55, 57). Although his name was disfigured in the copy, he can be recognized among the knights who swore fealty to Alfons I in 1172 (LFM, ul, 279). He was a holdover from the old order, having been styled vicarius since 1139 and often thereafter (Cartulaire du Temple, ed. Albon, no. 188; LFM, u, nos. 732, 758; AD Pyr.-Or., J 20D 11, nos. 247, 251; cf. Alart, p. 50; and see also LFM, ul, no.

752). | Berengarius de Monte regali (BERENGUER DE MONREAL). Vicar of Be-

sal (uicarius Bisillunensis) possibly before 1213 (ACA, Extra. 3452).

Cf. Arag6 and Costa, “Fonts per a la demarcaci6 territorial de les

vegueries de Besald... ,” p. 84. Berengarius Raimundi (BERENGUER RAMON). Vicar of Barcelona (vicarius Barchinonensis) in 1180 (ACB, “LA”, iti, fol. 34; Mas, x1, no. 2074). Cf. Serra Rosellé, “Cronologia,” 9. Berengarius de Spiellis (BERENGUER D’ESPIELLS). Vicar of Barcelona (vicarius Barchinonensis) in 1206 (ADB, Santa Anna, c. 3, 324). See

also ACB, Div. C (d), c. 5, 12 (25 vii 1218), c. 20, 2419; ACA, Jaume I, 246: he was the brother of Durfort d’Espiells and the nephew of Guillem Durfort (RSL 2, 4). Berengarius Suniarii (BERENGUER SUNYER). Vicar of Barcelona (vicarius, Barchinonensis vicarius) in 1208 (ACB, Div. C [d], c. 9, 202

[15 x 1208]; “LA”, iv, fol. 211, no. 481 [Mas, xm, no 2416]; in I21I—1212 (Mas, xl, nos. 2507, 2509; ADB, Santa Eulalia del Camp [1 x 1211]); and in 1213? (cf. Serra Rosellé, “Cronologia,” 10). He figures in other records of 1210-1220, retaining rights on the vicariate as late as 1220 (Mas, xn, nos. 2460, 2510; VL, xvi, 295-296; ACA, Jaume I, 139). Berengarius Ticionis (BERENGUER TICIO). King’s vicar (vicarius domini

regis) in 1196 at Barcelona or in the Penedés (CSC, m, no. 1217; see also no. 1279, act of 1209). Bernardus (BERNAT). Vicar of Manresa (vicarius, uicarius Minorise) in

3. VICARS (1I1§1—1213) 253 1176 (ACA, Monacals, Sant Benet de Bages, 500), 1177 (ACA, Al-

fons I, 225), 1179-1180 (ACA, Alfons I, 276; Monacals, Bages, §I1, $12), 1184 (ACV, cal. E [following 76: 17 vi 1184]), 1190 (ACA, Alfons I, 565), 1192 (ACA, Monacals, Bages, 1793), and 1194 (AM Manresa, perg., 465)—and doubtless more continuously

than these records show. Was it he—or a namesake?—who was vicar in 1213 (ACA, Monacals, Bages, 613)? (Bernat de Balenya). Vicar at Vic in 1205, according to Junyent, Jurisdiccions, p. §2.

Bernardus de Buxo (BERNAT DE BOX). Vicar in the Penedés (domini regis vicarius in Penitense, domini regis vicarius, etc.) in 1198 (CSC, m1,

nos. 1224, 1226) and 1202 (Mas, xl, no. 2356; CSC, I, no. 1242; see also Mas, xml, no. 2786 s.d.). Bernardus de Colle (BERNAT DE COLL). See RSL 4. Bernardus de Perella (BERNAT DE PERELLA). Held vicarial rights at

Caldes de Malavella in succession to his father Arnau de Perella (q.v.) in 1183, and doubtless continuously before then. His rights at Caldes were substantially reduced by royal action in 1183, and some of his revenues passed later to other men (LFM, 1, no. 400; ACA, Alfons I, 359, 447). See also Accounts, 45. Bernardus Simeonis (BERNAT SIMO). Vicar of Barcelona (Barchinonensis vicarius, vicarius) in 1203 (CSC, m, no. 1246; ACV, cal. 7, lligal

I, 26; ACA, Pere I, 145; CP, no. 286; cf. Serra Rosellé6, “Cronologia,” 10). He was cognitor cause in 1203 and 1207 (CSC, III, no. 1266; ACB, Div. C [d], c. 20, 2374), and figures in other records of 120§5—1207, 1210, and 1213 (Accounts, 114, 118; Mas, XII, nos. 2393, 2460, 2510). Bernardus de Soron (BERNAT DE SORO). Vicar (vicarius) in vicinity of Tortosa in 1166 (CP, no. 199). (Bernat de Vall). Vicar at Vic in 1195, according to Junyent, Jurisdiccions, p. §2. Should he be identified with the king’s notary? See RSL 2: Bernardus de Ualle.

Bertrandus de Sancto Garreno, Sangareno (BERTRANDO DE SANGARREN?). King’s vicar (regis vicarius; at Girona?) in 1187 (Marqués

Casanovas, “Alfonso II y la Seo de Gerona,” 214); subscribed the king’s grant of Ro to Pong de Lillet in 1183 (LFM, u, no. 631). The form Sancte Garreno, Sangareno, is known only in copies; possibly to be identified with Bertrandus de Sancto Garreto (q.v.). Bertrandus (BERTRAN) de Sancto Garreto. King’s vicar (vicarius domini regis) at Manresa (or in the Bages) in 1183 (ACA, Monacals, Sant Benet de Bages, 524) and in 1203 (ACA, Pere I, 131; Cartes Reials, 23). Possibly identical with Bertrandus de Sancto Garreno (q.v.).

254 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

Calvo (cALv6). Vicar of Tarragona (Terrachone vicarius) in 1191 (ADT,

“Cart. A.B.,” fol. 150v). Dalmatius de Crexello (DALMAU DE CREIXELL). King’s vicar (vicarius

regis) in 1200 (in Osona?: ACV, cal. 9 [19 iv 1200]); and in 1211 at Girona (ACG, Privilegis reials, plec 6, 1 [21 111 1211]). He held the royal domain of Osor from before December 1194 as a life tenure (DI, tv, 403), and figures in numerous acts concerning the Gironés and Rossell6é in the years 1191-1211. For his career, see EC, v, 721. See also no. 100; RSL 2. Dalmacius de Palaciolo (DALMAU DE PALOL). King’s vicar (uicarius domini regis) at Girona in 1194 (ACG, “LGS”, fols. 31v—32); figures in other royal enactments of 1189-1195 (Marqués Casanovas, “Alfonso II y la Seo de Gerona,” 217-218; Batlle y Prats, “Alfonso II en los cartularios de Gerona,” 168; ACA, Alfons I, 693, 698, 705, Extra. 2611; CP, no. 261; AHN, Poblet, c. 2057, 15; AD Pyr.-Or., J 20D i, no. 169; CPC, 1', nos. 195, 197, 198), having obtained the revenues of Palafrugell and Llofriu for life before December 1194 (DI, Iv, 397). See also Accounts, 99, 100. Ermengaudus de Minorisa (ERMENGOL DE MANRESA). Vicar (vicarius)

in 1193, probably at Barcelona (ACB, Div. C [cl], c. 7, 338 [9 xu 1193)).

Exemenus (EIXEMEN). King’s vicar in Osona (vicarius domini regis in Ausona) in 1199-1200 (CSC, mw, no. 1230; ACV, cal. 9 Episcopologi ii, 92; cal. 6, Ep. i, $7); and 1203 (AD Pyr.-Or., B 8 [6 vi 1203]; NH, xu, no. 645); attested an account of bovatge in 1200 (105).

Ferrandus (FERRAN) de Noruais. Vicar and bailiff in Rossellé in 1209-1210. See RSL 4. Giraldus (GUERAU). King’s vicar and bailiff (vicarius et baiulus domini regis) in Cerdanya in 1190 (Marti Sanjaume, Dietari de Puigcerdd, 1, 184 and apéndix 17). Possibly identical with Girardus? Girardus (GIRARD). Vicar at Perpinya in 1191 (Alart, Priviléges, p. 71). Possibly identical with Giraldus? Guilabertus de Scintillis (GIABERT DE CENTELLES). King’s vicar

(uicarius regis) at Vic in 1198 (ACV, “Liber dotationum,” fols. 12$v—126r; CSC, m1, no. 1230. See also Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant

Benet de Bages, 227). He figures in other records of 1189-1205 (ADB, Santa Anna, c. 3, 9, 107; Mas, xu, no. 2300; ACV, cal. 6, Episcopologi i, 46; ADV, Cart. l’Estany, no. 68; ACB, Div. C [c], c. 7, 475 [27 vi 1198]; BC, perg., 143 [1-I-1]; ACA, Monacals, Montalegre, c. 3, 256; Accounts, 100). Guilelmus Balb (GUILLEM BALB). Vicar of Lleida (uicarius Ilerde) in 1188 (AHN, Poblet, c. 2046, 1-2); king’s vicar (vicarius domini regis)

3. VICARS (LI 51-1213) 255 in 1191 (CSCr, no. 344); had been iusticia Illerde in 1181 (CSCr, no. 238), and iudex de palacio (of Lleida) in 1185 (CP, no. 47). Brother of Pere Balb, consul of Lleida in 1202 (Gras, La Paheria, p. 173), he was probably the son of Guillem Balb, settler of Lleida (Lladonosa i Pujol, Historia de Lleida, 1, 184, 269; Accounts, 4°”); he

figures in many other records. Guilelmus Ber(a)rdi (GUILLEM BERARD). King’s vicar in Piera (vicarius

domini regis in Apiera) in 1202 (Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Benet de Bages, 1869). Guilelmus Catalani (GUILLEM CaTALA). Vicar of Barcelona (vicarius Barchinonensis) in 1160 (Puig y Puig, Episcopologio, pp. 419-420; DI, 1v, no. 120 [the transcription of R.B. IV, 343 1s in error]), 1161 (DI, tv, no. 126), and 1170 (Mas, XI, no. 1943; CSC, m, no. 1075).

Cf. Serra Rosell6, “Cronologia,” 9: the reference to 1150 is mistaken; those to 1156 and 1171 I have not found. He figures, without title, in other acts of 1160-1173 (“Documents sur les juifs catalans,” ed. Miret y Sans and Schwab, 75, no. 14; Mas, XI, nos. 1829, 1947, 1986 [= Puig y Puig, Episcopologio, p. 428]; Accounts, 13; CSCr, no. 104; Font 1 Bayell, “Alfons el Cast,” 194), and, if not another of the same name, as late as 1179 or 1187 (Accounts, 34, 62). Guilelmus de Colle (GUILLEM DE COLL). Held the vicariate of the Penedés in 1203—1204 (109). See RSL 4. Guilelmus de Corbella (GUILLEM DE CORBELLA). King’s vicar (uicarius

domini regis) toward 1205 (in the Conca de Barbera?: ACA, Cartes reials, 23). Guilelmus de Corrone (GUILLEM DE CORRO). King’s vicar (vicharius domini regis) acting probably at Berga in 1206 (ACA, Pere I, 241) and probably at Manresa in 1208 (Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Benet de Bages, 1852); his district (if any) was probably the Bages. For his career as king’s notary, see RSL 2. Guilelmus de Crexello (GUILLEM DE CREIXELL). King’s vicar (vicarius

domini regis) in August 1210, when he heard a suit over manses in the parish of Santa Llocaia, Cerdanya (AD Pyr.-Or., B 89 [19 viii 1210]). He may by then have held a general commission in Rossellé and Conflent as well as in Cerdanya, to which allusion is made in January 1211 (132). A specialist in royal affairs of these counties, he

was a major creditor of Pere I (Alart, Priviléges, pp. 80, 99; Accounts, 120, 132; ACA, Pere I, 422). See also RSL 2. Guilelmus Fortunii (GUILLEM FORTUNY). Vicar of Tarragona (vicarius Terrachone) in 1206 (CPC, 1', no. 221). See also Related Records, 170.

Guilelmus Jordani (GUILLEM JORDA). King’s vicar in Rossell6 (vicarius

256 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

domini regis in partibus Rossilionis) in 1208 (Alart, Priviléges, p. 78 n. 1). Cf. Accounts, 136. Guilelmus de Mediona (GUILLEM DE MEDIONA). Ceded the vicariate of Barcelona to Pere I for 10,000 s.b. in 1205 (167); his tenures of the king are mentioned in 1212-1213 (ACA, Pere I, 438; Mas, xu, no. 2534). Guilelmus de Oliuella (GUILLEM DE OLIUELLA). Vicar of Tortosa (uicarius Dertosse) in 1200 and 1211 (ACA, Cart. Tortosa, nos. 236, 249).

Iohanes de Cascallis (JOAN DE Cascal). King’s vicar and bailiff in the

Bergueda in 1182—1183 (CP, nos. 295, 324); vicar of Barcelona (vicarius Barchinone) in 1191 (ACA, Alfons I, 609) and in 1196 (ACB, “LA”, 111, fol. sorb-va, no. 144 [Mas, xt, no. 2266]; cf. Serra Rosell6, “Cronologia,” 10). Styled procurator domini regis in 1198

(ACA, Pere I, Extra. 2704), he executed a seizure for the king sometime before c. 1190 near Castelloli (ACA, Extra. 3148). See also Extra. 3429, and RSL 4. Iohannes Sancti Baudilii (JOAN DE SANT Bol). Vicar of Siurana (vicarius Siurane) in 1175 (CPC, 1', no. 153). Canon of Tarragona, having been appointed prior at Escornalbou in 1170 (ibid., nos. 138,

140), he was subsequently chamberlain and provost of Tarragona cathedral (ibid., nos. 155, 179, 199, 201). Martinus de Sancto Poncio (MART{ DE SANT PONG). Vicar at Tortosa in 1171 (ACTo, Cart. 2, fols. §5v—$7Vv). Martinus de Uico (MARTI DE vic). Bailiff and vicar of Girona in 1211 (ADG, Pia Almoina, 526). See RSL 4. Petrus de Alfodio (PERE D’ALFOU). Vicar of Barcelona (Barchinonensis

vicarius) in 1189 and 1190 (CSCr, nos. 326, 330; ACA, Alfons I, 560; ADB, Santa Anna [8 vi 1190]); figures in other acts of 11861192 (CSCr, no. 280; ACA, Extra. 3148; Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Cugat, 191). Cf. Serra Rosell6, “Cronologia,” 9. Pere Arcez. Vicar of Girona (vicarius Ierundensis), after December 1188 (CP, no. 293; cf. no. 292). Petrus Arnalli (PERE ARNAU). Vicar of Barcelona (vicarius Barchinone) in 1154 (DI, Iv, no. 83), 1156 (ibid., no. 89), and 1157 (LFM, 1, nos.

253, 343; see also no. 345; DI, Iv, nos. 104, 107; and Accounts, 4”°”, probably identical with “P.A.”). Cf. Serra Rosellé, “Cronologia,” 9. Petrus de Bassia (PERE DE BASSA). King’s vicar (vicarius domini regis) in

1196 (CSC, mW, no. 1217) and 1211 (Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Benet de Bages, 1869; ACB, Div. C [d], c. 21, 2456). See RSL 4. Petrus Berengarii (PERE BERENGUER). Hereditary vicar and bailiff at

3. VICARS (IISI—1213) 257 Montblanc from 1155 (CPC, 1', nos. 98, 99, 109; ADM, Archivo histdérico, leg. 236, pliego 8 [25 vi 1158] = CPC, 1', no. 109, which is garbled); vicar of Vilafranca (vicarius de Villafranca) in 1161 (LFM, I, nO. 330). See RSL 4. Petrus Berengarii (PERE BERENGUER). Vicar at Besali in 1151 (1K). Petrus de Castlaril (PERE DE CASTLARIL). Vicar, probably in Bages, in 1211 (ACA, Monacals, Sant Benet de Bages, 608). See RSL 4. Petrus Exament (PERE EIXEMEN). King’s vicar (domini regis uicarius) toward 1186~—1188 in Vallés or Bages (ACA, Monacals, Sant Lloreng de Munt, 353). Petrus Martini (PERE MART{). Held the vicariate of Osona and Bages in 1187 (65). See RSL 4. Petrus de Medina (PERE DE MEDINA). Vicar of Barcelona (vicarius Barchinonensis, vicarius curie Barchinone) in 1199 (ACA, Pere I, 73), 1201-1202 (ACB, Div. C [d], c. 8, 140 [9 vi 1201], c. 17, 1689 [26 1X 1202]), 1205 (CSC, ml, no. 1260; ACV, Santa Eugénia de Berga,

bundle 1 [6 xii 1205]). He audited and attested accounts (12001207: see RSL 2) and figures in other records of 1196—1207 (Accounts, 102, 162; ACA, Pere I, 42, 58, 77, 86; GPC, arm. 17, 321; CPC, 1', no. 221; ACB, Cartes reials C-14; ACV, cal. 7, lligal 1, 26; Mas, XII, nos. 2276, 2362, 2375, 2376, 2382, 2393); died before September 1215 (Mas, xl, nos. 2579, 2580). Petrus Poncii (PERE PONG). Vicar at Besalti in 1206 (Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Pere de Besalu, 6 [ed. Bisson, “El senyoriu reial sobre Besalu,” no. 1]; called “Petrus Poncii de Bisulduno” in 1213 (ACA, Pere I, 439; CPC, 1', no. 238; see also ACA, Jaume I, 164). Petrus de Sancto Minato (PERE DE SENTMENAT). Vicar of Tortosa (uicarius Dertose) in 1198, 1208-1209 (ACTo, Cart. 8, fols. 42v44v; Cart. 2, fols. 84-85v; AHN, Poblet, c. 2096, 13, 14). His father (of the same name) had been a leader in the conquest and resettlement of Tortosa (see, e.g., Related Records, 141; CPC, 1', nos.

75, 76, 134; CSCr, nos. 49-52, 69, 80, etc.). The son figures in other local acts from 1188 (ibid., nos. 312, 321). Pere de Torredella (= Torroella?). Vicar at Vic in 1205, according to Junyent, Jurisdiccions, p. 52. See also Puig y Puig, Episcopologio, apéndice 86, p. 430; cf. Related Records, 163, 164, and RSL 4. Petrus Xemeniz (PEDRO JIMENEZ II DE URREA). Held the vicariate and

bailiwick of Cerdanya and Conflent from 1183 to at least June 1186 (60); received the valley of Querol in fief in 1185 (Documentos del Pilar, ed. Rubio, no. 199). He was an Aragonese baron (see Ubieto, Los “tenentes” en Aragon, p. 260). Poncius Guilelmi de Torrocella (PONG GUILLEM DE TORROELLA).

258 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

King’s vicar (vicarius noster) at Girona in 1211 (ACG, Privilegis, plec

6, 1 [new 8]). See also Accounts, 126; Alart, Priviléges, p. 95 (act of 1210).

R[aimundus] rep[ositarius] (RAMON). Vicar and bailiff of Lleida in 1208 (AHN, Poblet, c. 2096, 10). See RSL 4. Raimundus de Gerundella (RAMON DE GIRONELLA). Vicar at Girona

in 1157 (ADG, “Carles Many,” fols. 50-51); notable of Girona involved in other comital-royal enactments of that place from 1151

until 1166 or later (Accounts, 1IJ, 16; LFM, 1, no. 396; ACG, “Llibre vert,” fols. 199v—200r; ACA, R.B. IV, 258). See also above, p. 68. Raimundus de Girundella (RAMON DE GIRONELLA). Vicar of Girona (vicarius Gerunde) in 1209 (ADG, “Carles Many,” fols. 76r—77r) and

1211 (ACG, Privilegis, plec 6, 8 [21 iti 1211]). He figures in other enactments concerning the Gironés from 1187 until 1229 or later (ACA, Alfons I, 445-447, 488, 504; Batlle y Prats, “Alfonso II en los cartularios de Gerona,” 167; ADG, “Carles Many,” fol. 1711). R[aimundus] Guanagalli, Ganagol (RAMON GUANAGAL). Vicar in 1179, probably for the Tarragonés (CSCr, no. 224). See RSL 4. Raimundus de Mercatali (RAMON DE MERCADAL). Queen's vicar (uicarius domine regine) in 1193, probably at Siurana (AHN, Poblet, c. 2055, 14). See RSL 4. Raimundus de Plicamanibus (RAMON DE PLEGAMANS). Vicar of Bar-

celona (often styled vicarius Barchinone) in 1202 (according to EC, XI, 691), 1209-1210 (Mas, XII, nos. 2438, 2460), 1218~1219 (ACB, Div. C [d], c. 12, 859 [4 v 1218]; Font Rius, Régimen municipal, pp. 476-478); bailiff and vicar of Rossell6, Cerdanya, and Conflent (baiulus et vicarius Rossilionis et Ceritanie et Confluentis) in 1213 (CPC, 1', no. 237); and was styled vicarius et baiulus . . . Catalonie in 1229 when he managed the expedition to Majorca (ACA, Jaume I, 387). He figures in many records from about 1200 on (ACA, Pere I,

85; Jaume I, 123, 258; Accounts, 125, 136). Cf. Serra Rosell6, “Cronologia,” 10; EC, XI, 691. Raimundus de Sancto Stephano (RAMON DE SANT ESTEVE). King’s vicar (vicarius domini regis) in Osona in 1206 (ACA, Pere I, 236).

BAILIFFS (1151-1213)

The same norms as in RSL 2 are applied here, except that modern equivalents of names are regularly supplied to facilitate identifications from listings in RSL 1. By exception, a very few bailiffs prior to 1151 are included. A. Bailiff (baiulus de[. . . . (d)]) in Cerdanya 1184-1189. . . (76). Aianricus (ENRIC, d. 1160). Count’s bailiff (bajulus, baiulus comes) at Piera in 1151 (1E), 1157 (LFM, 1, no. 345), and 1159-1160 (CSC, II, NOS. 1028, 1033). See above, pp. 69-70. Albufazan. Bailiff of Lleida (baiulus Ylerde) 1189-1191 by deputation of Benveniste, who held the charters of commission (77, 84). Arbertus Landricus (ARBERT LANDRI). Purchased the expletum of Osor from Countess Almodis in 1071 (139).

Arluinus, Arloi (arLui). Held a bailiwick of military supply in Cerdanya before 17 April 1151 (1,O) and again as late as c. 1163-1165 (19).

Arnaldus (ARNAU) magister. Bailiff of Tuir (baiulus de Tuir) in 1183 (47).

Arnallus Berengarii (ARNAU BERENGUER). Bailiff at Sant Feliu de Llobregat in 1151 (1D), and probably also in 1144 (140). Arnaldus de Capraria (ARNAU DE CABRERA). King’s bailiff (baiulus meus) in 1194, probably at Manresa (ACA, Alfons I, 668). Possibly identical with a security for Pong de Cabrera in 1194 (LFM, 1, no. 414).

Arnaldus Doi (arNAvu pot). Bailiff of Terrassa (baiulus de Terracia, baiulus regis) in and about 1180 (LFM, 1, no. 201: “Arnaldi diaconi.. .” a misreading; cf. ACA, Alfons I Extra. 2625; also Fundacié Soler i Palet (Terrassa), perg. Santa Maria, 162). Surely a native of the Vallés, he can be traced in local records from about 1171 until 1193 (CSC, m, no. 1079; Arxiu Can Sent-roma, perg. [15 i

260 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

1172]; Mas, xl, nos. 2722 [no. 2714 mistaken], x1, 2049; ACA, Alfons I, 276; Moreu-Rey, Caldes de Montbui, apéndixs, nos. 27, 28; ACB, Div. C [c], c. 7, 335 [24 x1 1193]). Arnallus Granelli (ARNAU GRANELL). Bailiff at Caldes de Malavella and Llagostera probably in 1151 and for some time before and after that (1G; ACA, R.B. IV Extra. 2501). See above, p. 72. Arnallus de Moione (ARNAU DE MOLLO). Vicar and bailiff of Moll6 (vicarius et baiulus de Moio) in 1155 (CPC, 1', no. 98); bailiff at Moll6

in 11§1 together with his brother Berenguer, and probably continuously until 1158—1161 (1P, 7, 8, 11, 12). See also ACG, “LGS”, fol. 24r (28 vi 1173); pergamins (1 1 1175); Arxiu de Sant Joan de les Abadesses, perg. s. xu; and RSL 3. Arnallus Petri (ARNAU PERE, d. c. 1189). Bailiff of Sarral (baiulus Regalis) in 1180 (CPC, 1', no. 160) and at Montblanc 1186-1188 (Accounts, 62, 63, 68; see also 69); styled baiulus regis in records of Vilagrassa in 1185—1186 (ACA, Alfons I, 395 and 407), of Conesa in 1187 (LFM, 1, no. 266) and of Cabra in 1187—1188 (Accounts, 156; CSCr, no. 298). Probably identical with Arnallus Petri de Monte

blanch, who figures in records of 1170 and 1178 (CP, no. 350; CSCr, no. 206); died in 1188 or early in 1189 (ACA, Alfons I, 511). Arnallus Raimundi (ARNAU RAMON). Bailiff in 1210, possibly at Ix (AD Pyr.-Or., B 89 [19 viii 1210], case involving manses in the parish of Santa Llocaia). Arnaldus de Rieria (ARNAU DE RIERA). Bailiff in Osona—for the king?—1in 1206 (ACA, Pere I, 236). Arnaldus de Salfores (ARNAU DE SALFORES). Bailiff of Siurana (baiulus

de Siurana) in 1174 (ACA, GPC, arm. 23, 49); with his wife and son received a charter to settle Morera from Arbert de Castellvell (see RSL 3) in 1170 (CPC, 1', no. 139). Arnaldus de Solario (ARNAU DE SOLER). Bailiff of Vilamajor (baiulus de Uillamaiori) 1187-1190 (71, 83), and in 1199, styled baiulus domini regis (Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Cugat, 194). Azmel. King’s bailiff of Lleida (baiulus meus Ilerde) 1178-1180 (35).

Benvenist, Abenbenist (BENVENISTE). Purchased the bailiwick of Lleida in 1189, then delegated it to Albufazan (77, 84); projected a trip to Morocco in the service of Pere I (103, 104). He was a nephew of Perfet alfachim (see RSL 2) and, according to Baer (Jews in Christian Spain, 1, 91), brother of Sheshet ben Isaac Benveniste, a physician likewise in royal service. Ber. de Frumigera (BER. DE FORMIGUERA). Bailiff probably in Capcir Cc. 1173-1175 (148).

Berengarius de Columbario (BERENGUER DE COLOMER). Bailiff of Llagostera (baiulus uille). . . 1185-1196 (101).

4. BAILIFFS (11§1—1213) 261 Berengarius Macip (BERENGUER MACIP). King’s bailiff (baiulus vester)

at Sant Climent de Llobregat in 1194 (LFM, 1, no. 309). Berengarius Mironis (BERENGUER MIR). Bailiff at Llagostera in 1151 together with Pere Tosa (1H), with whom he repurchased this bailiwick in 1160 (10,E). For charges brought against him (DI, 1v, no. 161), see above, p. 73. Berengarius de Moion (BERENGUER DE MOLLO). Bailiff at Moll6 in

1151 (IP). See also no. 12 (c. 1160-1161): he was the brother of Arnau de Mollo (q.v., RSL 3, 4). Berengarius de Monte eschivo (BERENGUER DE MONTESQUIU). Bailiff

of Manresa (baiulus de Minorisa, baiulus regis) and possibly also of Santpedor in 1191-1192 (ACA, Alfons I, 609; CPC, 1', no. 195); accounted for an unspecified bailiwick c. 1177-1178 (31), almost

certainly that of Manresa, where he figures in other records of 1177, 1178, 1190, and 1193 (ACA, Alfons I, 225, 565, 671; Monacals, Sant Benet de Bages, 500, 505; see especially Extra. 3148). His nephew Berenguer received the scribania of Manresa some time before 1194 (AM Manresa, perg. 465). Berengarius Petri (BERENGUER PERE). Bailiff of Palafrugell (bajulus de Palad Frugell) in 1151 (1). Berengarius de Riera (BERENGUER DE RIERA). Received the honor of Moia in pledge from the king for 12,700 s.b. in 1209 (124), and the revenues of Vic for 5000 s.b. in 1211 (133). A notable proprietor at

Vic, figuring in local transactions from about 1181 (ACV, cal. 6, 403, 2279, 2509, 2512-2514, 2518, 2528, 2558, 2575, 2591, 2597, 2617; cal. 9, 25 1111196, 18 1x 1208, etc.; ACA, Alfons I, 549; Pere I,

236), he died before 1221 (Bofill y Boix, “Lo castell de Gurb,” 705 n. I). See also RSL 2. Berengarius de Rabi(a) (BERENGUER DE RUBKA)). King’s bailiff (baiulus

domini regis) in 1198 (Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Benet de Bages, 227). Possibly identical with Berengarius de Rusubi (q.v.). Berengarius de Rusubi (BERENGUER DE RUSUBI). King’s bailiff (baiulus

regis) in (probably) 1185, probably at Piera (ADB, Santa Eulalia del Camp, SE 1 [16 v 118{5)]. Possibly identical with Berengarius de Rubi(a) (q.v.). Berengarius de Serra (BERENGUER DE SERRA). Bailiff, possibly for the king, at Moia in 1165 (ACV, cal. 6, 2369). If this affiliation is cor-

rect, he may be further identified with a collector of tallage who accounted c. 1177-1178 (32); see also ACA, Extra. 3200. Bernardus (BERNAT). Bailiff at Vilamajor in 1151 (1A).

Bernardus. See Bernardus de Livia. Bernardus Borotini (BERNAT BOROTI). Bailiff of Vic (baiulus de Uico)

1188—1189 (74); later served (1210-1227) as creditor and admin-

262 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

istrator for the Montcadas, bearing the title uicarius in 1220 (136; also ADV, Sant Llorenc de Munt, ii, 7; ACA, Extra. 3118; Jaume I, 32, $1, $3, 123, 128, 236, 302, 334, 378; CSC, m, nos. 1290, 1297). He had land in the term of Montcada (ADB, Santa Anna, c. 3, 262). Bernardus Bos, Bouis de Gerunda (BERNAT BOU). Bailiff at Girona

for an uncertain term beginning toward 1155-1160 (possibly not yet in 1157: see ADG, Pia Almoina, c. 10, 79) and continuing until 1166 or later (18; LFM, 1, no. 396; called baiulus regis in 1165, ADG, Pia Almoina, $7). Lordship over Bernat had been ceded to the Hospitallers in 1149 (CGH, 1, no. 181); but in records of 1160-1166 he figures only as a comital or royal functionary (DI, Iv, nos. 120, 126; Accounts, 16; LFM, 1, no. 396). [Bernardus de Colle] (“BERNAT DES COLL”). King’s bailiff, bailiff and

vicar in Tarragona (“balle del senyor rey,” “batlle y veguer del rey en Tarrag?”) in 1209 (ADT, “Index 1675,” fols 80v, 232rv). He may be identified with a creditor of Pere I who had strong associations

with Poblet (ACA, Alfons I, 698; AHN, Poblet, c. 2088, 18; c. 2090, II, 12; c. 2104, 7). Bernardus Cornetus (BERNAT CORNET). King’s bailiff (baiulus regis) in

1175, possibly at Tarragona (CSCr, no. 185; see also no. 159, act of 1172).

Bernardus Ferrer (BERNAT FERRER). Bailift of Quart (bajulus de Quart) in 11§1 (10). Bernardus Granel (BERNAT GRANELL). King’s bailiff (baiulus regis) at

Tarrega in 1178 (CSCr, no. 204); styled baiulus de Tarrega in 11851186 (57; see also AHN, Poblet, c. 2042, 1). His parents were prob-

ably among “men of Tarrega” who settled Vinaixa in 1151, for Bernat first appears (1171) as a royal tenant in that sector (AHN, Poblet, c. 2016, 1; cf. CPC, 1', no. 86), and his honor there can be traced until at least 1207 (AHN, Poblet, c. 2021, 15; 2036, 10; 2038, IO—I1; 2042, I; 2046, 11; 2057, 14; 2063, 4-5; 2068, 13; 2072, I; 2090, 14, 1§, 17). In 1181 Alfons I granted him the castles of Algars and Batea to resettle (Els castells, 1v, 632—633), but there is no in-

dication that he exploited the tenure. His properties in and about Tarrega and his family are well indicated in his will of 1207 (168). Bernardus de Grasbuac (BERNAT DE GRASBUAC). Purchased the bailiwicks of Vilafranca and Font-rubi in 1179 (34) and that of Fontrubi in 1184 (59). He had property in the parish of Avinyonet del Penedés (CSC, ml, no. 1220). Bernardus Guilelmi de Cherol (BERNAT GUILLEM DE QUEROL). Bailiff

of Querol (bajulus de Cherol) in 1151 and c. 1173-1175 (1,O; 148). Bernardus Guilelmus de Uilla francha (BERNAT GUILLEM DE VILAFRANCA). Bailiff in the Conflent in 1160 (10,BC), in 1173, styled

4. BAILIFFS (I151—1213) 263 baiulus domini regis (AD Pyr.-Or., B 7 [3 vii 1173]; see also H 66 [1173]); and c. 1173-1175 (148). See also RSL 2. Bernardus de Lemena (BERNAT DE LEMENA). King’s bailiff at Girona (baiulus et saio noster) in 1211 (ACG, Privilegis, plec 6, 1 [new 8}). Bernardus de Liuia (BERNAT DE LLivia). Bailiff at Llivia in 1151 (1N) and 1160 (10,B). Possibly identical with Bernardus baiulus in Cerdanya c. 1163-1165. . . (19). Bernardus de Mecina, Micina (BERNAT DE MECINA). Bailiff of Cer-

vera (baiulus Cervarie) in 1178 (LFM, 1, no. 261; see also nos. 262—264 and Accounts, 57). He can be traced, chiefly in records of Cervera and vicinity, from 1173 to 1188 (ACA, Alfons I, 136; GPC, arm. 28, 38; CP, nos. 58, 73; CSCr, no. 259. See also RSL 2. Bernardus Rubei (BERNAT ROIG). King’s bailiff (baiulus regis, baiulus) probably at Caldes de Montbui in 1190 (Mas, xu, no. 2211), 1193 (ACB, Div. C, c. 7, 335 [24 xi 1193]), 1196 (Accounts, 102), and

1201 (Mas, xl, no. 2319). He married Guillema de Mascaré, who had property in suburban Barcelona (ibid., no. 2211); lent money to Guillem Ramon of Montcada before 1205 (ACA, Pere I, 211, 212 [1205]). He is difficult to identify in other references: cf. ACA, Alfons I, 625; Accounts, 107; ACB, Div. C [d], c. 9, 202 (15 x 1208). Bernardus Sancii (BERNAT SANG, d. c. 1186). King’s bailiff (baiulus de Perpiniano, bajulus regis, bajulus pro domino rege) at Perpinya (1173,

.. .1181—1183, 1185); at Prats de Moll6 in 1182-1183; and at Banyuls de la Marenda in 1183 (AD, Pyr.-Or., H. 213 [xu 1173], J 20D un, no. 254; Cart. Mas Deu, fol. 295v [no. 527]; Accounts, nos. 33 (n. 1), 41, 45-47, 52; cf. Alart, Priviléges, p. 51); accountant for military expenses in 1183 (43, 44). An entrepreneur of Perpinya, he was a creditor of Count Girard of Rossellé before 1172 (LFM, uy, no. 792). He swore fealty to Alfons I with other burghers in 1172 (ibid., no. 793), figures as royal agent at Perpinya or in the Vallespir from 1178 until c. 1184 (Accounts, 42—47, 52, 151-153). His property in the Vallespir passed to the king at his death, when Alfons I ceded it to Santa Maria of Arles del Tec (155). Bernardus de Sancto Martino (BERNAT DE SANT MARTI). Designated

to purchase the bailiwick of Terrassa according to an incomplete charter of c. 1204-1205 (116). His property was in the Bergueda (ACV, lligal 1, 2 [2 vi 1202]). Bernardus de S. Vincencio (BERNAT DE SANT VICENG). King’s bailiff

(baiulus domini regis) in 1201, possibly at Font-rubi (CSC, m1, no. 1236).

Bernardus Terr(ari)i (BERNAT TERR(ER)). King’s bailiff (domini regis baiulus) at Banyuls de la Marenda in 1202 (AD Pyr.-Or., B 8 [1 iv 1202]; Alart, Priviléges, p. 81).

264 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

Bernardus Viues (BERNAT VIVES). Bailiff at Caldes de Malavella and Llagostera probably in 1151 and for some time before and after then

(1G; ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501; above, p. 72). Bertrandus (BERTRAN). Bailiff at Prats de Moll6 in 1151 (1L). Bertrandus de Pratis (BERTRAN DE PRATS). Bailiff of Moia (baiulus de

Modeliano) in 1188-1189 (75) and probably already in 1186-1187 (66 n. 1). The scribe of no. 75 wrote Ber. de Prato, which might

point to an identification with Berengarius de Prato (cf. ADV, Cart. l’Estany, no. 101); but the scribes who wrote the endorsements were unequivocal, and Bertran de Prats himself figures in Cart. l’Estany, no. 101. Bertrandus de Uilla francha (BERTRAN DE VILAFRANCA). King’s bailiff

at Cabra (for eight years, °c. 1165-1173: ACA, Extra. 3474; Alfons I Extra. 2609 [ed. Udina, “Un singular pergami,” 117—118]), and probably also at Montblanc, c. 1170-1175 (Related Records, 147). Son of Pere Berenguer de Vilafranca (q.v.) and brother of Berenguer de Vilafranca (Altisent, “Noticies socials,” pp. 61-62; CP, no. 252), he was a proprietor at Montblanc, figuring in local records from 1170 to 1193 (ACA, Alfons I, 648; CP, nos. 350-353; CSCr, no. 206). See also RSL 2. Bonafos, Bonafossus. Bailiff of Tarragona (baiulus Terrachonensis, judeus baiulus regis in Terracona, etc.) in 1190-1192 (81, 82, 86, 158; Baer, Die Juden, 1', no. 54; AHN, Poblet, c. 2053, 17; ADT, Cart.

A.B., fol. 77v) and 1195 (AM Tarragona, cartulary-roll [15 viti 1195]; bailiff of Lleida (baiulus Ylerde, etc.) in 1201 (DI, vim, no. 33), 1205 (Accounts, 115), and 1207 (117). Called baiulus domini regis in 1202 (BC, perg. Miret y Sans, 4452) and 1204 (Mas, XII, nos. 2375, 2376). See also RSL 2.

Caluet. Receiver or bailiff at Estopanya toward 1157-1159 (5, 9). Charavida. Bailiff at Girona toward ?1192—1196 (CSCr, no. 103; verified from Biblioteca Provincial de Tarragona, MS. 169, fol. I22V—123r.

Cornelius (CORNELI). Purchased the bailiwick of Vilamajor on 4 May 21204 (110). Destrus. (DESTRE) Bailiff. See Guilelmus Agela. Durfort de Spiellis (DURFORT D’ESPIELLS). King’s bailiff (baiulus regis) at Barcelona 1207-1209 (125, 170; Mas, xu, no. 2414; ACA, Pere I,

310), 1211-1213 (Mas, xn, no. 2497; ACB, Div. A, 145 [26 xn 1211]; ACA, Pere I, 438; Cartes reials [4 111 1213], 1222 (Documentos

de Jaime I, ed. Huici and Cabanes, i, no. 34; ACB, Div. C [d], c. 12, 849 [16 vill 1222]; ACA, Jaume I, 202), and ?1226 (ACB, Div. C, c.

7, 375 [2 xl (1226)]). Nephew of Guillem Durfort (see RSL 2; ACB, Div. C, c. 20, 2419) and brother of Berenguer d’Espiells

4. BAILIFFS (II5I1—1213) 265 (Mas, xl, no. 2516), he was an entrepreneur and moneylender of Barcelona who can be traced from about 1199 until 1225 (ACA, Pere I, 64, 86, 243; Jaume I, 246; Mas, xi, nos. 2497, 2510, 2511, 2516, etc.; ACB, Div. C, c. 14, 1264 [6 x11 1212]; c. 5, 12 [25 vu 1218]; etc.; Accounts, 136). Ermengaudus de Buluir (ERMENGOL DE BOLViR). Bailiff at Ix in 1151

(1,O). Estolt, Stoltus (Esroir). King’s bailiff of Cervera (baiulus Ceruarie, baiulus regis) 1191-1194 (95; AHN, Cart. Poblet, fol. gor; ACA, GPC, arm. I1, 2209; arm. 3, 114). He subscribed local instruments in 1192, 1214, and (called “Estolt de Ceruaria”) 1217 (ACA, Alfons I, 624; GPC, arm. 3, 19, 344). Ferrandus (FERRAN) de Noruais. Bailiff and vicar of Count Sanc in Rossell6 (bajulus et vicarius domini S. comitis, vicarius Rossil.) in 1209—1210 (Alart, Priviléges, p. 78 nn. 2, 3). Ferrarius de Gerunda (FERRER DE GIRONA). King’s bailiff in Vilafranca

del Penedés (baiulus domini regis in Uillafrancha) in 1198 and 1205 (AHN, Poblet, c. 2069, 13; Accounts, 166); at Castellet and L’Arbog (baiulus et populator) in 1211 (171); and developer of Sant Margal and other vineyards of the Penedés (134). He subscribed other instruments relative to Vilafranca from 1190 to 1204 (CSCr, no. 340; ADB, Santa Anna, c. 3, 9; Accounts, 109). G. de Mazchefa (probably GUILLEM DE MASQUEFA). Bailiff at Piera and

Cabrera in 1193 (96). If the identification is correct, he was the brother of A(rnallus) de Mazchefa, with whom he is mentioned in 1192 (CSC, tl, no. 1186) as well as in 1193. G. de Plegamans. Bailiff of Terrassa (baiulus Terracie) in 1191 and probably since 1188 (88); accounted simultaneously for Caldes de Montbui (89). Probably identical with “Guillelmus de Plicamas” (CSC, 1, no. 1240, act of 1202). Gaucfredus de Riard (GAUFRE DE RIARD). Bailiff of (bajulus de) ipsis Cremats in 115§1 (11).

Geraldus (GUERAU) de Uilar Jouam. Purchased the bailiwick of Moia In 1205 (114). Giraldus (GUERAU). King’s vicar and bailiff in Cerdanya in 1190 (see RSL 3). Gombaldus (GomBav). Bailiff of Perpinya (baiulus Perpiniani) in 1190, having purchased the “bailiwick” (sic) of Perpinya, Tuir, and Argelers in 1188 (80). He figures in other local records of 1188-1189 (AD Pyr.-Or., J 20D i, 36, 37—in the latter, called “Gombaldus de Pirpiniano”). Guillelmus (GUILLEM). Count’s bailiff (baiulus comiti) in 1155, possibly at Tarragona (CP, no. 246; ed. Santacana Tort, Poblet, apéndice 12).

266 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

G[uilelmus] Adalberti (GUILLEM ADALBERT). Bailiff of Perpinya (baiulus Perpiniani) in 1190, having purchased the “bailiwick” (sic) of Perpinya, Tuir and Argelers in 1188 (80). He figures in other local records of 1190—1208 (LFM, 1, no. 402; AD Pyr.-Or., J 20D ii, 255; B 8 [20 1x 1205]; CPC, 1', no. 223; Alart, Priviléges, p. 93; Related Records, no. 170); attested Pere I’s great pledge in 1204 (LTC, I, no. 756); and is mentioned in an account of 1213 (136). His property is mentioned in ACA, Extra., 4737. See also RSL 2. Guilelmus Agela (GUILLEM AGELA). Count’s bailiff (baiulus comitis) or

receiver at Estopanya toward 1156—1157, when his son Destre was

likewise baiulus (ACA, R.B. IV, s.d. 3; DI, tv, no. 92; Accounts, 5, 6). Guilelmus Benedicti (GUILLEM BENET). Bailiff of Llofriu (bajulus de Lofrillo) in 1151 (1J). Guilelmus Bernardi (GUILLEM BERNAT). Bailiff of Montall (bajulus de Monte alto) in 1151 (11). Guilelmus de Bono Astro (GUILLEM DE BONASTRE). Bailiff of Lleida

(baiulus Ylerde) 1192-1194 and 1197 (98, 159; AHN, Poblet, c. 2066, 4, 5), also styled in 1192 baiulus et procurator Ylerde pro utilitate domini regis Aragonensis et cunctorum dominorum Ylerde. He was the

dowager-queen’s bailiff probably in 1201, 1205 and 1207 (ACTo, Cart. 2, fols. 119r—120r; ACA, GPC, Cart. Tortosa, no. 246; Pere I, 108, 257) and certainly in 1208 (Pere I, 290). See also Accounts, 72; and RSL 2. Guilelmus de Colle (GUILLEM DE COLL). Held the bailiwick of Vilafranca and the vicariate of the Penedés in 1203—1204 (109) and in 1209 (styled vicharius et baiulus domini regis: CSC, m, nos. 12731276); called baiulus tocius Penitensis in the same period (Accounts, 134). He was probably a native of the Vallés Occidental (see ACA,

Alfons I, 113; Generalitat, perg. 14); see also Accounts, 110, 166, 171; AHN, Poblet, c. 2104, 7. Guilelmus de Copons (GUILLEM DE copons). Count’s bailiff (baiulus comitis) at Tortosa in 1149 (CPC, 1', no. 75; ACA, R.B. IV Apéndix without number), and probably continuously thereafter (CP, nos. 198, 170, 154, 199; CSCr, nos. 50—5§2, 65, 80; ACTo, cal. Godall i Galera, 18 [11 xii 1153]; Cart. 2, fols. 68—7o0v; etc.); see also Accounts, 4*. He received Godall in hereditary title from R.B. IV in 11§3 (DI, Iv, no. 79). Guilielmus Falcuci (GUILLEM FALCUGC). Purchased the bailiwick of Cerver in 1071 (139). Guilelmus Geralli (GUILLEM GUERAU). Bailiff at Caldes de Malavella and Llagostera before c. 1145—1147 (ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501). G[uilelmus] de Insula (GUILLEM pD’ILLa). Bailiff at Vic 1187-1189

4. BAILIFFS (1151-1213) 267 (73). A proprietor at Vic, he figures in local transactions of 1165— 1172 (if this identification is correct: ACV, cal. 6, 377, 1725, 2408,

2413) and of 1187-1197 (ACV, cal. 6, 2510, 2518, 2540, 2556, 2558, 2591, 2597; ACA, Alfons I, 694; Pere I, 21). Guilelmus de Lauancia (GUILLEM DE LA VANSA). Bailiff of Cervera (baiulus Cervarie) in 1178 (LFM, 1, no. 261; see also nos. 262-264). A proprietor at Cervera, he can be traced from at least 1173 (ACA, Alfons I, 136) to c. 1182—1186, when he was one of the twenty who

obtained rights on the royal domain of Cervera for a fixed render (CPC, 1', no. 178; 1°, 694). See also Accounts, 3, 30; Miret y Sans, Les cases de Templers, p. 222. Guillelmus de Sancta Columba (GUILLEM DE SANTA COLOMA). Bailiff

at Tuir in 1171 (LFM, u, no. 680); styled baiulus regis in 1175 (ibid.,

no. 661). See also ACA, Alfons I, 161. Conceivably his responsibility was enlarged to include Perpinya after the annexation of Rossellé6 and before the appointments of Bernat Sang (q.v.). Guilelmus Scuterius (GUILLEM ESCUDER). Obtained the bailiwick of Vic (together with his son Pere) for life in 1209 (127). A notable of Vic (ACV, cal. 9 [16 xi 1198, 25 xi 1198, 11 ii 1206]), he had served as bailiff to the bishop and canons (ACV, cal. 9 [1 xii 1195, 18 iii 1201, 22 1X 1202, I7 1V 1203, 19 v 1203], cal. 6, 2615 [17 xii 1198]). See also RSL 2. Guilelmus de Toir (GUILLEM DE TUiR). Accounted, probably as bailiff, at Tuir in 1160 (10, A). Guilelmus de Turre rubea (GUILLEM DE TORROJA). King’s bailiff (baiulus, baiulus domini regis) at Forés and probably Conesa in 1193 (ACA, Alfons I, 648, 649), at Montblanc in 1196 (AHN, Poblet, c. 2064, 14); and queen’s bailiff (baiulus regine) probably at Montblanc in 1197, 1201—1202 (CP, no. 71; AHN, Poblet, c. 2076, 2; 2077, 14). A priest of Montblanc, he attested accounts (as sacerdos) of that bailiwick in 1187 and 1188 (63, 68); and he figures, often as presbiter, in other local acts from 1186 to 1206 (CP, nos. 151, $1, 251, 240, 66, 327; ACA, Pere I, 126). Guinard. King’s bailiff ((uester) baiulus) in Ribes. . .1205—1210 (131). Iaco. Bailiff of Girona (baiulus Gerunde) 1188-1191 (93). See also no. 85.

Jafia. Bailiff of Lleida (baiulus Ilerde, iudeus baiulus) in 1167~1168, 1170, 1172-1176, and doubtless continuously during these years (ACA, GPC, arm. 11, 598, 1938; arm. 19, 41; Caruana, “Itinerario de Alfonso II,” 103; Accounts, 20, 25, 28, 146; ACA, Alfons I, 94, 132; CPC, 1', nos. 145, 148; CP, no. 179; Miret y Sans, Les cases, p. 114). He probably entered the king’s service as a moneylender (Accounts, 20) and was well rewarded, acquiring an alfondec at Tor-

268 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

tosa and other property elsewhere as well as income at Lleida (146; CP, nos. 178, 179; AHN, Cart. Poblet, fols 681, 105v—106r; cf.

Baer, Die Juden, 1', 28); accounts in 1173 (25) were held in his houses at Lleida. No longer bailiff in 1180 (see no. 35), he had perhaps already died (cf. Mas, x1, no. 2100: he should probably not be identified with Jafia, son of David of Monzon, Baer, Die Juden, 1’, 28, 30-31; Gras, La Paheria, p. 21; Romano, “Uns marginats”; but

that question is not resolved). There are retrospective mentions (Miret y Sans, “Pro sermone plebeico,” 168; Gras, La Paheria, p. 170). See also Lladonosa i Pujol, Historia de Lleida, 1, 254. Jafia. King’s (Aragonese?) bailiff (baiulus regis Aragones), according to AHN, Cart. Poblet, fol. rosrv (no. 537) in 1185 (cited by Baer, Die

Juden, 1', 28). At Lleida? Called “son of David of Monzén (ibid., pp. 28, 42; ACA, Alfons I, 130; BC, perg. 3942 [26 vi 1179]}), probably to distinguish him from an elder Jafia bailiff (q.v.) at Lleida (cf. Baer, p. 28; Gras, La Paheria, p. 21). Cf. ACA, GPC, arm. 2, 134. Iohannes (joan). Bailiff of Vimbodi (baiulus de Vimbodi) in 1171 (CP, no. 330). Joannes de Avizanda (JOAN DAVIGANDA). Count’s bailiff (batle del comte) at Siurana in 1154 (Els castells, Iv, 426 n. 23). Iohannes Bovis (JOAN BOU). Count’s bailiff (baiulus comitis) in 1161, possibly at Caldes de Montbui (Puig y Puig, Episcopologio, p. 424).

He figures in records of Caldes and vicinity from 1157 to II7I (ACA, R.B. IV, 309; Alfons I, 7, 29, 77; CSC, m, no. 1079). Iohanes de Cascallis (JOAN DE cascat). King’s bailiff (baiulus regi or domini regis, etc.) in Berga or Bergueda in 1173 (CP, no. 320), 1182-1183 (styled baiulus et vicarius domini regis, ibid., nos. 295, 324), 1185 (Accounts, 154), 1198 (ACS, Portella, cal. 23 [26 vi 1198]), 1203-1205 (Accounts, 112, 113). He figures in other records of 1178-1202 (105; LFM, 1, no. 199; CP, nos. 297, 298, 322; Mas, XI, no. 2266; AHN, Poblet, c. 2041, 15; ACA, Alfons I, 400, 420, 696; ACV, cal. 9 [19 ix 1202]). See also RSL 2. Iohannes Macellarius (JOAN MACELAR). Accounted for the bailiwick of Vilamajor in 1186 (58). Iohanes de Maiolis (JOAN DE MALLOLES). Bailiff at Vic 1187-1189 (73). A proprietor of Vic, he figures in local transactions of 1189— 1216 (ACV, cal. 6, 2518, 2591; cal. 9 [16 xi 1198, II ti 1206, 4 v 1211]; ACA, Alfons I, 694). Johanes Scaza (JOAN scaza). Bailiff of Cereja (bajulus de Serega) in 1151 (IN). Iohan d’Un Castel (JUAN DE UNCASTILLO). Bailiff of Siurana (baiuli de

4. BAILIFFS (11§1—1213) 269 Siurana) in 1157 (4°’). He subscribed a grant of land at Montsant in 1164 (VL, xx, 262).

Iucefus, Yucef, etc. (Josep, d. c. 1189). Bailiff of Lleida (baiulus Ylerde) in 1186-1189 (62, 63, 69, 84). Was it his son Vital who is mentioned in 1217 (Baer, Die Juden, 1', no. 81)? Iuceffus (josEp). King’s bailiff (baiulus domini regis) in 1199, possibly at Girona (ADB, Santa Anna, 124 [19 x1 1199]). Lobellus, Lupellus Gracianus (LLOBELL). Bailiff of Barcelona (baiulus Barchinone) in 1181 (40), 1183—1186 (58, 61), 1188 (157); frequently audited or attested accounts 1181—1189 (see RSL 2). Grandfather of

the nephews of Perfet, later bailiff of Barcelona (q.v.), Lobellus Gracianus figures already in a local instrument of 1172 (ADB, Santa

Eulalia del Camp, SE 1 [21 iv 1172]). Possibly identical with the Llobell of Mas, xu, nos. 2238, 2250; ACB, Div. C, c. 7, 349 (4 ix 1194). He died before 28 September 1201 (“Documents sur les juifs,” ed. Miret y Sans and Schwab, 79-80, no. 19; ADB, Santa Anna, c. 3, 342). Martinus Gras (MART{ Gras). Bailiff of Vilamajor (baiulus de Uilla maiore) in 1186 (58).

Martinus de Uico (Marri DE vic). Bailiff of Girona (baiulus Gerunde) in 1209 (ACG, “LGS”, fol. s6r); styled baiulus et saio noster and baiulus et uicarius Gerunde in 1211 (ACG, Privilegis, plec 6, 1 [new 8]; ADG, Pia Almoina, 526; see also ACB, Cartes reials, C 6-81); king’s bailiff in 1213 (ACA, Cartes reials [4 i11 1213]). Mentioned in 1225 (ACA, Jaume I, 282), and possibly as early as 1186 (ADG, Pia Almoina, Caldes, 522). Miquel. King’s bailiff (balle del senyor Rey) at Tarragona or Riudoms in 1199 (ADT, “Index 1675,” fol. 2151). Monof. Formerly king’s bailiff (baiulus regis) at Lleida according to an

undated record c. 1168-1176 (Gras, La Paheria, pp. 168-1609), which refers to his turris grossa which was dominicatura regis. His ten-

ure presumably antedated that of Jafia (c. 1167-1176).

Mosse. Bailiff, probably at Girona, in 1151 and 1160 (11; ACG, “LGS”, fol. 8rv). Ollerius (OLLER). Bailiff of Palau-sacosta (bajulus de Palacio) in 1151 (11).

Ollerius (OLLER). Bailiff of Tarragona (baiulus Terracone) in 1150, 1153, and 1158—1160 (AM Tarragona, pergamins, § [viii 1150]; Marca his-

panica, appendix 421; ADT, Cart. “A.B.”, fol. 149r; CPC, 1', nos. 109, 110; CSCr, no. 90). Possibly identical with the subscriber to CSCr, no. 115 (in 1164; cf. no. 52, and DI, tv, no. 70). Oluga. Bailiff at Vilamajor in 1151 (1A). See also DI, 1v, no. 76.

270 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

P. de Puteo. King’s bailiff (baiulus suus) near Castelloli (?) toward 1175—1180 (ACA, Extra. 3148).

Perella. Bailiff at Besali and possibly also at Prats de Mollé in 1151,

when he also held the castellany of Besala (1KL). He or, more likely, his father had been in the comital service as early as 1125 (Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Benet de Bages, 1662; cf. “Documents sur les juifs,” ed. Miret y Sans and Schwab, no. 13 [74-75]; and had been bailiff in the Vallespir in the 1130s (AD Pyr.-Or., J 20D 1, nos. 27, 28). He served R.B. IV in the Vallespir in 1146 (Cartulaire du Temple, ed. Albon, no. 407), and his (or his father’s) name had been

given to an allod in the domain of Sant Joan de les Abadesses, where he, his wife, and his sons had founded a church before April 1145 (ACA, R.B. IV, 178; cf. DI, tv, no. 64). He was apparently the brother of Arnau and Ramon de Perella (q.v.) and the father of Perella, the accountant of Alfons I (ACA, R.B. IV, 178; LFM, 1, no. 400; Accounts, nos. 31, 33, 41, 60, 84, etc.; RSL 2). Cf. also

ACV, cal. 6, 2618 (12 vu 1198), subscription of Berengarius de Perella.

Perfectus (PERFET) alfachim. Held the bailiwick of Lleida in 1189: see RSL 2. Perfectus, Profectus (PERFET). Bailiff of Barcelona (baiulus, baiulus Barchinone) in 1179 and 1180 (34, 40); accounted for the bailiwick of

Terrassa in 1191 (90). Probably identical with Profet (nephew of Saltell) to whom Alfons I ceded a pledged field in Llobregat in consideration of a loan in 1176, in which case his uncle may be the Saltell (see RSL 2) who served as financier and accountant from 1156

to c. 1178. Baer, Die Juden, 1', 35, identifies him with Perfet alfachim (see RSL 2), but this seems improbable (see, however, Accounts, 30, 33, §2). Perfectus (PERFET, d. 1226-1227). Bailiff of Barcelona (Barchinone baiulus, baiulus domini regis) mm 1199-1200 (106), 1203-1205 (107, IOQ—III, 113-115, 163; ACA, Extra. 3457), 1207 (Accounts, 118, 119; cf. 125), 1211 (Arxiu de Sant Pere de les Puelles, no. 130), 1213 (ACB, Div. C [d], c. 18, 1873 [9 xii 1213]), 1215, 1217-1218 (Mas, XII, no. 2579; Bofarull y Sans, “Jaime I y los judios,” 854, no. 1; ACA, Jaume I, 99; ADB, Santa Anna, c. 6, 58), 1224 (Documentos de Jaime I, ed. Huici and Cabanes, 1, no. 59), 1226 (ACA, Jaume I, 305); bailiff of Sant Feliu de Llobregat in 1204 (Accounts, 111). Attested in Hebrew accounts, commissions, and other fiscal transac-

tions: for evidence of 1201-1207, see Related Records and Accounts, 163, 109, 110, 114, 118, 119). He was the son (or possibly the son-in-law) of Llobell Gracia (Bofarull y Sans, 854-856, no. 2;

cf. “Documentos sur les juifs,” ed. Miret y Sans and Schwab,

4. BAILIFFS (11§1—1213) 271 79-80 no. 19); and very likely a nephew (possibly the son?) of his predecessor Perfet the bailiff (q.v.); his wife was Tolosa (Documentos de Jaime I, 1, no. 59; Miret y Sans and Schwab, 179 no. 25). He left a considerable bequest to his nephews (Bofarull y Sans, 854-856 no. 2). See also RSL 2. Petrus (PERE). Bailiff of Sant Marti (de Barida; bajulus Sancti Martini)

in 1151 (IN). Petrus Arberti (PERE ARBERT). King’s bailiff (bayulus domini regis) in 1203 at Manresa (ACA, Monacals, Sant Benet de Bages, 560). Petrus Arnalli (PERE ARNAU). Bailiff at Vilamajor in 1151 (1A) and 1153 (DI, tv, no. 76). Called Petrus Arnalli de Uilla maiori in 1149 (ACA, R.B. IV, 218). See above, p. 69, and RSL 3. Petrus de Bassia (PERE DE BASSA). Bailiff of Vilafranca del Penedés (baiulus del Uilla francha) in 1187-1188 (70; Carreras y Candi, “La institucié notarial,” 773) and (styled regius baiulus de Villafrancha) in

1193-1194 (97; CPC, 1', no. 198); and perhaps continuously until 1199 (CP, no. 272); vicar in the Penedés in 1196 and 1211 (see RSL 2). Apparently brother-in-law to Guillem de Bassa (RSL 2; CSCr, no. 335; Related Records, 162), he had houses at La Granada in 1188

(CSCr, no. 318). His namesake father can be traced in 1156 and 1158 (Mas, XI, nos. 1750, 1779); father and son subscribe together in 1176 (CSC, m, no. 1110); and Pere de Bassa the younger figures in other local records from the 1180s to 1205 (e.g., Accounts, 91; CP, nos. 187, 264, 272, 281; CSC, m, nos. 1176, 1180, 1207, 1216; ACA, Pere I, 14; GPC, arm. 17, 447; arm. 23, 132). (Pere Bn. de Manresana). Count’s bailiff (batle del Comte) at Siurana in 1154 (Els castells, 1v, 426 n. 23). Petrus Berengarii (PERE BERENGUER). Bailiff at Vilafranca del Penedés in 1151 (1F; [see also Q]; CSC, m, no. 988) and probably until 1153

(ibid., no. 989); styled baiulus de Villa Francha in 1160 (CSCr, no. 90); vicar and bailiff of Montblanc from 1155 and vicar of Vila-

franca in 1161 (see RSL 3). See also CPC, 1', no. 83; 1’, 668, 745-747. Petrus de Boluir (PERE DE BOLVIR). Held the bailiwick (baiulia, uailia)

at Ix c. 1184-1189. . . (53, 76). Probably a descendant of the bailiff Ermengol de Bolvir recorded in 1151 (1,0). P[etrus] de Castlaril (PERE DE CASTLARIL). Bailiff of Terrassa (baiulus

Terracie) in 1191 and probably since 1188 (88), he can be traced widely in the Vallés after 1191, becoming a feudatory of Sant Lloreng de Munt in 1209 (CSC, m, nos. 1189, 1240; ACA, Monacals, Sant Llorenc de Munt, 381, 383, 384). See also RSL 3. Petrus de Colle (PERE DE COLL). King’s bailiff (domini regis baiulus) at Vilafranca del Penedés in 1204 (165). See also no. 109.

272 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

Petrus de Deo (PERE DE DEU). King’s bailiff of Prades (baiulus de Pratis,

baiulus regis) in 1168, c. 1170-1174, 1175 (147; CP, nos. 163, 343;

ACA, GPC, arm. 23, 49; Alfons I, 178). An entrepreneur of Siurana who acquired a house at Lleida, he received the lordship of Falset in 1168 (CPC, 1', no. 133), and figures in other local records of this period (ibid., no. 139; Altisent, “Una societat mercantil,” pp. 48-49). Petrus Guilelmi (PERE GUILLEM). Bailiff at Caldes de Malavella and Llagostera before c. 1145-1147 (ACA, R.B. IV, Extra. 2501). Petrus Iouarii (PERE JOVER). King’s bailiff (domini regis baiulus) in 1187,

probably at Cabra (156), where he resided (CSCr?, no. 298; see also no. 360). Possibly son of Jover, bailiff (for Santes Creus?) of Figuerola (ibid., nos. 205, 207). Petrus Martini (PERE MaARTi). Bailiff of Vic (baiulus de Uico) 11841187 (65). His right, as baiulus regis, to one-third of the purchase price of land in the king’s domain is mentioned in 1188 (ACV, cal. 6, 2509). See also RSL 3. Petrus Muleti (PERE MULET). Purchased the bailiwick of Vilafranca del Penedés in 1207 (118). See also no. 165. Pere de Palaud Frugal (PALAFRUGELL). Probably bailiff at Palafrugell in 1160 (10,D). Petrus de Plano (PERE DE PLA). Received the bailiwick of Palafru-

gell in the name of the Infant (apparently Pere I) in May 1196 (102); called baiulus in a testament of the Vallés in 1193 (ACA, Alfons I, 664). Petrus de Podio (PERE DE PUIG). King’s bailiff (baiulus domini regis) in 1193, possibly at Terrassa (Fundacidé Soler i Palet (Terrassa), perg. Santa Maria, 178). Petrus Poncii (PERE PONC). Bailiff at Vilamajor in 1151 (1A).

Petrus Putaz (PERE PUTAZ). Bailiff of [(Q)... ]tes (bajulus de [(Q) . . . ]tes) in 1151 (IN). Petrus Raimundi (PERE RAMON). Bailiff of Perpinya (baiulus Pirpiniani) in 1187 (LFM, 1, no. 792). See also Alart, Priviléges, p. §1. Petrus Renouarii (PERE RENOUER). Bailiff at Tuir in 1191 (Alart, Priviléges, p. 71). Petrus de Riart (PERE DE RIART). Purchased the bailiwick of Castellar de la Selva in 1165 (16). Petrus Rosselli (PERE ROSSELL). Bailiff of Tarrega (baiulus de Tarrega) in

1179 (LFM, 1, no. 168). He can be traced otherwise in 1177—1186, twice in association with the bailiff Bernat Granell (ACA, Alfons I,

230; CSCr, no. 204; AHN, Poblet, c. 2041, 12; cf. also CPC, 1’, no. 174). Petrus Rubeus (PERE roic). Bailiff of Vilamajor (baiulus Uillemaioris)

4. BAILIFFS (1151-1213) 273 in 1181 (40; ACA, Monacals, Sant Cugat, 608); mentioned in other local records of 1180-1181 (ACA, Alfons I, 280, 317). He or more likely a descendant, was bailiff of Vilamajor forty years later (ACB, Div. C [{d], c. 22, 2676 [10 viii 1222]; cf. ADB, Sant Pere de Vilamajor, IO). Petrus de Sancto Celedonio (PERE DE SANT CELONI). Bailiff of Cervera and Tarrega (baiulus de Ceruaria et de Tarrega) 1182-1184, 1186—1187 (48, $1, 64; see also no. 50); attended accounts of T4arrega in 1186 (57). Lent the king money toward 1183 on security of mills at Girona as well as his bailiwick (48), and subscribed royal enactments unrelated to Cervera-Tarrega (LFM, 1, no. 266; 1, nos. 623, 624; Marqués Casanovas, “Alfonso II,” 218). See also ACA,

GPC, arm. 28, 38; and (if the same man) ACG, “LGS”, fol. 77 (1202), 28v—3o0r (1210); “LV”, fols. 149v—150v (1208). See also RSL 2. Petrus Sinfredi (PERE SINFRED). Bailiff at Vilafranca de Conflent and

Cornella in 1151 (1M); probably the same who attended the count of Rossellé in 1164 (LFM, u, no. 739) and subscribed Alfons I’s charter to Perpinya in 1172 (Alart, Priviléges, p. $5). Petrus Tosa (PERE TOSA). Bailiff at Llagostera in 1151 (1H) with Be-

renguer Mir, with whom he repurchased this bailiwick in 1160 (10, E).

Petrus de Turredella (PERE DE ?TORROELLA). Bailiff of Terrassa (baiulus Terracie) in 1201 (163). Cf. RSL 3. Petrus Xemeniz (PEDRO JIMENEZ II DE URREA). See RSL 3. Petrus de Zopons (PERE DE ZOPONS). King’s bailiff (baiulus domini

regis) in 1192 at Manresa or Santpedor (ACA, Monacals, Sant Pere de Bages, $36). Poncius de Liuia (PONG DE LLfvia). King’s bailiff in Cerdanya toward 1173-1184. . . (76, 148; CSCr, no. 265; CPC, 1', no. 167: baiulus, baiulus domini regis, baiulus de Ceritania). He figures in other texts without title 1181-1188 (CPC, 1', no. 166; LFM, u, nos. 623-624;

cf. Alart, Priviléges, p. 50). See also RSL 2. |

Poncius de Saxano, Sexo (PONG DE sExA). Bailiff at Besalii in 1151 (1K). See also no. 4* (Ponci de Xexan), and RSL 2. Porcellus de Calidis (PORCELL DE CALDES). Count’s bailiff (baiulus comitis) at Caldes de Montbu1, possibly as early as 1137-1138 (corrupt text, ed. Moreu-Rey, Caldes de Montbui, pp. 1oo—101); certainly in 1141, 1149, 1157-1159 (ACA, R.B. IV, 124, 218, 309, 321 [ed. DI, Iv, no. 107], 326 [ed. Moreu-Rey, apéndixs, no. 22]). He was the father of Bernat and Ramon de Caldes (q.v., RSL 2) and of Porcell (or Porcellet), who may have succeeded him as bailiff (on the family, Bisson, “Ramon de Caldes,” pp. 282-283).

274 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

Porcellus, Porcel de Cervera (PORCELL DE CERVERA). Count’s bailiff (meus baiulus) in 1148 when he and other settlers received R.B. I'V’s

charter for LEspluga Calba (CPC, 1', no. 67); baiulus regis in 1167 (AHN, Poblet, c. 2011, 6). Houses “quos fuerunt de Porcello” at Cervera were mentioned in 1196 (ACA, GPC, arm. 3, 10), but his bailiwick must have been at or near LEspluga Calba. R[aimundus] rep[ositarius] (RAMON). Bailiff and vicar of Lleida (baiulus et vicarius Ylerdensis) in 1208 (AHN, Poblet, c. 2096, 10); in montanis baiulus pro domina comitissa in 1213 (i.e., Countess Elvira?:

AHN, Cart. Poblet, fol. 63rv). See also Accounts, 123, 128. Raimundus Arberti (RAMON ARBERT). Count’s bailiff (baiulus comitis [sic] et Sancti Benedicti) at Santpedor in 1166 (ACA, Monacals, Sant

Benet de Bages, 465). Listed as a merchant of Santpedor in the king’s undated charter, surely to be placed earlier than c. 1190-1192 (cf. CPC, 1', no. 183). Raimundus de Bordello (RAMON DE BORDELL). King’s bailiff of Montblanc and Sarral (baiulus de Monte albo et de Areial, baiulus domini regis) in 1188 (ACA, Alfons I, 477 [ed. CSCr, no. 303], 484); styled regius baiulus in an act concerning Sarral in 1189 (CPC, 1',

no. 182). Son of Guillem Pere de Bordell of Montblanc (CP, no. 167; see Altisent, “Noticies socials,” p. 56 n.), he and sometimes his wife figure in local records of 1180—1204 (ACA, Alfons I, 363, §10, 511, 649; Pere I, 126; CP, nos. 167—169, 248). Raimundus Bouis (RAMON BOU). Bailiff at Terrassa (or Sabadell?) in

1193 (ACA, Alfons I, 647; cf. CSC, m, no. 1254); mentioned in local records of 1185-1205 (CSC, Ml, nos. 1157, I19I, 1192, 1195, 1203, 1212, 1244, 1254). Raimundus Dana (RAMON DANA). Bailiff of Almenar (baiulus de Almenar) from 1201 to 1207 or 1208 (117; cf. no. 128). Raimundus Ferrarii (RAMON FERRER). Bailiff of Tarrega (baiulus de Tarrega) in 1179 (LFM, 1, no. 168); see also RSL 2. He figures in local records of 1174-1194 (CSC, m, nos. 1089—1093, 1095, 1096, 1098, 1153, 1159; CSCr, nos. 204, 224 (?), 257, 349, 374, 376, 377, 387 (2).

R[aimundus] Guanagalli (RAMON GUANAGAL). Held the bailiwick

of Tarragona in 1187-1188 (81); had rights on the coinage ... 1182—1184 (54). The name is not uncommon in the mid-twelfth century (e.g., ACA, R.B. IV, 312; CSCr, nos. 123, 124), but the only reasonably certain identification is with the subscriber to a charter for Morera in 1170 (CPC, 1', no. 139). See also RSL 3.

Ramon de Matam(e)liers. King’s bailiff (in Pallars?) toward 1200 (ACA, GPC, arm. 2, 335). Raimundus de Medaia (RAMON DE MALLA). Bailiff at Vic in 1152

4. BAILIFFS (1151-1213) 275 (LFM, 1, no. 454); styled baiulus meus by R.B. IV in 1153 (Jurisdiccions, ed. Junyent, no. 34); quite possibly bailiff in 1147 (ACV, cal. 6, 4 [or 366]). See also ACV, cal. 6, 2361 (2 iv 1163). Raimundus de Mercatali (RAMON DE MERCADAL). Queen’s bailiff, bailiff of Siurana (baiulus domine regine, baiulus Siurane) in 11941195, 1197, and probably 1200 (AHN, Poblet, c. 2056, 6; 2060, 8; 2067, 9; 2072, 20; La Scala Dei, c. 2849, 11). See also LFM, 1, no. 87 (1190); and RSL 3. Raimundus de Passarel (RAMON DE PASSARELL). Purchased the bailiwick of Moia in 1205 (114). Raimundus de Plicamanibus (RAMON DE PLEGAMANS). Bailiff and

vicar of Rossell6, Cerdanya, and Conflent in 1213 (CPC, 1', no. 237). See RSL 3. Raimundus de Porta (RAMON DE PporTA). King’s bailiff (baiulus domini regis) in 1210, possibly at Conesa (AHN, Poblet, c. 2100, 2).

Ramon de Ribes. Held for revenues of comital mills of Pardines, Ribes, Ventola, and Queralbs in 1158 (7). Was he also castellan? Cf.

Els castells, v, 75, with CSCr, no. 145; see also Alart, Priviléges, p. 69, acts of 1170 and 1183 which show him acting for the king as a notable of Ribes; and Marti Sanjaume, Dietari, 1, 165 (no. 189),

act of 1170. Charged with malfeasance in the time of Alfons I (ACA, Extra. 3217, 3433), he was probably the father of Ramon de Ribes, bailiff under Pere I (q.v.). Raimundus de Rippis (RAMON DE RIBES). King’s bailiff for mills (baiulus meus . . . baiulia ipsorum molendinorum) in the valley of Ribes

in 1198 and perhaps thereafter (Marti Sanjaume, Dietari, 1, 713714). According to a record quoted (from a modern summary) at third hand by Marti Sanjaume (ibid., 1, 197-198), Ramon received the revenues of Ribes valley from Pere I (“11 juny 1200-13”) for 1000 s.b.; see also ibid., 510 (no. 497). R[aimundus] de Senteies, Sentiliis (RAMON DE CENTELLES, d. c.

1190). Bailiff at Caldes de Montbui for Queen Petronilla in 1172 (ADB, Santa Anna, Documents reials [14 i 1172]); bailiff of Caldes (baiulus de Calidis, Kalidis) in 1183 and probably also in 1179 (ACA,

Alfons I, 276, 344; LFM, 1, no. 201). He administered Corré d’Avall in those years (see also ACA, Alfons I, 415: 1186), and Terrassa and Caldes together in the late 1180s (87). Not to be confused with Ramon de Centelles of Tortosa, he was active in affairs of Barcelona and the Vallés Occidental from about 1161 (Moreu-Rey, Caldes de

Montbui, apéndixs, no. 23; Mas, xl, nos. 2714, 2722; CSC, m, no. 1079; ACA, Alfons I, 300, 415). Raimundus de Spinauel (RAMON DE SPINAUEL). Bailiff at Vilafranca de Conflent and Cornella in 1151 (1M).

276 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

Rubeus (roic). Bailiff of Barcelona (baiulus Barchinone) in 1190-1191 (87, 88, 90, 92; ACA, Alfons I, 560), and 1192-1193 (94; cf. no. 96, and ADB, Santa Anna, Documents reials [x 1190, ix 1192]); men-

tioned in 1188 (69). Possibly identical with “Rubeus de Calidis” (LFM, 1, no. 456), and/or with “Rubeus, baiulus” (ACB, Div. A, 2125 [21 11215]). See also RSL 2. Saltellus (saALTELL). Probably count’s bailiff in 1156 at Barcelona or

Terrassa (ACA, R.B. IV, 323; Baer, Die Juden, 1', no. 32); king’s bailiff (baiulus regis) in 1172 (ADB, Santa Eulalia del Camp, SE 1 [21 iv 1172]); described in 1183 as having been baiulus regis (LFM, 1, no. 400). See RSL 2. Simon. Bailiff of Lleida (baiulus Ylerde) in or before 1186 (66). Stephanus, Stephanus Regalfren (ESTEVE REGALFREN). Queen’s bailiff (bajulus domine regine) in 1189—1190 at La Riba and La Morera de

Montsant (Morera y Llaurad6, Tarragona, 1, 507; DI, tv, no. $7; CPC 1', no. 185) and at La Morera in 1193 (Morera 1, apéndice 37). Probably his service in these domains began earlier, for he figures in

an account of 1188 (69), and continued until 1195 or later (AHN, Poblet, c. 2060, 8). Probably a native of Montblanc (CP, no. 169).

3 Ticio. Count’s bailiff (baiulus meus) in Viladecans or more likely for Gava in 1144 (140) and probably also in 1151 (1C; see also ACA, Extra. 3451). Probably identical with the “Tido” who held a baiulia extending from the Penedés to Castelldefels, against whom charges were brought in the 1150s (ACA, Extra. 4732); the latter was surely the son of Guila with land at Gava (CSC, m1, no. 965), called “Tido de castro Felicis” in 1157 (ibid., no. 1012), who can be traced until 1179, when he was castellan of Castelldefels for Sant Cugat (ibid., nos. 1117, 1120; cf. nos. 1137-1138; Els castells, 1, 342, 347). Tido. See Ticio. Venrellus de Torrentibus (VENRELL DE TORRENTS). King’s bailiff (baiulus domini regis) at Piera in 1198 (Arxiu de Montserrat, Sant Benet de Bages, 227) and 1212 (Mas, xl, nos. 2477, 2479, 2481; cf. no. 2520). There was a mansus de Venrello near Igualada in 1205 (CSC, Im, no. 1259). Vida. King’s bailiff of Lleida (baiulus meus Ilerde) 1178-1180 (35). A Vida figures at Lleida also in 1189 (ACA, GPC, arm. 11, 1870); see also Accounts, 30; and Baer, Die Juden, 1', 42-43. Vitalis (vIDAL). Bailiff of Tarragona (baiulus Terrachonensis, etc.) in 1181, c. 1183-1187 and (if he is the same) 1204 (150; Arxiu Vallgornera, “Rourell, 5” [herein called “Vitalis Viridis”]; ADT, Cart. “A. B,” fol. 176v; “Index 1675,” fol. 214). He accounted also for Vilafranca del Penedés and Castellet in 1184 and 1186, for Font-rubi

4. BAILIFFS (I11§1—1213) 277 (which he bought in 1184) in 1186, and for all four bailiwicks in 1187 (49, $9, 66). Viues. Bailiff of Barcelona (baiulus Barchinone) in 1179 (34). Zelema. Count’s bailiff of Ascé (Zelema jueu, batle del Comte de Ascho) in 1154 (Els castells, 1v, 426, no. 23).

SAIGS (1151-1213)

Berengarius Morato (BERENGUER MORATO). Saxor under Bernat de Llivia, bailiff at Llivia, in 1151 (1N). Berengarius Renouer (BERENGUER RENOUER). Saxo at Moll6 in 1151 (1P)?

Bernardus (BERNAT). Saio in Osona in 1200 (ACA, Pere I, 78). Bernardus de Lemena (BERNAT DE LEMENA). Bailiff and saio at Girona in 1211 (RSL 4). Bernardus Soénla (BERNAT SONLA). Saxor under Bernat de Llivia, bai-

liff at Llivia, in 1151 (1N). Guilelmus (GUILLEM). Saig at Terrassa in 1151 (1Q). Johanes (JOAN). Saxo at Moll6 in 1151 (1P)?

Martinus de Uico (Marti DE vic). Bailiff and saio at Girona in 1211 (RSL 4).

Mauri. Held a saionia domini regis in Cerdanya toward 1184-1189. . . (76).

Petrus (PERE). Saxo at Moll6é in 1151 (1P).

Pere Bernard. Sag at Llagostera in 1160 (10,E). Petrus Bonefilii (PERE BONFILL). Saig at Prats de Moll6 in 1151 (1L). Petrus Raimundi (PERE RAMON). Saig at Prats de Moll6 in 1151 (1L). Petrus Stephani (PERE ESTEVE). Saig at Prats de Mollé in 1151 (iL). Raimundus (RAMON). Saxo at Moll6 in 1151 (1P). Suniarius (SUNYER). Saxo at Moll6 in 1151 (1P).

6 ESTATES AND SESSIONS OF ACCOUNT (1157-1213)

Many of the records of account refer to previous accounts not now extant, sometimes giving dates, making it possible to list sessions of account more comprehensively than is shown by the edited texts themselves. For this purpose are listed below those

texts and allusions within texts that indicate some process of computation or formality of account, criteria by which most pledges are excluded. Undated or otherwise unidentified albarana or cartae (for which see Index Rerum et Verborum) are also excluded. Accounts for bailiwicks proper are marked with an asterisk (*). Numbers in parentheses refer to the edited texts, to which the reader may turn for fuller information. I. (5, 6) May or June [. . .1157]. Guillem Agela accounted apparently with Pong (the scribe) for Estopanya and vicinity. * 2. (7) First week of iti [1158]. Prats de Moll6. Bernat de Bell-lloc ac-

counted with Arnau de Mollé, Pere the clerk, Ponc the scribe, Pong de Sexo, etc., for Prats de Moll6é.* 3. (7) First week of iti [1158]. Moll6? Arnau de Moll6 accounted for Moll6.* 4. (7) First week of iti [1158]. Moll6? Ramon de Ribes accounted for Ribes.* 5. (9) [1158-1159. . .]. Accounts possibly with Pong (the scribe) for Estopanya and vicinity.*

6. (10,B) 1 x 1160. Vilafranca de Conflent. Bernat de Llivia accounted with Bertran de Castellet, Arnau de Rased, Bernat Guillem de Vilafranca, and Domingo the scribe, for Llivia (?—or Rossellé?).*

280 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

7. (10,C) 2 x 1160. Vilafranca. Bernat Guillem accounted with Bertran de Castellet, Arnau de Rased, and Domingo the scribe, for Vilafranca (?—or Conflent?).* 8. (10,A) 2 x 1160. Tuir. Guillem de Tuir accounted with Bertran de Castellet, Arnau de Rased, and Domingo the scribe, doubtless for domains in or near Tuir.* 9. (10,D) 10 x 1160. [Llagostera.] Pere de Palafrugell accounted with Bertran de Castellet, Berenguer de Monells, and Bonet the Jew, for Palafrugell (?—or Llagostera?).*

10. (23) 4 v 1171. Girona. Alfons I accounted with Guilhem VII of Montpellier in the presence of Bishop Guillem of Barcelona and other magnates for diverse debts and receipts. II. (24) 8 vi 1172. Vic. Having accounted his father’s debts, Alfons I recognizes a remainder in favor of the bishop and canons of Vic, for which he pledges revenues at Moia and Santpedor. 12. (25) 10 x1 1173. [Lleida.] Ramon de Perella, Bernat de Caldes, and S. de Perera accounted with Ber. Bedoz and other merchants of Montpellier for the king’s debt to men of Montpellier. 13. (27) [iti c. 1174-1175] Tarragona. Alfons I accounted with Guillem de Claramunt for diverse receipts and expenditures. 14. (30) [after i11 1176]. Queen Sancha was scheduled to account with her bailiffs and Guerau de Jorba for the latter’s credits. 15. (31) First week in Lent [c. 1177-1178]. Berenguer de Montesquiu accounted with Saltell and Perella, probably for Manresa.” 16. (33) [Before 23 x 1178]. Bernat Sang accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Perella, Perfet, and Guillem de Bassa. 17. (33) 23 x 1178. Bernat Sang accounted with Ramon de Perella and Guillem de Bassa.

18. (33) 23-31 x 1178. Perpinya. Bernat Sang accounted with Alfons I. Ig. (35) 121 (?) 1180. Monz6én. Vida and Azmel accounted with Alfons I for Lleida for two years.* 20. (36) 23 x 1180. Tarragona. Galceran de Pindés accounts before a “full court” for his disposition of money received from Alfons I.

21. (40) 1 viii 1181. Pere Roig accounted for Vilamajor with Archbishop Berenguer, Ramon de Caldes, and Llobell the bailiff. * 22. (43) 2 viii [1183]. Narbonne. Bernat Sang accounted with Perella for the king’s expenses. 23. (44) 15 viii [1183]. Guillem de Claris Uallibus and Bernat Sang ac-

counted with probi homines of Rossellé for the support of royal armies.

24. (44) 20 viii [1183] or shortly thereafter. Bernat Sang reckoned re-

6. ESTATES AND SESSIONS OF ACCOUNT (1157-1213) 281

ceipts and expenses for the support of royal armies before Guillem de Claris Uallibus and men of Perpinya. 25. (45) 4 ix [1183]. Bernat Sanc¢ accounted with Alfons I before Perella and Guillem de Bassa. 26. (46, °47) 1x 1183. Peralada. Alfons I accounted with Bernat Sang

for expenses, pledges, and loans in the presence of Archbishop Berenguer, Guillem de Bassa, etc. 27. (47) [1183], after September. Bernat Sang accounted with Pong Ademar, Perella, Pere de Garnal, and Pere Ramon porter. 28. (45) [1183], after 4 ix. Bernat Sang accounted with Bartomeu and Domingo for the archbishop’s expenditures on the king’s account. 29. (61) 111184. Tortosa. Llobell accounted with Pong Ademar and Bernat de Caldes for Barcelona.* 30. (49, 59, 66) 17 1 1184. Vidal accounted with Pong Ademar the Templar, Llobell Gracia, and Pere de Garnal for Tarragona, Vilafranca del Penedés, and Castellet (the latter two for the year ending 24 vi 1184).* 31. (51) 2511184. Pere de Sant Celoni accounted with Pong Ademar and Pere de Garnal for Cervera and Tarrega for fourteen months.* 32. (50) [1183, after 21 xi—1184]. Berenguer de Parets accounted for expenses reported by Pere de Sant Celon1. 33. ($2) Before 20 xi [1184]. Bernat Sang accounted for expenditures with Ramon de Perella, Perella, and Guillem de Bassa.

34. (52) After 20 x1 [1184], Thursday. Bernat Sanc¢ accounted for expenditures. 35. (57) 7 v 1186. Cervera. Bernat Granell accounted with Ramon de Caldes in the presence of Pere de Sant Celoni, Ramon Ferrer de Tarrega, Bernat de Mecina, Samuel the Jew, etc., for Tarrega and environs for fifteen months.* 36. (58) 18 v 1186. Joan Macelar accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guillem de Bassa, and the bailiff Llobell for Vilamajor for one year.”*

37. ($9) 29 v 1186. Vidal accounted with royal officials (names obliterated) for Tarragona and Castellet for just over two years and for Vilafranca (del Penedés) and Font-rubi for a shorter period.* 38. (60) 7 vii 1186. Cotlliure. Pedro Jimenez receives quittance from Archbishop Berenguer in the presence of Perella and others for his account of the vicariate and bailiwick of Cerdanya and Conflent for three years. 39. (61) 19 xi 1186. Llobell accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa for Barcelona for thirty-five months.* 40. (68) [c. 1 111 1187]. Arnau Pere accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa for Montblanc.*

282 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

41. (62) 5 111187. Yucef accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa in the presence of Esteve de Marimon, Pere Balb, and Arnau de Samata for Lleida and its appurtenances. * 42. (63) 10 11 1187. Arnau Pere accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa in the presence of Bertran de Vilafranca, Guillem de Torroja the priest, etc., for Montblanc for one year and for arrears.* 43. (69) [c. 11 1187]. Yucef accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa for Lleida and its appurtenances.* 44. (64) 17 iv 1187. Pere de Sant Celoni accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa for Cervera and Tarrega.* 45. (65) 17 iv 1187. Pere Marti accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa in the presence of Pere the sacristan for the bailiwick (for three years) and vicariate (for three months) of Vic.* 46. (66) 19 v 1187. Vidal accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa for Tarragona, Castellet, Vilafranca (del Penedés), and Font-rubi for three years and five months.* 47. (72) [1186-1187]. The Templars accounted with Berenguer de Parets, according to a summa written by Pere de Garnal, for Ascé during 1183-1185. 48. (68) 1 111188. Arnau Pere accounted with Ramon de Caldes in the presence of Bertran de Vilafranca, Pere Arnau the scribe, Guillem de Bassa, Guillem de Torroja the priest, etc., for Montblanc for one year.*

49. (69) 16 iti 1188. Yucef accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa for Lleida and its appurtenances for one year.* 50. (70) 1 v 1188. La Granada. Pere de Bassa accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa in the presence of Ber. de Palol and G., the priest, for Vilafranca del Penedés for one year.* 51. (72) 1x 1188. Alfons I accounted with the Templar G. Eral. 52. (72) xi 1188. Alfons I accounted with the Templars in the presence of Guillem de Bonastre for debts and the revenues of Ascé and Tortosa.* 53. (81) 19 m1 1189. Ramon Guanagal accounted for Tarragona.* 54. (71) 16 v 1189. Arnau de Soler accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Llobell, and Guillem de Bassa (for Vilamajor) for two years.* $5. (72) 17 v 1189. Barcelona. Bezé6 and other Templars accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guillem de Bassa, G. Gruny, etc., for the king’s credit and for revenues from Ascé6 for 1183-1185 and from Tortosa.* $6. (73) 4 viii 1189. Joan de Malloles and Guillem d’Illa accounted for Vic with Ramon de Caldes in the presence of Pere the sacristan.*

6. ESTATES AND SESSIONS OF ACCOUNT (1157-1213) 283

57. (74) 5 vill 1189. Bernat Boroti accounted with Ramon de Caldes in the presence of Pere, the sacristan, for Vic for one year.* $8. (75) 8 viii 1189. Bertran de Prats accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa for Moia for one year.* $9. (77) 21 or 2211190. Albufazan accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa for Lleida and its appurtenances for one year.*

60. (80) 14 iv 1190. Guillem Adalbert and Gombau accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guillem de Bassa, Guillem Durfort, and Ber-

nardi for Perpinya, Tuir, and Argelers for nineteen and a half months.* 61. (81) 25 v 1190. Ramon Guanagal’s account of 19 11 1189 for Tarragona was reviewed with Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, and Bonafos the bailiff. *

62. (82) 27 v 1190. Bonafos accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guerau de Caerci for Tarragona for one year.* 63. (83) 31 vii 1190. Arnau de Soler accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa for three years.* 64. (84) 111191. Lleida. Albufazan accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Bassa in the presence of Bernardi and Perella for Lleida and appurtenances.” 65. (85)11191. Berenguer de Bonastre accounted with Pere de Garnal for expenses. 66. (87) 28 ii 1191. Berenguera, widow of the bailiff Ramon de Centelles, accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guerau de Caerci in the presence of Guillem de Cerdanyola the Templar and Roig, the bailiff, for Caldes de Montbui and Terrassa.* 67. (88) 30 111 1191. Pere de Castlaril and G. de Plegamans accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Bassa for Terrassa for three years.* 68. (89) 30 m1 1191. G. de Plegamans accounted with Ramon de Cal-

des, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Bassa for Caldes de Montbui for two years.* 69. (90) I vii 1191. Perfet accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Bassa in the presence of Roig the bailiff for his credit with the king and for Terrassa, which he held in pledge.* 70. (92) I vill 1191. Roig accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Bassa for Barcelona and the mills.* 71. (93) I Xi 1191. Jaco accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guerau de Caerci for Girona and its appurtenances for three years. * 72. (98) 31 111 1192. Tortosa. Guillem de Bonastre accounted with Alfons I for Lleida and its appurtenances.*

284 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

73. (95) 1 iv 1192. Estolt accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Bassa for Cervera.* 74. (160) v 1192. Bernat de Mozolla accounted with Pong de Montpaé for the latter’s revenues from Cervera. 75. (94) I v 1193. Roig accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Bassa for Barcelona for one year.*

76. (95) I xi 1193. Estolt accounted with Ramon de Caldes and Guerau de Caerci for Cervera for nineteen months.

77. (96) 1193. Arnau de Cabrera, G. and Arnau de Masquefa accounted in the presence of Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, Guillem de Bassa, and Roig the bailiff for receipts from Piera and Cabrera in settlement of the king’s debt.* 78. (97) 22 iii 1194. Pere de Bassa accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Bassa for Vilafranca del Penedés and Castellet for one year.* 79. (98) 27 iv 1194. Guillem de Bonastre accounted with Ramon de Caldes, Guerau de Caerci, and Guillem de Bassa for Lleida and its appurtenances for two years.* 80. (99) 29 1x 1194. Tamarite de Litera. Alfons I gives quittance to Guillem de La Granada for receipts and expenses.

81. (105) 11-12 viii 1200. Vic. Guillem Durfort accounted with Bishop Guillem of Vic in the presence of Pere the sacristan and others for the bishop’s receipts from bovatge. 82. (106) 15 xi 1200. Barcelona. Perfet accounted with Guillem Durfort, Pere the sacristan, and Pere de Medina for Barcelona for seventeen months.* 83. (120) 3 vil 1202. Zaragoza. Guillem Durfort accounted with Pere I “in the presence of many.”

84. (107) I vii 1203. Pere d’Aragoé and his son Pere accounted with Perfet the bailiff. 85. (109) I v 1204. Guillem de Coll accounted with Ramon Batala the Templar, Perfet the bailiff, and Guillem de Corré, the notary, for Vilafranca and the vicariate of Penedés for one year.* 86. (113, cf. 112) 11205. Joan de Cascai accounted with Ramon Batala

the Templar and Perfet the bailiff for the honor of Bergueda for two years.* 87. (115) 19 xi [1205]. Lleida. Pere I accounts with Bonafos, bailiff of Lleida, for bovatge.

88. (117) 21 1 1207. Gardeny. Ramon Dana accounted for Almenar with Ramon Batala, king’s proctor, and Bonafos the bailiff for six years.* 89. (120) 31 x 1207. Barcelona. In the presence of Archbishop Ramon and many other magnates, Pere I accounts with Guillem Durfort

6. ESTATES AND SESSIONS OF ACCOUNT (1157-1213) 285

for receipts in Catalonia, Provence, and elsewhere during five years.

gO. (122) 16 11 1209. Lleida. Pere I accounted with the Templars for

their administration of Serds and Ascé during almost eight years. *

Q1. (125) 6 vi 1209. Durfort accounted with Ramon Batala in the presence of Pere de Blandis the notary and Perfet, former bailiff, etc., for Barcelona for twenty months.* 92. (128) 3 xi 1209. Lleida. Pere | accounted before men of his court for debts to Guillem de Cervera. 93. (132) [¢c. 1209]. Perpinya. Guillem de Creixell accounted in the presence of Bishop Guillem of Vic, Dalmau and Pere de Creixell,

Arnau de Foixa, Guillem Durfort, and the notaries Colom and Berenguer de Olzina for credits against the king.

94. (130) 30 x 1210. Perpinya. Ramon de Manresa accounted with Colom, king’s notary, in the presence of Bishop Guillem of Vic, etc., for receipts from taxes and justice in Cerdanya, Conflent, Rossell6, and Girona. Q§. (132) 911211. Perpinya. Pere I recognizes a debt to Guillem de Creixell. 96. (135) 30 x1 1212. Guiu, preceptor of Palau, accounts with Pere the moneyer for the Templars’ share of profits of coinage for the period commencing 2 11 1209.

97. (136) 17 11 1213. Guillem Durfort recognizes the king’s accumulated debt to Durfort d’Espiells. 98. (137) 4 vil 1213. Ramon, preceptor of Palau, accounts with Pere the moneyer for the Templars’ share of profits of comage during Q—23 V1 1213.

99. (138) 10 1x 1213. Ramon, preceptor of Palau, accounts with Pere the moneyer for the Templars’ share of profits of coinage during 18 vili-—1I 1x 1213.

COMMISSIONS OF BAILIWICKS (1148-1209)

Appointments of bailiffs or sales of bailiwicks, although they often occurred in accounting sessions (occasionally even coinciding with them in written form: see nos. 46, 122), are none-

theless normally distinct from the accounts. They are listed chronologically as such below, with the exception of no. 139 (which dates from 1071). For the present purpose pledges are included only in cases where the creditor was manifestly a bailiff

or in loco baiuli. Numbers in parentheses refer to the edited texts, to which the reader may turn for fuller information. I. (143) 3 xii 1148. Ramon Berenguer IV pledges mills and other revenues at Barcelona to eleven burghers of Barcelona.

2. (18) [Before 1160-1162]. Bernat Bou de Girona purchased the bailiwick of Girona.

3. (10,E) 10 x 1160. Llagostera. Bertran de Castellet sold the bailiwick of (probably) Llagostera to Berenguer Mir and Pere Tosa. 4. (16) 9 ix 1165. Alfons I sold the bailiwick of Sant Marti de Castellar to Pere de Riart.

5. (20) I vii 1168. Barcelona. Alfons I and Guilhem VII of Montpellier grant their bailiwick (of Lleida) to Jafia, who is to recover his loan to the former from the proceeds. 6. (22) 20 v 1169. Alfons I, with consent of barons of his court, pledges Ascé, Serés, and Riba-roja to the Templars, adding Gava, Viladecans, Sant Feliu de Llobregat, and the mills of Barcelona in contingent pledge.

7. (33) [Before x 1178]. Alfons I pledged revenues, doubtless in Rossellé or the Vallespir, to Bernat Sang.

8. (34) 24 iv 1179. Ramon de Caldes, Perfet, and Vives (the latter

7. COMMISSIONS OF BAILIWICKS (1148-1209) 287

two bailiffs of Barcelona) sell rights on the bailiwicks of Vilafranca (del Penedés) and Font-rubi to Bernat de Grasbuac. g. (40) [. . .1180]. Ramon de Caldes, B. Caloruco, and Perfet the bailiff sold the bailiwick of Vilamajor to Pere Roig. 10. (37) xii 1180. Lleida. The men of Castellots engage to pay Alfons I an annual render in return for the king’s protection and maintenance of them in direct domain. 11. (41) ix 1182. Perpinya. Alfons I sells to his creditor Bernat Sang the revenues of Perpinya and environs for one year and of Prats de Moll6é until 24 vi 1183.

12. (46) ix 1183. Peralada. Alfons I grants to his creditor Bernat San¢ the bailiwick of Perpinya and certain revenues at Prats de Mollé and Banyuls de la Marenda for four years. 13. (48) [c. 1183]. Ix. Alfons I assigns the repayment of his debt to Pere de Sant Celoni on the bailiwick (Cervera and Tarrega) held by Pere. 14. (59) [After 25 iti] 1184. Vidal claimed to have purchased the bailiwick of Vilafranca (del Penedés) and, with Bernat de Grasbuac, that of Font-rubi from Pong Ademar. 15. (57) 2 ii 1185. Bernat Granell purchased the bailiwick of 'Tarrega for life at an annual render.

16. (59) [After 25 iii] 1185. Vidal purchased the bailiwick of Vilafranca del Penedés from Llobell.

17. (70) [... ¢. v. 1187]. Pere de Bassa purchased the bailiwick of Vilafranca del Penedés (from Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa?) for a yearly render. 18. (73) [. . . viii 1187]. Joan de Malloles and Guillem d’Illa purchased the bailiwick of Vic from Ramon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa for a yearly render. 19. (80) 1 ix 1188. Guillem Adalbert and Gombau purchased the bailiwick of Perpinya, Tuir, and Argelers for a yearly render.

20. (77, 82) [. . . 1 i 1189]. Benveniste purchased the bailiwick of Lleida and its appurtenances. 21. (82) [c. iii 1189]. Bonafos purchased the bailiwick of Tarragona. 22. (102) 6 v 1196. Guillem Durfort and others cede the bailiwick of Palafrugell to Pere de Pla. 23. (109) [c. 1 v}] 1203. Guillem de Coll purchased the bailiwick of Vilafranca and the vicariate of Penedés for one year. 24. (108) i 1204. Huesca. Pere I cedes Serds to the Templars on the understanding that it be restored when Ascé is recovered from the dowager-queen. 25. (110) 4 v [1204?]. Ramon Batala, proctor for bailiwicks, and Per-

288 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

fet the bailiff sell the bailiwick of Vilamajor to Corneli for a yearly payment. 26. (111) 6 v 1204. Ramon Batala, proctor for bailiwicks, and Guillem

de Corré the notary sell the bailiwick of Sant Feliu de Llobregat and Gava to Perfet for a yearly render. 27. (114) 27 v 1205. Ramon Batala, proctor for bailiwicks, and Perfet the bailiff sell the bailiwick of Moia to Ramon de Passarell and Guerau de Uilar Jouam for a yearly payment. 28. (116) [c. 1204-1205]. Ramon Batala, proctor for bailiwicks, sells

the bailiwick of Terrassa to Bernat de Sant Marti for a yearly render.

29. (118) 31 v 1207. Ramon Batala, proctor for bailiwicks, and Perfet the bailiff sell the bailiwick of Vilafranca del Penedés to Pere Mulet

for a yearly payment. 30. (125) 3 x 1207. Durfort purchased the bailiwick of Barcelona. 31. (127) 10 ix 1209. Barcelona. Pere I grants the bailiwick of Vic to Guillem Escuder and his son Pere for Guillem’s lifetime.

SURVEYS OF DOMAIN

(1151-c. 1211)

Numbers in parentheses refer to the edited texts, to which the reader may turn for fuller information. I. (1) 2§ il 11§1—20 vii 115[2?]. Memorials of the demesnes, rights

and revenues held by the count of Barcelona in the counties or districts of Barcelona, Girona, Besalu, Vallespir, Conflent, Cerdanya, and Ripolleés.

2. (2) [Before vi 1156]. Breve of revenues from the mountain of Tagamanent, Valldarid, Cardedeu, and Vilamajor. 3. (7) iti [1158]. Accounts and inventories for Prats de Moll6, Moll6, and Ribes. 4. (14) [Before late summer 1162]. Capud breve of comital rights in the parishes of Sant Mamet de Corré d’Amunt, Sant Andreu de Samaltis, Santa Coloma (de Marata) and Santa Eulalia de Corré d’ Avall.

5. (17) [After viii 1162]. Memorials of fiscal domain in the vicariates of Formiguera and Ruiutort. 6. (15) [After viii 1162]. Records of royal domain and fiefs in the valley of Ribes.

7. (18) [c. 1165]. Bernat Bou de Girona cites yields from the bailiwicks of Girona, Palafrugell, Llagostera, Caldes de Malavella and Palau-sacosta in defense of his record as bailiff.

8. (19) [c. 1163-1165. . .]. Memorials of the king’s right to hospitality and maintenance in Arlui’s bailiwick in Cerdanya. 9. (38) 1180. Memorial of the king’s honor at (?)Tol6. 10. (53) [1184 or shortly before]. Record of the Templars’ rights on the royal domain in the county of Cerdanya.

11. (55) [. . .1175-1185. . .]. The men of Serrat (Ribes) inform the king of his rightful revenues from them.

290 INTRODUCTION: RELATED STUDIES AND LISTS

12. (76) [1184-1189. . .]. Record of the Templars’ domain, including their tenth on the royal domain, in Cerdanya. 13. (101) [. . .1185—1196 April 25]. The men of Llagostera declare their customary obligations. 14. (131) [. . .1205—1210]. The men of Serrat inform the king of his rightful revenues from them. 15. (134) [. . .1204-1211. . .]. Memorials of Sant Marcal and other vineyards in the Penedés developed by Ferrer de Girona.

M4

SCRIPTS AND ENDORSEMENTS (1178-1194)

Some paleographical characteristics of the records edited here

have been discussed in Chapter I, while the scribes are listed fully in RSL 2 insofar as they are (or can be) identified. But the identification of scribes and scripts is far from complete, espe-

cially among the accounts dating from 1183 to 1194. In this group only nine scribes are recorded by name (for 15 percent of the texts) as compared to 78 identifications in the remaining 112 texts of the edition (70 percent). This discrepancy cannot be accidental, for it was precisely in that decade after 1183 that the charters of account achieved a routine formality in which the

final clauses together with the notarial subscription were jettisoned. So it happens that the very scribes most engaged in the

reorganization of fiscal account are those least known to us. Moreover, several of these scribes must have been responsible for the earliest strata of anonymous dorsal notations. What does

the evidence of these scripts tell us of these men and their purposes?

A. SCRIPTS The accompanying Table (III) attempts to clarify the problem

of attribution without oversimplifying it. Taken together with the evidence of Accounts (and Related Records) 1-30 and 1o1171, which are excluded from the analysis (except for cross references), the table suggests four conclusions, summarized on p. 295.

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