Fighting Newfoundlander 9780773575448

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The Fighting Newfoundlander

Carleton Library Series The Carleton Library Series, funded by Carleton University under the general editorship of the dean of the School of Graduate Studies and Research, publishes books about Canadian economics, geography, history, politics, society, and related subjects. It includes important new works as well as reprints of classics in the fields. The editorial committee welcomes manuscripts and suggestions, which should be sent to the dean of the School of Graduate Studies and Research, Carleton University. 192 The Blacks in Canada: A History (second edition) Robin Winks 193 A Disciplined Intelligence Critical Inquiry and Canadian Thought in the Victorian Era A.B. McKillop 194 Land, Power, and Economics on the Frontier of Upper Canada John Clarke 195 The Children of Aataentsic A History of the Huron People to 1660 Bruce G. Trigger 196 Silent Surrender The Multinational Corporation in Canada Kari Levitt

201 Watching Quebec: Selected Essays Ramsay Cook 202 Land of the Midnight Sun A History of the Yukon Ken S. Coates and William R. Morrison 203 The Canadian Quandary Harry Johnson (New edition) 204 Canada and the Cost of World War II The International Operation of the Department of Finance, 1939-1947 Robert B. Bryce Edited by Mathevi Bellamy 205 Lament for a Nation George Grant (Anniversary edition)

206 Confederation Debates in the 197 Cree Narrative Province of Canada, 1865 Expressing the Personal Meanings P.B. Waits of Events (New edition) Richard J. Preston 207 The History of Canadian Business, 198 The Dream of Nation 1867-1914 A Social and Intellectual History R. T. Naylor of Quebec Susan Mann 208 Lord Durham's Report Based on the Abridgment of 199 A Great Duty Gerald M. Craig Canadian Responses to Modern (New edition) Life and Mass Culture, 1939-1967 L.B. Kuffert 209 The Fighting Newfoundlander A History of the Royal Newfound200 The Politics of Development land Regiment Forests, Mines, and Hydro-Electric G. WL. Nicholson Power in Ontario, 1849-1941 H. VNelles

The Fighting Newfoundlander A History of The Royal Newfoundland Regiment Colonel G.W.L. Nicholson, C.D.

Carleton Library Series 2.09 McGill-Queen's University Press Montreal & Kingston • London • Ithaca

Erratum Back cover, lines 11-13. Text should read: where 710 of the 801 officers and men who took part in the assault were casualties. The correct version will be used in future reprints. The Government of Newfoundland and Labrador 2006 ISBN-13: 978-0-7735-3133-8 ISBN-IO: 0-7735-3133-5 (cloth) ISBN-13: 978-0-7735-3206-9 ISBN-IO: 0-7735-3206-4 (paper) Legal deposit third quarter 2006 Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec Printed in Canada on acid-free paper First published in 1964 by the Government of Newfoundland. Maps drawn by Sergeant E.H. Ellward, R.c.E. McGill-Queen's University Press acknowledges the support of ther Canada Council for the Arts for our publishing program. We also acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP) for our publishing activities. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Nicholson, G.W.L. (Gerald William Lingen), 1902-1980 The fighting Newfoundlander : a history of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment / G.W.L. Nicholson. (Carleton library series ; 209) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-7735-3133-8 ISBN-IO: 0-7735-3133-5 (bnd) ISBN-13: 978-0-7735-3206-9 ISBN-IO: 0-7735-3206-4 (pbk) 1. Great Britain — Army - Royal Newfoundland Regiment. I. Title. II. Series: Carleton library ; 209 UA652.R82&N5 2006

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Illustrations on the pages listed below appear courtesy of The Rooms Corporation of Newfoundland and Labrador, Provincial Archives. They are listed in order of their appearance in the book with the archival location provided in parentheses: 30 (B z50); 86 (VA 85-44); 107 (VA 37-5-3); i°8 (A 8-91); no (VA 37-15-1); "5 (NA 1537); 117 (NA 1249); 118 (B 3-6); 134-5 (C i-86B); 136 (VA 37-2.1.4); 138 (VA 37-23.1); 148 (37-17.2.); 149 (37-11.2); 163; 171 (C 5-97); 204 (B 1-13); 205 (A 2-101); 208 (VA 37-2.5.1); 211 (B 3-I77A); 214 (VA 40-121); 219 (A 8-32); 251 (VA36-29.3); 265 (Bi-49); 283 (B 3-31); 288 VA (37-19-4); *99 (A 8-31); 324 (C 3-6); 360 (NA 1530); 360 (VA 36-29.1); 361 (B 5-190); 402 (B 5-173); 43^- (NA 1535)5432 (NA 1534)5497 (B 1-87). Illustrations on pages x, 175, 311, 314, 437, 505, 508 appear courtesy of the RNR Regimental Museum in St. John's. Illustrations on pages 113, 171, 492 are from the Frost Albums.

To the

Glorious Memory of all those Newfoundlanders who served and for whom the Last Post has sounded, this Book is Dedicated

Contents Message from the Colonel-in-Chief, 1964 ix Message from the Honorary Colonel, 1964 xi Message from the Honorary Colonel, 2006 xiii Author's Preface xv Introduction to the Carleton Library Series Edition xix CHAPTER I CHAPTER II CHAPTER III CHAPTER W CHAPTER V CHAPTER VI CHAPTER VII CHAPTER VIII CHAPTER IX CHAPTER X CHAPTER XI CHAPTER XII CHAPTER XIII CHAPTER XIV CHAPTER XV

Before the First Regiment i The Regiments of the lyoo's 13 Newfoundlanders in the War of 1812 47 When War Came 89 The First Five Hundred 114 Gallipoli 155 Reinforcing the Regiment 193 Beaumont Hamel 232 Gueudecourt 284 Sailly-Saillisel and Monchy-le-Preux 328 The Steenbeek and the Broembeek 366 Cambrai 401 The German April Offensive 431 The Advance to Victory 467 The Tradition Lives On 511 APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

Honour Roll, The Royal Newfoundland Regiment, First World War 545

APPENDIX B

Honours and Awards, The Royal Newfoundland Regiment, First World War 573

Contents

Vll

APPENDIX C

Battle Honours 582

APPENDIX D

Articles of Engagement approved by Governor Richard Evans for the Newfoundland Volunteers, 1779 582

APPENDIX E

Proposals for Raising a Corps of Infantry in the Island of Newfoundland, September 12,1780 584

APPENDIX F

Extracts from the Regimental Orders of the Earliest Newfoundland Regiment 585

APPENDIX G

Special Order of the Day by the Colonel, The Royal Scots (The Royal Regiment) 592 LIST OF SOURCES INDEX

593

596

MAPS The Royal Newfoundland Regiment in the War of 1812 xxvi The Western Front, 1916-1918 xxviii Suvla, 1915 xxx Beaumont Hamel, i July, 1916 xxxii The Battle of Cambrai, 20 November-6 December, 1917 The Fighting by the 88th Brigade, 30 November-3 December, 1917 xxxiv The German Offensive of April, 1918 xxxvi The Final Advance, 28 September-27 October, 1918 The March to the Rhine, 14 November-g December, 1918 xxxviii The Eastern Mediterranean 160 The Evacuation of Helles, Night 8-9 January, 1916 192 The Somme, 1916 238 TheYpres Salient, 29th Division Front, 30 July-5 October, 1916 291 Gueudecourt, 12 October, 1916 305 Sailly-Saillisel, 1-3 March, 1917 333 Monchy-le-Preux, 14 April, 1917 346 The Battle of Langemarck, the Fighting at the Steenbeek, 16 August, 1917 381 The Battle of Poelcappelle, the Fighting at the Broembeek, 9 October, 1917 391

ST. JAMES S PALACE ,

S.W. I. WHITEHALL

4110.

18th December, 1963. It is fitting indeed that my first message as Colonel-in-Chief of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment should be a foreword to the history of this famous Regiment and its predecessors, covering a period of close on two centuries. My Regiment has the honour of being the only overseas Regiment in the history of British arms to have gained the title of "Royal" during the hostilities in which it was engaged, awarded in recognition of the gallantry and matchless valour displayed on the fields of Gallipoli, France and Belgium in the great struggle for freedom of 1914-18. Well did it deserve this honour. No other Regiment gained this distinction in the First World War, and only twice in former wars were an Irish and an English Regiment similarly honoured. Colonel Nicholson has succeeded splendidly in tracing the long history of the Regiment and in relating its military virtues to the character of the loyal people of Newfoundland, the oldest member of the British Empire and Commonwealth. This book is a record of a fine Regiment, of men of courage and faith who proved themselves worthy of the endurance and devotion of the people among whom they were born and bred. I am very proud to be Colonel-in-chief of my Royal Newfoundland Regiment and to strengthen the ties of comradeship with my Royal Scots (The Royal Regiment).

Message from The Honorary Colonel It is appropriate that this History should appear on the fiftieth anniversary of the formation of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment of 1914-19, recording for posterity the glory won by Newfoundlanders in the First World War. It will help members of the present Regiment to become familiar with the deeds of earlier Regiments whose name they bear and whose traditions they inherit. Here they will find the story of the gallant part played by Newfoundlanders in the battles which are emblazoned on their Colours; and I am confident that by reading it they will be inspired to bear their Colours the more proudly and ever strive to maintain and enhance the reputation of die Regiment. The Regiment indeed and the people of Newfoundland owe a great debt of gratitude to the Premier, the Honourable Joseph R. Smallwood, and the Government of the Province of Newfoundland for ensuring that every member of the Regiment who fought in the Great War and who is with us today receives a copy of this book. Moreover, were it not for the personal interest taken by Mr. Smallwood, inspired by his own love of history and pride in his native land, this book might not have been written until the warmth of living memories had been lost. We may all be glad that it is published while many who fought in the ranks of the Regiment are still alive to enjoy its pages. As the Honorary Colonel of the Regiment, I welcome the opportunity of extending the warm appreciation of all ranks to Colonel Nicholson and to all the many past and present members of the Regiment who have given him assistance in his task. The record which he has written is a worthy tribute to "The Fighting Newfoundlander."

*&*( fil>

*5r *

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GOVERNMENT HOUSE

NEWFOUNDLAND AND LABRADOR

The Lieutenant Governor

Ninety years - four generations - have passed since the Newfoundlanders won immortal glory at Gallipoli and on the Western Front, in northern France and Belgium. The memory of those gallant men has neither dimmed nor lost its lustre, but rather grows stronger and more vivid as the years come and go. At best, only a handful among us today can recollect those days, and no one has any firsthand knowledge of being a soldier in the Great War. For the very oldest among us, the men who wore the Caribou on their uniforms were fathers and uncles, but for most Newfoundlanders and Labradorians today they were grandfathers and great-grandfathers. We have only memories. But the memories grow stronger, and the Regiment becomes an ever-more powerful moment in our past. The Regiment was our first great national effort. It was the first time that every Newfoundlander and every Labradorian united in one common cause. More and more of us have come to realize this. That is why more and more of us gather at the National War Memorial in St. John's, and at memorials throughout the province, on July 1st each year to remember those men, and to honour them. There is a long and honourable link between Government House and the Regiment. As Colonel Nicholson reminds us, my predecessor, Sir Walter Davidson, Governor at the outbreak of the War, led the movement to raise the Regiment in August 1914, just days after the War began. He was the first Commanding Officer of the Regiment, and later became its first Honorary Colonel. Sir Leonard Outerbridge, Lieutenant Governor from 1949 to 1957, became the first Honorary Colonel of the Regiment when it became part of the Canadian Army Reserve Force on 24 October 1949. Shortly after I became Lieutenant Governor in November 2002, I was asked by the Regimental authorities if I would accept appointment as Honorary Colonel. I did so enthusiastically and without hesitation, as a tribute to the valour of the men who were "Better than the Best," and to re-establish the direct link between the Crown's representative in Newfoundland and Labrador and the Regiment. I hope that my successors will continue this tradition. The Regiment has just returned from a pilgrimage to the battlefields of northern France and Belgium. We rededicated the five Caribou memorials, which have been splendidly refurbished by the Government of Canada. And on July 1st, for the first time since 1916, the Newfoundlanders stood again on the field of Beaumont Hamel, ninety years to the day and the hour since that awful morning. As Honorary Colonel, and as Lieutenant Governor of Newfoundland and Labrador, I am grateful that McGill-Queen's has reprinted Nicholson's magnificent history, The Fighting Newfoundlander. The original edition, published forty yea^erSgoJfiSs become very scarce. This new edition will make it possible for many more Newfoundlanders and Labradorians to learn about the history of their Regiment.

P.O. Box*5517, St. John's, ML Canada A1C 5W4

Telephone (709) 729-*WOacsimile (709) 729-2234

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Author's Preface In beautiful Bowring Park, which lies beside the Bay Bulls road on the southern outskirts of St. John's, rises Basil Gotto's fine statue of the Fighting Newfoundlander, overlooking the valley of the Waterford River. For nearly half a century it has stood there, this weathered bronze figure of an infantryman of the First World War, the left hand grasping a rifle with bayonet fixed, the other arm stretched backward in the act of hurling a grenade. At the base appear these words: "A tribute to the undying memory of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment." More than six thousand officers and men who served in the Regiment in the years 1914 to 1919 are symbolized in the Fighting Newfoundlander. No more fitting name could therefore be given to this History - the story of that gallant Regiment of the First World War, and of the traditions which it inherited from its predecessors and passed on with added lustre to those who came after. This is the record of no ordinary regiment. Of the many splendid fighting units that crossed the seas to serve in France and Flanders and on other fronts during that grim struggle, no other body of troops was so singularly and closely identified with the community from which it came. Here was a contingent whose ranks were filled almost exclusively by men sharing a common loyalty to the island Colony of their birth and upbringing. The very manner of their raising was unique. Where else could a people, who for almost a half-century had known no military organization of any kind, promptly establish a committee of public-spirited citizens who within sixty days of the outbreak of hostilities would recruit, partially equip, and dispatch overseas half a thousand men as the initial contribution to a full battalion of infantry? When this and subsequent contingents sailed eastward across the Atlantic, they carried with them the hopes and prayers of a people united in sharing a burning pride in their own Regiment; as the weary war months passed, the women of Newfoundland worked unsparingly to provide their boys overseas with a variety of comforts to ameliorate their lot; and when tragedy struck on that fateful July day in 1916, there was scarcely a family in even the remotest outport of the Colony that did not experience the bitter pain of sacrifice.

Author's Preface

xvi

Within the Regiment there existed an extraordinarily close comradeship and a spirit of determination to demonstrate that Newfoundlanders could do well the job that had been assigned to them. Ample testimony that they succeeded in this aim is not lacking. There were other fields besides Beaumont Hamel, and the record of the Regiment's glorious exploits in these battles occupies the major part of this book. And since in war no unit operates in a vacuum, the author has from time to time attempted to draw the larger picture, at divisional, corps, or army level, of the operations in which the men of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment played their distinguished part. It is hoped that this will present the Regiment's battles in better perspective to the reader, not excluding the veteran whose knowledge of what went on was so often limited to events on his own narrow battalion front. The ancient Colony raised other regiments in earlier days, and to these the author has devoted his opening chapters. Those units of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries had varying fortunes. To some was given the unenviable role of standing guard in the Island against an invader who never came; but twice did Newfoundland soldiers go to the mainland to fight in defence of Canada, and on both occasions the contribution they made was no mean one. The final chapter of the book carries the story up to the present. It introduces another Royal Newfoundland Regiment, and shows how the militiamen of today are carrying on as worthy custodians of the great traditions which they have inherited. The threads from which this chronicle has been woven are numerous and diverse. Wherever possible the material used has been drawn from contemporary documents, or from personal accounts written by participants shortly after the events which they describe. Sometimes it has been necessary to rely ori the memories of men, in which case every care has been taken by cross-checking to ensure a maximum degree of accuracy. Some of what appears in the early chapters has not previously been published. A decision was taken not to document the text with numerous footnotes and references; but a comprehensive list of sources used by the author appears at the end of the book. In carrying out the research for this History the author consulted unpublished records at the War Office, the Dominion

XV11

Author's Preface

Public Archives, the Newfoundland Archives, and at Government House, St. John's, where he was given the privilege of examining the papers of Governor Sir Walter Davidson. In the spring of 1963 he visited and made a study of the battlefields on which the Royal Newfoundland Regiment fought in France and Flanders during the First World War. He has interviewed a large number of veterans of the Regiment in various parts of Newfoundland, as well as at a number of points in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. A great many people assisted the author in his task of compiling this History - too many to name here. To all of them he is profoundly grateful. He would be remiss, however, if he did not specially acknowledge the help given by the Regimental Historical Committee: Colonel the Honourable Sir Leonard Outerbridge, C.B.E., D.S.O., C.D., (Honorary Chairman); Captain C. Sydney Frost, M.C. (Honorary Vice-Chairman); Hon. Myles Murray, Q.c. (Chairman); Lt.-Col. J. T. Allston, C.D., Major Bertram Butler, D.S.O., M.C. & Bar, Allan M. Fraser, M.A., Captain H. George Hicks, M.C. & Bar, Colonel Jack Marshall, C.D., Lt.-Col. Albert Martin, Lt.-Col. J. P. O'Driscoll, C.D., Major Austin Purchase, Major R. H. Tait, M.C., Brigadier W. B. Tucker, M.B.E., C.D., Lt.-Col. A. J. Woodford, and J. G. Charming (Secretary). The comments received from members of the Committee and from other veterans of the Regiment to whom chapters of the manuscript were circulated have done much to ensure the accuracy of the History. The author would particularly express his gratitude to Captain Frost, a pillar of strength, who not only provided a wealth of material from his library and from contemporary documents and published items collected through the years and carefully indexed by him, but who undertook the exacting task of compiling the Regimental Roll of Honour and the List of Honours and Awards. Special thanks are due also to Captain Hicks for supplying a number of articles which he has written covering the Regiment's operations in the First World War, and to James R. Steele, for making available the diary of the late Lieut. Owen D. Steele. To the foregoing the author would add the names of Mrs Alice Sorby, M.B.E., of the Historical Section, Army Headquarters;

Author's Preface

xvjj{

C. H. Stewart, Librarian, Department of National Defence; the members of the staff of the Newfoundland Archives; and David A. Webber, Curator, Newfoundland Naval and Military Museum - all of whom were generous and untiring in the specialized assistance which they provided. Finally, grateful acknowledgement is made of the courtesy of the following in granting permission for reproduction of illustrations appearing in this volume: the Imperial, War Museum, the British Museum, the Public Archives of Canada, the Newfoundland Archives, the Department of National Defence, The Legionary, The Evening Telegram, the Western Reserve Historical Society, the Honourable J. R. Smallwood, Sir Leonard Outerbridge, and Lt.-Comdr. John L. Skinner. It remains only to say that the author alone is responsible for opinions expressed in this volume and for any errors or omissions that it may contain. G.W.L.N. St. Patrick's Day, 1964 Ottawa, Canada

Introduction to the Carleton Library Series Edition

When Gerald Nicholson wrote his authoritative history of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, World War I was fifty years distant and World War II almost twenty. These wars had enormous consequences for Newfoundland. In 1914 Newfoundland was an independent country with its own legislature and control over its internal affairs. By the early 19305 the country had plunged into debt and forfeited its legislative independence. For nearly fifteen years it was ruled by a Commission of Government. Unable to defend itself in World War II, it endured a friendly occupation by the Americans and the Canadians. The end of the war brought confederation with neighbouring Canada and the integration of a small country into a larger national polity. Britain's oldest colony was now Canada's newest province. The Fighting Newfoundlander was commissioned by the Government of Newfoundland as a commemorative piece to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the First Five Hundred being sent overseas, the country's initial contribution to the imperial war effort. In 1964, when it was first published, there were few remaining connections with the events of 1914-19: the Newfoundland of the Smallwood era bore little resemblance to the small country that had sent soldiers off to war fifty years earlier and only a small contingent of veterans remained who had served with the regiment overseas. And yet World War I continued to be remembered and commemorated as an event of singular importance. Memorial

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Day, July i (paradoxically also Dominion Day), the day when the Newfoundland Regiment was virtually annihilated at Beaumont Hamel in 1916, was marked by ceremonies across the island and in Labrador. The Newfoundland War Memorial, inaugurated by Earl Haig in 1924, was the focal point of the province's ceremonies. The coming of war in 1939 had tempered the rhetoric that accompanied the event in public addresses and in the media but it was still an occasion for remembering not only the sacrifice of war but also the significance of Newfoundland's contribution. It provided an occasion to commemorate Newfoundland's brief appearance on the world stage, when the country received the gratitude of the Mother Country and former allies alike for its wartime contribution and its regiment returned home laden with battle honours and awards. These were occasions not only for solemn remembrance but also for generating latent national pride. A further reminder of the war was the battle site at Beaumont Hamel, purchased by the Government of Newfoundland and turned into a memorial park in the 19205. It was the most visible reminder not only of the terrible cost and wastage of war but also of the quality of those brave men who pressed forward in spite of overwhelming odds. It became a place of pilgrimage for veteran and civilian alike. For Newfoundlanders, then, World War I held special memories, as a kind of sacrosanct time that belonged to them alone. Nicholson's task was therefore complex: he had to write a history that recounted the distinguished record of one of Canada's oldest regiments while remaining sensitive to the special significance that story had for a province still strongly tied to its own rich heritage. Fortunately, Nicholson's long experience as the Canadian Army's director of history served him well, as did his reputation as one of Canada's leading military historians. So too, did his ability to tell a good story. Nicholson joined the Historical Section in 1943 where he worked closely with the legendary Colonel C.P. Stacey, who later headed up the Directorate. At war's end the Directorate moved quickly to produce its epic history of Canada at war, the eightvolume The Canadian Army, 1939-1945. Nicholson was responsible for the volume on Canadian operations in Italy, and the resulting work was considered by Stacey to be "notable and distinguished." Nicholson's next task was to complete the Section's unfinished history of the Canadian Expeditionary Force on which little work had been done since 1938. Nicholson was also under great pressure to finish the work as the veterans' lobby had persuaded the Canadian government that the country needed an official history that

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recounted the famous battles fought by its gallant soldiers. Typically, Stacey wanted a broad treatment: an operational history with some concessions to policy, organization, and administration. The bitter conscription debates would also have to be included. Nicholson went well beyond that mandate. He spent months analyzing the archival record, touring the battlefields, researching British and German records, and interviewing veterans. The resulting Canadian Expeditionary Force (1962) was well received and acknowledged by many as an appropriate homage to the country's World War I veterans. As Tim Cook has pointed out: "Nicholson expertly folded the operational history of battalions, companies and, on occasion, individual Canadians into the more sweeping storyline." The groundwork was laid for Nicholson's next major piece, The Fighting Newfoundlander, which he undertook on his retirement as director of the Historical section in 1962. The Government of Newfoundland wanted The Fighting Newfoundlander to come out in 1964, which left Nicholson with little time to complete the project. While he was familiar with the operations of the regiment in France and Flanders, there is no evidence to suggest that he was knowledgeable about the Gallipoli campaign. Here he seems to have relied principally on the British official history and other published sources. The Newfoundland record was more problematic. Newfoundland historiography was not well developed in the early 19605, with the most reliable general works having been published in the previous century. Writing on the war was largely limited to personal reminiscences published in The Veteran Magazine and to Richard Cramm's The First Five Hundred (n.d.), and John Gallishaw's Trenching in Gallipoli (1916). Frank "Mayo" Lind's letters to the Daily News and Owen Steele's unpublished diary and letters offered personal glimpses into the war experience but only for the first two years of the war. Fortunately, a number of key veterans, including former commanding officer Lt Col. A.L. Hadow, were still alive and could provide information about their first-hand experiences of the war. Nicholson also contacted others who had served with the regiment and their private collections were gleaned for material of value to the narrative. He supplemented this material with a rigorous analysis of the official record in British, Canadian, and Newfoundland archives, including the regimental war diary and German war records, as well as with visits to the overseas battle sites. What is truly remarkable is that he was able to undertake all this preliminary work and complete the project within two years, producing a regimental history that effectively interweaves opera-

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tional narrative with personal experience to capture the essence of the battalion's role in World War I and beyond. The Fighting Newfoundlander, according to Nicholson, was to be "the story of that gallant Regiment of the First World War, and of the traditions which it inherited from its predecessors and passed on with added lustre to those who came after." Thus, while World War I history was central to the story, Nicholson wanted to draw on a much longer military tradition, dating to the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when earlier forms of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment existed. He wanted to show that the regiment of 1914-18 could look back on a long and distinguished military past and that the Royal Newfoundland Regiment that was recreated in 1949 was part of a long and rich tradition. Here Nicholson was breaking new ground as nothing had been written about that earlier history and the role of Newfoundlanders in the American War of Independence and in the War of 1812 was little understood. In the process Nicholson spared no punches in showing that the province's early military history was closely linked to prevailing administrative, social, and economic conditions and that problems of discipline and disorderliness were endemic in the early years with, at one point, mutiny threatening the very foundations of the colony itself. The story of Newfoundland's heroic military effort in World War I is central to Nicholson's history of the regiment. Newfoundland's political immaturity, the weakness of its economy, and the undercurrent of sectarian division made the small country's involvement in a major war improbable. Yet duty called and Newfoundlanders rushed to the colours, as did hundreds of thousands of others like them across the British world. God, King, and Country was a compelling clarion call to the generation of 1914. Nicholson understood this and refused to disparage those sentiments in his history. He dedicated the book to "those Newfoundlanders who, in serving their King and Country, made the supreme sacrifice." and then quoted from the will of a young 2nd Lieutenant, written as he departed overseas for England: "I am on the point of leaving for England to fight for a great and just cause, for all that Englishmen the world over hold dear: in a word, for material existence." These are powerful sentiments but they sum up the principal theme of the book: how a loyal nation responded to one of the greatest challenges of its long history and succeeded in meeting that challenge efficiently and effectively. Although the near extinction of the Newfoundland Regiment at Beaumont Hamel remains the central event in this story, Nichol-

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son follows the regiment through four years of grueling action, during which it earned a well-deserved reputation for steadiness and resolution in battle. Dozens of awards, including a Victoria Cross, attested to the regiment's distinguished record. This is a remarkable story, brought to life by Nicholson's skill as a writer. Nicholson moves deftly from the big picture to the interaction of individuals at the battalion level, providing a powerful human dimension to his rendering of events and revealing his great interest in the way individuals reacted to the stresses of battle as well as how they recalled it in later years. It is impossible to improve on Nicholson's story of key events: he is both a master story-teller and a critical analyst of events that shaped a regiment and the nation it served. In many respects World War I was a denning moment for Newfoundland. What Nicholson omits is any mention of the painful consequences of Newfoundland's war experience: the heavy burden of war debt, the severe economic downturn of the late 19203 and early 19305, the resultant abject poverty in parts of the country, the subsequent loss of legislative independence, the long reign of the Commission of Government, and the virtual occupation of the defenseless country by friendly powers during World War II. Perhaps wisely, Nicholson avoided these unsavory details in a history that was meant to eulogize and memorialize a nation's wartime experience. Others have since taken up the challenge and expanded on the administrative and political history of the postwar years and added a new dimension to our understanding of that important part of Newfoundland's past. Nicholson linked the provinces' earlier military history and its exploits during World War I with the history of a resurrected Royal Newfoundland Regiment and a post-Confederation world. In this way he integrated the larger central story into a then-contemporary perspective. The long backward glance was intended to show the long continuity in the province's military experience. A second volume, More Fighting Newfoundlanders, concentrated exclusively on World War II. While not as popular as this first volume, it is nevertheless an essential companion piece to it. It is appropriate that as the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador marks the ninetieth anniversary of the 1916 Battle of Beaumont Hamel it should choose to reprint this volume Nicholson's study remains the authoritative account of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment's distinguished war record. This reprint

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will also help remind another generation of Newfoundlanders and Labradorians why World War I is still a central part of their heritage and why it needs to be understood and remembered. If it succeeds at doing that Nicholson will have achieved what he set out to do: to win for the Royal Newfoundland Regiment "a place of respect and honour in the hearts of the people of Newfoundland." David Facey-Crowther July 2006 Vancouver, British Columbia

Maps

ps Ma

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CHAPTER I

Before the First Regiment For full two hundred years or more Grim struggle waged along the shore Of Newfoundland*

"Great Traditions" October 21,1953. It was a cool but clear autumn afternoon as citizens of St. John's gathered on the wide expanse of the Feildian Grounds beside the Portugal Cove Road to witness an impressive historic ceremony. The old colours of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment were being retired and new colours presented in their place. The old colours, both Queen's and Regimental, were worn and faded, and encased in nylon netting to keep them intact. Thirtyeight years had gone by since that misty June day on a Scottish parade ground when the gracious lady of a former Governor of Newfoundland had presented them to a regiment of men from the ancient Colony - men who were putting the final touches to their training in readiness to go into action in the gigantic struggle that came to be called the First World War. During the months and years that followed, that Regiment acquitted itself with distinction on many battlefields - battlefields whose names were to be perpetuated in proud remembrance by the honours emblazoned on the Regimental Colour. The Royal Newfoundland Regiment of that day was disbanded at the war's end; and when 1939 brought another call to service, Newfoundland was represented overseas by new forces. In the Second World War the Colony provided the men for two artillery regiments of the British Army - the i66th (Newfoundland) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery, which served in the United Kingdom, *These lines, and those used at the head of subsequent chapters, are quoted with their author's permission from The Trail of the Caribou, by Major Robert H. Tail, M.C.

The Fighting Newfoundlander

2

North Africa, and the Italian theatre; and the 59th (Newfoundland) Heavy Regiment, which after training in the United Kingdom fought in the operations in North-West Europe. Now, in 1953, the old colours were being trooped for the last time by a new regiment. Four years before, in the year that Newfoundland entered Confederation as Canada's tenth province, the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, a militia unit, was authorized to be formed as a component of the Canadian Army. The same date, October 24, 1949*, saw the authorization of another militia unit, the i66th (Newfoundland) Field Artillery Regiment, which a dozen years later, on the first day of March, 1961, was to become amalgamated with the Royal Newfoundland Regiment. As the members of the Regiment, clad in khaki battledfess and beret, stood smartly to attention, while to the strains of "Auld Lang Syne" played by the i66th Artillery Band the colours with their armed escort were carried in slow precision before them, there must have been few who could avoid a feeling of pride that they were inheriting these emblems of so much splendid gallantry and sacrifice. Later these feelings would be intensified by the words of their Honorary Colonel, Lieutenant-Governor Sir Leonard Outerbridge, as he presented the fresh, newly consecrated colours - the first colours of Queen Elizabeth II to be given to a Canadian regiment: "Guard them well and carry them proudly as the symbols of the great traditions and honours which have been won by those who have gone before you." Truly the present Regiment has inherited great traditions from the corps which it officially perpetuates -the Royal Newfoundland Regiment of 1914-1919. But there have been other fighting units bearing the name of Newfoundland. While the Regiment of today cannot establish a line of unbroken descent from those earlier corps, it can rightly claim to be the heir to their traditions. It is the purpose of the present volume to recount the history of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment which served in the First World War, and to that unit the greater part of the book will be devoted. But the work would not be complete without some account of those early regiments of Newfoundlanders - units whose designations have come down to us-in a variety of forms who at various intervals during two centuries of the Colony's history stood guard against an attack on the island, or carried the fight against the enemy far beyond Newfoundland's shores. As for the two artillery regiments which represented Newfoundland in the Second World War, the detailed story of their operations must await future telling.

3

Before the First Regiment

Early Citizen Levies It has been the practice of newspapermen and others writing commemorative articles about the Royal Newfoundland Regiment to date the Regiment's existence from the year 1775. This was a significant date in Newfoundland's military history, for it marked the first occasion on which a body of men, recruited on the island, sailed from St. John's to fight outside the Colony. The episode was a stirring one, in which the men from Newfoundland played a distinguished part. Nevertheless, as noted above, it is not possible to link that band of soldiers directly with the contingent that left St. John's 138 years later on another mission of war. It cannot be denied, however, that the 180 Newfoundlanders who served with the Royal Highland Emigrants against the American invaders of Canada during the Revolutionary War displayed courage and endurance that the present Regiment is proud to count among its cherished traditions. There had been more than one occasion before 1775 when under the threat of attack the inhabitants of Newfoundland had been called upon to undertake some form of militia service. As in the preceding century, the British Government's administration of Newfoundland during the early 1700*8 was characterized by indecision as to what the status of the island was to be. In spite of the regulations forbidding settlement, and the rule that all fishermen must be compulsorily returned across the Atlantic at the end of each fishing season, the population of Newfoundland steadily increased. Yet the image of Newfoundland as merely a rendezvous for the fishing ships from the West-Country ports of England persisted, and little was done to provide the growing Colony with adequate defences. British Governments of that day did not consider it necessary to undertake the expense of building elaborate land fortifications overseas. For much of the year, ice protected Newfoundland from invasion, and during the summer months security was provided by the Atlantic convoy which escorted the fishing fleet to the island each June, and remained to patrol the coasts against privateers until it was time to accompany the ships home again at the close of the fishing season. Additional protection for the port of St. John's in summer came from the King's Ships - a small naval squadron habitually stationed there, the flagship of which furnished living quarters for the Governor. During the War of the Spanish Succession an ignominious episode occurred when a French force from Placentia, in a surprise overland attack on New Year's Day, 1708, fell upon St. John's and captured Fort William against virtually no resis-

The Fighting Newfoundlander

4

tance on the part of a poorly-led garrison, which through sheer neglect allowed the enemy to walk in unchallenged. The French held St. John's for three months, before withdrawing on payment of a ransom of $35,000. Among the prisoners they carried off with them was the garrison commander, Major Thomas Lloyd, a once courageous soldier who by many acounts had taken advantage of his position as Governor of St. John's to allow himself to become tyrannical and dissolute. Soon after that the remnants of the company of regulars that had formed the garrison were withdrawn to Nova Scotia, and for the remainder of the war the fort was manned by a group of civilian volunteers under the command of one of the leading citizens, John Collins, who was also made Governor of the town. His was an unenviable appointment. His garrison, totalling 420, including women and children, had repaired as best they could the destruction wrought by the French, but they were desperately short of provisions, and under constant threat of a return visit from the enemy. "Unless Her Majesty, out of her royal bounty," wrote Collins in November, 1709 in a petition to Queen Anne, "does give us an early and seasonable relief, we must all of us unavoidably become slaves to the French, or perish with famine." Fortunately the war was going very much better on the continent of Europe, where the skilful campaigning of the Duke of Marlborough was to bring hostilities to a successful conclusion in 1713. The Treaty of Utrecht, which gave Britain sovereignty over all Newfoundland, ensured peace for a generation; but in 1742 fighting between Britain and France flared up again, this time over the Austrian Succession. The year 1729 had seen the appointment of the first Governor of Newfoundland, but still little attention was being paid to the Colony's defences. On the outbreak of war the only regular troops on the island were a company of infantry, thirty-seven strong, and a detachment of thirty of the Royal Artillery - all at Placentia. St. John's itself had no garrison. "On my arrival at St. John's," reported Governor Thomas Smith to the Admiralty in December, 1741, "I found it in so defenceless a condition, that a single privateer might before the arrival, or after the departure of the King's Ships enter it and plunder the inhabitants and entirely destroy the whole craft with which the fishing is carried on, and thereby render the harbour useless for many years, to the great damage of His Majesty's trading subjects and revenue." The new Governor gave orders for a battery to be constructed of fascines, with a guard house and powder magazine; and to man these he formed all the Protestant inhabitants into a regiment of militia. Before he returned to England he detailed their duties. He appointed

5

Before the First Regiment

"Mr. Wibeault, the Engineer, Colonel of the same and Deputy Governor of the Fort. And ten of the said militia, two of them House Keepers,* two or three days before I sailed began to do duty in the Fort, and the same number will be every day in it till the arrival of the first ship with English passengers in the Spring." Newfoundland escaped attack in the war of 1742-1748. Indeed, the lack of concern shown by the War Office for the welfare of the troops there would indicate that it had little fear of a French threat against the island. The desperate straits of the company at Placentia, which for three years had received neither bedding, clothes, nor provisions except what its commander could buy out of his own pocket, was to wring from him a pitiful protest in 1746: "It's hard in such a dismal climate as this where nothing grows to see the King's Troops naked." During the interval before the outbreak of the Seven Years' War some effort was made to improve the island's defences. Fort William was rebuilt, and besides small garrisons at St. John's and Placentia, detachments of artillery were stationed at Ferryland, Carbonear, and Trinity. Under the Governors a more orderly administration was beginning to show its effect. In November, 1754 the Chief Magistrate of St. John's, Michael Gill, in writing to Governor Bonfoy to thank him that through his efforts "we shall have 66 Irishmen less this winter than last," assured him that "since you left us, we have been very quiet, little or no thieving, scarcely a garden robbed, nor any person insulted, as was frequently done for many years past." When war came it was this same Michael Gill whom another Governor, Captain Richard Evans, called on to raise four companies of militia, each of eighty men, to reinforce the regular garrison of St. John's. Governor Evans issued specific instructions for the organization and conduct of the force. One quarter of each company would be instructed every fourth day until well trained, after which they would exercise once a week "and as often after the sixth time as the Colonel and officers shall think necessary." Not more than three militiamen might assemble under arms at any time, except for instruction from their officers. There was insistence on sobriety. "No man to be suffered in Liquor when under arms, it being a Disgrace, and likewise a great obstruction to his learning the Exercise." Whether Colonel Gill completed raising his four companies, and what part they played in the war, which saw St. John's fall an easy victim to French arms, only to be *i.e. permanent householders in St. John's

The Fighting Newfoundlander

6

recaptured in a gallant assault by British troops, are questions which history has seemed reluctant to answer. As we shall see, the years that followed brought the establishment of other militia bodies that were to exist on a more substantial basis than the uncertain levies of Collins, Wibeault, and Gill. In varying ways these later units left their mark on Newfoundland's history, and it will be our business to look at them more closely. Newfoundland's First Expeditionary Force In the meantime we come to the story of the men from Newfoundland who enlisted with the Royal Highland Emigrants in 1775. The first fighting of the American Revolutionary War took place at Lexington in April, 1775, and in May American irregulars seized the British posts of Ticonderoga and Crown Point on Lake Champlain. In June Congress gave orders for a full-scale invasion of Canada. Montreal was to be attacked by an army moving northward over the historic route up the valley of the Hudson, along Lake Champlain, and down the Richelieu River. After capturing Montreal the invaders would descend the St. Lawrence to attack Quebec, against which another American force was directed from Boston over the difficult route along the Kennebec and Chaudiere Rivers. In Canada Governor Carleton was fully aware of his country's critical position. He had only two battalions of British regulars, and both were sadly under strength, mustering a total of less than 900 all ranks. Urgent instructions had reached him from London to raise "a body of 3000 Canadians in such form and manner as you shall judge most proper, to act as Light Infantry." Three weeks later, on July 24, Whitehall frantically increased to 6000 the number of men to be raised. But this was more easily said than done. Carleton could not place much reliance on the Canadians, for while he had the support of the French seigneurs and clergy, the majority of the habitants were not interested in fighting for King George and remained indifferent to the Governor's appeals. The best response was in the city of Quebec, where after the regular troops had been removed to meet the threat against Montreal, the citizens formed themselves into two battalions of militia - one consisting of English and the other of the French-speaking inhabitants. In an attempt to meet this extreme shortage of troops, the British Commander-in-Chief in North America, General Thomas Gage, from Boston authorized Lieutenant-Colonel Allan Maclean

7

Before the First Regiment

"by Beat of Drum or otherwise, to enlist for His Majesty's Service, in any of His Provinces of North America, such Highlanders, or such other loyal subjects as you may be able to procure, to be formed into a Corps of two battalions, to be paid as His Majesty's other Regiments of Foot." The battalions were to be clothed, armed, and accoutred similar to His Majesty's Royal Highland Regiment, and to be called the Royal Highland Emigrants. Each battalion would consist of ten companies of fifty men each. Colonel Maclean, who earlier in the year had been actively engaged in secretly organizing emigrants from the Scottish Highlands into associations designed to counter the revolutionary propaganda being spread by the American rebels, soon raised the better part of one battalion in the Mohawk Valley. Unable to reach Canada because the Americans controlled Lake Champlain, it served in the defence of Nova Scotia throughout the war. Recruiting for the other battalion was carried on by the captains who were to command the companies they raised. (The Quebec Gazette of August 3, 1775, reported that a recruiting party for Captain William Dunbar's Company of the Royal Highland Emigrants had begun beating up for volunteers and had already enlisted fourteen.) One of the officers went farther afield. Leaving Quebec by schooner at the end of August, Captain Colin Campbell reached St. John's in the early part of September and immediately began recruiting. To the Newfoundland fishermen and other poorly paid employees of the St. John's merchants, the terms of enlistment set forth in the notices posted about the town must have seemed truly munificent. They are to engage during the present Troubles in America only. Each Soldier is to have Two Hundred Acres of Land in any Province in North America he shall think proper; the King to pay the Patent Fees, Secretary's Fees and Surveyor-general; besides Twenty Years free of Quitrent. Each married Man gets Fifty Acres for his Wife, and Fifty for each Child, on the same Terms. And as a Gratuity besides the above Great Terms, One Guinea Levy-money.

In response to these "Great Terms," by mid-October some 130 Newfoundlanders, many of them artificers and carpenters, accepted the King's bounty; and Captain Campbell, anxious to reach the St. Lawrence before winter closed it to shipping, embarked for Quebec in a small schooner with 40 of his recruits. A few days later the remaining 90 followed in a ship from London, the General Thomas. Before the year ended another 50 recruits for the Royal Highland Emigrants sailed from St. John's; but

A detail from the 84* Royal Highland Emigrant Corps 1763-1784 (Library and Archives Canada C-OO5736)

9

Before the First Regiment

because of the lateness of the season they went to Halifax, where they joined the regiment's other battalion that was stationed there. While Campbell was busy recruiting in Newfoundland, the situation in Canada was becoming increasingly serious. At the end of August the western invading army, 2000 strong, had set out northward from Crown Point. Between this force and Montreal lay the two forts of St. Jean and Chambly. The former, defended by some 600 men, held out for nine weeks; but a surprise capitulation by Fort Chambly, in its rear, forced the surrender of the St. Jean garrison on November 5 and left open the road to Montreal. Forced to evacuate Montreal to the Americans, Carleton withdrew down the river to Quebec and began putting the old city into a state of defence. On November 13 the American army, commanded by General Richard Montgomery, entered Montreal, and soon afterwards followed Carleton downstream. Outside Quebec he joined Benedict Arnold, whose force had with the utmost determination and endurance overcome the obstacles of dense forest, swamp, and icy rapids in its advance along the Kennebec-Chaudiere route. The siege of Quebec began during the first week of December. Inside the town Carleton had been able to muster a garrison of some 1800 men. According to a strength return made later in the month there were only 328 regular troops, about half of whom were Colonel Maclean's recently-recruited Highland Emigrants. The rest of the defending force was made up of 330 British and 543 Canadian militia, 450 seamen who had been pressed into service by an embargo on their leaving the province and an offer of a bounty of three pounds per man, 35 marines, and about 120 artificers. The recruits from Newfoundland had reached Quebec during the first week of November, and their arrival had almost doubled the number of regulars in the garrison at that time. At intervals during December the Americans bombarded the town, but they lacked a heavy siege train, and their light batteries suffered considerable damage from the answering fire of the defenders' cannon. It would take a full-scale assault to reduce the place, and on December 15, in an order to his army, General Montgomery announced his intention of pursuing vigorous measures against a "Wretched Garrison . . . consisting of Sailors unacquainted with the use of Arms, of Citizens incapable of the Soldier's Duty, and a few miserable Emigrants." Yet Christmas passed with Montgomery's boast that he would dine in Quebec on that day unfulfilled. Then, on the last day of the year the besiegers struck. At five that morning, while it was still dark, assaulting in the bitter cold of a driving snowstorm, the Americans launched a converging two-fold attack on the Lower

The Fighting Newfoundlander

10

Town - Montgomery advancing from the south along the bank of the St. Lawrence, while Arnold came in from the north through the suburb of St. Roch. It was planned that, having met on the east side of the city, the combined force would then assault the Upper Town while a detachment of defecting Canadians created a diversion on its western side. Both attacks failed. The defenders were fully on the alert, and the ringing of the alarm bells quickly brought all the garrison who were not manning the various barricades to the parade ground. Under orders from Carleton and his second-in-command, Colonel Maclean, detachments of riflemen hurried to threatened parts of the city. The American column led by General Montgomery had advanced only a short distance past Cape Diamond when it encountered a barricade defended by a party of thirty men with a battery of three-pounders loaded with grape-shot. They opened fire when the Americans were less than fifty yards away, killing Montgomery and a dozen of his officers and men, and putting the rest of the assailants to sudden flight. On the other side of the Lower Town Arnold at first made some headway. The initial barricade was stormed successfully, though Arnold himself fell wounded. There was a vigorous exchange of rifle fire at the second (and final) barrier, while the assailants in vain tried to mount their scaling ladders. At the crucial moment a determined sortie by a party of Royal Emigrants and militiamen caught the Americans in the rear, and after hand-tohand fighting compelled their surrender. This ended the action, which had lasted about five hours. The Americans had suffered 500 casualties - 100 killed and wounded, and 400 taken prisoner. The defenders' losses numbered about 100 killed and wounded. There is little doubt that the Newfoundlanders had played a significant part in the day's success, for detachments of the Royal Highland Emigrants were to be found wherever the fighting was thickest. Nor was their work with musket and bayonet the only contribution by the men from Newfoundland. An English passenger on the General Thomas who stayed to serve throughout the siege ("for I could not bear the idea of showing about in London the Face of a Man who had run away from Quebec at such a Crisis"), later wrote of the Newfoundlanders which the ship carried to Quebec: It was fortunate we did bring these Men, for the greater part of them were Carpenters, and other Artificers, and were of the greatest Service in repairing our Defences and making Platforms for our Cannon; so that I sincerely think we could not have done without them.

The siege of Quebec continued until the spring of 1776, but the

II

Before the First Regiment

Montgomery's Assault on the Lower Town, Quebec (Library and Archives Canada 0-006047)

threat was no longer a major one. On May 6 the first British ships of the year appeared in the St. Lawrence below the city. About 200 regulars and marines landed, and, in the words of Sir Guy Carleton in a subsequent report, they, with the greatest part of the Garrison, by this time much improved, and in high Spirits, marched out of the ports of St. Louis and St. John's to see what these mighty Boasters were about; they were found very busy in their Preparations for a Retreat. A few shots being exchanged, the Line marched forward, and the Plains were soon cleared of those Plunderers.

Abandoning their guns and all their siege equipment, the Americans were soon in full flight. There was no immediate pursuit, and the retreating force withdrew to Sorel without being further molested. "Thus ended our Siege and Blockade," continued Carleton in his dispatch, "during which the mixed Garrison of Soldiers, Sailors, British and Canadian Militia, with

The Fighting Newfoundlander

12

the Artificers from Halifax and Newfoundland, showed great zeal and Patience under very severe Duty, and uncommon Vigilance, indispensable in a Place liable to be stormed, besides great Labour necessary to render such Attempts less practicable." For the Royal Highland Emigrants the Governor had a special word of praise: "They have gone through the service all the Winter, with a steadiness and resolution which could hardly have been expected from raw undisciplined troops, and for which they cannot be too much commended." Colonel Allan Maclean had his own tribute to add: "I do say that no troops could behave better than my young men." During the remainder of the American Revolutionary War the Royal Highland Emigrants continued to play a useful role in the defence of British North America. In 1778 there was a detachment in Newfoundland, one party being detailed to strengthen the garrison at Placentia. Recognition of the loyal service rendered by Maclean's corps came in 1779, when it was placed on the regular establishment of the British Army as His Majesty's 84th Regiment of Foot. When peace returned in 1783 the regiment was disbanded, and many of its members settled down in Canada to enjoy the grants of land promised them in the "Great Terms" of their enlistment.

CHAPTER II

The Regiments of the lyoo's No stranger then Was she to sight of armed men.

Pringle's Newfoundland Volunteers, 1778-1780 While men from Newfoundland serving in Canada with the Royal Highland Emigrants were helping to repel the American invaders of that country, the island colony was becoming increasingly concerned over its own security. At first the threat came mainly from American privateers, which were prowling up and down the coast, plundering the fishing boats and vessels bringing sorely-needed provisions and other supplies from across the Atlantic. There was fear for the safety of the undefended outports. "Your Lordship," wrote the Chief Engineer at St. John's to the Secretary at War in October, 1775, "may easily conceive the consternation of the people, the shock to trade, and the cry of faction, if it was reported to England that every harbour in Newfoundland from Cape Chapeau Rouge to Bonavista was burnt and plundered by three or four New England schooners." But a greater danger was to come. The war went against Great Britain, and General Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga two years later led directly to an alliance between the United States and France. Soon Britain was at war with France and unable to spare any land forces to strengthen the garrison in Newfoundland, now facing the added menace of attack by a French fleet. Left largely to its own resources the Colony looked to its defences. Work on the fortifications at St. John's put in hand at the outbreak of the American Revolution was well advanced. Fort Townshend, on a high point of land overlooking the harbour, was nearly complete; and a new fort at South Head, commanding the Narrows, had been finished and was awaiting the arrival of its guns

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St. John's, about 1750. On skyline at right is Fort William. (From a contemporary watercolour owned by Hon. J. R. Smallwood)

from England. The garrison, however, was pitifully weak. At the end of 1777 it consisted only of a company of the Royal Highland Emigrants, and a company of "Invalided Artillery," all of whom were reported by the Governor as being "old and infirm, and not fit for duty in so cold a climate as in Newfoundland." It was fortunate that the Colony had as the commandant at St. John's a resourceful and energetic officer of the Royal Engineers, Captain Robert Pringle. As Chief Engineer he was in charge of the construction of the town's defences - known collectively as the "King's Works" - and as commander of the garrison it was his responsibility to see that these defences were properly manned. Two years before this, Pringle had unsuccessfully submitted to the Governor a proposal to enrol 300 men who would work on the fortifications and also form a useful addition to the garrison in case of emergency. Now, in November, 1777, he raised the matter again. Noting that "the unfortunate event that has happened to General Burgoyne's Army has rendered an attack on this island early in the Spring more probable," he advised the British Government that if no troops could be sent from England it would be an easy matter to raise 500 in the Colony. More than three times that number had been left on the island that fall because of a lack of shipping to carry them back to the British Isles. "They will be greatly distressed for provisions in the

15

The Regiments of the lyoo's

spring," wrote Pringle, "and will be glad to enter into the service on any terms." Without waiting for a reply, which dilatory official deliberation and slow communications might delay for several months, early in 1778 Pringle enrolled some 120 of the artificers and labourers who were employed (under his own direction) on the King's Works which at this time included the completion of Fort Townshend and the construction of the Military Road connecting it with Fort William. The men were reviewed by the Governor, Rear-Admiral John Montague, when he returned to the island that summer, but the public thanks which he then accorded them fell far short of compensating them for the expense to which they had been put in furnishing themselves with uniforms - three pounds each for the artificers, and forty shillings for each labourer. This niggardly treatment must have been a source of no little embarrassment to Pringle, who had urged the Governor to reward their zeal "with a trifling gratuity" and so "keep alive that spark of loyalty which hardly exists anywhere else on this side of the Atlantic." He pointed out that the only cost thus far to the Government had been a small payment to the sergeants who drilled the Volunteers, "and a few gallons of rum in the severity of winter after they had been some time under arms." The idea of thus utilizing in a military capacity the services of the civilians who were employed by the garrison appealed to Montague's successor, Admiral Richard Edwards; and in the autumn of 1779, before leaving to winter in England, he authorized Captain Pringle to enrol local inhabitants into an armed corps that would be ready to assist the garrison in case of an invasion. The Governor gave the new body the designation "Newfoundland Volunteers" - though it would appear from the conditions of enrolment that those who joined had little voluntary choice in the matter. The proclamation authorizing the formation of the Corps was a masterpiece of coercion. It drew attention to the number of inhabitants and fishermen who had been given contracts by the Chief Engineer - some to haul building materials for the fortifications, others to supply the garrison with firewood, and others to act as watchmen over stores and buildings. In recognition of the performance of these duties His Excellency was prompted to exempt the men concerned from any "fines, molestation or stoppage of passage money by their late masters"; but he deemed it "highly proper" that all who had been thus favoured with contracts should be ready to assist His Majesty's troops in case of an attack on St. John's or any other part of the island. He was therefore instructing Captain Pringle not to engage as labourer or issue any contract to anyone unwilling to sign articles as a Volunteer.

The Fighting Newfoundlander

16

The Governor pledged that "no advantage shall be taken from their signing such Obligation to force them hereafter into the King's Service," but that if an emergency required them to be "embodied" (i.e. mobilized), they would receive the same pay and indulgences as the rest of the troops in the garrison. Appointing Pringle to the command of the Corps in the rank of Major, the Governor also commissioned two other Engineer officers to assist him: Lieutenant John Caddy, as Captain, and Ensign Mackclean as Lieutenant. Having made this additional provision for the Colony's safety, Governor Edwards embarked for England, from where he wrote in the following April (1780) that King George III had approved of the Corps of Newfoundland Volunteers and was pleased to let it be known that although they would never be called upon unless their country required their services, if such an emergency should arise, and when their exertions in the Colony's defence were notified to him, they might "rely on his generosity for not suffering their zeal and loyalty to go unrewarded." Enrolment of the first body of troops to bear the name "Newfoundland" proceeded quickly, and early in January, 1780, Pringle reported that the Corps of Volunteers had been completed to 360 men, "including almost all the principal inhabitants and masters of families." All the men had signed the required seven articles of engagement. (These articles are reproduced as Appendix "D".) One of these articles, which dealt with the eventuality of an invasion and the necessity of "embodying" the Corps, was to be a source of much contention. The signers pledged themselves in such an emergency to submit to martial law and to take all fatigues and do all duty usually expected from His Majesty's troops, "in which case we expect the same encouragement and also provisions to the Families of such as have them and the Bounty that was given last Year to the Volunteers raised by Captain Pringle." Unfortunately the authorities in London would not back Governor Edwards in this article; and he had to inform Pringle that since no advantage would be taken of the Volunteers' engagement by attempting to force them to become soldiers, it was "not judged reasonable to give them the bounty paid to those who enlist." The effect of this short-sightedness on the part of His Majesty's Government was soon to be seen. Early in May, 1780, disturbing dispatches reached St. John's indicating the threat of a French attack. A Council of War, hurriedly summoned to discuss plans of defence, decided to embody the Volunteers immediately as a precaution against a possible landing at Quidi Vidi, only a mile north-east of St. John's. But Major Pringle, acutely aware of his

iy

The Regiments of the ryoo's

men's dissatisfaction over the cancellation of the bounty, was unable to pledge their co-operation, and the Council of War was adjourned a day while he consulted the Volunteers. When it reconvened Pringle had to report that his men had unanimously turned him down on the grounds that "non-compliance to the second article frustrated them from the rest." This inevitably ended the short life of Pringle's militia unit. To the great regret of Governor Edwards, who had held high hopes that the Newfoundland Volunteers would have made a material contribution to the safety of St. John's, the Corps was disbanded. "I cannot expect another set to enter into any new engagement," he wrote in September to his superiors in England, reproaching them as much as his position allowed for having failed to honour the crucial article "stipulated and signed by me." At the same time he drew attention to other imperfections in the conditions under which the Volunteers had been engaged. The chief drawback had been the lack of any provision for enforcing martial law. No officer of established reputation could be expected "to risque his character with such troops," wrote the Governor, "or take pleasure in teaching them the use of arms, in the cold winter of this country, if he has not power to enforce their service when danger appears." What was to be done? The existing garrison was inadequate to meet the threat that must come in the spring; and there was no time to augment it with troops from Europe. The remnants of the Artificers and Labourers who had taken training were to be discharged that fall. The only solution, as Governor Edwards saw it, was to raise locally an independent corps of infantry. Thus was conceived, as set down in his letter of September 12, 1780, the first Newfoundland Regiment. His Majesty's Newfoundland Regiment of Foot, 1780-1783 Governor Edwards lost no time in putting his proposals into effect. Less than a week after the dispatch of the letter we have cited, further news reaching St. John's confirmed his fears concerning the danger to the Colony. On September 3 an American vessel, the armed packet Mercury, was intercepted and captured by two British ships of war. On board the Mercury was a United States envoy, Henry Laurens, who was on his way to Holland to negotiate a loan; and when he saw that capture was imminent he threw the dispatches which he was carrying into the sea. With commendable resourcefulness one of the British sailors

The Fighting Newfoundlander

18

dived overboard and retrieved the package, which was found to contain papers dealing with the secret negotiations being conducted by the Americans with Holland and France - including proposals for French action against Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and Canada either late that fall or early in the following spring. In view of this disturbing intelligence the Governor at once proceeded to organize the new corps. On September 20 he issued a warrant to Major Pringle, in whose "loyalty, courage, good conduct, and ability" he had special trust, to levy and embody a force of 300 men from the inhabitants of Newfoundland, "and without loss of time render them fit for service." Guided by a list of six proposals drawn up by the Governor (see Appendix "E"), Pringle went to work with his customary energy and efficiency. Under the terms of his warrant he had to bear all recruiting expenses, but to defray this cost the Government granted him "a guinea and a crown" for every man that he enlisted. By the end of October he had enrolled 150 men, and within another month he had recruited enough to fill four of his allotted six companies. It seems probable that many of those who joined came from the ranks of the disbanded Corps of Volunteers. Before Admiral Edwards embarked for England he received from twenty-three of the leading citizens of St. John's an address of gratitude "for the spirited exertion you have made in raising a Regiment on this Island for our Internal Defence in case an Enemy should attempt to land in this Country before Your Excellency's return next season upon our coast." The establishment drawn up by Governor Edwards for the Newfoundland Regiment of Foot called for six companies, each consisting of three sergeants, two drummers, and 53 privates. Each company would be commanded by a captain (one company by a major), a lieutenant, and an ensign. Pringle, as Commanding Officer, was given the rank of lieutenant-colonel. But once again the Governor was to find his orders overridden by London. During the summer of 1781 he was advised that his proposed establishment showed more officers than were necessary, and that it was His Majesty's pleasure that the Regiment should be reduced to three companies of 100 men each, officered by three captains, three lieutenants, three second lieutenants, three ensigns, and one field officer. Edwards was told that the Commanding Officer should have been only a major, but that in the circumstances Pringle might retain his rank of lieutenant-colonel, "with Major's pay and that of Captain of the First Company." As may be imagined, the order doubling the strength of the companies was received without enthusiasm by the regimental officers, who addressed a memorial to the Governor (fruitlessly, as it turned

19

The Regiments of the zyoo's

out) asking to be placed on the same basis as other Provincial Corps (e.g., in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick), which had an establishment of ten companies of 53 men each. To accommodate the new regiment the old barracks at Fort William were hastily repaired. Uniforms were requisitioned from England - coats, waistcoats, and breeches to the number of 20 for sergeants, 12 for drummers, and 350 for privates. The coat was blue, with red lapels and cuffs, white linings, and "white buttons and button holes by two." Waistcoats and breeches were white, and hats were laced with white worsted. Drummers wore red coats "ornamented with the usual lace on the Seams and Sleeves." A mishap delayed shipment of the uniforms when the vessel carrying them capsized in Portsmouth harbour, so that all were "entirely spoiled" and had to be replaced. For nearly three years, until the Treaty of Paris ended hostilities in 1783, the Newfoundland Regiment stood guard in St. John's. During that time there were no enemy attacks, and only on one or two occasions was the routine of training, fatigues, and guard-mounting interrupted by an alarm which brought a general stand to arms. There are few references to the Regiment in the Colonial Records for the period, but fortunately a day-to-day record of its activities for the first fifteen months of its existence has recently come to light in an "Orderly Book" kept by Lieutenant John Dun, who served in Captain Graham's Company in His Majesty's Newfoundland Regiment of Foot* From the initial Regimental Orders issued by Lieutenant-Colonel Pringle on November 26, 1780, Lieutenant Dun's little book preserves in a beautifully-clear, flowing script the daily Garrison and Regimental Orders up to February 7,1782. Space does not allow these orders to be reproduced here, but a selection has been made of extracts from a number of them, and this appears as Appendix "F" to this volume. A perusal of these extracts will show (particularly to readers with military experience in the present century) that certain aspects of Army life have changed but little in the last two hundred years. Training, working-parties, and discipline - these are the themes that appear most prominently in the daily orders. What a familiar note they strike in the ears of veterans of the two World Wars! There were the daily parades - and if a muster parade was called for ten o'clock, then the men must fall in at nine, "in order to be *This well-preserved little volume of manuscript was given to the present Royal Newfoundland Regiment by its author's great-great-great-grandson, Major David Roberts, of The Royal Scots, and was handed over on his behalf to Sir Leonard Outerbridge in September, 1962 (see below, page 537).

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20

ready." Early provision was made to exercise the "awkward men" of the Regiment, and soon instructions for training the Awkward Squad became an almost daily entry. Fatigues were ever-present. Almost daily demands came for twenty men for the King's Works, or for a party to clear the snow from the parade grounds, or for a detail to bring up fifty barrels of flour for the cooks. In matters of discipline the offence which the Commanding Officer was called on most frequently to deal with was that of drunkenness. Rarely would a week pass without some homily on the subject, accompanied by a threat of court martial. Thus, "Colonel Pringle is sorry to observe that notwithstanding the number that have been forgiven drunkenness, many of them still persist in that beastly and unsoldier-like custom, and as lenience or easiness will not reform them, it is therefore his intention to bring the first offender to public punishment that none may plead ignorance." These were days when moralizing was expected from the lips of men in authority, whatever its effect may have been. And so, when one Private Snooks, whose love of liquor has (in some undisclosed way) brought him suddenly to his death, is to be buried without military honours, the Colonel seizes the opportunity to beg "that those men of the Regiment who are addicted to that vice will take a warning from his untimely fate and resolve to refrain from a sin that will infallibly bring them to disgrace in this world and perhaps to hell in the next." No crime could be more serious than that of desertion, and the punishment of those convicted of it was severe. In September, 1781, eight men of the Newfoundland Regiment, and one from the 7 ist, were found guilty by a General Court Martial of desertion and the theft of "a skiff and a shallop to favour their escape" the latter offence being rated as piracy. Four of the men were sentenced to receive 1500 lashes, and two others 1000 - the punishment to be inflicted in front of the assembled troops, in two weekly instalments. The three ringleaders were ordered "to be shot to death at the head of the troops." Before the execution of the three ringleaders was carried out, however, the Governor, "having taken into account the infant state of the Regiment, and the services they might render in another part of the King's Dominions, pardoned them on condition of their serving seven years in one of His Majesty's corps upon the Coast of Africa." (It may be noted that in the same letter which notified London of this reprieve, His Excellency found himself able to report that "the Newfoundland Regiment is completed, in good order, and very well disciplined.") When the occasion demanded, Colonel Pringle seems to have been not averse to relaxing discipline - to a moderate degree. On

2i

The Regiments of the xyoo's

Christmas Day, as a special favour, he allows the lights in the men's rooms to be kept on until ten o'clock; but his expression of hope that the little money which the soldiers had to keep Christmas with would "be spent with good humour and sobriety" ends with the warning that "otherwise they will never receive any similar indulgence." This solicitude for his men's welfare appears also in the Commanding Officer's permission, on a day in May which is "a broken day on account of provisions" and continuing unfavourable weather, for the married men to work in their gardens "and the young men to help them." The observance of St. Patrick's Day received special attention. Drill was cancelled and the men were given permission to invite their friends to the barracks, where candles were allowed until ten, "at which hour all must be put out and strangers sent home." A bonfire was laid on for the evening, at which ceremony Colonel Pringle and his officers did themselves "the pleasure to drink the health of the Day and success to the Newfoundland Regiment." The Colonel sounds his customary warning in declaring that he "does not expect that any man will have so little sense of the honour and respect reposed in them by this indulgence as to appear the worse for liquor." Even on St. Patrick's Day! Shortly before this particular occasion steps had been taken to improve the men's appearance on parade. About a week before St. Patrick's Day an order instructed the regimental baker (who up to then had been furnishing nine pounds of bread weekly for each man) to provide only eight pounds per man for the ensuing week "the difference in weight to be paid in flour to the Corporals of the rooms to furnish hair powder for the Men." Henceforth there was to appear with increasing frequency in orders the admonition: "The Men will parade cleanly dressed, with their hair tied and well powdered!" By the beginning of 1782 the war was virtually over as far as fighting on land was concerned, although the final engagements at sea were still to be fought, and the preliminary articles of peace were not to be signed until the end of November - to come into effect as the Treaty of Paris in the following January. One item of intelligence about the Newfoundland Regiment during this period emerges from the records. On June 24, 1782, Colonel Pringle, writing from on board the Portland, at sea, reported to the War Office that the convoy in which he had been returning to Newfoundland had had the misfortune to encounter a French fleet of twenty-two ships of the line. The convoy had dispersed, but the majority of its ships had been forced to strike their colours to the enemy's frigates. Among the captured vessels was "the St. George brig, on board of which was the Camp Equipage for the Troops at

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Newfoundland and part of the clothing for my Regiment," reported Pringle. Pointing out that a second convoy would have to be sent with new supplies for the Newfoundland fisheries for the coming winter, he pressed for a replacement of the lost tents and the uniforms for the Newfoundland Regiment, and an early exchange of prisoners for one of his Ensigns, who had been captured aboard the St. George. The return of peace ended the need for maintaining the Newfoundland Regiment as part of the garrison of St. John's. In the late summer of 1783 Lieutenant-Colonel Pringle received orders from Sir Guy Carleton, Commander-in-Chief of the British Forces in Canada, to discharge the corps under his command. When Pringle sent a copy of these orders to the Governor, now Vice-Admiral John Campbell, the latter was very much on his dignity. "I cannot admit of Sir Guy Carleton's having any authority whatsoever over the troops in this island," he wrote to Pringle. Campbell, however, was already in possession of instructions from London that it was His Majesty's pleasure that Pringle's regiment should be disbanded upon the arrival of a detachment of British infantry to relieve it; and on the day following his declaration of independence he ordered Pringle to disband his corps "with all possible expedition." On October 5 the Newfoundland Regiment, first of more than one unit to bear that designation, was formally disbanded. At the same time the jist Regiment was returned to England, also to be discharged. The 7 ist had been closely associated with the Newfoundland Regiment. It had supplied sergeants to help train the new battalion, and the two units had shared garrison duties during the war. Mention of its departure provides an opportunity of recalling the occasion when, not long after Colonel Pringle's new corps was formed, it became necessary to convene a court martial to try Sergeant McNaughton of the 7ist, "on complaint of the Sergeant Major of the Newfoundland Regiment, for grossly insulting him in the execution of his duty and thereby impeding His Majesty's Service" The court duly sat, and sentenced Sergeant McNaughton to apologize to the aggrieved sergeant-major. And as might be expected, Colonel Pringle improved the occasion by expressing the hope that there would be no more complaints of such a nature, and that the non-commissioned officers of the different corps would "show a good example to the men and themselves worthy of preferment." Ten years were to pass before the outbreak of a new war between England and France again necessitated the raising of a body of troops from Newfoundland to share in the Colony's defence. When this happened, the pattern which had been estab-

23

The Regiments of the ryoo's

lished during the American War of Independence was followed with remarkable fidelity. The final decade of the century was to see the men of Newfoundland bolstering the defences of St. John's with first a militia unit of volunteers, and then a regiment of fulltime soldiers. And once more the officer responsible for raising the two corps was the man who was then the island's Chief Engineer, upon whose shoulders the mantle of Colonel Robert Pringle had fittingly fallen. The Royal Newfoundland Volunteers, 1793-? The French Revolution, which began as a domestic upheaval in 1789, soon involved the other powers of Europe in hostilities. By the beginning of the year 1793 France was opposed by Spain, Portugal, Austria, Prussia, Britain, and Holland. One by one these powers withdrew from the war, until in 1797 Britain was left alone to fight Napoleon's forces on land and sea. One of the first steps taken to remove the threat of French raiders preying on the Atlantic coast of the British colonies in North America was to seize the French islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon. The expedition sent in May, 1793, to capture and garrison these places took from St. John's three companies of the 4th or King's Own Regiment and some artillery. This left the Newfoundland garrison with only two infantry companies and part of a company of artillery. In these straitened circumstances the garrison commander, Captain William Minet, of the 4th Regiment, "readily embraced" an offer by the Chief Engineer at St. John's, Captain Thomas Skinner, to raise a Corps of Volunteers. He reported to the Secretary at War that such an addition to the garrison would "make the defence of this place much more respectable should the enemy venture to attack us." With no more than this rather flimsy authority to go on, Skinner proceeded, at no little expense to himself and his officers, to recruit, clothe, and accoutre four companies, each consisting of three officers and thirty-six other ranks. He called them the Royal Newfoundland Volunteers, though there is no indication that he ever received His Majesty's permission to include the word "Royal" in their designation. As may be imagined, the first few years of the Volunteers' existence were somewhat precarious, as Captain Skinner made repeated attempts to have their status clarified. In October, 1793, he asked the new Governor, Rear-Admiral Sir Richard King, whether he wished "the continuance of the Corps or not, as at present I only act under order of Captain Minet, the then Com-

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manding Officer." The Governor's reply, while encouraging, was not as conclusive as Skinner could have wished. "I approve of the motives which induced Captain Minet to give such an order," wrote Sir Richard, "and I shall make no alterations therein until His Majesty's pleasure shall be signified to me by His Minister." All that Skinner could do was to carry on patiently, hoping that in due time his investment might bring some returns. A year later, in September, 1794, we find him again seeking a ruling - this time from Admiral King's successor, Sir James Wallace - about continuing the Volunteers, the cost of whose organization and upkeep had by this time amounted to a considerable sum. It must have been with great relief that he learned from Governor Wallace that His Majesty's Ministers had been pleased to order "the Men's Cloathing to be paid for and Rations allowed them when upon duty." In expressing his own approbation of Skinner's meritorious exertions, the Governor urged him to keep his men together "till His Majesty's pleasure is better known." The order to allow rations to the Volunteers "when upon duty" was, as we shall see, one that was later to be rather loosely interpreted, and was to become the cause of considerable controversy. Governor Wallace's instructions to the Commissary of Provisions at St. John's, dated October 19, 1794, were quite explicit: "You are hereby required and directed to issue two rations per week to each man from the time they are embodied, and to continue the same in future till further orders; and that I may know they attend properly on exercising days, I have given orders to the Commanding Officer to inspect them." These conditions had the approval of Whitehall. But further than that with respect to financial aid to the Volunteers the King's Ministers would not go. The question was raised by Governor Wallace in May, 1795, at a time when consideration was being given to raising a new regiment of infantry in Newfoundland (see below, page 31). In view of this possibility the Governor assumed that His Majesty might not intend to continue the Volunteer Corps, and he asked for instructions as to what was to be done about paying them. "They have been embodied for two years," he pointed out, "and they have had only allowance for one." Wallace received his answer the next day, for he was in London at the time. (As already noted, it was the practice of each Governor to winter in England, returning to St. John's in the early summer.) Skinner's Companies were not to be disbanded. "The services of the Volunteer Corps of Newfoundland, so long as they shall be induced to bestow them for the defence and protection of the settlement, will no doubt continue to be most graciously received by His Majesty." But no allowance was stipulated. The Volunteer

25

The Regiments of the lyoo's

Companies were "to be considered entirely as such," except that the accustomed rations should be allowed during the time that they were actually training. The allowance to which Governor Wallace referred was presumably a grant that was made to Volunteer Companies in England as payment for turning out for training, but was steadily refused to their counterpart in Newfoundland. It may also have been intended to defray the cost of fitting out the men with uniforms upon enrolment - in which case withholding it after one year's payment would be a violation of the previous order for "the Men's Cloathing to be paid for." While a few of the Volunteers had provided their own uniforms, in the majority of cases the cost had been borne by the Commanding Officer, or his company commanders. Thus in September, 1795, we find a certain James Downs, of Placentia, addressing a letter to the Governor to acquaint him "of the proceedings of the Volunteers of this place who I was honoured with the command of." Since their enrolment in the previous year at Colonel Skinner's request, their numbers had grown to eighty-seven, "who constantly attended every evening to exercise." When rumours were spread of a possible visit from the French, the Volunteers had supplied nightly guards to keep watch with the regulars, whose Captain "had not one quarter sufficient for that purpose of his own people." Downs complained that he had been put to much expense in procuring uniforms for the majority of his men, who were unable to clothe themselves. Those who had done so "were in full expectation of being rewarded for their trouble." As for himself, he had hoped that Colonel Skinner would have honoured him with a commission in his Regiment (below, page 32), but he was told that he had applied too late. The years 1796 and 1797 each brought an event which gave the Volunteers a chance to demonstrate their readiness to render loyal service to His Majesty in helping to ensure the safety of the inhabitants of St. John's. The first occasion was the arrival of an enemy squadron off the Newfoundland coast; the second was a mutiny aboard one of His Majesty's ships in St. John's Harbour. Both of these episodes will be dealt with in more detail later in this chapter. For the present we shall confine ourselves to noting the reaction of the Volunteers to each situation. News reaching St. John's that on September i, 1796, a French squadron of nine warships had entered Bay Bulls, twenty miles down the coast, and burnt several boats in the harbour and all the houses of the settlement, put the town into a state of alarm. Governor Wallace at once proclaimed martial law and called out the Newfoundland Volunteers to join the regular garrison in pre-

The Fighting Newfoundlander

26

paring to defend St. John's against attack. It was the height of the fishing season, and most of the men were away at the Banks, so that the Volunteers could muster only fifty-two bodies. These were set to work at building makeshift roads to the outlying posts, hurriedly erecting a battery on Signal Hill and putting everything in readiness for a vigorous defence. The French did not attack the town, however, and the threat to St. John's passed. Towards the end of October we find the captains of the four Volunteer Companies addressing the Governor on behalf of their men, begging leave "to return Your Excellency our unfeigned and grateful thanks for the flattering attention paid by your order during the late alarm of the Enemy's fleet appearing off this Harbour." But this sentiment was only the preliminary to the real purpose of the communication. It went on to remind the Governor that those who had lately done duty with the garrison were men of large families, which they were unable to support because of the high price of provisions in St. John's. They therefore begged His Excellency "to continue them the Ration of Provisions which they at present receive, during the approaching winter." In conclusion the petitioners drew Governor Wallace's attention to the fact that the uniforms which he had authorized for the Volunteers three years before were almost worn out "from their being obliged to work in them during the late fatiguing duty, and they had been under the necessity of replacing them at their own expense." Although Wallace passed these requests on to his superiors with the remark that the Volunteers "have behaved very well," His Majesty's Government was too much occupied with larger problems in the conduct of the war to take any action. On August 3 of the following year, the year of the mutiny of the British fleet at the Nore, the foretopmen aboard the frigate Latona, at anchor in St. John's Harbour, refused to go aloft, and in a body desired to be put in irons. Marines with fixed bayonets and officers with drawn swords quickly had the situation in check, and the ringleaders were arrested. The restoration of order was doubdess facilitated by the arrival of news that the mutiny in England had been quelled, and diat most of the seamen's demands were to be met. A new Governor, Vice-Admiral William Waldegrave, had begun his three-year term of office, and the written charge which he delivered to the ship's company of the Latona on the following Sunday displayed an eloquence which was well up to the standard set by his predecessors. He began by extolling the conduct of the marines, who had remained loyal during the disturbance. "There is not a person in St. John's but what feels a regard and esteem for you, whilst, I am sorry to say, that they look on the Seamen of the

27

The Regiments of the ryoo's

Latona with equal horror and detestation, and indeed it is impossible that they should do otherwise, considering the infamy of their conduct, both on shore and afloat." After relentlessly lashing the sailors with further invective the Governor requested "if there be a dozen true-hearted Englishmen among you, that you will receive this paper and communicate its contents to the Ship's Company." Finally, having reminded them that if they behaved like men they would be treated as such, but while they acted like wild and cruel savages they would be dealt with accordingly, he exhorted them to "go to Church and pray to God to inspire you with such sentiments as may acquire you the respect and love of your Countrymen in this world, and eternal happiness in the next." In spite of the Governor's allusion to the disapproval with which the local inhabitants regarded the mutineers, there is evidence that there was in St. John's a certain disloyal element which was in full sympathy with any move that might be made against established authority. Incidents had not been lacking to demonstrate that many of the citizens were no more law-abiding than they had to be. A typical occurrence took place in 1794, after the captain of a merchant ship about to sail for Portugal, finding himself short-handed had with the Governor's approval impressed some eight or ten men from the streets along the water front. On the following afternoon, when a lieutenant from the ship came ashore with two of the newly-pressed men to get their clothes and collect some money due to them, he was set upon by a mob, which freed the two men and murdered him in the street. These were the years when the league of United Irishmen, founded in 1791 by Wolfe Tone, was gaining among the predominantly Irish population of Newfoundland many adherents who had a violent antipathy to all things British. As we shall see, matters were to come to a head in the year 1800 with the uncovering of a wide-spread conspiracy in which both civilians and military were implicated. The existence of these conditions renders less incongruous the action of the Newfoundland Volunteers, within a week of the Latona revolt, in presenting Governor Waldegrave with a formal pledge of loyalty. Signed by three captains of companies on behalf of all ranks, the declaration assured His Excellency that "at this crisis when sedition and mutiny seem to persuade many of His Majesty's subjects," the Volunteers begged to offer their services to the Governor whenever he was pleased to demand them. They were "ever ready to sacrifice their lives and property in defence of King and Country and their present glorious constitution." Nevertheless, one has to record that the Volunteers appear to have been more ready to voice laudable sentiments than to put

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forth the effort necessary to ensure that when the time came to prove their loyalty by actual deeds their contribution would be really effective. On September 10,1797, only a month after receiving their protestations of good intentions. Admiral Waldegrave complained that since his arrival in St. John's in July the Volunteers had not turned out for a single day's training. He therefore instructed the Commissary to stop issuing the two rations per week which they had received under his predecessor, "unless they exercise in future one day in the week one hour each time." This unwelcome order speedily brought from the aggrieved Volunteers a "memorial," which was further elaborated by the Adjutant, Captain James Winter - who as a Company Commander had been one of the signatories of the two earlier letters we have cited. The memorialists, having expressed the hope that the Governor would not deem them disrespectful for not once having been under arms since his arrival, "as their engagements in business would not admit of it, without great injury to themselves," asked that the weekly issue of rations be continued, and reiterated their earlier request for a grant to enable them to replace their uniforms, which were "much impaired by their different services." In his explanatory letter Winter went to some length to enlighten the new Governor with respect to the position of the Volunteers. He questioned the necessity of his men's having to turn out for training. They were "perfectly well acquainted with military manoeuvres, and in my humble opinion," he wrote, "very few Volunteers can equal them." He extolled their loyalty and good spirit. "For instance," he declared, "when the French appeared off here the first day of September, 1796, they assembled immediately and showed every disposition to fight against the enemy, had there been any necessity for it." He was confident that in similar circumstances in future no people would pay more attention to the Governor's orders than the Volunteers, "or do more essential service to their King and Country." With respect to the request for a grant towards new uniforms, Winter pointed out that when the Volunteers embodied in 1793, they had no idea of receiving any kind of emolument, "but stepp'd forth with ardent zeal for King and Country, insomuch that they were the admiration of the people of this and other islands." The then Governor, Sir Richard King, had represented their loyalty and obedience to His Majesty, with the result that they were allowed six pounds per man "as a reimbursement for the expense of their uniforms." Then the Adjutant returned to the main point - the failure of the Volunteers to attend manoeuvres "at such stated times as requested." This was almost impossible, he explained. Most of them were "shipp'd on the shore and sea fishery," and those on

29

The Regiments of the lyoo's

shore could not be spared by their masters. So great indeed was the loyalty of the Volunteers that many had been obliged to pay their employers a certain sum as compensation for the time when they were doing duty on Signal Hill in the previous year. Winter's final contribution towards the education of the new Governor was almost epigrammatic: "Men are very scarce and fish plenty, which must be attended to." In spite of these representations the Governor remained adamant. On September 13 he replied to Captain Winter that "the Newfoundland Volunteers shall receive rations during the time they are actually doing duty, and on no other occasion." The execution of this order undoubtedly had much to do with a decline in the numbers of the Volunteers. When Governor Waldegrave reviewed them in October before returning to England, only fifty-seven showed up on parade. On the following day the Governor expressed his gratification at the "military appearance and manoeuvres performed yesterday by the Royal Newfoundland Volunteers." But he took the occasion to refer to their lack of training, pointing out that considerations of duty compelled him to recommend that they lose no favourable opportunities of attending their military practices, without which they could never hope to preserve the character of good soldiers. One other effect of stopping the issue of rations to the Volunteers may be noted here. A year later the Commissary Office at St. John's had to advise the Governor that because of the large quantity of provisions on hand for the garrison it would be unnecessary to make any requisition to England for the year 1799. This would be subject to "the present provisions holding good to the period to which they ought to last"; though some fear was expressed that "a large proportion of the Flour will be rejected by the Baker for the troops and that it will ultimately be condemned." This situation might be met by purchasing "good American flour to mix with our present supply." In seeking to explain the surplus (figures presented showed enough flour on hand to furnish 1000 daily rations for nearly two years), the Commissary declared that the expenditure of provisions had been "greatly lessened by the Volunteers ceasing to draw rations." Before we criticize the Volunteers too harshly for seeking to obtain rations to which they were not entitled, we must remember that the condition of the poorer class (to which many of them would belong) was not an enviable one at this time. The iniquitous restrictions against holding land on the island meant that agriculture was virtually non-existent, and the resultant scarcity of food enabled the shopkeepers of St. John's to set their own prices. Adding to the disability of the poor was an almost complete lack of

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coinage of small denomination. Thus we find that late in 1797 Governor Waldegrave, who was unfailing in his efforts to carry out needed reforms in Newfoundland, reported to London that "the Merchants have ever considered the introduction of Copper Money as injurious to their interest." He cited the instance of a poor man going into a shop in St. John's to buy three pennyworth of thread, or some such item. He would tender in payment a sixpence - the smallest silver coin then available. The shopkeeper, either not having or pretending not to have any change, would offer the man "a dram in lieu of the halfpence, a proposal," wrote Waldegrave, "seldom if ever rejected." As a result of this shortage of copper many of the poor, rarely seeing any coin smaller than sixpence, had come to look on a penny as a mere nothing, and such a man would "scarce give his thanks to anyone who might offer it to him to execute the most trifling errand." In every baker's shop in St. John's in 1797 a loaf of bread cost sixpence. It was not until Governor Waldegrave had sent a ship to Halifax to bring back a load of specie, including a supply of copper coinage, that he was able, in October, 1798, to report with satisfaction to the Secretary for the Colonies that loaves costing a penny or twopence could now be purchased everywhere. "Judge, Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Skinner, R.E., Colonel of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, 1795-1802 (Reproduced by permission of Lt.-Comdr. John L. Skinner, R.N. (ret'd.))

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The Regiments of the lyoo's

My Lord, from these circumstances," he wrote, "how many Men, Women and particularly Children now obtain a good Breakfast, who perhaps before the importation of Copper scarce ever tasted a bit of bread in the whole twenty-four hours." There is little more to be written about the regiment of Volunteers that Colonel Skinner had brought into being. During the closing years of the century Skinner himself was dividing his time between performing his duties as Chief Engineer of St. John's and commanding the regiment of regular troops that (as will be seen below) he had been called on to raise in 1795. The record of the Volunteers fades and then disappears. There are no further demands for rations, or complaints by Governors of failures to hold parades. If their existence indeed carried over into the new century, it would certainly have been terminated when the war ended in 1803. Once again a militia unit in Newfoundland had run its course. It would take a renewal of hostilities to bring the next edition to life. The Royal Newfoundland Regiment, 1795-1802 Having followed the fading fortunes of Newfoundland's volunteer militia during the final decade of the eighteenth century, we turn back to the year 1793, which saw the birth of the second regular regiment to be raised in the Colony variously referred to in contemporary documents as the Newfoundland Regiment of Fencible Infantry, or, more frequently, the Royal Newfoundland Regiment. Soon after Great Britain became embroiled in what were to become known as the Napoleonic Wars, her Government realized the need for augmenting the garrison of Newfoundland with a stronger and more effective force than the newly-raised Corps of Volunteers (above,page 23). Accordingly, on April 25,1795, Royal Approval was given to Chief Engineer Skinner (now a major) to raise a regiment of fencible infantry, i.e. a regiment of foot authorized to serve only in North America. Apart from this limitation on its employment, in all respects of pay, clothing, arms, and accoutrements, and allowances for bread and "necessaries," the corps was to be on the same footing as His Majesty's other infantry regiments. It was to have a strength of 654 men, "with the usual commissioned officers," organized into a headquarters company, a company of grenadiers, one of light infantry, and eight battalion companies armed with muskets. The urgency of the situation demanded that the corps be raised speedily - the King wanted it

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completed in three months. In order to meet the royal wishes the usual limitations on the age of recruits and the requirements as to height were waived. An added incentive to recruiting was the granting of "levy money" of six guineas for each approved recruit, as well as a step-up in permanent rank to Skinner, or any other one officer named by him, provided that such promotion did not give higher rank than lieutenant-colonel. While recruiting parties "beat the drum" in St. John's and scoured the outlying districts for recruits, administrative arrangements for the new regiment moved steadily ahead. Orders were issued to the Barrack Master at St. John's to carry out repairs necessary to put the barracks at Fort William in fit condition for the newly-enlisted troops. The Governor, Sir James Wallace, took advantage of his presence in London to requisition from the Barrack Master General sufficient bedding for 654 men, giving warning that any delay in shipment would prove very detrimental to raising the regiment, "as there is nothing of this kind to be purchased on the island." At the same time he called for a year's provisions to be sent out as soon as possible, for because of a scarcity in St. John's, buying there "might distress the inhabitants." By late summer, provisions based on 700 rations daily, to include wives and children, were beginning to arrive. It is recorded that early in September a brig carrying 125 tons of flour for the hew regiment unloaded at St. John's; but earlier that month Lieutenant-Colonel Skinner (he had accepted for himself the increase in rank) had to ask the Governor's permission, since no pease had arrived from England for victualling his troops, to purchase nine months' supply locally. The correspondence that passed between Skinner and Governor Wallace reveals a regiment experiencing the same growing pains that were to afflict commanding officers more than a century later. There was the complaint of the commander of the Volunteers at Placentia that he had been passed over when the officers of the new regiment were selected (above, page 25). Demands from higher authority to furnish duty officers seem to have been as prevalent then as now - and to have inspired the same ingenious attempts at evasion. Thus we find Colonel Skinner expressing his regrets that with his officers busily engaged in recruiting, he could not supply any for garrison duty - unless, of course, His Excellency ordered some to be recalled for that purpose. And in the continual struggle between training and fatigues the latter inevitably seemed to win. In a memorandum to the Governor in October, 1795, the new C.O. begged leave "to observe to Your Excellency that the constant duty of the King's Works upon which all my recruits have

33

The Regiments of the xyoo's

been employed has entirely prevented their having been exercised in their duty as soldiers." Despite these difficulties the new regiment gradually moved towards its full complement of men. Except for a company of artillery manning the guns which defended the harbour and the town, Colonel Skinner's corps comprised the whole of the St. John's garrison. A strength return rendered on October 29, 1796, showed a total of 74 all ranks of the Royal Artillery, and 35 officers and 615 men of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment. Included in the regimental figures were detachments of 77 at Signal Hill, 33 on the South Side, five at "Quiddy Viddy," three at Portugal Cove, and 40 at Placentia. Recruiting parties accounted for another five officers and 33 men (including, reasonably enough, nine of the regiment's 22 drummers). Some two months before this return was made, the routine of working parties interspersed with occasional periods of training had been interrupted by the arrival of the French squadron off the east coast of the island (above, page 25). This was the strongest enemy threat of the whole war, and only a determined show of resistance by the defending forces prevented the launching of a large-scale assault on St. John's. In reconstructing the story of the enemy's activities during the abortive venture we are helped by the accounts given to the Governor by the masters of two Newfoundland fishing vessels which were taken and sunk by the French, one off St. John's and the other about three leagues from Petty Harbour. During their enforced stay aboard the enemy flagship, the two Newfoundlanders learned that the French squadron, which comprised five ships of the line, three frigates, and a sloop, had left Cadiz about the end of July under the command of Admiral Richery. Their principal mission was to attack and capture St. John's, for which purpose they carried 2000 soldiers. A Spanish squadron accompanied them as far as Cape Finisterre (at the north-west tip of Spain), where a planned reinforcement by four sail of the line and three frigates from Brest failed to take place. According to the information picked up by the two captive seamen, this miscalculation resulted in abandoning an assault on the grand scale against St. John's, though there was still hope that the place might be found so weakly held that it could be reduced by a surprise attack. Admiral Richery's squadron arrived in Bay Bulls on September i, where, as already noted, it destroyed the fishing vessels in the harbour, and landing parties put the torch to all the houses in the little settlement. Then the enemy considered their next move. What this would be depended upon the strength of the defences of St. John's as estimated by the French.

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To Governor Wallace the size of the force under his command gave little cause for complacency; but energetically and with great determination he set about making every preparation to oppose a landing or an attempt to force the harbour. Lying at anchor under the guns of Fort Townshend, his small squadron - one ship of the line, Romney, the frigates Venus and Mercury, and the sloop Pluto providentially had just returned from convoying the fishing fleet to the Grand Banks. These he stationed in positions commanding the narrow entrance to the harbour. The regular garrison on shore comprised 74 officers and men of the Royal Artillery, and the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, at that time 561 strong; and he could also call on the services of fifty-odd Volunteers who were not away on the fishing grounds or otherwise unavailable. There were good grounds for Wallace's report to London that his resources were "greatly inadequate, if we consider the extent of the the ports which we have to defend." With martial law proclaimed, soldiers, sailors, and civilians united in a common effort to meet the twofold threat to the town a seaborne assault on the harbour, or an attack overland by marching troops. The Governor prepared for both contingencies. He bolstered the crews of the shore batteries with men of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment and with marines and seamen from the men-of-war in the harbour. He endeavoured to keep himself informed of the enemy's movements through scouts on land and small boats along the coast (later submitting a bill for £500 to cover these and similar expenditures). Having closed the port to all traffic and allotted shore stations to the masters and crews of the ships in the harbour, he threw a boom across the entrance and fitted out three fireships ready to release against the enemy in case of an attack. "I scarcely think they would succeed," he wrote, "were they hardy enough to make the attempt." To forestall a possible landing along the coast as preliminary to an advance on St. John's from the rear, detachments of the Newfoundland Regiment were sent to strengthen the outlying batteries, while other parties patrolled the rough tracks which led across the hills to the town. There is evidence that these warlike preparations convinced Admiral Richery of the impropriety of mounting an attack. Such would be the testimony of Magistrate Richard Routh, later Chief Justice of Newfoundland, who declared that the batteries and the heights were "manned in such a way that on the approach of the enemy almost within gunshot, they discovered our strength and declined the contest." John Morridge, the master of a "banker" destroyed in Bay Bulls, was ready to take the credit for having convinced the enemy of the impracticability of making an attack

35

The Regiments of the lyoo's

overland. When questioned by a French officer about the road from Bay Bulls to St. John's, he declared it (probably quite truthfully) to be very bad and narrow: "Only one man could go in it at a time and it was impossible to take cannon." But the plan, the French told him, was to march as quickly as possible, without cannon, "summon the garrison to surrender, and in case of refusal they should take it sword in hand and put everyone to death without distinction either of age or sex." To this the good Morridge was quite equal. Drawing on his imagination he warned his interrogator that there were 5000 men at least in the garrison, and "had they attempted the Harbour they could not have succeeded as there was a boom and chain across it and 200 guns would play upon them at the same time." This, according to the sturdy sea captain, decided the issue. The French seemed to doubt the number of men, "but upon his repeating it, the officer to whom he was speaking went to the Admiral, and they conversed together, and from that time he thinks all thoughts of attacking St. John's were given up." All day on the 2nd the enemy stood off and on near Cape Spear, and there can be little doubt that the sight of numerous tents pitched on Signal Hill, from the summit to Cuckold Head, and on the South Side Hills above Fort Amherst, must have had a most intimidating effect upon him. The squadron moved out to sea, and after remaining in sight for several days headed for St. Pierre, where its presence for the rest of September presented a steadily diminishing threat until the handing over of a number of prisoners foretold an early departure. After harassing the Nova Scotia seaboard at a number of points, Richery returned to France at the end of October. The enhanced reputation which the soldiers of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment had acquired by their meritorious performance during this period of danger they were at pains to defend in the following year, when repercussions of the Latona incident (see above, page 26) threatened to cast a slur on the Regiment's good name. It happened that on August 3, 1797, three days after the outbreak of the mutiny on the Latona, a few of her seamen were found under a fish flake in St. John's in conversation with a soldier, who, however, evaded apprehension. The sailors swore that this man, a sergeant of the Newfoundland Regiment, had wilh many seditious utterances incited them to further mutiny, implying that they would have the sympathy and support of members of his Regiment. These allegations quickly spread through the town, and on the morning of the 8th, Governor Waldegrave was presented with a memorial which began: "We the Non-Commissioned Officers, Drummers and Privates of His Majesty's Royal Newfoundland

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Regiment, regret that a malicious report has been spread abroad by evil designing persons supposing the possibility of our want of duty and allegiance to our beloved King, Country and Constitution." Assuring His Excellency of their loyalty, the memorialists pledged themselves to defend King and Country against not only foreign enemies, "but those vile monsters who wish to sow the seeds of sedition among us." As proof of their honour, they offered a reward of twenty guineas for the apprehension of any person who should "endeavour diabolically to alienate us from our affections to the service of our country." Almost immediately this offer was overbid by the N.C.O.'s and gunners of the artillery stationed at St. John's. To demonstrate the unsullied name of their corps they posted "a reward of thirty guineas to any of the Royal Artillery who shall bring to conviction, before a magistrate, any person or persons who may endeavour by seditious writings or otherwise to seduce them from their duty." Governor Waldegrave's prompt reply must have been eminently satisfying to the soldiers. "Although I never have for one moment doubted the loyalty of these gallant men," he wrote to Colonel Skinner, "yet 'tis impossible to read the noble sentiments of their honest hearts but with that delight that honest work ever inspired!' Next day he proudly held up to the mutineers on the Latona the example set by the Regiment. Not to be outdone, the ship's company was quick to inform His Excellency that they considered themselves just as loyal as the troops, in proof of which they pledged a reward of fifty guineas for the detection of an offender "guilty of any seditious, mutinous or disloyal words or behaviour, in order that they might be brought to that punishment which they so justly deserve and which is the duty of every true born Englishman to endeavour to have inflicted." It is not known what influence these rewards had upon subsequent proceedings, but on August 12 Sergeant James Dailey gave himself up. His plea that he had been intoxicated and had no recollection of the "wicked accusations made by him against his brave and faithful brother soldiers" availed him nothing. In a General Order congratulating the officers and men of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment on the discovery of "the villain who so basely and wickedly endeavoured to blacken their character and forfeit their good name," His Excellency asserted the precept that drunkenness, "so far from serving as a palliation of an offence, must ever be considered as an aggravation of it." Dailey was reduced to the ranks, and then discharged from the Regiment. The honour of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment had been vindicated. Reference has already been made to the eloquent manner in

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The Regiments of the lyoo's

which Governor Waldegrave could express himself when the occasion demanded. The following episode, which took place towards the end of the year 1797, is related not only because it illustrates the persuasive powers that the Governor knew so well how to exert, but because it demonstrates how little changed, after more than one and a half centuries, is the interpretation that the Army puts on the word "voluntary." We have previously noted Sir William's concern over the need for improving the lot of the lower classes in Newfoundland. In October, 1797, as the time drew near for his annual departure for England, he notified the Fort Major at St. John's that he had set up a subscription list to aid the poor of the district and had headed it with a personal donation of twenty guineas. The officers of the Army and Navy had followed his example with liberal contributions, but since the sum collected was not enough to meet the need he was proposing a scheme by which the non-commissioned officers and privates of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment might subscribe to such a worthy cause. Many of these enjoyed the privilege of hiring themselves out on the King's Works and other projects when not needed for regimental duty, and he recommended that from each shilling thus earned one penny be deducted and applied to the fund for the poor. For soldiers who had no extraneous employment he suggested a payment of sixpence a month into the fund. His Excellency was at pains to emphasize the voluntary nature of these contributions. "It is to be observed," he directed, "that these are only recommendations from the Commander-in-Chief: the soldiers therefore are fully at liberty to subscribe to them or not as they think best. They will only please remember that those who do not contribute to the above fund will not be entitled to any relief from it, neither will they be hereafter suffered to hire themselves out, either as artificers or labourers." It would appear that there was a certain understandable reluctance on the part of some members of the Regiment to act on the Governor's recommendation; for less than two weeks after his initial directive Sir William called for a return of the names of the N.C.O.'s and privates who had not yet subscribed. He reiterated his command barring non-contributors from being hired on public works. "As men so totally devoid of the feelings of humanity as to refuse to offer their mite for the support of their wives and families, or of those of their fellow soldiers cannot possibly have any claim to indulgence from their superiors, they must expect none." The order went on to let it be known that His Excellency "has this day subscribed five guineas in addition to his former twenty to the charitable fund," and closed with the injunction

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that it was to be read to the troops "and explained by the proper officers this day after church." This somewhat forced bestowal of charity continued during Governor Waldegrave's tenure of office. Two years later, in October, 1799, Colonel Skinner, the Commanding Officer, is found informing His Excellency "with infinite satisfaction" that every man in the Royal Newfoundland Regiment has agreed to pay sixpence a month to the Charity Fund, and with this statement he encloses a list of the subscriptions of his officers. The Governor's acknowledgment comes back the same day. "Any words of mine," he writes, "would but feebly express the liberality of this truly charitable act. . . ." He adds a characteristic postscript. "I shall direct that a space be left in the Records for the insertion of the names of the officers of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment now absent, being well assured that they will on their return to this Island most gladly add their names to a list which reflects so much honour on the Regiment." And here it may be noted that the Charitable Fund so zealously initiated by Governor Waldegrave was rigorously maintained by his immediate successors in office, the third of whom, Sir Erasmus Gower, was instrumental in enlarging it into a source of revenue which not only furnished relief for the indigent, but in 1804 provided St. John's with its first free school. And now it is a matter for regret to have to record that as the old century approached its end, the Royal Newfoundland Regiment went into a similar decline. The number of desertions increased alarmingly. Plenty of jobs could always be found in the fisheries during the summer and fall, and the rapid expansion of the new spring sealing industry was making available almost yearround employment. "The desertions from both the Navy and Army here (particularly the latter)," wrote Governor Waldegrave to the Chief Justice of Newfoundland in August, 1797, "have of late been so numerous that should it not soon be effectually checked, there is no saying where the mischief will end." He foresaw a depleted garrison too weak to defend the existing works, with the ships of the squadron being reduced to the necessity of impressing men from the merchant vessels, "to the great discouragement of the trade of this island." In an effort to correct the evil the Governor issued a Royal Proclamation forbidding employers of labour to engage the services of any fishermen or male servants without notifying the local magistrates of their names. Nor was concern over the unsatisfactory state of the garrison confined to the Governor alone. Before the winter was over he was to receive a petition from the merchants of St. John's asking for additional naval protection for the town. They feared that should

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The Regiments of the xyoo's

an attack come - for the war was still dragging on - it would take the crews of two or three frigates to ensure that the shore batteries were fully manned. There was friction between the Governor and the Commanding Officer of the Regiment. It developed in part from a controversy in which Governor Waldegrave disputed the right of the Commander-in-Chief at Halifax, Prince Edward, Duke of Kent, to exert any authority over the troops in Newfoundland. When, in August, 1797, Colonel Skinner, having been ordered to submit to His Royal Highness monthly strength returns of the St. John's garrison, sought a ruling from Sir William, he was told in no uncertain terms that no returns were to be made, and that he should at all times look to the Governor as Commander-in-Chief, or answer the consequences. Waldegrave was firmly convinced that he was right in his stand. "The Commission that I have had the honour to receive from His Majesty as Governor of this Island, and Commander-in-Chief of all its forts and garrisons etc.," he wrote to Skinner, "long precedent, the firm opinion of all my Predecessors, and my own reason, equally convince me that the troops in this Island cannot be subject to the control of the Commander-in-Chief in North America." Skinner privately reported this ruling to Prince Edward, who replied that henceforth he would refrain from issuing his own orders to the Newfoundland garrison and would relay only orders received from General Prescott, the Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's Forces in Canada and Nova Scotia, or from higher authority in Great Britain. At the same time he threatened the unfortunate Skinner with a General Court Martial should he fail to obey implicitly any such order transmitted to him. It was not the last time that the Commanding Officer of a Newfoundland Regiment was to find himself in the unenviable position of having to try to serve two masters (see below, page 373). Gloomily Skinner avowed that it was the most disagreeable situation that he had ever been placed in during twenty-three years of service. "All the officers of my own Regiment, nay, the officers of the Navy themselves," he mournfully informed the Duke of Kent, "have witnessed my chagrin in not being allowed to follow Your Highness's commands." A matter concerning the discipline of the troops that gave Governor Waldegrave some anxiety was the situation with respect to holding courts martial to try members of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment. In the spring of 1798 he drew the attention of the Home Secretary, the Duke of Portland, to the fact that since the Regiment was not "perfectly complete," its officers had never received their commissions, and were therefore not legally qualified to sit as members of a court martial. Conscious of this

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St. John's, 1798, watercolour by H.P. Benton. (Courtesy the Crown Collection of Photographs of American Maps, Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois)

irregularity, some had refused to sit on courts unless they had previously obtained from Colonel Skinner a written indemnification protecting them in case of subsequent prosecution from soldiers whom they had convicted for punishment. It was only a matter of time, Sir William feared, before this state of affairs was bound to become known to the rank and file of the Regiment. When this should happen, he wrote, "I leave it to Your Grace's consideration what is to be expected from an undisciplined body of Troops, who feel their officers to have no legal power over them." Yet on the surface all was calm. In March of 1798 the senior naval officer in Newfoundland sent a reassuring report to Governor Waldegrave in London. "Notwithstanding the great number of dieters* in the town, St. John's was never known to be so peaceable, as during this winter indeed there has not been a single *"Dieters" were non-residents of Newfoundland who had been brought over to work in the fishery and found themselves without employment during the winter months.

4i

The Regiments of the lyoo's

disturbance." But across the Atlantic Wolfe Tone's United Irishmen had raised the flag of revolt, and there was to be bloody fighting in Ireland before the rebellion was quelled. The danger of a similar uprising in Newfoundland could not be ignored. Writing to the Duke of Portland in June, Governor Waldegrave pointed out that nine-tenths of the inhabitants of the island were either natives of Ireland or immediately descended from such. He strongly urged that the Chief Justice of Newfoundland, James Ogden, who was about to retire, should be held in his post until peace and tranquillity became more thoroughly restored to Europe. He expressed his lack of confidence in the reliability of the troops. As the Royal Newfoundland Regiment has been raised in this Island, it is needless for me to endeavour to point out the small proportion the native English bear to the Irish in this body of men. I think it necessary to mention this circumstance in order to show Your Grace how little dependence could be placed on the Military in case of any civil commotion in the Town of St. John's. It is therefore to the wise and vigilant administration of the Civil Power that we must look to preserve peace and good order (the present times considered) in this settlement.

In the summer of 1799 a new garrison commander was appointed over the head of Colonel Skinner, who up to this time had been the senior Army officer in St. John's. The new arrival, BrigadierGeneral John Skerrett, came from Ireland, where he had served throughout the rebellion. He was proud to have commanded a regiment of "hardy Welchmen" at the Battle of Arklow, where the slaughter of "seventeen hundred and four United men" effectively put an end to open hostilities. After that it was the task of the Government of Great Britain to push through the unpopular Act of Union. The soldiers in St. John's soon found that Skerrett was cast in a sterner mould than Colonel Skinner. If the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, "long accustomed to relaxation of discipline," presented an appearance on Sunday parade which did not meet the Brigadier's standard, then the Royal Newfoundland Regiment would spend the rest of that Sunday in extra drill. Unfortunately such measures as these did not produce the desired results. According to one observer, "every exertion to make them good troops was considered a grievance." The number of desertions continued to rise, and Irish agitators found fruitful ground for sowing the seeds of disaffection. It came as a shock to the members of the Regiment, who had apparently believed that their terms of enlistment required them to serve in Newfoundland only (i.e. as though they were a Provincial Regiment), to find that as Fencible

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troops they could be ordered to do duty in any of the British colonies in North America. More cause for resentment came when the first detachment was sent to Halifax in the fall of 1799. The brig assigned for their transportation was too small to carry a full load of provisions for a month at sea - at that season of the year it might well take that long to reach Halifax. Accordingly the Regiment was warned before embarkation took place that the men must not expect more than two-thirds of the normal ration of food and water while on board. Evidence that the popularity of the Governor (or rather the degree of respect in which his office was held by the civilian inhabitants) had declined significantly came in 1799, when on Governor Waldegrave's arrival from England Chief Justice Routh and the principal merchants of St. John's failed to turn out and give him the customary official welcome. At the end of the previous year the Chief Justice had come under severe censure from Waldegrave for having discussed with the merchants a proposal made by the Governor in private conversation with Routh, to levy a tax of sixpence a gallon on rum. With the annual importation of rum into Newfoundland averaging 136,000 gallons (or about seven gallons for each inhabitant), the revenue from such an impost might, as suggested by another Governor a few years later, be used to pay clergy sent out from Great Britain as missionaries to the Newfoundlanders. Furthermore such a tax would, it was hoped, help to reduce the consumption of "an article which at present may be said to occasion all the licentiousness, dissoluteness, debauchery, and the train of evils attendant on drunkenness." But in the year 1798 the merchants were not ready to see any kind of tax introduced into the island. "This is not a colony," they told the Chief Justice. "We are not allowed to build or repair, except for the benefit of the Fishery." Here was one of the great iniquities inflicted on the lower classes by firmly-entrenched fishing interests. Laws enacted in the early days of the fisheries to prohibit permanent settlement and to compel the summer immigrants to recross the Atlantic each fall were still in force. A man might not enclose a garden or build a dwelling with a chimney in it, even though, with the spring seal fishery a rapidly growing industry, many hundreds had to stay on the island all winter. The shrewd Brigadier-General Skerrett was quick to note the keen resentment of the poor against those who imposed such restrictions on them. "They contend that an enemy cannot propose harder terms in not allowing them to eat potatoes of their own growth or to receive the benefits of a fire of their own making." The old veteran, fresh from his campaigning in Ireland, was

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The Regiments of the lyoo's

fully alert to the danger of a possible outbreak in Newfoundland. On his arrival in the island he had been surprised to find there an Irish agitator whom he had previously ordered deported from Ireland to New Geneva. According to Skerrett this man and several companions had bribed their way out of detention, and were now engaged in secretly enlisting the inhabitants of St. John's and the outports to support the cause of the United Irishmen. It was estimated that from 200 to 400 had taken the oath "to be true to the old cause," even to the extent of sacrificing their dearest friends if necessary. In the Royal Newfoundland Regiment General Skerrett subsequently reported that 80 men had taken the oath, though there was other testimony that not more than 50 had implicated themselves to that extent. Matters reached a climax early in the year 1800. The last vessel reaching St. John's before winter set in had brought alarming rumours. It was said that the British army in Holland had capitulated, that Napoleon Bonaparte had returned to France from the eastern Mediterranean, that the combined French and Spanish fleets were at sea, and that the people of Ireland were determined to resist Union. "This," reported one official writing home to England, "spurred the villains here from that country to redouble their machinations, and they were to have destroyed all who were not of their party." The first overt act came when anonymous notices were posted at night in the streets of St. John's threatening the persons and property of the magistrates, who had issued an order prohibiting hogs from running at large. An offer of one hundred guineas' reward for the apprehension of the offenders brought no result, though many of the townspeople openly declared themselves in support of the magistrates. The planned outbreak, which in the opinion of many was to have seen the assassination of the officers of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment and the merchants of St. John's, was to have taken place on April 20. This was a Sunday, when the soldiers normally paraded, "the English to Church, the Irish to Chapel." But, according to the account given later by an officer who was in command of a detachment of the Regiment on Signal Hill, the troops gave a particularly unsoldierlike performance on parade that morning, the thoughts of many of them doubtless being elsewhere. The result was that Brigadier-General Skerrett kept the Regiment at exercise all day. "This saved us." During the next few days it seems that the conspirators became increasingly alarmed that their plot had been discovered. They apparently misinterpreted a warning given by the officer on Signal Hill to half a dozen soldiers whom he found idle and dirty that he would "see justice done." A muster parade brought the whole

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Regiment together again on the 24th, when some fifty, believing that they were under suspicion and might be arrested at any moment, decided to desert that night. Most of the contemporary accounts of the conspiracy indicate that the intention was still to proceed with the assassinations. The rendezvous was a powder magazine behind Fort Townshend, and the appointed time eleven o'clock. But it so happened that Colonel Skinner was having a dinner party that evening at his house at Fort William, and this continued to such a late hour that the conspirators at that post could not get away to the rendezvous in time. Meanwhile ten or a dozen men had slipped away from Signal Hill, only to have their absence discovered within a few minutes by their officer, who seems to have been on the alert for just such an eventuality. He promptly raised the alarm, and the plot was exposed when only nineteen had assembled at the magazine. These took to the woods, and managed to elude capture for several days. Parties of loyal troops kept up the search, and by the end of two weeks they had caught all but three of the deserters. Two or three of those apprehended turned informer and implicated another twenty men of the Regiment. Twelve of the offenders were tried by a General Court Martial. "It was necessary," wrote General Skerrett in his report on the conspiracy, "to impress them with the most awful lesson, which caused the most salutary tremour." There could be little defence, for the deserters had left behind them a letter declaring their intention of putting to death every person who should attempt to oppose them. All twelve were convicted. Five were sentenced to be hanged; the other seven were sent in irons to Halifax to be dealt with by His Royal Highness, the Commander-in-Chief, who ordered them shot. With grim appropriateness the hangings took place on a gallows erected beside the powder shed, at the spot where the convicted men had planned to rendezvous. In the end it appears to have been the Royal Newfoundland Regiment which drew most of the blame for the whole dismal affair, though at least one magistrate believed that "all the inhabitants, almost to a man" had taken the oath of the United Irishmen. Writing to the Duke of Portland in August, 1800, the new Governor, Admiral Pole, reported that St. John's was quiet and that none of the civil population appeared to be "so implicated in the guilt and disaffection which attached to the Newfoundland Regiment as to afford any pretence for accusation." Credit must be given to the Right Reverend James O'Donel, the first Roman Catholic Bishop of Newfoundland, for his efforts in helping to keep the outbreak within bounds. His contribution to the maintenance of order is described in a testimonial drawn up

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The Regiments of the ryoo's

in 1804 by the merchants of St. John's when they were petitioning ing the Governor for a pension to be granted him. "Next to General Skerrett," they averred, "he was the person who saved this valuable island from becoming a scene of anarchy and confusion; by making the most unwearied exertions and using the extensive influence he acquired over the lower classes, by which means they were prevented from joining the mutineers of the Newfoundland Regiment at a time when General Skerrett had not sufficient force to oppose such a dangerous combination." For the Regiment the events of April, 1800 marked the beginning of the end. Under orders from the Duke of Kent all except two companies of picked men were transferred to his headquarters at Halifax. A British regular regiment, the 66th, was sent to garrison St. John's for the two remaining years of the war. Peace came with the signing of the Treaty of Amiens in April, 1802. There no longer existed the conditions which had brought into being the locally-raised regiments in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Newfoundland. All three were disbanded - the Royal Newfoundland Regiment on July 31, 1802.

The record of the various bodies of troops, both regular and militia, that were raised in Newfoundland during the eighteenth century is not free from blemish. Unfortunately it is often these very blemishes that figure most prominently in the old colonial documents that have survived from those days, and in reconstructing the story of these early regiments history has sometimes perpetuated those episodes which reflect least favourably upon their good name. "The evil that men do lives after them; The good is oft interred with their bones." Yet before judging their imperfections with too critical an eye, we must in all fairness appraise their conduct in the light of the conditions of the times in which they lived. In a country which even in the late lyoo's still existed for the profit of the WestCountry merchants who held virtual monopoly of the fishing trade, and where would-be settlers were subjected to "the crudest methods of justice that have ever been observed under British rule,"* the lower classes lived in abject poverty and were exposed to all its attendant evils. It was from these sources that Pringle and Skinner drew the majority of their recruits, and it was in this *See Albert B. Perlin, "An Outline of Newfoundland History," in J. R. Smallwood (ed.), The Book of Newfoundland, I, 184.

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environment that they spent their off-duty hours. Small wonder then that in the regiments that garrisoned St. John's the offences of intemperance and dishonesty were common, and that when, as we have seen, a large part of the local population involved themselves in seditious conspiracy, their kinfolk in uniform were without great difficulty incited to mutiny. But new opportunities lay ahead, and in the early years of the nineteenth century Newfoundland soldiers were to establish an enviable reputation on the field of battle.

Discharge Papers of Private James Hibbs from the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, August 12, i8o|>] (Reproduced by permission of Mr. William Hibbs)

CHAPTER III

Newfoundlanders in the War of 1812 Sound of cannon, clash of sword, The red of blood upon the sward. Then came a century of peace, When war and thoughts of war did cease.

The Loyal Volunteers of St. John's, 1805-1811 The previous chapter told the story of two Corps of Volunteers and two regiments of regular soldiers who served in the Colony in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, all of them bearing the name Newfoundland. This recognition of volunteer as well as regular units of those early days continues in the present chapter; for the citizen soldiers of the iSoo's who took time from their daily civilian occupations to fit themselves to make a worth-while contribution to their country's defence when needed were the forerunners of the "part time" soldiers of the modern militia regiment. It is true that the glimpses that have come down to us of the record of these volunteer units do not always present an inspiring picture. Their commanders had to deal with the problem that has ever faced military forces in time of peace — how to maintain a high standard of discipline and training when the likelihood of being called upon to engage in active operations against an enemy appears remote. Those early amateur companies had few of the advantages of their counterparts of today, which form part of a highly-organized and well-equipped militia force, operating in close co-ordination with their country's professional Army, and receiving constant direction and supervision from a succession of headquarters at various levels of command. By contrast the Commanding Officer of a volunteer force in Newfoundland in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was left largely to his own devices in running his corps. He got little help from the garrison of regular soldiers, by whom his officers and men were inclined to be regarded with indifference or disdain. While

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attempting to impart to his often rough and uneducated recruits the rudiments of military training, he would find himself waging a continuous and usually frustrating battle with the Governor, or through him with the far distant authorities in Whitehall, for the provision of the uniforms, weapons, equipment, rations, and remuneration without which he had little hope of turning his men into soldiers. The turn of the century brought a few years of peace and an increasing measure of prosperity to Newfoundland. Yet the treaty signed at Amiens in 1802 was to be in effect only an armistice. Within a year the threat of renewed hostilities with the French and the Dutch was seriously alarming the citizens of St. John's as to their future security. In May, 1803, the Governor, Admiral James Gambier, about to return to Newfoundland after wintering in England, told the authorities in London that whereas during the recent war the island had been defended by two Regiments of Foot and two Companies of Artillery, the present garrison consisted of not more than sixty-three artillerymen. On his arrival in the Colony in July he wrote to the Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's Forces at Halifax urging the necessity of sending to St. John's a body of troops for the defence of the town, "as well from any attack of the enemy as from the seditious disposition of some of the lower class of the inhabitants." He further pointed out that Major-General Skerrett had been authorized to raise a regiment in Newfoundland, but during the considerable time that must elapse before this could be effected the Colony would be without means of defence. In reply the C.-in-C. regretted that his own shortage of troops for the proper garrisoning of Halifax left him with no forces to spare, but he assured His Excellency that with General Skerrett raising a corps in Newfoundland, "many of the old soldiers of the former will probably engage in it, which will enable the General to repel with credit to his country and to himself any attack of an enemy upon the port under his command." This assurance must have done little to ease Admiral Gambier's fears about his present lack of security, but he was relieved to find that, as will be seen (below, page 60), organization of the new unit, to be called The Royal Newfoundland Fencible Infantry, proceeded with dispatch. Then there was fresh cause for concern. In May, 1805, orders came from England for the Regiment, which had by then attained a strength of 683 all ranks, to exchange stations with the Nova Scotia Regiment of Fencible Infantry at Halifax. The latter unit disembarked at St. John's on June 15, 541 strong, and remained in Newfoundland until the outbreak of war with the United States in 1812.

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Newfoundlanders in the War of 1812

The people of St. John's were not happy about the transfer. On June 18, the day before the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles sailed for Halifax, a number of merchants and (self-styled) "Principal Inhabitants," noting the inferiority of numbers of the Nova Scotia Fencibles, voiced their apprehension that in the event of an attack such a military force was not adequate for the defence of the town. They asked His Excellency Sir Erasmus Gower, who had been appointed Governor the previous year, to have as many of the military retained as would keep the strength of the island's garrison equal to that of the departing Regiment. At the same time, as proof of their public spirit, they seized the occasion to assure the Governor of their own willingness to serve in an emergency. "We avail ourselves of this momentous crisis of danger," they asserted, "to offer our efforts to oppose the common enemy in any attack" against the island. Diplomatically Sir Erasmus told his petitioners that London most assuredly knew the relative strengths of the two regiments, and that he was in no position to intervene. He was soon to find that the merchants' offer of service was no idle one, and that they had already taken steps to substantiate it. Within a week he learned in a letter from Thomas Coote, Chief Magistrate of St. John's, that in April of that year news of a French squadron of ships of war cruising in the West Indies had prompted the local magistrate to call a meeting of the inhabitants to consider forming a Voluntary Armed Association for the protection of public property in case of attack. As a result five companies "consisting of fifty of the most respectable inhabitants in each company, under the command of Officers chosen by themselves" and approved by General Skerrett, had been regularly embodied and furnished with arms from the garrison. "I hope," wrote Coote, "that this meets with Your Excellency's approbation." On the surface such public-spirited action on the part of the "most respectable inhabitants" of St. John's would seem highly commendable. But the new Governor was anxious that the status and obligations of the new body should be clearly defined. He immediately sent a note to General Skerrett stating that he had just learned that before his arrival 250 inhabitants had embodied themselves for the defence of the town, "and that you had thought it expedient to cause them to be furnished with arms." While he admired the initiative thus displayed by the citizenry, he asked Skerrett whether "previous to receiving their arms they proposed to you any conditions of service," and what these were. The garrison Commander was prompt in justifying his action. His reply informed the Governor that when the delegation had applied to him for permission "to associate in arms for the defence

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of their lives, property and country, under the sanction of the Magistrates," he had readily acceded to their proposals. Pointing out that he would thus have a disposable force in the moment of danger, he declared: "I had no hesitation to arm them, trusting they would be a firm support to me in the preservation of the island." It must have been obvious to the General that something had to be done to raise the standard of training among the Volunteers. At the end of August he reported to the Governor that although he had furnished them with arms, ammunition, and drill sergeants, they had made no progress. "Nothing but inactivity marked their conduct," he complained. "Indeed the laborious and constant occupation they are bound to give to the Fishery affords them little spare time to acquire military knowledge." During the next two months Sir Erasmus devoted much attention to the Volunteers. He was concerned about the inadequate state of the garrison at St. John's, and he felt it his duty to encourage the non-regulars in every possible way to make a worthwhile contribution to the defence of the town. He expressed to the elderly Commanding Officer, Captain Nathan Parker, his hopes that "notwithstanding the relaxed state" into which the Corps had fallen during the past year, under the proposals that he was putting forward it would become a useful force. He got Skerrett to agree to authorize in General Orders that "the Volunteers of St. John's shall be inspected twice a year by the General Officer Commanding His Majesty's Forces in the Island of Newfoundland." Early in October the Governor presented Captain Parker with his proposed conditions of service. Each Volunteer would receive £4 sterling to cover the cost of providing himself with a uniform, and he would draw rations for each day on which he paraded for training. If called out for active service he would be entitled to the same pay and allowances as given to Volunteers in Great Britain. In return, he would be required to attend drill twice a week (unless sick or excused) for a total of twenty-six days in the year. The Corps, or any member of it, would be at liberty to discontinue service on fourteen days' notice, if not under martial law or on special duty. If the Volunteers were called on for active service, the Officer Commanding would receive two guineas a day for each man present, for procuring necessaries. Finally, on an alarm being sounded, Volunteers were to assemble at a post to be designated, "in uniform Cloathing, armed, accoutred, ready to act as directed by the Governor or the Officer Commanding the Regular Troops." These regulations met with "the universal and grateful acceptance of the Volunteers."

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Newfoundlanders in the War of i812

An imposing ceremony took place on October 21,1806 (incidentally the first anniversary of the Battle of Trafalgar), when officers and men of the Loyal Volunteers of St. John's took the Oath of Allegiance and received their colours. It was the first inclusion of the word "Loyal" in the designation of the Corps. Unfortunately, indisposition prevented the Governor from being present, but his address was read by his chief secretary. It was an impressive speech, rich in complimentary and inspiring phrases - "warm approbation"; "highest expectation"; "fullest confidence"; "a consistent and regular plan to assist in the defence and security of this harbour"; "marching forward to oppose an invading enemy"; "objects which entitle the Loyal Volunteers of St. John's to the highest rank and estimation among their fellow subjects." It appears to have lost nothing in the delivery, moving Parker and his fellow captains to return Governor Gower the following signed Address of Loyalty: Mr. Trounsell, who with energetic power of loyalty delivered Your Excellency's address to the Volunteers, witnessed the emotions his language in so glorious a cause inspired in their hearts, and will be able to convey to Your Excellency an idea how much the Volunteers are desirous of proving themselves good and faithful soldiers.

As the approach of winter found the Governor preparing to sail for England at the conclusion of his term in Newfoundland, he could derive some satisfaction from having apparently placed the new Corps on what appeared to be a sound footing. He had given the Treasury orders for £220 to be paid to Captain Parker as clothing allowance for the fifty-five men in his company, and a comparable amount to each of the other four captains; he had arranged with General Skerrett for the issue to the Volunteers of rations, arms, ammunition, "and any Drums that can be spared from Ordnance Stores"; and he had asked the Nova Scotia Fencibles to supply Captain Parker with a drill sergeant, and possibly two drummers. For two more years the aging Parker carried on as O.C. But the Volunteers did not live up to their obligations. Shortly after his arrival in Newfoundland in the summer of 1807, Gower's successor as Governor, Admiral John Holloway, sought to assess the value of the aid which the regular garrison might expect from the Volunteers in the event of an attack. "I have been on this Island a month without seeing or hearing of their having been under arms to parade or otherwise," he informed General Skerrett, in requesting him to furnish a confidential report on the efficiency of the Corps. Skerrett's reply was far from reassuring. "With great respect

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and deference to my valuable friend Sir Erasmus Gower," he told the new Governor, "I must think his expectations were too sanguine." He pointed out that he had given the Volunteers every possible aid - "Arms, Ball Cartridges for practice, and Powder for their firings." He had heard that they had been out once or twice to fire, but in what numbers he did not know. And having seen them once under arms he was convinced that in the defence of the island he "could not consider them as an efficient Corps, or in any way more useful than the common class of inhabitants." In view of this adverse report Governor Holloway would rather seem to have missed an opportunity of talking pretty straightly to the Volunteers when in September he presented them with their colours. He contented himself, however, with an admonition "to be of one mind in a most strict attention to the usual exercise of arms, which will enable you to perform all that can be expected from you as Men and Soldiers." To which Captain Parker with great feeling assured His Excellency that should the Volunteers be called on to unfurl the colours in defence of their country, they trusted that they would "manifest that valour and courage which characterizes the British soldier." Finally in October, 1808, Captain Parker resigned his command "owing to advanced age and being very infirm." In accepting the resignation Admiral Holloway called on the Volunteers in accordance with their regulations to elect a successor. Within a week he received the nomination of James Macbraire, and without delay appointed him as "Captain of the First Company, and Commandant of the Loyal Volunteers of St. John's." Macbraire was an influential citizen of St. John's - he founded the Benevolent Irish Society, and in 1812 he was elected President of the Society of Merchants. His shrewdness as a business man is revealed in an episode that occurred during the War of 1812. When an American privateer was captured with a cargo of grindstones, he purchased all 1200 of them for a mere song. In the following winter, when St. John's was short of biscuit, and Macbraire's stores full of it, every man who bought a bag of biscuit from him had also to purchase a grindstone - for two dollars. As commander of the local Volunteers Macbraire had much more drive than the ineffectual Nathan Parker, and, as will be seen, his relations with successive Governors were often characterized by considerable friction. He seems to have made a good start in his first year of command, though a field return in September, 1809, showed only 75 Volunteers enrolled, including 15 officers. In his final report to the Secretary of War on leaving Newfoundland that autumn, Governor Holloway described the

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Newfoundlanders in the War of 1812

present Commandant as "using every economy, at the same time preserving the utility and respectability of the Corps." Unfortunately this "utility" was not to last. Holloway's successor in 1810 was Admiral John Thomas Duckworth (he was knighted in 1813 at the close of his Governorship), a distinguished sailor who had won renown in fighting the French at Ushant and in the West Indies, and the Turks in the approaches to Constantinople. Towards the end of his first summer in St. John's he sent a formal request to Captain Macbraire asking for an invitation to inspect the Loyal Volunteers of St. John's before returning to England for the winter. His request was undoubtedly precipitated by a report he had received in mid-October from the garrison commander, Major-General Francis Moore. Moore was no more flattering than General Skerrett had been as he listed the shortcomings of the Volunteers, who, he was careful to point out, were not under his control unless an enemy landed on the island. He charged that the men had been allowed "to follow their different occupations during the day and only required to assemble at night in some house to answer to their name, to entitle them to draw their rations." It could not be supposed, he commented drily, "they can gain much instruction by that mode of assembling." As to numbers, the Volunteers were far short of their prescribed establishment of five companies, each of fifty rank and file. Under strength and without training they would be of little use in an emergency, when their intended role was that of defending the town should part of the garrison be sent to oppose a landing at some distance away. The General blamed the fact that the Volunteers were not householders or propertyowners, but were generally fishermen who were resident on shore only in the winter, when risk of attack was remote. He offered his suggestions for remedying matters: regular inspections by an officer of the line; the granting of rations only to members who were regularly "paraded and marched to the exercising ground, there to be inspected and remain for a certain time for the purpose of being instructed in the field exercises and manoeuvres"; and finally, the enrolment only of "householders or those that have property to defend, and whose interest is heart and hand against the common enemy." It was late in the season for Admiral Duckworth to do much about this unsatisfactory situation. He thanked Moore for his observations on a "subject of unquestionable importance," and a week later approved ("I am very far from having any objection") a nomination by the Volunteers for Captain Macbraire to continue in the command of the Corps. The Governor took action the following year. At the beginning

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of September, 1811, he directed Macbraire to deliver up all arms that had been supplied to the Corps, "in order that they might be inspected." On the 25th he issued a Proclamation which sounded the death knell of the Corps. In it he began by noting with much regret "that a damp has been thrown on the good spirit that gave rise to the Corps of Loyal Volunteers of St. John's," and that unless immediate measures were adopted for its revival the valuable services of the Corps would be lost. He called for a volunteer force "established on wise principles and supported by a due degree of public spirit." Such a force would be more useful in Newfoundland than in any other community in His Majesty's Dominions. Governor Duckworth was evidently determined that the townspeople should accept the responsibility of taking the necessary steps for their own defence; for the Proclamation closed with an invitation to them to adopt some resolutions on the matter without delay. Thus on the eve of the outbreak of war with the United States the way was paved for a fresh attempt to solve the perennial problem of how to raise and maintain an efficient voluntary force in which the conflicting demands of military duty and civilian occupation could be satisfactorily reconciled. The St. John's Volunteer Rangers, 1812-1814 The year 1811 had seen the life of the Loyal Volunteers of St. John's draw to an undistinguished close. Their arms and accoutrements had been called in - though of the 250 muskets originally issued to them only 90 were recovered, and many of these were unserviceable. In June, 1812, the formal declaration of war between Britain and the United States spurred the merchants of St. John's to recommend to the Governor that suitable defence measures be taken to safeguard their lives and property. Admiral Duckworth lost no time in putting into execution his plans for reorganizing the Volunteer Corps on an establishment expanded from 250 to 500 all ranks. He soon ran into trouble. James Macbraire (who now had the added status of President of the Society of Merchants) refused to carry on in the command of the enlarged force unless promoted to major. He was backed in his stand by the ten newly-appointed captains of companies. But the Admiral, who five years before had braved the fire of Turkish shore batteries to lead a British squadron through the Dardanelles, was not the man to be browbeaten by a colonial shopkeeper - no matter what his local importance might be. He had on record an opinion expressed by

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Newfoundlanders in the War of 1812

Lord Castlereagh that "the conferring of high rank on Volunteer officers tended to produce confusion in the service," and he would offer nothing higher than Captain Commandant. Eventually the offended Mr. Macbraire "at the particular request of the Captains" consented to take this rank. Determined to correct the inefficiencies that had destroyed the earlier companies, the Governor presented the officers of the new organization with a set of "Proposed Regulations for the Volunteers," and promptly received in return a set of counter-proposals. It took three sessions of a deputation of officers with His Excellency to reach agreement on most of the points of difference. Duckworth did not gain all his points, but, as he reported to His Majesty's Government at the termination of his Governorship, "If I had hesitated to accept the services of the Volunteers upon the terms that I have related, they could not have been obtained at all. If I had waited for a more circumstantial authority from home, the year would unquestionably have been lost." The designation proposed by Admiral Duckworth, "The Newfoundland Volunteer Rangers," was altered to "The St. John's Volunteer Rangers." Finally, on September 8, 1812, the Admiral formally approved "Rules and Regulations for the Augmentation and Improvement of the Corps of Volunteers heretofore called the Loyal Volunteers of St. John's." These provided for eight Battalion Companies, a Grenadier Company, and a Light Infantry Company,* each numbering fifty-seven all ranks commanded by a Captain; and a Staff consisting of the Captain Commandant, an Adjutant, Quartermaster, Paymaster, Surgeon, Sergeant-Major, and QuartermasterSergeant. On behalf of the British Government Duckworth guaranteed a clothing allowance of £4 per volunteer (the counterproposals had asked for £4 IDS.) to be used in the purchase of a cap, jacket, pantaloons, and gaiters. A request for knapsacks to be provided for the Corps out of public funds was turned down, on the grounds that soldiers of the line were required to purchase these out of their own pay. The obligations of the Volunteers were carefully spelled out. The G.O.C. of the garrison might place the Corps on permanent duty for fourteen days (either in succession or at different periods, depending on the weather) between December 25 and March 25, and at any time of invasion or of an enemy appearing in force *The Grenadier, or Right Flank, Company of a regiment comprised the tallest and stoutest men, picked for their steadiness in action. The Light Infantry, or Left Flank, Company contained the smartest and most active men. These flank companies usually wore a distinctive uniform, and might be detached from their own regiments and formed into special flank battalions.

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upon the coast. He might turn out the Corps for inspection four times a year, and parade it on days of public rejoicing. A scale of fines was imposed for missing parades. It was graded to cover all ranks - even the Captain Commandant was not exempt. A day's absence would cost him a fine of xos.; other captains would pay 8s.; and so on down the list to sergeants, at 2s., corporals, drummers, and fifers at is. 6d.3 and privates at is. No fine would be levied, however, for missing parade on a Sunday, since it was recognized that some members of the Corps had "religious scruples about attending on Sunday except in time of alarm." In order to guard against soldiers bringing discredit on their uniform through disciplinary lapses when not under military control (as well as to make uniforms last as long as possible), N.C.O.'s and privates were not permitted to wear them off duty, on pain of a fine of 35. for each offence. The proceeds from all fines levied were to be used for "regimental purposes." Item 14 of the Regulations concerned itself with the maintenance of a high degree of decorum in the ranks: Drunkenness or disorderly behaviour of any sort going to Parade, during the time of being there, marching from Parade, and at all times when on duty, or dressed in the uniform of the Corps, will be a subject of enquiry for the Board of Officers.

Even before Admiral Duckworth had affixed his signature to these regulations the energetic Captain Macbraire had enrolled enough recruits to begin drilling. On August 25, in the first of a succession of demands upon the Governor for assistance, he asked for fifteen trained men from the garrison to help train his Volunteers until they should be "perfect in marching, facing, wheeling and the use of the firelock." There would be no lying abed for his men on a Sunday morning: they would parade for training every Sunday from 6 to 9 a.m., and on Wednesday evenings from 4 to 7 p.m. He further requested a depot in which to store the arms and equipment which he was requisitioning - 500 stands of arms and accoutrements complete, 22 swords, 20 pikes and 20 belts for sergeants, with 20 drum carriages for drummers, and two swords, belts, and fifes for his fifers. The Captain Commandant was obviously pleased with the physique of his recruits. "As the Corps is composed of young, strong men," he asserted confidently, "the heavier the arms, the more suitable they will be." Three days later Macbraire was again importuning Governor Duckworth. The Volunteers had begun drilling and were therefore entitled to draw rations for the days they were in the field. When would these be forthcoming? Or if they were not available, how much money would be paid the men instead?

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Newfoundlanders in the War of 1812

But the Governor refused to be stampeded by these and other demands with which the persistent Commandant bombarded him; and on September 14 he penned a sharply-worded communication which made clear his determination that Macbraire should live up to his own obligations: As you signified to me on Saturday a disinclination to receive verbal communications, I think proper to repeat in this manner what I then expressed in conversation, my disappointment at finding the full return of the Volunteers decreased already from 333 to 165, and the total number yet enrolled remains so short of that which should complete the Corps on the establishment on which you were so anxious it should be placed. I repeat also that I shall expect to see it complete before my departure.

For the rest of September and well into October of that year of 1812 few days passed without a note reaching the Governor from Captain Macbraire complaining of some obstruction to his progress - no drummer instructors from the regular garrison had shown up; the depot provided for the storage of arms was very damp, and something should be done about the snow drifting in; it had only six divisions, whereas ten were needed, one for each company's arms; would the Governor give Macbraire a guarantee that he would not be interfered with by General Moore after His Excellency had returned to England? With his time as Governor drawing short, Duckworth arranged for an inspection of the Volunteer Rangers to take place on October 19, when uniform allowance would be granted for each man appearing on parade. The Volunteers mustered 443 men for the occasion, and made a sufficiently good showing to earn from the Governor an acknowledgment of his obligation to Captain Macbraire for the pains which he had taken "to bring them to the state in which they appeared this morning." Macbraire received his £1772 for uniforms (£4 for each man whom the Admiral had "seen newly cloathed"), and all differences between Governor and Commandant were forgotten in a final felicitous exchange of complimentary correspondence. A more realistic note seems to have been struck in a memorandum presented to Governor Duckworth by the "Merchants and Inhabitants" of St. John's, who, while expressing appreciation for His Excellency's prompt acquiescence in every proposed measure of defence, viewed with regret the fact that he had not been furnished with a force "sufficient to give all the necessary protection." There seems little doubt that Duckworth had done his best in a difficult situation. As he sailed for England on October 27 he was able to report to the Prince Regent that the Corps of Volunteer Rangers was now within 13 of its planned establishment of 500,

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and to express the hope that it would prove to be "an efficient and highly respectable military force." No opportunity was to arise, however, for testing the efficiency of the Rangers in actual conflict. The war which had provided the urgency for organizing the Corps in its present form stayed far from the shores of Newfoundland - although, as will be seen, soldiers from the Colony were to serve with distinction on a number of its widely separated battlefronts. Duckworth's successor as Governor, Vice-Admiral Sir Richard Keats, found the organization of the new Corps complete, and one of his first actions was to approve Macbraire's promotion to Major Commandant. Before long the new Major was seeking compensation for the heavy expense of maintaining a horse, "which my duty as Field Officer compels me to keep." But Admiral Keats had quickly learned to say "No." In refusing the request he was able to employ the useful formula about Volunteer Corps in England. Their Field Officers received no allowance for a horse when not on actual service. The Governor was apparently satisfied to leave the Rangers pretty well alone until the time came for their annual inspection. Announcement of the date for this event was the signal for Major Macbraire to inform the Admiral of the "peculiar inconvenience" which the forthcoming inspection would impose upon him. At that time of the year his officers and men were actively employed in the pursuit of their businesses; the acting Adjutant had been indisposed for some days; and the arms of the Corps, originally bad, were housed in a depot forming part of a salted-provision store in Fort Townshend, "where with the wetness of the weather it is not possible to keep them clean of rust, and I am not allowed to remove them to a more suitable place." The inspection was duly carried out on October 29, 1813, by Major-General Moore, whose subsequent report to His Excellency damned the Volunteers with very faint praise: They exhibited uniform and military appearance, performing some manoeuvres with as much precision as I could reasonably expect. But I had to recommend that the Commanding Officer impress on absent members the need for more punctual attendance.

The report that the Governor later submitted to the Prince Regent carried even less commendation. Experience had shown that the Rules and Regulations established by Admiral Duckworth had "not been found capable of producing the regulation and obedience necessary to give an effective character to the Corps." The Rangers had not been able to muster even half their numbers at any one time, and frequently not even one-sixth, either on

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Newfoundlanders in the War of 1812

parade or in the field. "I cannot therefore consider them," wrote Admiral Keats, "though I believe them perfectly loyal, as a Corps to be depended upon in case of emergency." Having thus condemned them Keats could not recommend that the Rangers be retained as a Corps. On his return to St. John's at the end of June, 1814, he notified Major Macbraire that the spirit of the Corps did not justify prolonging the expense of its support, and that payment of its members would be suspended from July 24. He asked for the return of all arms, drums, and other military stores. Thus one more effort to maintain a volunteer defence force in St. John's had come to naught. Why had this happened? The Garrison Commander, who had recently stepped up to the rank of Lieutenant-General, would accept no responsibility for the failure. In answer to a query from Governor Keats he confirmed that Sundays and Wednesdays had originally been fixed as drill days for the Volunteers, but he was sorry to have to say that the arrangement had been discontinued. "I haven't ordered out the Corps on permanent duty for two reasons," he told the Governor. These were "the apparent laxity of energy throughout the whole Corps," and the fact that the season prescribed by the regulations (December 25 to March 25) was too unfavourable for drill or field movements. But a more likely cause of the trouble was indicated by Major Macbraire in reply to the Governor's notice suspending the Corps. He attributed its weak state "to no other cause but the extraordinary and unprecedented encouragement in the fishery; it has induced a large number of the Members to embrace that pursuit in preference to their mechanical avocations." In vain might Macbraire give his assurance that if an enemy attempted to land in Newfoundland the Rangers would prove their patriotism. Patriotism without preparedness was not enough. No amount of wishful thinking could change the economic condition that Adjutant Winter had noted for the benefit of Governor King seventeen years before: "Men are very scarce and fish plenty, which must be attended to." To give Macbraire his due, probably no one could have succeeded where he failed. An early historian of Newfoundland* has described him as having a fine, commanding presence, and although a martinet and terribly overbearing, an officer who "drilled his companies admirably." The story is told of his rushing from a dinner party to disperse a mob who were creating a disturbance outside his house, setting about him with his long *Judge D. W. Prowse, author of History of Newfoundland (London, 1896)

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staff so vigorously that in five minutes all had fled. But another story related by the same historian does Macbraire less credit, and perhaps gives a better insight into the character of the man. When, in the year 1822, he left St. John's for the last time, taking with him a reputed fortune of £80,000 sterling, he is said to have waved his hand as his ship sailed out of the harbour, and to have uttered this farewell: "Good-bye, Newfoundlanders; good-bye, you poor fools." The Royal Newfoundland Fencible Infantry, 1803-1816 From the not altogether inspiring record of volunteer military forces in St. John's at the beginning of the nineteenth century it is refreshing to turn to a regiment from Newfoundland which formed part of the regular establishment of the British Army, and, fighting on land and sea far from its island home, added great lustre to the traditions which it was to hand down to its successors. The complete story of this corps has never been told, nor at this late date can it ever be fully chronicled. Of its service during the ten years that it was away from Newfoundland there have survived only a few brief, scattered records from which the historian may attempt to piece together a fragmentary account that must at best furnish an inadequate tribute to as worthy a body of soldiers as ever bore the name Newfoundland — a regiment deserving of better recognition than it has received in its country's annals. Authority to raise a regiment of fencibles for service in America only was granted to Brigadier-General John Skerrett, Commander of His Majesty's Forces in Newfoundland, in a warrant dated June 22, 1803 (see above, page 48). The regiment was to consist of ten companies, each having five sergeants, five corporals, two drummers, and 95 privates, with two fifers for the Grenadier Company, a Sergeant-Major, a Quartermaster-Sergeant, and the usual commissioned officers. In pay, clothing, arms, and accoutrements the new corps was to be on the same footing as His Majesty's Regiments of the Line. It was His Majesty's pleasure that it be designated "The Royal Newfoundland Fencible Infantry." With characteristic energy Skerrett immediately set about the task of raising 1000 men. He sent recruiting parties out into the country, employing in these the most active men he could find, having put them into uniforms purchased from Colonel Skinner's late regiment for £480. He had to hire schooners to

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Newfoundlanders in the War of 1812

recruit in the outports, "there being neither roads or public houses in the island/' he subsequently reported. All this entailed a considerable personal expense to the Commanding Officer, who, like some of his predecessors, was compelled to wait several years for reimbursement from London. The order establishing the regiment had authorized payment of what Skerrett later called "the very small bounty of six guineas" a man. Of this Skerrett could have retained very little to meet his own expenses. In a parallel case (according to a letter sent in 1804 to the Secretary of War by the Commanding Officer of the New Brunswick Regiment of Fencible Infantry) "the whole of the bounty except a very few shillings" went to the recruit. Indeed, when the Royal Nova Scotia Regiment was being raised ten years earlier, its unfortunate Colonel found that he had to supplement the authorized bounty of two guineas per man with an extra three guineas out of his own pocket in order to meet competition from the simultaneous recruiting in Nova Scotia of the 4th (King's Own) Regiment, for whose members a bounty of five guineas had been allowed. There were some of Skerrett's recruits, however, who would see little of the King's bounty. These were men who had only recently been brought from Great Britain and Ireland, men whose terms of service in the fishery had not yet expired. They thus owed varying sums of money to their employers, and in such cases Governor Gambier ruled that "it might be equitable to appropriate their bounty to discharge their debts." From the start General Skerrett had to compete with the demands of the fishing industry. He was not allowed to recruit during the fishing season; magistrates refused to attest men sent to them for that purpose by the recruiting parties, who were informed that the employers of these fishermen had prior claim to their services. These incidents brought from the General the angry charge that the shipping of men from Great Britain to work in the fisheries was being made "a fraudulent cover to prevent men from entering into the King's Service." He declared that recruiting in no wise injured the fishery; and in arguing his point he went so far as to assert that the class of men who enlisted were "generally men of idle habits" who were not willing to undertake the hard labour required on the fishing boats! Skerrett's attempts to lift restrictions on recruiting continued under Gambier's successor, Sir Erasmus Gower. Gower had fixed October 25 in each year as the date when the fishing season ended, after which, but not before, magistrates were required by his orders to give every encouragement to recruiting on the island for the three Fencible Regiments (of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Newfoundland). In vain did the General cite a recent Act of

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Parliament which gave every man the right to enlist in any of His Majesty's regiments "without restriction of time or place," asking Gower to remove the impediments to which "the recruiting service is in this country so peculiarly subject." Patiently the Governor explained that these impediments arose out of the special nature of Newfoundland's fishery and trade, "to which the Act of Parliament you allude to does not appear to me to relate." There was no doubt in Gower's mind where the Colony's prime interest lay: while he hoped that recruiting would not be much impeded, it was nevertheless his intention to regulate it so that it might produce as little inconvenience as possible to the fishery. Despite these frustrations the exertions of Skerrett and his officers (whose chances of a captain's commission depended on the number of men each could raise) resulted in an enrolment of 385 men by Christmas, 1803; and, as noted above, by June, 1805, the total had reached 683. In the circumstances it was an impressive achievement, but one that had laid a heavy financial burden on General Skerrett - in the following year we find him petitioning London for repayment of some £6000 which he had spent on clothing for the Regiment from the time of its inception. The new recruits trained so diligently at their musketry that stocks of ball cartridge in the island were entirely depleted. In October, 1804, Skerrett ordered 80,000 rounds to be made up immediately; and then he had to send to Boston for three tons of pig lead for the purpose, his order including twenty-four iron bullet moulds, "which you may get in any cutlery store." When the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles sailed for Halifax on June 19,1805, aboard three ships of the Royal Navy, supplemented by two privately owned schooners, it was the beginning of a decade of foreign service for the Regiment. Its Colonel, MajorGeneral Skerrett, remained in St. John's as Commander of the island's garrison. The active command of the Regiment was in the hands of the one major on its establishment - at this time Major Charles Sutherland. The first station on the mainland was Fort Anne at Annapolis Royal, which had become the headquarters of the Nova Scotia Fencibles in 1804. The Newfoundlanders garrisoned Fort Anne for a little over a year. Permanent proof of their stay is to be found in a weatherbeaten tombstone that has stood for more than a century and a half in an old cemetery near Fort Anne. In spite of the ravages of time the inscription is readily decipherable: Sacred to the Memory of Ensign George Audley of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, who died the 25th day of May, 1806, in the 3oth Year of his Age. This stone is placed by his Brother Officers as a testimony of their friendship and esteem.

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After 144 years, officers of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment visit the grave of Ensign George Audley, who died in 1806. On the left, next to the headstone, is the Commanding Officer, Lt.-Col. J. P. O'Driscoll. On the extreme left is Major Austin Purchase, and second from the right is Lieut. Aiden Woodford, both of whom subsequently commanded the Regiment.

Readers will note the omission of the term "Fencible" from the Regiment's designation. Henceforth contemporary documents commonly refer to the unit as the Royal Newfoundland Regiment. In August, 1806, the Regiment was ordered to Halifax. The hold of the small schooner hired to convey the regimental baggage was so fully loaded that it was necessary to carry a quantity on deck. Included in this were ten drums, which were lashed to the stern of the vessel. During the passage through the Bay of Fundy the sea became so rough that the drums were washed overboard and lost. Such at least was the explanation given four years later by the Commanding Officer in support of his application for a new set of drums. He was answering a query by the Adjutant General, who having noted that the Fencibles had been issued new drums

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as recently as 1804, had asked for an inquiry into the causes which had so rapidly rendered these unserviceable. The Royal Newfoundland Fencibles stayed only twelve months in Halifax. Already the war clouds were beginning to gather over the North American continent. In the late summer of 1807 His Majesty's envoy to the United States expressed to Sir John Wentworth, Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, "his apprehensions that an immediate war against Great Britain is firmly contemplated by that Government." In September General Skerrett who, though remaining in St. John's, had assumed the acting command of His Majesty's Forces in Nova Scotia on the death of the former G.O.C.j received from the garrison commander in Halifax such disturbing reports of "the present hostile and suspicious conduct of the American States" that he decided to repair immediately to the Nova Scotian capital. He arrived there on September 24, in time to find the Royal Newfoundland Regiment in the midst of embarking for Quebec. Earlier that month a dispatch from Downing Street had notified Wentworth that circumstances had "rendered it expedient to reinforce the troops stationed in Lower Canada," but that it was too late in the season to assemble the transports that would be required to carry the necessary forces from England. He was therefore directed to send the 98th Foot and the Newfoundland Fencibles forthwith to Quebec, and he was assured that their place at Halifax would be filled as soon as transports were available. From the Commander of the garrison, Major-General Hunter, Skerrett was gratified to receive "very favourable reports of the state of the two Regiments as young corps for service." An uneventful voyage brought the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles safely to Quebec, where they were to remain on garrison duty for the next four and a half years. By the time war came they were considerably below establishment; little seems to have been done to replace normal wastage, and the Regiment's strength had fallen to 536 all ranks. Service on the Great Lakes The declaration of war against Great Britain to which President James Madison affixed his signature on June 18, 1812, ostensibly came as a result of the damage done to American commerce by the British naval blockade of Napoleon's Europe, and the impressment of American seamen to serve in the Royal Navy. But there were other causes closer at home. The resentments against Great Britain that had led to the Revolutionary

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War still smouldered. There was a widely-held conviction that the British authorities were deliberately inciting the Indians to oppose the advance of American settlement in the Ohio valley. Although by no means all Americans were anxious to renew the hostilities of the lyyo's against their northern neighbours, in the south and west of the United States the "War Hawks" were clamouring for a war that would provide an opportunity to gain control of the whole North American continent. Significantly when war came, the principal offensives were directed against Upper Canada, as American armies attempted to annex the peninsula between Lake Huron and Lake Erie. In the conduct of these operations the waterways furnished the only effective means of communication between Lower and Upper Canada. Thus it was that naval flotillas on the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence were to play a decisive role. The significance of such a contribution by forces afloat had not escaped Major-General Isaac Brock, Commander-in-Chief and Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada. Early in 1812 he sent Sir George Prevost, Governor of Lower Canada, and Commanderin-Chief of His Majesty's Forces in North America, a memorandum setting forth his plans for the defence of Canada in the event of war. One item read: "To send two Companies of the Newfoundland Regiment to act as Seamen and Marines." As not infrequently happens along the chain of command, in reporting this to his superiors in England, Prevost took personal credit for the idea. On April 14 he wrote to the Earl of Liverpool, the Secretary for War: Having considered a Naval force, properly constructed for the Lakes, as the most natural and efficient, as well as the cheapest mode of Defence for Upper Canada, I have given immediate attention to its gradual increase, and have taken measures for its progress to a state of perfect organization, by affording to Major-General Brock the requisite authority and assistance for these objects, and by ordering five companies of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment to proceed to that Province, as soon as the season will permit them, for the purpose of being employed in the Marine Department afloat, for which they are well qualified, being a class of men who have been accustomed to boats and vessels.

General Orders issued by the Adjutant General at Quebec on May 9 instructed the Royal Newfoundland Regiment to form a detachment of five companies by transferring suitable men from other companies. A medical board sat on the 23rd to examine those who were deemed unfit for active service; and the ones rejected went to the loth Royal Veteran Battalion. The party for Upper Canada, numbering 360 officers and men, embarked in batteaux at the King's Wharf on May 25, 1812, their place in the

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Quebec garrison being filled by an equal number from the looth Regiment at Three Rivers. This local reinforcement underlines the fact that no more troops of the Regular Army were to be expected from Great Britain as long as the war in Europe lasted. In notifying Prevost to this effect Whitehall expressed its belief that "the continuance of the present hostilities with America is likely to produce a disposition on the part of the population of Newfoundland to enter more freely into the military service." Prevost was therefore ordered to augment the establishment of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment by three officers and 20 other ranks, and to send these to Newfoundland to recruit. To accommodate the men whom they enlisted, the Regiment's establishment would be increased first to 800 rank and file, and then to 1000. "If more men turn out for service," the directive concluded, a bit optimistically, "His Royal Highness will consider what further augmentation should be made to that corps." With the actual outbreak of war more of the Newfoundlanders were sent as reinforcements to Upper Canada. On July 30 Major Rowland Heathcote embarked two more companies of the Regiment aboard gunboats and batteaux to journey upstream to Montreal, there to await orders for proceeding to Kingston. The move left only a handful of the Fencibles in Quebec. The splitting up of the Regiment resulted in the following General Order being issued on July 24: In consequence of the nature of the service required from the Royal Newfoundland Regiment necessarily subdividing that Corps into small Detachments, Major Heathcote is directed to leave the Colours of the Regiment in this Garrison, to be lodged in the Ordnance Armoury.

It seems probable that the two companies now moving westward under Heathcote's command were the two specially picked flank companies of the Regiment, i.e. the Grenadier and the Light Infantry Companies (see above, footnote to page 55). At the end of June, after the departure of the first five companies for Upper Canada, General Prevost had ordered the flank companies of four regiments stationed at Quebec (including those of the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles) to be embodied into a "flank battalion" which was to encamp on the Plains of Abraham as a strong force for the defence of the old city. Withdrawn from this battalion, the Newfoundlanders, 110 in number, left Lachine for Kingston on August 13, accompanied by an advance party of the 49th Regiment and 50 Veterans "most fit for service." The whole party was under Major Heathcote's command, and it carried with it a supply of ordnance stores and camp equipage for 500 men.

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It was indeed a matter of urgency thus to place the Newfoundlanders in the Marine Service. In the summer of 1812 there were only 127 officers and seamen available to man the eight armed vessels on Lake Erie, Lake Ontario, and the upper St. Lawrence. Three times that number were required to work the ships efficiently. On their arrival at Kingston, a town of 150 houses which had been developed after the American War of Independence as a base "for the King's ships of war, to protect the navigation of Lake Ontario and the upper part of the River St. Lawrence," the Newfoundlanders were distributed among the ships of the Provincial Marine in detachments of varying size. At that time the squadron on Lake Ontario consisted of the Royal George, a 330ton corvette mounting 22 guns - the largest warship on the Great Lakes; the Earl of Moira, a i6-gun brig; the schooner Duke of Gloucester, with 10 guns; and the Prince Regent, a 12-gun schooner which had been launched at York (Toronto) in July, 1812. Major Rowland Heathcote, now in command of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, established his headquarters in Kingston, moving it to York in the spring of 1813. During the summer and autumn of 1812 these armed vessels, together with the Queen Charlotte (16 guns) and the General Hunter (10 guns) on Lake Erie, rendered valuable service in maintaining control over both lakes. The Royal George, manned mainly by Newfoundlanders, made several captures on Lake Ontario, in addition to transporting troops and conducting small craft in convoy between Kingston and York. On the night of October i her boats entered the mouth of the Genesee River, on which stands Rochester, New York, and seized the schooner Lady Murray, as well as a smaller American boat operating as a revenue cutter. Within a few days another prize had been added with the taking of the schooner Charles and Ann. Before ice ended navigation on the lakes a squadron of seven American vessels from Sackett's Harbour appeared off Kingston and exchanged shots with the Royal George and the shore batteries defending the harbour. The Royal George sustained three hits, one of which resulted in the death of a Newfoundland soldier. In the meantime the Duke of Gloucester and the Earl of Moira had been busy patrolling the St. Lawrence as far down as Ogdensburg. The importance to the forces in Upper Canada of this work of keeping open the communications from Montreal cannot be overestimated, for with the almost complete absence of passable roads, especially in the upper province, transportation by water afforded the only means by which men and material could be moved with any speed. The 2OO-mile journey up the river to Kingston generally took eight days - longer if strong head

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winds were encountered. An American estimate placed at 600 the number of boats, each averaging a cargo of five tons of supplies and military stores, which safely ascended the St. Lawrence during the opening weeks of the war. Protection on the river was provided by soldiers carried in the boats of the convoy. These would include parties of troops moving westward as reinforcements, as well as detachments of Newfoundland Fencibles assigned to these escort duties. On one occasion - it was on the night of September 15, 1812 - the American Commander at Ogdensburg, having learned of the approach of a valuable convoy of some forty craft, sent a strong force to intercept it. Landing on Toussaint's Island (named after its only inhabitant, whom they captured), the Americans prepared to ambush the convoy, which was under the command of Major Heathcote. He was returning with a detachment of Newfoundlanders from escorting to Montreal from Kingston the prisoners taken a month earlier in the capture of Detroit (see below, page 69). Fortunately Toussaint escaped his captors, and with his shouts he warned the flotilla as it came in sight at dawn on the i6th. Heathcote immediately landed a party of troops to clear the island; and in the ensuing engagement this detachment, with the assistance of some local militia who made a timely appearance, eventually drove off the Americans, who were being supported by a schooner firing round shot from a six-pounder. Of the thirty Newfoundlanders involved in the fight, the only casualty was one man wounded. Detroit, Frenchtown, and the Maumee Far to the west, the Newfoundlanders serving on Lake Erie were to see action both afloat and on land in this first year of the war. The beginning of hostilities found a Newfoundland detachment under Captain Robert Mockler serving as marines on vessels based at Amherstburg, at the mouth of the Detroit River. This main British station on Lake Erie was garrisoned by 300 regulars, 850 militia, and about 400 Indians. It guarded the peninsula between Lake Erie and Lake Huron and provided a key point for liaison with the Indians to the west. The reduction of Amherstburg was an obvious objective for any hostile force invading Upper Canada from the south-west. The American plan of campaign called for a two-fold assault on Upper Canada, by attacking at both ends of Lake Erie across the Detroit River and the Niagara River. Early in June an American army, commanded by the fifty-nine-year-old Governor

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of Michigan, General William Hull, set out from central Ohio for Detroit. After an exhausting march through forest and swamp the weary troops reached Detroit (then a town of 500 inhabitants) on July 5, and a week later crossed the Detroit River above Amherstburg. But any attempts to advance southward upon the British port were effectively discouraged by the Queen Charlotte, which lay at anchor in the river with her guns commanding the only available road. There were almost daily skirmishes, in all of which the Americans were repulsed. Bad news reached General Hull from the west, where on July 17 the important American post of Michilimackinac, at the junction of Lake Huron and Lake Michigan, fell to a small force of British regulars and Indians. "The surrender of MichiUmackinac," wrote Hull, "opened the northern hive of Indians, and they were swarming down in every direction." His proclamation on July 18 to the Six Nations, "The powerful army under my command is now in possession of Canada," deceived no one, and on August 7 he began withdrawing from the Canadian shore to Detroit. On that same day boats from the General Hunter and the Queen Charlotte, on which vessels members of Captain Mockler's company of Newfoundlanders were serving, intercepted and captured in the Detroit River eleven batteaux carrying wounded American soldiers. In the meantime General Brock was hurrying westward from York to take the field against Hull. On his arrival at Amherstburg on August 14 he formed all his available troops into three brigades. He brought the Newfoundland detachment ashore and placed it in the First Brigade, to provide a backbone of regular soldiers to detachments of three militia regiments. The attack on Detroit produced a bloodless victory. As Brock's force of 700 whites and 600 Indians landed on the American shore on the morning of August 16 and began advancing on the town, Hull surrendered his army of 2500, with 35 guns and a large quantity of stores. In a General Order issued that night expressing the Canadian Commander's satisfaction with the conduct of his troops, General Brock had a special word of commendation for the Newfoundlanders : The detachment of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, under the command of Major Mockler, is deserving of every praise for their steadiness in the field, as well as when embarked in the King's vessels.

Members of the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles serving afloat may not have been entirely enamoured of their unaccustomed role - in a memorial submitted at the end of 1812 they complained that they had "laboured under many disadvantages and inconveniences in having been obliged to serve in a department

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they were totally unacquainted with." But there were certain compensations. Four officers and 49 rank and file participated in the distribution of prize money from enemy property captured in the Detroit area during August, 1812, each private's share being three pounds "for the first dividend." The scene now shifts to the other end of Lake Erie, where, along the thirty-mile frontier of the Niagara River General Stephen Van Renssaelaer was amassing an army of 6000 men in preparation for an assault across the river into Upper Canada. From his headquarters at Fort George, two miles upstream from Lake Ontario, General Brock awaited the invasion with some 1500 troops under his command. But before Van Renssaelaer launched his attack a minor engagement took place in which members of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment were involved. Included in the spoils that fell into British hands at Detroit was the American brig Adams, described by Brock as "a fine vessel, and recently repaired but without arms." She was renamed the Detroit, and with a prize crew of 12 was dispatched to Fort Erie, the British base at the eastern end of the lake. She carried as passengers 34 French Canadian voyageurs en route to Montreal from the Upper Lakes, and 30 American prisoners of war. Also on board as marines were a sergeant, a drummer, and seven privates of the Newfoundland Fencibles, under the command of Ensign Thomas Kerr. In her hold the brig carried weapons and ammunition captured at Detroit - four 12-pounders, a large quantity of shot, and about 200 muskets, all intended for use at Kingston and Prescott. On October 8 the Detroit reached her destination and anchored in the Niagara River under the guns of the fort. Near by at anchor lay the Caledonia, a private brig belonging to the North-West Company, laden with a valuable cargo of furs. Very early next morning a number of boats carrying a force of nearly 100 seamen and 30 soldiers slipped across the river from the American post of Black Rock and cut the two vessels adrift. In their attempt to repel boarding parties Kerr and his nine men were handicapped by the Detroit's lack of bulwarks and by the passengers' pallets and baggage which cluttered the deck, while the sudden rush of the voyageurs down the hatchways prevented the ship's crew from gaining the deck in time. There was a short, sharp fight, in which one Newfoundlander was killed and the Ensign and four others wounded. Overpowered by greatly superior numbers, the remaining defenders were driven below. American sailors hoisted the sails, and the Detroit was heading for the eastern shore when the Fort Erie batteries opened fire, compelling the enemy to abandon her. A mile below Black Rock she grounded on Squaw Island.

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During the day a party from the 4ist Regiment boarded the Detroit, rescued the wounded, but failing in their efforts to dislodge her, threw her guns overboard. General Brock himself arrived on the scene that evening and ordered a further attempt to salvage the vessel; but before this could be done the enemy, who had kept her under musketry fire all day, boarded her, and in a few minutes she was seen in flames. In the meantime the Americans had safely carried off the Caledonia and landed her cargo of furs. "This event is particularly unfortunate and may reduce us to incalculable distress," wrote Brock on the nth, in what was to be his last official letter. "The enemy is making every exertion to gain naval supremacy on both lakes, which if they accomplish I do not see how we can retain the Country." He was much concerned that the Americans were planning a second attempt against Amherstburg, and although it was obvious that an attack across the Niagara River was imminent, he had to strengthen the garrison at the western end of Lake Erie. Early in September the flank companies of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment had reached Fort George. Now, as disclosed in a letter written by him on October 9, Brock determined, "altho' from the daily observations of what is passing on the opposite shore a single man can ill be spared from this line," to send the two companies to Amherstburg. But (perhaps because of the General's untimely death) this transfer does not seem to have taken place. Both the Light Infantry and the Grenadier Companies were reported in action on the Niagara Peninsula during the winter. Nevertheless it would appear that when, four days after the destruction of the Detroit, the battle in which Brock lost his life was fought at Queenston Heights, Newfoundlanders played no part in the British victory. No mention of the Regiment appears in contemporary accounts of the battle or in the list of commendations published as a General Order by the Adjutant General - a list which recognized the services of each of the regular units which fought at Queenston Heights. But we hear of the Light Company being stationed at Fort Erie at the end of November, where it was under the command of Captain John Thomas Whelan. On the 28th, when the Americans, making their second major attempt at invasion across the Niagara, were engaged and repulsed at Frenchman's Creek, five miles down the river from Lake Erie, Captain Whelan's detachment of 50 men had the important responsibility of holding Fort Erie against any attack by the enemy. The year ended with the Royal Newfoundland Regiment widely dispersed. A strength return of December 21 showed

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the largest single detachment at Fort George, where there were four officers and in men. Of the other scattered dispositions Quebec had three officers and 46 men; Prescott, five officers and 77 men; Kingston, nine officers and 64 men; York, two officers and one man; and at Detroit and Amherstburg there were one officer and 70 men. Four officers and 146 rank and file were serving aboard various vessels on Lakes Erie and Ontario. Since hostilities started, 13 members of the Regiment had died or had been killed in action. The year 1813 opened in the western theatre with the British taking the initiative against American forces whose presence west of Lake Erie posed a threat to Detroit and Amherstburg. In midJanuary American troops had driven out a body of Canadians and Indians who had occupied Frenchtown, a village 25 miles southwest of Detroit, on the Raisin River. Within a few days the enemy had a force of nearly 1000 men in position along the Raisin, though precautions against a retaliatory British attack were singularly absent. The blow was not longHjn falling. At daybreak on January 22 Colonel Henry Procter, Commander of the Amherstburg garrison, having crossed the ice at the end of Lake Erie with every man that he could muster - 500 British and Canadian soldiers and 450 Indians - caught the Americans completely by surprise. Included in Procter's force was the Amherstburg detachment of Newfoundlanders, consisting of Captain Robert Mockler, Lieutenant John Garden, and Ensign Thomas Kerr (now recovered from his wounds), with 58 rank and file. A bitter fight outside Frenchtown ended with all but 50 of the Americans being either killed or captured. On the British side one-third of all the white troops in action became casualties. Eighteen of the small Newfoundland detachment were wounded and one private killed. It was Ensign Kerr's last fight. The eighteen-year-old officer was shot through the lungs as he was leading his section in an attack on an enemy-occupied barn and died a few days later. After the Battle of Frenchtown there was a lull of three months in this sector, during which the Americans, having withdrawn their front to the Maumee River, built a new stronghold on the south bank - Fort Meigs, twenty-five miles south of Frenchtown. Probably all the Newfoundlanders who had fought and survived at Frenchtown were among the 60 Fencibles, officered by Captain Mockler and Lieutenants Garden and John Le Breton, who sailed from Amherstburg on St. George's Day aboard the Nancy, a merchant vessel requisitioned from the North-West Company. They formed part of an expedition numbering 1000 whites and 1200 of Tecumseh's Indians, which Procter, now a BrigadierGeneral, was leading against Fort Meigs in order to block a

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further American attempt against Detroit. Three days later he landed his force at the mouth of the Maumee, twelve miles below the fort, and moving two batteries of artillery into position on the north bank prepared to take the place by siege. Heavy fighting occurred when Procter's men defeated with substantial losses an attempt by a relieving American force of 800 to raise the siege. In these operations a number of the Newfoundlanders under Lieutenant Garden found themselves employed as additional gunners to the short-handed artillery. Their efforts came in for special commendation, as did Captain Mockler for the assistance he gave as Aide-de-Camp to General Procter, and Lieutenant Le Breton for his "unwearied exertions" as Assistant Engineer to the force. But Fort Meigs did not fall - partly because the Indians had no stomach for siege warfare - and on May 9 Procter took his forces back to Amherstburg. By that time the Newfoundland detachment had lost one drummer and two privates killed, one man wounded, and one taken prisoner. York, Fort George, and Put in Bay For the Newfoundland soldiers fighting on land and water in the defence of Canada, 1813 was not a good year. Apart from the victory at Frenchtown the only other successful operation in which the Fencibles participated came on February 22, when a mixed force of 500 regulars and Canadian militiamen with four light guns crossed the ice from Prescott and attacked Ogdensburg, which had long been a menace to British communications along the upper St. Lawrence. In the van of the assaulting column were the 40 Newfoundland Fencibles, together with a detachment of militia which had been placed under the command of an officer of the Newfoundland Regiment, Captain Tito Lelievre - later specially commended for his active leadership. A spirited bayonet charge captured the village of Ogdensburg, and after having been subjected to a short bombardment the garrison of the nearby fort retreated inland. The burning of the barracks and four armed vessels locked in the ice completed the victory. For the remainder of the war there were no more raids from Ogdensburg. The Newfoundlanders, who with the other troops of the line received praise for their "conspicuous bravery," suffered losses in the engagement of one private killed and four wounded. Orders to move his Headquarters to York, and with it such of his Regiment as could be spared from the Marine Service at Kingston, were issued to Heathcote (now a lieutenant colonel) on

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A monument in Victoria Square, Toronto, is erected to those who gave their lives in the defence of Canada in the War of 1812.

March 1,1813. He acted promptly, with the result that there were 92 Newfoundlanders under his command in the provincial capital when it was attacked on April 27. Before that, however, Captain Whelan's detachment that was helping to guard the Niagara frontier had seen action, losing one man killed and two wounded when the enemy celebrated St. Patrick's Day by bombarding the British positions below Fort Erie. The batteries of the Royal Artillery returned the hostile fire and succeeded in knocking out three of the American guns. This success was partly credited by the Fort Commander to two Newfoundland officers - Captain Whelan himself, who was in charge of a twelve-pound battery, and Lieutenant Garden, who was responsible for two threepounders and was ready with the Fencible detachment to oppose the landing of any force from Black Rock.

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One of the plaques on the memorial commemorates fallen members of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment and other units engaged in the fighting at York, April 27, 1813.

But to return to York. The American plan of operations against Upper Canada when navigation opened in 1813 originally called for the capture of Kingston and Prescott and then of York, to be followed by the reduction of the forts along the Niagara River. While these operations were taking place, the threat of an offensive at the head of Lake Erie would keep Procter pinned down at Amherstburg. But this order of procedure was changed before it went into effect. Commodore Chauncey, the Commander at Sackett's Harbour, main American naval base on Lake Ontario, considerably overestimated the strength of the defences at Kingston, and at his insistence the initial attack was made on York. A fleet of fourteen vessels carried a force of 1700 men, commanded by the aging Major-General Henry Dearborn,

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across the lake from Sackett's Harbour; and early on April 27 the American troops began landing at York under covering fire from their men-of-war. The capital of Upper Canada, only a village in size, was garrisoned by 350 regulars, 300 militiamen and dockyard men, and 50 Indians. Despite the disparity in numbers the defenders, with the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles fighting side by side with 180 regulars of the 8th Regiment and 250 of the 3rd York Militia, waged a spirited battle along the shore, charging several times and more than once driving back the invaders. This stout resistance lasted nearly seven hours before the British Commander, Major-General Sir Roger Sheaffe, ordered a withdrawal along the road to Kingston, first putting to the torch the 3O-gun ship Sir Isaac Brock, which was still on the stocks. The explosion of a powder magazine killed the commander of the landing party and a large number of his men. In retaliation the Americans burned the Parliament Buildings and looted a number of public and private buildings. Among the 346 prisoners, many of them wounded, taken by the enemy were one Newfoundland officer and 16 other ranks. In addition the Newfoundlanders sustained casualties of 12 killed and seven wounded. Within a month after the capture of York the enemy, having been reinforced to overwhelming strength, was ready to attack Fort George at the mouth of the Niagara River. To oppose General Dearborn's army of 6000 Brigadier-General John Vincent on the Canadian side of the river had a force of only 1000 regulars and 400 militia. For two days American guns on ships-of-war and in batteries on land bombarded Fort George and the British positions. Then, during the night of May 26-27, a fleet of armed vessels commanded by Commodore Oliver Perry embarked the American troops at their camp four miles east of Fort Niagara and with numerous batteaux in tow sailed in a wide arc around the mouth of the Niagara River. Under cover of an early-morning fog assault parties began coming ashore behind Fort George. The landing place was not far from a ravine in which General Vincent had posted his foremost troops - a force of 200 regulars which included the Grenadier Company of the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles under the command of Captain William Winter, and was supplemented by about 40 Indians. Badly outnumbered and outgunned this band fought fiercely and inflicted stinging losses on the American vanguard; but so heavily were they hit with grapeshot from the cannon aboard the attackers' ships, they were compelled to retire. As boat-load after boat-load poured ashore into the bridgehead the Americans advanced in three columns to join battle with the main body of defenders.

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The result was a foregone conclusion. After a stubborn resistance, in which two-thirds of Vincent's men were struck down, the British commander, having given directions for the guns at Fort George to be spiked and the magazine blown up, began an orderly withdrawal towards the head of Lake Ontario. Fort Erie and all other posts on the west side of the Niagara River were abandoned to the enemy. Once again the presence of the Newfoundlanders where the fight was thickest had cost them dear. Twenty-one of the Grenadier Company had given their lives; 12 had been wounded, of whom five had fallen into the enemy's hands. Both their officers had been hit, though their wounds were not serious. Meanwhile, 170 miles away at the other end of Lake Ontario, a small party of the Regiment was engaged in what turned out to be an inconclusive venture against the enemy's main naval base. The withdrawal of American forces for the Niagara operations had left Sackett's Harbor in an extremely vulnerable state, and on the same day that Fort George fell a flotilla bearing 700 regular troops sailed south from Kingston to attack the place. In charge of the convoy was Commodore Sir James Yeo of the Royal Navy, who had arrived earlier in the month to take command on the Lakes. The military commander was Sir George Prevost - not a competent leader in battle. All the Newfoundlanders available at Kingston were serving as marines aboard the vessels of the Lake Ontario squadron - 123 in the Royal George, 53 in the Prince Regent, and 54 in the Earl of Moira. The expedition, which included thirty-three boats crammed with troops, was becalmed on May 28 in sight of the objective, and the attack did not go in until the following morning. After a confused beginning the invaders routed the American militia who formed the van of the defence, and in stiff fighting drove the regulars into the fort. Just as victory seemed certain, Prevost, in the erroneous belief that strong enemy reinforcements were arriving, ordered a withdrawal, though not before the garrison had set fire to a new ship that was under construction, as well as burning the Duke of Gloucester, which had been captured in the raid on York. "The detachment of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment behaved with great gallantry," wrote Prevost's Adjutant General in his dispatch after the action. Their losses numbered four killed, 13 wounded and one missing. The appointment of Sir James Yeo had followed a decision of the Admiralty to assign a division of officers and seamen of the Royal Navy to take over from the Provincial Marine operation of the squadrons on the Great Lakes. The new Senior Naval Officer on Lake Erie was Captain Robert Barclay, and on his arrival from

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Perry's Victory on Lake Erie, September 10, 1813 (Library and Archives Canada €-007762)

Halifax he was not long in revealing his profound anxiety over the lack of experienced seamen to man his ships. On assuming his command he had been given by Sir James Yeo six officers and what he later described at his court martial as "19 of the Worst Men in his squadron." A request to Yeo for 300 naval reinforcements had produced no results by late August, when General Procter was to write to General Prevost: "There are not in the fleet more than four and twenty seamen." Barclay had evidently received good reports of the Newfoundlanders. Early in July he told Procter of "his strong desire to have some more of the R.N.Fland Regt: as his greatest Reliance is on those of that Corps at present employed as Marines." To help meet Barclay's needs Procter gave him all the soldiers he could spare. These included Captain Whelan's company of 48 Newfoundlanders brought in haste to Amherstburg from Burlington, whither they had accompanied Vincent in the withdrawal from the Niagara River. The reinforcement brought the total number of Newfoundland Fencibles in the Erie Squadron to just over 100. General Procter also put on board 150 men of the 4ist Regi-

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The Burial of American and British Officers Killed in the Battle of Lake Erie, from a painting by L.B. Chevalier. (Reproduced courtesy The Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio)

ment, with the somewhat disparaging comment as he compared them with the Newfoundlanders: "Better Soldiers there cannot be, but they are only Landsmen." On September 5 the arrival of 38 seamen from Kingston did but little to ease Captain Barclay's worries. "The number," he wrote, "is totally inadequate to render the squadron under my command effective." Despite Barclay's unreadiness for battle he was soon to be forced into a fight. American naval control of Lake Erie had interrupted British communications to the point where the garrison at Amherstburg was seriously short of military stores and provisions (10,000 rations were needed daily for issue to the Indian warriors and their families). Strong pressure for action against the American fleet was being exerted by a nervous Procter, who had received from Sir George Prevost the dubious advice that Captain Barclay "has only to dare and the Enemy is discomfited." Faced with the alternative of joining "in the retreat of the Army after ingloriously burning my Vessels," Barclay sailed to meet a foe who outnumbered him in ships nine to six (1671 tons to 1360 tons), in effective manpower 532 to 417, and

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whose superiority in heavy guns would enable him to fire a total broadside of 936 pounds of metal against the British 459 pounds. Early on September 10 the two fleets sighted each other near West Sister Island in Put in Bay, about twenty miles east of the mouth of the Maumee River. Shortly before noon Barclay, aboard the Detroit (which had been launched late in July), opened fire on Commodore Perry's flagship, the Lawrence, and the battle was on. After two hours of bitter fighting in which the Lawrence was locked in struggle with the Detroit and the Queen Charlotte, Perry's ship was disabled and forced to strike her colours. Transferring his command to the Niagara Perry carried on the fight with renewed vigour, smashing his way through the British line and pounding his opponents mercilessly with his heavy broadsides. In the close fighting marines of both fleets swept the decks of opposing craft with volleys of musket fire. At last in midafternoon, with his ships badly crippled by the enemy's superior fire power, Barclay, having suffered grievous wounds, was forced to give up the unequal struggle. The Detroit and Queen Charlotte struck, followed by the General Hunter and the Lady Prevost. Trying to escape capture the smaller Ckippawa and Little Belt were taken after a pursuit of several hours. The loss in men was about equal on both sides. The Americans had 27 killed and 96 wounded; the British 41 killed and 94 wounded. Of these 135 British casualties, 39 - or 28 per cent were officers and men of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment. One of the first to fall was Lieutenant James Garden, serving on the Queen Charlotte. He was buried ashore, with two other British and three American officers, in what is now the village of Put in Bay, on South Bass Island. One hundred years later an imposing monument was erected over their remains to commemorate the battle and to serve as a permanent International Peace Memorial. The bodies of 14 Newfoundland marines were committed to the waters of Lake Erie. The 25 wounded Newfoundlanders were landed with the rest of the prisoners at Sandusky, to begin a painful march to Chillicothe, in southern Ohio. From there they were taken to Frankfort, in northern Kentucky, and held in captivity until the closing months of the war. At his court martial a year after the battle Captain Barclay was honourably acquitted, the court agreeing that the loss of his squadron had been due to "the very defective means" he had of equipping his ships, his lack of a sufficient number of able seamen, the very great superiority of the enemy's force, and the unfortunate early fall of the superior officers in action. The court found that not only Barclay but all the officers and men of his squadron had "conducted themselves in the most gallant manner."

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The End of the War

The Royal Newfoundland Regiment did not participate in the remaining land actions of 1813 - either in the disastrous defeat of Procter's retreating force at Moraviantown, on the Thames, in early October, or in the subsequent British victories at Chateauguay and Chrysler's Farm which effectually checked American hopes of taking Montreal. There is evidence, however, that the British staff at Chrysler's Farm included two or three officers of the Regiment, and a small detachment of Newfoundlanders served in gunboats on the St. Lawrence during the preliminaries to the actual engagement. Nor was the Regiment represented in the following July at Lundy's Lane, the action which finally secured the Niagara Peninsula for Canada. Indeed, by the end of 1813 the Regiment had been so seriously reduced by casualties that Sir George Prevost proposed to the War Office that it be returned to Newfoundland in the spring to recruit. It was replaced by the Nova Scotia Fencibles, who had been garrisoning St. John's since 1805. A General Order of June 21, 1814, directed that the Headquarters detachment of the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles would be held in readiness to embark for Newfoundland on one of the transports which was bringing the Nova Scotians to Quebec. For the operations of the remaining part of the Regiment in the final year of hostilities we must look farther to the west, where men from the island Colony carried out one of the most daring exploits of the whole war. After the Americans had regained Detroit and were in full control of Lake Erie, they cast their eyes on the isolated British post of Michilimackinac, which, it will be recalled, they had lost early in the war. But the need for denying this outpost to the enemy was fully realized by Sir George Prevost, who in assessing the strategic significance of its geographical position declared that its influence extended and was "felt among the Indian tribes to New Orleans and the Pacific Ocean." Early in 1814 he ordered two companies of the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles - these must have been virtually all of the Regiment who were still fit for service - to be dispatched to reinforce the small garrison at Michilimackinac. With the line of communication to the little island by way of Lake Erie and the St. Clair River cut off, a new supply route had to be established. During the winter the detachment, which numbered six officers and 130 men, accompanied by n artillerymen and a naval party of 21, built thirty large boats on the Nottawasaga River, north-west of York; and when spring arrived they embarked in these and descended the river into Georgian Bay.

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The passage over Lake Huron took nearly a month. In their heavily-laden open batteaux officers and men put their hardiness and skill to the supreme test as they battled their way across the gale-swept waters, often having to struggle through immense fields of ice. They reached their destination on May 18, having lost one boatj crushed in the ice floes. Their arrival was welcomed by the garrison commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Robert McDouall, who was later to write of his "fullest confidence in the little detachment of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment." He prepared to meet the American attack that he knew must soon come. Early in July a squadron of five ships from Perry's fleet, bearing a force of more than 1000 men, passed through the St. Glair River into Lake Huron and headed northward. It arrived off Michilimackinac at the end of the month, and on August 4 landed a force on the island to attack the fortifications from the rear. The shrewd McDouall, however, had taken to the woods with his regulars and his Indians, leaving only a handful of militiamen in the fort. As the American troops advanced cautiously, they were suddenly attacked in front and from the flank and driven in confusion back to their boats, losing 70 men against McDouall's remarkably low count of one Indian killed. Having failed in its enterprise the American squadron sailed away, leaving two of its ships, the Scorpion and the Tigress, to blockade the island. On August 313 party of sailors of the Royal Navy, under the command of Lieutenant Miller Worsley, reached Michilimackinac by canoe. They were the former crew of the Nancy, which had been destroyed by the Americans in the Nottawasaga River earlier in the month. They brought word that they had slipped past the two American vessels about thirty-five miles to the east, observing them to be "schooner rigged gunboats of the largest class." A bold decision was taken to try to capture them. The following day was spent in equipping four boats for the venture, two of them being armed with a field piece in the bow. One boat was manned by Worsley and his seamen, the other three by 50 men of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment under three of their own officers, Lieutenants A. H. Bulger, Alfred Armstrong, and John Radenhurst. On the evening of September i the little expedition set out under the command of Lieutenant Worsley, and twenty-four hours later reached the area in which the enemy had been sighted. Troops and sailors concealed themselves in the woods all day of the 3rd, and towards evening they embarked and took to the oars, maintaining "the most perfect order and silence." At about nine o'clock, after rowing six miles, they discovered one enemy vessel,

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and in the dusk managed to approach to within 100 yards before being challenged. A hail of musket fire came from the decks and a 24-pounder went into action. But it was too late. With two boats taking the starboard side and two to larboard the attackers boarded the schooner, which turned out to be the Tigress. The Americans fought bravely, but were soon overpowered. Next morning the prisoners were sent back under guard by boat to the fort, and plans were laid to take the other vessel, which was ascertained to be at anchor fifteen miles away. From the pen of Lieutenant Bulger comes this description of what then took place: The position of the Tigress was not altered, and the better to carry on the deception the American Pendant was kept flying. On the 5th Inst we discovered the Enemy's schooner beating up to us, the Soldiers I directed to keep below, or to lie down on the Deck to avoid being seen. Everything succeeded to our wish, the enemy came to anchor about 2 miles from us in the night, and as the day dawned on the 6th Inst we slipt our cable and ran down under our Jib and Foresail. Everything was so well managed by L't Worsley that we were within 10 yards of the enemy before they discovered us. It was then too late, for in the course of 5 minutes her Deck was covered with our men and the british flag hoisted over the American.

Next day the party returned triumphantly with their prizes. Their casualties (all incurred in the capture of the Tigress) totalled three seamen killed, and one artilleryman and seven Newfoundlanders, including Bulger himself, wounded. In concluding his report to Colonel McDouall with a tribute to Worsley's skilful management of the whole affair, Bulger added: "But I must assure you that every Officer and Man did his Duty." McDouall was less restrained in his praise. His account of the taking of the two vessels recommended that recognition be given Bulger and his brother officers, who "with the detachment of the brave Newfoundland Regiment (who are familiar with tiiis kind of service) merit my entire approbation." "Every Officer and Man did his Duty." Lieutenant Bulger's straightforward assertion might well summarize the contribution made by the Royal Newfoundland Fencible Infantry to the defence of Canada in the War of 1812. It is fitting that the final operation in which they were engaged should have been a successful naval action, for it bore testimony once again to the foresight of Sir Isaac Brock in choosing these men of the sea to guard the lines of communication which were so vital to the success of British arms. Although the war terminated officially with the signing of the Treaty of Ghent in December, 1814, the following summer found

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Newfoundlanders still on Lake Huron. They were then on Manitoulin Island, whither they had moved when by the terms of the peace treaty Michilimackinac had been handed back to the Americans. Late in July they set out across Georgian Bay for the Nottawasaga en route to Quebec. Together with a small Newfoundland detachment still forming part of the Quebec garrison they sailed for St. John's in September, 1815, to rejoin the members of the Regiment who had preceded them a year before. Among those earlier repatriates were the remnants of the officers and men who had been captured at the Battle of Put in Bay. The story of their return to Canada together with the prisoners from the 4ist Regiment is a melancholy one. In July, 1814, they began moving northward from Kentucky by slow stages, reaching Lake Erie in late August, some at Sandusky, others at Cleveland. In every town through which they passed they were surrounded by groups of people "offering them money and making use of every means to seduce them from their loyalty." At the coast they were detained for more than a month under the worst possible conditions, particularly at Sandusky, which was described as "merely a low, swampy, and wet morass through which a river ran." They were without blankets; few had tents; rations, issued irregularly, were often not fit to be eaten; and there was little or no medical attention for the many who were sick. Half-starved and already weakened by months of privations as prisoners of war, they fell easy victims to fever. When in late October three ships finally carried them across the lake to Long Point, many were dying and half of them were too feeble to help themselves in any way. It was the opinion of the doctor who received them "that not one in twenty who were called well would ever recover their strength and appearance." Such was the sad fate of many a brave soldier of a very gallant regiment. For a year and a half after the war the Royal Newfoundland Regiment formed the garrison at St. John's. Attempts to recruit it once more to its full establishment had little success. In October, 1815, its strength was 23 officers and 315 other ranks. The return to garrison duties brought the usual administrative headaches, and in November, 1815, the Commanding Officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Heathcote, could have been found busily engaged in furnishing explanations for a long list of barrack deficiencies - ranging from bolsters to fire shovels, and pairs of sheets to sheet iron - which had been charged against the Regiment in various stations from St. John's to Michilimackinac. Heathcote's second-in-command at the time was Major Elias Pipon. In 1815 he had brought the last detachment of New-

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foundlanders back from Quebec, and with them the King's and Regimental colours which had been left in that city during the war. To Pipon, later promoted to the rank of colonel, we are indirectly indebted for the preservation of those colours to the present time. On his retirement from the Army after the disbandment of the Regiment he went to live in Jersey, taking the colours with him; and in September, 1882, these were deposited in the church of St. Brelade by his nephew, Major-General P. G. Pipon. There they remained for forty years until discovered by a party of touring schoolteachers from Newfoundland. In due time the faded and tattered relics were returned to the home of the Regiment which had so nobly borne them, to find a resting place in the Newfoundland Naval and Military Museum in St. John's. In May, 1816, the Prince Regent issued orders for the immediate reduction of all the Fencible Corps in North America. On June 24 the Royal Newfoundland Fencible Infantry were disbanded, and a gallant fighting force passed into history. One hundred years were to elapse before the ancient Colony would again muster from its own manpower a regiment that was destined to bring renewed honours to the name Newfoundland. A Century Passes For fifty-four more years Great Britain maintained a garrison in Newfoundland. The use of regular regiments of the line in this employment ended in 1825, when the 6oth Regiment, the third of three infantry battalions to serve at St. John's in the period immediately following the Treaty of Ghent, was withdrawn from the island. Its place was taken by the Royal Veteran Companies. These Companies (three in number, later reduced to two) were organized in July, 1824, from former servicemen who had become out-pensioners of the Royal Hospital for Invalid Soldiers at Chelsea. Embarking at Chatham in October of that year, they reached St. John's in November. It was the beginning of a long tour of duty on the Newfoundland station - the only one indeed of their whole existence. Three years later they were renamed the Royal Newfoundland Veteran Companies, and in 1843 the Royal Newfoundland Companies. As the years went by Newfoundland's island position continued to render any threat to her security through aggression by a foreign power fairly remote; and the authorities at St. John's came to recognize that apart from the usefulness of the Royal Newfoundland Companies in furnishing military pomp and

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The reception of the Prince ofWales at St. John's, July 26, 1859. On the quay at the left is a detachment of the Royal Newfoundland Companies. In the foreground are members of St. John's Volunteer Rifle Brigade.

colour on ceremonial occasions, their principal role was that of maintaining order within the Colony itself. An illustration of this came in 1861, two years after the Companies had made an imposing showing in the elaborate ceremonies which attended the three-day visit of the young Prince of Wales to Newfoundland. There had been a bitterly-fought general election on the island in the spring of 1861, and when the new House of Assembly met on May 13, a formidable mob tried to break into the Colonial Building where Parliament sat. Having failed in their attempt the rioters began destroying and looting private property. A gang of them assembled on Water Street, and to control them the magistrates called out the garrison. Tension steadily mounted. The Riot Act was read, and for two hours some 80 soldiers endured with admirable self-control the insults and missiles that were hurled at them by the angry mob. Then a shot came from somewhere in the crowd, and the commander of the troops gave orders to fire on the rioters. Three civilians were killed and a score wounded. The mob quickly dispersed, and there was no more trouble. Two days later, in response to an urgent request from the Governor, Sir Alexander Bannerman, a detachment of 200 of the 62nd Regiment sailed in haste from Halifax to reinforce the garrison in its task of preventing further disorders on the island. "The only volley the regiment ever fired in anger," wrote one

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historian in referring to the Royal Newfoundland Companies, "was the knell of its existence." In November of the following year the two Companies were absorbed into the Royal Canadian Rifle Regiment, which from then on supplied the infantry for the St. John's garrison. This colonial unit, on the regular establishment of the British Army, had been formed in 1841 from the older men of the nineteen regiments then serving in Canada. Its principal duty was to prevent desertion to the United States always a serious problem facing British regiments in Canada. While the other fourteen companies of the Royal Canadian Rifles in general occupied "those advanced posts from which soldiers could with facility escape into the U.S.A.," their two companies in Newfoundland, about 300 strong, remained at St. John's until 1870. Early in 1869 the Imperial Government served notice that it could no longer maintain large establishments of troops overseas to garrison self-governing colonies. Before the year ended, the reduction of the British force in Canada had already begun. The news caused considerable concern to the Newfoundland authorities, who had good reason for believing that they could not expect any preferential treatment from London. After the fatal riots of 1861 their request for the garrison at St. John's to be permanently increased had been bluntly turned down. The Colonial Office had not taken kindly to a proposal which, in its view, had as its object not improved defence against external attack, but simply that of keeping the local population in order. The local government was reminded in no uncertain terms that the garrison was "not kept in the Colony of Newfoundland at the entire charge of the Home Government for the purpose of quelling civil tumults arising out of the escapes of party spirit and religious rancour." In February, 1870, Great Britain gave formal notification that it "was not the intention of Her Majesty's Government to maintain a Garrison of Imperial Troops in Newfoundland." Urgent representations made to London had no effect. The Colonial Secretary could find in such arguments no "reasons why the policy now adopted by Her Majesty's Government in respect to other colonies having responsible Government should not be applied to Newfoundland." Disbandment of the Royal Canadian Rifles had already been ordered, and by the autumn of 1870 Newfoundland was without an infantry garrison. The artillery, having already shipped their guns and stores to England, embarked in November aboard the troopship Tamar. The government of the Colony now proceeded with plans for a constabulary to which the preservation of law and order in the island would be entrusted. Attempts on more than one occasion

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to form a militia for Newfoundland's defence failed as they had in the past. In 1846 the House of Assembly had thrown out such a bill after first reading, and in 1860 a joint committee of both branches of the Legislature had rejected a similar proposal as impracticable because of the occupation of the bulk of the people with the fisheries during the greater part of the year. A "Saint John's Volunteer Rifle Battalion," commanded by Major Henry Renouf, was constituted in 1864 from five Volunteer Companies formed four years earlier; but with the departure of the regular garrison, from whom the corps had drawn its instructors and much of its enthusiasm, it withered away in the early seventies. In 1878, when England was again threatened with war, the Executive Council could offer no more than "to provide volunteer gunners for guns provided at the expense of the Imperial Exchequer." After the Colonial Conference of 1887 a British proposal to furnish armament for a volunteer force of 60 artillery and 500 infantry raised and maintained by the Newfoundland government for the defence of St. John's fell on deaf ears.

It is clear that the concept of military preparedness had little meaning to the people of the Colony and their legislators. From 1870 to 1914 no military organization existed in Newfoundland.

CHAPTER IV

When War Came The peaceful life of Newfoundland Was ended - by the Iron Hand.

An Unmilitary Colony In the preceding chapters we have seen that the history of Newfoundland during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was that of an unmilitary people, free from warlike ambitions, who nevertheless, when the security of their island was threatened, were ready to take up arms to defend its soil against attack. Beyond that, Newfoundlanders would not go. The pattern is simple, and clearly delineated. When war clouds appeared on the horizon, it was time to beat the drum for recruits. When the storm had passed, the ink was hardly dry on the peace treaty before the order to disband had been given. Between wars, what need was there for a permanent military force? Newfoundland had no aggressive intentions against neighbouring territories. And she had two excellent guarantees of her own security - first, her geographical situation, which gave her no land frontiers to defend, flanked her with sister colonies of the British Empire, and separated her by a great water barrier from potential invaders; and secondly, the continual protection that she received from the Royal Navy. Shielded by these safeguards, Newfoundland had always found that when trouble threatened there was sufficient warning to raise a volunteer force of either militia or regular troops. And by good fortune - if not by good management - those had always fulfilled the function for which they were brought into being. What more was needed? Continually burdened as the island was with financial difficulties, no political party in Newfoundland would seriously consider large peacetime expenditures on armaments. The general attitude towards military preparedness seemed to be, "Sufficient unto the day . . ." One result of this lack of any strong urge from within the

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community to recognize the Colony's responsibility for making a realistic contribution towards its own defence was brought home at the outbreak of the Boer War. In November, 1899, when from all parts of the Empire colonial contingents were being sent to fight beside Great Britain's forces in South Africa, the Governor of Newfoundland, Sir Henry McCallum, had to express to his Ministers his regret "that at this moment of national pride and display of strength England's oldest colony is unfortunately not represented, not from any want of sympathy and desire for cooperation, but from the fact that no trained forces are available." But his call for raising a battalion of rifle volunteers, 600 strong (at an estimated initial cost of $27,000 and annual maintenance of $13,500), brought no positive action. The Government's reply reminded His Excellency that since the departure of the regular troops from Newfoundland some thirty years before, a removal which had been followed by the disbandment of the existing local volunteer force, the military spirit which in other British colonies was sustained through the presence of regular forces had been lacking. Furthermore, Ministers did not feel justified in placing upon Newfoundland's finances the additional burden of subsidizing such a force. As a result, the island's contribution to the Empire's effort in the Boer War other than that of individual Newfoundlanders who enlisted and served with Imperial or other colonial or dominion forces, was limited to a subscription to the Patriotic Fund for aiding widows and orphans of members of the Imperial forces who were killed in action. It is of interest to note, in view of the procedure that was adopted in 1914, that Governor McCallum had purposed calling together a few leading citizens to meet at Government House for preliminary discussions, to be followed by a public meeting in one of the halls in St. John's. It was his idea that the battalion to be raised would be non-sectarian, the different companies containing members of all denominations. He would have drawn recruits from Newfoundland's various sectarian cadet corps, which he felt would serve as "excellent training grounds for the adult battalion, the members on attaining the age, say of eighteen, if physically qualified being transferred thereto." A definite step towards undertaking some form of military preparedness during peacetime came at the close of the South African War. In 1902, during the office of Governor McCallum's successor, Sir Cavendish Boyle, Newfoundland undertook to form its own Royal Naval Reserve of 600 men. When informing the Admiralty of the Government's intention to contribute to the support of this force an annual payment of £3000 for ten years, the Premier, Sir Robert Bond, expressed the hope that while

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the Colony's contribution towards Naval Defence was small, it might be regarded "as evidence of our desire to recognize the obligation to contribute according to our means." Five years later, however, a proposal similarly to organize a reserve force on land failed to come to fruition. In 1907 Sir Robert went to London to attend the Colonial Conference as Newfoundland's representative, and while there he asked the Secretary of State for War what assistance the British Government would be prepared to give towards raising and maintaining a volunteer force in Newfoundland of the kind suggested by Governor McCallum eight years previously. Bond returned to St. John's without an immediate answer, but in due time a reply came in the form of a printed four-page memorandum prepared by the Colonial Defence Committee. After rather pointedly drawing attention to the fact that Newfoundland alone of all the colonies which enjoyed the privilege of responsible government made no provision for local defence, the document proceeded to review the various attempts that had been made by Governors in the past sixty years to establish a local defence force in the island. The most recent failure to secure action had come, as noted above, during the South African War. After thus reciting the Colony's inadequacies in the matter of defence, the memorandum described the manner in which a welltrained garrison force could be employed in case of a predatory raid on St. John's. It recommended the establishment of a battalion of Volunteer Rifles of four companies, and outlined the legislation that would have to be enacted in setting up such a force. More advice on details of organization followed, but everything that had gone before was rendered of little significance by the concluding sentence: ". . . The Colonial Defence Committee are unable to recommend that the Imperial Government should make a free issue of arms, or should otherwise contribute towards the cost of the proposed force." That ended the matter. It was the last attempt before 1914 to establish a military force in Newfoundland. For the few remaining years of peace the principal exchanges between St. John's and London on matters military were limited to the question of supplying rifles and ammunition for use in training the various cadet corps in the island Colony. The Brigades in Peacetime The existence of these cadet corps - or brigades as they were commonly known - was without exact parallel out-

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side Newfoundland. They owed their origin in great degree to the island's system of education, under which all schools were maintained by the various religious denominations on a sectarian basis. As an extension of their work for the physical and moral welfare of their youth the different churches sponsored organizations in which their boys and young men, when out of school, would receive guidance and training that would help mould their character and develop them into good citizens. Newfoundland can count itself fortunate that there were always men to be found willing to come forward and provide efficient and inspiring leadership for the cadets in the different brigades. The generation that was entering manhood in 1914 owed much to such stalwarts as Colonel Robert G. Rendell, who commanded the Church Lads' Brigade from 1904 to 1918; the Honourable John Harris, who in nineteen years of devoted and enthusiastic support contributed greatly to the development of the Catholic Cadet Corps; Thomas M. McNeil, the first Commanding Officer of the Newfoundland Highlanders, who played an important part in organizing the brigade and guiding its destiny through the first five years of its existence; and Major Charles H. Hutchings, for many years a tower of strength in the Methodist Guards. The first of these four organizations to be formed in Newfoundland was the Church Lads' Brigade, which raised its first company in St. John's in November, 1892, only a year after the movement, which was soon to become Empire-wide, was founded in England by Lieutenant-Colonel W. M. Gee. Sponsored by the Anglican Church, the Brigade became firmly established in St. John's and later in a number of communities outside the capital. Its steady progress during the early years is illustrated by the frequent moves which the St. John's boys made in search of more commodious training-quarters. From drilling in the home of one of its members the St. John's unit expanded in succession into a school basement on Springdale Street, a warehouse on Water Street, a "butterine" factory on Plymouth Road, and then the temporary wooden proCathedral building. The Brigade acquired its first armoury early in the century when it took over a skating rink on the King's Road. The crowning achievement came in 1910 when the Governor of Newfoundland, Sir Ralph Williams, officially opened the fine C.L.B. Armoury on Harvey Road. Built at a cost of $30,000, the Armoury has been the home of the Brigade in St. John's for more than half a century. The senior officers of the Church Lads' Brigade were generally men with military training and experience. Four of the first five Officers Commanding also held the appointment of A.D.C. to the Governor. The first Colonel of the Newfoundland Regiment of

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the C.L.B. was Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Joseph Outerbridge (19011903), who was largely responsible for acquiring the first C.L.B. Armoury on King's Road. He was succeeded by LieutenantColonel William H. Franklin (who was to win the D.S.O. in command of a British regiment in France), and then by Lieutenant-Colonel Robert G. Rendell, to whose enthusiastic energy and foresight the Brigade owes its present Armoury. The C.L.B. training programme developed the lads' skill in physical and gymnastic exercises, boxing, rowing, ice-hockey, football, and other recreational activities. On the military side there was instruction in signalling, ambulance work, stretcherbearing, and first aid. The boys learned to drill with precision, to march smartly, and to shoot accurately. Those who were musically inclined found opportunity for displaying their talents in the Brigade's fine military band, as well as in the drum and bugle bands. Each year a ten-day summer camp under canvas was held at Topsail, on Conception Bay. All ranks marched the fourteen miles from the Armoury to the camping ground, carrying their service rifles. (A munificent War Office supplied obsolete Martini Enfield carbines at is. each, and bayonets at 6d. each; but the price of blank ammunition at 525. a thousand rounds meant that the majority of the sham battles had to be fought without blanks.) Amid all the physical activity the spiritual side was not neglected. Each unit had its own chaplain, who contributed much to the lads' sound moral training, and a number of companies organized their own special bible class. An important part of the C.L.B. programme was the monthly church parade, when led by the band, and with colours flying, the smartly uniformed boys would march proudly through the Sunday streets to attend divine service. As we shall see, when war came, because of the high standard of training achieved by the Church Lads' Brigade, no other youth organization in Newfoundland made a more valuable contribution to the island's military effort. Nearly all the officers and a large number of the other ranks who were old enough volunteered for duty. True to the Brigade's motto, "Fight the Good Fight," they served with distinction, the majority of them in the ranks of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment or in the Royal Naval Reserve. One member of Newfoundland's C.L.B., Sergeant Thomas Ricketts, won the Victoria Cross - the youngest man in the British Army to gain the high award. One hundred and thirty-two were to give their lives in the King's service. Four years after the introduction of the C.L.B. movement to the Island a second youth brigade came into being in St. John's with the founding of the Catholic Cadet Corps. A committee of pro-

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The St. John Ambulance detachment of a company of the Church Lads' Brigade, 1913. In command is Dr. (later Lt.-Col.) Cluny Macpherson.

minent Catholic clergy and laity was chosen to manage the new corps and supervise its activities. Two companies were quickly recruited in St. John's - the West End and the East End Companies - and in time to these were added companies in three schools operated by the Christian Brothers - St. Bonaventure's, St. Patrick's, and Holy Cross. The usual problem of finding suitable accommodation was finally solved when the Corps built its own armoury on LeMarchant Road. Like the brigades of other denominations the Catholic Cadet Corps sought to minister to the physical, mental, and moral welfare of its youthful members. Its founders, in common with those of the other corps, recognized the value of establishing an organization along semi-military lines, where the boys would acquire habits of discipline, self-reliance, co-operation, and obedience to authority. A keen spirit of competition existed between the

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different corps, and this reached its culmination in the interbrigade contests that were held annually in drilling, shooting, and many fields of athletic endeavour. Probably the highlight of the year was the Inter-Brigade Race at the annual Regatta on Quidi Vidi Lake, and it is characteristic of the fraternal co-operation existing between the corps that in the year preceding the outbreak of war the C.C.C. crew won the race through the generosity of the Methodist Guards in lending them one of their own boats. In that same year, 1913, the Catholic Cadet Corps organized a battalion of reserves, 150 strong. Among two of the names of this company's early recruits that will appear again in this history are those of J. J. Donnelly, winner of the Newfoundland Regiment's first Military Cross, and the Reverend T. F. Nangle, who was to serve the Regiment in France as Roman Catholic padre. The year 1914 saw the formation of a company on Bell Island, the first C.C.C. unit to be raised outside St. John's. It was commanded by Leo C. Murphy, who was to serve as an officer with the Newfoundland Regiment, and was to become Newfoundland's bestknown military journalist of the First World War. When the outbreak of war brought the call to the colours, among the 160 members of the Catholic Cadet Corps who responded immediately were 24 from the new Bell Island Company. In September, 1900, a group of members of the Methodist Church in St. John's organized a youth brigade which at first was called the "Epworth Guards," the name being taken from John Wesley's birthplace in Lincolnshire. Some 60 lads were at once enrolled, and by December, with their designation changed to the Methodist Guards Brigade, they were drilling two nights a week at the C.L.B. Armoury on King's Road. Within a few years the Guards had built their own armoury on Springdale Street, and this they occupied until it was destroyed by fire in 1912. Prominent among the early leaders of the Methodist Guards were George Peters, who was commissioned as a lieutenant in 1900; Major Charles Hutchings, a St. John's lawyer, who held active command of the Brigade from its origin until 1917 (when he was appointed Inspector General of the Newfoundland Constabulary); and the Honourable James S. Pitts, a member of the Executive Council, and later the Legislative Council of Newfoundland, who as Lieutenant-Colonel of the Brigade commanded it in an honorary capacity. The Methodist Guards Brigade - it did not exist outside St. John's - had the same general objectives and followed the same methods of training as the other city brigade. Its members held their own in the various inter-brigade competitions, particularly in the annual Regatta. On parade, headed by their brass band in

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dark-blue uniforms with white facings, and blue pillboxes with white cap-band, the lads presented an exceedingly smart appearance. That the boys achieved a good military bearing as a result of their training would seem to be borne out by an incident which is reported to have taken place in 1914, when Governor Davidson was inspecting the newly-formed Newfoundland Regiment. "Where are you from?" asked the Governor of one of the men. "The Guards, sir," was the reply, spoken with an obvious note of pride. "Indeed! Grenadier or Coldstream?" "Neither, sir. Methodist Guards." As their name might suggest, the Newfoundland Highlanders were organized under the auspices of the Scottish Kirk, and they received their main support from those inhabitants of St. John's who were of Scottish descent. It was during the governorship of a Scot, Sir William MacGregor, that the Brigade was formed in 1907. In a short time the Commanding Officer, Thomas M. McNeil, had recruited and begun to train 100 members, whose smart appearance in kilt and red tunic made a splendid showing on their first public parade in 1908. McNeil was followed in 1912 by Dr. Lament Paterson, who was in command when war broke out, and became Medical Officer at the Headquarters of the Newfoundland Regiment. In common with the other brigades the Highlanders had their own band, and the skirl of the pipes as they marched through the streets of St. John's stirred all the Scottish blood in the old town. More than one of the drummers in the Newfoundland Regiment's first bugle band had acquired early proficiency in the pipe band of the Newfoundland Highlanders. The band was much in demand at public functions, as, for example, in October, 1909, when with the C.L.B. band, it played at the ceremonies attending the opening of the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company's mills at Grand Falls. The Highlanders had no fixed summer camp. Their summer training took them on long route-marches, in the course of which they would cover the whole distance around the lower end of Conception Bay to Harbour Grace and Carbonear. Marching during the day and camping in pup tents overnight, the boys were always sure of a rousing welcome from the inhabitants of the various outport settlements through which they passed. If any justification for the existence of the Brigade were needed it was to be found in the way in which, when war was declared, present and past members came forward to offer their services services that were to be the more valuable for the rudiments of military training which they had received as Newfoundland Highlanders.

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Thus it was that although, apart from the Royal Naval Reserve, Newfoundland supported no formal military organization of any kind on the island during the years when the nations of the world were inexorably being drawn closer and closer to war, these youth movements were conscientiously and effectively carrying out their worth-while role of developing good citizens and useful members of society. No boy became a member of one of these organizations without gaining immeasurably from the experience. It is significant that when war came in 1914, of the more than 700 Newfoundlanders who by the end of August had volunteered their services for King and Country, considerably more than half hailed from the city brigades. There was an organization in Newfoundland which, while not in the same category as the youth brigades sponsored by the different churches, did share certain of their characteristics. This was the Legion of Frontiersmen, which in the last three or four years before the war maintained a group, or levy, in St. John's and one in the isolated community of St. Anthony, on the east coast of the northern tip of the island. The Legion, an Empire-wide organization which had originated as a Commando type of unit in the Boer War, had no special church affiliation, and the age of its members extended from that of youths who were not old enough to serve with the colours to men who were over-age for military acceptance. Many of its officers and other ranks in Newfoundland were former members of the C.L.B. and other youth organizations, whose upper age limit was normally nineteen years. The senior Frontiersmen unit in Newfoundland was the levy at St. Anthony, which was established in 1911 by Dr. Arthur Wakefield, a former member of the Royal Army Medical Corps who served for many years on the hospital staff of the Grenfell Mission. It numbered among its members telegraphists, schoolteachers, farmers, and fisherman. Organization of the St. John's levy followed in 1912, with Lieutenant (later Lieutenant-Colonel) Walter F. Rendell taking an active part. The training of the Frontiersmen consisted principally in drilling and practice in marksmanship. The men had to find their own weapons. In June, 1912, a request to the War Office to supply fifty rifles was turned down, the Army Council basing its refusal on the private nature of the organization and the absence of any sanction by His Majesty's Government for it to operate as an armed force. On receiving word that war had broken out, Dr. Wakefield, at that time the Officer Commanding the Newfoundland Command of the Legion of Frontiersmen, hurried to St. John's from Battle Harbour, in Labrador, to offer some 150 Frontiersmen for active service abroad. All were eager for action, and in a letter to the

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Governor Wakefield made the proviso "that all those Frontiersmen who wish to go to the front shall not be kept back for home defence, but shall be allowed to join the Headquarters of the Legion in London as soon as possible." Although it was not found possible to agree to the doctor's stipulation, a large number of Frontiersmen were among the first to enlist in the Newfoundland Regiment, and they were to serve in it with distinction overseas. The Outbreak of War In Newfoundland, July of 1914 was much like that of other years. It was mid-season for the cod fishery, and in every coastal settlement around the island and along the shores of Labrador Newfoundlanders were busily engaged with the industry on which more than half the Colony's population depended for a livelihood. The hours were long and filled with hard toil. While the men were out on the fishing-grounds from long before dawn, their women were at work at the fishing-stage, washing the salt from the undried cod, and then spreading the split fish on the flakes to dry, turning and re-turning them to prevent sunburn. And when the boats returned to harbour at the close of the day's fishing, after the catch had been cleaned and salted away there was still no time for leisure. The remaining hours of daylight must be spent in the little fenced garden-plot behind the house, weeding the cabbage and the turnips or hilling up the potatoes that must produce a crop large enough to feed the family through the whole ensuing year. Elsewhere in Newfoundland other men were at work in mine and paper-mill; but in the main, diversification of industry was still an unrealized dream, and the centuries-old domination of the fisheries remained largely unchallenged. To most of the outside world Newfoundlanders were known only asfishermen- a breed of men inured to hardship and a life-long struggle with the sea. Well might a keen observer* who intimately knew the country and its people write: "The bravest, shrewdest, most frugal, hardest-working men in the whole world; such are the fishermen of Newfoundland." In the city of St. John's life moved at a more leisurely pace. In the offices of the shipping-firms and the wholesale merchants on Water Street there was the usual coming and going of men from all walks of life transacting the business characteristic of a great seaport. But affairs were rarely so pressing that there was no *J. R. Smallwood in 1935, writing in The Book of Newfoundland (Vol. I, p. 23)

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opportunity of passing the time of day with an acquaintance, perhaps over an afternoon cup of tea. Nine times out of ten the conversation would turn to sport - for no other community can match St. John's in its enthusiastic support of athletic events of all kinds. What were the chances of this crew or that in the forthcoming annual Regatta? Perhaps this might be the year when the long-standing record for the Quidi Vidi course set in 1901 would be broken. Turning to the entertainment world, there would be comment on the new picture that was being shown at the Casino Theatre (where admission prices were 10,20, and 30 cents). "Sixty Years a Queen, or the Life of Victoria the Good, A Picture Epitome of her Great Career on the Throne," ran the advertisements in the News and the Telegram. The city brigades were busy with plans for their annual summer camps. On the morning of July 22 the Church Lads' Brigade, following their usual custom, marched from St. John's to Topsail, fifty strong, for a ten-day stay under canvas. There they had with them detachments from outlying C.L.B. battalions at Bell Island, Heart's Content, Bay Roberts, Carbonear, and Bonavista. The Newfoundland Highlanders, departing from their former practice of carrying out a prolonged route-march as their summer training, left by the morning train on July 25 for Harbour Grace to spend ten days in tents. The Catholic Cadet Corps, having arranged to go to camp at Bay Bulls after the Regatta, found their plans overturned by the rapid march of events. At a special meeting after Mass on Sunday, August 9, the cadets were told that camp had been called off. The most important event of July for the brigades was the inspection on the I5th by the Duke of Connaught, Governor General of Canada. It was an impressive and colourful ceremony that saw six units parading before His Royal Highness at St. George's Field-the St. John's Brigades of the C.L.B., the Catholic Cadet Corps, the Newfoundland Highlanders, and the Legion of Frontiersmen, and the C.L.B. battalions from Harbour Grace and Carbonear. At the conclusion of the inspection the Governor General expressed his surprise at the large gathering of young soldiers on parade and congratulated than on their fine bearing. Next day the bands of the C.L.B., C.C.C., Methodist Guards, and Highlanders took turns in entertaining the guests at the garden party held in the beautiful grounds of Government House in honour of the Duke's visit. It was to be the last peacetime occasion on which the four bands united in common service to the community. Among the local news items in the papers it was gratifying to read that subscriptions to the Marine Disaster Fund had reached

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a total of more than a quarter of a million dollars. The tragedies had occurred at the beginning of April, when the sealing steamer Newfoundland had lost 79 members of her crew in a howling blizzard that swept over the ice-fields; and the Southern Cross, on her way home fully loaded with seals, had run into the same storm and gone down with all hands - 175 men. News from the outside world was not particularly stirring. England's attempt to settle the Irish question by giving Home Rule was meeting strenuous opposition from Ulster. The suffragettes were contriving to keep in the public eye through their "nuisance" tactics in their agitation for votes for women; and in France a Cabinet Minister's wife was on trial for having shot the editor of Le Figaro. There had been another shooting, but it had barely made the news columns on this side of the Atlantic. On June 28, in the old Bosnian town of Sarajevo - a name unknown to most of the world - the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, had been struck down by an assassin's bullet, fired by a young Serb nationalist. Yet this incident was soon to ignite an international conflagration. On July 23 Austria-Hungary presented Serbia with a harsh ultimatum, and followed it five days later with a declaration of war. Tension between the two armed camps into which the major powers of Europe had grouped themselves increased to the breaking point. On the 3Oth Russia, avowed protector of the Slav minorities, began to mobilize. On August r, when the Czar ignored the Kaiser's demands for a cessation of these warlike preparations, Germany declared war on Russia. As Germany ordered mobilization, France did the same, and on August 2 the German Minister to Brussels served an ultimatum demanding free passage through Belgian territory for German troops attacking France. Belgian neutrality was guaranteed by a treaty of 1839, to which Germany, France, and Britain were signatories. During the anxious days after the Sarajevo shooting Great Britain had made repeated efforts to preserve peace, but now she could reach but one decision. On the morning of the 4th, as news came of a German violation of Belgian soil, the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, sent an ultimatum giving Berlin until midnight to withdraw German armies from Belgium. As dusk descended over London on that fateful evening, Sir Edward, standing by his window in the Foreign Office, spoke words of despairing prophecy: "The lights are going out all over Europe. We shall not see them lit again in our lifetime." The time limit passed without a satisfactory reply from Berlin. Britain was at war with Germany.

ioi

When War Came An Energetic Governor

Because of the difference in time zones, word of the declaration of hostilities reached Newfoundland two and a half hours before midnight. It was 9.25 p.m. on August 4 when the message from the Secretary of State for the Colonies was received in St. John's and immediately passed to Government House: "War has broken out with Germany." During the preceding week the Governor, Sir Walter E. Davidson, K.C.M.G., had received a series of cablegrams from the Colonial Office as the tempo of events quickened. July 29 had brought the warning signal sent to all Dominions and Colonies: "Adopt Precautionary Stage. Names of powers will be communicated later if necessary." There followed messages bearing instructions to call out the Royal Naval Reserve, and to establish censorship on the island. A Gazette Extra bearing the Governor's proclamation imposing censorship was published on the 3rd, and that same evening the Prime Minister, Sir Edward P. Morris, was called to Government House to confer with His Excellency. Governor Davidson was deeply concerned with the defenceless state of Newfoundland. Mobilization of the Royal Naval Reserve the sole military force of any kind in the Colony - could produce at the moment only seventy Reservists. The rest were away at the fishing-grounds. London had sounded a warning about the necessity of being on guard against a possible attack in advance of any formal declaration of war. And the Admiralty had reported that the German cruiser Dresden was in the neighbourhood of St. Pierre, within 250 miles' steaming distance of St. John's. Like his predecessor in office 118 years before, when Admiral Richery's squadron was threatening St. John's, Governor Davidson was resolved to oppose as best he could any enemy action against the capital. On August 4 he wrote in his daily log: On this point we are all determined, that if the German cruiser Dresden enters the harbour of St. John's we shall block the entrance to the narrows by sinking two of our own ships in the fair way; and if the Dresden threatens retaliation, to announce that in the event of its opening fire on the town and arresting or executing the Governor and leading people as prisoners or hostages, the people are armed and will exact the fullest retribution on the whole crew; but that if the cruiser surrenders before the advent of a superior force, the capitulation will be accepted on the following terms, namely, that the safety and personal effects of the officers and men will be guaranteed and that they will be transported to neutral territory, but that the ship is not to be sunk or blown up.

It was a bold decision and one that illustrates the resourcefulness and iron resolution of the man who for the next three years

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was to play a leading role in the prosecution of Newfoundland's war effort. But his defiant plan was not to be put to the test. It transpired that the intelligence about the Dresden's presence in Newfoundland waters was without foundation - though on the strength of this and similar reports of German naval threats against commerce in the busy sea lanes running up the Atlantic seaboard the Admiralty hurriedly dispatched a cruiser north from Bermuda. During the first week of August, however, the Dresden was actually in a much warmer clime. On the 3rd she cleared St. Thomas, in the Caribbean, and headed down the Brazilian coast to prey on shipping in South American waters. The security of St. John's was only one of the immediate problems with which Newfoundland was faced. Elsewhere throughout the Empire government departments charged with the organization and supervision of their country's defence forces were busily engaged in putting into operation long-made plans formulated for the contingency that had now become a reality. But in the oldest of the British colonies the complete lack of military preparedness meant that the Government had to start from virtually nothing. As will be seen, however, the manner in which the authorities met the challenge, and with the active co-operation of the leading citizens and the loyal support of practically the entire population of Newfoundland, efficiently organized and directed the country's military contribution to the forces of the Empire until the formation of a Department of Militia late in 1917, is without parallel elsewhere under the British flag. Part of the day following the declaration of war was spent by Governor Davidson in preparing a telegram to the Secretary of State for the Colonies setting forth what Newfoundland could offer the United Kingdom in immediate aid. On the evening of the yth the Executive Council met at Government House to consider and approve the Governor's draft. Next morning he cabled the following message to London: Authority is desired by my Ministers to enlist special men for service abroad by land and sea. Ministers undertake to raise force of Naval Reserve by the 3ist of October to thousand efficient men available [for] naval service abroad for one year, and are willing to meet all local expenses. Several hundred [with] efficient local brigade training offer for enlistment for land service abroad. Five hundred could, I believe, be enlisted within one month. Propose to induce serviceable men between eighteen and thirty-six years enlist [for] training [for] home defence wherever corps instruction available. Material for further drafts would be formed by these.

The reply came next day, a Sunday. "His Majesty's Government gladly accepts the offer of the Newfoundland Government

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When War Came

to raise troops for land service abroad. Will telegraph later as to Naval Reserve." (On August 14 the Admiralty accepted with gratitude the proposal to increase the Royal Naval Reserve to 1000.) The first steps to make good the offer of 500 soldiers were taken at a meeting held on Monday afternoon (August 10) in the office of the Colonial Secretary, Mr. John R. Bennett, and presided over by the Prime Minister. In attendance were representatives from each of the city brigades, the Legion of Frontiersmen, and the St. John's Rifle Club, as well as the Commanding Officer of H.M.S. Calypso, training ship of the Royal Naval Reservists, and the Inspector General of the Newfoundland Police. Arrangements were made for a public meeting to be held on the following Wednesday evening. The Patriotic Association is Formed It was an enthusiastic body of citizens that packed the C.L.B. Armoury on August 12. They heard a spirited address by the Governor (who was later to note in his log with satisfaction: "My speech at the mass meeting was, I am told, a complete success"). They endorsed what the Government had already done, and they passed resolutions authorizing the appointment by the Governor of a committee of 25 citizens to set about enlisting and equipping the 500 troops promised for early dispatch to the United Kingdom, as well as the men who were to be enrolled for training for home defence. His Excellency, however, found it impossible to restrict his nominations to 25, and the list which was finally approved by the Executive Council contained more than 50 names. The Colonial Secretary convened the newly-appointed Committee of Citizens on the following Monday - the iyth - when it elected Governor Davidson as Chairman. Thus came into existence the Newfoundland Patriotic Committee, later to be called the Patriotic Association of Newfoundland, an organization surely unique in the history of military administration. Brought into being at a time when party feelings were still running high in the wake of a bitterly-contested general election the previous year, the Patriotic Association, which represented all shades of political opinion on the island, was able to command the active support of the people of Newfoundland in a way that the Government of the day could not hope to have done. For three years, until the bulk of its responsibilities were taken over by a Department of Militia, constituted under a National Government in 1917, the Patriotic Association conscientiously and

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with a surprisingly high degree of efficiency carried out the onerous functions of raising, equipping, transporting, and caring for the land contingents dispatched from Newfoundland in the King's Service. The members of its various standing committees and special committees brought to their respective tasks knowledge and experience gained in many years of successful business and professional life. Heading these committees were highly respected leaders of the community, who in many instances had a member of the Governor the House of Assembly as his deputy. Such was the case with the two most important committees. The Reserve Force Committee, which had charge of all administrative work associated with raising and maintaining the Newfoundland Regiment, was under the chairmanship of Sir Joseph Outer bridge, with J. A. Clift, K.C., M.H.A., acting as deputy. The Finance Committee, which was completely responsible (subject to the control and examination of its accounts by the Auditor General for the Colony) for all matters of finance, was presided over by Sir Edgar Bowring, and in his absence the Honourable Michael P. Cashin, Minister of Finance. Among other standing committees charged with special duties were the Nomination Committee (to invite leading people throughout the Colony to join the Patriotic Association); the Equipment Committee (to supply at moderate cost the uniform and accoutrements of the original contingent and the subsequent reserve companies as they were raised); the Musketry Committee (to train recruits in the use of the rifle); the Transport Committee (to arrange for the dispatch of the troops to the United Kingdom); and the Recruiting Committee (to arrange for lectures in the principal districts of the Colony in order to enlighten the population as to the momentous issues involved in the war). Serving on these and other committees business and professional men of the community energetically tackled the various tasks assigned to them, giving ungrudgingly of their time and money in response to every call made upon them. The path that lay ahead was no easy one. It was inevitable that situations would arise when, with apparently insuperable difficulties to be faced, there would be forceful divergencies of opinion as to the best course to be followed. In a community in which sectarian loyalties were so strong there were bound to emerge denominational problems which could be settled only by the exercise of much common sense and tolerance. Fortunate it was for the future of those enthusiastic young recruits who came flocking in their hundreds to join the colours, that the affairs of the Patriotic Association of Newfoundland were in the hands of responsible and dedicated leaders. How otherwise could the

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When War Came

Colony's long-standing neglect of her defence obligations have been repaired? There was no time to be lost. On August 21 His Excellency issued a Proclamation calling on men between the ages of nineteen and thirty-five to enlist in the First Newfoundland Regiment for service abroad "for the duration of the war, but not exceeding one year." The rate of pay was the same as that given to Canadian soldiers - one dollar a day for privates. Free transportation by rail or water was provided for volunteers from points outside St. John's. The Governor's appeal received strong backing from press and pulpit. Local newspapers published articles setting forth Newfoundland's position in the struggle as a member of the British Empire. In tfue Pepysian style Sir Walter Davidson wrote in his log: "To the Cathedral, where Canon White preaches a sound, sensible sermon on the duty of all as Britishers to see this war through." And with more vigorous emphasis a parish priest, Father Larry, of Ferryland, proclaimed from the altar: "These Germans, shoot them! Go to the meeting and get ready to fight. Kick them" (suiting the action to the word) "to blue blazes!" The response was immediate. When enrolment opened on the 2ist at the C.L.B. Armoury, which had been made Headquarters of the Regiment, 74 volunteers signed up on the first night. Within a week 275 men had been enrolled. All had to pass a stiff medical examination by a team of eight local doctors headed by Captain Cluny Macpherson, a former Surgeon-Captain of the Methodist Guards Brigade, and head of the St. John Ambulance Brigade in Newfoundland. Soon recruits began to arrive from the outports. They received a warm welcome from the citizens of St. John's, many of whom provided lodging for the newcomers until quarters could be secured for them. The next step was to set up a camp for accommodating and training the troops and to organize a military staff to assume many of the administrative duties which were temporarily being discharged by the Recruiting, Equipment, Medical, and other subcommittees of the Patriotic Committee. A draft list of names drawn up by the Governor formed the basis of a slate which was approved by a selection committee representative of the four City Brigades. "This course," noted His Excellency, "is taken by the desire of the Premier, who wishes to avoid the association of my name with any criticism which may follow the appointments, actuated by religious or political differences." Whatever its authorship, the slate of names* for the Camp and Administrative Staff was well picked. The men chosen were representative of all *See footnote on next page.

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sections of the community, and they approached their tasks with a resourcefulness and enthusiasm that did much to compensate for any lack of administrative experience in military matters. Once the list was approved the Governor, in his capacity as Commander-inChief of Newfoundland forces, issued commissions granting local rank to the officers concerned. Recruiting continued to be brisk. Each night the C.L.B. Armoury presented a busy scene as young men from the city and the outports came forward to sign up. On one evening alone (August 25) 97 volunteered, including a group of 40 members of the Catholic Cadet Corps who enlisted in a body. In order to ensure the sending of medically eligible men from the outports, Captain Cluny Macpherson's team of doctors, using an Admiralty "Blue Book," had prepared a pamphlet setting out the required physical standards and giving full instructions for the medical examination of recruits. By the night of September 2 the number of volunteers had reached 743, of whom some 250 had passed the doctors and had been attested. Earlier that day the Newfoundland Legislature had met in special session to give the necessary legislative sanction to the action already taken by the Governor-in-Council. Members of both sections of the Opposition joined with the Government in giving unanimous assent to "An Act Respecting a Volunteer Force in this Colony," the opening section of which provided that: "The Governor may accept the services of any persons desirous of being formed under this Act into a volunteer corps and offering their services, and upon such acceptance the proposed corps shall be deemed to be lawfully formed." The term of enlistment remained at "the duration of the war, but not exceeding one year," for it was the general opinion that hostilities could not possibly last more than a year. Before it was prorogued on September 7 the Assembly passed a number of other wartime acts, though in *The list finally approved was as follows: Appointment Camp Commandant Ass't Camp Command'! Camp Adjutant Ass't Camp Adjutant Quartermaster and Commissariat Officer Paymaster Musketry Instructor Chief Medical Officer Drill Instructor

Name W. H. Franklin G. T. Carry W. F. Rendell J. A. Ledingham

Previous Service C.L.B. C.C.C. Leg. of F. M.G.B.

Local Rank Given Major Major Lieutenant Lieutenant

H. Outerbridge

C.L.B.

Captain

M.G.B. M.G.B. C.C.C.

Captain Captain Lieutenant

H. A. Timewell J. W. March C. Macpherson A. O'Brien

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closing the special session Governor Davidson was to express the earnest hope that "the war may be so brief as to render it unnecessary to invoke the aid of some of these wise measures." At Pleasantville To the generation that knew St. John's before the First World War, Pleasantville had long been the city cricket ground, a level expanse of green on the south side of Quidi Vidi Lake. The oval cricket pitch was surrounded by a quarter-mile track, which had been the scene of many a spirited bicycle race in later days. By 1914, however, the city cricket league was playing its games on a new site, and in recent years Pleasantville had not been used for athletic events. The area was Crown Land, and it was here that the Patriotic Association decided to encamp the volunteers of the Newfoundland Regiment. The week following August 25, when the decision was taken, was one of hurried preparation. Probably the busiest man on the ground was C. "Bert" Dicks, afterwards "B" Com-

The ist Newfoundland Regiment Camp at Pleasantville, ca. 1914

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Officers of the Newfoundland Regiment and Camp Staff at Pleasantville, September, 1914 Seated (left to right): Capt. A. C. Goodridge (A.D.C. to Governor), Capt. W. F. Rendell, Capt. A. Montgomerie, H. E. Governor Sir Walter Davidson, Capt. W. A. Franklin, Prime Minister Sir E. P. Morris, Capt. C. Macpherson, M.O. Second Roto: Lieut. H. Goodridge, Capt. C. Alexander, Capt. G. Carry, Capt. L. Paterson, M.O., Capt. A. E. Bernard, Lieut. H. A. Outerbridge, Q.M., Capt. H. A. Timewell, P.M., Lieut. R. S. Rowsell, Capt. A. O'Brien, Capt. G. H. F. Abraham. Back Row: Lieut. C. Wighton, Lieut. N. Alderdice, Lieut. C. Hewlett, Capt. A. W. Wakefield, M.O., Lieut. J. A. Ledingham, Lieut. M. F. Summers, Q.M., Lieut. C. R. Ayre, Lieut. R. H. Tail, Lieut. J. Nunns, Capt. J. W. March, Lieut. A. Raley.

pany's first Company Sergeant-Major and subsequently a commissioned officer. He was taken on as temporary Quartermaster Sergeant, and the date of his attestation, September i, precedes that of any other member of the Regiment. His was the task of surveying the camp-site with his assistants and setting up the first tents. An advertisement by the Equipment Committee for the loan of tents had brought a good response from the community. The City Brigades provided 47 bell tents; Governor Davidson sent three marquees from Government House, and from other firms and private citizens came some fifty smaller tents of various sizes. Some shelters were improvised from sails taken from vessels then

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Cooks and Officers' Mess Staff at Camp Pleasantville

in port. The Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company at Grand Falls provided wooden tent floors free of charge; so that when the first 120 recruits marched into Pleasantville on September 2, they found awaiting them adequate protection from the weather. To the Camp Quartermaster and Equipment Officer, Hon. Captain Herbert A. Outerbridge, fell the task of not only arranging for the supply of rations but also of securing cooks to prepare the meals. Some of the men he rounded up might not have lasted long in the kitchen of a high-class hotel; but the situation called for plain fare in satisfying quantities, and on the whole the absence of refinements in the menus passed without too much protest. Each soldier after eating had to wash his enamel dishes. Those unused to housekeeping chores were soon to learn that porridge did not come off easily in the cold water of Rutledge's Brook, which flowed through the camp area. In such circumstances it was not long before the single ill-fitting uniform issued to each man became sadly soiled - yet with nothing else to wear the men could not wash them. When war came there had been of course no stocks of uniforms in Newfoundland. An urgent call to London brought word that the War Office was unable to furnish either uniforms or the cloth with which to make

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In white shirts, khaki drill breeches, and blue puttees men of the First Five Hundred engage in bayonet training beside Quidi Vidi Lake.

them. Canada could supply only greatcoats. Finding it impossible to obtain khaki serge, the Patriotic Association's Equipment Committee commissioned local clothing manufacturers to produce as quickly as possible fatigue uniforms consisting of tunics and trousers of khaki drill. Ground sheets, blankets, gray flannel shirts, underwear, socks, and boots were purchased by local tender. Since no khaki woollen material suitable for making puttees was available, the troops at Pleasantville were issued puttees of navy blue. The only Newfoundland soldiers to wear these were the members of the First Contingent who left St. John's in October 1914; and so a makeshift item of equipment became a badge of distinction. To be a "Blue Puttee" was to be a member of the famous First Five Hundred. Once the business of getting the men attested and documented was completed, training began in earnest. The daily routine consisted mainly of arms drill, foot drill, "skirmishing" and marching. The everlasting commands barked out by Captain O'Brien's drill instructors, "Form - fours! Re-form - two deep!" became deeply engraved in the very being. "At the time," one recruit has recorded, "I thought 'two deep' was a French word!" The general shortage of equipment sometimes proved a blessing in disguise. Route-marches presented little hardship when the marcher was unencumbered with web equipment, or pack, or entrenching tool, or any other accoutrement except a rifle. The men even marched bare-headed, for the Australian-style slouch hats that had been chosen as part of their uniform had not yet arrived - nor ever did. Rifle practice started without delay. Recruits were classified

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When War Came

The medical staff at Pleasantville Camp. All held St. John Ambulance Certificates. The officer is Capt. (later Lt.-Col.) Lament Paterson. Fourth from the left is Pte. Arthur Hammond, who served as the Regiment's Ambulance Sergeant in Gallipoli, France, and Belgium.

according to the degree of their familiarity with the use of the rifle. The most experienced were taken in squads of sixty-four to a range on the South Side Hills across the harbour. Here under Major W. H. Greene and Captain J. W. March, two expert musketry instructors, each squad had three uninterrupted days of target work, and the scores obtained by the majority gave evidence of the proficiency acquired during earlier training with the brigades. Meanwhile novices were being given firing practice at the miniature ranges of the various brigade armouries in the city. The firing on the South Side range was carried out with old Long Lee-Enfield rifles and ammunition that had been obtained from H.M.S. Calypso. An order had been placed with Ottawa for 500 Ross rifles at $28 each. "This is a big price," noted Sir Walter Davidson, "but pressure has been put on me to secure them, despite a difference of about five dollars over the new regulation short Army rifle." As it happened, the Ross rifles reached St. John's the day after the Contingent had sailed, and had to be forwarded to Liverpool by a freight ship. By the end of the second week of September there were 492 volunteers under canvas - only eight short of the required minimum. On that Saturday evening there was a smoking concert at camp. The programme of vocal solos, recitations, and instrumental numbers revealed among officers and men a wealth of talent that promised to be much in demand on future occasions. According to a local newspaper a highlight of the evening was the

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rendition of "The Marseillaise" in French by Captain A. E. Bernard. Bernard, one of the masters at Bishop Feild College, in St. John's, had been on vacation in England when war broke out. With Lieutenant Arthur Raley, another Feildian master, he hurried back by the first sailing to enlist. Both were former C.L.B. officers. Another occasion for relaxation came when the Catholic Cadet Corps band gave an evening concert at Pleasantville. The longawaited greatcoats had arrived from Halifax (though no hats), and when a number of soldiers wearing these paired off and danced around the field to the strains of the "Pink Lady Waltz," the sight, observed the local reporter, "was a novel and attractive one." Indeed, so struck was he by the enthusiasm and good fellowship prevailing in the camp that the concluding sentence of his report was almost lyrical. "Patriotism was everywhere resplendent among those who visited the scene, and the beautiful blending of duty and pleasure in the soldier's life was manifested in a marked degree!" The first commissions for the officers of the Newfoundland Regiment were granted by His Excellency on September 21, when ten captains and two lieutenants were appointed, and Governor Davidson himself assumed the appointment of Lieutenant Colonel Commanding the Regiment. An advertisement in the local press had invited applications for commissions, to be made by letter to the Governor through the Recruiting Committee. Most of those who applied at this stage had had previous military experience or had served as officers in one of the city brigades. Eight more lieutenants were commissioned on the 24th; and on October 4 the commissioning of Orderly Room Sergeant Bertram Butler, who was to become one of the Regiment's most decorated soldiers, completed the roster of the 21 officers with which the First Contingent crossed the Atlantic. September drew to a close, and speculation grew among the ranks as to when the move would be made overseas. When on Saturday, the 2Oth, the Red Cross Line's S.S. Florizel failed to leave St. John's on the regular schedule for Halifax and New York that she shared with the S.S. Stephana, there were assurances from those who claimed to be "in the know" that embarkation would not long be delayed. In actual fact negotiations by the Transport Committee were already well advanced, the ship's owners agreeing to transport 500 men and 25 officers from St. John's to any good port on the west coast of Great Britain at a charge of $36 for each man and $56 for officers. It was now that the kindly hospitality of the people of St. John's towards the young soldiers of whom they were justly proud

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When War Came

The "Flag" Guard at Pleasantville, with the Regiment's new colour. Bearing the colour is Lieut, (later Major) R. H. ("Bert") Tait.

rose to new heights. Soldiers who because of distance could not get home for their embarkation leave found a warm welcome in city homes. All the city brigades and the various fraternal organizations of St. John's gave parties for their members who were proceeding overseas. There were numerous presentations. In an impressive ceremony on October i, the Sons of England gave the Regiment a silk Union Jack, which was received by a smartly turned-out colour party commanded by Lieutenant Bert Tait. The Newfoundland Bible Society distributed copies of the New Testament, and from Lord Rothermere each officer and other rank received a pipe and tobacco. A much-appreciated gift that was to prove its usefulness over and over again was the wellfitted "housewife" (or, as the troops called it, "hussif') furnished each man by the Patriotic Association of the Women of Newfoundland. This worthy organization, formed at the end of August under the leadership of Lady Davidson, wife of the Governor, had already enrolled 700 members from every station in life. As will be seen, its continuing contribution to the welfare on Newfoundlanders who served overseas was one of almost incalculable value. Now it was October, and the untiring efforts of the officers and staff at Pleasantville, as well as the enthusiastic application of the men themselves to their training, showed their results in the smart, soldierly appearance which all ranks presented on the daily morning parade. All that was possible to be done had been done. The First Five Hundred were ready to embark for overseas.

CHAPTER V

The First Five Hundred Then came the day The first contingent sailed away 'Mid waving flags and frenzied cheers And sad farewells and mothers' tears.

Bare Heads and Blue Puttees In the long history of Newfoundland up to that time there had never assembled a larger gathering of citizens than the crowds which thronged the streets of St. John's on the afternoon of Saturday, October 3, 1914, to witness the embarkation of the first contingent of the Newfoundland Regiment. It was a momentous occasion. Red, white, and blue bunting draped many of the buildings and fluttered from the masts of ships at anchor in the harbour. All business was suspended. Shortly before four o'clock the Newfoundlanders fell in, and headed by the Catholic Cadet Corps Band marched in column of fours out of Pleasantville Camp. A military parade is a soul-stirring sight. In peacetime there is the colour and pageantry of marching men in full-dress uniforms of scarlet and blue stepping smartly along with arms and accoutrements glittering in the sun. And though in time of war the bright colours may be lacking, the eye can find much to admire in the passing of a well-turned-out body of khaki-clad soldiers, with every rifle borne at precisely the same angle, and all of the many items of the paraphernalia making up their equipment neatly and uniformly stowed about their person. Measured by such standards the appearance of the men of the Newfoundland Regiment would leave something to be desired as they stepped briskly down the Quidi Vidi Road behind their Commanding Officer, Captain W. H. Franklin. They were wearing their long greatcoats, which mercifully concealed their soiled, ill-fitting uniforms, so that only the blue puttees and boots showed below. Each carried a large kitbag of white duck containing his personal

"5

The First Five Hundred

October 3, 1914. Citizens of St. John's gather at Pleasantville to watch the Newfoundland Contingent break camp.

belongings, but he had neither rifle nor any other righting gear. Apart from the officers few wore a military headdress. Some had on civilian caps, but the majority marched bare-headed. Yet whoever it was that declared that the clothes make the man would have found little support among the townsfolk of St. John's lining the streets that sunny October afternoon. For of the 537 volunteers who were marching proudly over the King's Bridge and along Circular and Bannerman Roads to Government House, more than 400, mostly in their late teens or early twenties, called St. John's their home. Here they had been born, and few had ever been away farther than a fishing skiff could take them. The people who had assembled to see them go were their mothers, fathers, sweethearts, sisters, and brothers. The remainder of the marching troops came from the nearby outports; and if by chance their relatives could not come to St. John's for the send-off, close friends and acquaintances were not lacking to fill the gap. Who then could be found among these watchers to criticize imperfection of dress or inadequacy of equipment in the keen young soldiers who were setting forth on their great adventure? All knew that the best that could be done for them had been done From Government House the long columns turned along Military Road as far as Prescott Street, down which they made the steep descent to Water Street and the Furness Withy Company's pier, where the S.S. Florizel was waiting. To those volunteers who had seen previous service with the City Brigades - and

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there were many of them - it was no new experience to be stepping through the streets of the old town under the approving eye of the local populace. But this was an occasion that no church parade could ever match, and with heads held high and swinging pace they proudly accepted the enthusiastic tribute of the cheering crowds along the way. Occasionally between the cheers could be heard a mother's fond farewell: "Good-bye, my son. God bless you." Then from the other side of the street would come a hearty shout of encouragement: "Ye'll be back in six weeks!" And it is recorded that one onlooker on Prescott Street (he was later to die gloriously at Gueudecourt) called out in mock derision: "There goes the picnic party!" The crowds were densest along the last part of the route, and as the troops approached the wharf all the efforts of the police could not prevent the onlookers from surging on to the roadway. In the crush the volunteers strove to maintain their composure, but marching became impossible as excited kinsfolk broke through to embrace their loved ones. There were moving scenes as sons smilingly said good-bye while mothers and sisters wept softly, and fathers and brothers cheered lustily as they waved their farewells. Waiting at the pier to bid the Regiment an official "God-speed" were Governor and Lady Davidson, with Premier Morris and members of both branches of the Legislature. Drawn up on the dock were the bands of the Church Lads' Brigade, the Methodist Guards, and the Salvation Army, and in turn these played rousing patriotic and military airs. There was a tremendous burst of cheering as Lieutenant Tail, accompanied by a guard with fixed bayonets, marched on board with the regimental colours. By six o'clock all had embarked, and to the playing of "Auld Lang Syne" and "God be with You till We Meet Again" the Florizel cast off and steamed out into the harbour. Meanwhile, 700 sea miles to the west the last vessel of a mighty convoy of thirty-one troop transports was clearing the narrow exit of Gaspe Basin. The First Canadian Contingent was on its way to war. All next day the Florizel lay at anchor in St. John's harbour. After the excitement of the previous day's send-off, the delay in sailing came as an anti-climax. There was disappointment that none of the host of relatives and friends who crowded the pier all that Sunday or circled the Florizel in scores of small boats was allowed aboard. Many of the troops had had a poor night's sleep in the hold, for it seemed that preparations to receive them on the ship had been far from complete. As one of the men put it: "We were just stowed away like so many seals on the steamer's

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S.S. Florizel, with the First Five Hundred on board, lies at anchor in St. John's harbour.

last voyage to the ice only the March before." Rumour had it that the long wait was because the Florizel had to time her departure to make a rendezvous with the Canadian Contingent, which was due to pass within fifty miles of St. John's. Such indeed proved to be the case. Although the troops did not know it, at noon that day the convoy was off Cape Ray, at the south-western tip of Newfoundland, steaming steadily eastward. At 10 p.m. the master of the Florizel, Captain William J. Martin, ordered the anchor hoisted, and to the cheers of the many hundreds in the small craft swarming about her, the crowded vessel steamed slowly out through the Narrows into the Atlantic and headed southward. The date was October 4 - just two months from the day that Britain entered the war. The departure of the First Five Hundred brought to a successful conclusion the first phase of the task that Newfoundland had set herself as her contribution towards winning the war. Though handicapped from the start by her utter lack of military preparedness, the Colony had, through the devoted and determined efforts of her citizens, achieved her initial goal, keeping pace with the great neighbouring Dominion to the west. The Newfoundland Contingent possessed a unity which was without parallel. Probably at no time in history had so many men been recruited into a formed body of troops from such a relatively small area in so short a time, all sailing together and embarking from their own

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Bare Heads and Blue Puttees aboard the Florizel.

home port. Now as they went forward to prove themselves in battle, the appraisal of the Governor, contained in a dispatch to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, is worth recording: The men have been enrolled from all ranks of society; they are of fine physique, rather short in stature but thick set and enduring; they are also handy men and very hardy and accustomed to hard work and little food. Their shooting is up to a fair standard. With almost no exceptions, the men are abstemious. . . . I hope and believe that they will render a good account of themselves.

Aboard the S.S. Florizel The first Newfoundlanders on deck on the morning of the 5th looked out upon empty seas. Over to the west the ships of the Canadian Contingent had passed the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon soon after dawn; and about midmorning the vanguard of the convoy came into sight off Cape Race. The Canadian troopships were moving in fleet formation three lines ahead, 3000 yards apart, each led by a cruiser, with a fourth cruiser bringing up the rear. Without confusion or delay the Florizel joined the great flotilla, taking station as the last transport in the port column-which was headed by S.S. Megantic, a troopship with which the Newfoundlanders were destined to become better acquainted.

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The First Five Hundred

The crossing took eleven days. The first five days of the voyage were occupied almost entirely with organizing accommodation for the men. It must be remembered that the Florizel was far from being a regular troopship. Built in 1909, the 3000-ton vessel had been specially constructed to contend with ice; so that besides being employed in carrying passengers and freight on the St. John's-Halifax-New York run, every spring when the sealing season came around, she headed for the icefields. Now, with more than five hundred troops on board, it was necessary to improvise arrangements for sleeping, messing, and sanitary facilities. Ingenuity and determination overcame all obstacles. Every attempt was made to reduce discomfort to the minimum, and it was satisfying at the end of the voyage for the Medical Officers, Captain Lament Paterson and Lieutenant Arthur W. Wakefield, to be able to report to the Governor, "The health of the men is excellent." During the training at Pleasantville the men of the Battalion had been temporarily grouped into five companies, each of four sections, and this organization was to continue until the arrival in England. Appointed to command the five companies were Captains Conn Alexander, George T. Carry, A. E. Bernard, J. "Wes" March, and Augustus O'Brien. Captain Alexander was also the Officer Commanding Troops aboard the Florizel; for Captain Franklin had sailed ahead on the Carthaginian, in order to arrange for the clothing and equipment to be issued to the Newfoundlanders when they reached the United Kingdom. The other officers holding captain's rank at this time were the Adjutant, Captain Walter F. Rendell, and the Medical Officer, Captain Lament Paterson. (The Paymaster, Captain H. A. Timewell, remained at St. John's for a month, embarking for the United Kingdom on November 2.) The Quartermaster was Lieutenant M. F. Summers, and the Assistant Medical Officer, Lieutenant Arthur W. Wakefield. Captain Alexander's daily orders laid down a simple routine to be followed. Reveille was at seven. Instructions from the flagship required all unnecessary lights to be out by 6 p.m., so that meal hours were set at eight, one, and five. The limited space on the Florizel - she was the smallest vessel in the convoy by a margin of one thousand tons - made drill or physical training virtually impossible. Company commanders lectured their men for an hour each afternoon. On Sunday the nth the men attended divine service on the top deck in glorious weather. In the absence of any regimental chaplain Captain Carty took charge of the Roman Catholic service. A Methodist student from Twillingate, Private W. D. Stenlake, conducted the Protestant service, at which the

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sermon was delivered by the former Grenfell Mission doctor, Lieutenant Wakefield. After tea that evening a large number of officers and men assembled on deck to join heartily in a two-hour session of singing old familiar hymns. No ocean voyage is complete without a ship's concert. The Newfoundland Regiment held theirs on the I2th, and its success owed much to the organizing ability of Colour-Sergeant (Company Sergeant-Major) Owen Steele. The programme which he put together comprised twenty-five items; and from LanceCorporal John Williams's opening solo "Anchored," right through to Captain Bernard's popular repeat performance of "La Marseillaise" every number drew enthusiastic and prolonged applause. Probably the most vociferously received was the rendition of "My Bonnie Lies Over the Ocean" and "Old Black Joe" by a double quartette calling themselves the "Florizel Glee Singers." For the greater part of the crossing the weather was fine and seas were calm. In their off-duty hours the men never seemed to tire of gazing over the starboard bow at the awe-inspiring sight of the mighty convoy steaming steadily eastward. There were things to observe closer at hand. Occasionally they could see schools of porpoises sporting in the water, and every day the bodies of three or four horses floated by - for three ships ahead of the Florizel in the port column the Montezuma had embarked nearly a thousand of the 6816 horses that were being transported by the Canadian convoy. On October 10 the battleship Majestic and the battle cruiser Princess Royal took up position, having been waiting for two days at this rendezvous for the convoy to heave in sight. On the 12th the Newfoundlanders were treated to a magnificent spectacle when the 26,ooo-ton Princess Royal steamed at twentytwo knots in full review the entire length of the convoy. As she wheeled close behind the Florizel, the troops aboard gave her three ringing cheers, to which her band responded with what was variously reported to be "O Canada" and "My Own Canadian Home." Quick to correct this mistaken identification on the part of the Royal Navy, the Newfoundlanders came back with a spirited rendition of "Rule Britannia." Within two days of land the weather broke. In the teeth of strong north-east winds the little Florizel rolled so badly that on the 13th all parades had to be cancelled. There were last-minute preparations for landing. An order from the flagship that all haversacks were to be dyed khaki resulted in a great business of staining the offending white duck the required hue with a concoction made from burnt sugar. The Battalion orders for October 14 required all N.C.O.'s and men "from this date" to cease wearing

I2i

The First Five Hundred

badges and emblems other than those of their Regiment. "We are now ready to march at half an hour's notice," recorded Captain Alexander in his log. But although the Florizel reached Plymouth Sound on the afternoon of the I4th, it was not until Tuesday, October 20, that the First Five Hundred disembarked. It had originally been planned that the entire convoy should go to Southampton; but reports of German submarines in the English Channel changed the destination at the last minute to Plymouth and adjacent Devonport. Dock and rail facilities at these ports fell far short of what were available at Southampton; indeed it was not until October 23 that the last of the Canadian units went ashore. On Salisbury Plain For almost a week the Florizel lay at anchor in Devonport harbour with the First Five Hundred aboard. During that time the men were taken on one short route-march through the streets of Devonport, but except to the officers and some of the senior N.C.O.'s no shore leave was granted. Disembarking took up most of the 2Oth. Shortly after seven that evening, among the good wishes of a large number of the townspeople, who showered the Newfoundlanders with gifts of apples, cigarettes, and candy, the troops boarded a fast train for the five-hour run to their next stopping-place - Salisbury Plain. The historic area which was to be the home of the Newfoundland Regiment for the next seven weeks had been used for training British troops since the turn of the century. In its numerous tented camps, some of which were to accommodate the Canadian and Newfoundland Contingents, Territorial Forces had carried out their summer manoeuvres for many years. The turf that covered most of the ninety square miles of rolling War Office Lands provided excellent training ground in dry weather. The region allotted to the new arrivals was on the west side of the military area; Canadian Headquarters were established at Bustard Camp, about three miles north of Stonehenge. Another five miles to the north-west was Pond Farm Camp, which the Newfoundland Contingent was to share with the 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade and two Canadian cavalry units. The Newfoundlanders' introduction to Salisbury Plain might have been made in more favourable circumstances. The train that brought them from Plymouth unloaded them at the little station of Patney, near Devizes, some time after midnight, and then they had a seven-mile tramp to their destination. During the march

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through the darkness and the rain the men felt the effect of seventeen days' inaction on board; and many had not fully recovered from their sea-sickness during the final rough fortyeight hours at sea. It was 3 a.m. on October 21 when the weary column reached Pond Farm Camp, and by the time all had been sorted away into their tents there remained few hours for sleeping. Most of the 2 ist was taken up with settling into the new surroundings. There was some grumbling that the tents were without wooden floors; these were promised to be forthcoming in a day or two - a period which turned out in some cases to be two weeks. By nightfall a quarter of an inch of rain had fallen. A full inch fell in the next five days. At Pond Farm Camp the Newfoundland Contingent was placed under the command of a fifty-year-old Canadian officer, Lieutenant-Colonel E. B. Clegg. The new C.O. had been a member of Canada's militia for thirty-one years, having risen to the command of the 57th Regiment (Peterborough Rangers). Volunteering for active service when war broke out, he went to Valcartier Camp, but was not posted for duty with any unit there. On the authority of the Honourable Sam Hughes, the Canadian Minister of Militia, Colonel Clegg accompanied the First Canadian Contingent to England, where he was immediately placed in charge of the Newfoundland Regiment. One of his first tasks was to reorganize the battalion along the lines of the accepted British establishment of the day. The five companies were reduced to two, and each divided into four platoons. Captain Carty was given command of "A" Company, and Captain Alexander of "B" Company. At long last the men were fitted out with standard British uniforms, complete with peaked cap and puttees of khaki. Their Ross rifles caught up with them, and all ranks came to master the intricacies of assembling the complex arrangement of straps, buckles, holders, and bags of various kinds that made up their issue of "Web Equipment." The introduction of the platoon formation brought new problems of drill: for a long time a guaranteed method of reducing a column of fours to a tangled mob was to give the command, "At the halt on the left form platoon." Many a Blue Puttee will recall, however, the great improvement that took place in executing the manoeuvre when all participants joined in rhythmically singing, to the tune of "Three Cheers for the Red, White, and Blue": At the halt, on the left, form platoon. At the halt, on the left, form platoon. If the odd numbers don't mark time two paces, How the hell can the rest form platoon?

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Lieutenant-Colonel Clegg's appointment, coupled with the fact that the Newfoundlanders were attached to a Canadian brigade, brought some concern to the First Five Hundred that their identity might be lost in a merger with some Canadian unit. Near by in Pond Farm Camp was a "provisional" battalion which had been formed at Valcartier from surplus infantry when Colonel Sam Hughes decided that, regardless of establishment, all in the assembly camp who were medically fit should go to England with the First Contingent. Barely over half strength, this unit was composed largely of men who had been culled from other regiments for various reasons; and rumours of a forthcoming amalgamation with such a force presented a prospect that held little attraction for the Newfoundlanders. Ever since leaving the home colony they had found themselves repeatedly taken for Canadians - an identification that they did not greatly relish. Britishers, yes; but not Canadians. The ties were all with the Mother Country across the Atlantic. There were some who could recall words learned in boyhood: Our face towards England, Our backs to the Gulf; Come near at your peril, Canadian Wolf!

The following extract from a letter to his parents by one St. John's man, whether factually correct or not in its reference to Canadian conduct, reflects the feeling that was prevalent among the Blue Puttees: We are all very particular here that we should not be classed as Canadians, for apart from the fact that we are much prouder of our distinction as Newfoundlanders, the Canadians, generally, have been getting a bad name for themselves wherever they have gone, and this applies particularly to London. . . . On the other hand, I am pleased to state that the Newfoundlanders have been given a very good name wherever they have gone, and then our general excellence has been of a very high standard, certainly much higher than that of the Canadians. We have received the highest praise from several Colonels and Generals, who have said that we were one of the finest bodies of troops on the Plains.

The rain continued. It was the beginning of a winter in which the precipitation of 23-9 inches between mid-October, and midFebruary almost doubled the 32-year average. The miserable dampness pervaded everything, and high winds penetrated chillingly through the light fabric of the unheated tents. On a November morning many Newfoundlanders awoke to find canvas walls lined with frost, and blankets white with frozen breath. It took determination to rise by candle-light, step out into frozen

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mud, break ice, and wash and shave; but the prize for Spartan ruggedness must go to the M.O., Captain Wakefield, who to the open-mouthed wonder of Canadian soldiers passing his tent might be seen taking his morning shower, standing in a pan while he doggedly threw buckets of cold water over himself. But hygienic measures were not confined to Captain Wakefield's own person; and to him must go the credit for the Newfoundland camp lines being adjudged second to none in neatness and cleanliness. At first his admonitions concerning the dropping of bits of paper, refuse, or cigarette butts seemed inconsequential against the background of mire and muck; but persistence prevailed, and in due time his rules of sanitation were accepted as a matter of course. Not, however, without the troops having affectionately dubbed him "Droppings." On some days the rain was heavy enough to bring a cancellation of daily training; but on such important occasions as ceremonial parades and inspections no sort of bad weather was allowed to interfere. Thus it happened that when on October 24 FieldMarshal Earl Roberts reviewed the Canadians and Newfoundlanders in his capacity as Colonel-in-Chief of the Colonial Contingents, most of the troops standing in the pouring rain saw only the car in which the great soldier drove by. Better conditions prevailed ten days later when their Majesties King George and Queen Mary, accompanied by Lord Roberts and Earl Kitchener, inspected the force; but the enthusiasm of many of the Newfoundlanders on parade must have been modified by the recollection of the rehearsal at a neighbouring camp two days earlier, when they had squelched back to Pond Farm Camp soaked to the skin after four hours in a heavy downpour. "From that good day until we entrained for Fort George," wrote one Blue Puttee, "we found no kind word for Salisbury Plain." Worst of all was the mud. A few inches below what had been the excellent turf of summer was an impervious layer of chalk, which held the rain water at the surface and quickly formed a quagmire wherever wheels rolled or men marched. To the average Newfoundlander mud was no novelty; but to be compelled to splash all day through mud that oozed over the boot tops, and yet appear on parade next morning with boots and puttees spotlessly clean and all buttons shining was a situation whose disciplinary merit could be appreciated by only the more philosophical minds among the First Five Hundred. On November 9 the 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade left the Newfoundland Contingent and moved into huts a dozen miles away; and towards the end of the month, when Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry departed to accompany the British 2yth

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Division to France, the Newfoundlanders took over their tents at Bustard Camp. By this time Lieutenant-Colonel Clegg had been replaced by Lieutenant-Colonel R. de H. Burton, a British officer of the regular army, who at fifty-three years of age had been brought out of retirement by the outbreak of war. Commissioned in 1880 with the 77th Foot, The Duke of Cambridge's Own (Middlesex Regiment), Burton had fought in the South African War, where he was severely wounded at Spion Kop, being Mentioned in Dispatches. His appointment to command the Newfoundland Regiment dated from November 12, 1914. Before he left the Newfoundlanders Lieutenant-Colonel Clegg, in a letter to Governor Sir Walter Davidson, paid tribute to the 'splendid contingent' which had been placed temporarily under his command. "I do not mean so much in point of numbers," he wrote, although this is very creditable considering your population, as in the calibre of the officers and men. While I have no wish to make comparisons, I believe they are not surpassed by any unit in the camp for all round smartness on parade, steadiness in the ranks and general intelligence, while their physical fitness appears to be excellent.

Like his predecessor, the new C.O. pinned his faith to oldestablished methods of training. During the next nine months, until he took the Battalion to the Mediterranean, Colonel Burton was to demonstrate his conviction that no form of military training could surpass in efficacy the time-honoured route-march. "The number of miles we covered in Wiltshire, Inverness, round Edinburgh, and elsewhere," one foot-weary veteran has written, "will never be computed." Interspersed with the route-marches were long sessions of platoon drill and a limited amount of instruction in musketry. Occasionally, when the rain permitted, there were exercises in skirmishing. The building of huts to accommodate troops in training on Salisbury Plain had begun early in October. Upon the arrival of the Canadians and Newfoundlanders on the scene, each unit was ordered to send a small number of specially selected men to assist in this construction work at Lark Hill, about seven miles from Pond Farm and two from Bustard. The skill of the Newfoundlanders in this type of building soon became apparent, and as a result their Contingent was asked to furnish a higher percentage of its strength than other battalions. The attraction of improved accommodation and better food at Lark Hill led to numerous applications from members of the Battalion to change their designated occupation upon enlistment to that of carpenter. At the end of the training day the troops could find relief from the monotony of camp routine in such recreational facilities as the

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Warrant Officers and Sergeants of the Newfoundland Regiment at Bustard Camp, Salisbury Plain, December, 1914 Front row (left to right): C. C. Oke, J. H. Snow, G. W. Chancey. Second Row: N. A. McLeod, L. T. Stick, G. H. Taylor, S. J. Ebsary, G. Paver, H. McNeil, C. B. Dicks, C. St. C. Strong, V. W. Miles. Back Row: M. Godden, C. R. James, R. Kershaw, W. J. Clare, J. M. Irvine, W. D. Ayre, J. Gardiner, G. Langmead.

authorities had been able to produce for them. A nightly "movie" was well patronized; and the Y.M.C.A. tent was always crowded with men writing letters homej or joining in an impromptu concert - a diversion towards which the Newfoundlanders could usually be counted on to contribute their fair share of talent. The most appreciated breaks in routine came when detachments journeyed to London to represent the Regiment at the Lord Mayor's Show, and at the funeral of Lord Roberts, who died suddenly while visiting troops in France, just ten days after being present at the Royal Inspection on Salisbury Plain. There were some who had livelier leaves in London. Blue Puttees in "B" Company would long remember the exploits of a group of young bloods whose private sources of income gave them a considerable degree of financial independence. One of these gentlemen soon managed to acquire a dashing, late-model Daimler and took a tent-load of brother privates off to London. As other ranks they were unable to gain entry to the kind of expensive hotels and clubs to which they had been accustomed in civilian life. To remedy this they acquired officers' uniforms from a well-known military tailor, and having thoroughly enjoyed -

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and also overstayed - their leave in the metropolis, they returned to camp, to be greeted with a sentence of seven days' "C.B.," as well as a rather considerable delay in prospects for receiving a commission. November passed, and early in December came news long awaited and most welcome - the Newfoundlanders were to leave Salisbury Plain. This red-letter day was December 3, when the General Officer Commanding Canadians, Major-General E. A. H. Alderson, inspected the Contingent and announced that it would shortly be moved into barracks at Fort George - leaving it to officers and men to conjecture which of four Fort Georges in the British Isles was their intended destination. The G.O.C. further congratulated the Newfoundlanders upon a decision which he said had been taken to raise their strength to that of a full battalion. In this the good general seems to have been somewhat ahead of the authorities in St. John's, who, according to the records, were still officially thinking in terms only of providing a sufficient number of reinforcements to maintain the Contingent at its existing strength in the event of casualties being incurred. In November the Army Council had informed the Newfoundland Government that a reserve of fifty per cent would be required before infantry troops could take the field, and to this end on the last day of the month the Government had reopened enlistment for foreign service. There was another inspection in the afternoon, this time by Lord Brassey, a former Lord of the Admiralty, whose interest in Newfoundland had resulted in an invitation to join the Newfoundland War Contingent Association. The old gentleman, nearing his eightieth year, walked slowly down the lines, leaning on two canes. Newfoundland veterans who were there like to recount the story of how the aged Earl, in common with many another Briton, assumed that all Newfoundlanders earned their living by fishing. In the course of the inspection he paused before one man, a chartered accountant from St. John's, whose closest association with the sea had come when he boarded the Florizel. Pointing to the woollen mitts that the soldier was wearing, Lord Brassey remarked knowingly: "I'll bet many's the drop of salt water you've wrung out of those." Winter at Fort George On a Monday morning - December 7, 1914 the First Five Hundred marched out of Bustard Camp. Spirits were high at the realization of leaving Salisbury Plain. The

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Newfoundlanders had mounted guard for the last time outside General Alderson's Headquarters at Bustard Inn, in mud so deep that the sentries walked their beat on a row of almost submerged rifle packing cases. A four-mile march past historic Stonehenge brought the departing troops to Amesbury, where they entrained for the north. The destination was now known to be Fort George in the Highlands of Scotland. As the train sped up the length of Britain, the Newfoundlanders were enchanted with the beauty of the English countryside and the glimpses of the towns and villages through which they passed. Night was falling as they steamed through the great industrial city of Birmingham, and the gathering darkness made more impressive the ruddy glare from the huge blast furnaces. Crossing the Scottish border at midnight, and the long Forth Bridge in the small hours, the train about mid-morning of the 8th drew into the station of the tiny village of Ardersier - a community so small that it was dubbed from the start, "Hard-to-see-her." But what the village lacked in size its inhabitants made up for in the warmth of the welcome they gave the new arrivals. They turned out en masse to cheer these native soldiers from Newfoundland, about whose racial origin they apparently were none too well informed. Indeed it is reported that more than one of the villagers were heard to exclaim in wonder: "Oh, they can speak English!" On their march to the barracks at Fort George less than two miles away the Newfoundlanders were under none of the disadvantages that had attended their final parade through the streets of St. John's nine weeks before. "The men, who were fully equipped," reported an Inverness newspaper, "presented a magnificent appearance, their fine martial bearing evoking the encomiums of the spectators." They were played into the old grey stone barracks by the depot band, to the accompaniment of ringing cheers from hundreds of British troops garrisoned there. True, the tune was "The Maple Leaf for Ever" rather than "The Banks of Newfoundland"; but it would not take long for the new arrivals to impress upon the people of the district about Fort George that "We are not Canadians." Fort George, which was to be the home of the Newfoundland Regiment for the next ten weeks, had stood for more than 150 years on a sandy promontory commanding from the south the narrow passage of water at the western end of Moray Firth. Twelve miles to the south-west, at the head of the inner Firth, was the county town of Inverness, with a population of some 28,000. Nairn, a small town of one-fifth the size, lay in the opposite direction, about seven miles along the shore of the outer Firth. Construction of Fort George - which General James Wolfe had

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once adjudged "the most considerable fortress and best situated in Great Britain" - had begun three years after the Jacobite Rebellion of 1745 had unsuccessfully challenged the rule of George II, who gave his name to the new stronghold. The end of the revolt - and the final crushing of Bonnie Prince Charlie's ambitions to the English throne - came on that tragic April day in 1746 when the Duke of Cumberland's army overwhelmed the Jacobite forces at Culloden Moor, just outside Inverness, and in brutal bloodshed massacred hundreds of wounded Highlanders. It was the last battle to be fought in Britain until, nearly 200 years later, a new form of conflict was to be staged in the skies over England. In more recent times Fort George had become the depot of a famous British regiment, the Seaforth Highlanders. Most of these regulars had gone to the front, however, and in their place a large number of recruits of Kitchener's New Army were taking their early training under veteran instructors of the permanent garrison staff. It was inevitable that the local populace should measure the newcomers from across the sea against the well-trained regular troops that they were accustomed to seeing on parade. But in such comparison the Newfoundlanders stood up well. A week after their arrival the Inverness Courier generously declared that these men from Newfoundland, the first Colonial troops to come to the Highlands, were "well-built, strapping fellows, full of vigour, hardy and strong," and that both physically and in smartness "although not regular troops, but volunteers, they compared favourably with any of our local regiments." After the misery of Salisbury Plain the Newfoundlanders were delighted with their new quarters. All of "A" Company and some of "B" were given accommodation in buildings overlooking the main square of the fort, five men to a room. The remainder of "B" Company found themselves housed in the long vaulted casemates built into the thick walls of the fortress. Each of these rooms, or "bomb-proofs" as they were called, held fourteen men. All now had the luxury of small iron cots and mattresses to sleep on, a table on which to write letters home, and even a fireplace, for which a limited ration of coal was provided. For the first time since their arrival in the United Kingdom the men enjoyed milk in their tea and butter on their bread. "To cap it all," wrote one satisfied soldier, "we had roast beef for dinner the other day, and it is rumoured that we are to have roast beef every second day from now on. What a treat - the first since joining up three months ago." The daily routine prescribed for the Newfoundlanders was far less rigorous than that to which they had become accustomed, for

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the fort was observing winter hours of training. Reveille was not until seven o'clock, and the first parade lasted from nine-fifteen until noon. After dinner there were two more hours of training, with tea coming at five. Last Post was at ten o'clock, and Lights Out fifteen minutes later. Then it was that some irrepressible spirits (there would generally be one or two in each room) would start a "pillow fight" - except that in place of pillows the contestants would use anything that came to hand, pokers, coal shovels, stools, or even rifles. There was no intention to inflict bodily harm, however, and in the rough and tumble this letting off steam was an excellent way of promoting good fellowship and maintaining high morale. As the First Five Hundred trained, the hardening process continued. There were the inevitable route-marches; a twenty-onemile jaunt with full marching equipment was all in the day's work. All those who were at Fort George would long remember with a shiver the drill periods on the sand dunes beside Moray Firth, as chilling winds blew in from the North Sea to numb the bare hands grasping cold rifle stocks. But most valuable of all were the intensive musketry courses, with long hours spent on the excellent rifle ranges - most Blue Puttees would agree that it was at Fort George that the majority of them really learned to shoot. The cold weather was not without benefit, however. Crisp, frosty days and nights covered nearby lochs and ponds with ice, and many of the troops indulged in outdoor skating during offhours and in the evenings. One of the duties assigned to the Regiment while at Fort George was to furnish nightly guards for the seaplane base on nearby Moray Firth. The troops accepted this task with alacrity and a new sense of responsibility, for they felt that this task of protecting important defence installations against sabotage or chance enemy raids was more "operational" than an earlier assignment on Salisbury Plain of guarding the railway stations of Amesbury and Market Lavington to ensure that milk trains got through. Soon it was Christmas - for most of the lads the first Christmas away from home. Though officers and men were separated from their loved ones, the day was happier than any subsequent Christmas Day throughout the war. There was the joy of opening and sharing the contents of parcels from home. Through the generosity of the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company, Lord Brassey, and other benefactors, all ranks enjoyed an excellent Christmas dinner. Afterwards all joined in well-known carols, and in the evening a programme of songs and speeches terminated a day that had brought pleasure and happiness to officers and men alike. Of the thirteen soldiers who contributed individual numbers,

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six would not see Newfoundland again. For two it was their last Christmas: Private George Knight, who brought down the house with his recital of "The Face on the Bar-room Floor," and Private John Dunphy, who sang the currently popular "Stop That Talking," were both to die at Suvla Bay the following December. In the days that followed there were numerous parades by every platoon to the Quartermaster's Store to receive further gifts that arrived in bulk shipments from various organizations in St. John's - a trifle late, but none the less welcome. Having acknowledged a few days after Christmas "ten cases containing cakes" from the Daughters of the Empire, Colonel Burton a week or so later was thanking Governor Davidson for another sixtyseven barrels and thirty-eight cases of Christmas presents which had reached the Regiment from the Women's Patriotic Association. As one Blue Puttee nearly half a century later was to recall of the wealth of Christmas cake and pastry: "You couldn't escape it." New Year's Day, 1915, would be remembered particularly for the kindly hospitality that members of the Regiment received from families in Ardersier, Nairn, and Inverness. Besides the friendly welcome into Scottish homes, where men thousands of miles from their own hearth were quickly made to feel themselves part of the family, there were more formal affairs. The Victoria League of Nairn entertained the Newfoundlanders to a party and a concert; and the city of Inverness followed with a concert, in which two of the Regiment took part. The day was saddened by the death of Private John Fielding Chaplin, of "B" Company, the first member of the Regiment to make the supreme sacrifice. He died of an abdominal condition, at the age of twenty, and was buried with full military honours in Ardersier Parish Churchyard. In remembrance his Platoon Sergeant, Joseph Snow, composed a poem which he had printed on silk, feelingly expressing the high regard in which the young soldier was held. During January, week-end leaves made it possible for many of the men to accept invitations to spend from Saturday noon until Sunday night at Inverness homes. The quiet, devout atmosphere that they found on these occasions appealed to lads who from childhood had been used to carrying out their religious duties on the Sabbath, observing it as a day of rest. After attending morning worship with the members of the household, and then enjoying the novelty of a home-cooked meal, the guest would spend the afternoon chatting with his hosts, and if the family were musical which was more often the case than not - joining in familiar, well-loved hymns. Invitations to visit Scottish homes on Sundays came from not

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only citizens of the nearby towns, but from the owners of estates and castles in the surrounding country. One of the most enjoyed was received from Lord McKinnon, head of the McKinnon Clan, who with his lady and daughter entertained a party of about thirty officers and men from the Regiment on the Sunday before Christmas. Located at Dalcross, eight miles from Fort George, his castle was built in 1609, and the Newfoundlanders were entranced as they were shown the many heirlooms and treasured relics recalling significant events in Scottish and English history. Fort George had many "firsts" for the Newfoundland Regiment. It was here that the Sergeants' Mess really got its start. The sergeants of the First Five Hundred had had their own mess at Pleasantville, and aboard the Florizel and at Salisbury Plain. But it did not take them long to realize that they were all very green, and had much to learn about the business. At Fort George, however, they were welcomed and entertained by the Sergeants' Mess of the Seaforth Highlanders, and these kindly veterans gave them much useful advice about the procedure in conducting a well-run mess, helping them to establish an organization that was to make a valuable contribution to the well-being of the Regiment in months to come. A Commanding Officer's life is rarely dull. Colonel Burton's was no exception, particularly as he was in the unenviable position of having to try to serve two masters. At Fort George, in the training and administration of his regiment he was responsible to the local area commander, and through him to the General Officer Commanding Scottish Command. But he was also under the necessity of being answerable to Governor Davidson on such questions as officer appointments and promotions, and all matters affecting the welfare of the Regiment. Sir Walter, both in his capacity as Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding the Newfoundland Regiment and as Chairman of the Newfoundland Patriotic Association, was the main link between the people of the Colony and the men they had sent overseas; and it thus often fell to him to have to take up with Colonel Burton matters of grievance, real or imagined, which had been brought before him through the Press or by private individuals. One such incident might be described as the case of the purloined grouse. Several weeks after the Regiment had moved to Scotland, the Governor forwarded to Colonel Burton a complaint which he had received from "a merchant of standing in our community" to the effect that a consignment of four brace of willow grouse that he had shipped aboard the Carthaginian in November to his son, Private "X," at Salisbury Plain, had been appropriated and consumed by some of the officers of the Regiment. The aggrieved

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father respectfully requested that an inquiry be made "into the conduct of those who are apparently unworthy to serve the Colony as officers and be classified as gentlemen." On receiving this allegation Colonel Burton called for an investigation by the Mess President, who in due time submitted a report in some detail. On the afternoon of December 6 the Mess Corporal had reported that he had seen in Camp a parcel of what he suspected were partridges addressed to Private "X", and that they were getting "high." He then asked whether, if they were still in sufficiently good condition, they could be cooked for the Officers' Mess. "In consideration of the following facts (reported the Mess President) 1 2 3 4

That we were moving the following morning; That Private "X" was at Lark Hill; That the Lark Hill party was quarantined for diphtheria; That owing to (3) communication between Bustard and Lark Hill was impossible; 5 That the grouse was reported to me as "high";

I ordered the Mess Corporal to do as he wished with the grouse." The Commanding Officer lost no time in forwarding this report to Governor Davidson, expressing the hope that it would remove the unfavourable impression conveyed in Mr. "X"'s letter. He added that he had ordered the Officers' Mess to reimburse the full value of the grouse. The episode ended with a note from Mr. "X" to the Governor, thanking him for the information. He found the Mess President's "excuses most ingenious," and he went on to assure Sir Walter that his son was carrying himself well, "and they say he is the only lad in the Regiment who has not been in the Guard Room." "The conduct of the men has been good throughout and is a cause of great satisfaction," wrote Colonel Burton to the Governor at the end of January. He went on to report that the Newfoundlanders were very fit and that "their healthy and vigorous appearance as compared with men of other units around here has been remarked on." Their period of training at Fort George had done the First Five Hundred a world of good. Group photographs of "A" and "B" Companies taken against the stone walls of the old fort showed a smartly-uniformed, alert body of men. They were proud of their newly-organized Bugle Band. At Pleasantville Blue Puttees had marched to the beat of four drummers, led by LanceCorporal Jack Oakley, but on embarkation these drums had been left behind. When the Regiment drew new drums and bugles on Salisbury Plain, the four drummers formed the nucleus of a bugle

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"B" Company, Newfoundland Regiment, at Fort George.

band, that under the tireless efforts of Sergeant Bill Miller soon developed into a first-class musical organization, whose martial fanfares gave an added buoyancy to the Regiment's step on parade. Early in February there was increasing talk around the barracks that a Second Contingent would soon be on its way from Newfoundland. There were hopes that it might number 500 men or more, in order to bring the Newfoundlanders up to full battalion strength. Then came word that "C" Company, 250 strong, had sailed from St. John's on February 5; and on the I3th the Regiment received orders that it was to move to Edinburgh to join this Second Contingent there. On February 19 "A" and "B" Companies said good-bye to Fort George and boarded two troop trains at Ardersier. The Seaforth pipes played them to the railway station, where the people of the village turned out in force to bid them farewell. As the trains steamed away to the tune of "Auld Lang Syne," the Newfoundlanders carried with them kindly memories of Fort George and the friendly reception they had received from the good folk of Ardersier, Nairn, and Inverness (whose wooded outskirts reminded one St. John's man of Bowring Park at home). Besides enjoying the "pleasant sociality of Scottish hospitality" as Lieutenant Bert Tait was later to rhyme it - many had caught

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the thrill of the centuries of tradition in which the historic Highland countryside was steeped. Long after they left Scotland, whenever a group of Blue Puttees exchanged reminiscences, whether in front-line dug-out or rear billet, or in later years at regimental reunions where memories grow longer as numbers decrease, sooner or later someone would recall days at Fort George. "Do you remember the night they saw the Zeppelin off Cromarty and we doubled all the guards at the fort? What a grand show those searchlights on the ships in the Firth put on!" Or in lighter vein the talk might turn to some of the neighbourhood worthies - to Mrs. Wemyss and her tea-rooms, and the route-march through Ardersier when the Officer Commanding's horse stopped outside the tea-rooms and wouldn't budge until Mrs. Wemyss produced the lump of sugar which he was in the habit of receiving every morning when the O.C.'s batman called there while exercising him. Nor were the memories all on the one side. It is to the credit of the First Five Hundred that they did not wear out their welcome at Fort George; and that forty-five years after their departure a resident of Ardersier could write of the Newfoundlanders: "The people one and all had a great liking for them, and to this day speak with affection of them."

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Edinburgh Castle - A Proud Distinction The journey by daylight from Fort George to the Scottish capital gave the Newfoundlanders an unforgettable experience. It was a glorious spring day, and few among the troops were not enraptured by the breath-taking beauty of the constantly changing Highland scenery, set against a background of majestic, snow-clad mountains. There were no stops before Perth, though some could have wished otherwise. "As we passed the station at Nairn," wrote one lad a little wistfully, "all the girls were waiting for us, and waved their handkerchiefs as we went by." At Perth the Newfoundlanders were given but one more example of Scottish hospitality. As the troops stepped on to the platform to stretch their legs, from the station restaurant emerged a number of ladies bearing trays of hot tea and sandwiches, pressing on each man as much as he would consume.

"C" Company on S.S. Neptune, leaving Furness Withy Wharf, February 5, 1915.

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It was half-past six when the first troop train pulled into Waverley Station, where crowds of citizens had gathered to catch a glimpse of the first "Colonials" to be stationed in Edinburgh. There was a formal welcome by the Lord Provost; and then the two Companies formed up behind the pipe band of the 4th Battalion, The Royal Scots, and to the cheers of hundreds of well-wishers marched along Princes Street and up High Street to the Castle. Within the gates excitement reached its pitch; for waiting to give the marchers the heartiest of greetings were the officers and men of the Second Contingent, who had arrived two days before to form the Newfoundland Regiment's "C" Company. Few slept that night, as friend sought out friend to exchange news of all that had happened since the First Five Hundred sailed out of St. John's Harbour four and a half months before. The policy adopted by the Newfoundland Government to bring the Battalion up to strength and maintain it with adequate reinforcements will be discussed in a subsequent chapter. We may note here, however, that the decision to reopen recruiting at the end of November had brought a response which exceeded all expectation. It had been intended to enlist 250 men to meet the Army Council's request for a fifty per cent reinforcement of the First Five Hundred. But so large a number of volunteers of acceptable standards of physical fitness came forward that the Reserve Force Committee of the Patriotic Association was able to recommend accepting enough recruits to bring the original Contingent to the strength of a full Battalion of 1080 officers and men, together with - at the very least - one reserve company of 250. There was no lengthy period of training in St. John's. Recruiting began on November 30, and in the late afternoon of February 5 the Colony's Second Contingent, 244 strong, sailed from St. John's. The draft reached Liverpool on February 16 and at once entrained for Edinburgh, where Captain Bernard took over as Company Commander, the Conducting Officer, Captain Alexander Montgomerie, being slated to return to his duties as Adjutant of the Regimental Depot at St. John's. A marked difference was evident between the appearance of the new arrivals and that of the better-trained and well-equipped "A" and "B" Companies. The St. John's-made uniforms of the newcomers were readily distinguishable from the Imperial service dress worn by the senior Companies. In place of the standard peaked cap, "C" Company's headgear were knitted woollen balaclava helmets, an apparel that was to give rise to rumours that Russian troops had secretly arrived in Edinburgh. It was perhaps natural that at first the Blue Puttees should feel a touch of resent-

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/"

"D" Company leaves St. John's aboard S.S. Stephana, March 20, 1915-

ment over the way in which, as one of them put it, "the Second Contingent have certainly got the soft end of the plank. They came across in a comfortable steamer and have come straight to Edinburgh Castle, not having to undergo any of the really severe hardships we underwent at Salisbury Plains for seven weeks." There were those who felt that it would have been wiser for "C" Company to have joined the others at Fort George, with all completing their training where facilities were far better than what Edinburgh appeared to offer. But these reflections were only fleeting. As the three Companies settled down to the task in hand, to be joined soon by "D" Company, the newcomers quickly showed their ability to hold their own with those who had preceded them overseas. Indeed, before many months had passed, it was the good fortune of the members of the Second Contingent that circumstances gave them a special opportunity to prove themselves in battle. "'C' Company has gained honour for its Battalion and for Newfoundland," a Brigade Commander in Gallipoli was to write. "At the same time, it is a certainty that other companies will do equally well when they get their chance."

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Edinburgh Castle from the Esplanade, with a battalion of the Royal Scots on parade. The Newfoundland Regiment replaced these troops as garrison.

Within a day the Newfoundlanders were settled in their new quarters high above the ancient city. Some of the larger barrack rooms accommodated as many as thirty men; the smaller ones, much preferred for their comparative cosiness, and the fact that rations for their occupants seemed to come on a bit more generous scale, held as few as six. It was soon learned how cold and draughty the rooms could become as the chill winds of March belaboured the exposed Castle on its lofty rock. It was almost better to be actively employed outside - particularly on the occasion when almost a foot of snow fell, and the men from the island Colony could really feel at home. The newspapers called it the heaviest fall in years, labelling as "a howling blizzard" what the Newfoundlanders, a shade superciliously, rated only a mild snowstorm. If there were within the Regiment any who had entertained thoughts that their stay in the city would be one of relative ease, with little to do but go sightseeing and enjoy local hospitality, they were to be quickly disillusioned. Soon all were plunged into a schedule of training as vigorous as ever. The route-marches

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were longer, and seldom over level ground. Each Company became increasingly familiar with the topography of the surrounding country as, helped mightily by "Drummie" Miller's bugle band, they trudged doggedly up and around Arthur's Seat, or over the Braid Hills south of the city, or - a lighter assignment - down to the coastal region about Leith. Even more exacting than a route-march could be a day's skirmishing over the rolling country behind Holyrood Palace. "The men are getting enough work to at least tire every day," Colonel Burton was able to report to Sir Walter Davidson with the satisfaction that they would be the more likely to stay out of mischief. iThere was another factor contributing in no small measure to their physical well-being. It was at Edinburgh that Sergeant-Major Murdoch MacKay, late of the Seaforth Highlanders, came to the Regiment from Aldershot as an Instructor in Physical Training. With his tall, erect figure, closely-cropped hair, and his Kitchener moustache, "Mac," or "Gym" as he became familiarly called, looked - as indeed he was - every inch a soldier. He quickly developed a strong loyalty towards the lads from overseas, whose physique and general bearing greatly impressed him; and they in turn came to regard him with respect and affection. They enjoyed the novelty of the exercises he gave them - the more so since they could feel that the training was doing them good. It was not long before exhibitions of P.T. staged in Princes Street Gardens under his skilful instruction were drawing large crowds of admiring spectators. The biggest parade of all took place early in April. Newfoundlanders remembered it variously as the "Monster March Out," or "Harry Lauder's Recruiting Drive." More than 12,000 troops from some sixteen units stationed in and about Edinburgh marched through the principal streets of the city in a column that extended for three and a half miles. Well up in the order of march was the Newfoundland Regiment. Vast crowds lined the route; and if any group in the parade drew more acclaim than the Harry Lauder Band, which headed the procession, there was many a Newfoundlander ready to declare with supreme conviction (and with confirmation by Edinburgh newspapers) that it was their Battalion from across the sea. It is not to be wondered that a group of young men, of whom a large number had in the past participated actively in the many athletic contests staged between the City Brigades in St. John's, should welcome the opportunity of pitting their prowess against new rivals - even sometimes in sporting events to which they were little accustomed. Thus, when a notice appeared on the regimental bulletin board: "The Colonel has kindly consented

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that the following will represent the Regiment in a Rugby Match against . . ." it mattered little that for at least one of the players selected it would be his first attempt at the game. The opposing college team trounced the Newfoundlanders badly on that occasion; but of what significance was the score when all had so much fun? They did better in the big Cross Country Race, when their twelve-man team, competing in a field of 250 runners, captured sixth place in the seven-mile grind. But it was in hockey that the Regiment came into its own. Those who were present at the game between the Blue Puttees and a team made up of Canadians attending Edinburgh University would long recall what the friendly contest did to Edinburgh's only artificial ice rink. The rink had a large ice surface, but being designed for fancy skating it had no side boards or screens to protect the tea garden that surrounded most of the playing area. A stiff body check into what would have been the boards in a modern arena meant that the recipient usually landed up among the potted palms or sprawled at the foot of a statue of Venus de Milo. (For some time afterwards a rumour was to persist among the less classically-minded troops that the armless state of the goddess was the result of her having been hit by a flying Newfoundland puck!) The score went into high double figures for the Blue Puttees - the Canadians nil. The real loser, however, appears to have been the tea garden, which by the end of the game had been pretty well reduced to a shambles. The newspaper editor who with rather unnecessary frankness described the Newfoundlanders as having been "suddenly transported from the comparatively primitive life to which they were accustomed" might have been surprised to learn that among these "primitives" a goodly number were able to appreciate fully the cultural opportunities which awaited them in Edinburgh. Letters home spoke enthusiastically of frequent attendance at theatres and concerts. While it is true that the popular music halls drew their weekly quota of patrons, for those Newfoundlanders with a more discerning taste there were the pleasures of a night at the opera, or of hearing the great theatrical stars of the day. Many could enjoy for the first time live performances of great works of music that had become familiar to them only through the medium of the gramophone record. Now they could appraise the dramatic ability of actors and actresses whose names were known throughout the world. "Gladys Cooper and Seymour Hicks were quite good, but nothing extra," wrote one young Company SergeantMajor in critical vein, "but Martin Harvey was really wonderful." To those interested in sightseeing - and who among those soldier-tourists was not keenly so? - the old city of Edinburgh

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offered a wealth of fascinating experience. There was the Castle itself, with its great Banqueting Hall richly filled with relics that portrayed centuries of military history, and its Crown Room a veritable treasure house displaying the coronation jewels of bygone Scottish monarchs. "We are seeing things to remember for a lifetime," wrote Mayo Lind, as he described visits to such famous attractions as Holyrood Palace, the Camera Obscura in Lookout Tower, the National Art Gallery, the Museum, and the Zoo. Farther afield (but only a two-shilling return bus ride away) was the Forth Bridge, which members of "A," "B," and "C" Companies never tired of showing later arrivals from Newfoundland. These later arrivals included "D" Company, which reached Edinburgh on March 30, to bring the Regiment to full battalion strength; and "E" Company, which disembarked at Liverpool on May 2 and joined the main body two days later. With the strength of the Newfoundland Regiment increased to 1250, it was necessary to commission additional officers. It was obviously much sounder to grant commissions to experienced N.C.O.'s with the benefit of several months' training in the United Kingdom than to send over green officers commissioned "off the street" in St. John's. During the stay in Edinburgh twelve members of the Regiment were appointed second lieutenants, all of them original Blue Puttees. Of this little band, the first of a great company of officers to be promoted from the ranks overseas, one-half - Hubert Herder, Owen Steele, Richard Shortall, Rupert Bartlett, Fred Mellor, and Cecil Clift - were to die in battle before the war entered its final year. Spring came late to Scotland in 1915, and April was almost over before warm weather arrived. It brought a feeling of restlessness to many of the Newfoundlanders, especially those who were Blue Puttees. "We have been eight months in training," wrote one of these, "and frankly we are becoming a little tired of hanging around depots, castles, camps, etc." What was the value of hurrying the First Five Hundred overseas, if they had to mark time while the second five hundred completed their training? Periodical inspections by British generals were beginning to pall. There was an impatience to get to the Front, where a more important job was to be done than taking part in ceremonial parades. Garrison life in Edinburgh, for all its advantages, had certain definite drawbacks. There were limitations on the facilities for training, and for providing the men with the kind of recreation they needed. "There is no ground nearby where the men can turn out after parades to kick the football about," reported Colonel Burton to Governor Davidson. "The organization of counter-attractions in Barracks with the Recreation Room and

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Gymnasium used for sleeping is somewhat handicapped." As a result the troops in their free time were left largely to their own devices. The remarkable thing was that, apart from cases of overexuberance displayed on pay-nights, which usually resulted in clashes with the Military Police and a cooling-off period in the guard-room, few of the Newfoundlanders got into serious mischief. "We have had the men under our eyes now for months," wrote a commentator in a local paper, "and it can be said in all truthfulness and sincerity that no better behaved body of men ever garrisoned the ancient keep." Going on to point out that though the troops from Newfoundland had suddenly found themselves "cheek by jowl with the slum and the public-house," they had resisted the temptation to have a fling and had given a minimum of trouble, the writer concluded with a warm tribute: "The Newfoundlanders will leave behind them the name of a model regiment which knew how to honour itself and the place whence it came." One of the Newfoundlanders who seems to have had more than his share of encounters with the Military Police was Private "Y", who because of a series of misdemeanours found himself almost perpetually confined in the guard-room. With commendable resourcefulness he took advantage of this enforced idleness to cultivate a magnificent military moustache, which was his pride and joy. Recognition of these efforts came during an inspection by a very senior general, who, to the immense surprise of Private "Y" 's Platoon and Company Commanders, declared him to be "the only man in the Regiment who looks like a soldier!" As the Newfoundland troops carried out their daily parades and exercises on the Esplanade in front of the Castle, few realized that they were tramping on not only Scottish soil, but on the soil of Nova Scotia, the Canadian province just across the gulf from their homeland, closest to them geographically and economically. For it was in 1624 that James VI of Scotland initiated the order of Knight Baronet of Nova Scotia; and though King James died in 1625 before creating any knights, his successor, Charles I, in the first year of his reign named eight baronets of Nova Scotia, and by 1638 ninety-one had received their patents. These baronets were granted large tracts of land in Nova Scotia, and in order that they might take possession of their Canadian property without leaving Scotland, a section of the Esplanade was declared to be a part of Nova Scotia. Here the new baronets acquired their rights and privileges in a ceremony of feudal splendour. For more than 300 years there was uncertainty as to what particular piece of the Esplanade had been set apart as Nova Scotian territory, until in

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1953 the Premier of Nova Scotia, the Honourable Angus L. Macdonald, unveiled a plaque on the north wall identifying once and for all the area which had been part of Nova Scotia for over three centuries. Of interest here is the fact that it was a member of the Newfoundland Regiment, who was quartered in the Castle in early 1915, who brought to Premier Macdonald's attention the need for some mark of positive identification of this historic site. During the eleven and a half weeks that the Newfoundlanders were at the Castle, the citizens of Edinburgh in time came to the conclusion that these young -colonials were "no sae bad" as deputies to their beloved Royal Scots. What had brought the Newfoundland Regiment to Edinburgh? In an explanatory letter to Governor Davidson in July, 1915, Lieutenant-General Sir J. S. Spencer Ewart, General Officer Commanding Scottish Command, disclosed that he had moved the Regiment from Fort George to the capital "as it seemed appropriate from an Imperial point of view that the soldiers of Newfoundland should garrison our ancient Castle for a time." It is certain that the Newfoundlanders were keenly appreciative of the privilege that had been conferred on them. During the First World War they were to win many well-merited Battle Honours in conflict with the enemy; but members of the Regiment came to regard as their initial mark of distinction the fact that they were the first troops from overseas to have been entrusted with the guardianship of the historic fortress in "Auld Reekie." In fact the Newfoundlanders were the only non-Scottish troops ever to garrison the Castle, before or since. Thirty-nine years later, their stay in the Scottish capital was fittingly recalled with the presentation of a commemorative plaque to Edinburgh Castle from the Newfoundland Command of the Canadian Legion. The unique ceremony took place on September i, 1954, the presentation being made to Lieutenant-General Sir Colin Barber, G.O.C.-in-C. Scottish Command and Governor of the Castle, by Lieutenant-Colonel (Dr.) Cluny Macpherson, who had accompanied "D" Company when it came to Edinburgh in March, 1915. The handsome plaque carried on an oak base an enlarged replica in colour of the regimental cap badge - a caribou's head above a scroll bearing the name "Newfoundland" - with an inscription which read: Presented to Edinburgh Castle by the Newfoundland Command of the Canadian Legion of the British Empire Service League to commemorate the friendship of the people of Edinburgh and the Royal Newfoundland Regiment when the regiment had the honour of being the first Britons from overseas entrusted with the guardianship of this ancient and historic castle, February 19,19i5-May n, 1915.

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It cannot be denied that many of the good citizens of Edinburgh had been not a little dismayed when they learned that the long line of famous Scottish regiments which had garrisoned their castle was to be succeeded by an untried band of young volunteers from over the water. To some the change bordered on sacrilege. In his presentation speech Dr. Macpherson recalled the indignation, many years before, of a great-aunt of his, resident in Edinburgh, when a non-kilted regiment was posted to the Castle, even though that regiment was The Royal Scots - First of the Line. "What would she have said had she, good Newfoundlander that she was, lived to see Newfoundlanders garrisoning the Castle?"

In September, 1954, Lt.-Col. Cluny Macpherson, on behalf of the Newfoundland Command of the Canadian Legion, presents a commemorative plaque to Lieut.-General Sir Colin Barber. Beside General Barber stands Sir William Darling, Lord Provost of Edinburgh, who had served on the staff of the 88th Brigade in Gallipoli. (By courtesy of The Scotsman)

It is never easy to break down the barriers erected by years of tradition, but to their great credit the men from Newfoundland accomplished this to a remarkable degree. Fraternization with the regular troops came easily. The Newfoundland sergeants, for example, were always assured of a pleasant evening at the Club Rooms of the Seaforth Highlanders' Association in Albany Street.

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In return they welcomed to their own mess many friends who were proud and glad to visit them - especially on Sundays, when the Newfoundlanders had the only bar that was open in Edinburgh on the Sabbath Day. Before long the citizens of Edinburgh were ready to open their hearts and their homes to the lads from overseas. After their departure it was gratifying that the Governor of Newfoundland should receive this tribute from General Spencer Ewart: The battalion has conducted itself to my entire satisfaction, and I have the authority of the Lord Provost of Edinburgh for saying that its presence in our Scottish capital has been much appreciated by the people. . . . The Newfoundland Regiment is composed of the best possible material, all ranks being of fine, sturdy physique. I shall watch the future career of the battalion when it goes to the front with the greatest interest, being convinced that every officer and man will do his utmost to uphold the honour of his regiment, of Newfoundland, and of the Empire.

As all those who have had anything to do with the enforcement of military discipline well know, it is never prudent to grant leave to troops on the eve of departure from a locality where they have been stationed for any length of time. In accordance with this long-established principle, orders were given on May 10 that troops would be confined to barracks that evening, their last in Edinburgh. To many, this seemed a harsh edict; in fact few there were who had not already made up their minds to bid their friends farewell before leaving, come what may. The only exit - by the front gate - was heavily guarded, and the walls of the Castle, and the precipice on which it was built, seemed impossible to scale. Undeterred, the Newfoundlanders felt that it was worth trying. Knotting blankets into a chain and piecing together scrounged bits of rope, they began "Operation Exodus" before nightfall, continuing until only the timid remained in barracks. Citizens walking along Princes Street were alarmed and shocked, but when the word got about that the Newfoundlanders were leaving Edinburgh on the following day, all was explained. Through two fortuitous circumstances, first, the concentration of the officers in completing arrangements for the next day's departure, and secondly, the weight of numbers involved, crime sheets of those participating gathered no additional stains. Besides Dr. Macpherson there was present at the ceremony in 1954 another veteran of the 1915 sojourn, Arthur Pratt, the poet of the Blue Puttees. It was not his first return to Edinburgh. On a visit to the Castle two years before, Art had been allowed to see once again the well-remembered sleeping, living, and messing quarters of the Regiment. Afterwards he had attended the

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Edinburgh Festival, when the grand finale of the spectacular military Tattoo suggested the title for a poem - to quote from which seems a fitting way to end this phase of our story. "Tattooed at Edinburgh" (Sept. 4th-uth, 1952) Tattooed for life indeed am I Wie' memories sae thorough, O' my visit this September To dear auld Edinboro, Whare thirty-seven year afore, I, Wl' FIVE HUNDRED itherS,

Were quartered in the Castle grand, Far frae our hames an' mithers; To see ance mair the glory of That Castle on the hill, The Esplanade, whare in that year, We had our daily drill; The rooms whar'in we slept an' fed, The Canteen whare we met, The Guaird Room whare a nicht was spent, If ane returned owre wet. The Royal Mile to Holyrood, Wi' Closes either side, Whare in Queen Mary's fateful days, The Great Anes did reside. Then, at the North Bridge we wad turn Our min's, our een and feet, Frae Mary to Sir Walter Scott In gracious Princes Street. . . .

Stobs Camp — Under Canvas Again It rained all day on May 11, 1915, the day that the Newfoundland Regiment moved from Edinburgh to Stobs, fifty miles to the south-west. That night as the men resigned themselves to the discomfort of trying to find rest in a wet tent, with only a blanket between them and the wooden floor, some wondered gloomily whether the experience of Salisbury Plain was to be repeated. But such fears were groundless. Even in bad weather Stobs Camp was relatively free from mud; and when late May and early June brought day after day of glorious sunshine, most of the Newfoundlanders could have echoed one letterwriter's enthusiastic declaration: "It is grand out in the country like this; we are all well and happy."

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The camp was indeed in an ideal location. Set in the rolling countryside of lovely Teviotdale in Roxburgh - three miles from Hawick - it provided all the facilities needed to put the Newfoundlanders in topmost physical condition and to complete their final period of intensive training for battle. The Regiment was now attached to the I2th Reserve Infantry Brigade, which included battalions of the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. Hawick itself, only ten miles from the English border, was the home of the 4th/5th King's Own Scottish Borderers, which before the year was out, like the Newfoundlanders, was to receive its baptism of fire in Gallipoli. Half a mile away, guarded

Tents of the Newfoundland Regiment at Stobs Camp, Hawick, May, 1915.

by a number of elderly National Reservists with whom Newfoundlanders often exchanged visits, was an Enemy Detention Camp, whose long rows of wooden huts housed several thousand German prisoners. The Regiment lost no time in getting down seriously to the business in hand. The training day began early and ended late. Reveille was at 5.30 a.m., and the last parade of the day usually did not finish before 4.45 p.m. And if a company had to go to the ranges for its musketry practice - generally a ten-day stint - the long work day stretched from half-past four in the morning to eight o'clock at night. It was at Stobs that the Newfoundlanders received the short Lee Enfield in place of the Ross rifle, which in spite of its excellence as a target weapon had fallen into disrepute by reason of its poor performance in the exacting conditions of front-line trench warfare. The men carried out their assignments with cheerful enthusiasm. The monotony of squad and company drill became less

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tedious when balanced with such strenuous activities as bayonet fighting. How vigorously they leaped across trenches to charge those straw-filled sacks, "killing" them with vicious lunge, parry, and thrust! The issue of entrenching tools led to prodigious exertions at digging trenches, and such words as parapet, traverse, and parados were added to the vocabulary. Even the twenty-onemile route-marches over dusty roads with the burden of a fiftypound pack brought relatively few complaints. A strong company spirit maintained morale and showed itself in a keen rivalry with other companies. The surrounding hills, woods, and streams furnished excellent terrain for skirmishing; and one of the high-

June 10, 1915. Lady McGregor presents the King's Colour to the Regiment. Lieut. J.J. Fox in foreground.

lights of such tactical exercises came on a day when a company deployed across a field discovered a number of rabbit warrens. It is reported that the Newfoundlanders' natural instinct for hunting temporarily overcame their acquired respect for discipline, and in many a tent that night there was rabbit stew for supper. The location of Stobs Camp offered a variety of choices to observe the Sabbath in the manner to which the Newfoundlanders were accustomed. Church parades were held on the camp grounds as usual, and many of the troops were given passes to Hawick to attend a church of their own selection. Still others journeyed by bicycle to Jedburgh, a town about fifteen miles away, where on two occasions Private Wilfred Stenlake and a fellow member of the Regiment were asked to preach in one of the local churches. On the return journey there was an opportunity to visit castles and other points of historic interest in the surrounding countryside, which at that time of the year was incomparably beautiful.

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One member of "D" Company found his own special daily entertainment. "I get up every morning at five o'clock," he wrote home, "to see the 'Flying Scot' go by. All you can see is a stream of red, like lightning." It was the open season for inspections. In its first two months at Stobs Camp the Newfoundland Regiment was inspected six times by senior officers, who ranked all the way from the Brigade Commander to the G.O.C.-in-C. Scottish Command. With great satisfaction Lieutenant-Colonel Burton regularly reported to Governor Davidson the encouraging compliments on the Regiment's progress that he had received on each occasion. In common with composers of tombstone epitaphs, an inspecting general is not upon oath when he extols to their faces the "fine body of men" that he has just reviewed. Thus it probably meant a great deal more to Colonel Burton to learn from the Brigade Major that "the C.-in-C. had told the Brigadier General that he was very pleased with the Regiment." The most memorable day of the Newfoundlanders' stay at Stobs was June 10, when the Regiment was presented with a King's Colour, the gift of the Newfoundland Chapter of the Daughters of the Empire. The organization had hoped to make the presentation before the First Five Hundred left St. John's, but the colours had not arrived in time from England. There had been some concern at a report that Lord Kitchener had ruled against any of the newly-raised regiments receiving colours; but these had been ordered before this regulation was made, and there was precedent in the presentation of colours by Princess Patricia to her newly-formed Regiment in Canada. It was an impressive ceremony. The Regiment, drawn up on three sides of a hollow square, was inspected by the G.O.C.-in-C., General Sir Spencer Ewart, and by Sir William MacGregor, who had been Governor of Newfoundland from 1904 to 1909. The colours, resting across the piled drums of the band, were then unfurled and handed by Captain Carty to Lady MacGregor, who, while the Regiment presented arms, placed them in the hands of the kneeling officer in charge of the colour party, Lieutenant Jack Fox. After a number of congratulatory speeches, suitably replied to by the Colonel, proceedings terminated with a march past by the full Battalion (well rehearsed during the previous week). Keeping perfect time, and with fixed bayonets gleaming in the afternoon sun, some 1200 Newfoundlanders presented a magnificent sight as they passed in review before the appreciative audience of visiting dignitaries and spectators from the surrounding district. The entire ceremony was recorded by moving-picture cameramen; and the biggest thrill for the troops came the next

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evening, when they were able to see themselves on the screen of the "picture palace" in Hawick. On July 10 a long train packed with another draft from Newfoundland drew into the railroad station at Stobs Camp, to be given a warm welcome by'the "veterans" of the Regiment. "F" Company's arrival at Stobs brought the Newfoundland Regiment to 1500 men - and it gave the Battalion adequate reinforcement strength for going into action. It is generally believed that an army is unsurpassed by any other body of people in the speed and variety with which it manufactures rumours. Long before July ended everyone seemed to know that the Regiment would soon be moving south - Bedford was mentioned as a destination for the final polishing preparatory to proceeding to the Front. The Colonel and the Quartermaster had paid a visit to Ayr, on the Firth of Clyde, and this led to predictions that some companies might land up there. A move somewhere was imminent. On July 28 the sergeants of the Regiment were guests of honour at a formal smoking concert tendered by the Sergeants' Mess of the 13th Highland Light Infantry; and two nights later the Newfoundland Sergeants' Mess reciprocated with a similar party for their fellow sergeants of the other regiments in the vicinity. Then it was official. Orders were posted to the effect that Regimental Headquarters and the four senior Companies, brought to full strength by transfers from "E" Company, would move to Aldershot on August 2; the remainder would go to Ayr. The Ayr contingent would be under the command of Major C. W. Whitaker, Liverpool Regiment, who had joined the Newfoundland Regiment in mid-July. A second officer of field rank recently posted to the Regiment, Major T. M. Drew of the Leicestershire Regiment, became Lieutenant-Colonel Burton's Second-inCommand. How would the Newfoundlanders in after years come to regard their stay in Stobs Camp? Without doubt many would remember their twelve weeks there as the happiest of any similar period during the entire war. They would recall a healthy life in the open air, and pleasant June nights when one could take his blankets out of the twelve-man tent and stretch out in uncrowded comfort on the grass atop a neighbouring hill. There would be memories of plenty of hard training relieved by reminiscences of the many incidents which served to strengthen the ties holding the growing Regiment together - the Empire Day sports meet, which but for the absence of Quidi Vidi Lake and its boats might almost have been another Annual Regatta; the soccer matches against teams from neighbouring battalions, with the Newfoundlanders more than holding their own; the King's Birthday,

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observed by miles of skirmishing for an inspecting general and a special bang-up dinner at night; the Cross-Country Championship Meet at Berwick-on-Tweed, when a team of Newfoundlanders, with no special training for the event, competed against thirty-two other regiments and came out with fifth place; the boxing and wrestling contests organized by "Gym" MacKay (soon to be appointed Regimental Sergeant-Major), at which muscular Corporal Stan Goodyear invariably carried off the honours; the weekly swimming parades in a nearby pond; the arrival and distribution of the first donation of Mayo tobacco, sent in response to a letter to the Daily News from Private Frank Lind (henceforth he would always be "Mayo" Lind) in which he had declared that it was impossible to obtain good pipe tobacco overseas; Saturday night in Hawick, when the usually sleepy little town was thronged with men in khaki from every camp in the district; and the strictly unofficial band recitals in the town's main street, when resourceful members would play familiar hymn tunes, having first carefully set down the big drum to receive the pennies showered upon it by an appreciative audience - pennies that would help keep the band in beer until next pay day! Yes, that summer at Stobs Camp would long hold a warm place in the hearts of the Newfoundlanders who trained there. Aldershot - The Last Stop The departure of the Regiment from Stobs was reminiscent of the move from Fort George. The popularity which the Newfoundlanders had attained during their stay was illustrated by the large number of people from Hawick and the surrounding district who came to the station to bid them "Godspeed." An overnight journey brought the Regiment to Aldershot - the goal of every unit in training in Britain. Aldershot, the "cradle of the British Army," was the place of assembly for the regiments selected to move to the fighting fronts. Here would come a brief period of rigorous polishing in preparation for the all-important final inspection. The Newfoundlanders were attached as Army Troops Battalion to the Third New Army, commanded by General E. T. H. Hutton, a former General Officer Commanding of the Canadian Militia. They found themselves comfortably quartered in the historic Badajoz Barracks, Wellington Lines buildings which had housed many a famous regiment of the British Army. The final hardening commenced without delay. Under the hot

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August sun the Newfoundland Battalion, in company with many other units of various arms of the service, marched and skirmished in sham battle over the sandy Aldershot plain under the vigilance of uncompromising instructors whose critical eye caught the slightest deviation from the accepted standard of procedure. "They were really tough," recalls one veteran, "but it was all part of the rugged training that was to make us superbly fit for anything that weather or human could throw at us." For the Newfoundland Regiment life moved very quickly in those crowded seventeen days at Aldershot. After the long daily hours of training there was little time for making much use of the numerous recreation rooms and soldiers' institutes which were provided for the men's welfare. It seemed as though the Newfoundlanders had scarcely arrived and learned their way to and from Badajoz Barracks before they were being ordered to parade for the final inspection that preceded embarkation. In their ten months of soldiering they had never before been part of such a vast military community - at this time there were nearly a quarter of a million men in training at Aldershot. On their first Sunday the Regiment attended divine service, the various denominations going to their own respective churches. The large number of units participating made it a most spectacular church parade. Yet in the minds of many from the island Colony all this ceremonious precision must have stood out in marked contrast to the simple and devout service of worship to which they were accustomed at home. "Everything is military, strictly so, even to the ushers in the Church," wrote "Mayo" Lind. They stood in the door, and as we approached the entrance and looked in, I saw several of them looking so fierce with moustaches waxed to a pin point, not a word out of them, but signalling with their arms, to place the different battalions in their positions. I said to myself, "Are we going in church, or slipping off to the front?" No smiles of welcome from those hard visages, no "Glad to see you, do come again next Sunday." . . . No, nothing of that sort, it was simply business, big business. . . . I shudder when I look forward to next Sunday. I hope the Colonel will arrange to have service in the barracks. I would as soon face the Germans as these ushers.

If inspections and visits by senior commanders are indicative of interest in the training and welfare of troops, it can be accepted that General Sir Archibald Hunter, Commandant of the Area, was determined that the Newfoundland Battalion should not suffer from neglect during its short stay at Aldershot. This veteran of the Boer War, in which he served with distinction under Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener, inspected the Regiment on August 6; and repeated his visit on the loth with a tour of the

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barracks and mess halls. All were convinced by this time that a momentous decision was imminent with regard to the unit's forthcoming role. Then on Thursday, August 12, came the "big day," when Lord Kitchener visited Aldershot to inspect the 22nd Division, to which the Newfoundland Regiment was temporarily posted. It was a day of strenuous activity. During the morning the various units took part in large-scale manoeuvres. The infantry were kept on the run, charging "enemy" trenches and capturing hostile pill-boxes. Meanwhile the artillery were dashing here and there, changing positions, firing their guns, and then on the move again. There was dust everywhere. The men swallowed it, and the grime mingled with the sweat that rolled off them under the hot sun as all did their utmost to show the watching officers of the General Staff that here was a body of troops indeed fit and ready to go anywhere and give a good account of themselves. In the mind of at least one observer there was no doubt as to the Newfoundlanders' efficiency. Their former commander, Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. Franklin, who was now serving with a battalion of the King's Royal Rifle Corps, watched them as they marched in at midday after their strenuous morning in the field. "They came along in a manner to warm one's heart," he wrote afterwards. "They have become very soldierly and look ever so strong. The officers have improved in looks and bearing. Altogether they are a regiment anyone should be proud to command. They will make a name for themselves." Later, when all had had an opportunity to clean themselves up, the various units were drawn up for the Field Marshal's inspection. In plain, straightforward language the great soldier complimented the Newfoundland Regiment on its efficiency and then made the announcement for which they had all been waiting. "I am sending you to the Dardanelles shortly, so be prepared, and sharpen those bayonets for the Turks, for when the order comes, it will come sharply." In the outburst of cheering that greeted these welcome words, strict discipline was momentarily forgotten. It was popularly believed that Lord Kitchener's warning meant that the Regiment would be on its way within two weeks. Actually the time was to be much shorter. On August 17 King George V paid his second visit to the Newfoundland Regiment. After inspecting a smartly turned-out Guard of Honour of 100 men under the command of Captain Bernard, His Majesty took the salute from the Regiment as it marched past in review. At last the long impatient months of waiting were ended, for the Royal inspection could have only one meaning. The Newfoundland Regiment was on its way to the Front.

CHAPTER VI

Gallipoli Then came the order to depart And on the big adventure start.

Off to the Mediterranean On the morning of Friday, August 20, 1915, the ist Battalion embarked at Devonport, the port where the First Five Hundred had landed ten months earlier. It was a beautiful, sunny day as the Newfoundlanders, numbering 34 officers and 1042 other ranks, boarded His Majesty's Transport Ship Megantic, a White Star liner of 16,000 tons, which had formed part of the great convoy in which the Florizel had crossed the Atlantic the previous October. Spirits were buoyant at the thought of finally being on the way to the From, and the sight of the Megantic brought promise that the crowded conditions aboard the Florizel were not likely to prevail on a vessel five times her size. The last few days at Aldershot had throbbed with bustle and excitement. Officers worked long hours completing nominal rolls and seeing that their men were fitted out with a full complement of clothing and equipment. There were several new items regarded as necessities for the theatre of operations to which the troops were shortly to be committed. Each man was issued a uniform of light-weight khaki drill and a tropical helmet and puggaree. Inexperienced in the art of winding the puggaree around the helmet, the Newfoundlanders were glad of the help of British veterans of India and Egypt quartered in nearby barracks. Heretofore there had been complaints about the durability of the footwear issued; but the boots now fitted looked, and later proved to be, superior in quality to former issues. In earlier campaigns in India and Africa it had been found that those least susceptible to cholera were the kilted Scottish troops, and hence it was thought that a tight-fitting garment around the loins would afford the

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Newfoundland soldiers at Aldershot examine their issue of tropical kit.

necessary protection. As events turned out, the disease was not prevalent in Gallipoli, and the belts were put to other uses - waste for cleaning rifles, and as a substitute for towels. All ranks had been subjected to a full programme of protective immunization. One sore-armed private wrote home to Carbonear: "Don't fret about my being sick. I have three or four doses of inoculation and four of vaccination, so if all the Turks start to

The Regiment parades at Aldershot on the eve of departure for the Mediterranean, August, 1915.

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decay at the same time, they won't affect me." The Battalion transport, which was to go to the Mediterranean on a separate ship, left Aldershot on August 17. Then, on the evening of the ipth, the Battalion said good-bye to the old Badajoz Barracks. The men were in excellent spirits, for they had all been paid that afternoon, and the forthcoming departure had been honoured with many an informal toast in the wet canteen. Dusk was gathering over the parade square when Colonel Burton gave the command, "Quick march"; and headed by the band of a neighbouring British regiment the Newfoundlanders stepped off briskly for Aldershot Station. Late that night the troops boarded two trains which carried them westward through the darkness across the English countryside. At Exeter there was a welcome early morning cup of coffee and a snack "with the compliments of the Mayoress," and both troop trains drew into the embarkation pier at Devonport in time for a late breakfast on board ship. Shortly after six that evening the Megantic cast off and, flanked by two destroyers which were to see her safely through the danger zone, steamed out into the English Channel, carrying 1076 Newfoundlanders on the path of high adventure. What in later years would have been regarded as the height of folly, but not so considered at that period of the war, was the complete lack of censorship imposed regarding the movement of troops. Postcards of the Megantic were readily available for purchase, and the Newfoundlanders sent these home by mail, adding notes as to their expected destination, the numbers aboard, and

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other supposedly secret information. Yet this was not out of character with the practice of the day, for had not Lord Kitchener proclaimed to the Battalion on parade at Aldershot, and within hearing of civilians assembled near by: "I am sending you to the Dardanelles"? Throughout the voyage the weather continued fine and became increasingly warm. There was opportunity now for all to relax, for apart from the daily routine of boat drill and meal parades the men's time was pretty much their own. Also on board the Megantic was a battalion of the Royal Warwickshire Regiment, bound for garrison duty at Khartoum. It was composed of ribboned veterans of campaigns in India, Africa, and other distant lands, including some few who had served with the British Expeditionary Force in 1914 and had received wounds which made them unfit for further front-line duty. The Newfoundlanders quickly made friends with these old soldiers, and from them learned (at the price at which the uninitiated usually has to purchase experience) a number of unfamiliar dice and card games, including the old British Army-Navy "Crown and Anchor" and the thereafter popular "Top o' the 'Ouse," or '"Ousey-'Ousey." Late on the third day out from Devonport the Megantic passed through the Straits of Gibralter, but in the darkness there was little to be seen of the old town beneath the famous rock. During the voyage down the Atlantic coast only a few ships had been sighted, but once inside the Mediterranean the men were frequently at the rails to scrutinize vessels of many kinds - large camouflaged troop transports returning empty from the Dardanelles, hospital ships bearing their loads of wounded soldiers home to England, long grey warships of the Royal Navy, and a great variety of smaller craft. The first stop was at Malta. The Megantic berthed in Valetta harbour shortly after midday on August 26, and did not sail again until the following morning. Officers were allowed to go ashore, but the other ranks had to be content with viewing the town from the deck, taking a quick dip overboard, and amusing themselves with the antics of the little Maltese boys diving for coins thrown into the clear water. Eastward from Malta the troopship steamed a zigzag course through waters in which the threat from enemy submarines was greatest. (It was later revealed that by the end of August some forty U-boats had been sent to the Mediterranean.) But no mishap befell the Newfoundlanders. Escorted by a destroyer the Megantic had an uneventful run to the next port of call, and forty-eight hours after leaving Valetta she anchored in the land-locked harbour of Mudros, on the Aegean island of Lemnos. It was a

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memorable scene that greeted the eyes of the men from Newfoundland. The vast harbour was jammed with shipping - British, French, and Russian warships of all kinds, troop transports, hospital ships, freighters, lighters, and numerous lesser craft. Mudros was the base of Allied operations in the eastern Mediterranean; the Gallipoli Peninsula was only fifty miles distant. Excitement mounted among the troops aboard the Megantic as they readied themselves to disembark. Each man was fully armed, he carried 120 rounds in his ammunition pouches, and his water bottle was freshly filled. Then came surprise and unwelcome orders. There would be no landing at Mudros; the Megantic would proceed to Alexandria. No reason was given for the change in plans. The general consensus among the officers was that someone at Malta had blundered and that the Battalion should have gone directly to Egypt for a period of acclimatization. All ranks were keenly disappointed. To the familiar query, "Are we downhearted?", shouted from the decks of neighbouring troopships in the harbour, came the unfamiliar reply from the Megantic, "Yes - we are. We're not going to the Dardanelles!" The records reveal that there had been some last-minute changes of plan with respect to the destination of the Newfoundland Battalion. On August 24, when the Megantic, and another eastbound troopship, the Minnewaska, were somewhere between England and Malta, Sir John Maxwell, G.O.C.-in-C. British Forces in Egypt, had notified General Sir Ian Hamilton that if he urgently needed them, he might divert at Malta a Scottish Brigade and the Newfoundland Battalion, to go to Mudros. Otherwise they would proceed directly to Alexandria. Then it was discovered that the Megantic was carrying in addition to the Newfoundlanders the Warwickshire Battalion, which General Maxwell wanted as soon as possible at Khartoum, where it would release a battalion urgently required in Gallipoli. Instructions were accordingly issued for the ship to sail directly from Malta to Alexandria, from which port the Newfoundland Battalion could embark for Mudros, arriving there by September 4. But the Megantic did not come directly to Alexandria, and on August 29, a peremptory message went from the A.Q.M.G. Mediterranean Force to the Commander at Malta: Megantic and Minnewaska both carrying troops which are urgently required in Egypt to relieve other units destined for Mediterranean Force have arrived Mudros. Please ensure that all ships continue to go to Alexandria except those we specially order you to send direct to Mudros.

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In the Shadow of the Pyramids Thirteen days of confinement aboard ship ended late on September i, when the Newfoundlanders stepped ashore at Alexandria and climbed aboard trains that were to carry them to Cairo. The i3O-mile night journey up the Nile valley had the advantage of avoiding the heat and discomfort of daylight travel, though the troops had to forgo for the time being the spectacle of an irrigated countryside rich with plantations of date palms, banana trees, sugar cane, cotton, and other tropical crops. For four days the Battalion was housed in the Abbassia Barracks, one of a number of substantial stone buildings which had been erected by the War Office on the outskirts of Cairo. The memory that persisted longest about Abbassia was the complete absence of furniture in the cell-like rooms. The men slept on the stone floor, which was without covering. They found not even a hook or a nail in the stone walls on which to hang their uniform. Training was limited to one early morning route-marchfrom 6 to 7.30 a.m. - for because of the intense heat during the day a standing order forbade activity of any sort between the hours of 9 a.m. and 4.30 p.m. The heavy serge uniforms and forage caps were discarded for the light-weight shorts and tunic of duck and broad sun helmet with its puggaree. Offsetting in some measure the discomforts of excessive heat and stone floors was the unaccustomed luxury of shower baths for the troops. And when it was rumoured that eggs were to be served for breakfast next morning, spirits were high, only to be dashed when it was found that Egyptian eggs proved to be less than bantam size, and that one or two per man merely whetted the appetite. Then on September 4 and 5 fatigue parties were sent out into the desert to Polygon Camp, two miles away, to set up tents for the Battalion to occupy on the evening of the 5th. Under the temporary command of the City of London Brigade, in the ten days that followed the Newfoundlanders underwent a further hardening process - if indeed such were not redundant for a body of men already blest with a splendid physique, born of healthful toil in forest and fishery which a year's rigorous military training had brought to the peak of condition. But neither the mists of Newfoundland nor the grey skies of Scotland had prepared them for the oppressive heat of the Egyptian desert. Temperatures of 100 degrees in the shade were common; and on occasion the mercury rose to no degrees. Even in the "lay-off' periods in the tents — whose double roof with its insulating air space gave a considerable measure of protection from the sun's scorching rays -

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the men, packed twenty to a tent, perspired freely. And as soon as the sun was up, the flies came in droves. They were ordinary house flies. They did not sting or bite. But they pestered the unfortunate soldier out of any thought of rest, forcing him into a perpetual struggle to ward them off his face and the other exposed parts of his body. Besides the daily early-morning field training, which lasted from five-thirty until breakfast at eight, there was an occasional afternoon parade at four-thirty. This schedule allowed plenty of time for sightseeing - and there was much to be seen. Little had the first recruits at Pleasantville dreamed that they would one day find themselves in such distant and strange surroundings. On all sides the past mingled with the present. Within a mile of Polygon Camp was Heliopolis, once the ancient "City of the Sun" and now the modern European quarter of Cairo. On every hand were associations with biblical times. For many of the soldiers from the island colony, memories of Sunday School days came flooding back as they were shown a venerable sycamore tree under which Joseph and Mary were said to have rested with the infant Christ during the flight from Herod, or walked over the site of a longvanished community where an earlier Joseph had been given the daughter of the priest Potiphera to be his wife. A four-mile tram ride into the desert on the other side of the city brought the soldier sightseers to the Sphinx and the Pyramids; and many a snapshot of smiling groups posed on camel-back in front of these wonders of the ancient world found its way back to Newfoundland. For the less historically minded there were nightly excursions into Cairo, with its striking contrast of magnificent modern streets and buildings and the indescribable squalour and filth of the native quarter. It was in Cairo that the Newfoundlanders first encountered the Australians. In the beginning the irrepressible troops from down under were inclined to "high hat" the newcomers, but after one memorable clash in an Egyptian bar some of the Australians were overheard warning one another: "Keep away from the guys with the goat in their cap; they're a bunch of savages!" This situation soon changed however. There sprang up a close cameraderie based upon a mutual liking and respect for fellow "colonials," and it became common in Cairo to see groups of Australians and Newfoundlanders hobnobbing together. The embarrassment of not being in a position financially to reciprocate the hospitality of the Anzacs was rectified on September 10, when the Newfoundland troops were paid 150 piastres each (the equivalent of about $7.70). Little as it was, it seemed to stretch a long way in a country where ordinary wants were cheap, and close bargaining was a way of life.

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From Veteran Magazine, volume I, April 192.1, p. 39.

A two-hour inspection on September 13 by General Sir John Maxwell gave warning of an impending move; and on the following morning the Regiment entrained at Abbassia siding for the six-hour journey to Alexandria. Embarkation did not take long, and at half-past six the Ausonia, with the Newfoundland Regiment and a battalion of the ist City of London Regiment on board, 1900 men in all, pulled away from the dockside on her northward course. The troops found conditions on the old Cunarder much inferior to the fine accommodation they had enjoyed on the Megantic. The grimy and over-all run-down appearance of the vessel gave evidence of much hard usage as a troopship, and below decks the men's quarters were uncomfortably cramped. Although the outward passage from Mudros to Alexandria had taken less than two days, the erratic course which they now followed (on one occasion the Ausonia turned and steered due south for five hours) was to keep them at sea for nearly four full days. Finally, a little before noon on the i8th, the Ausonia dropped anchor in the approaches to the now familiar crowded harbour at Mudros. Before long a lighter pulled alongside with a most welcome load - mail from home, the first to be received since leaving Aldershot. For the rest of that day and early next morning, as they had done three weeks before, officers and men busied themselves with preparations for disembarking. This time it was the

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real thing, a fact that was driven home forcibly by the issue to every man of a sheet of notepaper and an envelope, to be used for writing a final letter to his next-of-kin. On the following afternoon, a Sunday, a small coastal steamer, the Prince Abbas, hove to beside the larger vessel, and the transfer of the heavily-laden soldiers down the gangplanks was accomplished without delay. It was half-past three when the Prince Abbas steamed out of Mudros Harbour and, rounding the south-eastern corner of Lemnos Island, pointed her bow north-eastward towards the sound of the distant guns. A Famous Division What were the thoughts of these hardy soldiers from far-away Terra Nova, as the little Prince Abbas bore them through the dark waters of the Aegean towards that foreign land of which they knew so little? To what degree the officers had been briefed on future operations is not on record, but certainly the men had not the vaguest notion of the task that lay ahead; and they could only surmise that the Battalion was being singled out for some special assignment. The Canadians with whom they had sailed overseas a year before, and with whom they had shared the mud of Salisbury Plain, had already been engaged in heavy battles in France and Flanders. Whether a final attempted breakthrough was being mounted, as had been rumoured, with the fresh and eager Newfoundland troops as the spearhead, or whether the Battalion would be allotted some other significant role in hastening the conquest of the peninsula - all was conjecture and speculation. It was reasoned by many that this lone and unique unit from across the seas, at maximum strength, in high spirits, with every man in perfect physical condition, would not be sacrificed to the attrition of the elements alone. Surely they were destined to duties of nobler design. Thus, there were few who contemplated the months of trench warfare ahead, or had the faintest inkling of the sickness, the privations, or the rigorous climatic conditions facing them in the days to come. Despite the failures which they knew had been suffered in Gallipoli, the Newfoundlanders had visions of marching on to Constantinople and all that such an achievement would mean to the future course of the war. They shared the light-heartedness, the confidence, and the enthusiasm, if not the romanticism, of Rupert Brooke, whose untimely death on the nearby island of Skyros spared him the anguish of the cruel defeats and undreamed-of disasters which followed the Gallipoli

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landings. It never entered their minds that the Battalion was to be used to fill the gaps in forces which had been cut to pieces in battles already hopelessly lost through inept planning, incompetent generalship, and impossible logistics. Yet all too clearly was the futile strategy of the remaining months of the campaign soon to unfold. There had been reports of pretty bloody fighting on the peninsula, and casualties were said to have been much heavier than had been expected. What was the true situation, and how had it come about? For several weeks after the outbreak of war the hope of keeping Turkey neutral had prevented any attempt by Great Britain to implement a plan, prepared at the instigation of Mr. Winston Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty, to force a passage through the Dardanelles in order to gain contact with the Russian ally. Such restrictions were removed at the end of October, 1914, however, when Turkey decided to throw in her lot with Germany. Mr. David Lloyd George, Chancellor of the Exchequer, who as Prime Minister was to be the leading advocate of breaking the deadlock on the Western Front by campaigning in other theatres, began pressing for action in the eastern Mediterranean which would rally the Balkan nations to the Allied side; and early in the New Year the First Sea Lord, Lord Fisher, put forward a grandiose proposal for an immediate large-scale combined military and naval operation against Turkey. While ships of the Royal Navy forced the Dardanelles, British and Greek armies would launch land attacks astride the Straits, with Bulgarian forces striking towards Constantinople from the west. Unfortunately, however, the scheme was not practicable. At this stage of the war neither Greek, nor much less Bulgarian, co-operation was assured, and any attempt to transfer from the Western Front the necessary 75,000 seasoned British troops (as well as all Indian forces in France) would have inevitably led to an open breach with the French Government. By late January the British War Council, with the agreement of France and Russia, had authorized action by the Navy alone against the forts guarding the Straits; but in mid-February - after an Admiralty memorandum declared a naval bombardment an unsound venture "unless a strong military force is ready to assist in the operation, or at least to follow it up immediately the forts are silenced" - it was decided to make troops available to support the naval effort, if needed. This was an unfortunate compromise. There is every reason to believe that a well co-ordinated initial combined operation using both naval and military forces would have achieved surprise and won success. Alternatively, a purely naval attack, vigorously mounted and persistently sustained, with

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no thought of relying on or waiting for supporting armies to take over the job, might well have been pressed through to ultimate victory. As it was, the venture fell between two stools. Undoubtedly the Admiralty had good grounds for hesitating to accept the proposition that the Dardanelles might be forced by fleet action alone. The forty-mile channel which linked the Aegean Sea with the Sea of Marmara was completely land-locked by the coast of Asia Minor to the east and the rocky Gallipoli Peninsula to the west. At its widest part it was only four and a half miles from shore to shore and at its narrowest (about the place where Leander is said to have, and Lord Byron is believed to have, swum across), less than 1600 yards. The Mediterranean approach to the Straits and the passage itself were dominated from both shores by three successive groups of Turkish forts, the heaviest concentration being at the Narrows, where there were seventy-two guns at the outbreak of war. Besides the fire from the shore batteries, it was known to the Allies that an attacking fleet would have to contend with torpedoes from tubes installed on the land, minefields, and a strong current which flowed continually into the Aegean and created special navigational problems. Yet even though these fairly formidable defences might be overcome, the task would still not be complete. Back in 1807, three years before he came to Newfoundland as Governor, Admiral Sir John Duckworth with seven ships of the line had run the passage of the shore batteries of that day and destroyed a Turkish squadron in the Sea of Marmara. Yet, lacking supporting troops to exploit this achievement, he had been forced to retire without accomplishing his objective of reducing Constantinople. The Navy learned its lesson, and for more than a century the maxim held that without the assistance of land forces ships alone could not be expected to gain a decision on shore. On February 19 an Allied fleet began bombarding the forts at the entrance to the Dardanelles. Although bad weather hindered the operation, by March 2 the outer forts had been destroyed: demolition parties landing on both sides of the Straits encountered no opposition. The weather continued to be atrocious, and attempts by minesweepers to clear the minefields guarding the inner forts were frustrated by the enemy gunners. On the 9th operations came to a standstill. In London, while Mr. Churchill expressed to the War Council his confidence that the Navy could still get through unaided, Lord Kitchener appointed General Sir Ian Hamilton to command a Mediterranean Expeditionary Force, and issued orders to the 29th Division to prepare for an early departure to Mudros. It was only now that the British General Staff was informed that large-scale military operations in the

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Dardanelles were contemplated. Its exclusion from the early planning for the employment of troops in the projected campaign must be accounted a major contributing cause of the subsequent failure of the whole Dardanelles enterprise. Under the urgings of the Admiralty to press hard for a decision even though this might entail heavy losses, the Dardanelles fleet attacked in strength on March 18. Almost all the inner forts were silenced, but the loss of three battleships to undiscovered mines resulted in the attempt to force the Narrows being called off. It is a matter of record that the Turkish command believed defeat was inevitable if the Allied attack had continued on the I9th. Their closeness to victory was not realized by the attackers, and from then on the British fleet was allowed to make no further attempts, either alone or in co-operation with the Army, to force the Dardanelles. Henceforth operations against Turkey would be conducted as a land campaign supported by the Navy's guns. . The responsibility for directing that campaign was now in the hands of Sir Ian Hamilton - who wrote in his diary that then informed of his appointment his "knowledge of the Turks and the Dardanelles was nil." Seldom if ever has a commander-in-chief been given as little time to organize his force and plan his strategy. Yet with all the speed possible, five weeks were to elapse between the final naval attack and the first military landing in Gallipoli - a period of which the enemy took full advantage to build up his garrison and improve his scheme of defence. At dawn on April 25 a force of 75,000 Allied troops began landing on Turkish soil. In the face of the fiercest opposition the British 29th Division brilliantly fought its way ashore at Cape Helles, at the tip of the peninsula, while an Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (the initials spelled ANZAC), divided into two divisions, gained a foothold at Anzac Cove, fourteen miles up the west coast. At the same time the Royal Naval Division and a French Division carried out diversionary attacks. All the landings were contained by Turkish forces, and a period of trench warfare began. Both sides reinforced. By the end of July nine more Allied divisions had been sent to the Mediterranean, while the German commander at Gallipoli, General Liman von Sanders, had increased his defensive force to twenty-two Turkish divisions. Then came the abortive venture at Suvla Bay. On the night of August 6-7, as part of a general offensive in which the Anzac Corps would attempt to break out eastward across the peninsula, two green British divisions (the loth and nth) made a confused landing four miles north of Anzac. The assaulting British troops initially met only weak resistance, but during forty-eight hours, while important heights inland lay virtually undefended ready for

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the taking, they failed to exploit the surprise they had gained. Strong Turkish reinforcements arrived in time to ring the beachhead before supporting British divisions could be brought in. As at the other landings, fighting subsided into trench warfare. Because of what the Commander-in-Chief later described as "fatal inertia" a great opportunity had been missed, and now there was little hope of breaking the deadlock unless substantial reinforcements were forthcoming. But appeals by Sir Ian Hamilton for more troops fell on deaf ears at the War Office, where the demands of the Western Front still held overwhelming priority. Indeed, Lord Kitchener cabled that he could not understand why troops from the large holdings at Egypt were being requested before "those sent specially for the Dardanelles were all exhausted." Compelled to employ his own frugal resources in manpower as best he might, in mid-August Hamilton reinforced the Ninth Corps at Suvla with the 29th Division - its ranks seriously depleted by costly fighting in the Helles sector and by the inroads of disease. Almost immediately the division was engaged in a bloody struggle for Scimitar Hill, a Turkish stronghold overlooking Suvla Bay. The fruitless assault cost the 29th Division heavy casualties, more than 1100 in one brigade alone. This was the division which the Newfoundland Regiment was on its way to join, and with which it was to be privileged to serve for the next two and a half years. The 29th Division, organized in January, 1915, was the last infantry division to be formed during the war from regular battalions of the British army?1 It was composed (like the 28th Division) of regular units brought home from garrison duties in India and the Colonies. Of the twelve battalions in the Division's three brigades (the 86th, 8yth, and 88th), six had returned from service in India, three from Burma, and one each from China and Mauritius. In the absence of a twelfth regular battalion to complete the order of battle, the ist Battalion, 5th Royal Scotsman Edinburgh Territorial unit, was selected to fill the gap. The experiment was successful. Carefully groomed by the divisional commander, Major-General Sir Aylmer Hunter-Weston, and his successor in June, Major-General Sir Beauvoir de Lisle, the Scots were not long in taking their place on an equal footing with the veteran battalions of the 88th Brigade. Unfortunately the Edinburgh unit received no reinforcing drafts to make good its heavy losses in the early fighting in Gallipoli, and its numbers became too depleted for it to function effectively at the front. At *The other regular divisions were the ist to the 8th, and the 27th and 28th. The 9th to the 26th Divisions were raised as components of Kitchener's New Armies.

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the end of July a decision was taken to replace the Royal Scots with the Newfoundland Regiment. Thus it was that the Newfoundlanders, assigned to the 88th Brigade under the command of Brigadier-General D. E. Cayley, found themselves the only nonregular battalion in a division of veteran troops. Their fitness to take their place in such distinguished company was to be amply demonstrated in the months of testing which lay ahead. Suvla Bay Six hours after leaving Mudros the Prince Abbas anchored in Suvla Bay, whose shoreline formed an almost geometrical half circle two miles in diameter. The ship's course had kept her well off the coast of Gallipoli, but after night fell the Newfoundlanders crowding the decks of the little vessel had spotted the distinguishing lights of a hospital ship in Anzac Cove; and nearer their destination the darkness had been fitfully illumined by intermittent flashes from British field batteries firing from positions a few hundreds yards inland. Several times during the voyage the troops had heard the distant rumble of Turkish guns shelling the Allied beaches, and when the ship's engines fell silent there came another sound, familiar from many a day's shooting on the ranges - the sharp crack, crack of rifle fire. Soon a large lighter came alongside the Prince Abbas, and the transfer of troops to shore began. These lighters, forerunners of the landing craft used in the Second World War, were motordriven flat-bottomed boats with decks and sides plated with f-inch steel as protection against rifle bullets and shrapnel. Each could carry 500 men or 50 horses and land them on a beach from shallow water. The first of these craft were built early in 1915 for use in a proposed Baltic operation (which did not materialize), but none were released for the initial Gallipoli landings. General Sir Ian Hamilton was successful, however, in obtaining a number in time for the August assault at Suvla, and the protection afforded by their armour and the speed with which they could put a large body of troops ashore contributed materially towards preventing a repetition of the terrible casualties suffered at Cape Helles on April 25. A stiffening wind and a rising sea created problems in berthing the unmanageable lighters, and it was three o'clock before all the Newfoundlanders were ashore. They landed at a pier on Kangaroo Beach - the most easterly of three indentations in the north shore of the bay. As each company stepped on dry land, kitbags were

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Looking north from Green Hill Cemetery. On the left rises Chocolate Hill, with Salt Lake beyond, and Kiretch Tepe in the background. On the right is the area occupied by the Newfoundland and Turkish trenches. (Photograph by C. S. Frost)

stacked on the beach, and a guide led the men to a series of dugouts - little more than uncovered holes in the ground. The wind was whipping up clouds of sand - "just like a Newfoundland snow storm," wrote one officer afterwards. Rolling themselves in their blankets, for it was bitterly cold, the men snatched from the remnants of the night what sleep they could. When daylight came Newfoundlanders, peering from their inadequate shelters, caught their first glimpse of the area to which they were to be confined for the next three months. It was a bleak, unprepossessing scene. To the north, east, and south a series of bare foothills, in places rising steeply into wooded ranges of a height of 900 feet, enclosed the rocky, scrub-covered flats of Suvla Plain, which spread over a rough square some three miles across. Immediately inland from the southern half of Suvla Bay lay the bed of a large lagoon, about a mile square. It bore the name Salt Lake, but during the summer months it was completely dry and firm enough for men to march on. But that cold morning of September 20 was not the time for sightseeing; for at eight o'clock the Turkish batteries from behind the hills began shelling the beaches and the shallow ravine into which the Newfoundlanders had been led. Keen-eyed observers on the high ground behind the Turkish lines had spotted the new arrivals, and soon bursting shrapnel had accounted for upwards of fifteen casualties - though fortunately no one was killed. Among the wounded in this baptism of fire was the battalion adjutant, Captain Walter Rendell. He was evacuated that afternoon to

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Private Hugh McWhirter, the Regiment's first fatal casualty in action, is buried in Hill 10 Cemetery, Suvla Bay. (Photograph of grave by C. S. Frost)

MudroSj en route to hospital at Malta, and a year was to elapse before he rejoined the Regiment on the Western Front. His place as adjutant was taken by Captain Arthur ("Tim") Raley. Another casualty inflicted that morning on the Regiment by the enemy's shelling was the loss of the bugle band's instruments. On landing at Kangaroo Beach the members of the band had carefully piled their bugles and drums in a gully, only to find when they came to reclaim them next day that an unmusical Turkish shell had silenced them for ever. To many of the Newfoundlanders compelled to construct seemingly endless stretches of trenches during training, digging had heretofore seemed one of the less profitable occupations of soldiering. But circumstances alter cases; and on the order to dig the men fell to with their entrenching tools as vigorously as though (as indeed was true) their lives depended on it. During the morning a move was made to better shelter in a gully near Divisional Headquarters. Called "Essex Ravine" after a battalion of the 88th Brigade, the Newfoundlanders' new location lay in the shadow of Karakol Dagh, the westerly crest of the coastal ridge to the north - the Kiretch Tepe. At seven that evening "A" Company, commanded by Captain George Carty, was sent forward to join a battalion in the front-line support trenches to undergo a period of forty-eight hours of instruction in trench warfare. This was a practice that had been introduced in France earlier in the year. The 88th Brigade being in reserve at the time, Captain Carty's company received its indoctrination from the ist

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Royal Dublin Fusiliers, a unit of the 86th Brigade. Other companies followed in turn, each holding a section of trenches for two or three days, and on being relieved moving into the 88th Brigade Reserve. During this time of getting to grips with the enemy the Regiment suffered its first fatal casualty in action. Private H. W. McWhirter was killed on September 22 by a Turkish shell, and on the following day Private W. F. Hardy, who was hit by a sniper's bullet in the firing line, became the second Newfoundlander in the campaign to make the supreme sacrifice. Both found a final resting place on the slopes of Hill 10 overlooking Suvla Bay, in a cemetery that contains eight of the forty-three graves of Newfoundlanders who were destined not to return from Gallipoli and Egypt. To the next of kin Governor Davidson, as soon as he received cabled notification of the casualties, sent the first letters of condolence that were to be repeated with such tragic frequency in the months that lay ahead: On behalf of myself and the Government, and indeed, on behalf of the whole of the people of Newfoundland, I desire to tender you sincere sympathy in the great loss which you have sustained: a loss which is not only yours, but the whole country's. . . .

The Newfoundlanders' first period of front-line duty as a full unit began on the night of September 30, when the 88th Brigade relieved the 8yth, and Colonel Burton took over responsibility for the fire trenches and support trenches of the 2nd Battalion, South Wales Borderers. The Brigade now held a sector about a mile long in the centre of the Ninth Corps' five-mile front; which from the boundary with the Anzac Corps (about a mile south of the Salt Lake) ran almost straight north along the east side of the Suvla Plain. A pronounced bulge in Brig.-General Cayley's front brought the foremost Newfoundland trenches at one point to within fifty yards of the Turkish positions. While occupying this salient during their successive tours of duty in the line, the Newfoundlanders were unpleasantly exposed to enemy observation from both flanks - a situation on which the Turkish snipers did not fail to capitalize. It was the practice of these sharpshooters, singly or in pairs, to take up posts of vantage under cover of darkness; and from these concealed positions they presented a constant threat to anyone in the opposing trenches who was unwary enough to show himself by daylight. Looming up into the eastern sky was the poo-foot rampart of Tekke Tepe, which with the walled village of Anafarta on its southern slopes had been an important objective of the fruitless August offensive. As long as the enemy held this height on the

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spine of the peninsula, he could completely dominate the 29th Division's positions on the Suvla Plain. To the Newfoundlanders' Commanding Officer, supremely confident in the fighting quality of his men, the situation presented a splendid challenge, but one which, fortunately for the casualty lists, he was not permitted to accept. "I myself," Sir Ian Hamilton was to write in a message to St. John's in later years, "will never forget the request made to me personally, by Lieut.-Colonel R. de H. Burton, after their first day in the trenches, that they be allowed to storm Anafarta and Tekke Tepe single-handed." In Trench and Dug-out Instead of embarking on such a spectacular if forlorn undertaking, the Battalion found itself engaged in the less dramatic but more secure routine of trench life. Initially, at least, the novelty of the situation and the ever-present danger that accompanied the performance of many of the required tasks kept these from becoming a monotony. The pattern was quickly established. Following the early stand-to and breakfast it was each man's daily responsibility to clean his rifle and ammunition. Then, while sentries in the 'fire bays kept an alert watch through their periscopes to detect any movement in the enemy lines, there was work to be done in maintaining and improving the trenches. This might involve repairing the sand bag parapets, deepening drains and sumps, or constructing bomb-proof shelters for platoon headquarters. Immediately after the mid-day meal of "skilly" or the only recently introduced "Maconochie," all ranks would turn to the very necessary, if distasteful, occupation of "picking shirts"; for in the enforced insanitary conditions in which men existed on Suvla Plain lice were the bane of every unit's existence. During the daytime, when fine weather allowed the troops to strip to the waist, the activities of these pests could be fairly well held in check; but at night, when it was necessary to roll in a blanket to keep warm, their insidious operations would drive a man into a state of torment, which would only be relieved when he fell asleep from sheer exhaustion. Nor did bathing parties in Suvla Bay provide a safe remedy, for more often than not the appearance of the first swimmer on "A" Beach would provoke a burst of shellfire from the unaccommodating Turk. Drinking water was a scarce commodity, at times the ration being only one half-pint per day; and even then the thirstquenching properties were diminished by the fact that the petroltin containers had not been thoroughly cleansed before being

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drawn from stores. It was made known that the few wells in the area were contaminated, but this in itself was insufficient to discourage thirsty souls from undertaking the serious risks involved in drinking from them, and thus it became necessary to place all wells "out of bounds" to troops. The evening meal would consist of the indispensable and durable hard biscuit, with cheese or jam, washed down with tea. For a special treat there might be rissoles - a mixture of biscuit crumbs and bully beef rolled together and fried in margarine, lard, or even bacon fat if bacon had recently been on the breakfast menu. The troops found these tasty when hot; but too often they were cold, and then - as one veteran looking back over the years recalls with a shudder - "they were frightful." No Man's Land, the area between the opposing trenches which was deserted by day, came to life at night. From each company some were detailed to man the listening posts, carrying on with their ears the task given to the sentries' eyes during the day; others formed patrols to explore towards the enemy's positions; sometimes fatigue parties went out to repair or extend the protective barbed wire, or dig a new trench which would advance the front line to a more favourable position. It was in the performance of these nocturnal tasks that the hazard was greatest. Turkish snipers were continually on the alert, and often their single shots would precipitate a fusillade of bullets from the trenches behind them. Mercifully the Newfoundlanders' battle casualties at this time were low compared to what more active operations would have cost. During the months of October and November the daily entries in the battalion war diary read with monotonous regularity: "Woundedone; wounded - two; wounded - one; killed - one; wounded two . . . " Officers and men soon adjusted themselves to the situation. After several narrow shaves, when it seemed that the enemy's bullets missed by a matter of only inches, it became possible to adopt a sort of fatalistic philosophical reasoning that "my number wasn't on that one." Yet despite this process of mental hardening, there were few who could escape the sense of shock and personal deprivation at seeing a fellow soldier, perhaps a buddy from the same community back home in Newfoundland, struck down beside him. Although the Newfoundland Regiment was not called upon to launch an attack upon the enemy, occasionally the daily routine was broken by the bombardment with which the Navy periodically pounded the Turkish positions. Their support trenches provided the Newfoundlanders with a grandstand seat for the awe-inspiring spectacle. The broadsides fired by the battleships and monitors in the bay, supplemented by batteries of field

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Evacuating casualties at Suvla Bay

artillery on shore, played havoc with the enemy trenches. With the rain of shells which poured down on the hostile front line removing any danger from enemy snipers, in the Newfoundland fire trenches men craned their necks over the parapet to watch and applaud the destructive effect of the high explosive as it sent columns of earth a hundred feet into the air. Immense projectiles from fifteen-inch guns screamed overhead to batter the Turkish defences, reducing the laboriously-constructed field works to a rubble of pulverized sandbags in which were intermingled the shattered remains of machine-guns and mortars and the mangled bodies of men and mules. Whenever the smoke cleared enough to allow a glimpse of the ships in the bay, the Newfoundland trenches would resound to shouts of "Come on, the Navy," and "Good old Britain." The Newfoundlanders were honoured on October 5 by a visit in the front-line trenches from General Sir Ian Hamilton and his retinue of staff. While no doubt his "knowledge of the Turks" had vastly improved since writing in his diary at the time of his appointment, the fact that on this occasion he was attired in the full parade-ground regalia of his rank would seem to indicate a surprising lack of respect for the accuracy of the long-range Turkish snipers. The normal tour of duty in the front line lasted ten days,

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during which two companies would be in the fire trenches and two in support, exchanging roles every four days. On its first relief, which was carried out on October n by the 4th Battalion, Worcestershire Regiment, the Newfoundland Battalion moved back some two miles to the second line of resistance, which ran northward from the Salt Lake over Hill 10 to the Essex Ravine. But any who might have entertained visions of a nice quiet period of rest before returning to the front line were sadly disillusioned. The reserve trenches had to be widened and deepened and supplied with good communication trenches so that they would be thoroughly defensible in case of a reverse. And so the digging continued - and casualties still came from shelling or a bullet from the long-range, indirect fire of the enemy's machine-guns. A number of dug-outs that the Royal Scots had occupied on the seaward slope of Hill 10 were taken over by the first Newfoundland company to arrive from the front line; and those who came later excavated their own in the relative shelter of Essex Ravine. They dug them roughly in the form of a shallow grave, each large enough to accommodate two men. There was no roof, but a groundsheet stretched over the top served, with varying success, to keep out the rain. Some companies were fortunate enough to have their dug-outs in a spot sufficiently screened from the enemy's view to allow fires to be lit. After supper a group would gather around the dying embers to sit and talk, and perhaps join in the familiar chorus of "Tipperary" or some other popular marching song or sentimental ballad. Inevitably before long someone would swing into the regimental version of "Tavern in the Town": "And when those Newfoundlanders start to yell, start to yell, Oh, Kaiser Bill, you'll wish you were in hell, were in hell; For they'll hang you high to your Potsdam palace wall, You're a damn poor Kaiser, after all."

It would be a memorable day if the men were met with a distribution of mail on their arrival from the front-line trenches. What if the letters from home were four months old? Now that they were here the affection that they brought and the news they carried were all the more welcome for the waiting. Men from the same Newfoundland outport would swap items of local interest, while listeners volunteered their comments and expressed their opinions with a freedom from restraint only to be found among a band of exiles from home enjoying the close comradeship born of shared adversities and common dangers. The first Sunday out of the line brought an opportunity for an informal church service in the open air. The Newfoundlanders

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had no official chaplain yet. The problem of having four religious denominations strongly represented in the Regiment has already been noted. Those who were charged with the responsibility of organizing the original Contingent could not foresee to what extent denominational differences would largely be forgotten once the men, united by their communal way of life, were away from the sectarian restrictions that had separated them in the homeland. It was not feasible to provide a chaplain for each denomination, and so none was appointed. The First Five Hundred sailed from St. John's without a padre. But the Battalion was fortunate in having in one of its members, Private W. D. Stenlake, a Methodist student for the ministry who on the outbreak of war had left his work in the mission field at Twillingate to become one of the First Five Hundred. Wilfred Stenlake, a quiet, unassuming man, carried on his regular duties as a member of "B" Company, but he was always ready, when a chaplain from Brigade Headquarters was not available, to read the burial service over a fallen comrade, or - as on this Sunday afternoon - to lead his fellow soldiers in simple but sincere worship and prayer. It was now the latter part of October, and the weather, which had for some time been on the cool side (especially at night) and frequently wet, turned very warm. The skies were cloudless, both day and night; it was indeed ideal summer weather. But to the troops on Suvla Plain the rising temperature proved a menace, for it brought plagues of flies more tormenting than ever before. The troubles that they had had with flies in Egypt were as nothing compared with the ordeal which confronted them on the Gallipoli Peninsula. Efforts to control the pests by enforcing strict sanitary measures in trench and dug-out were of little avail. Breeding unhindered on the unburied corpses which littered No Man's Land, the insects swept down in hordes upon the Newfoundlanders. Every meal was a constant contest between man and insect. To spread a biscuit with jam was to see it become black with flies before it could be conveyed to the mouth; and only by hiding food in one hand and brushing away the flies with the other was there a chance of eating anything in safety. The flies carried to the food the germs of dysentery, jaundice, and enteric. As a result of their attentions, and of those of the body lice, aided by the debilitating effects of the Gallipoli climate, disease invaded the ranks of the Newfoundlanders, causing more casualties than Turkish shells and bullets. By the middle of October the Battalion had lost one-third of its strength - and the first draft of reinforcements did not arrive until December i. Besides the more serious cases, which found their way aboard the hospital ships, large numbers received treatment in the field hospitals near the beach,

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while others though sick managed to carry on in the trenches, with companies doing double shifts to keep the firing line manned. The morning sick parades became longer and longer; on October 20, 150 men lined up at the Regimental Aid Post. Many of those who were evacuated failed to recover, and found their last resting place in military cemeteries at Mudros, Malta, and Alexandria. For the rest of October and throughout November and half of December the Regiment's successive tours in the front line and in reserve were exchanges of duties with the 2nd Battalion, Royal Fusiliers (City of London Regiment) of the 86th Brigade. The Newfoundlanders lost their Commanding Officer on October 30, when Lieutenant-Colonel Burton was shot in the hand and had to be evacuated. Acting command of the Regiment was taken over by the Second-in-Command, Major T. M. Drew. The final spell in the fire trenches was to drag on for what seemed an interminable thirty-two days. Hopes of action had all but disappeared, and the futility of the situation wore down men's nerves. The lack of reliable news, the infrequency of mail, and the absence of reading material of any kind; the monotony of seeing the same sights and hearing the same sounds and smelling the same smells day after day; the wretched discomfort of living in the same clothes for weeks on end with never being able to take off one's boots; the debilitating effect of the recurring attacks of sickness which few escaped - all these factors combined to assail the spirits of even the stoutest hearted. Little wonder that morale sagged and men looked enviously at the lights of the hospital ships as they came and went every few days. On the other hand, some of the very sick were most reluctant to go. Scribbled in the diary of one junior N.C.O., who had been evacuated with a temperature of 104 degrees, was the note: "The darkest day of my life. No longer shall I be able to share the hardships with my buddies." He reached hospital in Malta with a full complement of dysentery, enteric fever, and jaundice, but lived to rejoin the Battalion, and to serve with it to the end of hostilities. Yet of most of this the people of Newfoundland knew very little at the time. Private Frank "Mayo" Lind, who has been called Newfoundland's first war correspondent, was writing his colourful, but generally fairly accurate accounts of life at the front for publication in the St. John's Daily News, but usually these did not appear in print for five or six weeks. In their letters home the majority of the troops tried to spare their loved ones mention of anything that would tend to increase their anxiety. One officer who wrote home on October 18, "Everything is going dandy and we are getting great experience," would go no further at the beginning of November than to say, "This trench warfare is

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really very monotonous, not comparable to guerrilla warfare, as that of the Boer War, where one could get lots of excitement." The paucity of news from the Regiment extended to the official level. A communication from the Army Council in London, dated November 8, reported that "the most favourable accounts have been received as to the efficiency, discipline, and physical standards of the personnel of the Newfoundland Battalion (now in the Dardanelles) and of the Depot of the Contingent stationed at Ayr, Scotland." But this testimonial, gratifying as it was, gave no specific details. Although Governor Davidson was kept advised by telegraph of all casualties, his repeated requests for other information brought from Colonel Burton either no reply or else only terse acknowledgements. On learning from Major Drew that he had temporarily succeeded Burton, the Governor wrote, on December 6: "We have not heard at all yet as to how the men have behaved . . . We are thirsting for good news." Caribou Hill The good news for which Governor Davidson was thirsting was actually on its way. Before the end of the year the people of Newfoundland had cause for satisfaction in the award of the first decorations for bravery to be won by the Regiment of which they were so proud. An officer received the Military Cross, and a sergeant and a private earned the Distinguished Conduct Medal - an honour for N.C.O's. and men ranking only below the Victoria Cross. A new name was inscribed on the annals of the ancient colony - the name Caribou Hill. Towards the end of October the Newfoundland companies in the front line were being perpetually harassed by the unwelcome attentions of Turkish snipers firing from a small knoll midway between the opposing fire trenches. The enemy's custom was to occupy this vantage point each evening at dusk, and after sniping at whatever targets presented themselves during the night to return to his own lines before daylight. Early in November Major Drew, the acting C.O., decided on an attempt to eliminate this menace, and he assigned the task to "C" Company. The Company Commander, Captain A. E. Bernard, detailed a patrol under Lieutenant J. J. Donnelly to do the job. From the Newfoundland trenches the approaches to the knoll were hidden from the enemy's view; and on the afternoon of the 4th Donnelly, with a party of six men and a non-commissioned officer, occupied the empty post without difficulty. At dusk, as they expected, Donnelly and his men saw Turkish riflemen making their way out from the

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enemy's lines, in apparent unconcern over possible danger. There were three of them (though in some much glorified accounts of the episode the number has been considerably magnified). A challenge from the Newfoundland sergeant brought a surprised babble of Turkish, and Donnelly gave the order to fire. Two of the Turks were killed, but the third returned fire and wounded the N.C.O. slightly in the neck. He was sent back to the Newfoundland lines to ask for reinforcements against an anticipated Turkish attack. In response to this request Captain Bernard sent forward a second officer, Lieutenant H. H. A. Ross, with another N.C.O. and six men. To find the captured post in the darkness was a different matter from approaching it in broad daylight, and before Ross reached his destination he became involved in an operation of his own. While moving up a small gully his little party bumped into a Turkish patrol, which challenged with an English "Who's there?" The reply, "Newfoundlanders," provoked an outburst of shouting in which the words "Newfoundlanders" and "Allah" were prominently associated. Firing broke out on both sides and continued until the enemy, who it must be assumed had been trying to encircle the position held by Donnelly, fell back towards their own lines. During the encounter Ross and four of his men were wounded, one of them, Pte. James Ellsworth, fatally. The N.C.O., Sgt. W. M. Greene, of Avondale, then took command; and it was his coolness in maintaining, with another unwounded Newfoundlander, Pte. R. E. Hynes, of Indian Island, Fogo, a rapid fire, that resulted in the Turks' abandoning the enterprise and enabled Greene and his men to bring in the wounded. Early next morning Lieutenant Donnelly returned with the information that his party was still holding the ridge, and that his only casualties had been two men slightly wounded. During the day "C" Company reinforced Caribou Hill, as the captured post became proudly called, with some thirty men, while working parties strengthened it with defensive parapets and machine-gun posts. For the remainder of the Regiment's stay in Gallipoli there was no further trouble from the enemy in this particular spot. In November the Regiment learned with great satisfaction that Lieutenant Donnelly had been awarded the M.C. for his part in the operation and that both Greene and Hynes had won the D.C.M. Another Newfoundlander, Lance-Corporal Fred Snow, of St. John's, received the Military Medal. Later in the Gallipoli campaign Pte. William J. Gladney, of Portugal Cove, was to win the D.C.M. for his gallantry. He went out alone to within twentyfive yards of the Turkish trenches, located four machine-guns, and having shot two sentries returned with valuable intelligence to his own lines.

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Two more incidents that occurred in November must be recorded. On the 25th the Battalion suffered its first fatal officer casualty. Captain Charles Wighton, who had been commissioned in the First Five Hundred and had received his captaincy in mid-October, 1915, was instantly killed by a bullet through the head while visiting one of "A" Company's listening posts. That same afternoon another officer of the company, Lieutenant Richard Shortall, was wounded, leaving Captain Carty and a subaltern the only officers in "A" Company. Temporary replacements were appointed from other companies, though they too were understaffed. In addition to those already named, three other officers had been wounded during October - Lieutenants Gerald Harvey, Cyril Carter, and Herbert Rendell. When, at the beginning of December Major Drew fell sick and went to hospital, Captain Carty took temporary command of the Battalion. On the day following Captain Wighton's death, at about six o'clock in the evening, the sky became heavily overcast and a violent thunderstorm broke over the Suvla Plain. The Newfoundlanders, accustomed as they were to rain, had never before witnessed such a torrential downpour. Before long it became apparent that the Regiment was to suffer a major catastrophe. The November Storm For veterans of the Newfoundland Regiment who served in Gallipoli, the memory of everything else that happened in that campaign is overshadowed by their recollections of what they will always refer to as the November Storm, or the Big Flood. This terrible ordeal, which inflicted more than 5000 casualties on the Allied Forces in the Suvla area alone, caused suffering among the troops more severe than anything they ever experienced elsewhere in the war. Although meteorological experts had prophesied that November would bring "glorious weather," the first three weeks of the month had produced a succession of gales which destroyed shipping and seriously damaged beach installations all along the coast from Helles to Suvla. The fiercest gale of all was the one which started on the 26th, blowing first from the south-west, and then veering to the north, to bring rapidly-dropping temperatures. The electrical storm which initially accompanied it in the Suvla area lasted for four hours as the rain lashed down in relentless fury. The troops were quickly drenched, and in the beds of the trenches large pools formed, turning soon to miniature rivers. Then disaster struck. The section of trenches which the

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Newfoundlanders were holding west of Anafarta was at the lowest point of the whole of the 29th Division's front line. To the north, or left, the ground climbed steadily towards the ridge of Kiretch Tepe, while southward it sloped more gently up towards Scimitar Hill and its surrounding heights. To the east, of course, the land rose sharply towards Tekke Tepe behind the Turkish positions. Thus, with the trenches forming natural drainage ditches for the heavy precipitation from the teeming skies, a torrent of water surged down into the Newfoundland position from both flanks. It carried with it floating blankets, personal equipment, and debris of every kind. As the water rose in the support trenches and in the firing line, in some places washing as high as the parapet, the sides of the trenches turned to mud and dissolved in the current. Several men barely escaped being drowned as they sank waist deep in the quagmire. "As the swirling, freezing waters passed over me," one Newfoundland survivor wrote dramatically from hospital, "I had to unstrap my gun and let her go." Company Headquarters, housed in low-lying dug-outs, were demolished, and Orderly Room papers and books were washed away. There was no sleep for anyone that night, as all hands toiled with whatever picks and shovels could be found to cut outlets through which the water could be diverted into the torrents sweeping down to the Salt Lake. When morning came, confusion and disorder reigned everywhere, and the men, tired, wet, cold, and dispirited, began the laborious task of repairing the ravages caused by the deluge of the previous night. Some of the Newfoundlanders salvaged blankets and wrung them out, wrapping them around exhausted comrades to give them some warmth. But the grim encounter with the elements had not yet reached its climax. The wind, having shifted to the north, blew colder and colder, and before nightfall an icy hurricane was sweeping down the length of the peninsula. The sleet turned to snow - and during the night temperatures dropped well below the freezing point. By the morning of the 28th the water in many of the flooded trenches was coated with ice nearly half an inch thick. The frost continued for two more days. Not in forty years had winter made such an untimely onslaught on the Gallipoli peninsula. Now it was that the adverse conditions which had undermined the health of the troops on the peninsula - the oppressive heat, the dust and flies, improper sanitation, sickness and the nutritional deficiencies of an eternal diet of canned food - reaped a dismal harvest. With their vitality at a low ebb, many found exposure to the intense cold, following the exhausting fight with the floods, an unbearable strain. The heaviest casualties in the 29th Division were in the 86th Brigade, holding the line to the right of the 88th.

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Their sodden summer uniforms - no winter kit was issued* on the peninsula - gave them no protection against the cold. Many froze to death as they lay in uncovered dug-outs or huddled on the firing step. Hundreds were taken to hospital suffering from frostbite or exposure. Altogether the Allied forces at Suvla Plain lost 200 men either drowned or frozen to death. In the Newfoundland Regiment upwards of 150 men went to hospital, mostly for frostbitten feet; but by great good fortune, and due in large measure to the general hardiness of the men from the island colony, not a single member of the Battalion died as a result of the storm. Yet this enviable record might not have been established but for the fact that a few hours before the storm broke Regimental Headquarters, acting on an order received the previous day, had evacuated forty-one of the worst of its sick cases. The fate of these men had they been lying (as was the usual practice) on the firing steps of the support trench when the waters hit, might well have resulted in much more sombre statistics. Many of the Battalion remained on duty despite frozen feet. Whale oil and dry straw had been issued from Brigade Q.M. Stores. The men rubbed their feet with the oil, and put them in sandbags filled with straw, for they were too swollen to wear boots. With their lower extremities thus bulkily encased they looked like elephants. For several days the work of repair and reconstruction fully occupied each Newfoundland company. During the storm and the succeeding days of severe frost an unproclaimed truce had existed, as the troops on both sides carried on their own battle with the elements. The Turkish forces, entrenched generally on higher ground, had suffered somewhat less than the British soldiers. Yet they also were far from prepared to combat the unprecedented conditions. Enemy troops could be seen across No Man's Land walking about on top of their trenches, some without either boots or socks. Eventually the situation returned to normal, except that to the daily casualties from shelling and sniping was added the new ailment of trench feet, brought on by continual standing in cold wetness. This painful disability, differing from frostbite only in degree, was characterized by a swelling of the feet and deterioration of the tissues which if not checked soon led to gangrene and possible amputation. The remedy of changing into dry socks and wearing loose-fitting rubber footgear was one that circumstances •Ironically, the decision to evacuate the peninsula (see below) had resulted in shipping back to Mudros many tons of winter clothing which had just recently been landed at Suvla Bay.

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denied the majority of the Newfoundlanders, and few escaped the malady in at least a mild form. It was during the week following the big storm that a Newfoundland soldier bravely sacrificed his life in the performance of his duty. On the morning of December i, Company Quartermaster-Sergeant Norman McLeod and Lance-Corporal Hubert Ebsary were returning from the Brigade ration dump, walking over open ground because the communication trench was still flooded, when Ebsary was struck down by a sniper's bullet while they were still 150 yards from the Newfoundland lines. As McLeod knelt beside the wounded man to do what he could for him, Pte. John Fitzgerald, a member of the Battalion's medical section, ran back from the lines, accompanied by a stretcher bearer. As they reached Ebsary, the stretcher bearer was killed, and a few seconds later the C.Q.M.S. was hit in the chest. This brought Fitzgerald, who had begun to attend to Ebsary, over to dress McLeod's wound. He had barely returned to Ebsary when he himself received a bullet in the leg. Disregarding this, he continued to administer aid to the corporal, who was in serious condition. Then McLeod heard him say: "Mac, I'm hit again." These were his last words. Still he persevered with his task until a deep groan signified that he had been hit a third time. He collapsed beside Ebsary, and when, a little later, stretcher bearers arrived, both were dead. Posthumous recognition of Fitzgerald's heroism came when he was Mentioned in Dispatches "for distinguished and gallant services during the period of Sir Charles Munro's command of the Mediterranean Expeditionary Force." The Newfoundlanders were now to welcome a new Commanding Officer. He was Lieutenant-Colonel A. Hadow, of the Norfolk Regiment, whose appointment by the Army Council to succeed Lieutenant-Colonel Burton in the command of the ist Battalion, The Newfoundland Regiment took effect on December 6. (Evidence of the absence of a clearly established channel of communication between the War Office and the Government of Newfoundland at this time appears in the fact that as late as midJanuary, 1916, Governor Davidson was puzzled to receive casualty reports from Colonel Hadow, "of whose appointment to command he had received no intimation." His Excellency was in fact in the midst of dealing with recommendations for commissions which Burton had sent him from hospital at Mudros, dated December 24.) There was also a change in Adjutants; in December Captain Raley went to hospital and was succeeded by Lieutenant R. H. ("Bert") Tait. The new commander, who as former Staff Captain of the 88th

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Brigade, and more recently Brigade Major of the 34th Brigade (of the i ith Division) was thoroughly familiar with the local situation, lost no time in establishing a firm control over the Battalion's activities. The Newfoundlanders worked hard, but understandably without excessive enthusiasm; for their numbers were seriously depleted in both officers and men, and they had been kept in the front line without relief since November 17. There was hope, however, that the end of the drudgery was in sight, for increasingly persistent rumours were circulating among the men that they were soon to be withdrawn from the unloved Gallipoli peninsula. The Evacuation at Suvla A withdrawal from Suvla had first come under consideration in late September. After the failure of the August offensives at Anzac and Suvla, there was a brief period when the hopes of the Allied planners were raised by a French proposal to land six divisions on the Asiatic side of the Straits in close cooperation with British action on the peninsula. The operations were to begin in mid-November. But the plan was short-lived, for at the end of September Bulgaria, having signed a treaty with the Central Powers, mobilized, and Serbia was in grave danger. Conquest of that country would give the Central Powers an uninterrupted railway connection between Austria and Constantinople, by which heavy artillery could reach the Turks, to make the Allied positions in Gallipoli untenable. The threat to Serbia compelled the Allies to build up a large force at Salonika, at the head of the Aegean. In ordering Sir Ian Hamilton to contribute two of his divisions from the Gallipoli peninsula, Lord Kitchener suggested that Suvla Bay should be abandoned. It was the beginning of the end of the Dardanelles Campaign. In the face of strong efforts by those who still believed in the campaign to have another offensive mounted, on October n Lord Kitchener cabled Sir Ian Hamilton inquiring the probable cost in casualties of a complete withdrawal from the peninsula. The Commander-in-Chief, who was strenuously opposed to evacuation, gave a figure of half the men (though his own private estimate was 10 to 15 per cent less than this) and all guns and stores. On learning the unpalatable news the Dardanelles Committee decided to replace General Hamilton with a commander who could bring a fresh approach to the Gallipoli problem. Hamilton was recalled on October 17 and was temporarily replaced by General Birdwood, the Commander of the Anzac Corps, pending the arrival from

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France of his successor as Commander-in-Chief of all forces in the Mediterranean outside Egypt, General Sir Charles Monro. Sent to the Mediterranean to report on the whole situation, Kitchener, who (according to the British Official Historian) "was now convinced that the chance of success on the peninsula had been thrown away by the policy, for which he himself was mainly responsible, of refusing Sir Ian Hamilton the reinforcements asked for in August," recommended that Suvla and Anzac should be abandoned but that Helles should be retained "at all events for the present." On November 23 the War Committee ruled in favour of total evacuation, including Helles. We have already noted that as early as November 25 the Newfoundland Regiment had been told to pare down its ranks of the worst cases of sickness, and in the days following the flood the long daily sick parades sent aboard the hospital ships many more who would normally have been held within the Battalion. Then, during the first week of December came orders for officers to send thensurplus kit to the beach, and on the 9th all trench tools and general stores, together with surplus ammunition and equipment, were collected at Brigade Headquarters. Next day work began on strengthening the second line, which ran northward from the north-west corner of the Salt Lake to Karakol Dagh. It was part of the Suvla evacuation plans drawn up by Lieut.-General Sir Julian Byng (who had taken command of the Ninth Corps in late August) that this front line would be held very lightly, if possible to the end, while the second position would be occupied in strength against any Turkish attempt to reach the embarkation beaches. In spite of harassing shelling, by mid-December work parties successfully accomplished the task of building a second line complete with barbed wire entanglements, machine-gun emplacements, communication trenches, headquarters, and all the requirements of a strong front-line position. The 6oo-yard portion constructed by the Newfoundlanders drew the commendation of the divisional commander, General de Lisle, and Brig.-General Cayley when they inspected it on December 13. The evacuation of the Newfoundland Battalion commenced on the evening of the i8th, when a party of four officers and 100 men, under the command of "D" Company's Captain O'Brien, slipped quietly from the firing line, and moving along the Gibraltar Road communication trench, filed through the defences of the second position to continue on to the beaches along the north shore of Suvla Bay. The flooding of the Salt Lake by the November storm had divided the Ninth Corps sector into two halves, so that General Byng had established two separate corps embarkation areas, north and south

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of the lake. With other units of the 88th Brigade* the Newfoundlanders embarked for Mudros at Little West Beach, immediately west of Kangaroo Beach, where they had landed three months earlier. The weather co-operated admirably, as from the Suvla and Anzac beaches the programme for the first night of the fortyeight-hour operation proceeded without a hitch. A full moon, partly hidden by light clouds, gave just enough illumination to aid the marchers without disclosing them to enemy view. The sea was calm, and a thick morning mist helped conceal the deserted beaches from Turkish eyes. Another 100 Newfoundlanders embarked at dawn. On the crucial 19th, a Sunday, those who were left at Suvla and Anzac put forth every effort to deceive the Turks by simulating normal activity. During the afternoon the Navy co-operated by distracting the enemy's attention with a particularly heavy bombardment of the Turkish positions above Helles. A party of thirty of the Newfoundland Battalion under Lieutenant Owen Steele occupied the second position according to plan, leaving in the firing line a small rearguard of picked men drawn from all companies, commanded by Lieutenant Herbert Rendell, of "C" Company. On this rearguard, and oh similar parties in each battalion area, was placed the responsibility of keeping the enemy deceived to the very last moment. During the day the men moved about the trenches, occasionally firing their rifles, laying booby traps with trip wires, and setting the devices which were to continue to mislead the enemy after all the garrison had departed. One of the N.C.O.'s selected for the Newfoundland rear party was Sergeant (afterwards Captain) George Hicks, who thus describes the ingenious manner of preparing an unmanned rifle for firing: Suspended from the trigger of a rifle that had been wired in position was a tin can partially filled with sand. Above it was another can filled with water, which very slowly leaked into the can below. When the combined weight of the sand and water in the lower can amounted to about seven pounds, the trigger would be pulled and the rifle discharged.

A parallel device employed a fuse attached to the wick of a lighted candle (which was sheltered by a biscuit tin), to detonate a Mills bomb after a set period of time. As on the former night, the carefully planned schedule for the evacuation proceeded with clockwork precision. By midnight all troops behind the forward area had been embarked. Three hours *The 88th alone remained of the 29th Division's three brigades. The Syth had returned to Helles on i October, and the 86th, weakened from its losses in the great storm, had embarked for Mudros on December 14.

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later the Newfoundland rearguard, having set their delayed action devices in operation and methodically severed in several places the telephone lines running along Gibraltar Road, boarded one of the last lighters at the pier. As their craft headed westward from the Gallipoli shore they could see the coastline from Suvla Point to Anzac Cove ablaze with the bonfires of abandoned stores and ration dumps set alight by the last troops to depart. Early on the 2Oth the majority of the Battalion found themselves on the island of Imbros, fifteen miles from the Gallipoli peninsula. The remainder, consisting mostly of members of "A" and "B" Companies, were taken to Mudros. The impossible had been achieved. There had been withdrawn in safety from Anzac and Suvla 83,000 officers and men, 186 guns, nearly 2000 vehicles, and 4700 horses and mules. At Suvla not a single casualty occurred on the final night, and not a gun or an animal was left on shore. In the eyes of the world such a great tactical success helped to remove some of the sting of the strategic failure of the Dardanelles campaign. "As long as wars last," wrote a German military correspondent, "the evacuation of Suvla and Anzac will stand before the eyes of all strategists as a hitherto unattained masterpiece." To the Newfoundlanders there was cause for satisfaction that in the achievement of this success they had played their part with distinction: Helles - The Final Scene Whatever hopes the Newfoundlanders may have entertained of a prolonged well-deserved rest on Imbros were soon shattered. For some thirty hours they enjoyed the unaccustomed comfort of hot food and shelter under canvas and most of all the blessed freedom from the strain of duty in the front-line trenches. Visions of the fleshpots of Alexandria and Cairo filled the minds of many. Then suddenly, at midday on December 22, came orders to re-embark. Before three o'clock all officers and men were aboard the small steamship Redbreast, where they were joined by detachments from other units of the 88th Brigade. No destination had been announced, but at 9 p.m. the Redbreast hoisted anchor and headed south-eastward. An hour and a half later the little ship came to a stop, and lighters began carrying the troops ashore at Lancashire Landing, beside Cape Teke, at the toe of the Gallipoli peninsula. Lancashire Landing, also called "W" Beach, drew its name from the magnificent achievement of the 86th's ist Lancashire Fusiliers in fighting their way ashore there nine months before.

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After everything that the 29th Division had been through, it seemed the hardest of luck to send it back into action without any opportunity for recuperation; but the exigencies of the situation allowed no alternative. Allied commanders realized only too well that the first reaction of General Liman von Sanders to the successful Allied withdrawals in the north would be to launch a powerful assault on the last remaining British bridgehead at Cape Helles. Until the Government in London could make up its mind to order final evacuation (which it eventually did on December 28), the garrison in the toe must be kept at strength, or even reinforced if possible. When the French Government insisted on withdrawing its contingent for service elsewhere, the resulting gap was filled by calling on the highly-tried 29th Division. From the landing beach the Newfoundland Regiment went into Brigade reserve, finding accommodation in some disused trenches, which they proceeded to drain and make as comfortable as possible. For more than a week the Battalion furnished daily fatigue parlies for digging trenches, repairing roads, or carrying large numbers of tools forward for other units to do their share of the work. Much of this labour took place in the Gully Ravine, which from the left section of the front line ran back across Fusilier Street to the coast at Gully Beach. While the limited celebration of Christmas Day was in marked contrast to the festivities of the previous year at Fort George, an extra tot of rum helped to make the routine meal of bully beef and biscuits something of an occasion; and it is related that in one company the fare was considerably improved by the addition of a turkey and other tasty edibles that mysteriously found their way down from the officers' mess at 86th Brigade Headquarters - where only that afternoon a party of eighty Newfoundlanders had been sent to draw 400 picks and shovels. On December 30 came a change of employment, as the Battalion (the detachment at Mudros having arrived at Helles) was detailed to take over the stevedoring and other tasks on the beaches that had been performed by the Greek Labour Corps. This body of men had been recruited for such duties from the neighbouring islands on a year's contract, but their aversion to the increased Turkish shelling in late December brought a disinclination towards work which led to their removal. And so, the Newfoundlanders now about 400 strong, were to do the work previously assigned to 700 men. "There was general dissatisfaction over this," wrote Owen Steele in his diary, "for we considered that they were thus making 'Navvies' of us. However, we must stick it!' And stick it, of course, they did, having first carried out a muchneeded spring cleaning of the filthy shelters taken over from the

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Greeks. Some were engaged in building piers, others in quarrying rock and others in transporting the stone by hand-pushed tram cars to where it was needed. Frequently the work was interrupted by Turkish shelling - particularly when the bugler stationed on a high look-out for the purpose, sounded a warning that 35-9 shell from "Asiatic Annie" was on the way. The troops on the beach had thirty seconds in which to take cover. Finally during the first week of the New Year, word filtered through secrecy-cloaked channels that the long-expected evacuation was "on." "Z" day, the third and last day of the operation, was set as January 8. It soon transpired that, as at Suvla Bay, the 88th Brigade would be one of the last to leave - an honour that many feared could not be attended by the success of the former departure. The same pattern of the Anzac and Suvla evacuations was followed. The four divisions holding the front line four miles up the peninsula gradually thinned out their ranks, until only a skeleton force remained in the fire trenches, the reserve line, and a third position, the Eski Line. During this process the Newfoundlanders, in reserve, stood ready to reinforce the other battalions of the 88th Brigade in the front line should the Turks attack. There now developed one of the most extraordinary situations of the whole Gallipoli campaign. On January 7, after an artillery bombardment of four and a half hours — the heaviest concentration yet fired - the Turks were ordered to attack and drive the defenders into the sea. They were equipped with inflammable materials to burn the escape boats on the shore. The heaviest Turkish fire fell on the i3th Division's trenches near Fusilier Bluff, and on the extreme right of the line, which was under attack from the batteries on the Asiatic shore. But the answering fire from the British front-line trenches, supported by the warships on the left flank, was so murderous that the Turkish infantry refused to follow up the initial charge. Not a single enemy soldier reached the Allied defence lines. Had this operation been pressed with the customary determination shown by the Turks in previous battles on the peninsula, it is questionable how many of the defending troops, including the remnants of the Newfoundland Battalion, would have escaped. As it was, there is little doubt that the vigour of the British resistance convinced the Turkish commanders that there was no immediate thought of evacuation. The principal embarkations would take place at "W" Beach (Lancashire Landing) and "V" Beach, beside Cape Helles, where the old S.S. River Clyde, which had played so valiant a part in the original landings, lay beached. The bulk of the I3th Division, however, from the northern end of the front line, would leave from Gully Beach. By the night of January 8-9 all the Newfound-

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In order to deceive the enemy, construction of a breakwater at "W" Beach, Cape Helles, continues to within 24 hours of the final evacuation. (By Courtesy of the Imperial War Museum)

landers except their rearguard had been taken off in successive detachments for Mudros. Many were evacuated in lighters that came alongside the piers on which the Battalion's work parties had laboured at "W" Beach. "D" Company left from "V" Beach, walking in file up a gangplank through a hole in the River Clyde's starboard bow, then along the body of the ship to board a lighter by a gap in the stern on the port side. The Newfoundland rearguard, which was in the charge of Lieutenant Steele, was among the very last troops to leave the peninsula. For twenty-four hours he and his men were kept busy patrolling the line of defences between "W" and "V" Beaches. As the moment of departure approached, there were some anxious moments over the non-arrival of part of the I3th Division's rear partyj which had been forced to march the two miles along the coast road from Gully Beach when one of their lighters ran aground. It later transpired that the Divisional Commander, Major-General F. S. Maude, had gone back with his chief staff officer to retrieve his valise, which was still on the stranded lighter. They arrived at Lancashire Landing at 3.30 a.m. on the 9th, and were pushed into the waiting boats. Then, shortly before four o'clock, Steele and his party boarded their lighter and pulled away from the beach, just before the first great explosion from the abandoned magazines on shore advised the Turkish armies that in spite of their watchfulness once again the Allies had made a successful withdrawal.

CHAPTER VII

Reinforcing the Regiment Meantime, the call to arms found heed In every village, town and mead On Terra Nova's rock-ribbed shore.

The Reinforcement Policy The temporary removal of the Newfoundlanders from a theatre of active operations provides a good place in our story to leave them for a while in order to see what had been happening on the home front. The principal concern there had been to raise reinforcements. No fighting unit can exist for any length of time in the field without replenishment. Even during routine periods of training in areas far removed from contact with the enemy there is a continual drain by reason of sickness, lowered medical categories, transfers and the like; and once the unit goes into action this rate of wastage may be expected to climb rapidly. To maintain a force at full strength thus calls for a continuing programme of recruiting the necessary reinforcements, and then equipping and training them and transporting them to where they are needed. In the present chapter we shall discuss how this was done in the case of the Newfoundland Regiment to the end of 1915, and we shall examine some of the organizational and administrative problems that arose in the process, both in Newfoundland and overseas. Later in the chapter we shall return to the Mediterranean to follow the activities of the Regiment as it prepared for its role in a new theatre of war. The busy weeks of August and September, 1914, that had

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employed the whole-hearted efforts of so many people in St. John's in readying the First Five Hundred for embarkation, and the final bustle and excitement of seeing them safely on their way aboard the Florizel, were followed by a natural let-down. At first there was little to do but wait for news that was exasperatingly slow in coming. On October 9 the local papers printed under a Montreal dateline a brief story about the size of the convoy carrying the Canadian Contingent overseas; and on the i6th the first cables telling of the Florizel's safe arrival in the United Kingdom dispelled ugly rumours that she had been one of a number of transports reported to have been sunk by German submarines. By the end of the month letters from the troops themselves were beginning to trickle back to Newfoundland. These gave picturesque accounts of the crossing, the welcome at Devonport, and, later, the vicissitudes of life on Salisbury Plain. A number of them were published in the local press, in whole or in part, and were eagerly read by a public starving for news of its Regiment. The reproduction of Lieutenant-Colonel Clegg's letter to Governor Davidson brought general gratification at the Commanding Officer's encomiums on the steadiness, general intelligence, and physical fitness of the Newfoundlanders. There were occasions when newspapers in opposition to the party in power seized the opportunity to belabour the Government for any action or lack of action of which political capital might be made. Under the heading, "The Scandal of the Paymaster's Department - A Remedy Demanded and Demanded at Once," a hostile editor castigated the Government for having authorized an allowance of $5 a day, in addition to his Captain's pay of $3.75 a day, to the Paymaster of the Newfoundland Regiment in his capacity of "Accountant to the Newfoundland Government for Military Administration." The same paper made much of the fact that dependants were not receiving pay assigned to them by members of the Regiment. The delay had arisen through a failure to secure written authorization from the soldiers concerned before they left St. John's. In answer to public demand, the Finance Committee of the Patriotic Association decided to make an interim payment of ten dollars to dependants who were in need; and the arrival of the Allan Line Mongolian during the last week of November with the necessary signed allotment papers brought the matter to a satisfactory conclusion. As winter drew on there seemed to be few who realized the possibility of a prolonged war. The slogan "Business as Usual" appeared prominently on the pages of the St. John's newspapers. One or two enterprising firms sought to capitalize on the patriotism of their readers by displaying such advertisements as the

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following, both of which appeared in an issue of November 13: War or no War Business in Newfoundland Must go on You Can Help by Insisting on Getting Local Made Goods Remember! You can get your Paint, Soap and Oiled Clothing At the Same Old Price The Company Limited

And a shade more subtly from a Halifax advertiser: How Long Will the War Last? The whole world is asking this question. Lord Kitchener intimates it may last three years. Kaiser Bill told his soldiers they would be back in Germany before the leaves begin to fall. His prophecy seems more than likely to come true. Of the ultimate result we have no doubt, but the duration of the struggle is the question. Meanwhile economical living is being practised, and thousands are benefiting through the saving which is possible by the Dry Cleaning process. Do not discard garments unless worn out. If stained, wrinkled, or soiled this process renews their life and usefulness. Laundry and Dye Works

Mid-November saw the launching of a tobacco fund to provide smokes for the 540 Newfoundland soldiers overseas and the 450 Naval Reservists afloat. The Government agreed to waive import and excise duties on tobacco thus utilized, which meant that a donation of fifty cents (instead of the normal price of $1.60) would pay for half a pound of smoking tobacco, forty cigarettes and a box of matches. The fund was administered by a voluntary committee of three, and packing and shipping the parcels, one of which went to each man every month, was handled by the Imperial Tobacco Company in St. John's. Through the Company's generosity the first shipment of tobacco was supplied free of charge early in December, and the amount subscribed for its purchase turned back into the fund. By this time a new recruiting drive was in progress. Passing mention has been made already (above, page 137) concerning the initial steps which were taken to reinforce the First Five Hundred to the strength of a full battalion. Hardly had the Florizel, with the Blue Puttees on board, cleared St. John's harbour before Governor Davidson was busy planning what form Newfoundland's next contribution should take. The dynamic leadership

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which he had given in raising and sending the First Contingent overseas would not allow him to rest idly on his oars. As he himself was to put it in a letter to the Secretary of State for the Colonies: "The first chapter of our work having been finished, we are now commencing a second chapter." On October 12 he sent the Premier, Sir Edward Morris, his proposals for a further offer to the Imperial Government. Newfoundland would train 500 more men, instructing them in musketry and drill. These would then be available to be sent overseas, if required, in drafts of 100 at a time, with Newfoundland defraying the cost of their passage; provided that from the date of their arrival in the United Kingdom the War Office would equip and pay them on the same scale as the men of the First Contingent. Sir Walter then set forth the conditions on which the new recruits might be enrolled. Each volunteer must agree to attend at the C.L.B. or other Armoury for four nights a week from 8 to 10 p.m. for a term of three months for instruction in drill and musketry, during which time he would receive no pay. At the end of this period of training those certified to be efficient would be given the opportunity of volunteering for service at the Front this term was frequently used to include the United Kingdom -for one year or the duration of the war, on the understanding that, if sent overseas, from the time of landing in Britain they would be paid at the same rate as those who had preceded them. The training would be carried out under the direction of officers of the Newfoundland Regiment now in St. John's, assisted by other competent instructors, all serving without pay. Furthermore, if a sufficient number of volunteers were offered from a centre outside St. John's, arrangements would be made to send necessary instructors to that community to train the recruits there. As was important in any submission to the Government in those days, Sir Walter examined the financial implications of the project He estimated that it would require a capital outlay of $20.00 a man to cover the preliminary training, and that sea transport would cost an additional $30.00 - to make a total expenditure of $5000 for a company of 100. The Governor was satisfied (and it would appear to be with justification) that this represented the most economical course to follow. If Ministers consider it advisable to proceed farther in the matter at the present stage - and it is difficult not to do so in the face of the renewed efforts of the great Dominions - the course of action which I have suggested is at once the cheapest and the most effective contribution which Newfoundland can offer. And it avoids the local political objection to the formation of a permanent armed force at St. John's.

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Having thus been well briefed by the Governor, on October 23 Premier Morris announced at a meeting of the General Committee of the Patriotic Association the immediate policy that his Government proposed to adopt. He made it clear that although the Government was anxious not to incur any unnecessary expense, if another 500 men were needed the expense would have to be borne. The present proposal was intended to implement the undertaking made at the outbreak of war to induce this number of serviceable men between the ages of eighteen and thirty-six to enrol themselves in training for home defence, with a view to providing further drafts to go overseas. Sir Edward announced that the task of enrolling and training these drafts would be entrusted to the Patriotic Association, and to this end he enumerated the Government's recommendations as to how this should be carried out. These suggestions repeated the procedure proposed in Sir Walter Davidson's letter of the izth. The Leader of the Opposition, the Honourable J. M. Kent, who was sharing the platform with Governor Davidson, the Prime Minister, and Sir Joseph Outerbridge, pledged his support of the proposed course; whereupon Sir Walter was called on to nominate a committee - to be called the Reserve Force Committee - to assume responsibility for carrying out the new and onerous commitment that had been assigned to the Patriotic Association. He named Sir Joseph Outerbridge (who became Chairman of the Committee), Dr. V. P. Burke (Secretary), W. J. Higgins, M.H.A. (Assistant Secretary), J. A. Clift, K.C., M.H.A., Captain W. H. Rennie (Convenor of the Musketry Committee), the four commanding officers of the city brigades, and two officers of the Newfoundland Regiment - Captain Alexander Montgomerie and Lieutenant Eric S. Ayre. Later this committee was substantially enlarged; and in May, 1917, it changed its name to that of the Standing Committee on Military Organization. It should be noted that in all the foregoing discussions no suggestion had been made - openly at least - of any intention to increase the strength of the First Contingent beyond its present 540 all ranks. The new programme of enrolling and training men was intended to ensure only, at this stage, that drafts would be available to maintain the Contingent at this level. Indeed, at the meeting of October 23 Premier Morris was careful to point out to a questioner the Government's hope that, while it felt justified in preparing these men, it might never be called upon to send them to the Front. The target for the Reserve Force Committee seemed to be clearly set when in November the Army Council announced, based on the experience of three months of war, its requirement of fifty per cent reserves in hand before an infantry unit could take

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the field. Applying this proportion to the strength of the First Five Hundred, the Committee set its sights on raising only 250 men. At an early meeting it decided initially to concentrate its efforts on recruiting, particularly from the outports. LieutenantColonel R. G. Rendell, who represented the Church Lads' Brigade on the Committee, sent instructions to branches of the Brigade in the outports enjoining them to facilitate in every possible way the local training of recruits; and outport clergy were asked to read to their congregations a proclamation from Governor Davidson emphasizing the need for further recruits. Arrangements were made for volunteers who enlisted at St. John's and in the outports to be assigned to squads which would take their preliminary training under the direction of the City Brigades and the Rifle Association. Recruiting opened in St. John's on the last day of November. Large three-foot posters in red called on the "Men of the Ancient and Loyal Colony" to show their loyalty by rallying round their Country's flag and enlisting in the ranks of her Army. An advertisement in the city papers called on would-be volunteers to present themselves at the C.L.B. Armoury between eight and ten that night. It announced that training classes in drill and shooting would be conducted at the various armouries on Monday, Tuesday, and Thursday evenings; and it stressed the urgent need for men to come forward to volunteer for active service - concluding with the pointed query: "What are YOU going to do about it?" Once again local advertisers were quick to see their opportunity. The same issue that carried the recruiting advertisement also displayed this appeal: Do Your Duty It is the duty of every man to get the best value for his money. If you recognize this visit my store and procure values in Gentlemen's Wear. Overcoats, $6.00 up, etc., etc.

The response to the call for recruits was decidedly encouraging. On the opening night 182 young men volunteered, and more would have signed had there been time to enrol them. Next evening 153 came forward, and by the end of the week 514 had been enrolled. The great majority of those who joined in these early days were from St. John's. Under the terms of service, which provided no pay or allowances for recruits until they went overseas, there was little inducement for men from the outports to come into the city and keep themselves there at their own expense while undergoing training. An editorial in a local paper quickly

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called on the Government to empower the Finance Committee of the Patriotic Association to put recruits on pay immediately. Such a course would remove the discrimination being shown (however unintentionally) against those from outside St. John's. "It will not be possible for a young man of Pouch Cove,*" wrote the editor, "to walk into town for Monday night's drill, return home that night and walk in again for Tuesday night's drill." The point was well taken, and after Sir Joseph Outerbridge on behalf of the Reserve Force Committee had made representations to the Premier, the Government approved the enlistment of 500 men, who would be placed on pay as soon as they had passed their medical examination and had been attested. They would train steadily until ready to leave for the United Kingdom. In addition to the basic pay of one dollar a day and ten cents field allowance, each man would draw a daily allowance of fifty cents to meet the cost of his board and lodging in St. John's. The red posters came down, to be replaced by others printed in bold black type setting forth the new conditions under which men would be enlisted for Active Service into the Reserve Force. These improved terms brought better results. The daily recruiting figures began to show a higher proportion of men enlisting from the rural areas. On December 10, of 17 who signed up, ten were from outports. Turk's Gut sent two men, Bonavista four, and one each came from Little Bay, Harbour Grace, Bay of Islands, and Tors Cove. The total number enrolled now stood at 607, of which 68 had come from the outports. The larger communities across the island were sending in men in groups. Thus, ten days before Christmas a party of nine enlisted from Bell Island, and on the same day eleven signed up from Grand Falls. On receiving the Government's authority for volunteers to be paid, the Reserve Force Committee cancelled the three drill nights a week and placed the new recruits on continuous daily training. (A concession was made early in December to those who were employed as clerks in city stores, allowing them to postpone their training until after Christmas so as not to hamper the preChristmas trade in St. John's.) On December 21 night recruiting was discontinued, a recruiting office being kept open during the day-time. By that date 686 had enrolled; but of these only 193 had passed their final medical examination and been formally taken on strength. A number who volunteered had been turned back for being under age. To be accepted at this time, candidates had to be between the ages of 19 and 36, not less than 5 feet 3 inches in height, of a chest average of 34 inches, and a minimum weight of 120 pounds. *A village fifteen miles north of St. John's

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The first pay parade happily came three days before Christmas, when each of the 193 volunteers received $1.60 a day from the time of his final acceptance. The Equipment Committee had ordered 500 uniforms for what it called the "2nd Newfoundland Regiment," having awarded a contract for $10,000 to a local manufacturer tendering in competition with a number of British and Canadian firms as well as other St. John's bidders. The Reserve Force Committee had now doubled its objective, and was preparing to send the "2nd Regiment" forward in two batches, each of 250 men. The year ended on a bright note for the financially depressed Government. In August Newfoundland had offered to pay the whole cost of its original Contingent of 500 men, an offer that His Majesty's Government in London had accepted with much appreciation. Early in November, however, the Army Council had undertaken to defray out of Army Funds the cost of rations and maintenance and the supply of equipment for the First Contingent from the time of its arrival in the United Kingdom. This limited the charges on the general revenue of Newfoundland to expenditure incurred within the Colony and to the cost of transporting the troops overseas, together with their pay while on active service and any pensions that the Legislature might later authorize. It was estimated that Newfoundland's share of the annual cost of maintaining the Newfoundland Regiment (reckoned at looo all ranks) would average $600 a man, or a yearly total of $600,000. This was a considerable obligation for the Colony to meet; and it was therefore a matter of great satisfaction when word was received on Christmas Eve that His Majesty's Government had approved a credit of £200,000 sterling to the Newfoundland Government, to be used in financing transactions in the United Kingdom. In making this advance, which was in line with similar arrangements effected with the other Dominions, the Imperial Government was taking advantage of its ability to raise funds at the cheapest possible rate and thus relieve the Dominions of having to float their own loans to cover the heavy military expenditures which they had encountered. Recruiting in the Colony One of the chief obstacles confronting the Reserve Force Committee in its task of recruiting was the difficulty in reaching the resources of manpower that existed outside the capital and particularly in the isolated communities spread

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around the Newfoundland coast. We have noted that nearly ninety per cent of the recruits obtained during December were from St. John's, although the city claimed less than one-fifth of the island's population. A major problem was that of transportation. Many of the outports could be reached only by sea, and means of communication with them, especially in winter, were few and infrequent. Yet these sources had to be tapped for volunteers both for the Army and the Navy. (At the end of October the Admiralty had issued a fresh summons to the Newfoundland Naval Reserve.) In an effort to secure a more generous response from the recruiting centres outside St. John's, early in December the Patriotic Association formed a special committee whose task it was to inform the outharbours all along the coast about Newfoundland's responsibilities in the war. Public men and leaders in the community were not found lacking in support of the project, and the committee was able to form a number of teams to carry the recruiting message to outlying communities. They addressed wellattended "patriotic meetings" held in schoolhouses or parish halls. Localities nearest to St. John's were covered first. Thus a news item in a city paper reported a meeting at Blackhead, near Cape Spear, at which the Honourable C. H. Emerson and R. B. Job, Esq. (later, Hon. R. B. Job), each spoke for an hour. "The speeches certainly had the right ring of patriotism about them," the report stated, going on to record that afterwards one of the visitors sang "Tipperary," with all present joining in the chorus. Of a more elaborate nature, and requiring a considerable expenditure of time and effort on the part of those involved, was a recruiting mission undertaken early in 1915 by Mr. Emerson and three other St. John's speakers around the west and south coasts of Newfoundland. Their experiences, as recorded in a report submitted to Governor Davidson in February, will be described at some length, as illustrating the conditions with which recruiting parties had to contend at this stage of the war. The four left St. John's on January 10, accompanied by four pipers from the Newfoundland Highlanders. They crossed the island by train, to begin their mission at Curling, a village on Humber Arm near the site of the present city of Corner Brook. The arrangements for their evening meeting in the local schoolroom set the pattern which was generally to be followed throughout the tour. The room was well filled, and on the platform were the local Magistrate and clergy representing the different denominations. After the speeches - usually two members of the team, taking turns, presented the appeal each night - two recruits made their way to the platform, one for the Army and one for the Navy.

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That, according to the Curling Magistrate, brought to eighteen the total enlisting from the Bay of Islands. Next day the party moved southward by train to Bay St. George, where they arranged with the Magistrate for the use of the Court House. The pipers were sent across a mile of water to Sandy Point to advertise the meeting. Hearty cheering greeted the speakers when they appeared on the platform, for St. George's had an excellent recruiting record, having already sent fifty-seven young men to serve in the Army and the Navy. The report on the evening paid tribute to the untiring efforts of the local bishop and his clergy in helping to achieve these results, but it failed to mention any additional volunteers having been secured. Much more encouraging returns were obtained at Channel, near Port aux Basques at the end of the railroad. The Magistrate here warned that no recruits could be expected since all the young men had engaged for the fishery. The meeting was held in the Church of England Parish Hall, which was so crowded that several could not gain admittance. As the Magistrate rose to introduce the speakers, a young man came up to the platform and offered his services; and at the close of a meeting "full of enthusiasm and patriotism" thirteen more volunteered. It was by far the most rewarding occasion of the entire tour, which from now on would be made by sea. The party left Port aux Basques on January 16 aboard the Government ship Fiona, and reached Rose Blanche, thirty miles east along the coast, in the late afternoon. From the local Customs Officer it was learned that there were about a hundred boats fishing out of Rose Blanche. All the men of the village were busily engaged, for fishing was the best in four years. A meeting, arranged at short notice, was reported as being very enthusiastic, but it produced no volunteers. In this tiny outport, as in the majority of the places visited, a local branch of the Patriotic Association was carrying on good work, the ladies particularly being active in knitting and sewing and collecting money for the Patriotic Fund. Another sixty miles along the coast brought the speakers to Burgeo, where a meeting in the Parish Hall gained five recruits. Here the Patriotic Association had raised $800, and the ladies were reported to be "sewing and knitting right along." The next port of call was undoubtedly the most isolated of all that were visited. Ramea Islands are situated on the south-west coast of Newfoundland about ten miles east of Burgeo. Only a month before a Ramea "voter" had written to a St. John's newspaper complaining that the local wharf had been carried away and that the cable to Burgeo was out of commission. "With a long winter ahead of us," he had remonstrated, "isolated as we are,

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with no doctor nearer than Burgeo, and over a hundred of our male population going west fishing in January till about the first of April, it is a very serious matter." With all these potential recruits absent, it is not altogether surprising that the meeting drew a blank. According to the report presented to the Governor, "One young man volunteered and was very anxious to come on with us and join the Naval Reserves, but his mother sent word to me not to take him as it was against her wish. I therefore released the young chap, who broke down and cried because he was prevented from taking his part in this great struggle." The passage eastward continued. At Cape La Hune, midway between Burgeo and Hermitage Bay, the visitors found that the people were "innocently ignorant of the war and asked many questions regarding it." After being held up for two days by a north-westerly gale and snowstorm the team reached Pushthrough (so named for the tidal-bore effect of the current) on the 2ist, only to find that all the young men had departed for the fishery. Harbour Breton yielded one volunteer, but from there on not a single recruit was obtained. Nevertheless the meetings continued to be attended by enthusiastic crowds. At Grand Bank an audience of iioo in the Methodist Church heard a gentleman from St. Pierre (thirty miles away) sing La Marseillaise, "the accompaniment being rendered on the organ," but no one presented himself to add to the number from Grand Bank already with the colours. The final stages of the itinerary took the party across Fortune Bay to St. Jacques and Belleoram (where "a number would have liked to volunteer, but were held back by their friends"), and then back again to the Burin Peninsula to St. Lawrence, Burin, and Marystown. Here the tour ended. On the last day of January the party took train from Placentia to St. John's. In assessing the value of the venture the writer of the report pointed to the obvious reason for the disappointing results that had been achieved. The tour had been launched about a month too late to catch the local inhabitants before they left for the winter fishing. The members of the team had no fault to find with the warmth of the reception given them wherever they went. They were convinced of the necessity of continuing this form of recruiting by visiting speakers; for it had been noticeable that when local men addressed their own patriotic meetings in the interests of recruiting, the audience would too frequently ask why they did not themselves volunteer. Although no spectacular returns seemed to have rewarded the efforts of these and other public-spirited citizens sent out by the Reserve Force Committee at this time, the seed that they were sowing was later to bear good fruit. In the meantime the number

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Reinforcements for the Newfoundland Regiment on parade at Fort William, St. John's, in the summer of 1915. The Curling Rink on the left serves as barracks.

enrolled at St. John's was growing slowly but steadily. It reached the looo mark on February i, 1915, and on that date 480 of the men were engaged in steady training. The time for departure of the first draft was near. There were sure signs of this in the round of farewell banquets and presentations that were being held by organizations of the various denominations represented in the ranks of those who would soon be on their way. The Drafts Go Overseas By the end of January organization of the company that would form the first reinforcing draft for overseas had been completed. Its temporary designation of "No. i Company, Reserve Force," would change on arrival in England to "C" Company, ist Newfoundland Regiment. While the majority of the men (159 of them) hailed from St. John's, the districts from which the remainder came were spread over the map of Newfoundland. In the Avalon Peninsula Port de Grave sent eight men, with smaller detachments coming from Harbour Main, Harbour Grace, Ferryland, Carbonear, and Placentia-St. Mary's. Bonavista Bay

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The Bugle Band trains at Fort William, 1915.

and Trinity Bay on the east coast of the island contributed ten and nine respectively; and farther north the Districts of Twillingate and Fogo added another dozen between them. Burin, Fortune, and Burgeo-La Poile represented the south coast, with St. George's in the far west completing the list. And in addition to these men from Newfoundland, nine came from England, five from Scotland, and one from Nova Scotia. Regimental Orders issued on January 26 by Sir Walter Davidson in his capacity as Officer Commanding appointed or promoted a number of sergeants, corporals, and lance-corporals, and commissioned four officers to command the Company's four platoons. The men wore their new uniforms well, for these had been tailored in St. John's to their individual measurements - a treatment that must surely have been unique in an army in which the Quartermaster's Stores traditionally produced for the new recruit a choice of two sizes only - "Too large, or too small." Only the regulation peaked caps were missing. In their place the men wore knitted balaclava helmets of khaki wool. The programme of training had concentrated on basic essentials. The men drilled daily in the grounds of Government House, went on route-marches around the harbour, and carried out musketry practice at the South Side ranges - where to provide the recruits with some measure of comfort in the severe winter

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weather, heated shelters with shutters that could be opened during firing had been constructed over the firing points. Governor Davidson was later to express the opinion (and subsequent experience seemed to bear him out) that this draft and the others that followed in the spring of 1915 were "fully equal to the First Contingent in shooting and physique, and quite as smart on parade and much better trained." On February 4 the Company received its final inspection by the Governor, and on the following afternoon, 244 strong, it embarked at the Furness Withy pier aboard the sealing tender Neptune. The S.S. Dominion, scheduled to carry the draft to the United Kingdom, had been prevented by bad ice conditions off St. John's from entering the harbour; and in the emergency the owners of the Neptune had put her at the disposal of the Reserve Force Committee. With her decks crowded the little vessel made her way slowly out of port through thick floating ice, and late that evening put her passengers aboard the Dominion, which was waiting in convoy off Bay Bulls. Here one of the draft, Private Lewis Bartlett, showed his nautical knowledge by taking over the helm of the Dominion until she was free of the ice. Besides the four platoon officers on board, the draft was accompanied by the Adjutant of the St. John's depot, Captain Alexander Montgomerie, who acted as Conducting Officer, and by Surgeon-Captain Lament Paterson as Medical Officer. After an uneventful voyage the Contingent reached Liverpool on the i6th, and as already noted (above, page 137), joined the Regiment at Edinburgh Castle as "C" Company. "D" Company followed in six weeks. Within ten days of the departure of the Dominion with "C" Company aboard, enough recruits had passed their medical and been sworn in to bring No. 2 Company, Reserve Force, to its required strength of 250. Captain Eric Ayre was given temporary command; and while training went on, the Newfoundland authorities were busy exploring possible means of transporting the new company across the Atlantic. A request by Governor Davidson to the Duke of Connaught that the next draft from Newfoundland be given accommodation on a Canadian transport brought a reply from the Governor General that although the Dominion was not chartering any more transports, the Militia Council at Ottawa would be glad to arrange for the conveyance from Halifax of the Newfoundland detachment as ordinary passengers, as had been done with Canadian reinforcements recently dispatched overseas. Arrangements were completed for "D" Company (as the Third Contingent was to become) to take ship from Halifax aboard the Cunard Line's S.S. Orduna, sailing for Liverpool on March 22. A request

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went forward from Sir Walter to Lieutenant-Colonel Burton for two officers of the Regiment to be sent back to St. John's to take the draft to the United Kingdom. At the same time he asked for the return of three additional lieutenants to assist in training the Fourth Contingent and to accompany it when it was ready to cross the Atlantic. On March 20 "D" Company marched down to the harbour at St. John's and boarded the S.S. Stephana, sister ship to the Florizel. The nominal roll numbered exactly 250 officers and men. There had not been time for Captain "Gus" O'Brien, the conducting officer sent back by Colonel Burton, to reach St. John's. In his place, for the passage to Halifax, Governor Davidson put in charge the Commanding Officer of the C.L.B., Lieut.-Col. R. G. Rendell. Also on board were 70 Newfoundland Royal Naval Reservists. Another passenger was the Senior Medical Officer from St. John's, Surgeon-Major Cluny Macpherson, who was going over to inquire into arrangements for the medical care overseas of the Newfoundland Regiment once it got into action. "Dr. Macpherson was the life of the musical affairs," wrote one of the troops in describing ship's concerts held during the voyage. As soon as the Stephana docked at Halifax, Colonel Rendell handed the Company over to Captain O'Brien, and without delay the Newfoundlanders marched aboard the Orduna to the cheers of a number of Halifax citizens and the Canadian reinforcements already aboard the Cunarder. The crossing was completed without incident, and late on March 30 "D" Company joined the Regiment at Edinburgh Castle, to bring the total strength of the Newfoundland Contingent in Britain to more than 1000 officers and men. For the trans-Atlantic voyage Captain O'Brien had had the assistance of a subaltern who had accompanied him from Scotland, as well as two young officers recently commissioned in St. John's. They were among the last officers for some time to receive a commission on their entry to the Newfoundland Regiment. When recruiting for the Second Contingent started, the Reserve Force Committee had advertised for applications for commissions, to be submitted by December 15. But a lack of suitably-qualified applicants had brought the Committee to the wise decision that officer vacancies should be filled from the ranks of the First Five Hundred by commissioning selected N.C.O.'s with the experience of several months of training in the United Kingdom, during which period they had had an opportunity of demonstrating to their superiors their qualities of leadership. On the day that the reinforcements who were to form the Regiment's "D" Company sailed from St. John's Governor

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Men of 1st Contingent, 1st Newfoundland Regiment, training with Hotchkiss gun on S

Recruits messing in the Curling Rink, Fort William, 1915

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Davidson cabled London that the arrival of this draft and a further contingent expected to leave in April would bring the Newfoundland force overseas to the strength of a full battalion and one company in reserve. "Will this reserve suffice to permit the Battalion to take the field?" he asked. If not, and if the Army Council required a second company in reserve, this could be raised. The reply from the Secretary of State for the Colonies was prompt and decisive. The Army Council gratefully accepted the "offer of your Government to raise a second reserve company to supplement the forces already so generously supplied." As to the Governor's query, Mr. Harcourt confirmed that after the arrival of the next reinforcements the Newfoundland Contingent would be numerically strong enough to take the field; but that since the later drafts were naturally deficient in training, some time would have to elapse before the Regiment could go to the front as a fully-trained unit. In St. John's every effort was directed towards meeting the requirement of two more companies. In training "E" Company the local instructional staff were assisted by the three subalterns who had been sent back from Edinburgh. The movement of the Company followed the pattern of the preceding draft. It left St. John's in the Stephana on April 22, with Captain Eric Ayre in charge. There was an eighteen-hour stop-over at Halifax on the 24th, and during the morning Captain Ayre proudly paraded the Contingent through the streets of the old city. In the late afternoon the Newfoundlanders boarded the Canadian Pacific steamer Missanabie, which sailed at midnight. Fine weather and a comfortable ship made the voyage aboard the I3,ooo-ton liner a pleasant one; and as might be expected, Newfoundland talent was well to the fore in the various concerts held on board. It is of interest to note that while this latest draft was in mid-ocean, weighty matters affecting the welfare of the men were being discussed via the trans-Atlantic cable many fathoms beneath them: Burton to Governor: Is "E" Company bringing enamelled plates, mugs, and knives, forks, spoons, please? Governor to Burton: "E" Company brings no such articles.

The Missanabie docked at Liverpool on the afternoon of May 2, and next day "E" Company disembarked and boarded a train which took them to Stobs Camp. The error in destination was quickly rectified, and a rather tired group of men reached Edinburgh in the early hours of the 4th. As noted already (above, page 151), part of the Company was used to complete the ranks of the ist Battalion before it moved from Stobs Camp to Alder-

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shot; the remainder were slated to become charter members of the newly-formed Depot at Ayr. By the third week in June the reinforcements who were to form the second reserve company requested by the War Office had completed preliminary training in St. John's. At Governor Davidson's request four junior officers, newly commissioned from the ranks of the Regiment overseas, had come back to help train and conduct the draft to England. The composition of "F" Company reflected the extent to which recruiting for the Newfoundland Regiment was reaping results in the remote parts of the Colony. "A good many are from the northern outports," Governor Davidson informed Lieutenant-Colonel Burton,". . . decent, God-fearing men, but not perhaps so smart in their drill as some of the earlier companies, as they have not been brought up in Cadet Corps." Towards the end of March Dr. Grenfell had offered from St. Anthony to raise and drill a small company which might retain its separate identity on moving to St. John's. In accepting the Doctor's offer to recruit volunteers Governor Davidson had urged that these be sent to the capital at the first opportunity, pointing out that his Ministers deprecated the formation of separate district companies as tending to cause confusion. The men from the north thus found their way into the ranks of "F" Company and succeeding drafts. A number of them were former members of the Legion of Frontiersmen (above, page 97), and their previous training, particularly in shooting, was to enhance their contribution to the efficiency of the Regiment. One of the recruits from Labrador was John Shiwak - an Eskimo. Two years before the war a journalist had found him far "down" the desolate Labrador coast, many hundreds of miles north of the northernmost tip of Newfoundland. In the week that they were together the writer, Lacey Amy, persuaded the Eskimo hunter to keep a diary, for Shiwak had taught himself to read and write. Read Amy's tribute to his Eskimo friend, written early in 1918: Every summer, when the ice broke in June, there came to me in Canada his winter's diary, written wearily by the light of candle, hemmed in by a hundred miles of fathomless, manless snow. And no fiction or fact of skilled writer spoke so from the heart. He was a natural poet, a natural artist, a natural narrator. In a thumb-nail dash of words he carried one straight into the clutch of the soundless Arctic. And then came war. And even to that newsless, comfortless coast it carried its message of Empire. John wrote to me that he would be a "soljer." I dismissed it as one of his many vain ambitions against which his race would raise an impossible barrier. And months later came his note from Scotland, where he was in training.

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"F" Company embarking on H.M.T. Calgarian, June 20, 1915.

Shiwak's skill in hunting and shooting was not long in showing itself. Before he left St. John's his name appeared in a list of recruits selected to compete in marksmanship against a team composed of the instructors in musketry. He went to France as part of a reinforcement draft after Beaumont Hamel and was posted to "C" Company, where he was soon a great favourite with all ranks. Shiwak became a regimental sniper, and his competence with the rifle singled him out, in the opinion of one officer, as "the best sniper in the British Army." The sailing date for "F" Company came on June 20. For the first time since the departure of the Florizel a Newfoundland draft would embark directly upon the transport that was to carry them overseas. Arrangements were made with the Admiralty for a British troopship, H.M.T. Calgarian, to carry as "indulgence passengers" the 242 members of the Contingent as well as 85 Naval Reservists. The Newfoundlanders had to take their own blankets and hammocks with them, and to supply their own cooks while on board. The Navy took special care to ensure the safety

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of the 6oo-foot-long Calgarian in entering St. John's Harbour. The Merlin rock was buoyed, and another buoy was placed exactly where the anchor was to be dropped, in order to allow the great ship maximum swinging room. The voyage was almost leisurely, for the Calgarian was escorting across the Atlantic three submarines which had been built in the United States and assembled in Montreal. The ship's route took her by way of the Azores and Gibraltar, and the troops thoroughly enjoyed what some of the Blue Puttees, mindful of their own crossing on the little Florizel, enviously called purely a pleasure trip. There was even an opportunity, during the stay at Gibraltar, for a visit across the Straits to the African shore to witness a bullfight. Nineteen days after leaving St. John's the Calgarian docked at Liverpool, "F" Company reaching Stobs Camp on the evening of Saturday, July 10 - in time for a regimental inspection on the Monday by the Lord Lieutenants of Roxburghshire and Selkirkshire. The former "especially asked if there were any MacKays present" (there were two) "and shook hands with them." The last full company to proceed overseas in 1915 as a single draft was "G" Company, which left St. John's by special train on October 27, with Captain Montgomerie as Conducting Officer. Efforts to have an ocean liner sailing from New York call at St. John's had been unsuccessful, and as alternative the Newfoundland authorities arranged with the Canadian Government to secure passage for the draft on a Canadian transport. "G" Company accordingly went by rail and boat to Quebec, where the men took passage on H.M.T. Corsican - a vessel of the Allan Line that was to gain a warm place in the hearts of many Newfoundlanders as the transport that brought them home after the war. The drafts disembarked at Devonport on November 9, and early next morning arrived at a military camp at Gailes, a dozen miles from Ayr. Here the Company was quartered in huts, for there was no accommodation available at the regimental Depot. As might be expected, each successive contingent that left Newfoundland during 1915 included an increasing number of men from the districts outside of St. John's. "C" Company had mustered only 38 per cent of its strength from the outports; but in the next four drafts the proportion had been respectively 47, 63, 75, and 77 per cent. As already noted, comparatively few of these recruits from the outlying areas had had the advantage of previous training with the island's cadet corps; and for this reason there was merit, instead of holding them in St. John's, in sending them across the water as quickly as possible, where they could benefit from the far more extensive training facilities that

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were available at the newly established Depot at Ayr. Furthermore, the Officer Commanding the Depot reported at the end of October that the imminent departure of four officers and 100 other ranks to reinforce the ist Battalion in Gallipoli left him so short of men that he foresaw considerable difficulty in furnishing further drafts to keep the Battalion at full strength. His recommendation that future reinforcements from Newfoundland be sent forward in batches of 100 as soon as they were available, whether trained or untrained, was adopted by the Reserve Force Committee. The final draft of the year, consisting of 100 men as an initial instalment of "H" Company, entrained at St. John's on December for Port aux Basques, sailing from Saint John, N.B., on board the R.M.S. Corinthian, one of the transports that had formed the vast convoy carrying the First Canadian Contingent overseas in 1914. The draft reached Ayr on January 4 and was added to the strength of "G" Company, being given temporary quarters in the barracks of the Royal Scots Fusiliers. As 1915 ended, the record of enlistments for the thirteen months since recruiting reopened showed that 2744 had volunteered, of whom 1418 had been accepted for service with the Newfoundland Regiment. Many of the more than 1300 rejections had been young lads under the required age, who had joined with their elders in responding to the call and had tried hard, but in vain, to be taken on strength. Since the outbreak of war a total of 2175 soldiers had been sworn in, of whom 1875 had gone overseas. After seventeen months the halfway mark in the Newfoundland Regiment's voluntary wartime enlistments was not yet reached. The Depot at Ayr Some forty miles south-west of Glasgow and less than half a dozen from the great air base of Prestwick, eastern terminal of the trans-Atlantic ferry service during the Second World War, lies the ancient borough of Ayr, founded in 1197 by the Scottish King William the Lion. The main part of Ayr is on the south side of the river of the same name, across which, on the right bank, is the northern suburb of Newton-upon-Ayr, skirted by a racecourse which before the First War drew horseracing enthusiasts from all parts of the country during the season. The "Auld Toon of Ayr"-and more particularly the Racecoursewould long hold a special place in the memories of many hundreds of Newfoundlanders, for here the overseas Depot of the Newfoundland Regiment made its home for upwards of two and a half years.

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Newton Park School, Ayr, after its damage by fire during occupancy by the Newfoundland Regiment.

Towards the end of June, 1915, the Reserve Force Committee in St. John's, faced with the fact that the ist Battalion had been brought to full strength and that the flow of reinforcements across the Atlantic would continue, asked Governor Davidson to "ascertain what arrangements are or will be made with regard to the establishing of a base in Great Britain to complete the training of such drafts." The British authorities were already taking steps in this direction, and on July 9 Headquarters Scottish Command notified Colonel Burton that plans were under consideration to establish the Depot for the Newfoundland Regiment at Ayr in rented school buildings; but before a final decision was reached the Commanding Officer was asked to inspect the proposed accommodation and report on its suitability. This Colonel Burton did, and in advising Governor Davidson of what was happening he was able to give the assurance: "I have visited the buildings, and they are good." Early in August, shortly after the ist Battalion had been transferred from Stobs Camp to Aldershot in preparation for going to the Mediterranean, those who were left behind ("F" Company and part of "E") moved across the Scottish Lowlands to the Firth of Clyde, to make their first acquaintance with the "honest men and bonnie lasses" of Ayr. The other ranks were housed in

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the buildings of Newton Park School, and though not all might have been willing to endorse whole-heartedly Colonel Burton's appraisal of the accommodation, in the main they were comfortable enough. The officers' quarters were in Wellington Square, near the sea front, an advantage that was offset by their considerable distance from the Racecourse, where the troops drilled daily. In organizing the Depot, staffing it, and developing its training facilities from scratch Major Whitaker, the newly-appointed Commanding Officer, had a big task on his hands. But this quietspoken, middle-aged officer, who had returned to active service from the Reserve Forces - before the war he had been editor of Whitaker's Almanac — did not spare himself in doing the tremendous amount of spadework required to inaugurate the new project and establish it on a sound basis. He was fortunate in having the fullest co-operation of the military authorities. In a letter to Governor Davidson in November Whitaker wrote: "The Regiment is very much liked by the G.O.C.-in-C. in Scotland (Lieutenant-General Sir J. S. Ewart, a very distinguished soldier and a keen judge of the Regiment's value). In consequence of this we are refused nothing that can be fairly claimed, and we are very far ahead of regiments around us in facilities, and in equipment." The Newfoundlanders had constructed trenches of the latest pattern and had been issued with a "Leach-Gamage Catapult" and a "West Spring Gun," both very expensive engines of trench warfare. With pardonable pride Major Whitaker wrote of having picks, shovels, and barbed wire in abundance, while two nearby companies of Royal Engineers, "the professional users of such things," were still waiting for their first supply of these items. The priority which the Major received in the issue of equipment was matched by the help he was given in other facilities for training his reinforcements. He could draw on Scottish Command for skilled instructors who were expert in bringing the men to proficiency in fighting with bomb and bayonet, improving their marksmanship on the ranges at Barassie, and keeping them at the peak of physical condition by gruelling exercises across the racecourse flats. Later the instructional staff would come to include Newfoundland officers and N.C.O.'s who, having served their apprenticeship in Gallipoli or France, or both, and knowing well the wants of their brothers in the field, did their utmost to ensure that the drafts which they dispatched to the front would in no wise let the ist Battalion down. One of the early problems confronting Major Whitaker at Ayr was that of having his troops scattered over half a dozen localities. A reserve battalion of the Royal Scots Fusiliers, which was to have

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vacated its quarters in favour of the Newfoundlanders, had been held in Ayr by an epidemic of measles, and the deficiency in other suitable accommodation in the town meant that for much of the winter, besides the Newfoundlanders who were housed at Wellington Square and Newton Park School, there were detachments at Gailes Camp, a dozen miles from Ayr, at Paisley Barracks

Ayr Racecourse in pre-war days.

(forty miles away by road), and in the buildings of Glenburn School at Prestwick. An early proposal to transfer the Depot to hutments at the Bridge of Allan, near Stirling, had been countermanded when the Provost and Magistrates of Ayr petitioned to have the Newfoundlanders stay. The problem was solved in the spring of 1916 by concentrating all the other ranks in Newtonupon-Ayr, housing them in Newton Park School and in the Grandstand buildings and a tented camp at the Racecourse. Newly-arriving drafts were at first inclined to look a bit askance at the plank "beds" a few inches off the concrete floor of the Grandstand; but a day or two of vigorous training from half-past six in the morning to 5.30 p.m. soon induced in the newcomers a nightly readiness for sleeping which would not be denied by the hardest of couches. From the start the Newfoundlanders got on well with the local inhabitants. The troops soon came to regard Ayr and nearby Prestwick as homes away from home; and so warmly did the townsfolk reciprocate this friendly feeling both to the boys individually and the unit as a whole that it was said that the Regiment shared with the Royal Scots Fusiliers the hearts of the people. Early in 1916 the Provost of Ayr, in the name of the

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residents of the Burgh and District, invited the Newfoundland officers and other ranks to a banquet arranged in their honour. After a dinner which proved a delightful change from mess fare. Major Whitaker expressed thanks on behalf of the Regiment, and Captain Montgomerie (who had remained in Scotland in temporary command of "G" Company) voiced appreciation in the names of Governor Davidson and the Reserve Force Committee of the Patriotic Association. Nor were the good people of Paisley far behind in giving formal expression to the warm regard in which they held the Colonial visitors who had been placed in their midst. In mid-February all ranks of "G" Company - who were stationed at the Militia Barracks in Paisley - were royally entertained at a dinner extended to them by the town. There were warm words of welcome from the Provost of Paisley; and in Major Whitaker's reply the statement that drew loudest applause was his declaration that although he himself was not from Newfoundland, his experience with the ist Battalion and with the men who had come under his command at the Depot led him to assert that he would be very proud to call himself a Newfoundlander. Before the year was out Newfoundland made a symbolic recognition of the kindness and hospitality shown to the island's soldiers by the citizens of these two Scottish communities. A magnificent mounted caribou head was shipped across the Atlantic and presented to each town council on behalf of the Government and people of the colony. Up to the time of the establishment of the Depot at Ayr the Newfoundland Regiment had been without a brass band. During the original Contingent's stay at Fort George it had been presented with a full set of band instruments by Sir Edgar Bowring and other contributors; but with the Regiment busily engaged in training for the Front, nothing had been done about putting these to use. The new instruments had remained in storage while the troops continued to march to the music of their bugles and drums. In January of 1916, however, Major Whitaker was able to report to Governor Davidson that as a result of the urgings of the military authorities to form a regimental band he had secured the services of a former bandmaster of the ist Battalion, King's (Liverpool) Regiment, Mr. L. L. Worthington. After long service in the British Army Worthington had become the popular bandmaster of the Ayr Burgh Band; and on its disbandment as a casualty of the war he donned khaki again, put up his Long Service, Good Conduct, and Nile and South African medals, and was appointed Warrant Officer, First Class, with the Newfoundland Regiment. He brought with him a number of his old players,

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The Regimental Band at Ayr, under Bandmaster L. L. Worthington.

and these, together with some of the Regiment's buglers and drummers, formed the nucleus of a band which by the end of February was playing the Depot troops on the march and entertaining them with weekly conceits. The band was in attendance on St. Patrick's Day, when 150 Irish members of the Regiment under the charge of Lieutenants Leo Murphy and Peter Cashin paraded for divine service at St. Margaret's Church in Ayr. The local paper, reporting that the band "rendered gems of Irish music along the route of march," added that all the troops wore the Irish emblem, the shamrocks having come as presents from Dublin. One would probably not have to look far to detect in these arrangements the hand of the newly-appointed Adjutant of the Depot Captain H. F. Stokes, of the Royal Irish Fusiliers. In July Stokes was succeeded as Adjutant by Captain J. C. Karn, of the Royal Welch Fusiliers. Like all members of that famous regiment he wore the distinguishing flash of five broad black ribbons at the back of his collar in commemoration of its being the last British regiment to abolish the pigtail (the unit was at sea when the order was promulgated in 1805). This led to Karn's being identified in the rude balladry of the Newfoundland Regiment as the officer "with the flappers on his back." He performed his duties as Adjutant with efficiency, but his chief claim to a place in the regimental annals arose from his venture in starting a garden on the Racecourse at Ayr in response to the Government's urging that all available land in Britain should be put under cultivation.

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Officers of the Regiment at work on the "Racecourse Farm".

Men on fatigue duty were set to work with spade and hoe, and even officers found themselves pressed into digging. The project was quite successful, and the crops of potatoes which were produced were considerably more substantial than might be implied in this immortal verse, said to have been composed in the guardhouse by a Newfoundlander who had been placed there by Karn's orders: The pride of our Regiment is Captain Cyril Karn, Who tried to grow potatoes on the Racecourse farm, The flappers on his back were the Welshman's charm, And another little drink wouldn't do us any harm.

It was at Ayr that the Newfoundland Regiment acquired its famous mascot - Sable Chief. This magnificent Newfoundland dog, who must have weighed 200 pounds or more, was presented to the 2nd Battalion in April, 1917, by a Canadian officer who was serving in England. Sable's immense size and dignified bearing attracted the attention of every onlooker as he marched along with the band at the head of the Battalion. Yet when off parade he liked to show his youthful spirit - he was less than two when he joined the Regiment - by gambolling with the troops, with whom he was a great favourite. Not only did he keep in step when marching, but it is said that he would invariably stand up with the opening bars of the National Anthem and remain at attention until its conclusion. Sable Chief accompanied the band on its

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London tour (below, page 433), and when the Depot moved from Ayr to Winchester early in 1918 he continued to lord it over the orderly room in its new premises. Then one day a careless truckdriver fatally struck down Sable Chief with his lorry. His body was turned over to a taxidermist, and today, nearly half a century later, the lifelike remains of the mascot may be seen in the Newfoundland Naval and Military Museum in St. John's. There had been other dogs before Sable Chief who had adopted the Newfoundlanders at Ayr or who had been adopted by them for varying periods of time. Boodles was a Russian aristocrat, very striking in appearance, but possessed of a particularly violent dislike of bicycles and their riders. As time passed, he became more and more embittered at these objects of his hatred, until there inevitably arrived a day of reckoning. Boodles was discovered to be suffering from rabies, and he suffered martyrdom by the assassin's bullet. A very different type was Bill, the bull terrier. Utterly indolent and unenterprising, he liked nothing better than to sprawl all day in front of the fire in the Officers' Mess. On occasion, however, he was known to have shown his intelligence by boarding a tramcar unaided and riding out to the Racecourse to inspect the cookhouse. Like Boodles, Bill came to an untimely end, brought about by his loathing for cats. In hot pursuit of one of these he leaped a wall that had an unsuspected deep drop on the far side. Bill broke his leg and had to be destroyed. The 2nd Battalion is Formed It was not long after the Depot was established in Ayr before a move was started to form from its personnel a 2nd Battalion of the Newfoundland Regiment. Early in November, 1915, the Army Council expressed its willingness to accede to any such request that might be made, provided that the Colonial Government could ensure the supply of reinforcements sufficient to maintain the two Battalions in the field. The War Office message in fact went on to state that there would be no objection to Newfoundland's forming 3rd and 4th Battalions of its Contingent, "subject to a similar assurance as to maintenance by reinforcements.'' The Army Council's statement was welcomed by Newfoundland's High Commissioner in London, Sir Edgar Bowring, and he urged the Government at St. John's to take the necessary action. Major Whitaker called Governor Davidson's attention to the advantages of being able to use the designation "2nd Battalion"

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instead of "Depot". The proposed change would conform, he said, to the British Army's practice of calling its reinforcement units battalions; it would entail no additional expense or increase in manpower over the present requirements; and it would do away with the confusion of calling the Newfoundlanders in Scotland a Depot - a name signifying "a brick and mortar institution." Whitaker made it clear, however, that the military authorities in Britain would expect any move for a change in the Newfoundlanders' designation to originate in the Colony itself. As might be expected, the enthusiastic Governor was all for having a 2nd Battalion. Yet he realized the need for having public opinion behind him in making any such request. On January 4 he wrote to Major Whitaker: I have not yet been able to telegraph to you authority to style the force under your command as a 2nd Battalion. In a democratic country of the Western World one has to go slowly - as cautiously even as Mr. Asquith. It is necessary to arrive at a condition in which the representatives of the people put forward the idea as their own, and that takes time. But I have little doubt that we shall arrive at that point very shortly.

Sir Walter was right in his conjecture. Within three weeks he was able to inform Whitaker, with congratulations, that his Ministers had consented "to the recognition of the force under your command being styled the 2nd Battalion of the First Newfoundland Regiment." Before reaching the decision to raise and maintain a second overseas battalion the Newfoundland Government had made some careful calculations concerning the country's resources in manpower. A Minute addressed to the Governor by the Colonial Secretary on February 4 showed that on the basis of one-tenth of a nation's total manhood being capable of bearing arms a proportion generally accepted at the time - Newfoundland's maximum contribution would be about 24,000 men. Yet it was manifest in such a sparsely-populated country as Newfoundland, where the young and able-bodied men were engaged in the staple industry of fishing, on which the very existence of the Colony depended, that the number that might be spared for active service would be a comparatively small portion of that total. Nevertheless it was the Government's intention to contribute to the Empire's Army and Navy "both in men and money to the utmost capacity of the Colony." There were 25,157 men in Newfoundland between the ages of 18 and 30, of whom probably 20,000 could meet the required standards for military service. If the Patriotic Association would embark on a recruiting campaign to bring home to all settlements the urgent need of greater effort,

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the Government was prepared to defray the cost of the campaign "and to render every possible assistance throughout the constituencies ; in which task they are confident that all, irrespective of party considerations5 will most cordially co-operate." When this Minute was read at a General Meeting of the Patriotic Association, it was received with great acclaim, and plans were made for an organized appeal to furnish 2000 more volunteers in the King's Service. The Army Council accepted this latest offer by Newfoundland "with grateful appreciation," at the same time sounding a warning that the Colony's first obligation in manpower was to keep the ist Battalion fully reinforced. The newly-named 2nd Battalion would continue to serve as a draftproducing unit until the Newfoundland Government could guarantee sufficient reinforcements to provide for another active battalion in the field. In the meantime it would be designated the 2nd (Reserve) Battalion of the First Newfoundland Regiment. "This solution by the Army Council." said Sir Walter Davidson in addressing the Patriotic Association, . . . satisfies everybody. The Officer Commanding ist Battalion is assured that the provision of drafts for his Battalion is the first duty of the 2nd (Reserve) Battalion. The Officer Commanding 2nd (Reserve) Battalion has secured the status of a Battalion for the forces under his command which confers many facilities on this Battalion which were desired by him and his officers, but which were difficult to secure when they were known only as the Depot for the ist Battalion. The Army Council have afforded us the stimulus of trying to satisfy their hopes that we shall ultimately be able to put two Battalions on Active Service. And the Patriotic Association and Ministers and the Colony in general have the alternative of continuing the 2nd Battalion as a Reserve Battalion if the young men in Newfoundland do not care to volunteer; but if Volunteers respond to the quasi obligations now taken up, the Colony will be conscious that it has not fallen behind the other self-governing Dominions.

For a time it seemed as though the hope of a second battalion in the firing line might materialize. At Ayr Major Whitaker found himself faced with the task of trying to operate two units - one for training and supplying reinforcement drafts for the ist Battalion, and the other to provide a nucleus for a second Active Service Battalion. Each would require different training schedules, and with the latter there arose the need for securing a Commanding Officer and competent officers to serve as company and platoon commanders. In the draft-finding unit Major Whitaker placed the remnants of "E" and "F" Companies and the whole of "G" (which now included the initial draft of "H" Company that had arrived in early January). To this unit would also be posted men from the ist Battalion as they were released from hospital. The

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nucleus of the proposed new Active Service Battalion came from a draft of 163 all ranks (the second part of "H" Company), which reached Ayr on April 9. Subsequent drafts from Newfoundland, Major Whitaker informed the Governor in mid-April, would be used to bring this nucleus to full battalion strength. It seems obvious that in his enthusiasm for forming an Active Service Battalion Major Whitaker had allowed himself to underestimate the number of reinforcements that would have to be held in the draft-finding unit in order to ensure that the ist Battalion was maintained at full strength. No one was more keenly conscious of what this need might be than the C.O. of the ist Battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel Hadow. At the end of February he had expressed to Governor Davidson his fears that the change in designation from "Depot" to "and Battalion" would lead inevitably "to considering themselves a distinct unit, instead of existing solely for the recruiting of the ist Battalion; and unless this is so, it is merely a question of time before the ist Battalion dies a natural death from inanition, which would be a great pity." On May 24 Hadow, writing from France, told the Governor of his concern over the 2nd Battalion's practice of omitting the designation "Reserve" in its correspondence. He opposed Whitaker's division of the Depot into two Battalions, declaring this to be entirely contrary to the Army Council's intention. He went on to educate Sir Walter with respect to the need for having adequate reinforcements available. The regiment adjacent to the Newfoundlanders in the trenches had in the past twelve months sustained casualties of 120 officers and 2000 other ranks. "At any moment," wrote Hadow, "we may find ourselves in a general action, and we should want a draft of anything up to five hundred immediately afterwards to replace casualties." How prophetic these words were was to become abundantly clear five weeks later. After Beaumont Hamel all the resources of manpower at Ayr were required to fill the drafts for the ist Battalion, and little more was heard of a second Active Service Battalion for the Newfoundland Regiment. The Newfoundland War Contingent Association When the first Newfoundland casualties began arriving in the United Kingdom from the Mediterranean Theatre towards the end of 1915, they soon found that though 2000 miles from their homeland, they were by no means strangers in a strange land. In the hospitals they received a warm welcome from a group of individuals whose special care it was - among other good offices

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which they performed - to look after the well-being of officers and men of the Newfoundland Regiment. The Newfoundland War Contingent Association was formed in September, 1915, by friends of Newfoundland living in the United Kingdom. The first Chairman was Sir Edgar Bowring, and he was succeeded by Mr. Arthur Steel-Maitland, Undersecretary for the Colonies. The ist Battalion was already in the Mediterranean, soon to go into action, and the new Association's initial consideration was to establish a system for obtaining prompt information about wounded Newfoundlanders arriving in Great Britain, and the name of the hospital to which they were sent. Profiting from the experience of similar organizations connected with other Dominions, the Association prepared printed and stamped postcards which a man on reaching hospital could dispatch with a minimum of trouble, informing the Association of his whereabouts. Supplies of these cards were sent to the Regiment, to hospital ships, and to the Embarkation Officers at the ports where the ships docked. The system worked admirably indeed the information received in this way was often in advance of the official notification. Arrangements had been made with the Director-General of Medical Services, Sir Alfred Keogh, that as far as possible wounded Newfoundlanders in the United Kingdom would be concentrated in the 3rd London General Hospital at Wandsworth. In mid-December, 1915, of the 100 Newfoundlanders in English hospitals, 70 were at Wandsworth, 24 at Netley, two at Bristol, and one each at Oxford, Southampton, Tooting, and Manchester. There was no difficulty in finding a large number of members of the Association and their friends able and willing to form a Visiting Committee, and soon wounded Newfoundlanders were looking forward keenly to the two visiting days a week allowed by hospital regulations. They appreciated the thoughtful gifts of tobacco, toilet requisites, stationery, and stamps; but more particularly was there the keen satisfaction of being able to talk to someone who was in some way connected with Newfoundland. The visitor would be asked to report on the patient's condition and his progress, and a letter with this information would go forward promptly from the Association to the next of kin. But these visits to Newfoundland casualties were not restricted to the United Kingdom. As 1915 drew to a close more than twice as many Newfoundlanders were in hospitals at various points in the Mediterranean. Alexandria had 91, Cairo 49, Malta 80, and there were smaller numbers at Mudros and Gibraltar. Postcards went to the Embarkation Officers at the principal hospital centres for distribution, and the Association approached the Governor of

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An aerial view of the 3rd London General Hospital, Wandsworth, where many wounded Newfoundlanders received treatment. The long huts to left and rear accommodate additional wards.

Malta, Lord Methuen, and others in positions of authority in Alexandria and Cairo, to enlist their aid in having the Newfoundlanders visited. The fine work of the Red Cross in looking after the needs of the sick and wounded in the hospital wards meant that the principal requirement from a visitor was a call and a cheerful chat as assurance to the patient that he was being thought of. And the men, lonely and separated from their comrades in the Regiment, responded to this kindness with a simple gratitude that deeply touched the visitors. It was Lord Methuen, writing to Arthur Steel-Maitland, who furnished a testimonial that has been quoted many times: "The Newfoundlanders are a class by themselves ; as an American said to me, 'They fight like hell and have an air of refinement and gentleness'." Visiting the wounded was only one important department of the work of the Newfoundland War Contingent Association. When the men were well enough to enjoy outings from the hospital, members of the Association arranged such entertainment for them as visits to the theatre, drives around town and into the country, or boat rides on the river. These kindly attentions continued during the period of convalescence, and when the Newfoundlanders subsequently went on furlough, they received offers of hospitality in private homes. Many a soldier on leave in London stayed at Peel House, at a cost to him of only three shillings a day. If he went to Edinburgh, as many preferred to do, he could

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put up at the Waverley Hotel at the same nominal price, the rest of his bill in each case being paid by the Association. In its work for Newfoundlanders at the Front or at the Depot, the War Contingent Association from its office at 34 Victoria Street in Westminster acted as medium for distributing the socks and shirts and other garments which the Women's Patriotic Association of Newfoundland sent over in such generous quantities. From time to time the London organization supplemented these with gifts of chocolates and cigarettes, and at the festive season Christmas pudding and fruit cake were not forgotten. By the middle of 1918 the Association had distributed to the troops nearly 30,000 pairs of socks, 1500 shirts, 6500 pairs of mittens, and 4000 mufflers; while in addition to the tobacco and cigarettes sent over by the Colony, Newfoundland soldiers had received from the Association considerably more than a million cigarettes. The necessary funds for this and other projects were provided by voluntary support. The Association's work was financed initially by a grant of £1000 from the Newfoundland Patriotic Fund, and later by contributions from firms and individuals in Newfoundland and the United Kingdom in response to an annual appeal by the Honorary Treasurer, Sir Charles Hanson, Lord Mayor of London. To meet the particularly heavy demands of caring for the large number of casualties that flowed into the hospitals after the Somme battles, a generous donation of £1000 came from Lord Rothermere and the directors of the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company. After the battle of Monchy-le-Preux in April, 1917, responsibility for the welfare of Newfoundlanders who were Prisoners of War was added to the role of the War Contingent Association. Working closely with the Central Prisoner of War Committee and with other voluntary agencies caring for war prisoners, the Association arranged for "First Capture Parcels" and emergency food parcels to be sent as soon as the location of the prisoner was known, and thereafter vigilantly kept track of the frequent changes of address that occurred, passing this information to the various societies which supplied the life-preserving fortnightly parcels the cost of which was borne by the Newfoundland Government. With the signing of the Armistice the Association's work for Prisoners of War came to an end as the big task of repatriating the Newfoundland Regiment began. As the drafts of home-going combatant and convalescent Newfoundlanders embarked, they were speeded on their way with good wishes and gifts of games and sports equipment for their entertainment on the voyage. For four years the members and friends of the Newfoundland War Contingent Association carried on their mission of mercy

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with unflagging zeal, serving as a valuable link between the people of Newfoundland and their boys overseas. It was a just tribute that Lord Morris paid at the organization's final meeting in October, 1919, when he said: "No soldier has been to the Front, or has passed through the hospitals, without having occasion to sing the praises of the Association for looking after his comfort so thoroughly." The Regiment at Suez When the various parties of Newfoundlanders were withdrawn from the Helles beaches on successive nights during the final evacuation of Gallipoli, upwards of two weeks were to pass before they again assembled as a battalion. A group of six officers and 157 other ranks, including most of Battalion Headquarters, left Mudros aboard the transport Varsova early on January 8, and after a calm passage arrived at Alexandria two days later. That evening they boarded a train which carried them eastward across the Nile delta in an overnight journey to Suez. On the morning of the nth they marched into the 29th Division's camp on the sandy desert about a mile north-west of the town. Lieutenant-Colonel Hadow had to wait almost a week before the remainder of the Battalion showed up. Some had reached Mudros after the departure of the Varsova, and the last two detachments to leave the beaches had been taken first to the neighbouring island of Imbros. It was January 12 when 320 Newfoundland officers and men left Mudros on H.M.T. Nestor; and when they docked at Alexandria there was a further delay of forty-eight hours. Every day ships were arriving at Alexandria and Port Said carrying troops, guns, vehicles, and stores of the Dardanelles Army, and this vast movement had created tremendous transportation problems for harassed administrative staffs. The Newfoundlanders finally reached the Suez camp in the small hours of the 17th - to bring the Battalion's overall strength to 17 officers and 470 other ranks. At Suez the first task of the 29th Division, in common with other depleted and tired formations from Gallipoli, was to reorganize and refit in readiness to be able to take the field again in the shortest possible time. During this reconditioning process the Division formed part of the Imperial Strategic Reserve. Under this policy the large concentration of formations in the Canal Zone not only provided a force for the defence of Egypt and the Suez Canal, but it served as a general reserve from which the majority of its divisions as soon as they were fit could be sent to

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France, while other troops might be detached if required for operations in India, Mesopotamia, or the Balkans. For the defence of the Canal the new commander of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force, General Sir A. J. Murray, divided the zone into three sectors, assigning the southern portion to Lieutenant-General Sir Julian Byng's Ninth Corps, comprising the loth Indian, the 29th, and the 46th Divisions. Without delay the Newfoundlanders set about the business of recuperation. Personal cleanliness came first. All ranks discarded their service dress, which was piled in rows and burnt. Baths were the order of the day, followed by a reissue of clothing throughout the Regiment. The Newfoundlanders soon found that their rehabilitation would be anything but a rest cure. Muscles which had had comparatively little to do on the peninsula were now spurred into fiery activity. It was the Commanding Officer's firm conviction that there was no better way to harden troops than by marching. His daily log carried identical entries for the first three days of the Battalion's renewed training: "Parade out into the desert after breakfast." These C.O.'s Parades would see the Battalion marching to a spot about two miles from the camp, to spend the morning at rifle, exercises, platoon drill, and company marching. Afternoons were given over to domestic chores. For the Newfoundlanders, whose normal vigour had been sapped by the debilitating climate and the months of relative inactivity in the Gallipoli trenches, these marches over hot sands under a blazing sun were a gruelling and irritating ordeal. Only a few could be philosophical about it. "We gradually became accustomed to the changed conditions of life," wrote one of the officers afterwards, "and though our tempers were more or less always on edge, we could not fail to recognize that we were regaining a state of physical fitness that had been foreign to us for several months." It was almost inevitable that at first the Newfoundlanders and their new Commanding Officer should not see eye-to-eye. Colonel Hadow was a strict disciplinarian - many would say a martinet and a driver. After early service in India, where he earned the label "Fighting Chitral Hadow," in the ten years immediately before the war he had been attached to the Egyptian Army, serving as a District Commissioner in various regions in the outposts of the South Sudan. This experience of being in sole charge of a large native territory - where often several months would go by without the sight of another white man - had given him a self-reliance and an independent attitude which were not always fully appreciated by senior officers. Certainly there were many times when Hadow felt that between the battalion commander in the front line and the higher staff who lived in the rear

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there was a great gulf fixed. He was extremely conscious of the fact that the Battalion of which he had been given command lacked the training and experience of the regular regiments of the 29th Division. He may have sensed a certain paternalism on the part of the former commander, or perhaps he felt that the application of stern measures was essential in handling Colonial troops. His role was clear to him. He was determined to do everything possible to bring the Newfoundland Regiment to a standard of military efficiency that would make it second to none. To attribute to him anything but the best motives in his handling of the troops under his command is to be blind to the virtues of the man as a soldier. Colonel Hadow hid under a stern exterior an admiration for the Newfoundlanders that was very real. "I know of no other Battalion which I would have preferred to command," he wrote to Governor Davidson at the time of his appointment as Commanding Officer, and he never changed his mind. But in the early days he had yet to understand fully the free and easy spirit of independence which characterized these men from the island Colony. He would sternly condemn anything that appeared to him to be slackness on parade, or neglect of duty, or insubordination. There came an evening, following a route-march of fourteen miles into the desert in the course of which seventy-six men fell out, when a number of members of the Regiment vocally expressed their disapproval as the Colonel was departing for a few days' leave in Cairo. On his return he had a long talk with officers and Company Sergeant-Majors. After that there came a better understanding on both sides, and as time passed veterans of those Mediterranean days would find themselves reciting without any feeling of rancour the ditty that had greeted the Colonel on his first appearance with the Regiment: I'm Hadow, some lad-o, Just off the Staff, I command the Newfoundlanders And they know it - not half; I'll make them or break them, I'll make the blighters sweat, For I'm Hadow, some lad-o, I'll be a General yet.

Commanding officers who came after Colonel Hadow may have enjoyed a greater measure of popularity, but not one of them would ever merit the tribute that in later years thoughtful, fairminded Newfoundland veterans would come to give as their considered opinion: "Colonel Hadow made the Regiment."

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For two months the ist Battalion remained at Suez. Certain inadequacies in the training carried out in the United Kingdom had shown up, and it was necessary to correct some faulty procedures by teaching old lessons anew. "I am glad to say that the Regiment has made considerable progress," Colonel Hadow notified the Governor at the end of February; and at a Brigade Ceremonial a week later Brigadier-General Cayley was pleased to note a "marked improvement in the Battalion." In moments of relaxation there were football matches with other units, but the Newfoundlanders somehow never managed to get very far from the bottom of the Brigade league. A few regimental concerts helped to pass the time, and there was the occasion when the Officers' Mess entertained the 88th Brigade Staff, and General Cayley heard for the first time Captain Wes March's inimitable rendering of the immortal "Gander Bay Line." The one redeeming feature about Suez was that it served good Bavarian beer. Otherwise, as a place for recreation the city had few of the attractions of Cairo - "There is absolutely nothing to see or do there," wrote Owen Steele in his diary - but the troops found the natives who hung about the camp a perpetual source of amusement. It was intriguing to listen to the tuneless chant of the newsvendors " 'gyptian Mail! Very good news. Ten thousand killed. Very good news" - and to wonder whether the impartial announcement referred to Allied casualties or those of the enemy. The Newfoundland sergeants rated their Mess, presided over by Company Seargeant-Major Bert Dicks, as the best in the 29th Division. There was never a shortage of visitors from other battalions, as well as from sergeants of the Artillery, Ordnance, and Army Service Corps units; and long remembered were the guests who were introduced as members of the Egyptian Flying Corps and who were treated with a certain special deference for several days until someone discovered that the "E.F.C." on their shoulders stood for "Expeditionary Force Canteens." On February 22 a Newfoundland officer and thirty-two N.C.O.'s and men who had been long away from the Regiment drove into camp. The Battalion's first-line transport had returned to its parent unit after an absence of nearly six months. The Battalion had not taken its vehicles to Gallipoli, where there would have been no room to employ them on the beaches. Instead the Transport Section went into tents at Sidi Bishr, on the sea coast, about three miles from Alexandria. Then, in November, the security of Egypt's western frontier was threatened by the belligerence of the Senussi, a powerful and ambitious religious leader, who was inciting the Bedouin tribes of the Western Desert to rise against the British. When the Senussi's

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troops attacked Egyptian posts along the Mediterranean coast, a British Western Frontier Force was assembled to restore the situation. The Newfoundland Transport Section found itself attached to a Composite Battalion of English, Irish, and Scottish troops, which was sent to quell riots in Damanhur - a town some forty miles from Alexandria, on the edge of the desert. Subsequently the battalion with its transport section marched out ten miles into the desert to the village of Hosh Issa ("Christ's Rest"), a railhead of the Delta Light Railway. The mixed force remained under canvas for the next two months, during which its role of guarding the frontier produced no active fighting. In keeping the Composite Battalion supplied, the members of the Newfoundland Transport Section did not suffer unduly from the effects of the hot Egyptian sun. When they were at Cairo it had been their task to draw rations in the heat of the day, while the remaining Newfoundlanders were resting, and this period of enforced acclimatization now served them well. Their main concern was to keep clear of the lizards and scorpions which abounded in the region. There was one break in the routine, when the C.O. of the Composite Battalion was invited to a tiger shoot. Six members of the transport section accompanied him - and they were the envy of the Regiment when they told of the banquet which they enjoyed in their host's splendid mansion. "It was some place," wrote one afterwards, "and we had some feast in true Eastern style, all sitting around a huge brass tray and digging in with our fingers - no forks or knives allowed." The tiger, which had been raiding the neighbourhood, did not show up. Back at Suez there would soon come another move - a long one this time. When this took place the Transport Section was to bring a new distinction to the Newfoundland Regiment - no less a distinction than that of loading mules faster than any other battalion in the 29th Division. It was a sight worth seeing. At the loading platform two stalwart Goodyear boys - Transport Sergeant Stan and his brother Joe - would stand on either side of the ramp, stripped to the waist. Without waiting for a mule to show signs of recalcitrance, they would link arms behind the animal's rump and run it bodily up the ramp on to the flat car. A new record was established, and for many a day after that it was the Transport Section's proud boast to all who would listen: "We'll show them how to load mules!"

CHAPTER V I I I

Beaumont Hamel O Beaumont Hamel! Newfoundland! Now made twin soil by heavy hand Of carnage on that summer morn.

The Move to France On the day in mid-January when the Newfoundland Regiment arrived in Suez from Gallipoli, LieutenantColonel Hadow noted in his personal diary: "Heard we are to go to France in April." This information the Commanding Officer properly kept to himself; and in the weeks that followed many rumours were current among the troops as to their probable destination. Some guessed Salonika, where in an elaborately wired "entrenched camp" a Franco-British force was being assembled to join the Serbian army in a spring offensive against Bulgaria. Others picked Palestine or Mesopotamia; but by the beginning of March the general opinion was that (as one officer guardedly put it in a letter home) "we are going to the Theatre of War to which we thought we were going just before we left England." This supposition proved correct. Already on February 25 the Commander of the Ninth British Corps had issued secret orders to the 29th Division to prepare for an early departure for France. The Division to which the Newfoundland Regiment belonged was only one of many formations called on to strengthen the British Expeditionary Force in north-west Europe during the early months of 1916. Great things were planned for the Western Front that summer. The year 1915 had ended discouragingly enough for the Allies. Their offensives in Artois and Champagne had produced little beyond heavy casualties; and on the Eastern Front a big Austro-German drive had pushed the Russians back more than 200 miles east of Warsaw. The Gallipoli campaign had failed; the Suez Canal still faced a Turkish threat; and in Meso-

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potamia a combined British and Indian force was under siege in Kut-el-Amara, which was to fall before the end of April. These reverses had brought home to the Allies the need for purposeful, unified direction of their effort, replacing the conflicting aims which up to now had resulted in wasteful dissemination of their forces. They could afford no more costly Gallipoli "sideshows." An inter-Allied military conference held at Chantilly in December, 1915, unanimously agreed that the war could be decided only by big offensives launched in the principal theatres in the greatest possible strength. To the United Kingdom's War Committee this had to mean that France would be the main fighting front for troops of the British Empire. All efforts were directed towards building up the forces of Sir Douglas Haig, the British Commander-in-Chief on the Western Front. Of the n additional infantry divisions which between Christmas and July i raised his strength to 49 divisions (plus five cavalry divisions), nine-including the 29th-were brought home from Egypt. Planning for their employment was already well advanced. At the end of December the French Commander-in-Chief, General Joffre, had proposed to Haig that the principal Anglo-French operations for 1916 should take the form of a vast offensive by their combined forces on a front of sixty miles astride the River Somme. Haig would have preferred an attack farther north - a drive northwestward through Flanders to the Belgian coast. It was a project which he much favoured - one on which he was to embark at great cost in 1917. The sector chosen by Joffre held few strategic possibilities. He had selected it mainly because it was the point of junction between the British armies (to the north) and the French (to the south). Nevertheless, in the interests of Allied unity Haig agreed to Joffre's proposals. The joint offensive would be launched about July i. In the Newfoundland camp outside Suez reveille on March 14 was at 5 a.m. After breakfast the Battalion struck camp for the last time in Egypt and marched the four miles to Port Tewfik, where the Suez Canal enters the Red Sea. By one o'clock all were aboard H.M.T. Alaunia, a Cunarder of 13,000 tons, assessed by one Newfoundlander as "a fine steamer, though not quite as good as the Megantic." The Newfoundland Regiment embarked with a strength of 23 officers and 560 other ranks. Besides these the Alaunia carried three other infantry battalions of the 29th Division, the remaining units being transported by other vessels. It was evening when the ship began steaming at a leisurely pace up the Canal, and soon the bright moonlight gave the troops on board novel views of the vast desert which from either bank stretched mysteriously away into the distance. An

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eighteen-hour stop for coaling at Port Said allowed officers and warrant officers a brief shore leave, and on the morning of the 16th the Alaunia headed out under a cloudless sky into the calm Mediterranean. For most of the six-day voyage the weather remained sunny and warm, with the evenings turning pleasantly cool; only after passing Malta did the ship encounter strong winds and rough seas. A sixty-minute route-march around the decks every day helped keep all ranks in condition. In the evenings the officers derived entertainment and instruction from subjecting some of their number to mock courts martial on various trumped-up charges. There were daily boat drills, but the only alarms were those sounded for practice purposes. Early on March 22 the transport steamed past the historic Chateau d'lf on its rocky islet into the harbour of Marseilles. Disembarkation began after breakfast, and by midday all men and stores were ashore. There followed a wait of several hours, and at 6 p.m. the troops fell in by companies, and marched to a nearby siding to board their railway cars. There was another long delay, and finally at half-past nine the train started. Undoubtedly one of the less favourable impressions that many Newfoundlanders retained about the ensuing train journey was the peculiar commissariat arrangements, which scheduled stops for an early-morning meal at 4 a.m. each day. Apart from this inconvenience, and the fact that they found the train unpleasantly cold, particularly at night (their blankets, neatly baled in bundles of twenty-five, were somewhere in the train's luggage vans - and they ran through a snowstorm on the second day), the troops enjoyed the novelty of the trip. For the great majority it was their first time in France. The journey northward took them up the Rhone Valley with its magnificent mountain scenery on either hand; through the stately city of Lyons, where enthusiastic crowds cheered them on their way; and across the rich fields and vineyards of Burgundy. On the third evening the troop train carrying the Newfoundlanders skirted Paris, and at two in the morning of the 25th it reached its destination - Pont Remy, half a dozen miles southeast of Abbeville. Detraining in the cold and the rain, the men quickly fell in for the march to their billets. As they crossed the bridge which gave the town its name, it is doubtful in the darkness whether any took much notice of the river which moved rather sluggishly below. Had any bothered to identify it they would have heard a name, unfamiliar at the time, yet one which more than that of any other river in the First World War would come to be remembered as a synonym of bitter battle and blood-

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shed. The year would not end before the Newfoundlanders had become horribly familiar with the ghastly, war-wasted region through which it flowed, some sixty miles nearer its source. But now their first introduction passed all but unnoticed - their introduction to the River Somme. The Regiment's First Billets A march of about four miles along a good road brought the Battalion to the little village of Buigny 1'Abbe. Aided by interpreter-guides each company found its allotted accommodation with little confusion. These were the Regiment's first billets, and what they lacked in comfort they made up for in novelty. Most of the men were quartered in clean stables in groups of about twenty-five. Then occurred a typical example of the solicitous consideration exercised by all good officers for their troops' welfare! The weary travellers had hardly fallen asleep when they were awakened at 6.30 a.m. by an order to get up and fetch their blankets, which had now been unpacked. The Newfoundlanders stayed in Buigny for the remaining days of March. It was a week of adjustment and a return to training, for now that the Regiment was in France the C.O. was determined that it attain the best possible state of efficiency for the operations which lay ahead. There were frequent inspections of rifles and ammunition, and officers gave lectures on the use of the gas helmet and kept close watch on the condition of their men's feet as route-marches began again - first a Battalion march of seven and a half miles, and next day a Brigade effort of ten miles, culminating in an inspection by the Divisional Commander, General de Lisle. The Battalion transport practised loading the men's blankets and the kits of the officers, who regretfully scaled these down to forty pounds each, their surplus possessions being sent to stores for shipment to England. Off duty the troops were quick to fraternize with the villagers. It was reported that the newcomers were more popular with the local inhabitants than other units which had preceded them. It may have been that the French people to some extent associated Newfoundland with their islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon. But more probably it was the natural friendliness of the young Newfoundlanders that evoked a cordial response. The men soon came to enjoy the congenial atmosphere of the local estaminet - though many are said to have found the wine rather disappointing. On the last day of the month the Newfoundland Regiment made the first of a series of moves that would eventually bring

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it into the firing line. The weather, which had not treated the Newfoundlanders particularly well during their stay in Buigny, turned fine and spring-like as they marched the half-dozen miles eastward to Brucamps. This was only a one-night stand, though doubtless a long enough visitation for the owners of a certain calf that disappeared in circumstances which must in some way have been connected with the inclusion of veal in one company's menu next day. The apth Division's move eastward continued. On April i a ten-mile march brought the Newfoundland Regiment by way of Domart to Bonneville, a village fifteen miles north of Amiens. It was in Bonneville that some of the officers almost found themselves homeless when an indignant householder refused to permit any of them to be quartered on her premises. She roundly abused the billeting officer, Lieutenant Jack Fox, in no uncertain terms, describing to him in unvarnished language the incredible behaviour of former officer tenants who had been thrust upon her. But the resourcefulness of the Battalion interpreter was equal to the occasion. When he explained to the irate lady that her prospective guests came from across the ocean, she threw open her door, and while lamenting that her poor home was by no means good enough for them, assured them that they were most heartily welcome to stay there. So all was amicably settled, and some fortunate Newfoundland subalterns long remembered the excellent cider which the good lady liberally pressed upon them during the three days that they remained in these quarters. More significance attached to the change of billets that took place on April 4 than any which had gone before, for it marked the 29th Division's taking over of a sector of the British front line. The Division was now in the Fourth Army, commanded by General Sir Henry Rawlinson, forming part of the Eighth Corps under Lieutenant-General Sir Aylmer Hunter-Weston, a former commander of the 29th. By the time the 29th Division arrived from the Mediterranean the early plans for the proposed operations at the Somme had been considerably modified. General Joffre had originally intended that the assault on the sixty-mile front would be made by two French armies and one British. But in February, 1916, 150 miles to the south-east, the Germans had unleashed one of the most powerful offensives of the war against the French fortress of Verdun; and in the furious five-month struggle that ensued the cost in casualties to the heroic defenders, coming on top of the staggering French losses of 1914 and 1915, was to reduce France's initial participation in the Somme operations to a single army assaulting with five divisions. The weight of the offensive would

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thus be borne by the British, whose increased contribution would include General Rawlinson's Fourth Army of five corps, together with the right-hand corps of General Sir Edmund Allenby's Third Army to the north - in all twenty-seven divisions, of which fourteen would strike on the opening day. The area of attack was shortened to twenty-four miles. It reached from Gommecourt - an enemy-held village which formed a German salient midway between Arras and the Somme - to a point four miles south of the river. British forces held eighteen miles of this front; their boundary with the French ran through Maricourt, two miles north of the Somme. In contrast to the flat country to the south, the area of the British attack was covered with rolling chalk downs intersected by occasional streams and numerous sunken roads. The most prominent features in the battle zone were the narrow valley of the Ancre - a tributary of the Somme which angled south-west through Albert, cutting the front line five miles south of Gommecourt - and the low Pozieres ridge, which, stretching for eight miles across General Rawlinson's centre, formed the watershed between the Ancre and its parent river. The Fourth Army's fourteen-mile front extended from Maricourt to a mile beyond Serre, a hamlet three miles north of the Ancre. The whole of this front the enemy held in considerable strength. His foremost defence system consisted generally of three rows of trenches, well wired and provided with dug-outs of great depth. It linked together a number of village strongholds in which cellars and deep dug-outs were designed to furnish adequate protection from bombardment by hostile artillery. At distances varying from 2000 to 5000 yards behind their front system the Germans had constructed a Second Position. Sited mainly along the Pozieres ridge, it crossed the Ancre near Grandcourt and continued northward to Puisieux, a village about a mile behind Serre. An Intermediate Line embodying a number of villages which had been made into defended localities like those in the front system ran between the two main positions; and three miles to its rear, work had begun on a Third Position. All in all it was a formidable task that confronted General Rawlinson's Fourth Army. Of the five corps under his command for the operation, the Eighth Corps was the northernmost; it was holding the line from within a mile of Hamel, on the right bank of the Ancre, to the army boundary. The 29th Division formed General HunterWeston's right flank, with his 4th, 3ist, and 48th Divisions lined up in order to the north. General de Lisle established his divisional headquarters at Acheux, seven miles north-west of Albert, putting his reserve brigade in billets in nearby Louvencourt.

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The small villages of Englebelmer and Mailly Maillet, each about two miles behind the front line, became the reserve areas for battalions of the two brigades required to hold the 29th Division's 3000 yards of the firing line. When General de Lisle took over his sector early in April, he placed the 88th Brigade in divisional reserve. Thus it was to Louvencourt that the Newfoundland Regiment came on the afternoon of the fourth, after a march of some seventeen miles from Bonneville. It is recorded that in Louvencourt, as on a former occasion, the disclosure of the Regiment's overseas origin worked wonders in overcoming a certain understandable reserve on the part of local inhabitants whose hospitality had been worn rather threadbare through unprofitable experiences with successive contingents whom they had been required to billet in the past. Thus it was that when the billeting officer, having spotted a number of plump-looking fowl in the yard of the farmhouse selected as headquarters mess, suggested chicken for the C.O.'s supper, the farmer's wife vehemently denied the existence of any poultry, declaring volubly that no eggs had ever been laid on the premises. It was to no avail that Lieutenant Fox protested in his best, but nevertheless execrable, French, pointing an accusing finger at the hencoops in the yard. Only when the Battalion's interpreter played his trump card by revealing Fox's colonial identity, did bristling resistance turn to effusive co-operation and chicken become available for the C.O.'s table. There was now an opportunity for Newfoundlanders who had not taken leave in Cairo when the Regiment was at Suez to have eight days in the United Kingdom. During the next four weeks small parties of officers and other ranks left by train for the coast, to board one of the little cross-Channel steamers that plied from Le Havre to Southampton, or more expeditiously from Boulogne to Folkestone. Members of the Regiment not so fortunate found themselves caught up in the round of fatigues and work parties that inevitably descended upon any unit taking up even semipermanent residence in the vicinity of a superior headquarters. The whole of "B" Company and most of "D" were put to work on railway construction a couple of miles away at Lealvillers. For the rest, frequent route-marches improved their acquaintance with the unaccustomed cobblestone pave of French roads. There was increased emphasis on anti-gas training, and to give them confidence in their gas helmets all ranks wore them for ten minutes in a chlorine-filled chamber. The last halt before actually going into the line was at Englebelmer, where the Battalion, having recalled all personnel from leave and brought back its detached railway labourers, moved

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into billets on the evening of April 13. Later that year Englebelmer was to be virtually destroyed by German shelling, but at this stage of the war the enemy's artillery had left the village relatively unharmed, and the newcomers found good accommodation in farmhouses and barns, estaminets and cellars. The Sunday following their arrival was Palm Sunday, and in the old parish church, which like so many others in the region of the Somme would soon be reduced to rubble or an empty shell, the Roman Catholic members of the Regiment attended mass and received general absolution from their chaplain. Early that same morning Lieutenant-Colonel Hadow returned from leave. One of his first actions was to inspect two drafts of reinforcements which had arrived during his absence. The first of these, consisting of two officers and 120 men, joined the Regiment at Louvencourt after a roundabout trip from Scotland which had taken them to Alexandria and then back to France by way of Marseilles. The second group, of two officers and 211 men, had come from Ayr to Englebelmer by way of the base reinforcement depot at Rouen. In his periodic progress report to Sir Walter Davidson the Colonel expressed his satisfaction at the arrival of these drafts. "My only regret," he wrote, "is that I was not able to get them sooner so that we could have had the chance of getting them assimilated to the Battalion while training instead of when we were again at the Front." These April reinforcements, and other smaller parties that arrived during the next two months, gradually brought the First Battalion up to full strength, although it was not until the arrival of a draft of 66 men on June 30, on the very eve of the battle, that Colonel Hadow's command reached the normal war establishment of a British infantry battalion at that time - 30 officers and 972 other ranks. Among the drafts from Ayr was one of 12 officers, which arrived on June 5 at Etaples, where all were put through the "bull ring," a strenuous eight-day finishing course for officers. Only one of the twelve had seen previous service - in Gallipoli. The draft joined the Battalion in the trenches on June 15, and at once reported to the Commanding Officer in his dug-out. Colonel Hadow was one of those regular army soldiers who preferred to train officers for battle in his own way, and he was never known to extend too cordial a welcome initially to young, unseasoned officers straight from the depot. Tremendously proud of the well-trained and conditioned officers already on the battalion roll, he must have found the contrast on this occasion too marked to pass over without forcibly expressing his doubts as to the efficiency of the newcomers. Feeling slightly "browned off," these officers were promptly dispatched to their respective com-

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panics, determined, however, to prove in due course - as some of them had an opportunity of doing within a fortnight - that the C.O. would have no cause to question their courage or leadership in time of battle. Now began the nocturnal work parties. On one occasion, while the Regiment was still at Louvencourt, the companies not employed on railway construction had marched forward to occupy the third line of trenches for an hour and a half - just for practice! There had not been time to see much then, but now all had an opportunity of becoming thoroughly familiar with the forward area. An examination of trench maps showed that the front line in the 29th Division's sector ran along the forward slope of the most westerly of a series of well-defined spurs which from the high ground about Serre projected southeastward towards the Ancre River. Sometimes called the Auchonvillers spur, from the village of that name on its crest, it overlooked Mailly Maillet and Englebelmer to the west and matched height with the neighbouring spur (about a mile and a half to the east) which came down to the Ancre at Beaucourt, a village a mile downstream from Grandcourt. In the shallow intervening valley the little village of Beaumont Hamel lay within the German fronttrench system, overlooked by a minor projection of the Auchonvillers spur which reached eastward into No Man's Land and was named on military maps Hawthorn Ridge. The Newfoundlanders' first job was to help dig a communication trench, Tipperary Avenue, leading forward along the south side of Auchonvillers to a lateral sunken road which connected that village with Hamel.* The Battalion worked nightly in three shifts, beginning at 7 p.m., 9.45 p.m., and 12.15 a-m., and it was usually five o'clock by the time all were back in billets with picks and shovels put away. Their task was not made any easier by the rain which fell almost continuously for a week, turning the redbrown soil in which they were digging to a liquid mud of the consistency of thick pea soup, which lay knee-deep in the trenches, bringing back unpleasant memories of Suvla and the big November storm. In the Trenches Again It was on Easter Eve, April 22, that the Newfoundland Regiment entered the firing line for the first time since Gallipoli. "C" and "D" Companies each took over from the *Not to be confused with Beaumont Hamel

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The Y Ravine forty-seven years later. (Photograph by the Author)

Worcestershire Regiment about 400 yards of trench, with "A" and "B" backing them up in the support line. Everything was very quiet. The fire trench was about 300 yards in front of the Auchonvillers-Beaucourt road. Peering through their trench periscopes the Newfoundlanders could look across a grassy field, which sloped gradually down to the thick barbed-wire entanglements that guarded the German positions some 300 to 500 yards away. Over on the left the low shoulder of Hawthorn Ridge reached out into the valley. While the enemy trenches could not be seen from the British front line because of the convex shape of the slope in No Man's Land, they were under constant daylight observation from the air. The Newfoundlanders were much impressed with the manner in which pilots and observers of the Royal Flying Corps carried out their tasks overhead. There seemed to be always upwards of a dozen aeroplanes in the sky bearing the friendly red, white, and blue roundel on their wings. In the face of continuous anti-aircraft fire and frequent attack by hostile planes they stuck to their task of photographing, and collecting data to be overprinted on the latest intelligence maps to be issued before the big offensive. These maps, the detailed information on which was corrected to April 28, revealed how the German positions opposite the 29th Division took full advantage of the natural defensive strength provided by the steep banks of a deep double-pronged depression, labelled the "Y Ravine," the

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forks of which cut westward from the Beaumont Hamel valley into the Auchonvillers spur, directly in front of the sector assigned to the Newfoundland Regiment. Holding this strongly-fortified area, which has been described as one of the most formidable that Allied troops had to face on the whole of the Somme front, was the I ipth Reserve Regiment, of the 26th (Wurttemberg) Reserve Division. The 26th was recognized as a tough fighting division, a reputation fully subscribed to by Canadian troops who faced it two years later on the Arras-Cambrai road. It had taken part in the invasion of France in August, 1914, and since September of that year it had been stationed in the general area of the Somme. Its present responsibilities extended from just south of Serre almost to the Albert-Cambrai road, a front which it was holding with four regiments (each equivalent in strength to a British brigade). The battalions of the H9th Reserve Regiment occupied the sector reaching from the north side of Beaumont Hamel to the Ancre valley, which was manned by the ist Battalion of the 8th Bavarian Regiment - one of a number of battalions from the roth Bavarian Infantry Division that had been distributed at salient points along the front. The troops of the i igth had spent much time and effort in converting their position into a veritable fortress. So secure did they feel - particularly in their occupancy of the deep chasm of the Y Ravine, its steep sides honeycombed with dug-outs capable of accommodating full platoons - that the Wurttembergers are said to have opposed as strongly as possible any proposal to transfer their division to a more exposed part of the Front. To the Newfoundlanders the trenches they had taken over in the firing line compared unfavourably with those which they had occupied at Suvla. They found them small and cramped, and they were critical of the construction of firing steps, traverses, and parapets. As they went to work to remedy these conditions, the weather co-operated for a while by becoming warm and summerlike. Enemy snipers paid little attention and there was only occasional shelling. The Battalion suffered some casualties, however; Lieutenant Peter Cashin was wounded one week after his draft arrived, and on the same day (April 24) one of the men he had brought with him, Private George R. Curnew, became the Regiment's first fatal casualty in France when he was struck by a bullet while working on the parapet. This first visit to the trenches in France introduced the Battalion to the "Somme rat" - a breed unsurpassed in size and daring anywhere along the Front. To leave "the unconsumed portion of the day's rations" in one's haversack, without protec-

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tion of mess-tin, was to invite both the destruction of the haversack and the loss of the rations. These rats, as heavy as cats, would roam about trenches and dug-outs all night, disturbing much-needed sleep and offering themselves as revolver targets for officers and Lewis gunners (Number One man on the Lewis gun being equipped with a revolver). Many a veteran will vouch that the distribution of these giant rodents demonstrated the laws of survival - for the deeper the dug-out, the bigger the rat. After ten days of duty in the front line the Battalion was relieved by the South Wales Borderers, of the 8yth Brigade, and took over the latter's billets in Mailly Maillet. There followed five busy days of working on communication and rear trenches, and on May 8 the Newfoundlanders marched back to Louvencourt as the 88th Brigade replaced the 8yth in divisional reserve. It was a cheerful body of men that trudged down the long hill west of Mailly Maillet, for during their first three months in France the Newfoundlanders came to regard Louvencourt as their home. By the end of June they had spent a total of thirty-four days in billets there - spread over four different periods in reserve. It was a typical French farming village, which, but for the presence of the khaki-clad troops and the marked absence of male civilians of military age, appeared to have been little affected by war. Every week-day morning the peasants, men and women alike, would still go out to till their fields, their return at night being signalled by the slow clop-clopping of their great horses' hoofs on the cobblestones of the main street. The native friendliness of the Newfoundlanders found a ready response with the people of the village, and the entire population quickly took them to their hearts. In the evenings soldiers and civilians would gather in the estaminets, where after the war situation had been suitably disposed of, the talk would turn to more homely topics, with many a question being asked and answered about life in the distant island Colony across the sea. A number of close personal friendships were established, so that whenever the Regiment returned to Louvencourt from a tour in the lines, members of all ranks could be sure of a warm welcome awaiting them. "Front exceptionally quiet," noted the Battalion war diary as the Newfoundlanders began their second tour of front-line duty on May 18. For a few days Major Drew, who had rejoined the Regiment on April 26 after an absence of five months, was in temporary command while Lieutenant-Colonel Hadow was in England to receive the C.M.G. for his services in Gallipoli. At the same investiture the King decorated Captain Donnelly with the Military Cross won on Caribou Hill. Already at a Battalion parade held earlier at Louvencourt Brigadier-General Cayley had

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presented Sergeant Greene and Lance-Corporal Hynes with the Distinguished Conduct Medals which had been awarded them for their gallantry in the same operation. The routine of improving their positions continued to occupy the Newfoundlanders during the day, and at night small detachments, working under the protection of covering parties, were busy digging a new fire trench in No Man's Land. Early in February G.H.Q. had issued a General Staff Memorandum, "Preparatory Measures to be taken by Armies and Corps before Undertaking Operations on a Large Scale." Among other instructions it had suggested that front-line trenches from which a major attack was to be delivered should be within 200 yards of the enemy's lines. When, however, some divisional commanders had protested that digging new trenches so close to the German positions would reveal too clearly that an assault was meditated, G.H.Q. did not press the matter, and army commanders left it to corps decision. The 29th was one of the divisions which did construct advanced trenches, though not as close to the enemy as the 200 yards originally proposed. That dug by the Newfoundland Regiment was sufficiently near completion for forward companies to occupy it on the final day of their tour. By that time the 88th Brigade's front had ceased to be "exceptionally quiet." The enemy's artillery had begun to show an interest in what was going on, and the old firing line was receiving some forty shells a day. Back once more in Brigade reserve at Mailly Maillet all ranks were soon busily employed day and night on working parties. In a letter to Governor Davidson on June 3 the Commanding Officer expressed his satisfaction with his command. "I am extremely pleased with the state of the Regiment," he wrote. "The officers are very keen and hard working, and I am receiving the most loyal support from them." Observing the normal sequence of reliefs the Battalion marched back in high spirits to Louvencourt on the afternoon of the yth, to find important orders awaiting them from Brigade. "They were long orders," recalled Adjutant Raley, "that took a long time to redraft for the Battalion." These were not the Brigade's final detailed instructions for the attack - they would come ten days later - but they provided a comprehensive plan of the task assigned to the forces under Brigadier-General Cayley's command. It was now possible for the 88th Brigade to begin immediately intensive training on a selected area of land near Louvencourt, which was marked out to simulate closely the ground over which the actual attack would be made.

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Plans for the Offensive To place in proper perspective the role given to the 88th Brigade, and more particularly to the Newfoundland Regiment, it may be useful to survey briefly the British objectives as a whole. Sir Douglas Haig's orders to General Rawlinson for the coming offensive called on the Fourth Army to make a general advance of about a mile and a half along its fourteen-mile front. The principal task in the first instance was to capture the northern half of the Pozieres ridge and its spurs extending northward to the Ancre and south to Fricourt, where the German front line turned east, paralleling the course of the Somme. Simultaneously the enemy salient formed by this bend would come under attack from the south by Rawlinson's right-flanking corps with a view to assisting the French effort astride the Somme and paving the way for an assault on the German Second Position in that sector. The success of the Fourth Army's attack in the centre would depend, however, upon the northern flank's being firmly secured. Thus from Pozieres northward it was part of the Army's primary task to drive the enemy from both his First and Second Positions. The proposal that the Fourth Army should attempt to make the German Second Position part of its objective on the opening day was regarded by General Rawlinson as "something of a gamble." In a letter to Sir Douglas Haig setting forth his objections, the Army Commander cited the considerable distance which the infantry would have to cover to reach this goal - in the Beaumont Hamel area almost 5000 yards; the strength of the Second Position, and the serious difficulty of cutting the wire in front of this line at so great a range from the British guns; the probability of its being fully manned by German reserves before the assaulting infantry could reach it; and the problem of supporting the infantry with artillery fire should they gain a footing in this Second Position. The Commander-in-Chief, however, had high hopes of achieving a complete breakthrough of the German defences. In this he was undoubtedly influenced by General Joffre, who was convinced that both the First and Second Positions could be overcome in the initial assault. Sir Douglas recalled that at the Battle of Loos in the previous autumn some troops had overrun the German First Position in the initial rush, and this experience prompted him to take advantage of the confusion that a similar situation would create in the German ranks to push penetration far enough to capture the enemy's heavy artillery. Accordingly G.H.Q.'s original instructions to capture both positions in the first phase were allowed to stand. North of the Ancre this was the important role given to General Hunter-Weston's Eighth Corps.

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The Corps' attack on the opening day of the offensive would be carried principally by the 29th and 4th Divisions, which were to break due east through the enemy's front-line system in the Beaumont Hamel valley and capture the German Intermediate Line on the Beaucourt spur, marked by the Munich Trench and the Beaucourt Road. Both divisions would then press forward to secure the Second Position, which lay half a mile east of the road joining Puisieux and Grandcourt. In the meantime the sist Division on the left was to capture Serre and form a defensive flank for the main Corps thrust. Farther north two battalions supplied by the 48th Division (in Corps reserve) would attempt to create a diversion by discharging smoke along their two-mile front, but they would not attack. Still farther north, on the other side of this two-mile gap, an assault on Gommecourt by two divisions of General Allenby's Third Army completed the roles assigned by Field-Marshal Haig to his British forces. The boundary between the 29th and 4th Divisions ran generally eastward past the northern outskirts of Auchonvillers and Beaumont Hamel, placing both these villages within MajorGeneral de Lisle's sector. On the right the 29th's southern boundary included the village of Beaucourt, but left Hamel and Grandcourt to the neighbouring Tenth Corps. In planning the 29th Division's attack General de Lisle and his staff assigned to the 86th and Syth Brigades (the former being on the left) the capture of the Division's first two objectives - the enemy's First Line Position and his Intermediate Line. With this accomplished, the 88th Brigade would pass through the other two and advance to occupy the Puisieux Trench in the German Second Position* beyond the Grandcourt-Puisieux road. One of the tragic ironies of the Newfoundlanders' participation in the battle that was fought on the opening day of the Somme offensive was that the task which was suddenly thrust upon the 88th Brigade on that fateful day was not the role for which it had trained, nor could it be carried out over ground made familiar by three weeks of assiduous study and carefully-practised attacks. The area north of Louvencourt assigned for the tactical training of Brigadier-General Cayley's troops had been selected because it resembled topographically the stretch of country extending eastward from the Brigade's existing position on the AuchonvillersHamel road to the Puisieux Trench, its final objective. The locations of every road and the various enemy trench lines were *These designations of the enemy's defence lines are those used in the British Official History. Orders issued by the 88th Brigade however refer to the German Intermediate Line and Second Position respectively as the "German 2nd Line and 3rd Line Trenches."

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indicated by flags, and by furrows freshly plowed across the fields of standing grain. To many a thrifty-minded Newfoundlander it seemed shamefully wasteful to trample down the acres of kneehigh crops that had to be sacrificed to the hob-nailed tread of thousands of soldiers rehearsing their advance over and over again. The brunt of these rehearsals fell on the Newfoundlanders and the Essex, for to them had been given the honour of leading the Brigade's advance to the Division's final objective. It was not long before all ranks had a good working knowledge of the ground over which their assault was planned. Repeated practice impressed on them just how long they were to take in each phase of their advance of nearly 5000 yards. The Essex would be on the right, the Newfoundlanders on the left. From the latter's forming-up places on the Hamel road (renamed in their honour St. John's Road) it would first be simply a case of following in the steps of the battalions of the other brigades. Commencing at eighty minutes after zero-hour, they would cross No Man's Land and pass over the German First Line (on bridges placed in position by the 8yth Brigade), proceeding on to the Station Road, where they would pause to re-form. Up to this stage there was to be no halting to mop up German positions. (The events of July i were to reveal the grim irony of the Brigade order: "On no account will any man of 88th Brigade stop in any of the German ist Line system of trenches.") Then on from the Station Road (at zero plus two hours) to the enemy's Intermediate Line at the Beaucourt road, where if necessary the Newfoundlanders would use the ladders they were carrying (though if possible saving these for the final objective). A partial right wheel would bring them face on to Artillery Lane, where, according to the operation order, the wire would have been cut by the 86th and 8yth Brigades. Another 500 yards forward to the Puisieux road, during which stage "the greatest care must be taken not to run into our own barrage," and for the final half-mile advance to Puisieux Trench - to begin at three hours and ten minutes after zero - the attacking battalions would deploy into a succession of assaulting waves. The High Command was firm about using this type of formation for the actual assault. G.H.Q.'s memorandum on "Training of Divisions for Offensive Action," issued early in May, deplored the advance of isolated detachments "except for reconnoitring purposes," and insisted on the attack being carried out "in successive waves or lines, each line adding fresh impetus to the preceding one when this is checked, and carrying the whole forward to the objective." It pointed to experience having shown

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that to capture a hostile trench "a single line of men has usually failed, two lines have generally failed but sometimes succeeded, three lines have generally succeeded but sometimes failed, and four or more lines have usually succeeded." "Station Road," "Beaumont Road," "Artillery Lane," "Puisieux Road," "Puisieux Trench" - as the Newfoundlanders trained in the rain and the mud these names and their locations became as familiar to them as those of the village streets in Louvencourt, or Military Road, Battery Road, and King's Bridge Road in St. John's. "We go over the ground exactly as we shall on the Great Day," wrote Owen Steele in his diary on June 12. Confident words that at the time seemed well warranted. For who could have foreseen then that not one of these names was to find a place in the record of the Newfoundlanders' achievements on that "Great Day"? The Newfoundlanders Prepare for the Battle The weather during the second week of June was unusually cool, and rain fell on all but two days. Every morning the Newfoundlanders marched out to the training area, where the attack would be practised either by the Battalion alone, or more frequently by the whole Brigade. Brigadier-General Cayley kept a close eye on these rehearsals, and often certain parts of the programme had to be repeated two or three times before he expressed himself satisfied. On one unforgettable occasion, when everything seemed to go wrong, he had the Brigade go through the entire attack twice. The demands that these tactical exercises made on the men were such as only troops in first-class physical condition - as the Newfoundlanders were - could have met. To carry out the attack once meant covering a good ten miles between leaving billets and getting back to them, and everything had to be done in full fighting order, sometimes at the double, sometimes charging with the bayonet, sometimes digging, but always on the move. And those who in blissful ignorance looked forward to a quiet rest in their billets for the remainder of the day were in for a rude awakening. A ruthless Brigade training staff would lay on an afternoon demonstration of trench clearing, and this would mean falling companies in again for the tramp (maintaining "strictest march discipline") to the scene of the demonstration. Worse still would be the arrival of a message from Brigade, just as the various messes were sitting down to a well-earned dinner: "Please demonstrate to troops visibility of patrols and men moving, lying, and kneeling still, advancing by rushes (i) by light of i-inch

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flare, (ii) by light of 2-inch flare." Great would be the grousing for such of course was to be expected of good soldiers - but after the job was done and the day's demands had at last all been met, the natural resilience of the troops would assert itself, and as they marched back to Louvencourt, officers and men would be singing some familiar chorus at the top of their voices. One of the longest days came on June 15, when it was the Battalion's turn to take over the front-line trenches again. On the previous evening a transfer to Summer Time advanced all clocks sixty minutes at midnight, on top of which reveille came at 5 a.m. in order that the Regiment could move off for a final practice attack under the eyes of both the Divisional and Corps Commanders. "So we lost an hour's sleep," wrote the Adjutant later, "did a hard and very rushed day's work, and eventually arrived in the line after a nine or ten-mile march. But we had done our training, and if ever a regiment was fit for battle the Newfoundland Regiment was that day, both physically and morally." The return to the front line brought no respite from long hours and hard work. Much was still to be done. By day men toiled out of sight underground completing deep dug-outs that were to accommodate a thousand men on the eve of the attack. At night they laboured above ground, improving the new firing line, cutting additional steps in every fire bay to assist the assaulting troops over the top when the time came, and building bridges across the top of the trenches to speed the passage of the battalions which would follow up the initial assault. These bridges averaged twelve feet in length, and a few in each battalion area were made wide enough and strong enough to take Horse Artillery and Ammunition Columns. Each one as it was built had to be skilfully camouflaged before daylight. In front of each bridge the Newfoundlanders cut gaps in their own wire, zig-zagging these in the hope that the enemy would thus less easily detect them. The work accomplished in every twenty-four hours would come under the penetrating scrutiny of the Commanding Officer, making his morning rounds of the trenches at an hour that seemed to get earlier every day. On one occasion it was barely 3.15 when he appeared, accompanied by his new Second-inCommand. Major James Forbes-Robertson had come from the ist Battalion, The Border Regiment (of the neighbouring Syth Brigade), on June 15 to replace Major Drew, who was forced by ill-health to return to England, having been pronounced unfit for further active service. Night after night the carrying parties supplied by the Regiment went through the drudgery and danger of trudging forward with their loads along slippery communication trenches that the enemy

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Beaumont Hamel Lt.-Col. A. L. Hadow (left) and his Second-in-Command, Major (later Lt.-Col) James Forbes-Robertson. (By Courtesy of the Imperial War Museum)

gunners never failed to harass with intermittent shelling. From dusk until dawn an endless chain of men would pursue their unenviable task, carrying the long mile to the front line coils of barbed wire, bundles of iron screw pickets, timber pit props for supporting the roofs of dug-outs, and all the rest of the paraphernalia required in front-line defences. Towards the end of the Newfoundlanders' tour the nightly loads included petrol-cans full of drinking water to be emptied into storage tanks in forward dugouts, and on their final night 300 men were detailed to carry "babies" - heavy gas-filled metal cylinders that in the event of hostile shelling, so the orders read, must be protected from damage by the carriers with their bodies, lest any of the lethal gas escape into their own trenches. In the meantime there was growing evidence in the 88th Brigade's sector that the enemy was taking counter-measures against the extensive Allied preparations, of which it was impossible that he should be ignorant. His reconnaissance aircraft were busier than they had ever been, and the increased shelling which inflicted daily casualties on the Newfoundlanders in the front trenches seemed to indicate that newly-emplaced enemy guns were carrying out their registration. At night the Germans could be heard across No Man's Land working on their wire entanglements. There were sounds of trains moving along the narrow-gauge track that ran up to Beaumont Hamel from the

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Ancre valley, and on more than one occasion Brigade Intelligence sources reported an engine in the Y Ravine. These indications that the enemy was getting ready to meet the planned offensive gave some members of the Newfoundland Regiment food for serious reflection. After the strenuous activity and enthusiasm of the weeks of training the final period of waiting came as a tiresome anti-climax, and it brought opportunities for some quiet thinking. It was natural that there should be moments of impatience - if not of anxiety. There had been rumours that the attack would be made on June 24, and at least one officer had been quick to note the coincidence which would have seen "St. John's men starting from St. John's Road on St. John's Day." But there had been a postponement, and the exact date of "Z-day" was still to be announced. On the aoth Lieutenant Steele confided to his diary: "There seems to be a strange pensiveness about everything, and we are all strangely thoughtful about the 'Great Push'." How alert was the enemy? After the war it was learned from documentary evidence that while the German commanders at the front were sure from mid-June onward that an Allied attack might be expected north of the Somme against their Second Army, the Supreme Command felt that any blow would fall on the German Sixth Army farther north. By June 19 the Commander of the Sixth Army, Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria, whose carefully kept daily journal provides an illuminating picture of the enemy's intelligence regarding the Somme offensive, was certain that a large-scale attack against the Second Army was imminent. (His fellow commander in the Second Army, General Fritz von Below, left no personal record of any presentiments he may have had.) But while there may have been doubts about the area of attack, a surprising relaxation of security on the part of British censorship made it abundantly clear to the Germans that there was to be an Allied offensive and that its launching would not long be delayed. On June 2 London morning newspapers reported that a meeting of owners and workmen of munition factories in Britain had been told by a Cabinet Minister that the Whitsuntide holidays (Whitsunday fell on June 11 that year) were to be postponed until the end of July. The implication was obvious. This, noted Crown Prince Rupprecht, "contains the surest proof that there will be a great British offensive in a few weeks." As June drew to a close civilians in England, faithfully reported in the foreign press, were openly speaking of the coming "Great Push." On June 26 Rupprecht wrote in his journal, "Reports of the German military attache in Madrid and an agent agree that the enemy offensive will begin on the ist July."

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The Raids The morning of June 23 was clear and warm, and as the regimental billeting officer rode his charger across country back to Louvencourt to arrange for the Newfoundlanders' accommodation on their return from the trenches that evening, he was profoundly impressed by what he saw of the extensive preparations being made for the coming battle. Every road was jammed with traffic going up to or returning from the forward area, or moving laterally to some other sector of the front. The dusty columns seemed to include every kind of transport vehicle, and at intervals came bodies of marching troops varying in size from small detachments to whole battalions. If, as he feared might be the case, the tell-tale clouds of dust were indeed visible to enemy eyes, it was not to be for long. Early in the afternoon a series of violent thunderstorms swept over the region, effectively changing the dust to the much more familiar mud. The heavy downpours left Tipperary Avenue waist-deep in water and thus delayed the relief of the Newfoundland Regiment by the South Wales Borderers. The relieving troops had to wait until the arrival of dusk allowed them to pass the worst sections of the flooded communication trench by going over the top of the ground. By the time Colonel Hadow's Battalion Headquarters, bringing up the rear, reached their Louvencourt billets, it was 3 a.m. on the 24th. Before the Newfoundlanders left the firing line it was generally known in the Regiment that Z-day was to be June 29, and that the carefully-planned preliminary artillery bombardment would commence five days earlier. As the Battalion took a well-earned rest on the 24th, some 800 field guns up and down the whole length of the Fourth Army's front began their task of systematically cutting the German wire, while guns and howitzers of greater calibre carried out a final registration. After the second day these larger pieces and the mortars would join in shelling the enemy's trench systems, observation posts, and machine-gun emplacements, and every village and other known defended location. At a different time each day all howitzers would join in a concentrated, intensive bombardment for eighty minutes. By night the German communications and billets, storage dumps, and water reservoirs would come under continuous fire. Counterbattery activity was planned to give retaliating hostile guns four shells for one. The Fourth Army's expenditure of one and three quarters of a million rounds of ammunition in the first eight days at the Somme far exceeded the intensity of artillery fire of any previous operation; though it was not abnormally high when

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measured by later standards in the First World War. The bulk of this fire came from the smaller guns. The 29th Division's l8-pounders averaged 238 rounds a day; its 4'5-inch howitzers averaged 181 rounds. At the other end of the scale each of the six great 15-inch howitzers available to General Rawlinson fired a daily average of only 50 shells.* As the massive artillery programme progressed, there were occasional interruptions to allow the Royal Flying Corps to photograph the effects of the Allied fire. From these air photographs it appeared that satisfactory results were being obtained, though estimates varied as to the damage done to the enemy wire. Accordingly additional batteries were switched to the task of wire-cutting. A more accurate appraisal of the condition was expected to come from patrols into No Man's Land, and raiding parties sent out by the different divisions to bring back prisoners for identification. During the last week of June the 29th Division conducted eight such raids, none of which succeeded in capturing an enemy soldier. Of the seven battalions undertaking these ventures, only the Newfoundland Regiment participated on two occasions. Their excursions took place on the night of Monday, June 26, and on the following night. When the Newfoundlanders moved up to the front line on June 15 for their final tour in the trenches before the battle, they left behind in Englebelmer a party of fifty-seven all ranks. In charge was the Battalion Intelligence Officer, Captain Bertram Butler. Early in the month he had been detailed by Colonel Hadow to lead a raid which the Divisional Commander had ordered to be made on the German trenches in front of Beaumont Hamel. Butler was told to pick his own party. He selected two officers - Lieutenants C. S. Strong and W. M. Greene; and a two-hour session with Company Commanders produced a list of fifty-four other ranks. Without delay the detachment moved into billets at Englebelmer, where it appointed its own cook, drew its own rations, and settled down to three weeks of the most vigorous training, designed to put the men in the best possible physical condition, make them expert in the use of bayonet, bomb, and revolver, and instil in them "an extra supply of hatred for the Hun." Lieutenant Strong was given charge of the physical training - four hours of it each morning - and under his direction the men grew hard as nails. "What Charlie Strong didn't know about *The 29th Divisional Artillery included forty-four i8-pounders, twelve 4-5-inch howitzers, twenty-two 2-inch trench mortars, and two 24O-millimetre mortars. General de Lisle could also call on batteries of the following types of heavy artillery: 6o-pounder, 4'7-inch and 9-2-inch guns, and 6-inch, 8-inch, and 15-inch howitzers.

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the right stuff to give the troops was hardly worth knowing," wrote Butler afterwards. During the training in trench warfare which filled each afternoon, every man became a skilled bomber under the efficient instruction of Lieutenant Walter Greene, a recently-commissioned officer who as a sergeant had won the D.C.M. at Caribou Hill. At the end of three weeks the men were ready. General de Lisle watched a final rehearsal on the evening of June 25 and expressed his satisfaction with what he saw. At dusk on the following evening two charabancs left Louvencourt carrying the raiding party. All were armed to the teeth with revolvers, rifles, bayonets, knobkerries, knives, and Mills bombs. Their faces were blackened and all means of identification had been removed from their uniforms. On the front and back of each man's tunic was sewn a strip of light-coloured calico, in order that in the darkness friend might be distinguished from foe. Besides their personal weapons and grenades the party was equipped with a few Stokes mortar bombs for dropping into enemy dug-outs, and with wire-clippers and two bangalore torpedoes for breaching the German wire. These torpedoes were lengths of 2-inch iron pipe - in this case twenty feet each - filled with high explosive, both ends being sealed. To one end was attached a fuse with a special igniter which could be set off by giving a slight twist. When the bangalore was pushed under the wire and exploded, the resulting gap would be from four to six feet wide and some four feet longer than the original tube. Two miles from the front line the buses discharged their passengers, and the rest of the journey was made on foot. The entire operation had been very carefully planned. The raiding infantry would be supported by the 29th Division's artillery in a programme that necessitated close co-operation and strict timing. The time-table called for the raiding party to begin moving out into No Man's Land at 11.30 p.m. and to form up 150 yards from the enemy's wire. The point of entry for the raid was in a 25O-yard section of the German forward trench, at either end of which a communication trench led back 150 yards to the main, or northern, arm of the Y Ravine. Starting at midnight the divisional artillery would bombard the front trench for fifteen minutes, as well as the ravine behind. The guns would then swing to the flanks for ten minutes to give the bangalore party time to come forward, blow the wire, and return to the forming-up place. At 12.25 a-m. the artillery would resume its bombardment of the front-line trench for five minutes, switching back again to the flanks from 12.30 to i a.m. This left the raiders half an hour in which to enter the German

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trench and carry out their task. They were to bomb outwards from the point of penetration, clearing as far as the junctions with the communication trenches. The easterly one was to be blocked off in order to thwart any enemy reinforcement from that flank. "If no Germans are met with in the front line fire trench," read the Brigade Operation Order, "a party will bomb up the communication trench which leads back to the Ravine from point 7347" (i.e. the westerly communication trench). On reaching the Y Ravine they would continue their quest for prisoners, attacking with Stokes bombs any dug-outs they might encounter. All this had to be accomplished in thirty minutes. The party was scheduled to leave the German trenches at one o'clock, and five minutes later these would again come under fire from the artillery. All in all it was no light assignment that confronted Captain Butler and his men. After a tense wait of nearly two hours in their own forward trenches the fifty-seven Newfoundlanders made their way out into No Man's Land, where they lay down behind some small trees midway between the opposing lines. Promptly at midnight the guns crashed into action, and the shells streaming overhead seemed almost to be "combing their hair." Nightly patrols and a close study of air photographs had familiarized officers and men with the route that they would follow in the darkness. Each one had the time-table for the operation thoroughly memorized, and the moment the artillery switched its fire the demolition party hastened forward. Finding the German wire intact they successfully exploded one of their torpedoes under it and got back to the trees, just as the guns resumed their fire. Before the main party advanced, a hasty reconnaissance revealed the disappointing fact that because of the extreme width of the belt of wire the bangalore had effected a breach only about half way through. The second torpedo was rushed forward, but unfortunately it failed to explode, and after valuable time had been lost it was necessary to order up the wire cutters. They had not got far with their clipping when the Germans became alerted. The light of their flares disclosed the Newfoundlanders in No Man's Land, and immediately the crackle of rifle fire came from the enemy trench. Time was fleeting. Much of the wire still had to be cut, and the surprise so essential to the success of the raid had been lost. Realizing that there was no hope of reaching the objective, Butler reluctantly gave the order to withdraw. As the Newfoundlanders returned to their trenches, the barrage began falling again on the enemy's line. By good fortune the raiders suffered only two minor casualties. It was a despondent group of men that drove back to Louven-

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court in the early hours of the morning. There was little consolation to be found in blaming the failure of the raid on the unexpected obstacles that they had encountered. Surely the three days of shelling ought to have gapped the hostile wire sufficiently to let the raiders through. And that second bangalore torpedo should have gone off. One fact clearly emerged from the night's frustrating experience - before a major attack could be launched with any hope of success it would be necessary for the artillery to do a great deal more wire-cutting. Then early on the 2yth Captain Butler was called to Brigade Headquarters and told that the Newfoundlanders were to repeat the raid that night. At the same time the 8yth Brigade would be sending out the Border Regiment on a like mission; and from the 86th Brigade no less than three battalions would be involved in similar excursions. "Needless to say," reported Butler, "everybody was delighted and determined to let nothing stop us from having a scrap with the enemy." During the day i8-pounders, howitzers, and mortars stepped up their bombardment of the hostile wire. This time the artillery programme in support of the raid was changed so as not to impose any time limit on the various phases of the raiding party's operations. Heavy rain was falling as Butler's men crawled forward to their positions in No Man's Land, and soon all were covered in mud and soaked to the skin. At half-past eleven the guns began a thirty-minute pounding of the enemy's front-line trench and his support line; from midnight onward the fire was directed solely at the support line, leaving the field clear for the raiders. There was no need for them to use a bangalore torpedo, for their scouts found a wide gap extending practically straight through the wire. Having satisfied himself that this approach could be used, Captain Butler sent back for the main party, and with one of his men, Private John Lukins, took shelter in a shell hole. With the scouts laying white tapes to guide them the main group moved forward slowly in three files, their rate of progress impeded by the occasional flares put up by an apparently watchful and nervous enemy. Just as they reached the gap a flare went up directly overhead, making everything as light as day. The German trench, less than twenty yards away, was seen to be full of soldiers, who quickly began discharging their rifles and hurling grenades over the parapet. Immediately extending into line facing the foe, the Newfoundlanders retaliated with a will, taking full advantage of the fine target presented to them. A number of their bombs fell directly into the crowded trench, and none of these could have failed to take its toll.

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But the attackers also were suffering casualties. In their efforts to close with the enemy a number of the Newfoundlanders were caught in the wire and hit by bullet or bomb. Some three or four managed to reach the parapet and bring their bayonets into action. Two of these Newfoundlanders, severely wounded, were taken prisoner, but one of them survived to bring back after the war a report of substantial casualties inflicted on the enemy. A third man, one of the wire-cutters, Private George Philips, of Whitbourne, Trinity Bay, was credited with having bayoneted two Germans. He got into an unoccupied bay of the front line before cutting his way back through the wire to a shell hole, from which he engaged the German parapet by the light of flares until all his ammunition was gone. The main fight lasted twenty-five minutes, by which time the supply of bombs was almost exhausted, and casualties were mounting rapidly. The enemy's trench was still strongly manned, and Butler decided that it was useless to continue the operation. He ordered a withdrawal to the line of trees, from where a careful search was conducted for the wounded. In his report of the night's activities, written in pencil on seven pages torn from a field-service notebook, Butler paid tribute to "several cases of exemplary conduct. Some of the men went back three or four times to the wire for wounded comrades." By half-past one it was ascertained that the only men still in the enemy's wire were dead, and the risk of incurring more casualties by attempting to bring in their bodies could not be justified. The final count showed four Newfoundlanders killed (including Private Lukins), 21 wounded, and three missing (of whom two were taken prisoner). Although once again the raid had failed to bring in a captured German, it had emphatically demonstrated that the position which was due to be attacked within a week was well fortified and held in great strength. For his skilful and courageous leadership Captain Butler received the Military Cross. Private Philips, who four months later was to lose his life at Gueudecourt, was awarded the Military Medal and subsequently the Russian Order of St. George. Private John J. Cahill, of St. John's, was Mentioned in Dispatches for his conduct in the raid. Some ten or twelve years older than the average Newfoundlander in the Regiment, Cahill showed conspicuous gallantry in bringing in a wounded man under fire. After the raid he went out again on a similar errand, but did not return. He died of wounds on July 5, while in enemy hands. It seems fair to conclude that the raids conducted by the Newfoundland Regiment and other battalions of the 29th Division failed because of the great strength of the enemy's positions

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and the alertness with which he was holding them. Yet a different view was taken at G.H.Q. The ominous fact that during the period of the bombardment no raid from the Eighth Corps front had succeeded in breaking into the German positions between Serre and Beaumont Hamel was attributed by Sir Douglas Haig to inefficiency in the Corps itself. According to the British Official History, on June 29 Haig sent for the Corps Commander and "expressed himself dissatisfied with the corps staff and with the 29th and 3ist Divisions, and the last words he wrote on the eve of the battle, the night of the 3Oth June, were, 'the only doubt I have is with regard to the VIII Corps Staff, which has had no experience of the fighting in France and has not carried out one successful raid'."

The Eve of Battle The days following the Newfoundland Regiment's one-day rest on June 24 were occupied largely in issuing equipment and making sure that the long list of requirements laid down by General de Lisle's Headquarters had been complied with. The divisional order, repeated down through brigades to battalions, categorically stated: "Each infantryman will carry rifle and equipment (less pack), 170 rounds of small arms ammunition, one iron ration and the rations for the day of assault, two sandbags in belt, two Mills grenades, steel helmet, smoke helmet in satchel, waterbottle and haversack on back, also first field dressing and identity disc. A waterproof sheet should also be taken. Troops of the first and second waves will carry only 120 rounds of ammunition. At least forty per cent of the infantry will carry shovels, and ten per cent will carry picks." But this was by no means all. In addition to these individual requirements carriers had to be found for a multiplicity of items issued in brigade lots. Thus, among other things, the battalions of the 88th Brigade had to share between them and transport into battle 1600 flares, 64 bundles of five-foot wooden pickets, 48 mauls and 16 sledge-hammers, 640 wire-cutters and 640 hedging gloves, 512 haversacks (for carrying Lewis gun magazines), and 33 bangalore torpedoes. In the matter of trench bridges the 88th got off more lightly than the other two Brigades, which were to lead the Division's assault. They were each given 96 bridges to pack forward; the 88th Brigade drew only 32. The Battalion Adjutant, Captain Arthur Raley, well described the situation which found officers at their wits' ends to discover

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places on an ordinary soldier where the endless new instruments of war might be hung. No sooner had a company commander satisfactorily disposed of his complement of bombs. Mills, than a stock of bombs, Stokes, would arrive, only to be followed by fuses for bangalore torpedoes, extra Lewis gun ammunition, wire clippers, wire cutters, Very lights, rockets, buckets to carry bombs in, rifle grenades and so on in an endless stream. No sooner had Lieutenant Pip detailed Private Squeak to carry a pair of wire clippers than it would be discovered that Private Squeak had already got a 5O-per-cent share in carrying a trench bridge and a budget of bombs, while Private Whiz reported he was going over the top as Captain Bang's runner and could he be relieved of the seven-foot trench ladder that he was at present down to carry.

Well-intentioned staffs were determined that nothing should be forgotten. If victory depended upon the quantity of equipment loaded on to the attackers, the battle was as good as won. Probably the ultimate in foresight was the provision of a can of grey paint to one of the Newfoundlanders for painting the unit's identification on any guns that it might capture! One final task that every Newfoundlander in common with all the other attacking infantry in the 29th Division had to do was to attach to his haversack a triangular piece of metal cut from a biscuit tin. The divisional order decreed that this should be seven inches on a side, and would be fastened to each man's back between the shoulders. This was done for the benefit of the two aeroplanes which would be acting as contact patrols up and down the whole battle front. The device was intended to assist in identifying troops whose positions they observed from the air during the course of the action. Somehow everything that had to be looked after was looked after. Not all the petty annoyances heaped upon them from above could more than momentarily disturb the forbearance of the Newfoundlanders. Their morale was at its customary high level, and in the final days before Beaumont Hamel laughter and song resounded from the billets in Louvencourt. There was time in that last week for two more rehearsals over the training area - one by the Battalion alone, and one with the whole Brigade. On June 26 the G.O.C. 29th Division addressed the Newfoundland Regiment on parade. General de Lisle cited encouraging statistics about the overwhelming strength of the Fourth Army's artillery and its unlimited supplies of ammunition. If the 45,000 tons of shells available to the Army's guns for the forthcoming operation were loaded in railway trucks, he said, the resulting train would be forty-six miles long. In manpower the Allies held a tremendous superiority. According to the General's figures (as

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reported in Lieutenant Steele's summary of the speech) the Fourth Army's 263 battalions faced only 32 German battalions, which the enemy could at most reinforce by 65 battalions in a week.* "So we need fear nothing," wrote Steele confidently in his diary. The weather now was favouring the enemy. From the 25th to the 29th rain fell every day. The resulting poor visibility impeded the artillery programme; for with Royal Flying Corps pilots grounded, accurate fire which depended upon aeroplane observation could not be carried out against the German machine-gun emplacements and fortified positions. Accordingly at 11 a.m. on the 28th the French and British leaders unanimously agreed to postpone Z-day forty-eight hours to July i. During the two extra days the artillery bombardment continued, but necessary economies in ammunition reduced its effectiveness - the eighty-minute concentration was reduced to forty minutes - and the additional expenditure in shells was to result in the barrages on July i being thinner than they would otherwise have been. Nevertheless the bombardment by the heavy guns was inflicting severe damage on the enemy's defences. A German account of conditions north of the Ancre spoke of "entanglement wire torn to pieces, trenches filled up, and most of the shelters (though not the deep dug-outs) crushed in. Crater touched crater. Only a few miserable remnants of walls of Beaumont Hamel remained." The postponement gave the Newfoundlanders a chance for a further rest. To keep the men fit the Battalion went out for a brief but brisk bit of training in the rain on the 29th. There were no parades on Friday, June 30, which was spent in getting everything ready to move that night. This last day of June brought beautiful weather, as though to make amends for the week of rain. As the men went about their final preparations there was little sign of tension or anxiety. All appeared to be in excellent spirits and confident in their ability to do the task assigned them. In the afternoon the arrival of the reinforcement draft from the base brought a number of warm reunions with comrades last seen on the other side of the Atlantic. For many of the newcomers, however, there were more pressing matters to attend to than renewing acquaintanceships; for despite their inexperience and the fact that they had missed all the tactical training and the battlefield rehearsals at Louvencourt, the majority of these sixty-six green reinforcements were slated to go into action next day with the rest of the Battalion. *In actual fact the Order of Battle of German infantry on the Somme front on July i, 1916, totalled thirty-three regiments. A German regiment was the equivalent of a British brigade and normally comprised three battalions. The disproportion in strength was thus not nearly as great as the G.O.C. indicated.

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The sun was setting as from the village homes in which they had been billeted Newfoundland soldiers in groups of three or four walking and talking together began gathering at the assembly point outside Louvencourt. At nine o'clock the Regiment fell in and platoon sergeants began calling the roll. A total of 776 N.C.O.'s and men answered to their names. The 25 officers on parade then took their posts, the C.O. mounted his charger and rode to the head of the column, and in response to a wave of his hand the Regiment stepped out along the road which led to Beaumont Hamel. As the Newfoundlanders marched proudly away, the people of Louvencourt who had gathered to see their Colonials depart bade them "au reuoir" and "bonne sante," with doubtless many a silent prayer for their safe return. There were other well-wishers who watched the marchers leave with a feeling of envy. These were the "ten per cent," under the command of Major Forbes-Robertson. Earlier in the year G.H.Q. had given orders that because of the exceedingly heavy losses among commanding officers in the battles of 1915, C.O.'s should not go forward into the enemy trenches with their men, and furthermore that a proportion of officers, usually including the battalion second-in-command and the second-in-command of each company, should be kept back, with ten per cent of the other ranks, as a nucleus on which to rebuild the unit in the event of severe casualties. After the usual 200 yards of marching at attention Colonel Hadow gave the signal to march at ease. Rifles were slung, and almost simultaneously every officer and man in the long column broke into the well-loved strains of "Keep the Home Fires Burning." Heavily laden as they were, the troops were not sorry when a half-hour halt was called east of Acheux to give time for the darkness to thicken; for ahead lay a ridge, in crossing which there was no desire to have the Battalion silhouetted against the afterglow in the western sky. Then the direction of the march changed. AU day long enemy artillery had been ranging on the main roads and tracks which the Battalion would normally take between Acheux and the front line. In order to lessen the risk of casualties from this shelling an officer had been sent forward during the afternoon to reconnoitre a new route for the Newfoundlanders' advance. By-passing Mailly Maillet, the Battalion struck across the open fields south of the village, strung out in single file for nearly half a mile. On all sides could be heard the guns pounding the German positions. From flank and rear came the deep boom of the heavies, and now and then the swish of a large-calibre shell overhead. In front the field batteries were hammering away at the enemy wire, and by pre-arrangement

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these held their fire while the Newfoundlanders passed through the gun area. There was an unforeseen delay at the entrance to Tipperary Avenue - the deep communication trench which many a Newfoundland work party had helped to dig. While waiting in the open for another battalion of the Division to get clear of the trench the Newfoundland Regiment was exposed to a number of salvoes that came unpleasantly close, though there were no casualties. It was after 2 a.m. by the time the Newfoundlanders reached their destination and were settled away in the deep dugouts of the St. John's Road support trench. The 75O-yard section which they occupied was directly opposite the Y Ravine. Behind them was the Worcestershire Regiment, and on their right the Essex, backed up by the Hampshires. Brigadier-General Cayley established his battle headquarters in Fethard Street trench, about 150 yards in front of the Newfoundland right. The forward trenches were packed with the four battalions of the 8yth Brigade - in the firing line the 2nd South Wales Borderers and the ist Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers, who were to lead the right side of the 29th Division's attack and capture the enemy's First Position; and behind them the ist King's Own Scottish Borderers and the ist Battalion, The Border Regiment, slated to follow through and take the German Intermediate Line. On the left the battalions of the 86th Brigade were formed up for their attack along Hawthorn Ridge - in front the ist Lancashire Fusiliers and the 2nd Royal Fusiliers, followed respectively by the i6th Battalion, The Middlesex Regiment and the ist Royal Dublin Fusiliers. There was little sleep for anyone. The heavier battle stores that had been sent forward earlier to avoid burdening the men on the march up from Louvencourt - trench bridges, ladders, bangalore torpedoes - had to be issued to those detailed to carry them into action. There had been great insistence by Corps Headquarters that all troops should be given a hot meal on the morning of the attack, and the Brigade staff had issued detailed administrative orders sharing between its units the seven hot food containers available. After supper on the soth regimental cookers were assembled in a wood near Englebelmer, and in the early hours of Saturday the Newfoundland "ten per cent," who had moved up to the wood, supplied carrying parties to bring the troops in the dug-outs their hot breakfast. From then on it was just a matter of waiting in the cold and the damp of the night. Officers strolled about their various commands making a final inspection. Many of the men, tired from five hours of marching, dozed fitfully. Others sat quietly smoking or conversing with one another. There was surprisingly little evidence

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of tension. The task for which so much preparation had been made was now at hand. There was confidence that the tremendous fire of their artillery would have crushed the opposition and assured their own success. Some recalled snatches of the special order issued by Brigadier-General Cayley to his units - "a great victory gained now will probably be the beginning of the end of the war"; "confident all ranks will do their utmost"; "attack with the greatest determination"; "the best of luck"; "a glorious victory." Then at 6.25 a.m. the intense bombardment began. An officer from each battalion went to the Brigade Major to synchronize watches. Zero hour was sixty-five minutes away. July i, 1916 In planning the Eighth Corps' operations north of the Ancre, special arrangements had been made to deal with the Hawthorn Redoubt, a strongpoint in the German front line on the crest of Hawthorn Ridge immediately opposite Beaumont Hamel. Its commanding position at the head of the valley gave its holders an excellent field of fire for their machine-guns, which could sweep most of the 29th Division's front with enfilading fire. In weeks of patient excavation Royal Engineers had tunnelled deep under No Man's Land in order to place a charge of 40,000 pounds of ammonal some sixty-five feet beneath the German position. The exact time for exploding the great mine had been the subject of considerable discussion. General Hunter-Weston had proposed that it be blown four hours before zero, so that the resulting crater might be occupied and consolidated long enough before the assault to ensure that any general alarm on the part of the enemy might subside before the main attack. But experience had shown that on such occasions the Germans were much more proficient than the British at seizing the crater, and G.H.Q. therefore favoured firing the mine right at zero. A compromise order by the Fourth Army set the actual time of detonation at ten minutes before zero. Like most compromises the decision had serious drawbacks. The explosion was to give the Germans definite warning that an attack was impending. Worse still, to enable the British infantry to seize the crater, for the critical final ten minutes preceding zero the barrage from the Corps' big guns and howitzers would lift to the German reserve trenches, leaving Hawthorn Redoubt and the neighbouring trenches free from heavy artillery fire. Even the remaining thin shrapnel barrage of the field batteries would be

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The mine goes up under Hawthorn Redoubt, July i, 1916.

cut in half for part of this crucial period; for in order to avoid a sudden pause at zero when they shifted from the German front line, orders were given that in each battery one of the two sections engaged would at three minutes before zero lift on to the German support line. Promptly at 7.20 a.m. a violent concussion and trembling of the earth signalled to the Newfoundlanders 1000 yards away the firing of the Hawthorn mine. A gigantic fountain of debris shot high into the air and a huge crater 130 feet wide and 60 deep opened in the side of the hill. At once two platoons of the Royal Fusiliers rushed forward, only to be met with machine-gun fire from the far lip of the crater, which the Germans had already occupied. No great surprise had been achieved. During the preceding week the enemy had been given unmistakable signs of a coming attack - lanes cut in the British wire, rear trenches bridged, the great artillery preparation. Only the question of which would be Z-day had been left unanswered. Now the explosion of the mine told him not only the day but almost the minute of the attack. The soldiers of the upth Reserve Regiment opposite the 29th Division knew what to do. They had been trained to stay safely under cover during the hostile bombardment, knowing that they would have time after it stopped to emerge and man the firing line and certain pre-selected shell craters out in their own wire. Their regimental account of the events reads: This explosion was a signal for the infantry attack, and everyone got ready and stood on the lower steps of the dug-outs, rifles in hand, waiting for the bombard-

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The Battlefield at Beaumont Hamel, from the Newfoundland Memorial. ment to lift. In a few minutes the shelling ceased, and we rushed up the steps and out into the crater positions. Ahead of us wave after wave of British troops were crawling out of their trenches and coming towards us at a walk, their bayonets glistening in the sun.

But not for long. The barrage had hardly lifted, when from the edge of the Hawthorn crater, from shell holes in front of their trenches, and from their own parapet, which from now oil hardly a British shell or bullet was to molest, the Wurttembergers let loose a deluge of machine-gun and rifle fire against the lines of advancing troops. Then came another surprise. The German heavy guns were supposed to have been effectively dealt with by counter-battery fire; but at zero a number of new batteries which had not disclosed their locations by previous fire opened up a withering barrage on the British trenches. The volume and accuracy of their fire, together with the hail of machine-gun and rifle bullets that swept No Man's Land, disorganized the 29th Division's attack at the very outset. On the extreme right, farthest from Hawthorn Ridge, some parties of the Inniskilling Fusiliers managed to penetrate the German wire and cross the enemy's front trench before they were shot down or taken prisoners. The rest of the battalion who survived the passage across No Man's Land were held up by uncut wire. On the 8yth Brigade's left front the South Wales Borderers, opposite the Y Ravine, were raked by machine-gun fire from front and flank. Within five minutes nothing remained of their assault companies but a few scattered individuals lying within 100 yards

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(Photograph by the Author)

of the German trench. The Brigade's supporting battalions, the King's Own Scottish Borderers and the Border Regimentj had been scheduled to enter No Man's Land at 8.05; but as they climbed into the open to cross their own front trench on the bridges, they met the full force of the German barrage and smallarms fire. The enemy's machine-guns, trained on the narrow lanes in the British wire, took a terrible toll as the advancing troops tried to pass through, and before very long the Syth Brigade's attack had melted away. Farther north, where the 86th Brigade was to capture the ruins of Beaumont Hamel, it was the same grim story of failure. Except for a party of Royal Fusiliers who gained a footing in the Hawthorn mine crater, none of the Brigade, either from the assaulting or the supporting battalions, reached the German First Position. All this time the guns of the divisional artillery, which might have given invaluable aid to the hapless infantry by bringing down fire again on the German front trenches, were methodically carrying out their pre-arranged programme of lifting their fire too yards every two minutes, and were now shelling the far side of the valley, somewhere east of the Station Road, regardless of the fact that meanwhile the troops they were supposed to be supporting were held down in No Man's Land. Once the barrage had started, the attacking infantry had no means of calling back this fire to meet the emergency which had so unexpectedly arisen. Seldom have the evils of an inflexible, predetermined schedule of artillery fire been so tragically demonstrated. It was not until 8.40, seventy minutes after the attack had started, that General de Lisle directed

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the barrage by the field batteries to remain on the Intermediate Line along Beaucourt Ridge until 9.20. Subsequent orders imposed four further successive half-hour delays on the lifting of the barrage. In the meantime Divisional Headquarters had learned that white flares had been seen on the 8yth Brigade's right front. These were accepted as the pre-arranged signal that the first objective had been reached. (Actually they were enemy flares, signalling to the German artillery that their rounds were falling short.) Major-General de Lisle gained the impression that the Brigade's leading troops had gone through, and that only some German machine-guns were checking the advance of the two rear battalions. "I therefore decided," he wrote in his official report of the battle, to make another effort to capture the front line, and thus support the parties of the 8yth Brigade who were, I believed, fighting in the enemy's trenches. At 8.37 a.m. consequently I ordered the 88th Brigade to attack the enemy's front between Points 03 and 89, but to keep two battalions in hand as Divisional Reserve, and not to utilize them without my express instructions.

At 8.45 Brigadier-General Cayley issued orders by telephone to the Newfoundland and Essex Regiments to advance as soon as possible and support the attack on the divisional right. The time originally designated for the Newfoundlanders to move off towards their objective at the German Second Position was 8.40, but at 8.20 this order had been countermanded and they were directed to stand by until further notice. This postponement and the persistent sound of the great volume of machine-gun fire coming from the enemy's lines made it apparent to the waiting troops that the Division's attack was not going according to plan. Soon the sight of casualties streaming back emphasized the gravity of the situation. The immediate objective given to Colonel Hadow in the new verbal orders from Brigade was the enemy's front trench system from Point 89 to Point 60. Point 89, about 500 yards south of the Hawthorn Redoubt, marked the outer extremity of the long arm of the Y Ravine, and was in fact the most westerly projection of the whole German line opposite the Eighth Corps' front. From here the enemy's trenches ran almost due east for 500 yards before turning south for another 250 yards to Point 60. The Newfoundlanders would thus be heading into a marked re-entrant, or concave front, whose defenders had all the advantages of cross-fire that such a position provided. Having checked his maps the Newfoundland C.O. asked Brigade whether "as soon as possible" meant an attack independently of the Essex. The answer was in

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the affirmative; the Battalion was to go as soon as it could move. "Has the enemy's front line been captured?" asked Colonel Hadow. The reply was not reassuring: "The situation is not cleared up." While these men are waiting in the trenches for the signal to go "over the top," let us pause for a moment and attempt to fathom their thoughts, their hopes, their doubts, and their fears. There are all too few recorded words to guide us, but the recollections of some of those who were there are clear and pithy. As has been indicated, the weeks of strenuous training and preparation had generated nothing but confidence, and esprit was at its peak. Each soldier recognized in his mate and in himself as nearly perfect a physical specimen as the Army could produce, in which was a pent-up vigour clamouring to be freed. Here was the first chance really to come to grips with the enemy; and the closer the quarters the more certain the outcome. The unpropitious events of the past few days would have shaken the morale of men of lesser breed. The unsuccessful raids, disclosing uncut wire; the ominous fortyeight-hour postponement of the attack; the terrific pounding from the enemy's fire which indicated no serious breakdown in his defences - all this was foreboding in the extreme. Now the lastmoment delay in the order to advance, suggesting that the assaulting waves had failed in their task, was shock enough to shatter the nerves of old soldiers of the line, let alone young volunteers unscarred in battle. It was well that the full extent of the colossal disaster befalling the attacking units had not been passed along to the rank and file of the Newfoundland Regiment; for doubt, now fast becoming widespread, might have developed into hesitation, and hesitation into a weakening of spirit. No! The resolve and determination of each man remained firm. His chief concern seemed to be how could a man burdened with sixty pounds of baggage hoist himself up on to the parapet when the order came. In spite of all, cheerfulness abounded, and the traditional sense of humour went unchecked, particularly when it was recalled that the awards awaiting them were not confined to the honours of battle. For had not a prominent St. John's society maiden let it be known by confiding to her friends, and they to all who would listen, that she intended to marry the first V.C. in the Regiment. Thus it was then, that on the lips of many a single man as he went over the top was the battle cry, "Buxom Bessie" (not her real name) "or a wooden leg!" Quickly Hadow summoned his Company Commanders for a brief conference. There was no time to work out new tactics. The assault would be made using the same formation that had

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so often been rehearsed at Louvencourt - "A" and "B" Companies abreast, followed by "C" and "D", each company advancing in lines of platoons in columns of sections. Quickly the orders were relayed to subordinates, and at 9.15 the message went to Brigade Headquarters: "The Newfoundlanders are moving." An eye witness has described the beginning of the Battalion's advance. As in all rehearsals the C.O. was the first to move, carrying, as always, his thick ash stick. When he had advanced about twenty yards he gave the same signal to the O.C.'s Companies and immediately the parapet swarmed with men. From each corner of every traverse men came pouring. With remarkable precision they took up their correct positions in their sections; not a single section, so far as can be ascertained, went in the wrong direction, that is to say, tried to crowd through a gap that was cut for a neighbouring section. The rear sections stood on the parapet waiting for the leading ones to gain their proper distance (40 paces). Steadily they advanced to the first line of wire under a heavy machinegun fire, first from the right and then from the whole front. Men began to drop, but not in large numbers, as the enemy had their guns trained on the gaps. The first gaps were reached and men fell in each of them. Those who could not go on did their best to clear the gaps of wounded, killed, and equipment.

From their starting position in St. John's Road the Newfoundlanders had to cross 250 yards of fire-swept ground before they reached even their own front line. Then there were four belts of their own wire through which they had to pass, and the zig-zag gaps had been purposely made few and narrow to conceal them from the enemy. As officers and men of "A" and "B" Companies, led respectively by Captains Jim Ledingham and Joe Nunns, struggled through the second and then the third belt - many of them overburdened by the battle stores which they had picked up from dead or wounded comrades - casualties came with increasing frequency. But there was no hint of wavering. Steadily they pushed forward through the hail of bullets. "The only visible sign that the men knew they were under this terrific fire," wrote one observer, "was that they all instinctively tucked their chins into an advanced shoulder as they had so often done when fighting their way home against a blizzard in some little outport in far off Newfoundland." The remaining two Companies followed at an interval of 100 yards. Captain Rex Rowsell's "C" Company had been specially detailed to act as consolidating company; thus when one of its men fell, he had to endure the additional torture inflicted by a pick or shovel strapped on his back. When the remnants of "A" and "B" Companies finally emerged from their own front wire, they could look down the incline and see for the first time the barrier of the German wire, until now

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hidden from view by the convexity of the slope. It appeared to be alarmingly intact. The long grass which covered No Man's Land was beaten down, and the ground was becoming churned into a mass of shell holes. Ahead the Newfoundlanders could see the burnt and blackened hillside rising behind the German trenches. To reach that hillside was becoming every minute a more and more impossible goal. The advance went on. The Newfoundlanders were still alone, receiving the full force of the enemy's fire; for on the right the Essex attack had been delayed by the complete congestion of their forward trenches with the bodies of dead and dying from the 8yth Brigade. "B" Company had not got far before its Commander, Captain Nunns, fell shot in the leg. He called to one of his subalterns, Lieutenant Hubert Herder, to take charge of the Company, and to carry on. Snatching up rifle and bayonet from his Platoon Sergeant, who had just been hit, Herder shouted to his men, "Come on, boys!", and led them forward - only to fall mortally wounded shortly afterwards. Half-way down the slope the little clump of trees used as a rallying point by Captain Butler's raiders four nights before were now blasted bare of their leaves, with most of their branches shattered. One of these stricken trunks, standing gauntly isolated from the rest, was to mark an area where the enemy's shrapnel was particularly deadly. Before the dreadful day ended the bodies of many a gallant Newfoundlander lay near its base. In after years returning veterans, treading once again the course of that doomed advance, would pause silently with poignant memories before the twisted skeleton of "The Danger Tree." Here fell Frank "Mayo" Lind, whose cheerful letters to the Daily News written from camp and shipboard, billets and trenches, had brought so much comfort and confidence to relatives and friends of the lads in the Regiment. His last letter, written from Louvencourt on June 29, had closed with a message that was indeed to prove prophetic: "Tell everybody that they may feel proud of the Newfoundland Regiment." It was said afterwards that the wonder was that any man could remain unhit more than a minute in the inferno of fire that swept over No Man's Land. Yet still a few defiant figures could be seen moving doggedly down the slope. "C" and "D" Companies had a higher proportion than the other Companies of young soldiers who were going into action for the first time, but no distinction was discernible between their conduct and that of the veterans of the Gallipoli Campaign. Where two men had been advancing side by side, suddenly there was only one - and a few paces farther on he too would pitch forward on his face. A young subaltern looks

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around him in vain for men to lead. Defiantly he brandishes his field telephone at the German trenches; then putting down his head he charges to his death. The leading man of a pair carrying a ten-foot bridge is hit, and as he falls he brings down with him bridge and partner. Without hesitation the latter gets up, hoists the bridge on to his head, and plods grimly forward until machinegun bullets cut him down. A very few reach the German wire, and are shot down as they try to cut a passage with their clippers. All this had taken place in less than thirty minutes. At 9.45 Colonel Hadow, who from a spot in front of the support trench had observed the destruction of his Regiment, made his way to Brigade Battle Headquarters, where he reported to BrigadierGeneral Cayley that the attack had failed. The Brigadier was shocked at the extent of the Regiment's losses, but after some discussion he directed that the C.O. should gather together any unwounded Newfoundlanders that he could find and make a renewed attempt to reach the German trenches. On leaving Brigade Headquarters Hadow worked his way forward to the firing line in the hope of collecting even a handful of men fit to continue the attack. The trenches were packed with the dead and wounded of all regiments, but not a single sound Newfoundlander could he find. Fortunately however, before the order for the forlorn, suicidal effort could be put into effect it was countermanded by a senior officer from Corps. From an advanced observation post on the high ground north of Hamel he had witnessed the Newfoundlanders' advance, and he could find no words to express his admiration of the magnificent way they had pressed forward to the last man. Back at Divisional Headquarters the G.O.C. learned of the failure of the 88th Brigade's attack shortly after ten o'clock. On reporting the situation to the Corps Commander by telephone he was told to utilize Brigadier-General Cayley's two remaining battalions in a fresh assault on Point 89 and the Y Ravine. For this purpose the enemy front line would be rebombarded from noon until 12.30, when the attack would go in. Anxious not to commit all his infantry reserve, General de Lisle ordered the 88th Brigade to attack with one battalion, and Cayley detailed the Worcestershire Regiment. At 11.30 this battalion, which had been wailing behind St. John's Road, began forming up for the assault. This in itself was a Herculean task, for the bombardment by the enemy's heavy guns, now at its height, had blown away bridges and blocked and levelled trenches. Furthermore, the communication trenches through which the Worcesters had to reach the firing line were jammed with casualties. The attack was postponed, and then cancelled.

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Orders from Division to consolidate the line in case of a German counter-attack brought the Newfoundlanders' ten per cent forward early in the afternoon. With these Colonel Hadow occupied St. James's Street, a support trench on the Brigade right. Here the Newfoundlanders were disposed behind what remained of the Essex Regiment; while the Brigade left was held by the Worcesters with the Hampshires in support. But the enemy, secure in the positions that had withstood all that opposing forces could do to them, did not counter-attack. One more instance of the comprehensive manner in which planning for the attack had sought to provide for every contingency was the detailing of a special force of fifty men (in so far as the 88th Brigade was concerned), whose task it was to mop up dug-outs which had been overrun by the advancing infantry, and escort prisoners back to the divisional cage. A dozen men from each of the Essex, Hampshires, Worcesters, and Newfoundlanders were ordered to report in Englebelmer Wood on the night of June 30; and under the command of a Newfoundland subaltern and one other officer early on the morning of July I these marched off to the scene of battle, the immediate destination being Fethard Street, near Brigade Headquarters. It soon became apparent that this group would not be required to perform the duties assigned to it, and after standing by in the trenches until late afternoon, the men received orders to disperse to their respective units. As evidence of the heavy shelling of the trenches throughout the day, twenty-five per cent of this detail became casualties. The German shelling continued, and several of the Newfoundland reinforcements (who now indeed formed the Battalion) were hit. During the afternoon many wounded tried to crawl back to their own line. But in the blazing July sun the tin triangle on each man's back flashed like a heliograph, signalling his position to German snipers and machine-gunners. To move was to invite fire. The only hope of survival was to lie with wounds unattended through the heat of the long day until darkness brought cover from enemy eyes. The Regiment's twenty stretcher bearers worked magnificently all day bringing wounded back to the Aid Post in St. John's Road, where Ambulance Sergeant Art Hammond and his staff dressed their wounds and did what they could to alleviate their suffering before turning them over to the men of the Royal Army Medical Corps from the Advanced Dressing Station. As the stricken Newfoundlanders lay on their stretchers awaiting treatment, there was one thing that left a deep impression on anyone who was near by at the time. Captain Raley has reported that the almost universal question asked by each of the wounded was, "Is the Colonel satisfied? Is the Colonel

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pleased?" In that revealing moment, while suffering the agony of bullet-torn flesh or shattered limb and the bitter realization of defeat, these Newfoundlanders had one thought above all others whether they had come up to the expectations of the Commanding Officer whom they had come to admire and respect. One of that day's numerous acts of heroism - many of which will never be recorded - occurred during the work of rescuing the Battalion's casualties. It was performed by 2nd Lieutenant (later Captain) Sydney Frost, an officer with the ten per cent. Three times he went out into No Man's Land under machine-gun fire to bring in a wounded comrade on his back. Yet neither this gallant deed, nor many others that matched it, received official recognition, for the C.O. considered it impossible to single out any individual for bravery on that day. "It seemed to me," he wrote later, "that in honour of our gallant dead and wounded it would be invidious to recommend any survivors with the exception of the medical orderlies, who had done gallant work." Three of these men received the Military Medal for their conspicuous devotion to duty in bringing in wounded men under heavy shelling and machine-gun fire - Privates Stewart Dewling and Thomas McGrath, of St. John's, and Private John Cox, of Breton Harbour. Late that evening field batteries of the 29th Divisional Artillery fired an hour-long barrage on the German lines to minimize enemy interference with the collection of the wounded. During the night a number of men who had been held down in shell holes all day by the enemy's fire struggled back to their own lines. When the roll call of all the unwounded was taken, sixty-eight answered their names. But the full count of the Regiment's casualties could not be completed for several days. The final grim figures that revealed the virtual annihilation of the Battalion gave a count of 14 officers and 219 other ranks killed or died of wounds, 12 officers and 374 other ranks wounded, and 91 other ranks missing. The loss in officers was staggering. In view of the known tendency of the enemy's sharpshooters to single out officers as targets orders had been given before the battle that all officers should be dressed like their men. This did not accomplish the desired end, however, for each Newfoundland officer went into action carrying his walking-stick and pistol, and no rifle. Every officer who went forward in the Newfoundland attack was either wounded or killed. Of the four Company Commanders, Captain Eric Ayre, of "D" Company, lost his life - one of four members of his family to make the supreme sacrifice, all on that same fateful day.* Captain Rex Rowsell, who had a brother killed *The four were all grandsons of C. R. Ayre, founder of a well-known and respected St. John's firm. Captain Eric Ayre's only brother, Captain Bernard P. Ayre, was serving with

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with the Regiment a week later, became a casualty early in the action. Captain J. A. Ledingham was hit in three places while leading "A" Company; and after lying for five hours in a shell hole out in No Man's Land crawled back to safety bearing on his back a severely-wounded brother officer, Lieutenant S. Robertson. The wounding of "B" Company's Commander, Captain Nunns, has been mentioned already. In addition to those already named, the following officers gave their lives at Beaumont Hamel: Lieutenants C. H. O. Jupp, F. C. Mellor, R. Bruce Reid, Clift Rendell, R. Wallace Ross, W. F. Ryall, R. A. Shortall, and George H. Taylor. Many noble examples of fortitude were displayed by the wounded. Some of those who were helpless and unable to move refused to be assisted until the more seriously-injured had received attention. One such casualty was Lieutenant (later Captain) Bert Dicks, whom the stretcher bearers found severely wounded, propped up in the bay of a trench. But when they were about to carry him to a dressing station, he insisted: "Take those who are in greater need. I can stick it out." The collection of the casualties, including the dead whose bodies could be recovered, was a long and painful process. It was physically impossible to bury each dead soldier in a separate grave. Only at night could the work go on, for in daylight enemy snipers would challenge all movement above ground in the forward trench area. It was found necessary to make use of abandoned trenches as multiple burying grounds, in the expectation (as in most instances proved to be the case) that subsequently the remains would be exhumed and reinterred in single graves. At that period of the war each soldier wore only one identity disc, which for official casualty records had to be removed upon burial. Accordingly, as far as possible, identification of the remains was achieved by placing in the tunic pocket a slip of paper bearing the man's name and number. Later in the war the authorities equipped men going into battle with two identity discs. Four sad days the survivors of the Regiment spent in burying their dead and in salvaging weapons and equipment. Heavy rain on July 4 hampered the dispiriting work as the battered trenches, all their drainage destroyed, quickly filled with water. At the end of the fifth day a soldier was seen crawling in from No Man's Land. His reply to the sentry's challenge readily identified him as a Newfoundlander. He turned out to be one of the draft which the Norfolk Regiment at the other end of the Fourth Army's front, near Maricourt. Two cousins, Lieutenant Gerald W. Ayre and Lieutenant Wilfred D. Ayre, were both officers of the Newfoundland Regiment.

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had arrived on the eve of battle. Knowing nothing of the lie of the land, and not a little dazed after being wounded, he could not decide which were the German trenches and which his own. Eventually, completely "fed up" with his environment (as he later described it), he made up his mind to try one or the other. Fortunately luck was with him. On the 6th the Battalion went back to Englebelmer. It was indicative of the terrible depletion of their ranks that the Newfoundlanders were allowed to make the move in small parties, by daylight. They found that since they last saw Englebelmer the enemy's artillery had dealt harshly with the place. The village, from which all the inhabitants had been evacuated on the eve of the battle, was in ruins, and it was hard to find dry accommodation for the men, few as they now were. Continued shelling of Englebelmer cut the Newfoundlanders' stay there to two days. It was on the second day, July 7, that Lieutenant Owen Steele, who besides being second-in-command of "D" Company was acting as billeting officer, received fatal wounds from a German shell that exploded near "D" Company's billets, outside which he was standing. He died next day. A soldier of sterling qualities, during his progress in the Newfoundland Regiment from N.C.O. to acting Company Commander, his foremost care had ever been for the welfare of his men. He took a keen interest in all that was going on about him, and the daily diary which he kept so conscientiously and efficiently from the day of the First Five Hundred's embarkation until the eve of Beaumont Hamel was to make a valuable contribution to the documentary record of the Regiment. Before the Newfoundlanders left the Beaumont Hamel area three more officers had succumbed. On July 8 Lieutenant H. J. Rowsell was killed in the trenches, as was Lieutenant W. H. Grant on July 16. On this latter date there also died of wounds Captain Michael Summers, who had sailed with the First Five Hundred as Quartermaster. Now the job of rebuilding the Regiment had to begin. No one knew better than Colonel Hadow the importance of maintaining morale by keeping the men actively employed. "Started parades reorganizing," he wrote in his log on the 7th. Early next day the Newfoundlanders withdrew from the German shelling of Englebelmer to occupy tents in Mailly Wood. For a few days it was difficult for the survivors and the ten per cent - not more than 150 all told until a draft of 130 arrived on the 11 th - to accept the fact that if the Regiment was to continue in the Brigade as a fighting unit, rigorous training must be resumed at once, and the horrible experience of the past week be put out of thought and mind. Of those who remained there were

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few, if any, who had not suffered the loss of a brother, near relative, or close friend, and it took more than ordinary resolve and fortitude to conform to the strict disciplinary routine which was at once imposed. Even the officers felt that Major ForbesRobertson, the Battalion's Second-in-Command, who was in charge of training, was harsh and unfair in setting parade hours from 5.30 a.m. to 7.30 p.m. They resented the tough approach that was adopted to ensure that no idle moments remained for one's thoughts to dwell upon what had happened at Beaumont Hamel. As one officer wrote in his diary: "This was a bitter pill to swallow." Yet the end justified the means, and it seemed as though in no time at all a new Battalion had arisen, with an esprit de corps and a capacity for fighting comparable to that which had gone before. Retrospect The corrected figures for the casualties sustained by the British Fourth Army and the Seventh Corps of the Third Army on the opening day of the Battle of the Somme totalled 57,470, of which 19,240 were fatal. This was the cost of an advance into the enemy's position averaging one mile in depth across a front of some three and a half miles. The principal ground gains had been made on General Rawlinson's right flank, adjacent to the French Sixth Army, which had made a similar advance. Elsewhere, except for a few minor holdings, there had been either no penetration of the German front, or only isolated thrusts which could not be maintained for lack of support on either side. In the whole sector from the Albert-Bapaume road to the northern flank at Gommecourt there had been virtually no gains. The Germans had sustained heavy casualties, though not as severe as those of the Allies - the total of less than 2000 enemy captured was disappointingly small. In general the results of the battle showed that the greatest success had been attained where the enemy least looked for an attack - astride the River Somme. The strength of his resistance in the Gommecourt and Fricourt salients and in between was evidence that these were the sectors where he had expected the weight of the Allied blow to fall. When describing the scene as the troops of the Fourth Army went over the top on the morning of July i, the British Official Historian wrote: "If ever a decisive victory was to be won it was to be expected now." He was referring to the exceptionally high calibre of the men, all of them volunteers, who filled the ranks of the attacking formations. Why had that victory not been gained?

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In the official report on the 29th Division's part in the battle, which he submitted to the Eighth Corps a few days after the operation, the Divisional Commander gave what he considered to be the reasons for "our failure to reach the first objective." It would be difficult for an officer, even a Major-General, to find fault too vigorously with the orders that had been issued by his superiors for the attack. It was more tactful to suggest ways in which the conducting of future operations might be improved, leaving the criticism of past errors to appear only by implication. General de Lisle emphasized the high state of the enemy's preparedness. This, he said, had been proved during the preliminary bombardment, "all our raids and patrols reporting that the German line was strongly held." The Germans had reinforced their positions and brought in additional machine-guns, which they kept under cover in deep dug-outs until required to repel the infantry attack. Describing the sector opposite his Division as a "first class fortress," the G.O.C. expressed doubt that it could ever be captured by frontal assault if defended by resolute troops. Turning to the tactics employed by his own forces, General de Lisle noted that in order to achieve the surprise without which it would be impossible to capture hostile lines of such strength, speed was essential in crossing No Man's Land. This meant having the leading troops lightly equipped and trained to cross the neutral zone in a rush. (Apparently he felt it unnecessary to labour the point that most of the men in the Fourth Army had been sent into the attack carrying a minimum burden of sixty-six pounds.) Stressing the necessity of demolishing the enemy's front line of trenches, the General proposed that in future certain heavy howitzers should be allotted to the Divisional front for this purpose, and kept under the command of the Divisional Artillery. He concluded by blaming the lack of surprise largely on the explosion of the Hawthorn Ridge mine, which he considered should have been blown at a much earlier hour; and he noted that the attempts by the assaulting brigades to carry Stokes mortars forward with them in the initial attack had not been successful. It may be observed that there was no criticism, either stated or implied, of the costly and unimaginative practice of sending long lines of infantry attacking in waves over distances which sometimes meant that three or even four would be simultaneously exposed to fire before the foremost had closed with the enemy's front trench. Nor was any reference made to the implicit trust in the efficacy of the artillery bombardment - a misplaced confidence which had been allowed to persist among the infantry, who believed that they would only have to walk in and take possession of shattered enemy trenches devoid of troops.

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Much of what General de Lisle had to say applied of course to the whole British front. In examining the causes of the general failure the British Official Historian has dwelt on the strength and depth of the German position and the fact that it was manned by divisions which still contained a large proportion of pre-war trained troops and professional officers and N.C.O.'s. He blames on French insistence the faulty choice of the place, date, and hour of the launching of the offensive. In selecting the Somme front instead of some more vulnerable point the Allies were attacking the enemy in his strongest sector; as to timing, June 29 (and subsequently July i) met the French urgency to ease the pressure at Verdun rather than waiting for the completion of all possible Allied preparations for the offensive (Sir Douglas Haig would have preferred six weeks later, to give him time to build up his reserves); and a zero hour of 7.30 in place of a dawn attack before it was light enough for the German machine-gunners to find their targets, resulted from General Foch's demands for an assault in full daylight, and was indeed a compromise with the French choice of nine o'clock. The Official History reiterates General de Lisle's criticism of the overloading of the infantry and the loss of surprise through poor timing in exploding the Hawthorn mine. It underlines the British High Command's reliance on the bombardment to destroy the enemy's material defences and the morale of his troops - a reliance based largely on General Joffre's reports of the terrible effect of German fire at Verdun. This picture of complete devastation by the artillery was the illusion which justified in the minds of the General Staff the tactics of making the infantry assault in parade-ground lines, the troops all advancing at "a steady pace" and delivering their attack simultaneously "as one man." The same assumption made it possible to adopt the rigid, pre-arranged programme of firing in loo-yard lifts behind the enemy's front trenches - a schedule to which the infantry was expected to conform rather than being able to count on a quick change of fire plan that in case of emergency would give them adequate artillery support. In summing up his analysis of the battle the Official Historian concludes that no blame for failure could be placed upon the fighting troops. "That greater success was not gained," he writes, was, however, as much due to faulty tactical direction from the General Staff, and to lack of experience in the higher ranks - especially in handling very large bodies of troops and carrying on the semi-siege warfare of the kind forced upon them - as to rawness in the lower ranks. . . . Of the corps commanders on the ist July only two had commanded as much as a division in peace time, and of the twenty-three divisional commanders in the field only three had commanded as much as a brigade before the war.

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Before the war ended most of the faulty procedures of the opening day of the Somme battles had been reclined. An officer of the Newfoundland Regiment, Captain Sydney Frost, M.C., when setting down in 1920 his reminiscences of Beaumont Hamel, cited five causes of failure in that operation, and drew comparisons with the tactics employed by the Regiment on subsequent occasions. In each case he was able to show how knowledge gained through bitter experience at the Somme was to bear fruit in later bringing success to British arms. He contrasted the loss of surprise occasioned by the prolonged artillery preparation with the effectiveness of the attack launched at Cambrai in November of the following year - an assault unheralded by any preliminary bombardment. Criticizing the manner in which the artillery at Beaumont Hamel had for a time virtually left the attacking infantry to their fate, he pointed to the success of the creeping barrage employed a few months later in support of the Newfoundland attack at Gueudecourt - a barrage which moved just ahead of the infantry and afforded them adequate protection during their advance. A longer time was to elapse before the "often glorious" sight of troops advancing in regular lines across No Man's Land would become a rarity. But by the summer of 1918 the principle of combining "fire and movement" was well established, and in September of that year the method of springing forward in short rushes by ones and twos under cover of each other's fire without artillery support was to win for the Regiment the commanding crest of Keiberg Ridge. Captain Frost's final points dealt with the two most significant causes of the heavy Newfoundland casualties at Beaumont Hamel. Some of the severest losses had come when the attack was held up by the German wire, and the Newfoundlanders on the exposed hillside became easy targets for the enemy's machine-gunners. In later operations the introduction of a barrage of smoke shells fired on to the opposing parapet would serve to conceal the attackers from view as they crossed No Man's Land. More important still, the substitution of high-explosive shells for the ineffective shrapnel was to bring better results in cutting the hostile wire; and finally, the appearance in action of the tank, with its ability to smash down barbed-wire entanglements and meet machinegun bullets unscathed, was to point the way towards a revival of open warfare. All these steps to greater proficiency in the science of war were to come in due time. But in one respect it would be impossible to look for any improvement. This was in the courage and discipline displayed by the members of the Newfoundland Regiment in their first battle on the Western Front. Eloquent testimony to

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their steadfastness and bravery came from senior commanders at every level. The Commander of the 88th Brigade, BrigadierGeneral Cayley, wrote to Governor Davidson: I was in a position to observe the advance of the Newfoundland Regiment. Nothing could have been finer. In face of a devastating shell and machine-gun fire, they advanced over our parapets, not a man faltering or hanging back. They literally went on until scarcely an officer or man was left unhit. . . . I cannot sufficiently express my admiration for their heroism nor my sorrow for their overwhelming losses.

In the 29th Division's report of the operation General de Lisle referred to the Newfoundlanders' advance as an example of discipline and valour which was equalled by others but could not be surpassed. To the Prime Minister of Newfoundland, Sir Edward Morris, he wrote, "It was a magnificent display of trained and disciplined valour, and its assault only failed of success because dead men can advance no farther." Perhaps the tribute that survivors in the Regiment were to quote most frequently in after years was that paid by the Corps Commander, Lieutenant-General Sir Aylmer Hunter-Weston, when he addressed the Battalion in Englebelmer six days after the battle, using these words: "I salute you individually; you have done better than the best." The grandest testimonial of all came from the Commander-inChief himself. Field-Marshal Sir Douglas Haig's cable to Sir Walter Davidson read as follows: Newfoundland may well feel proud of her sons. The heroism and devotion to duty they displayed on ist July has never been surpassed. Please convey my deep sympathy and that of the whole of our Armies in France in the loss of the brave officers and men who have fallen for the Empire, and our admiration for their heroic conduct. Their efforts contributed to our success, and their example will live.

In referring to the contribution which the Newfoundlanders had made to the whole effort, the Field Marshal was using no empty words. As pointed out by General Joffre in a sympathetic message to British formations, the attack of the two and a half left corps of General Rawlinson's Army and General Allenby's righthand corps, though locally unsuccessful, had prevented any transfer of German infantry reinforcements or artillery from the northern part of the front to oppose the advance farther south, and had thus made possible the success of the two corps that composed the Fourth Army's right flank, as well as that of the adjacent French Sixth Army. To this extent all who had taken part in the costly fighting in the north had their due share of the general success.

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Unfortunately, as noted above, that success had been only limited. The opportunity for an Allied breakthrough rapidly passed, as the enemy brought up fresh troops and new heavy batteries. Before the end of July, operations at the Somme had deteriorated into a prolonged struggle of attrition, in which both sides were deadlocked and costly territorial gains by the Allies were to be measured in mere inches. In this struggle Newfoundlanders would be called on to play a further part. Of all the places where soldiers from Newfoundland fought in two World Wars, no other name means as much to Newfoundlanders as Beaumont Hamel. The casualty lists from that battle reached into every community of the island Colony. From the city of St. John's down to the smallest, most remote outport, there was scarcely a family that did not have the loss of some loved one to mourn. After the war the Government of Newfoundland purchased from the owners forty acres comprising the ground over which the Regiment had made its heroic advance. The area became a memorial park, and here, on the highest point overlooking the site of St. John's Road and the slopes beyond, was erected a bronze caribou - the emblem that was to mark other important fields of battle where Newfoundlanders fought in the 1914-1919 War. As the years passed, the park became a place of pilgrimage for many a veteran of the Regiment and his relatives and friends. In 1960 the work of reconstructing a representative portion of the British and German trenches was put in hand, directions as to their location having been given on the ground by Captain George Hicks, M.C., who as a lieutenant had been wounded while leading his platoon in the attack at Beaumont Hamel. Reconstruction was completed by July 2, 1961, when, marking the forty-fifth anniversary of the battle, the Canadian Associate Minister of National Defence, the Honourable Pierre Sevigny, officially opened a new lodge replacing an earlier log structure, and the Premier of Newfoundland, the Honourable Joseph Smallwood, unveiled a commemorative plaque listing the battle honours won by the Regiment in the First World War.* Three thousand miles to the west, on Sunday, July i, 1917, the first anniversary of the battle, memorial services were held in all the churches of St. John's and throughout the island; and in the capital there was a joint parade of volunteers and returned men of the Newfoundland Regiment, Royal Naval Reservists, and the various City Brigades. Thus was inaugurated Commemoration Day, the day which by Act of Parliament was set apart each year *These ceremonies will be described more fully in a subsequent chapter (page 533).

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The Caribou, Beaumont Hamel Park.

on the Sunday nearest to July i to honour in solemn remembrance the men from Newfoundland who made so gallant a sacrifice at Beaumont Hamel. And so, while the rest of Canada light-heartedly celebrates July i as the anniversary of Confederation, to the people of the newest Province this day will always be one on which to foregather beneath the War Memorials throughout the land and renew their pledge of dedication, in proud memory of those of dauntless courage who fought and fell in Freedom's cause. At the entrance to Newfoundland Park at Beaumont Hamel is inscribed the epitaph composed by John Oxenham. No more fitting words could be found to pay tribute to the memory of the Newfoundlanders who gave their lives on that tragic field. Tread softly here — Go reverently and slow, Yea, let your soul go down upon its knees, And with bowed head and heart abased Strive hard to grasp the future gain in this sore loss. For not one foot of this dank sod But drank its surfeit of the blood of gallant men Who for their Faith, their Hope, for Life and Liberty Here made the sacrifice. Here gave their lives, and gave right willingly for you and me. . . .

CHAPTER IX

Gueudecourt And Gueudecourt, north of Albert, Beyond the line that ran through Flers, In region of the Somme, became Next scene of action.

After Beaumont Hamel When the ist Battalion returned to the trenches on July 14, taking over 450 yards of the front line east of Auchonvillers, it numbered only n officers and 260 rifles. Three days earlier the Newfoundlanders had been reinforced with the arrival of 127 other ranks - the first of many drafts that would be needed to bring the Regiment back to strength. After the crippling losses of Beaumont Hamel the War Office had given serious consideration to recalling the Newfoundlanders to the United Kingdom to refit. It was decided, however, that this would not be an advantageous step, and on July 20 the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Mr. Bonar Law, notified Governor Davidson that the Battalion would be retained in France, where it should "as soon as practicable, be brought to the War Establishment by drafts of trained men." This decision was cordially approved by the Newfoundland Government. Sir Walter had already expressed to General Haig, when acknowledging the C.-in-C.'s tribute to the Regiment, the fixed intent of his Ministers that the Newfoundland Regiment should, "whatever betide, be maintained at war strength." Even as he wrote, two full companies numbering 500 men (originally designated "A" and "B" Companies, 3rd Battalion, but more often remembered as the "2nd 'A' and 'B' ") were embarking on the Sicilian, which left St. John's on July 19 for direct passage to the United Kingdom. While the Governor extolled the qualities of these volunteers, declaring them to be "exceptionally high in physique, character, and aptitude for war," their military training had yet to come, and it would be mid-October before any of them joined the ist Battalion in France. Six weeks after the departure

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of these two companies the Sicilian again cleared St. John's harbour with a draft of reinforcements, this time 242 strong. "The losses in the field have stimulated recruiting," the Governor told Sir Douglas Haig. March, April, and May of 1916 had been three of the best months of the whole war, bringing in more than 1000 recruits, the great majority of them from the island's outports. After Beaumont Hamel the monthly intake (with the exception of September) continued to exceed the corresponding figure for the previous year; and 1916 ended with a total of 2210 enlistments for the year, of whom 1089 were accepted for service.* These statistics, taken in conjunction with the numbers of those who had engaged with the Newfoundland Royal Naval Reserve, were indicative of the Colony's determination to meet its obligations in manpower as far as it possibly could. That it was achieving this aim was underlined in a speech delivered in September, 1916, by Mr. Bonar Law, who stated categorically that a larger number of men in proportion to its population had enlisted in the Army and Navy from Newfoundland than from any other part of the British Empire. Meanwhile the 2nd (Reserve) Battalion at Ayr continued to shuttle men across the Channel as fast as they could be given the necessary training. In the "Bullpen" outside the reinforcement base at Rouen most of them would receive a final intensive ten days of polishing before going up to the firing line. It was a strenuous grind, and in after years there were few veterans who remembered the Bullpen with any great degree of affection. During July these drafts from Ayr brought Colonel Hadow some 300 men; but as the summer wore on, the principal additions to the ist Battalion came through the return from hospital of small parties of men who had recovered from their wounds. The reinforcement situation improved in the autumn, but it was not until the end of the year that the Battalion's strength had once more passed the 800 mark. There would be no further depletions (as had happened in a few cases in the past) through the refusal of men to re-engage at the expiration of their initial year of service. On May 6, 1916, following a decision by the Newfoundland Government, a Regimental Order stated that all new recruits were to sign on for the duration of the war. One of the most pressing problems in rebuilding the Newfound*These improved returns were in no small measure the result of individual recruiting by members of the ist Battalion who were convalescing from wounds. Lieutenant George Hicks, for example, coming back to Grand Falls from overseas with his arm in a sling, during October campaigned alone along the north-east coast of Newfoundland, and from St. John's to Little Bay Islands signed up some 270 men.

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land Regiment was to secure the early replacement of the fine young officers who had fallen at Beaumont Hamel. After the First Contingent crossed the Atlantic the granting of commissions became a long-drawn-out process, and one that on occasion came under criticism as not always contributing to the maximum efficiency of the Regiment. Under the system by which the Newfoundland Patriotic Association exercised a large measure of control over the administration of the Regiment, the names of all prospective candidates for commissions - whether put forward by the Governor following applications and recommendations received from individual soldiers and their parents, or submitted by the Officers Commanding the overseas battalions - had to be referred to the Reserve Force Committee (later the Standing Committee) for approval. The members of this Committee were all men of great integrity and held in the highest esteem in the community, but there were occasions when they found themselves submitted to strong sectarian pressure. Lists of candidates for commissions would be carefully scrutinized to determine the proportion in which each denomination was represented, and from time to time certain sections of the local press would come out with bitter, though unfounded, allegations of discrimination in the matter of officer appointments. Difficult indeed was the position of the Governor, who was to find himself in the embarrassing position of having to write to a Commanding Officer overseas with respect to his recommendations for commissions: "Of course efficiency counts first; but other things being equal, give each denomination (Anglican, Methodist, and Catholic) a share." As was to be expected, the impartiality of the British regular officers who commanded the two Newfoundland units was beyond question. That any account should be taken of a man's religious beliefs when considering him for promotion was completely past their comprehension. And happily, as noted in a previous chapter (above, page 177), when Newfoundland soldiers crossed the ocean they left behind them petty sectarian animosities. Evidence of this came when a number of officers and men home on sick leave were called upon to testify before a Joint Committee of the Patriotic Association appointed to inquire into allegations regarding, among other matters, discrimination in granting commissions in the Regiment. "In my Company," asserted a Company Commander, "the question of creed never operated." And from a private soldier: "I was never asked what my religion was except in hospital, or in barracks for purposes such as a church parade." In the emergency precipitated by Beaumont Hamel there was no time for such an involved procedure in providing officer

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replacements as had been followed in the past. On July 14 the military authorities in Britain suggested that in future the Governor should authorize the Army Council in London to make, in consultation with the Officers Commanding the ist Battalion and the Reserve Unit, such provisional promotions from the ranks as were required. These would then be referred to Newfoundland for final approval. Agreement came from St. John's next day. The commissioning of officers was speeded up, though back in Newfoundland the Standing Committee continued to maintain its watching brief, and on occasion add its own recommendations for commissions. The new arrangement removed a grievance that had long existed among the N.C.O.'s of the ist Battalion, some of whom, wearing sergeant's stripes for sixteen months or more, had seen young and inexperienced recruits coming to the Mediterranean or France with commissions granted them while still at St. John's or Ayr. From now on their C.O. could make his promotions with much greater celerity. But officer problems still existed with the Reserve Battalion, where the Army Council's proposal of direct commissioning apparently did not go into effect. At the end of October, 1916, Lieutenant-Colonel Whitaker (who had been promoted to this rank in July), reporting to Sir Walter Davidson that he had sent 19 of his officers to France and that another seven had joined the Royal Flying Corps, submitted a list of 13 N.C.O.'s to be commissioned. The Governor, mindful of representations from the C.O. of the ist Battalion, who had respectfully suggested that commissions at the Depot be given very sparingly, since "the best training ground is the battlefield," asked Whitaker to consult with Lieutenant-Colonel Hadow, with a view to preparing a joint recommendation that would take into account distinguished service in the field. Such a conference, replied Whitaker, was impracticable, for "under the agreement sanctioned by your Government" Colonel Hadow was making his recommendations direct to the Army Council. Once more Whitaker emphasized the impossibility of carrying on at Ayr without officers; and within a week the Governor, who at times must have felt as though he were conducting a three-ring circus, approved the commissions. The haste to fill officer vacancies inevitably brought up the question of the adequacy of the training received by such candidates as had not had any battle experience. Headquarters Scottish Command raised the point in November, 1916, when it expressed concern over the failure of the Reserve Battalion at Ayr to take advantage of the opportunity of sending selected men to Cadet Battalions for training before they received their commissions.

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"You will agree," one of General Ewart's staff officers wrote to the War Office: that it is lamentable that Newfoundland should stand alone in promoting officers direct from the ranks without adequate preparation. It is neither fair to the men whose lives they risk, nor to themselves, nor to the Colony which is making strenuous efforts to send some fine young men to the war.

Let it be said immediately that this stricture (which was directed, of course, only at commissioning from the ranks of the Reserve Battalion) hardly appears to have been justified. Shortly after the establishment of the Depot, Major Whitaker had informed the Governor that he was taking advantage of the facilities so freely offered to send officers away for courses of instruction. In January, 1916, he reported having officers and N.C.O.'s taking a course of instruction at the Brigade of Guards School at Chelsea Barracks. Others were attending a similar course at Lothian School in Edinburgh. A number were at the School of Trench Warfare and Instruction in Hand Grenades at Troon. A Machine-Gun Course at St. Andrews had qualified two officers and thirteen other ranks as First Class Machine-Gunners. This group had not only established a speed record in the handling of the machine-gun, but had so distinguished themselves as to be ordered to remain at St. Andrews for demonstrations and instructing other gun teams.

Newfoundland casualties convalescing at the 3rd London General Hospital, Wandsworth.

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A formal invitation now went forward to the Newfoundland Government to co-operate in the scheme by which all candidates for commissions in the Imperial Army should undergo special training in an Officers' Cadet unit. On completion of a four months' course cadets would be provisionally gazetted to the Newfoundland Regiment, subject to later approval by the Governor. In St. John's the Standing Committee on Military Organization, "gratified to learn that the benefits of Cadet Instruction were to be given to the new officers of the Newfoundland Regiment," readily concurred in the Army Council's recommendation. Over in France the Regiment was facing the problem of replacing its Lewis gunners, bombers, signallers, intelligence personnel, scouts, snipers, etc. Almost the entire complement of these specialist groups had been wiped out on July i; and the new drafts coming forward were without the experience to fill the gaps competently. Great as was the need of quickly building up the strength of the Battalion, priority had to be given to sending officers, N.C.O.'s, and men to schools of instruction in order to fit them for the jobs which were vital to the success of future operations. And so several officers and other ranks were speedily dispatched to Le Touquet, Etaples, Rouen, Mont des Cats, and Terdinghem, as well as to local area schools at brigade and divisional training camps. The ist Battalion was soon to bid good-bye to the region which had been its home for three months, and the soil in which so many of its members had found a final resting place. On the evening of July 17 the Newfoundlanders handed over their trenches to the South Wales Borderers and marched the familiar half-dozen miles back to Acheux, for a short spell in billets. During the next few days there were visits to old friends in nearby Louvencourt. Au revoirs were said, for it was generally understood that the apth Division was about to leave the Somme battlefields for a quieter sector of the line. The process of moving continued on the 23rd, when the Newfoundland Battalion, in common with the other units of the 88th Brigade, marched westward another ten miles to Beauval, a village three miles south of Doullens. Here the Regiment received a distinguished visitor in the person of Sir Edward Morris, Premier of Newfoundland. Sir Edward's appearance came during a crowded week in France, in the course of which he toured the Somme battlefields and later inspected some fifteen hospitals in and around Rouen, Abbeville, Boulogne, and Etaples, in which Newfoundlanders had been, or still were patients. He was particularly interested and gratified to find in the St. John Ambulance Brigade Hospital at Etaples the large Newfoundland Ward, with inscriptions over many of the beds indicat-

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ing that they had been donated by the school-children of Newfoundland. Before coming to France the Premier had spent an afternoon at the 3rd London General Hospital at Wandsworth, where he had seen the 300 Newfoundland wounded soldiers under treatment there at that time. At Beauval the ist Battalion paraded before the Premier in a large field, 450 strong. In addressing them Sir Edward voiced the pride which the people of Newfoundland felt in their Regiment, and their extreme gratification at the splendid name which Newfoundland soldiers had won for themselves and for their country. In eloquent phrases he told the men that while he spoke "a leviathan of the ocean was ploughing her way through the Atlantic, followed by a keel-compelling breeze from their own shores, carrying in her cabins 550 of their brothers to reinforce their ranks and assist them in the fray if they should ever be called on to go into action again." The Premier spent the whole morning and afternoon at Beauval, visiting the different companies in their farm billets and talking to many individual officers and men. On his return to Newfoundland he was able to report that none of them appeared in any way to be cast down by the losses of July i. "On the contrary," he declared, "there was a light in the eye of every man of them and a ring of determination in the voices of all; they appeared to long only for the hour to come when they would have an opportunity of getting at the insolent foe and avenging the death of those of their comrades who had fallen." Before leaving France Premier Morris had two days in Paris, where he met President Raymond Poincare and Prime Minister Aristide Briand, both of whom presented him with written messages expressing the Republic's warm thanks to the people of the Colony "for the valuable assistance given by the volunteers of Newfoundland to the French Armies." Then came the move to the north. After supper on July 27 the Regiment marched the five miles from Beauval to the railway station at Candas. An all-night ride through the rolling Artois countryside brought the Newfoundlanders across the Belgian frontier to Poperinghe - the village half a dozen miles behind Ypres that was to be remembered by so many thousands of British and Dominion soldiers as the place where they could enjoy a few hours of relief from the monotonous drudgery of existence in the muddy trenches of the Salient. The Newfoundlanders had only two nights in their billets at Poperinghe. The 88th Brigade had been detailed to hold a sector of the front line in the Salient; and on the evening of July 30 the Battalion went forward by train to Ypres, to go into brigade reserve on the east side of the town.

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Summer in the Salient After its inauspicious opening for the Allies on July is the Battle of the Somme was to continue as a prolonged, grim struggle until the third week of November. The major share of the conflict would be carried by two British Armies - General Sir Henry Rawlinson's Fourth Army and the new Reserve (later the Fifth) Army, which had been constituted astride the Ancre on July 3 by taking two Corps from Rawlinson and placing them under the command of General Sir Hubert Gough. During that whole July-November period General Sir Douglas Haig's remaining three Armies - from south to north the Third, First, and Second - held the long front from Gommecourt to Boesinghe, five miles north of Ypres. Although in comparison to the main battle area this was a fairly quiet front, the task of these Armies was one which submitted them to ever-increasing strain. Their holding role required them to maintain constant pressure against the forces opposing them, both in order to wear them down and to prevent them from reinforcing the German Annies on the Somme. At the same time they themselves were being continually called upon to furnish the main offensive with fresh divisions in exchange for battle-weary formations, and to supply

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the Fourth and Fifth Armies with officer replacements at the higher level, guns and ammunition, and all the materiel of war. One of these battle-weary formations was the 29th Division, which joined General Sir Hubert Plumer's Second Army at the end of July - General de Lisle establishing his Divisional Headquarters at Nine Elms Camp, just outside Poperinghe. Its stay in the Ypres Salient lasted ten weeks. The Divisional front extended northward from the Menin Road to include the ruins of Potijze and Wieltje, names familiar to Canadians because of the bitter fighting that took place there following the German gas attack in April, 1915. The 29th was still part of the Eighth Corps, for General Hunter-Weston's Corps Headquarters had been transferred from the Somme at the same time. The Newfoundlanders were to find as neighbours troops from their own side of the Atlantic; for south of the Menin Road (which was also the Army boundary) was the 3rd Canadian Division, left-flanking formation of the Canadian Corps. On arriving at Ypres the Newfoundlanders were given accommodation on both sides of the moat which partly encircled the old town. "A" and "B" Companies were placed in the ramparts, respectively south and north of the Menin Gate. Here they lived in deep dug-outs burrowed in the elaborate earthworks that reinforced the city walls. "D" Company took over what was left of the Hornwork, just outside the Menin Gate.* Here the different platoons occupied a series of subterranean chambers and passages, alive with rats, but relatively bombproof. Five hundred yards to the south-east "C" Company went into the cellars of a large reform school, identified on maps and in the unit records as "1'Ecole." There were other spots in the vicinity whose names were to become household words to the Newfoundlanders, as they had to many troops who preceded them. One thousand yards to the east of 1'Ecole, where the track which had once been the Menin Road crossed the remains of the Ypres-Roulers railways, was the notorious Hellfire Corner - heartily loathed by the ration limbers, the carrying parties, and the ammunition-laden mule trains that nightly had to negotiate the heavily-shelled crossing. Probably the most dangerous spot on the Flemish front, Hellfire Corner was under constant observation by German watchers, and any movement was sure to provoke a flurry of shells. An aban*The Hornwork was part of the old fortification built in 1684 by Louis XIV's great military, engineer, Vauban. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Hornwork was broken down when Ypres ceased to be a fortified town, and in 1865 a spinning-mill was erected over the old tunnels and cellars. By 1916, when the Newfoundlanders came to occupy the site, the mill was in ruins.

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The "ramparts" and the moat at Ypres (Photograph by C. S. Frost)

doned gun riddled with bullet and shrapnel holes bore the grim plea: "Do not stand about here. Even if you are not hit, someone else will be." Another injunction against lingering ended with the reminder: "You don't live here. We do." Between 1'Ecole and Hellfire Corner were the gaunt ruins of the White Chateau, scene of bitter fighting in the 1914 struggle for Ypres; while north of the road on the far side of the ill-fated corner were the shattered buildings - so reminiscent of a Bairnsfather cartoon - known as Rifle Farm. Although by contrast with the situation in the previous year Ypres was now (as the 29th Division's historian put it) "a sleepy hollow," the enemy's guns were never silent for long. Shortly after their arrival in 1'Ecole five of "C" Company's men were wounded by shellfire. The Newfoundland Regiment soon found itself hard at work. The greater part of the Salient north of the Menin Road was in a bad state of repair. In many places trenches behind the front line were waterlogged and their broken parapets quite useless as protection against either shell splinters or small-arms fire. A new support position, known as the "X" Line, had been marked out to run from in front of Potijze, on the Division's left flank, to just behind Hellfire Corner. (This line actually followed the course of the old "G.H.Q. Line," work on which had been abandoned in

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June, 1915, with the easing of the German threat to the Salient.) For a week during their stay in reserve all the Newfoundland companies worked every night constructing the fire trenches that formed the southern portion of the X Line. They had to contend with enormous difficulties. In the sodden ground a trench dug at night would in six hours fill with water to within two feet of the surface. The only solution was to build up the parapet above the surface of the ground with sandbags and to instal in the trench wooden frames made like an inverted capital "A", the crossbrace of which would carry duckboards under which the water could drain away. It was on the final night of this stint, August 8, that the Germans followed up a heavy bombardment by launching a gas attack against the Eighth Corps. The effects of the deadly phosgene were heaviest in the Potijze area, where all the transport horses of the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers (of the Syth Brigade) died next day. It was the first time that the Newfoundlanders had been subjected to cloud gas, though on previous occasions they had experienced poison gas from exploding shells. The fact that the Battalion did not sustain a single casualty in this attack speaks well for the quality of the anti-gas training. Neighbouring units had as many as 300 gassed, not from being caught without their gas helmets, but from taking them off too soon, as well as from re-entering dug-outs before they had been decontaminated. The only warning to reach the left half of "D" Company, in the Hornwork, was when the sudden and intensive counter fire of the British artillery batteries created a suspicion of "something in the wind." The order was at once given to put on gas helmets - this a full five minutes before the cloud enveloped the locality. Captain March, the Company Commander, was at the time supplying a working party at the X Line, two kilometres farther forward. Fearing for the safety of the left half-company, he immediately dispatched a runner to his second-in-command at the Hornwork, with orders to don gas helmets without delay. Not possessing the speed of the wind which prevailed at the time, the runner arrived about twenty minutes after the deadly phosgene. It was some time before his brother officers allowed March to forget his failure, in the excitement of the moment, to have gauged his messenger's capabilities in relation to the velocity of the wind. On the following night the Newfoundlanders relieved the 4th Worcesters in the firing line. It was the first of two ten-day tours in the front trenches during their sojourn in the Salient. The Battalion front extended for a good half-mile south-eastward from the Ypres-Roulers railway to the Bellewaardebeek, a small stream flowing out of the German-held Bellewaarde Lake, north of

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Hooge. Today the traveller driving up the long rise of the Menin Road through Hooge can see over on his left the thick verdure of "Y" Wood. If he turns off the main highway and takes the lateral road running north to Wieltje (in those war days it was called Cambridge Road), just before crossing the railroad he will pass Railway Wood on his right. But these two woods as the Newfoundlanders knew them when their trenches ran across them in 1916 consisted only of a waste of splintered stumps sticking up between the water-filled shell holes. Ahead of the Newfoundland positions a slight rise in the ground marked the blood-soaked Bellewaarde Ridge, scene of the heroic and costly stand of a Canadian battalion, Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry, fifteen months before. At this stage of the war there were few sectors of the Western Front that had seen more bitter and prolonged fighting. The desolate landscape stank of death. On foggy mornings when it was possible to walk in the open above the trenches unseen by German snipers on the Ridge, the Newfoundland C.O. on his early rounds, or patrols returning from listening post in No Man's Land, would stumble upon the remains of many an unburied corpse. An unusual feature of the situation was the close proximity of the German trenches to those of the British. Some time before the Newfoundlanders occupied the area of Railway Wood, a series of mines had been exploded, resulting in a number of deep craters, many of which lay in No Man's Land. Those nearest each opposing line were connected by saps to the front trenches, and at night each side would send out standing patrols to occupy the far lip of their respective craters. Only thirty yards separated the Newfoundlanders' advanced positions from the enemy, and any voice above a whisper could easily carry across the gap. Indeed, a hand grenade might have been thrown without effort from one position to the other, but a sort of "gentlemen's agreement" kept the status quo in force. An observer today would find some of these craters more than half-filled with water, and veterans who inhabited the area in 1916 would be astounded to see ardent local anglers busily engaged in casting for trout. Another unique fact about the defence system in this sector was the absence of a continuous front line of trenches. Between Railway Wood and Y Wood to the south-east was a gap of several hundred yards, caused by the impossibility of constructing trenches in the morass through which the Bellewaardebeek flowed. The intervening space was covered by nightly patrols, linking up with patrols from the Canadians on the right. Frequently these would encounter enemy patrols, and only by exercising extreme caution and alertness, particularly in misty nights, were these

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German parties prevented from penetrating the slender defences and raiding the Newfoundland lines from the flank. It was an uneasy time for the Newfoundlanders. Periodic German shelling took its toll in casualties - on August 12, for example, three members of the Battalion were killed, and five wounded. Sometimes the enemy would bombard the firing line and communication trenches with their trench mortars. There was the added strain of gas warnings - occasionally as many as three in a single night. It mattered little that these might be false alarms : there would be a general stand-to, and all had to pull on their gas helmets and wear them in discomfort for upwards of an hour at a time. But the enemy had no monopoly on the use of gas. Directives issued in August by G.H.Q. to army commanders urged them to make use of the ample supplies of gas that were available as one of the best means of inflicting casualties on German potential reserves for the main battle. British Engineers in charge of the gas cylinders that had been installed in the Newfoundland sector kept a watchful eye on the direction of the wind. There was a favourable breeze on the night of September i, during the Battalion's second tour of duty in the front line, and the valves on the cylinders were opened for ten minutes. The discharge of gas was followed by half an hour of shelling by the 29th Division's artillery, to which the enemy's guns made violent reply. Later the Newfoundlanders sent out an officer-led patrol to assess the effects of the gas. They failed to penetrate the enemy wire, but after spending ninety minutes in No Man's Land they reported that they had heard much coughing and commotion in the German trenches. That the release of the gas would bring a vigorous reaction from the enemy's artillery had been foreseen by Captain March, the Officer in Charge of the Newfoundland front line at the time; and he warned platoon commanders to get their troops into the shelter of deep dug-outs. Strung out along the edge of No Man's Land, each in position in its own shell hole, were the four Lewis guns of the two companies in the firing line. The orders given by the Lewis Gun Officer to his gun crews showed commendable ingenuity. "As soon as a shell lands near you, move your gun at once into its crater. You know lightning won't strike twice in the same place." The advice proved sound. Moments after the German bombardment opened each crew had dived with their weapon into a new, smoking shell hole, all of them coming through the ordeal with no injury to themselves or their guns. It was during the Battalion's second stay in the firing line that the Colonel's orderly, Private A. J. Stacey, ran the historic race

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that conclusively established his right to be designated Battalion "runner." He was returning with the Adjutant, Captain "Tim" Raley, from a nocturnal visit to the listening posts, when a gas alarm surprised them somewhere between Railway Wood and Hellfire Corner. They had barely put on their respirators when the enemy began a heavy artillery bombardment, to which the British guns quickly replied. Adjutant and messenger found themselves caught between the opposing fires in a situation that was every moment becoming more and more unhealthy. Raley, who still retained the physical fitness he had enjoyed as a games master at Bishop Feild's College, decided to make a run for it. He instructed his companion: "When I say go, you GO!" Like well-trained sprinters in a 100 yards dash the two crouched in position. On Raley's sharp command both dashed down the rough track. The officer soon forged into the lead, but the private was not far behind. With shells bursting all around them both escaped being hit, until just as they reached safety a shrapnel fragment tore the heel off Stacey's right boot, inflicting a minor flesh wound. After its first relief in the trenches on August 18 the Battalion joined the rest of the Brigade in a rear training area at Brandhoek. The Newfoundlanders went into "B" Camp, beside the Poperinghe road, about four miles behind Ypres. Here they underwent ten days of battalion training - close order drill, P.T., and instruction and practice in trench warfare and various forms of specialist training - all aimed at bringing up to standard the drafts which had recently joined the Regiment. The big event of this period in reserve was the Brigade Assault at Arms, which was held on August 26. The affair was well organized and its fifteen events covered a broad military and athletic field. The Newfoundlanders were in good form - so good as to emerge as Brigade champions. Competing before the Corps and Divisional Commanders they won five events - the Essex being runners-up with four. Teams from the Newfoundland Battalion showed their superior skill in revetting a trench which had already been dug; in bombing (firing rifle grenades to score the greatest number of hits in four minutes); bayonet fighting (wherein a five-man team had to run over a course in fighting order and point at tin discs set in cleft sticks, while going at full speed); in first aid (with two stretcher bearers representing each battalion); and last, but by no means least, in the Tug of War, when eight Newfoundlanders, limited to a total weight of ninety stone (or an average of 157^ pounds per man), outpulled their opposition in a best-of-three contest. The men had now become experts in building and fortifying trenches, and this knowledge was put to use during the second spell of front-line duty, from August 29 to September 8. Persistent

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enemy bombardment with "whiz-bangs" at close range kept flattening the parapets, which required constant rebuilding. The barbed wire in front had to be frequently strengthened. Like perfectionists in their trade, all hands were seized by pride of accomplishment, and even in the blackness of the night, with the enemy less than 100 yards away, work continued unabated. About the only whispered words of instruction needed were warnings to "freeze" when enemy pistols sent Very lights soaring into the sky. One night, however, a Company Commander peering into the darkness was shocked to find one of his men sitting idly on a shattered stump, while all the others were hurrying to complete the erection of a new wire barricade. With as much sarcasm as can be put into a whisper the officer made known his disappointment that Private X should tire so easily. He had not realized that the man's assignment was to screw in the pickets which held the barbed wire, and that he was many yards ahead of the main party. In the circumstances the reply must be considered extraordinarily respectful: "If it weren't so dark, sir, you'd be able to see that I'm ahead of me work." On September 8 the Battalion went back again into Brigade reserve at Ypres, each company occupying the same accommodation as before. Repair and construction of the X Line continued the war diary recording: "All Companies working every available man on various work under the R.E.'s." Probably the most noteworthy event of this period, as far as the officers were concerned, was the dinner tendered by "D" Company's Mess to officers from the other companies. The affair, which was held in a ruined building of the Hornwork, was a remarkable example of the adaptability of the Newfoundlander on active service and a tribute to his cheerfulness and camaraderie under unpleasant conditions. There were elaborate preparations for the event. The Dining Saloon, partitioned off from the officers' sleeping quarters by a screen made by sewing together empty sandbags, was decorated with red and white crepe paper foraged from an abandoned store in Ypres. The red triangle badge of the Division crowned each entrance, and the walls were covered with pictures from the Bystander and the Illustrated London News and other periodicals. It was a compliment to the efficiency of the outposts that when Colonel Hadow dropped in at the Hornwork during an unexpected tour of inspection, he found "D" Company officers busily engaged, not with scissors and crepe paper, but in an enthusiastic discussion of Field Service Regulations, Part II and other enlightening military pamphlets. The commissariat arrangements received special attention. Plates and mugs had been borrowed, commandeered, or stolen

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from various places; large green dock leaves on which to lay the lobster were gathered from a nearby field; the Divisional Chateau at Nine Elms had kindly obliged with a small quantity of liquid supplies; and a printed menu set forth the whole range of courses

Regimental cooks presiding at the cookers. (By Courtesy of the Imperial War Museum)

from "Hors-d'oeuvres a la 29th Division" and "Potage a la Quidi Vidi" to "Wine - very little," "Whisky - very much," and "Fags - Mayos." Shortly after eight, just as the enemy was finishing his evening strafe, the guests began arriving, one or two from each company. The Company Commanders in attendance were Captain Gus O'Brien of "A", Captain Bert Butler of "B", Captain Jim Donnelly of "C", and the O.C. of the host Company, Captain Wes March. All did full justice to the feast, and when the royal toast had been loyally honoured, there was much merry conversation and exchange of jests. Later, when this had died down,

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someone started softly singing "The Star of Logy Bay." It was an impressive scene in the dim, candle-lit room with its brave attempts at decoration. Outside, through the empty windowframe, from time to time men could be seen plodding wearily back from the front line, grunting and stumbling, their uniforms stiff with mud, their rifles held indifferently at all angles. Occasionally there came the dull rumble of an approaching shell, followed by a loud explosion in the adjacent field. It was nearly midnight when 2nd Lieutenant Sam Ebsary dipped into the darkness near the entrance, to reappear with a large accordion which he had brought with him from "A" Company's billets in the ramparts. Let one of "D" Company's officers who was present describe the ensuing scene: Settling in the corner on an empty ammunition box, he commenced to play, and as the music came from the instrument the sand-bagged walls of our "H.Q." seemed to fade! "The Banks of Newfoundland" rang in our ears, and we saw once more the tented slopes at Quidi Vidi on Regatta Day; the "Blue Peter" had turned the buoy and the other boats were swinging into position. Then the player changed to a Northern song and we saw the lines of white on a restless sea advancing on the rugged coast of our Island home, at that time so very far away. A great silence fell upon the little gathering, and a tear glistened in the eye of more than one khaki-clad Avalonian who had braved the exposure of Gallipoli and now knew the dangers of Flanders!

The summer was passing, and now it was the latter part of September. A change of scene, though not of employment, came to the Regiment on the I9th, when it relieved a battalion of the 8yth Brigade at Elverdinghe, a village four miles north-west of Ypres. Here the Newfoundlanders were put to work under Royal Engineer supervision constructing a reserve position known as the "L" Line. Located about a mile behind the Yser Canal (which ran northward from Ypres to the sea), the Line was designed as a safeguard against a possible enemy crossing of that water barrier. The Battalion found itself well spread out, manning and developing a number of posts bearing the designation L.2, L.4, L.6, etc. Headquarters and "A" and "B" Companies were at Elverdinghe. The remaining companies each had two platoons at posts in the "L" defences extending from north of Brielen to the western outskirts of Ypres. The work was hard and monotonous, and there were few regrets when at the end of ten days the troops were able to return to their reserve billets at Ypres. On October 5 the Newfoundlanders said au revoir to the Salient as they took the train to Poperinghe for a three-night stay there in billets. On the morning after their arrival they were inspected on parade by Lieutenant-General Sir Aylmer Hunter-Weston, who

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bid the Battalion good-bye on its leaving the Eighth Corps. That night the Newfoundland officers held a farewell banquet at La Poupee, the little cafe in Poperinghe which had become a popular rendezvous for its excellent afternoon teas and for the delightful little dinners served in its inside room. Various company messes had enjoyed happy evenings at the "Broken Doll," as it was more often called, evenings that in after years would find a place among the more pleasant memories of the stay in the Salient. On this occasion the customary toasts were drunk and the usual songs were sung. With Cecil Clift tinkling the keys of the decrepit old piano, Wes March obliged with a popular ballad or two, and Bert Butler drew much applause with some Newfoundland folk numbers. There was an eloquent speech from Gus O'Brien. Midnight brought the party to a close with "Auld Lang Syne," which was rendered with unusual feeling. Then it was time to say good-bye to the charming little Belgian mademoiselle who presided over the dining-room. Marie Louise's habitual cheerful spirits and her delightful broken English had made her a great favourite with the Newfoundlanders. As the officers filed out through the door, a tearful little figure embraced them individually. "I love you all, zo vaire, vaire much," she declared, "and I will always thenk and pray for ze great beeg, grand Newfoundlanders." Into Action Again When shortly after midnight on October 8 the Newfoundland Regiment boarded a south-bound train at the Houpoutre siding outside Poperinghe, there was for the veteran members of the Battalion a general satisfaction at the thought of once again going into battle. They were tired of digging and baling out and revetting trenches, and putting up barbed wire and performing a host of other fatigues for a succession of Engineer overseers. More than a year later, at a time when the Battalion was undergoing a similar period of operational inactivity on a relatively quiet front, a Newfoundland officer was to express in a letter home what many of his comrades must have been feeling: Following a heavy battle and serious casualties the troops are delighted to have a spell of trench warfare; but after a time this becomes monotonous and, curiously enough, many would prefer to pass up the comparative safety of a trench or dug-out to engage in an attack, even though the latter is a dozen times more riskful than the life in the trenches.

What was the situation on the Somme, to whose battlefields the Newfoundlanders were returning after an absence of ten weeks?

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The breakthrough that Haig had counted on achieving with his Armies had not materialized. Instead, the conflict had deteriorated into a slow, grinding warfare of attrition in which the Allies sought to wear down the enemy's powers of resistance by inflicting on him heavier casualties than he could afford to sustain. Of the twelve battles that were later to receive official recognition as constituting the campaign at the Somme, nine had been fought to an inconclusive finish by the end of September. There had been a few British successes. The Battle of Albert had dragged on for thirteen days without adding materially to its costly gains of July i j but a dawn attack on the I4th by four British divisions at Bazentin Ridge had captured 6000 yards of the German 2nd Position, and by the 26th Australian forces had taken Pozieres. August saw little progress; but on September 15 - "a very heavy day even according to Somme standards" - came the first use of tanks in battle, as Haig launched on a ten-mile front east of the Ancre a co-ordinated assault of twelve divisions supported by forty-eight of the new engines of war. Troops of the Fourth Army captured High Wood and the villages of Flers and Martinpuich, and in the Reserve Army the Canadian Corps, making its initial appearance at the Somme, drove the Germans from the smoking ruins of Courcelette. The enemy was ousted from 4500 yards of his 3rd Position, the depth of the Allied advance averaging a mile and a half. But three villages on the British right - Morval, Lesboeufs, and Gueudecourt - the capture of which was an essential preliminary to any breakthrough, were still untaken. The first two localities fell in the next big attack on September 25, and on the 26th the British 2 ist Division occupied the rubble of Gueudecourt. During the next two days the capture of Thiepval on the other side of the Albert-Bapaume road concluded the long and bitter struggle for the commanding ridge overlooking the Ancre. As September ended the Fourth Army could show for its three months of fighting a maximum gain of four and a half miles. The front line was farthest advanced just west of Gueudecourt, where it was less than three miles from Bapaume, the important junction of the roads which led to Cambrai and Arras. From Gueudecourt the line fell back through Lesboeufs and Morval to the boundary with the French Sixth Army, whence it ran generally southward to the Somme near Peronne, which was still in German hands. Westward from Gueudecourt the British front crossed the AlbertBapaume road just south of Le Sars, passing north of Courcelette and Thiepval to the Ancre, beyond which it followed virtually the same course as at the end of June. In the opinion of General Haig it was time to renew the

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offensive on an increased scale, and on September 29 he instructed the Fourth and Reserve Armies and the Third Army, which was on the left wing facing eastward, to undertake preparatory operations for a major attack to be launched by October 12. His goal fell about two miles short of that proposed by General Joffre, who was calling for a combined effort by maximum forces to reach a line through Bapaume. Haig's new objectives, capture of which would represent an advance averaging two miles across the front of the Fourth and Reserve Armies, extended from Le Transloy and Beaulencourt (both on the Peronne-Bapaume road) across the valley of the upper Ancre to Gommecourt in the Third Army's sector. One of General Rawlinson's targets, a spur covering the two villages on the Bapaume road, was to give the Fourth Army's operations the name, the Battle of the Transloy Ridges. It was to this battle that the Newfoundland Regiment was now to be committed. The train that carried the Newfoundlanders south from Poperinghe on October 8 delivered them early that same afternoon at Longeau, a small station on the eastern outskirts of Amiens. A march of eight miles eastward along a road that followed the left bank of the canalized Somme brought the Battalion to Corbie, at the junction of the tributary Ancre with the parent river. The march served as a test for the hand carts which had been issued at Ypres to transport the Battalion's eight Lewis Guns. Their arrival had been looked on as a God-send, for now it would be possible to load on each a gun and enough ammunition for an ordinary engagement, and pull it by hand close to the front line. But it was not to be. Pressed into service without proper testing, the carts proved too flimsy in construction for the rough pave of the French roads, and one after another their handles broke off. It became necessary to revert to the former practice of loading the Lewis guns and ammunition carriers on the transport limbers, which could go only a limited distance into the shell-pocked country. From there on the gun teams packed on their backs the guns and as much ammunition as they could, with help sometimes from the riflemen. At Corbie the Newfoundlanders settled into billets, only to learn next day that they had to go into the line on the night of October 10. Somewhere along the chain of command it had been decided that for the forthcoming attack by the Fourth Army the 88th Brigade should be temporarily attached to the i2th Division, which was in position at Gueudecourt. Shortly after midnight on October 9 the Newfoundlanders were loaded into twenty-one charabancs in Corbie for the sixteen-mile journey to the battle area. They were accompanied by the ist

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Essex and the 88th Brigade Machine Gun Company, and the 88th Trench Mortar Battery. (This Battery, which comprised men from all battalions in the Brigade, included a number from the Newfoundland Regiment, and was commanded by a Newfoundland officer, Lieutenant Herbert Rendell.) It was a long, cold ride through the darkness. Soon after daylight, however, spirits rose as the convoy of motor buses crossed the old German line that had been broken by the British assaults on July i. It was thrilling for the Newfoundlanders to realize that they were now on territory which the enemy had once held. The grim devastation of war was visible on all sides. Not a building nor a tree was standing in this battle-scarred waste, across which thousands of men and horses were toiling forward, carrying the quantities of rations and ammunition and all the vast paraphernalia of equipment and supplies required to maintain an army in the field. Farther ahead, where the land had as yet barely felt the weight of war's heavy hand, there would still be growing trees and fields with unharvested crops. The enemy had been pushed back to the fringes of habitable country; but in the rear of the advance all was desolation. And even now the rains of autumn were beginning to soak the torn ground. Soon the whole area would be turned into one vast bog. On roads broken to pieces by the wheels of countless heavy lorries, and further damaged by an all-day rain on October 8, the buses carrying the Newfoundlanders could average no more than five miles an hour. Finally the rough track petered out at the edge of Bernafay Wood, about a mile south of Longueval — and some three miles from the firing line. Glad to dismount and stretch their cramped limbs, the Newfoundlanders marched forward half a mile, to bivouac at about eight o'clock on an open, northward-facing slope. The area was a treasure ground of abandoned German munitions of war of all kinds; and the incautious curiosity of one Newfoundland souvenir hunter set off a bomb which wounded four of his comrades - though luckily not severely. The precipitancy with which the Battalion was being pushed into battle stood in striking contrast to the long period of planning and rehearsal that had preceded its attack on July i. At short notice Company Commanders went forward with the Adjutant to have a quick look at the lie of the land and make arrangements for taking over from the battalion of the syth Brigade which they were relieving. Walking in pairs 100 yards apart, the officers traversed the stump-covered waste that had once been Delville Wood - scene of more than two months of bitter fighting. A mile up the track they entered Cocoa Alley, a long communication

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trench which, passing to the east side of Flers, brought them eventually to the ruins of Gueudecourt. At one point on the way up they encountered a British brigadier, who was accompanied by a young officer wearing captain's rank badges. The younger man, whose face looked strangely familiar, gave them directions; but it was only after they had moved on that the Newfoundlanders suddenly realized they had been talking to the Prince of Wales. At the Headquarters of the Royal Fusiliers Battalion that they were to relieve, the Company Commanders arranged details of the take-over. They did not manage to see the front line that afternoon, however, for the absence of communication trenches made it impossible to reach the fire trenches in daylight. They trudged back to their commands and prepared them for a move as soon as it was dark. By half-past nine the Battalion was manning a 500yard section of the firing line on the northern outskirts of Gueudecourt, immediately to the left of the road which ran north-eastward to Beaulencourt. This was the whole of the front which the 37th Brigade had been holding. A hundred yards or so to the rear the Essex took up positions in support. There was not much sleep for the Newfoundlanders, tired as they were after their continual moving. The night was cold, and hardly a minute passed without the rat-tat of bullets from enemy machine-guns striking the parapet - just to show, as one officer put it, "that they knew where our trench was and had the range." In the morning German artillery heavily shelled the front line. The Battalion suffered 45 casualties - a figure which by midday on the i2th had passed the 100 mark. Lieutenant Steve Norris, of "C" Company, was killed by a shell. Major Walter Rendell, who had rejoined the ist Battalion early in September, was among the wounded, and in his place Captain Bert Butler took over "B" Company. The day passed with the Newfoundlanders enduring the enemy fire as stoically as they could. No one in the trenches was clear regarding the role into which the Battalion had so hurriedly been thrust. Was it defensive, or would they be called upon to attack? The question was soon to be answered. At dusk (on the nth) orders came for Company Commanders to report to Battalion Headquarters, which had been established in an old German dugout on the south side of Gueudecourt. Earlier that afternoon Colonel Hadow had attended a conference at Brigade Headquarters, where Brigadier-General Cayley had assigned the Essex and the Newfoundland Battalions their tasks in the Fourth Army's forthcoming attack. These orders, in so far as they affected the Newfoundlanders, the Colonel now transmitted to his Company Commanders. The "preparatory operations" ordered by Sir Douglas Haig at

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the end of September had resulted in little progress by the Fourth Army's three Corps (the Third, Fifteenth, and Fourteenth) - least of all by the Fifteenth Corps, which had control of the Gueudecourt sector. The chief success had been the Third Corps' capture of a substantial stretch of the tough Flers Line - the name given to a portion of the German 3rd Position extending from Flers to beyond Le Sars. The Fifteenth Corps would have liked a longer time to complete its preparations for the next major effort; but Haig, who had been told by General Foch that the French Sixth Army expected to take Sailly-Saillisel (astride the PeronneBapaume road) on October 12, set that date for a renewal of the offensive. He hoped that the British right might reach a suitable position from which to launch with the French a combined attack on German defences which ran south-eastward from Le Transloy behind Sailly-Saillisel. Between October 8 and n five of the six divisions on the Fourth Army's front were replaced by new formations. The only exception was the Fifteenth Corps' I2th Division, which, as already noted, was temporarily given the 88th Brigade. Across the Beaulencourt road from the 88th Brigade was the 18th Brigade, of the British 6th Division, the left-hand division under the command of the Fourteenth Corps. All along the Army front the newcomers had little time in which to assess the situation or prepare suitable assembly trenches for the impending assault. The recent advances had rendered existing trench maps obsolete, for many of the German positions which they showed were now in British hands. Furthermore, efforts by the Royal Flying Corps to photograph new German trenches were largely frustrated by dull weather. The orders issued by General Cayley for the 88th Brigade's part in the attack called for an advance of some 800 yards by the Newfoundland Regiment on the right and the Essex on the left. The Brigade was given two successive objectives. To gain the first of these - the Green Line, about 400 yards from the British front line - would require the capture of a portion of Hilt Trench, which with its extensions of Rainbow Trench to the south-east and Bayonet Trench to the north-west formed the main German position opposite the Fourth Army. Like the British, the enemy had also been busy with reliefs. Between September 30 and October 13 the six German divisions in the line between Le Transloy and the Ancre were replaced by seven new formations, two of which were again relieved in the same period. Four of these divisions came from Verdun, where on October 5 the German Crown Prince had been ordered by the High Command to evacuate every unnecessary saphead and length of trench, in order to reinforce "the apparently insatiable Somme front." Hilt Trench

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in front of the 88th Brigade was held by the 64th Regiment of the newly-arrived 6th Brandenburg Division, flanked to the east by the 92nd Reserve Regiment (of the igth Reserve Division). The Brandenburgers had a consistent reputation of being a strong formation, having earned for themselves the unofficial designation of the "Iron Division." The plans for the attack introduced a new form of tactics involving an unusually close co-operation between the advancing infantry and the supporting artillery. The innovation was described thus in the Brigade Order: At zero the artillery barrage will begin to cover a zone in depth from the Green Line to a parallel line 200 yards nearer our front-line trench. During this period the infantry will get forward as close as possible towards the objective. At zero plus two minutes the barrage will concentrate slowly on the firing line, all guns being concentrated on it by zero plus four minutes. From zero plus four to zero plus six the Green Line will be under an intense artillery fire. At zero plus six the barrage will lift to about 150 yards from the Green Line, and the infantry will attack and capture it.

A similar procedure was laid down for the advance to the second objective. This was the Brown Line, about 400 yards beyond the Green. Little was known of the nature or extent of the German defences this far back, though Battalion C.O.'s were directed to mark on their maps two short sections of trench, "Grease," opposite the centre of the 88th Brigade's front, and "Bacon," farther over on the left. The innovation of the creeping barrage eventually proved to be of tremendous value; but why in this instance the barrage was first concentrated on a line 200 yards from the German front-line trenches, nobody ever understood. None of the enemy was in No Man's Land, and to try to gauge exactly where the shrapnel was falling was an impossible task. The result was that many of the troops were hit by their own shellfire. That the barrage was fired pretty well as directed was confirmed by a surviving corporal of the Battalion, who seeing the shrapnel bursting overhead in a straight line a few yards in front of him, and ever conscious of his company's fine performance on ceremonial, shouted to his buddy through the tumult: "Look, keeping perfect dressing, just like "D" Company on parade." Just at that moment a premature burst wounded his mate in both legs. The corporal paused only long enough to hear the wounded man exclaim in disgust: "Yes, but there's one of the S.O.B.'s who's lost his dressing." In his candle-lit dug-out under the rubble of Gueudecourt Colonel Hadow discussed the foregoing plans with his Company Commanders, giving them his detailed orders for the Newfoundland part in the assault. It was near midnight when the conference

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ended and the officers made their way back to the forward trenches to brief their companies. "One tot of rum, boys, before I break the news," Captain March told the officers of "C" Company. "We attack tomorrow." Zero hour had been set at 2.05 p.m., and there was little enough time before daylight (about half-past five) to do all that had to be done under cover of darkness. During the night the Essex took over the left half of the Newfoundland positions in the firing line. They were replaced in the support line by the Hampshires, who with the Worcesters had made the long move from Corbie on foot. Through the early hours of the izth the four Newfoundland Companies were kept busy with their preparations. Equipment is checked (though the load will be light compared to the burden borne at Beaumont Hamel); carrying parties fetch forward rations and additional supplies of ammunition. Here a Company Commander instructs his platoon officers in their role beneath a couple of rubber groundsheets stretched from parapet to parados to conceal from enemy eyes the light of the electric torch by which they are studying their maps. Suddenly a shell lands in the adjacent traverse, bringing the conference to an abrupt conclusion. Two of the party are flung to the ground, a third thrust violently against the trench wall. Fortunately all escape serious injury, but the groundsheets are in tatters. Dawn comes, and packed tightly in their jumping-off trench the Newfoundlanders settle down to pass the long hours until zero. They eat sparingly, not knowing when more rations may reach them. Too exposed to start fires, they cannot brew a cup of tea and have to wash down their bully beef and biscuit with slender draughts from their water bottles. Overhead their artillery keeps up the slow bombardment that has been going on for two days. In order to gain surprise there will be no quickening of the rate of fire before the barrage opens at zero. All are in high spirits. In "A" Company's trench Captain O'Brien, whose skill as a raconteur of anecdotes about local celebrities in St. John's is unsurpassed, relates several of his masterpieces. Some of the men entertain their fellows with popular songs, rendered in a low voice that will not carry to the German trenches, not much more than 300 yards away. Then someone starts a ribald ditty about a sailor from Cappyhaden who married a Princess of Fiji. It is a long-winded ballad, with not much tune to it, and by the time the forty-seventh verse has been sung upwards of an hour has passed, and there are many demands from those within earshot to "hook 'im." Then, shortly after two, the order is quietly passed along: "Fix bayonets - and don't show them over the top of the trench."

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The Capture of Hilt Trench It was five minutes past two; and precisely at that moment a lone shell whistled overhead, to land 100 yards out in No Man's Land. Within seconds the air was alive with bursting shrapnel, and the Newfoundlanders were scrambling over the parapet. They formed up in the designated zone, Platoon Commanders keeping one eye on their watches and one on the curtain of fire ahead of them. At the appointed moment the whole Battalion began its advance. "A" and "B" Companies were in the lead, left and right respectively, and close behind them "D" and "C". Each Company moved in two waves, advancing on a front of two platoons. There was little difficulty in keeping direction, for "B" Company's right flank rested on the Gueudecourt-Beaulencourt road, which was in fact the boundary between the Fifteenth and Fourteenth Corps. The Commander of "B" Company later related that during the advance across a large field of cabbage in No Man's Land many a man stopped for a second to pluck a fine, white cabbage heart and munch it as he went forward, expressing his regret at the absence of the pork that would have gone so well with it. The barrage was timed to move forward in lifts of fifty yards each minute, and the infantry were to keep not more than fifty yards behind it. These timings had been carefully explained to the men beforehand, but in their eagerness to get to grips with the enemy many pressed ahead through the curtain of fire; and platoons of the supporting companies, treading impatiently on the heels of th&se in front, became mixed with the leading waves, the result being a partial loss of control. There were numerous casualties. It was estimated that thirty per cent of the attackers were put out of action before reaching the first objective, and that fully half of these fell victim to their own shellfire. Captain Butler's left forward platoon was practically wiped out, but its right-hand neighbour reached Hilt Trench with scarcely a casualty. On the Battalion left "A" Company's Commander, Captain O'Brien, was mortally hit. On the right "C" Company's Captain Donnelly, who had won his M.C. at Caribou Hill, was killed just as he reached the first objective, shouting: "Boys, the trench is ours!" So closely did the Newfoundlanders "lean on the barrage" that the Germans, compelled by the shelling to remain under cover, had little chance to bring their deadly machine-guns into action. The wire in front of Hilt Trench was negligible, and on reaching the enemy parapet the Newfoundlanders quickly became engaged in hand-to-hand fighting. For many of the attackers it was the

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Looking from the Newfoundland Memorial towards the village of Gueudecourt, showing the ground over which the Regiment advanced. (Photograph by C. S. Frost)

first time that they had used the bayonet to kill; but weeks of rehearsing "point, thrust, and parry" now paid good dividends, and in the fifteen minutes of close combat the enemy paid a heavy toll. A few grenades tossed into dug-outs brought forth their occupants with hands held high above their heads, and these were soon on their way to the rear under guard of wounded Newfoundlanders. The barrage, which by this time was falling 150 yards to the rear of the Green Line, prevented any German reinforcements from coming forward, and by half-past two Hilt Trench was firmly in the Newfoundlanders' possession. On the Brigade left the Essex too had taken their initial objective, though on their own left the attack by the I2th Division's 35th Brigade on Bayonet Trench had been halted by thick, uncut wire. It was time now for both of Brigadier Cayley's battalions to advance to their final objective. Keeping to the prearranged schedule, a party led by Lieutenant Cecil Clift, consisting of two platoons from each of "A" and "B" Companies, pushed on towards the Brown Line. Finding no enemy trench in the first 100 yards, they began digging in under heavy fire - though not before half of them had been killed or wounded, including Clift, who was later listed as "missing, believed killed." Caught in enfilade fire from German machine-guns on their right, where the British

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6th Division's attack was only partly successful, the Newfoundlanders were forced to fall back to Hilt Trench. Some of the Essex reached Grease Trench before they too were compelled to retire. Worse was to come, however, for the Essex, whom the 35th Brigade's failure had left with an open flank. A German counterattack developed, and with their position considered untenable the Battalion was ordered to withdraw to its starting line on the outskirts of Gueudecourt. This order did not meet with the concurrence of Private Edward Lahey, a burly miner from Bell Island, No. 259 of the Newfoundland Regiment, who had been attached to the 88th Trench Mortar Battery, a section of which went over with the Essex. Seeing the Newfoundlanders holding their ground on the right, and with no close-quarter weapon more effective than a Stokes mortar bomb, Lahey wielded this with such skill and effect that he was able to cleave his way through the trench and join his own battalion. The Newfoundlanders held on. When it was found that the Essex had vacated their portion of Hilt Trench, Captain March, a tower of strength that day, quickly organized bombing parties to take over the unoccupied position. They secured some 350 yards of trench, and at the far end they established a block to prevent enemy infiltration from Bayonet Trench. The Newfoundland line was thus suddenly almost doubled in length, and with the limited forces available could only be thinly manned. All but the sentries fell to with pick and shovel to strengthen the place as much as possible. This meant constructing a new firing step and generally reversing the whole position. They found the trench poorly sited for defence against attack from the German lines. It lay in a small depression, overlooked by the enemy-held ridge to the north-east; and behind it was a row of giant tree stumps which made excellent aiming points for German marksmen. Digging in the hard chalk which characterized most of the subsoil at the Somme was exacting work, but within an hour much had been accomplished. It was then that the expected counter-attack began to develop. A short preliminary bombardment by artillery and machine-guns filled the air with dust and smoke, through which could be seen approaching a force of what seemed to be about 500 German infantry. Throwing down their shovels for their rifles the Newfoundlanders found excellent targets as the enemy advanced slowly in the face of the late afternoon sun. But the most effective fire came from the Battalion's Lewis guns and from the Vickers of a detachment of the Brigade Machine Gun Company which had accompanied the Newfoundlanders forward. These took a heavy toll of the enemy, breaking up their attack 200 yards from Hilt

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Trench. The work of consolidation was resumed, and attempts later that afternoon by small parties of Germans to force an entrance into the newly-won position were driven off without difficulty. At least two of the enemy made their way to the Newfoundland trench in voluntary surrender - and, like the Greeks of old, they came bearing gifts. The first of these turned out to be a Pole, who claimed to have been conscripted by the Germans. After he had been searched for concealed weapons and been given some bully beef, which he ate with apparent relish, he asked to see the officer in charge. On the latter's arrival he produced from an inner pocket a flannel case containing six excellent razors, which had escaped the searchers. Having distributed these with many gestures of amicability, the prisoner took out his pipe and smoked contentedly for a few minutes before falling peacefully asleep. Later there drifted into the lines a very small German bearing a very large bag of provisions, obviously intended to ingratiate him with the "starving" British. Barely five feet in height, he was immediately christened "Hindenburg." He appeared to take a great liking to "B" Company's Commander, following him around like a dog - indeed the Company would have adopted Hindenburg as a mascot, had regulations permitted. It was shortly after the defeat of the first German counterattack that C.S.M. Cyril Gardner, of "C" Company, received permission to retrieve his Company's ration of rum for the day, which he had left in the jumping-off trench that morning. He started boldly off through the German barrage, which was now falling behind Hilt Trench, followed by the anxious fears and prayers of all who knew about his errand of mercy. He was gone for a considerable time, and great was the rejoicing when he was seen returning with the gallon jar. Cheers turned to groans, however, when it was learned that little was left of the ration. Gardner reported that on his arrival he found that another unit had taken over the trench - and with it the rum jar. It was obvious to him that some of the men standing by had profited by the lucky windfall, and he was able to follow the trail until he came up with the precious jar, which was being handed from soldier to soldier, each taking a nip as it passed. Only Gardner's rank saved the little drop that was left. It was borne in mingled triumph and regret up to "C" Company, where it provided a meagre moistening of lips as far as it would go round. At nine that night a company of the Hampshire Regiment came forward as reinforcements, and these were joined shortly afterwards by a party of Royal Engineers, to whom the Newfoundlanders gladly relinquished their construction duties. The new-

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The Newfoundland Memorial at Gueudecourt marks the farthest point reached by the Regiment on October 12, 1916.

comers brought cheering word of forthcoming relief; and at 3 a.m. on the 13th the arrival of another Hampshire company enabled the Newfoundlanders to hand over responsibility for Hilt Trench. Weary from sleeplessness and the strain and physical exertion of a long, long day, they filed slowly through the darkness back to Gueudecourt and down a mile of Cocoa Alley to support trenches just in front of Flers - Pioneer Trench and Bull Trench. It was good to find a waiting meal, and then to be able to snatch a few hours' sleep before beginning the inevitable task of reorganizing. What assessment can be made of the day's action? The Newfoundland Battalion was one of the few units on the whole of the Fourth Army's front to capture and retain an objective. It was indeed the only battalion of the Fifteenth Corps to have made an appreciable gain. "The success," wrote Brigadier-General Cayley to Sir Walter Davidson on the 28th, "was the more gratifying as it was the only real success recorded on that day." To the Newfoundlanders themselves there was keen satisfaction that in some measure the losses of Beaumont Hamel had been avenged. They had killed an estimated 250 enemy, and of the 150 taken prisoner by the 88th Brigade, the Newfoundlanders could claim half. Two officers captured by the Battalion expressed surprise at the vigour with which the Newfoundlanders attacked, declaring that such elan could not have been surpassed. Coming from members of the Iron Division this was praise indeed. There was tangible proof of

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prowess in the capture of three German machine-guns - the first trophies of war to be won by the Regiment. After the engagement Colonel Hadow arranged for these to be sent to 58 Victoria Street for forwarding to St. John's. "The appearance of these guns in Newfoundland," he told Brigade, "would have a great effect on recruiting - and we are in need of as many recruits as we can get." The guns reached St. John's in the following February, and after being officially received at Government House were paraded in triumph through the city streets. On October 14 Colonel Hadow's Daily Orders complimented the Regiment on its gallantry: The Commanding Officer wishes to convey to all ranks his admiration for the way in which the Regiment held the front-line trench under heavy shell fire for some 40 hours, and then repelled a counter attack. Nothing could have been finer than the way in which every officer and man acquitted themselves in this strenuous task. To Captain March and Captain Butler he wishes to especially convey his congratulations, as on them fell the responsibility of carrying through the task, which they did in a most able and gallant manner. The reputation gained by the Regiment on July ist has been magnificently maintained. The Commanding Officer deeply deplores the death of Captain Donnelly, a most gallant officer and the best of comrades.

Five days later Daily Orders recorded another loss: It is with deepest regret that the Commanding Officer has to announce that Captain O'Brien died of wounds last night. It would be hard to find a more hard-working and conscientious officer. He had a very high sense of duty and never spared himself. His death is the greatest possible loss to the Regiment, but the fine example and the high standard that he set has contributed in no small measure to the success and efficiency of the Regiment.

The Newfoundland Regiment's success in front of Gueudecourt had not been achieved without considerable cost. From the time that they went into the trenches on the night of October 10 until their relief fifty-three hours later, the Newfoundlanders had suffered 239 casualties. Of the known dead, and those who subsequently died of wounds or, having been listed as missing, were never reported as taken prisoner - of this total number of fatal casualties five were officers and 115 other ranks. Five officers and 114 other ranks were wounded and survived. Of the officer casualties "A" Company suffered the most heavily, losing all except the two subalterns who had been left with the ten per cent reserve in the transport lines. Besides Captain O'Brien, Lieu-

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tenant Sam Ebsary was fatally wounded. The deaths of Captain Donnelly and Lieutenant Cecil Clift in the attack have already been noted. In aftertimes veterans of the Newfoundland Regiment would always remember Gueudecourt as the first fight in which they had the benefit of a rolling barrage. To that they attributed much of their success. Also to be taken into account was the fact that the strength of the defences which they stormed was greatly inferior to what they had faced at Beaumont Hamel. After the enemy's loss of his three main prepared positions the relieving German formations that were being rushed to the Somme battlefield often found themselves forced to defend inadequate lines that had been hastily constructed during the course of the fighting. But above all, credit must be given to the courage and determination shown by Newfoundlanders of all ranks as they seized their objective and hung on to it while on either side of them other units were being held in check by a stubbornly-resisting foe. Recognition came to some members of the Battalion after the battle - though they would have been the first to maintain that such awards belonged to the whole Regiment. Captain March, who had shown exemplary courage and skill in leading the initial attack, and resourcefulness and thoroughness in consolidating the newly-won position, received the Military Cross and the French Croix de Guerre. Captain Butler, who was reported to have personally shot fifteen Germans, won a bar to his M.C. Many stories are told of this officer's exploits - his daring, his initiative, and his determination. On one misty morning earlier that year the attention of a sentry in the front line was directed just at dawn to the arresting sight of a man crawling under the wire, just beyond the parapet. When a rifleman near by raised his weapon, the sentry, on the remote chance that it might be a member of the Battalion, told him to hold fire until certain that it was an enemy. In answer to the challenge there came back the terse answer, "Butler." As Battalion Intelligence Officer he had been out most of the night on a single-handed reconnaissance of the enemy's positions - an accustomed way of spending his time in the trenches. Three Newfoundlanders were awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal for their gallantry on October 12. Through a gap in the trench which "C" Company was holding Sergeant-Major Gardner, who hailed from British Harbour, Trinity Bay, sighted a German bombing party withdrawing from a fruitless assault on another part of the Newfoundland line. Acting quickly, Gardner with two of his men launched an attack on the enemy detachment, catching them by surprise. They cut down a number of them,

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took some prisoner, including an officer, and put the rest to flight. Sergeant Peter Samson, of Fox Harbour, Placentia Bay, played a major part in the capture of one of the three enemy machine-guns won by the Battalion. He led a bombing party against the machine-gun post, killed the crew, and with the threat of their bombs forced the surrender of several Germans near by. In addition to his winning the D.C.M., his bravery brought him the award of the Croix de Guerre. The third D.C.M. was won by Lance-Corporal William Bennett, of Stephenville. In carrying messages back to Battalion Headquarters throughout the action he was continually exposed to German gunfire. After making three round trips through the hostile barrage, he led some bombers against a group of Germans who were attempting to creep around the Battalion's left flank, and with his squad captured the entire detachment, which consisted of an officer and thirteen men. There were many other deeds of valour performed by Newfoundlanders that day; such as that of Private Oliver Goodland, of Elliston, Trinity Bay, who bravely hazarded the barrage several times; Corporal Richard Neville, St. John's, who with a squad of bombers drove off with severe losses a superior number of Germans endeavouring to break into the newly-captured Hilt Trench; and Private Bernard Carroll, from St. Barbe, who though exposed to a deluge of fire from the enemy's field guns, coolly carried on his task of tending to the wounded, and thereby saved several lives. These three each received the Military Medal as did Corporal Arthur Webber of Harbour Grace; Corporal John Morrissey, St. John's; Lance-Corporal Alfred Manuel, of Botwood; and Privates David Brown, of Tilton, and Matthew Collins, of Placentia. In the Mud of the Somme Trace on a large-scale map of the AlbertPeronne region a rectangle eighteen miles long by two and a half wide, extending between the Ancre and the Somme and so placed that Gueudecourt lies within the north-east angle, and the lower left-hand corner touches the Ancre at a point five miles south-west of Albert. Within the confines of this sliver of ground the Newfoundlanders were to pursue a relatively uneventful and generally unpleasant existence in the two months that followed their action at Gueudecourt. During that time the Battalion was to move no less than seventeen times in a series of reliefs that found it spending from twenty-four hours to a fortnight in ten different localities. Up and down the narrow strip they shuttled - some-

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times holding the front-line trenches, sometimes enduring harassing shelling in brigade reserve, sometimes in divisional or corps reserve, supplying the working parties for which the demand never ceased. The Battalion was soon to find that with few exceptions all the places to which they came had one thing in common - the mud of the Somme. The final phases of the Somme offensive were fought under the most appalling conditions - conditions portrayed thus by Sir Douglas Haig in his November report to the Chief of the Imperial General Staff: The ground, sodden with rain and broken up everywhere by innumerable shellholes, can only be described as a morass, almost bottomless in places: between the lines and for many thousands of yards behind them it is almost - and in some localities, quite - impassable. The supply of food and ammunition is carried out with the greatest difficulty and with immense labour, and the men are so much worn out by this and by the maintenance and construction of trenches that frequent reliefs - carried out under exhausting conditions - are unavoidable.

From the front line between Gueudecourt and Lesboeufs there extended back to the reserve positions about Longueval a sea of mud more than two miles wide. The duckboard tracks across this waste rapidly deteriorated from hostile shelling and the disintegrating action of mud and water, and required continual and arduous manual labour to maintain. No wheeled stretchers could negotiate the mud: to carry a stretcher back from the regimental aid post took at least four bearers. The journey from Gueudecourt to Longueval, where the wounded were transferred to a tramway, meant a wearisome carry of some two miles divided into three stages. After their fight at Hilt Trench the Newfoundlanders spent a week in brigade reserve in Switch Trench - which had formerly been part of the German 3rd Position, midway between Delville Wood and Flers. Here they were under periodic shelling by high explosive; and on one occasion many were reduced to enforced tears as the Germans sent over lachrymatory shells. It was miserably cold and wet. A heavy rain on the ipth caused a portion of the trench to cave in. On the same day the Royal Army Medical Corps Officer attached to the Regiment, Lieutenant W. C. E. Bower, was killed by a direct hit on his dug-out. His place was taken a few days later by Lieutenant J. W. Tocher, R.A.M.C. The only break in the monotony of this week came on October 18, when General Rawlinson made another attempt to gain the objectives which the Fourth Army had failed to take six days earlier. This time it was the turn of the 2nd Hampshires and the

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4th Worcester's to carry the 88th Brigade's attack. Advancing in a downpour of rain from the positions gained by the Newfoundlanders north of Gueudecourt on the I2th, the two battalions seized and held Grease Trench. When they attempted to make further gains, however, they suffered heavy casualties, and there was plenty of work for the 250 men whom the Newfoundland Regiment supplied to act as stretcher bearers. Next day the 29th Division came forward to take over a section of the front line, and the 88th Brigade reverted from its ten-day attachment to the 12th Division. On October 20 the Newfoundlanders were withdrawn into divisional reserve, where they were accommodated in Bernafay Wood Camp, about a mile south of Longueval. The weather had turned colder, with frost at night, and for a brief period skies were clear. "Great relief to get back," recorded the Commanding Officer in his diary. Working parties began without loss of time: at daybreak next morning the bulk of the Battalion was out repairing the road from Longueval to Flers. It was not the kind of welcome expected by incoming drafts, two of which, totalling 493 all ranks, arrived within a week of each other. Then, at the end of a week, orders came for a return to the front line. This proved to be only a brief tour of one day. The Newfoundlanders had hardly settled themselves in the trenches (with "A" Company manning the newly-captured Grease Trench) when they were relieved by an Australian battalion, as General de Lisle handed over to the ist Australian Division, and the 29th went into corps reserve. It was the last day of October when a painfully-slow march through the mud, with frequent halts to let pass long lines of vehicles moving up to the front, brought the Newfoundland Regiment, along with the other battalions of the 88th Brigade, to the village of Ville-sur-Ancre - alternatively styled Ville-sousCorbie, but remembered by Newfoundlanders as just plain "Ville." There followed a fairly satisfying two weeks in billets while the Battalion scraped the mud from its uniforms, enjoyed once more what Rupert Brooke had not long before called "the benison of hot water," and for an all too brief interval tried to forget the unpleasant aspects of life in the trenches. There was an inspection by the Divisional Commander, followed by a practice attack put on for his benefit. Battalion training was resumed, for there were two large reinforcement drafts to assimilate. Nor was there any escape from fatigues. An entry in the Brigade war diary on November 7 recorded that one company of the Newfoundland Regiment was sent to Carnoy "for work on the improvement of horse watering places." It was at Ville that Captain Tom Nangle came to the Regiment as Roman Catholic Chaplain. A man of

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boundless enthusiasm, he became popular with all the troops, regardless of denomination, and made an outstanding contribution to the morale of the Battalion. A swarm of young officers also joined the Regiment here - hardly a day seemed to pass without new arrivals from the base at Etaples. No less than eighteen second lieutenants were added to the nominal roll, to bring the Battalion to full strength in officers. These newcomers did not have long to wait for their introduction to trench warfare as officers. The exhausting march to the front line was done in three stages, with overnight stops at the sandpits outside Meaulte (two miles south of Albert), and in the Brickworks on the southern edge of Bernafay Wood. A cold east wind blew steadily on both days, and there was a heavy frost on the night of the i6th, but for a week there had mercifully been no rain. Late on the iyth the Newfoundlanders and the Worcesters took over positions in the line north-east of Lesboeufs, as the 29th Division relieved the 8th Division of the Fourteenth Corps on the extreme right of the entire British front, which here ran almost due south to join the north-south line that the French Sixth Army was holding. On General de Lisle's left was the famous Guards Division, the Newfoundlanders rinding as neighbours the 2nd Coldstream Guards. The first snow of winter fell during the night, turning on the morning of November 18 to a cold, dismal rain. Although none of the Newfoundlanders knew it at the time, the break in the weather meant the end of the 1916 Battles of the Somme. The final British effort, the Battle of the Ancre, terminated on the I9th, as driving rain and sleet made further operations impossible. In this battle General Gough's Fifth Army, though failing to gain the whole of the enemy's strong Beaucourt-Serre defences north of the Ancre, achieved a notable success in capturing Beaumont Hamel and the Y Ravine. The reduction of these field fortresses was accomplished only by practically surrounding them and assaulting from north, south, and west. The final attack began on November 13 during a heavy fog. With the support of a creeping barrage and a few tanks, Beaucourt to the south-east was captured by a brigade of the Naval Division under Commander Bernard C. Freyberg (who later, as Brigadier, was to command the 88th Brigade), ably supported by the ist Honourable Artillery Company, with which the Newfoundland Regiment was brigaded early in 1918 at Equihen, on the Channel Coast. With the occupation of Beaucourt and the fall of Serre to the north, Beaumont Hamel was enfiladed from both flanks. This enabled the famous sist Highland Division with its accustomed dash and daring to seize both the Y Ravine

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and the ruins of Beaumont Hamel, together with a great network of caverns and tunnels. The Highlanders took 1200 prisoners out of the deep underground refuges of the Y Ravine, and with them rich stocks of provisions, which included canned meats, sardines, cigars, and thousands of bottles of beer. In marked contrast, as one historian has pointed out, "the ground over which the advance was made was still littered with the skeletons clad in rags which represented the men who had fallen in the attack of July i." On the Fourth Army's front the only improvement in the situation since the limited gains of October 18 had been the capture of two trenches - Rainy and Dewdrop - in front of Lesboeufs. Early in November General Rawlinson had expressed to Sir Douglas Haig the view of his subordinate commanders that Le Transloy could only be taken by attacks from the south, i.e. from the French front. The Fourth Army had already lost more than 5000 men in fruitless assaults from the west and south-west assaults that were intended to aid French efforts against SaillySaillisel. In a conference attended by General Foch on November 4 the French C.-in-C. agreed that the Fourteenth Corps should do no more than capture the nearest German positions east and north-east of Lesboeufs. But attempts by the Corps during the second week in November to advance its line failed; though by the i ith most of Sailly-Saillisel was in French hands. If the Germans knew that the Battles of the Somme were over, their artillery opposite the Newfoundland Battalion did not show it. Newfoundland Companies holding Summer Trench (a complete misnomer) in the firing line, Dewdrop Trench in support, and Thistle and Windy Trenches in reserve, were heavily shelled every afternoon and evening during their four-day stay. By the time that the Hampshires relieved them early on November 22 they had suffered casualties of five killed and fifteen wounded. The "frequent reliefs" described by Sir Douglas Haig as being essential because of the extreme hardship imposed on the troops by weather and ground were now in effect. During the next two weeks the Newfoundlanders served two more spells, of six and three days, in the front line. The short intervening periods they spent in Bull and Pioneer Trenches, or in divisional reserve either at the Brickworks or farther back in Mansell Camp, just outside Mametz. Major James Forbes-Robertson (soon to be promoted lieutenant-colonel) was now in command, for on November 27 Lieutenant-Colonel Hadow had been invalided home in a badly run-down condition. "I hope he may shortly be passed fit again and rejoin the Regiment," Brigadier Cayley wrote to Governor Davidson, "as it is largely owing to his care and careful training that the extremely efficient state of the Regiment is due." Hadow

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however was to be absent from the Regiment until early in May 1917. There was little excitement in the front-line trenches. A typical day in the Newfoundlanders' final tour is thus described by the Battalion war diary in its entry of December 7: Day Normal. At about 2000 the battalion snipers went out in front and were very active, as also were the rifle grenadiers. The enemy put up a barrage and continued a heavy bombardment for three-quarters of an hour. The snipers remained out during this time and 2/Lt. B. Holloway crawled to within ten yards of an enemy sniper and killed him. 2/Lt. B. Holloway's work as sniping and intelligence officer has been most useful.

When the Regiment was relieved in the front line on December 9, it was the beginning of a month's period in corps reserve for the units of the 29th Division. The Newfoundlanders' trek to the back areas began slowly, with successive overnight stops at the Brickworks, then in a hutted camp two miles to the south-west at Carnoy, and then at the Meaulte Sandpits. It was on one of these marches that, legend has it, a Newfoundland soldier took advantage of his Commanding Officer's good nature to play a practical joke on him. Major Forbes-Robertson came upon Private S. in a shell hole with two packs - one the private's own and the other the C.O.'s. "What's wrong?" inquired Forbes-Robertson. "I'm afraid I can't make it," was the reply. "I'm done in." With characteristic kindness Forbes-Robertson picked up what he took to be his own pack, and tramped with it a distance of several kilometres. Shortly after he had left, the Battalion Intelligence Officer, Lieutenant Holloway, came along. "What's the matter?" he asked. "Done up," said Private S. "And I've got the C.O.'s pack." Generous as he was daring, Holloway immediately shouldered the pack, which was indeed Forbes-Robertson's, to be followed at a discreet distance by a burdenless Private S., hands in pockets and face wreathed in smiles. The reaction of the C.O. when he discovered whose kit he had been transporting is not recorded. Continuing south-westward from Meaulte the Newfoundlanders marched through Ville for a three-day stop in billets at Mericourt-l'Abbe. Here the demand for working parties caught up with them, as some 400 other ranks were sent back to Fricourt and Carnoy for road construction and maintenance duties. A draft of 173 joined the Battalion before it left Mericourt on the I4th this time riding in the familiar box-like railway cars bearing the informative label "Hommes 40, Chevaux 8." After a train journey of some thirty miles they found themselves that evening at Conde,

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a Somme village ten miles north-west of Amiens. Next day they marched southward fourteen miles to Camps-en-Amienois, a quaint little French village which was to be their home for the next four weeks. Camps-en-Amienois had never before seen colonial soldiers, and as the Battalion swung down the poplarlined road the villagers watched with expressions which suggested that they feared the worst. The cheerful smiles of the newcomers soon seemed to reassure them, however, and within a few hours the Newfoundlanders were quite at home, drinking cafe-au-lait in the kitchens of various village homes, while grey-haired dames and gesticulating young mademoiselles hovered around in feverish hospitality. The Third Christmas Overseas There was now an opportunity for leave for those members of the Regiment who had been six months or more in France. Leave in London! How the troops looked forward to it, and with what colourful accounts of their exploits did they regale their less fortunate comrades on their return! For the majority the procedure followed a fairly well-established pattern. On leaving the boat train at Victoria Station the Newfoundlander would head for the conveniently-located Pay and Record Office at 58 Victoria Street. Here he would draw a fairly generous advance in pay and pick up any mail that had not followed him to France. The next business was to acquire suitable leave apparel, for the average Newfoundlander seemed to be extremely self-conscious about his appearance in the none too well fitting "issue" uniforms. Across the road from the Pay Office was a tailoring establishment, which for ten pounds would furnish a really "posh" uniform, with snugly fitting trousers and with tunics equipped with big "patch" pockets, just like an officer's. From there it was only a few minutes' walk down Vauxhall Bridge Road to Regency Street, where he could put up at a very nominal rate at Peel House - more correctly styled "King George and Queen Mary's Club for Overseas Forces." If it was the first time in London there would be the usual round of sightseeing - the Houses of Parliament, Westminster Abbey, the Regent's Park Zoo ("much better than the zoos at Edinburgh, Glasgow or Cairo," stated one well-travelled Newfoundlander), Madame Tussaud's, and the Tower of London. "It reminds me somewhat of Edinburgh Castle," wrote the same connoisseur, "only there have been many more murders, tragedies, and

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H.R.H. Princess Henry of Battenberg presents a silk Union Jack to the Newfoundland Regiment from the women and children of the British Isles. Receiving the flag is Major A. E. Bernard.

executions in the Tower, of course." At night there were visits to the theatre, followed perhaps by a bang-up supper with a group of fellow Newfoundlanders on leave. Musical comedies rated high in popularity, and many a Newfoundlander carried back to France with him the haunting melodies of "Love will Find a Way," from The Maid of the Mountains, or "If you were the Only Girl in the World," from The Bing Boys are Here. Before recrossing the Channel the Newfoundlander would probably find time for a visit to Wandsworth Hospital, to spend a few moments with some wounded comrade and bring him up to date on regimental news. For members of the Regiment who were convalescent or on leave in London, November, 1916, had brought two events of

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particular interest. On the 9th some thirty wounded from the various hospitals were the guests of the Lord Mayor at the Mansion House, where from a reserved pavement in front of the famous old building they had an excellent view of the annual Lord Mayor's Show. Taking part in this historic pageant along with representative groups of the Imperial services were detachments of overseas forces; and the honour of leading these colonial troops in the procession was given by right of seniority to those from the oldest Colony - the Band and a detachment of the Newfoundland Regiment. Nearly all were veterans of Gallipoli or the Somme, bearing on their sleeve the distinguishing red triangle of the 29th Division. The smartly marching Newfoundlanders, and their Band under Bandmaster Worthington, drew hearty applause from the many thousands of Londoners lining the route. As they passed the Law Courts, where the Lord Mayor took the salute, the Band struck up "The Banks of Newfoundland," playing it again in front of the Mansion House, to the huge delight of the Newfoundlanders there. On the following day an imposing ceremony took place at Chelsea Hospital, when Her Royal Highness Princess Henry of Battenberg, on behalf of the League of the Empire, presented to the Newfoundland Regiment a silk Union Jack and a silver shield, the gift of the women and children of the British Isles. Her Royal Highness first inspected a detachment from the Regiment, which with the Band numbered about 100 all ranks. The chairman for the occasion, Mr. Arthur Steel-Maitland, spoke of the Regiment's fine record with the 29th Division, and after the Chaplain of the Royal Chelsea Hospital had consecrated the colours, Princess Henry was asked to make the presentation. The Colour Party advanced to the piled drums and received the Union Jack from Her Royal Highness. She then handed Lieutenant-Colonel Whitaker the silver shield, which bore the following inscription: To the soldiers of Newfoundland who have fought in the cause of the Empire during the Great War. Gallipoli. The Somme. From the women and children of the British Isles in high admiration of their valour and devotion. Under the auspices of the League of the Empire.

A short band concert followed, after which the troops and the band, together with about 100 wounded who were present, were entertained to tea by the League of the Empire in the large hall of the Hospital. As the year drew to a close, at Camps-en-Amienois the ist Battalion was busy training every day. The return to routine was

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a welcome change from the long and irregular hours in the mud of the trenches. Yet the training, even for the veterans of the Regiment, was no monotonous repetition of drills long since mastered. Gueudecourt had introduced new lessons to be learned - notably how infantry should advance behind an artillery barrage. This particular tactic was given special attentions and when, under the appraising eye of Brigadier-General Cayley the Battalion carried out a practice attack with a barrage, its performance earned the Brigade Commander's commendation. The Newfoundlanders' stay in the rear allowed accumulated shipments of mail to catch up with them. Besides the individual parcels and letters that came from relatives and friends, welcome shipments of socks and of comforts of various kinds continued to reach the Regiment from the Women's Patriotic Association and other organizations in Newfoundland and the United Kingdom. "It is most generous of the Newfoundland people to be so liberal in their gifts," wrote Colonel Hadow to the War Contingent Association just before he went to hospital, "and I should be glad if you would convey to your Committee my sincere thanks on behalf of the Regiment for their generosity and kindness." One most acceptable gift which arrived about this time was a shipment of dried codfish and ship's biscuit. Back in St. John's the Patriotic Association of Newfoundland had started a "Fish and Brewis" Fund, and had raised more than $2000 to purchase and send overseas stocks of these items of diet, which when soaked in water and boiled together furnished a dish "for which all Newfoundlanders yearn when away from home." Only one ingredient was missing. The shipment did not include the fat pork, which when fried into "scruncheons" added the crowning touch to the fish and brewis. The Battalion's cooks substituted with bacon, and produced a treat which evoked from every true Newfoundlander expressions of the deepest satisfaction - and it is recorded, from an uninitiated Essex officer the puzzled query: "What the hell is that?" As soon as it seemed certain that the Battalion would be out of the line for Christmas, arrangements were put in hand for giving the festival its due observance. Major A. E. Bernard, who had recently rejoined the Battalion as second-in-command, rode into a town some distance away and purchased a large number of turkeys; and Padre Nangle undertook the management of a joint officers' dinner in the Battalion Headquarters Mess. Christmas Day dawned crisp and cool under a cloudy sky. During the morning khaki-clad worshippers gathered with the local peasantry in the old village church to hear the ageless story of the first Noel. The.blue uniforms of several French poilus, home

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on leave, added a tinge of colour to the impressive scene. At halfpast twelve came the call to dinner, and the men lined up before the broken-down houses that contained the "cookers." Each soldier drew a generous ration of oranges, chocolates, and cake, and real English ale. Then to the billets, where officers served their companies with good-sized helpings of turkey and vegetables. It was indeed a cheery scene, in which the spirit of Christmas predominated. Never before could these well-kept barns, with their carpet of straw, have held such a merry throng. And the noise of the hearty laughter and the buzz of conversation was as nothing compared to the burst of applause which greeted the arrival of the Christmas mail - a happy finale to an excellent meal. The dinner for the officers came that evening. As they began to gather at the fine old chateau which served as Headquarters Mess, they were greeted by a warm blaze of light coming through the tall narrow windows. In the big open grate of the long, oakpanelled room a huge fire roared, and candles in profusion burned everywhere. The light flashed upon cut glass and silver, produced from some secret hiding place in this ancient French home; while from a corner table came the music of catchy popular ditties played on the Adjutant's gramophone. "The menu showed excellent taste," wrote one who was there, "and a variety of dishes that was truly remarkable for active service." The environment was delightful; all military formalities were dropped for the occasion, the Colonel exchanged jests with the youngest subaltern, and the Padres became "bhoys" in the real sense of the word. Noel had struck the right note, and the snow-white streets of St. John's and the joy bells with their merry peal did not seem so far away! The toast of "The King" was loyally honoured, and seldom had it been drunk with greater dignity or deeper feeling. The impromptu speeches that accompanied the port showed a great depth of thought, and a stern realization of the duties of the Regiment, and they brought out a surprising array of eloquence and humour. At midnight the National Anthem concluded proceedings, and the happy gathering left to take up the duties of the morrow. Overhead a clear, cold moon bathed the village roads with a pale blue light, and the thought crossed our mind that just such a heavenly orb rode in the sky over the homes of our dear ones many hundreds of miles away; and we knew that the Yuletide wish that we sent across the divide from our inmost souls had found a responsive chord in every loved one in that rock-bound coast!

Thus did the Newfoundlanders, far removed from their homes, keep the greatest of all home festivals.

CHAPTER X

Sailly-Saillisel and Monchy Came February, and its icy spell Found us entrenched at Saillisel. . . Then Arras3 front became next stage In trail of Caribou for wage Of major combat with the foe.

The Kaiser's Birthday The year 1917 opened with the Allies determined to take the initiative on the Western Front and to be ready, from the first fortnight in February, to launch general offensives "with all the means at their disposal." While the winter lasted, fighting would be continued "in such measure as the climatic conditions of each front render possible." Both these decisions, which had been reached at a Conference of Commanders-in-Chief of the Allied Armies held at Chantilly in mid-November, were, as will be seen in this and succeeding chapters, to be reflected in the activities of the Newfoundland Regiment during this crucial year of the war. On January 11 the Battalion bid Camps-en-Amienois au revoirit was to be for eleven weeks. The much-needed rest had done all hands a world of good. The Newfoundlanders' period of training had brought results described by the Commander of the 88th Brigade as "most remarkable." In a letter to Sir Walter Davidson Brigadier Cayley complimented the Newfoundlanders on their keenness. "I can say with truth," he averred, "that they compare favourably with any regiment in the Army. Not less gratifying is the state of discipline and orderliness of the Regiment. It could liardly be surpassed." The Battalion took train to Corbie, from where, after a week's stay in billets, it began its march over icy roads to the front line, staying on successive nights at Meaulte, Carnoy, and Guillemont (2000 yards south-east of Longueval). During December the Fourth Army had taken over five miles of line from the French Sixth Army, and the Fourteenth Corps' front now included Sailly-

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Saillisel, the firing line actually dividing the western Sailly portion from the larger Saillisel part of the hyphenated village. The 29th Division's responsibilities extended from 1000 yards north of Sailly to 1000 yards north-east of Lesboeufs; and on January 19 the Newfoundlanders found themselves holding a series of eighteen posts - there was no continuous trench line - about a mile east of Lesboeufs, astride the road running south from Le Transloy to Combles. On the 24th they side-stepped a few hundred yards to the north-west, taking over the left half of the Syth Brigade's sector, as that formation prepared to mount a surprise attack for which it had assiduously rehearsed back in corps reserve. The operation would be one of three secondary attacks planned by General Rawlinson in keeping with Haig's orders "to induce the enemy to believe that the Battle of the Somme is recommencing." Whether by accident or design, the day chosen for the 8yth Brigade's operation was January 27, the birthday of Kaiser Wilhelm. At 5.30 a.m. a tremendous bombardment by the artillery of five divisions - there was a gun for every ten yards of trench to be stormed - opened the attack. Advancing behind the barrage the two assaulting battalions (the ist Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers and the ist Border Regiment) successfully gained and consolidated their objectives — 1000 yards of the German first and second line of trenches. The 87th had shown that they could follow the good example set by the 88th Brigade at Gueudecourt. "The total haul of prisoners was 368," records the British Official History, " . . . an exceptional number to fall to an attack by two battalions and with shallow objectives." Even more exceptional was the fact that credit for 72 of this total must be given, not to the Inniskillings and the Border Regiment, but to an individual soldier of the Newfoundland Regiment. In its supporting role for the 87th Brigade's operation the Newfoundland Battalion augmented the opening bombardment with a ten-minute hurricane of fire from its trench mortars directed against the enemy's right. The Battalion assigned "C" Company the task of helping to bring in the wounded and carrying forward the materials needed to consolidate the newly-won ground. While doing this the Newfoundlanders suffered several casualties, which, combined with losses from enemy shelling that evening, included seven killed. Besides the Newfoundlanders engaged in these assigned duties, there were a number who are said to have tired of playing the role of spectators and to have gone over the top unofficially in their eagerness to get into the action. As SergeantMajor of "C" Company, C.S.M. Cyril Gardner may be presumed to have been legally out in No Man's Land keeping an eye on his

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men as they picked up the wounded. Be that as it may, he was by himself and unarmed when he came upon a trench containing a whole company of the enemy, whom the troops of the Border Regiment had bypassed in their advance. Gardner called on them to surrender. One man quickly put up his hands, and relieving him of his revolver Gardner shouted to the others: "Tres bon. You're late. Everybody else has kameraded." They understood his gestures, if not his words, and soon Gardner had secured the submission of the entire company. While marching his seventytwo prisoners back to his own lines the intrepid Newfoundlander was challenged by a British officer, who would have fired on the Germans, had not Gardner stopped him. Among the captives was a German officer, who, realizing that Gardner had probably saved his life, and impressed by the cool daring of the Newfoundlander, removed the Iron Cross from his own breast and pinned it upon his captor's. Not often in the history of war has a soldier, in recognition of the heroic performance of his duty, received at the hands of a foe the highest military decoration which that enemy's army could bestow. By his own country C.S.M. Gardner was awarded a Bar to the Distinguished Conduct Medal which he had won at Gueudecourt. Another Newfoundland hero that day was the Battalion's Intelligence Officer, Lieutenant Bert Holloway. With a few men he made his way across No Man's Land immediately after the bombardment and established contact between the Border Regiment's left and the Newfoundland right. His strictly unofficial reconnaissance is reported to have taken him more than a mile behind the German front line, in the course of which he was able to bring back to Brigade Headquarters much useful intelligence as well as six captured Germans. His work on this occasion earned Holloway a mention in Haig's Despatch of April 9, 1917. Having made their contribution to the Kaiser's birthday party, the Newfoundlanders did not remain much longer in the unenchanting environment of Lesboeufs. On February 2 they handed over their position (they had exchanged Summer Trench for a group more appropriately named Autumn, Winter, Thunder, and Frost Trenches) to a battalion of the 8yth Brigade and trudged the weary nine miles over slippery duckboard and rutted track along the painfully familiar route past Guillemont, Trones and Bernafay Woods, and Montauban to the camp at Carnoy. There they stayed for five days, grateful in the frosty weather for the shelter of bell tent and Nissen hut. Then, on the 6th, the Battalion was loaded into buses and transported about twenty-five miles back to Coisy, a small village four miles north of Amiens. "Nothing of military importance." Thus the Battalion war

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diary summarized the period February 6-18. It was the normal routine for a stay in billets in the rear area. The Battalion trained every day. There was running and rapid marching in the early morning - "the weather," adds the war diary, apparently in explanation of this activity, "being very cold and fuel very scarce." It was indeed cold enough to freeze the village duck-pond; and on its frozen surface one afternoon two teams led by Bert Tait and Padre Nangle played a hockey game which left the large gallery of village spectators amazed at this new evidence of the Newfoundlanders' versatility. As a change from road repair, working parties supplied by the Battalion found themselves cutting wood at nearby Allonville and at Heilly, on the banks of the Ancre above Corbie. Major Bernard earned the gratitude of all by acquiring for the Regiment a mobile bath unit in Paris. From now on the Newfoundlanders would not have to wait their turn for divisional bathing parades. Holding at Sailly-Saillisel Then it was time to return to the line. On February 13 Field-Marshal Haig (whose promotion had been made by King George V "as a New Year's gift from myself and the country") had taken over more of the French front. The Fourth Army's right boundary was now seven miles south of the Somme, and with the shift to the right General de Lisle's new divisional front centred on Sailly-Saillisel. Plans to transport the Newfoundland Regiment by lorry as far forward as Guillemont were abandoned when the frost which had been holding the ground iron hard for more than a month ended in a thaw and heavy rain on February 17, and all the 29th Division's movement orders had to be rewritten. For the Newfoundlanders it meant spreading a march of more than twenty-five miles over four days. Their journey took them by way of Meaulte and Carnoy to Bouleaux Wood - between Guillemont and Combles. On the 23rd they relieved the Lancashire Fusiliers in the firing line just north of Sailly-Saillisel. The tour lasted only three days, during most of which time the enemy's artillery was unpleasantly active, both with high explosive and gas shells. When the Battalion was withdrawn to Hardecourt (4000 yards south-east of Combles) on the night of the 25th, it had suffered casualties of four killed, nine wounded, and three gassed. There was time only for a visit to the regimental bath and a vigorous application of whale oil as preventive treatment against trench feet before the Newfoundlanders once more went forward

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to the front-line trenches. The Battalion found itself temporarily attached as a reserve to the 86th Brigade, which had been slated to carry out one of three minor operations assigned by General Rawlinson to his three Corps in the line. The task given the Fourteenth Corps was to straighten the front line east of SaillySaillisel in order to gain better observation of the enemy-held valleys to the east and north - though all three projects had as their chief motive Sir Douglas Haig's desire to keep the front active and dispel any German ideas that the Somme offensive had come to an end. The 86th Brigade's attack went in early on the last day of February with solid artillery support. After a desperate struggle the assaulting battalions gained and consolidated their first objective - Potsdam Trench, about 150 yards east of their own front line. They were less fortunate in efforts to secure Palz Trench, the final objective. A spirited resistance by the defenders, followed by a series of sharp counter-attacks, compelled a partial withdrawal, and left the 2nd Royal Fusiliers, the 1st Royal Dublin Fusiliers, and the ist Lancashire Fusiliers holding only a 25O-yard section of the trench, which they successfully sealed off by welldefended blocks at either end. Persistent German counter-attacks on March i were beaten off, and shortly after midnight the Newfoundland Regiment was called on to take over the newly-won trenches. It was very dark and raining heavily as the Newfoundlanders, strung out in single file, followed their guide up to the front line. There was much slipping off the narrow duckboards and floundering in the mud, which in places was waist deep; and frequent halts were necessary to extricate men who had fallen into the quagmire. Entering Cane Alley the leading Company eventually reached Cheese Trench, the old firing line from which the 86th Brigade had made its advance. So sudden had been the order for the Newfoundlanders to move diat none of the Company Commanders had any clear knowledge of the positions which they were to occupy, and there was a complete lack of maps showing the recently-captured trenches. Lieutenant-Colonel ForbesRobertson established Battalion Headquarters just behind Cheese Trench near what had been the centre of the long strung-out village, now reduced to heaps of brickdust and rubble. Here the C.O. made his dispositions. He placed "B" Company in the foremost position, holding the blocked off section of Palz Trench. "C" and "D" Companies were assigned to Potsdam Trench; and "A" Company took over the old firing line and a communication trench, which from a point in Cheese near Battalion Headquarters led forward to Potsdam and Palz Trenches.

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It was fortunate that March 2 was relatively free from enemy interference, and the Newfoundlanders had time to complete what defensive arrangements they were able to make. A T-head sap was cut into No Man's Land twenty yards from the left block in Palz Trench to make it possible to shoot up Planet Trench, the German-held northerly extension of Palz; and another near the head of the communication trench, to shoot over the block on the right. One of the Battalion's Stokes mortars was placed at the left end of Cheese Trench to cover the left of Palz Trench and to fire on a block with which the Germans themselves had sealed off Planet Trench. Captain Butler established bombing posts at each of the blocks in Palz and stationed a detachment of "B" Company with a Lewis gun to form a strong point at the northern sap. The night of March 2/3 brought several unsuccessful attempts by small enemy parties to bomb their way into Palz Trench. The Newfoundlanders suffered some casualties from grenade splinters, none of them serious. Then, shortly after daybreak on the 3rd, the German artillery began heavily bombarding the Newfoundland positions. One of the first shells struck Lieutenant Sam Manuel, who was on his way in to report on an all-night patrol in No Man's

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Land. He was mortally wounded at the entrance to the dug-out which housed "B" Company Headquarters. The bombardment lasted an hour, after which, under cover of the morning mist, the Germans began bombing inward from both ends of Palz Trench. Their egg bombs were lighter than the British Mills bombs, and the attackers were able to out-throw the bombing section defending the block at the north end of Palz Trench. Gradually the Newfoundlanders were forced back. The twenty men at the strongpoint in the sap held firm however. With fire from Lewis gun and rifle they wiped out a small party of Germans attacking their front, and they were able to give some help to their comrades on their left. The sergeant in charge, Tom Hussey, a Blue Puttee from St. John's, was confident that the post could be held. "We can die here, if we have to," he told Captain Butler. And hold it they did. It was not Hussey's day to die - that came six weeks later, at Monchy. On the right flank the Newfoundlanders had to face a more dangerous threat, as two groups, each of about fifty Germans, appeared out of the mist, advancing in extended order on either side of Palz Trench. At the moment of attack an enemy shell pitched just inside the right block, killing two of the bombing group there and putting out of action the Lewis gun that was supporting them. The situation looked serious, as the enemy bombers pushed their way along Palz almost to the head of the communication trench, where a second machine-gun was out of commission, its mechanism clogged with mud thrown up by German bombs. On the western, or near side of Palz, enemy skirmishers reached an old trench paralleling and about fifty yards to the right of the Potsdam-Palz communication trench; while out in front the attackers had occupied shell holes to the east of Palz Trench. Fortunately the fire from Lewis guns in Potsdam and Cheese Trenches was holding the enemy skirmishers close to ground, and a steady stream of bombs was coming forward to the hard-pressed "B" Company. One S.O.S. message had got through to Battalion Headquarters before German shelling cut line communications, and just when matters looked most desperate, British guns began a barrage which isolated the battle area and kept German reinforcements from coming forward. It was then that Lieutenant Gerald Byrne, having got a few bombers together, seized a pail of grenades and led a determined attack southward along Palz Trench, shouting defiantly: "No Newfoundlander gives way to a Boche." With the help of machine-gun and rifle fire from the communication trench Byrne's little band drove the enemy back. Passing the original right-hand block they pressed on for nearly 100 yards more. Then they

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consolidated their gains, constructing a new block some 40 yards in advance of the old one. Meanwhile rifle grenadiers drove out with their fire the Germans who had occupied the old trench and the shell holes in front of Palz; and as these retreated eastward over the open ground, they made good targets for the Newfoundlanders' Lewis gunners. For his fine exploit Byrne was awarded the Military Cross. Two other Newfoundlanders won awards for great gallantry that day. Private John Lewis, of St. John's, received the Military Medal for voluntarily carrying supplies of bombs forward through the German barrage. Lance-Corporal Martin Picco, Port au Port, though wounded early in the morning and suffering from a severe case of trench feet, continued bombing throughout the whole action; and later when the Newfoundlanders had consolidated their holdings, he remained in charge of the advanced position until relieved during the night. His heroic endurance brought him the Distinguished Conduct Medal. Late on the 3rd the Newfoundlanders were relieved by the Lancashire Fusiliers. Once again there had been the inevitable casualties. The Battalion's losses from February 26 to March 3 numbered 27 killed and 44 wounded. Among the fallen were three young officers who had been with the Regiment since its formation - Lieutenants Manuel, Charles Edgar, and James Thomson. The highest reputation that an artillery battery can achieve is not to lose a gun to the enemy; for an infantry unit it is never to lose a trench. By its gallant and determined fighting at SaillySaillisel the Newfoundland Regiment, when thrown without warning into a difficult situation for which it was not properly prepared, had kept its good record intact.

St. Patrick's Day, 1917 Meaulte, to which the Newfoundlanders came on March 5 for a two weeks' stay in divisional reserve, was a tiny village between Ville-sous-Corbie and Albert. Its main street formed part of the principal traffic artery to the Fourth Army's front, and during the Battles of the Somme upwards of three million soldiers are said to have passed through the village. It was here that the Regimental Band arrived from Ayr on its initial visit to the ist Battalion. The bandsmen drove into Meaulte in an old lorry about seven-thirty in the morning, with no one expecting them. The troops, who had come down from the trenches only the night before after a particularly arduous time in the line, were fast asleep in their billets. In an attempt to attract

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the attention of the sleeping soldiers the Band drove slowly along the street playing various military airs - but with no result. Then Bandmaster Worthington called for "The Banks of Newfoundland." The effect was instantaneous. From all quarters Newfoundlanders burst into the street, dragging on their clothes as they came. The bandsmen were promptly surrounded and carried off, willing captives, to breakfast. "The Banks of Newfoundland," arranged as a stirring march by Bandmaster Worthington and adopted as the official Regimental March, had a history going back nearly 100 years. The original version had been composed as a dance tune by Sir Francis Forbes, Chief Justice of Newfoundland from 1816 to 1822, and one of the most popular toastmasters of his time. Legend has it that Forbes wrote the music aboard a ship that was becalmed in the fog on the Grand Banks, and it was first performed publicly when played by an Irish piper at a dinner of the Benevolent Irish Society held on St. Patrick's Day, 1820. During the First World War the stirring tune was to lighten the step of thousands of marching Newfoundlanders and cheer the heart of many a wounded or convalescent soldier in hospital or nursing home; and in the years that followed, "The Banks of Newfoundland" came to serve as a lasting memorial to the famous Regiment whose troops rallied to its historic and stimulating strains. The Band stayed with the ist Battalion for nearly three weeks. Besides playing for the daily parades and for church parades on Sundays it visited casualty clearing stations and hospitals in the area, bringing moments of cheer to the sick and wounded of all units. Undoubtedly its most warmly-acclaimed performance was the concert it gave in the Y.M.C.A. Hut at Meaulte on the evening of St. Patrick's Day. That Saturday had been a busy day, considerably busier than that relaxed March 17 in St. John's in 1781 (it also fell on a Saturday), when all drill had been cancelled and the chief excitement was the lighting of the bonfire at which the C.O. and his officers had graciously drunk "the health of the Day and success to the Newfoundland Regiment" (above, page 21). The Prime Minister of Newfoundland, Sir Edward Morris, was paying another visit to the Regiment, and he was accompanied by Sir Edgar Bowring, the High Commissioner. For the edification of the distinguished guests, including the Divisional Commander, Major-General de Lisle, squads from the Battalion demonstrated signalling, musketry, bayonet fighting, bombing, and firing Lewis guns and rifle grenades. There was a full-scale Battalion parade followed by a march past. Each of the three guests delivered what the war diary styled "congratulatory addresses," and the Prime Minister presented their medal ribbons to a number of Newfound-

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landers who had won awards for bravery. Afterwards the visitors inspected the men's billets. The conceit that evening was a memorable one. Every number played by the band was vociferously applauded. The highlight of the proceedings came when Sir Edward was solemnly presented with the "Freedom of the City of Meaulte." Rising splendidly to the occasion, the Prime Minister acknowledged the honour in a racy speech rich in imagery and anecdote. Famed as an orator. Sir Edward was at the top of his form that night. His humorous sallies had his audience in gales of laughter, his vivid reminiscences of the old Colony brought the South Side Hills very near, and his recall of well-remembered scenes and incidents of city and outport temporarily drove from the minds of his hearers all thoughts of the hardships and miseries of war. The mood of the audience was at the right pitch when Private Esau Penny, the Regimental cook, stepped up to sing, to the tune of "Clementine," his immortal ballad - "Number 9." No one ever seems to have known exactly how many stanzas there were to this epic (though somebody is said to have counted twenty-two on this occasion). Esau had first introduced the song in Gallipoli, and the number of quatrains grew as the war progressed and his fertile mind found new incidents to perpetuate in his deathless verse. One of the more recent additions had been When the Germans came to Verdun, Found a train upon the line, How they swore when they discovered Forty trucks of Number 9.

But nothing could surpass in popularity such classical assertions as All the Officers get port and brandy, But the Privates, Number 9.

Eventually came the concluding lines . . . On my headstone write this line: "Esau Penny, First New-/OMnd-land, Mortally wounded by Number 9."

In response to the insistent clamour for an encore Esau obliged with a rousing old-time "Come all ye" (a popular type of Newfoundland folk song taking its name from the title of the well known "Come all ye Jolly Fisherman"). His choice was "The Boy from Labrador," and it brought the Regiment's observance of St. Patrick's Day to a merry and successful conclusion. All in all it was a happy and profitable fortnight that the ist Battalion spent at Meaulte. No one knew better than LieutenantColonel Forbes-Robertson the value of keeping men busy at

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purposeful occupations. An optimistic note in the war diary as to the possible future trend in operations recorded the start of "training for open warfare." Yet there was no abandoning the basic techniques of trench fighting. A typical day began with half an hour's drill before breakfast, ten minutes each being devoted to bombingj bayonet fighting, and musketry. The morning produced a "strong as possible" parade by one company for the Commanding Officer, while the remainder went on a route-march, during the course of which they would practise various attack formations. In the afternoon came specialist classes, and ForbesRobertson gave a lecture "on the ground" to all officers on Advance Guards. After supper came another C.O.'s lecture on Scouting (or it might be Outposts, Siting Trenches, or Map Reading). There was a blessed respite from large-scale fatigues no heavier demand than for a daily party of one N.C.O. and twelve men to perform road-clearing duties under the Town Major. On March 19 the Battalion returned to its old billets in Campsen-Amienois, and here the emphasis was all on training for a more mobile type of operations, as all three Brigades of the 29th Division engaged in large-scale open-warfare schemes. Surprising news had come that on March 14 the Germans had begun falling back on a front extending from Arras to the Aisne. Measured in a straight line the span of this withdrawal was 65 miles across, but following the curve of the two great salients held by the enemy (south of the Somme and from Sailly-Saillisel to Arras) the length of front which he was pulling back came to I to miles. The retirement ended at a new double defence line of great strength, construction of which had been carried out during the winter without attracting much Allied attention. The new position hinged on the existing front near Arras and ran southward in front of St. Quentin, to rejoin the old line at a point on the Aisne five miles east of Soissons. The enemy called it the Siegfried-Stellung, but to the British it became known as the Hindenburg Line. While the withdrawal meant giving up a considerable amount of territory - the maximum length of the retreat was 30 miles - it enabled Ludendorff to shorten his line by 25 miles and thereby save thirteen divisions for employment elsewhere, and it gave his armies a respite from the heavy attrition inflicted on them by perpetual artillery bombardment and frequent infantry attacks. Four Allied Armies found themselves out of contact - from north to south the British Third Army's right flank about Arras, the Fifth and Fourth Armies to across the Somme, and the left wing of the French between Roye and the Aisne. During the latter half of March the Fourth and Fifth Armies slowly followed up the

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German retreat. Rapid progress was impossible, for as the enemy retired he systematically destroyed communications and laid waste every village and farmstead, making a desert of the zone between his former holding and the Siegfried-Stellung. The only fighting occurred in driving in the German rearguards from the outposts in front of the new position. But with all this the Newfoundlanders had no immediate concern. The 29th Division had been cast in a new role, and when the time came for it to return to battle it would be to join the Third Army in the great British offensive astride the Scarpe which introduced the major blows that the Allies were to deliver in 1917 on the Western Front. The Battles of Arras Begin When in the previous November Joffre and Haig had met at Chantilly, they had reached a decision to launch simultaneous major French and British offensives between Lens (ten miles north of Arras) and the Oise. These would be followed by a secondary French offensive northward from the Aisne. The whole project was, in effect, a continuation of the Battle of the Somme on a wider front. Before 1916 ended, however, these plans had undergone a radical change, as French political pressure supplanted General Joffre by General Robert Nivelle, who had commanded the French Second Army with conspicuous success at Verdun. Nivelle immediately produced a new scheme which raised the planned Aisne operation into the principal effort, making it a massive breakthrough involving the employment of a striking force of three armies totalling twenty-seven divisions. The British and French offensives farther north were to be only preliminary operations, designed to pin down the maximum number of Germans; and to free a number of French divisions for Nivelle's big push Haig would be required to extend his front still farther southward. On the invitation of Prime Minister David Lloyd George (who never felt himself under any great obligation to side with Haig) Nivelle went to London in mid-January and gained the British War Committee's approval of his scheme. Haig was instructed to release French troops as far as the AmiensRoye road by March i. Haig's northern offensive about Arras would be made by General Sir Edmund Allenby's Third Army, and on its left General Sir Henry Home's First Army. There would be less help than originally planned from the Fifth and Fourth Armies to the south; for the German withdrawal had left the former confronted

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by a devastated terrain across which the necessary communications, with stone and labour lacking, could not be constructed in time for the offensive; and the latter, faced with the same problem, had also now to extend its right in carrying out the relief of the French. The wide trough of the River Scarpe flowing eastward from Arras split the fourteen-mile battle front of the First and Third Armies. To the north rose the great barrier of Vimy Ridge, keystone of the defences linking the new Hindenburg line to the main German lines leading north to the Flemish Coast. The capture of this formidable bastion, the main task of the First Army, General Home assigned to the Canadian Corps of four divisions. General Allenby's front extended from a point two and a half miles north of the Scarpe to Croiselles, a village eight miles southeast of Arras. The Third Army's role, for which the successful completion of the Vimy operation would form a strong protective flank, was to break through the enemy's defences in this sector, capture the Hindenburg Line by turning its northern flank, and then advance on Cambrai. Allenby pinned his hopes for success on a preliminary hurricane bombardment of forty-eight hours (which Field-Marshal Haig extended to four days) that would pave the way for a swift advance in great strength to achieve a penetration of five miles in the first twelve hours and open the way for extensive exploitation by the cavalry. The ground east of Arras was open, rolling downland, on which rose a number of ridges and knolls. Of these the most prominent in the battle area was a sharply-defined conical hill five miles east-south-east of Arras and about half a mile north of the main Arras-Cambrai road. On the summit, rising 200 feet above the level of the Scarpe stood the village of Monchy-le-Preux, up to this time virtually untouched by the hand of war. Between Monchy and Arras the Germans held three strong lines of trenches which had been unaffected by their retirement farther south. The Third Army attached considerable importance to the commanding height of Monchy, and its capture was made the final first day's objective of the Sixth Corps, attacking in the Army's centre. The attacks of the two British Armies, which preceded General Nivelle's Aisne offensive by one week, were launched in a driving sleetstorm at 5.30 a.m. on Easter Monday, April 9. They initiated the seven-week series of struggles which collectively came to be known as the Battles of Arras, 1917. In the opening stages that part of the Third Army's fighting with which we shall concern ourselves was designated the First Battle of the Scarpe; the First Army's operations bore the name the Battle of Vimy Ridge. North of the Scarpe the Canadian Corps, commanded by LieutenantGeneral Sir Julian Byng (a future Governor-General of Canada),

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achieved a brilliant victory. By nightfall two-thirds of Vimy Ridge had been captured, and by the second night all except the northern tip of the Ridge was in Canadian hands. Progress on the Third Army's front was greatest on the left flank, where by nightfall on the 9th the Seventeenth Corps between the Scarpe and the interarmy boundary had advanced three and a half miles - a progress unequalled in one day since the coming of trench warfare to the Western Front in 1914. But in the centre the Sixth Corps (Lieutenant-General J. A. L. Haldane) had been halted by the enemy's Monchy Riegel, a defence line crossing the front about two miles west of Monchy. Gains were even more limited on the right, where the German withdrawal had brought the Seventh Corps face to face with the northern end of the Hindenburg Line. While it is true that the Third Army had not won all its first-day objectives, and penetration had not been deep enough to justify committing the cavalry, nevertheless a great victory had been won. The ground gained could be measured in miles rather than the customary yards (or inches); and 5600 prisoners had been captured, and more were still coming in. But opposition was stiffening, as the enemy began hurrying forward piecemeal reinforcements from his counter-attack divisions, which the Commander of the German Sixth Army had held in army reserve some fifteen miles to the rear. Despite Allenby's assurance to his troops that they were now "pursuing a defeated enemy," the only significant success during the next three days was the storming of Monchy-le-Preux on April 11 by two hard-fighting battalions of the 37th Division, gallantly assisted by mounted squadrons from two regiments of the 3rd Cavalry Division. The village was taken in the face of a devastating bombardment by the enemy, who turned every available gun on the prominent target. By nightfall Monchy was in ruins, its rubble-filled square piled high with the bodies of dead horses. Towards evening two German counterattacks had been broken up by British artillery fire; and after dark the exhausted troops of the 37th Division and the cavalry were relieved in a blinding snowstorm by units of the i2th Division. It was now apparent to General Allenby that the momentum of the Third Army's offensive had been lost. The enemy had had time to reinforce his fighting line and bring up fresh artillery. Having failed to achieve the hoped-for breakthrough, the Army Commander prepared to mount a more deliberate advance, for which purpose late on the i ith he received authority from G.H.Q. to transfer to his forward corps four divisions from his army reserve. Among these was the 29th Division, which Allenby allotted to the Sixth Corps, General Haldane ordering it to relieve the 12th Division at Monchy. Only that morning the Corps

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Commander had complained to Sir Douglas Haig about his difficulty in getting divisional commanders to go forward and take control of the operations. "They had been accustomed," noted Haig in his diary, "to sit behind trenches and command by the aid of the telegraph. Now their wires in the open soon got broken and they lost communication with their brigades who were advancing and fighting. He (Haldane) had seen all the divisional generals of his corps and he felt things were now moving better." The events of the next three days were to show to what extent the Corps Commander's optimism was justified. For the past two weeks units of the 29th Division had been moving by easy stages towards Arras. The Newfoundland Battalion had left Camps-en-Amienois on March 28, having said goodbye on the previous day to the Regimental Band as it departed for the base. Short marches of from five to ten miles a day across the rolling countryside of Picardy and Artois, with overnight stops at billets in little villages that they were not likely to see again, brought the Newfoundlanders by way of Vignacourt, Beauval, Grenas, Ivergny, and Coullemont - all names not known before and soon to be forgotten - to Gouy-en-Artois, a small town ten miles south-west of Arras. It was evening when they reached Gouy, and one of the first sights that greeted their eyes was that of a long column of Germans who had been captured by the Canadians at Vimy Ridge on the previous day. One Newfoundlander who was there noted the strong feeling "compounded of dislike, toleration, and amusement," with which the members of the Regiment regarded the prisoners of war. With an eye to the possibility of some profitable bartering the Newfoundlanders engaged in conversation with a number of the Germans who could speak English, and gave them bully beef (which was welcomed as a luxury) in exchange for some gold-tipped cigarettes. It was perhaps understandable that in general there were few signs of much animosity on the part of the Newfoundlanders, for at this stage of the war only two soldiers from the Regiment had fallen into enemy hands, and the Germans had not yet begun treating British captives harshly as "Prisoners of Reprisal." The introduction of that iniquitous practice was however only ten days away, and when it came, many of the Newfoundlanders who were so light-heartedly sharing their rations in the streets of Gouy-enArtois would be among its first victims. There was no move on April 11, the Battalion spending the day rehearsing once again how to attack in extended formation. Orders reaching General de Lisle late that night set the whole Division marching towards Arras early next morning. The road was badly congested with military traffic of every kind, and there

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"The old city was under fire for the first time." However, this picture of the Petit Place and the Hotel de Ville was taken in 1918, after Arras had undergone many bombardments.

were frequent halts to allow bodies of cavalry to pass. It was after midday when the 88th Brigade, which was in the lead, reached the outskirts of Arras, and mid-afternoon before the Newfoundlanders found their allotted billets. But there was no settling in, for orders now were to enter the firing line that evening. The old city which had survived many a battle in its long history was under fire for the first time in the present war; and despite orders to evacuate, many civilians were still in their threatened homes and shops, pathetically trying to carry on business as usual while every so often a German shell brought some nearby structure crashing to the ground. As darkness closed in, the Battalion headed down the ruler-straight Cambrai road towards the sound of the guns. After a march of four miles they halted at Les Fosses Farm, whose wrecked buildings lay on the south side of the highway, less than a mile from Monchy. There Lieutenant-Colonel ForbesRobertson set up his Headquarters, while 700 yards farther forward the Regiment relieved two battalions of the I2th Division along a sunken road leading north-east to Monchy from La Bergere Farm on the Cambrai road. Flanking the Newfound-

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landers on the left were the Essex and on the right the Worcesters. Back at Brigade Headquarters General Cayley's staff worked all night getting out operation orders for an attack to be made on the afternoon of the i3th. When these reached the Newfoundland Regiment at n a.m., only three and a half hours before the scheduled starting time of the assault, an urgent message went back pointing out the impossibility of moving forward to the assembly trenches by daylight. Already, however, there had been representations at a much higher level. Late on the previous afternoon General de Lisle had reported to Corps Headquarters the difficulties that had delayed the 29th Division's forward movement. His request for a postponement of operations was granted, and a new zero hour was set for 5.30 a.m. on April 14. Plans for an Advance In the day's fighting to which the Newfoundlanders were soon to be committed the Regiment was to suffer heavy losses. The total of the fatal casualties was to be exceeded only by the number of those who fell at Beaumont Hamel; and one-quarter of the Newfoundland officers and men who went into action that morning were to fall into the enemy's hands as prisoners. In any well-conceived offensive operation it is unusual for the attacking side to sustain serious losses by capture. Possessing the advantage of the initiative, the formation launching the attack will normally so plan its course of action as to ensure reasonable security for its troops. What then went wrong at Monchy-le-Preux? For the answer it is necessary first of all to examine the larger picture of events. By nightfall of April 12 the Third Army's front ran in a fairly straight north and south line except in the centre, where the capture of Monchy had created a pronounced salient projecting about a mile to the east of the rest of the Sixth Corps' positions. An attempt that day by the Seventeenth Corps north of the Scarpe to draw level on the left had failed badly; and on the Army right the Seventh Corps was halted in its tough task of rolling up the end of the Hindenburg Line from the north-west. It was apparent to General Allenby that the Seventeenth Corps was too strongly opposed for it to clear the way for an advance by the Sixth Corps, and his orders for April 13 instructed General Haldane not to count on further help from the north. The Sixth Corps was therefore to form a firm left flank facing the valley of the Scarpe and to advance towards the south-east. The capture of Vis-en-Artois on the Arras-Cambrai road about three miles beyond Monchy,

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with corresponding progress by the Seventh Corps on the right, would, it was hoped, outflank the enemy holding up the Fifth Army farther south. As already noted, the attack was postponed, and at 7.30 p.m. on the 13th telegraphic orders from General Allenby's Headquarters gave the Sixth and Seventh Corps their objectives for next day. In the first phase the two Corps would advance about 2000 yards on either flank and not much more than half that distance in front of the Monchy salient. For the Sixth Corps this would involve the capture of Guemappe, a village across the Cambrai road from Monchy which had already withstood two determined attacks, and Infantry Hill (also called Hill 100 from its elevation in metres), which, rising almost to the height of the Monchy hill, blocked extensive observation eastward from that village. The second set of objectives included on the Sixth Corps' front the buildings of the St. Rohart Factory on the Cambrai road, and two woods about 2000 yards south-east and east of Monchy - the Bois du Vert and the Bois du Sart. If these were attained, the third objective would be the villages of Boiry Notre Dame, beyond the Bois du Sart, and Vis-en-Artois, astride the Cambrai road. While the inter-corps boundary followed this road, it included Guemappe to the Sixth Corps. Until the strong German garrison holding this village had been expelled, it presented a considerable menace to any advance either by the Sixth Corps to the north or the Seventh to the south. During the night of April 13/14 the 8yth Brigade relieved the tired 3rd Division in front of Guemappe. With the 29th Division extended over the front formerly held by both the I2th and 3rd Divisions, General de Lisle was forced to report to Corps Headquarters that after carrying out its relief the 8yth Brigade would not have time to organize its attack upon Guemappe before zero. General Haldane accordingly directed that the 8yth should stand firm and that the village be kept under bombardment while the 88th Brigade made its projected attack upon Infantry Hill. The failure to reduce Guemappe had unfortunate consequences for the Seventh Corps, whose assaulting divisions on the left found themselves caught in heavy enfilade fire from their exposed northern flank. North of the Cambrai road the results for the 88th Brigade were to be even more disastrous. At three o'clock on the morning of the I4th Lieutenant-Colonel Forbes-Robertson, who had moved his Battalion Headquarters to the centre of Monchy, received revised orders from Brigadier Cayley. Shortly before midnight the Worcesters had extended to their left to relieve the Newfoundlanders, who began moving forward in single file to the firing trenches. In the inky darkness the men could only proceed at a snail's pace through the littered

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streets, picking their way among the dead horses which lay in disordered piles covered with a thin mantle of snow. It was two o'clock before the Battalion was in its new positions on the eastern outskirts of Monchy. Empty cigar boxes and broken champagne bottles which littered the floor of many of the dug-outs suggested that their former tenants had not lacked certain amenities of life. The postponement of the attack had given time for the 2nd Hampshire Regiment to dig an Assembly Trench for the 88th Brigade's assaulting battalions. Some 600 yards long, it extended in a north and south line along the eastern edge of the village. In a ditch just behind this jumping-off place Colonel Forbes-Robertson gave his Company Commanders their final briefing at 4.45 a.m. The Brigade's task was to seize the enemy's front line - Shrapnel Trench - and capture Infantry Hill, rooo yards east of Monchy, pushing out detachments that would establish protective strongpoints across the front and along the flanks of die advance. The two-battalion attack was to be carried out by the ist Essex Regiment (on the left) and the Newfoundland Regiment, under a creeping barrage which would commence 200 yards from the enemy's front line and advance in lifts of 100 yards every four minutes. When these battalions advanced, the defence of Monchy would be entrusted to the Worcesters, as support battalion, assisted by one company of the 2nd Hampshire Regiment, which was in reserve at Orange Hill, one mile to the rear.

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The Newfoundland assaulting Companies were "D", commanded by Captain Herbert Rendell, on the left, and "C", under Captain Rex Rowsell on the right. Each would advance in two waves. Keeping direction posed no problem, for clearly visible from the Assembly Trench were the Bois du Vert, the north end of which gave "C" Company a bearing on which to advance, and on the left a small wood on Infantry Hill, which would guide "D" Company to its objective. The officers of each Company knew their tasks quite clearly - the two platoons in the leading wave to capture and consolidate the main objectives, and the two in the second wave to push through and establish the strongpoints. There would be no stopping by the assaulting Companies to mop up - this would be the job of "B" Company, which was in support. While the Battalion's left flank would be covered by the advance of the Essex Regiment, there would be no corresponding external protection on the right, where, as already noted, the 8yth Brigade would not be making any attack. The important responsibility of securing this flank was given to "A" Company (Lieutenant J. G. Bemister). While the Hampshires were digging the Assembly Trench earlier that night, at its southern end "A" Company had prepared a strongpoint, the first of four such platoon posts which it was called on to establish along the Battalion's southern flank. Of these the key point would be in a small copse called Machine Gun Wood, about 500 yards to the right of "C" Company's objective, and some 700 yards in front of the Bois du Vert. The Brigade order made provision for the Newfoundlanders' subsequent advance once the initial objectives were attained. While the barrage stayed on the Bois du Vert, the Regimental snipers and scouts, sixteen of each, advancing on the right of "B" Company under the Battalion Intelligence Officer, Lieutenant Bert Holloway, would get as far forward as possible, and when the artillery fire lifted they would attempt to gain the near side of the wood. If they succeeded, "C" and "D" Companies would each rush a platoon forward to develop strongpoints on the eastern edge of the Bois. The snipers and scouts would again press forward, their progress being observed from "C" Company's original strongpoint on Infantry Hill by the Intelligence Officer, who would, if he deemed it feasible, call on "B" Company to leapfrog further patrols forward. On the 88th Brigade's left the Essex Regiment was charged with similarly sending out patrols to discover whether the enemy was holding three woods on the northern flank - the large Bois du Sart, the Bois des Aubepines, and Keeling Copse - and if he were not, to seize them. "The result of this operation if successful," summed up the Newfoundland

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war diary, "would be a balloon-shaped position blown from Monchy-le-Preux, which was already the apex of a salient."

It is not difficult to appreciate the tactical weakness of such a position; and the failure to postpone the 88th Brigade's attack for another day until the 8yth Brigade was ready must come into serious question. It is true that Infantry Hill provided an excellent observation post, whose early capture was most desirable. But, as the British Official History emphasizes, since the battle was already in its sixth day and all momentum lost, it cannot be supposed that the saving of another twenty-four hours was vital. "Yet rather than wait one day," the History observes, "the little force was to advance 'into the blue,' unsupported on the flanks, against a position which when captured would form a salient, and hold it against possible counter-attack by incalculable numbers." "Into the Blue" The German shelling which has harassed the troops in Monchy for most of the night falls off as dawn of the 14th approaches, and an unusual calm pervades the scene while the Newfoundlanders wait in their jumping-off trench for zero hour. Watches are synchronized as the Colonel makes his final rounds. An officer remarks, "It's a fine morning, sir." "I hope it will be," is the C.O.'s crisp reply. Zero is still thirty minutes away when a party of Germans are seen about 500 yards away moving towards a ruined windmill which stands in No Man's Land beside the road angling southeastward from Monchy to the Cambrai highway. In the half light there appear to be about 100 of them. Some are carrying planks as though for bridging trenches. A rattle of rifle fire from the Newfoundland right (it is at once ordered silenced) disperses them, but two come forward and surrender. Then it is five-thirty, and a lone shell overhead signals the start of the barrage. The leading waves of "C" and "D" Companies mount the parapet and head for their respective woodland objectives. There was general agreement afterwards that the barrage had been deplorably thin - nothing like the solid curtain of fire laid down by the artillery at Gueudecourt. It failed to silence the enemy's machine-guns, which almost immediately opened up across the whole front of the attack. The Newfoundlanders found Shrapnel Trench unoccupied, for the Germans had retired from it when the barrage opened. Within minutes the Germans replied to the British artillery with their own barrage. Monchy was heavily shelled, and as the Newfoundlanders advanced up the long slope of

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Infantry Hill, casualties came rapidly. On the left "D" Company, having overrun a German trench (Dale Trench) near the Battalion boundary, attained its objective on the crest and began digging in. A number of Rendell's men were seen advancing into the little wood beyond, but nothing more was heard of them. "C" Company's leading wave, having lost thirty per cent of its men to the enemy fire, reached its assigned position on the hill, halting for the second wave to pass through. Captain Rowsell sent two Lewis guns to the crest to cover these latter platoons as they dug in on the far side; but although the guns were later heard firing at intervals, neither they nor the infantry of the second wave were seen again. On the southern flank "A" Company captured the Windmill from a small group of Germans, and dropped off a platoon to entrench itself with a Lewis gun about 500 yards to the east. The remainder pushed forward to their objective at Machine Gun Wood. They drove the Germans out of some huts among the trees; but shortly afterwards these caught fire, and the men were last reported digging themselves in. The plan to send scouts and snipers forward failed completely. Most of them became casualties to enemy shelling soon after the attack started, and Lieutenant Holloway was fatally hit when coming back to report that Bois du Vert could not be taken. All this had occurred in the first ninety minutes of the action. At 7.20 a.m. Brigade Headquarters received a telephoned report from the Essex that they had captured their objective and were consolidating. There was no word from the Newfoundland Regiment. Runners returning with messages for Battalion Headquarters and wounded men trying to struggle back were shot down by snipers or machine-gun fire, reported to be coming from the valley to the south - that is, from the direction of Guemappe. Ten minutes after sending their success signal the Essex reported the enemy massing on their left front, in the vicinity of the Bois du Sart. It is appropriate at this point to examine what had been taking place on the enemy's side of No Man's Land. While the German reports of the fighting at Monchy on April 14 tend to exaggerate greatly the strength of the attacking force (they speak of a "general British attack supported by tanks"), their accounts of the defensive tactics which were employed are of great help in illuminating an otherwise obscure picture. The defence of the sector north of the Cambrai road was in the hands of the 3rd Bavarian Division at that stage of the war rated as one of the crack veteran formations of the German Army: On the night of April 11 it had relieved the ryth Reserve Division, badly battered in the opening days of the Arras battle. By the morning of the I4th the Divisional Commander, General von Wenninger, was holding his front from

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north to south with the i8th, 23rd, and iyth Bavarian Regiments. He manned his forward line lightly with only one battalion from each regiment, keeping the remainder in reserve behind the Bois du Sort and at Boiry Notre Dame, and even as far back as the new Wotan-Stellung (called by the Allies the Drocourt-Queant Line), which was under construction five miles east of Monchy. These dispositions were in keeping with the doctrine of the "elastic defence in depth" which General Ludendorff had recently authorized to be adopted by the German Army. Under this principle the defence would no longer depend upon stronglyfortified forward positions in which the infantryman would have to say to himself: "Here I must stand or fall." Under attack the front line would hold firm at some points and yield at others, denying to the assaulting side the advantage of a uniform rate of advance with constant artillery support. The defender would keep the bulk of his forces well back, and the main battle would follow as the Germans launched counter-attacks on ground of their own choice, out of range and view of the attackers' artillery. As may be imagined, so marked an innovation in defensive procedure was to find many critics among veteran commanders; and in the early stages of the Arras battles the Germans relied on the traditional practice of employing a rigid front line of defence. But General Wenninger favoured the new tactics, and the fighting east of Monchy on the I4th represents the first recorded instance of Ludendorff's system of defence being put into practice. The 88th Brigade's attack fell initially on three companies of the 2nd Battalion, 23rd Regiment, in Shrapnel Trench and Arrow Trench farther north, and one company of the iyth Regiment (in the vicinity of the Windmill). Their precipitate withdrawal before the advance of the Newfoundlanders and the Essex was probably more involuntary than premeditated; but evidence of the elasticity of the defence came in the fact that the Newfoundlanders encountered no wire, and only one of their companies crossed a German trench behind the front line - and it was only partly dug. Furthermore, it is worthy of note that only nine German prisoners were taken by the 88th Brigade that day. Apart from the German shelling and the sniping from the southern flank it was along the high ground of Infantry Hill that the attackers ran into their first strong opposition, as they were met head on by the 3rd Battalion, 23rd Regiment, rushed forward from its reserve position behind the Bois du Sart. At the same time the i8th Regiment's left battalion (the 3rd Battalion), assisted by survivors of the 23rd Regiment's 2nd Battalion, moved in from the northern flank to cut off the Essex forward companies and form a barrier between Monchy and Infantry Hill. To complete the closing of the trap,

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the ist Battalion, iyth Regiment, from Boiry swung around the Newfoundlanders' right and joined hands with further surviving companies of the 23rd Regiment. It was now about nine o'clock. Counter-attacked from three sides and with no sign of reinforcements, the survivors of the 88th Brigade's isolated battalions put up a desperate struggle against impossible odds. The forward platoons of the Newfoundlanders' "D" Company were virtually surrounded by an estimated force of 500 Germans coming in from the Bois du Sart and another 200 from the Bois du Vert. They fought on until with the enemy only fifty yards away they were forced to surrender. About ten of them on the right of the line are reported to have made a break for it, but only one man got back to Monchy. It was the same grim story with "C" Company, where little knots held out here and there for a brief space until they were either killed or captured. The survivors of the platoons manning the strongpoints tried to retire, but very few escaped the small-arms fire coming from the southern flank. Farther back "A" Company's platoon at the southern end of the start line temporarily halted with its fire two companies of Germans advancing up the road from the St. Rohart Factory, until an enemy shell knocked out its Lewis gun. The Men who Saved Monchy Back at Battalion Headquarters none of the messages entrusted to company runners had reached Colonel Forbes-Robertson, and his only knowledge of the disaster that had befallen the Regiment came from the confused reports of excited and wounded survivors. Shortly after ten o'clock a wounded man of the Essex Regiment drifted in with word that all his battalion were either killed or captured. Forbes-Robertson at once sent his signalling officer, Lieutenant Kevin Keegan, forward to the Assembly Trench to reconnoitre the situation. Keegan was back in twenty minutes with alarming news. He reported that there was not a single unwounded Newfoundlander east of Monchy-lePreux, and that he had seen some 200 to 300 Germans advancing in extended order less than a quarter of a mile away. It was a time for prompt action. Forbes-Robertson immediately ordered Regimental Sergeant-Major White to fall in the Headquarters staff and to collect every man that he could find. His intention was to hold off the German onslaught until reinforcements could come forward. With the telephone line to Brigade Headquarters broken, he sent Adjutant Raley back to report the critical situation. Then he led his little band, which numbered about a score, down the hill towards the enemy, picking their way

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between the broken houses of Monchy and arming themselves with weapons and ammunition from dead and wounded soldiers as they went. The enemy's guns were still pounding the village, and a number were hit. But the intense shelling was encouraging evidence that the Germans had not yet entered Monchy. At the last big house on the south-east corner of Monchy the Colonel halted his party. Climbing a ladder to a hole torn by a shell high in the wall he made a hasty reconnaissance. He could see the field-grey figures of the enemy tumbling into the jumpingoff trench from which the Newfoundlanders had assaulted that morning. But midway between the trench and his point of observation was a well-banked hedge that seemed to offer a position from which the enemy might be checked. A quick rush across 100 yards of open garden plots, and the hedge was garrisoned. In this final dash, made in full view of the Germans, at least two men were shot down by the enemy's machine-gun or rifle fire. In all, nine reached the protecting bank, which turned out to be the parapet of a short section of disused trench. There were two officers and seven other ranks, one of them a private of the Essex Regiment. In view of what followed it is fitting that their names be recorded here: Lt.-Col. James Forbes-Robertson, Commanding Officer. Lieut. Kevin J. Keegan, Signalling Officer, St. John's. Sgt. J. Ross Waterfield, Provost Sergeant, St. John's. Cpl. Charles Parsons, Signalling Corporal, St. John's. Lance-Cpl. Walter Pitcher, Provost Corporal, Old Bonaventure. Pte. Frederick Curran, Signaller, St. John's. Pte. Japheth Hounsell, Signaller, Wesleyville. Pte. Albert S. Rose, Battalion Runner, Flowers Cove, St. Barbe.

Pte. V. M. Parsons, ist Battalion, Essex Regiment. To this list must be added the name of the Battalion Orderly Room Corporal, Cpl. John H. Hillier, of St. John's, who was temporarily knocked out by a bursting shell during the rush forward, and crawled in from a shell hole some ninety minutes later to join the little group. They at once opened a series of bursts of rapid fire on the enemy, who believing themselves to be opposed by a powerful force, quickly went to ground. It was now 10.50 a.m. For the next four hours these ten resolute men (to quote the British Official History) "represented all that stood directly between the Germans and Monchy, one of the most vital positions on the whole battlefield, and still containing wounded men who had been in the cellars since the nth April." Every bullet fired by the defenders was made to count. With the need to economize ammunition most of the Newfoundlanders' firing was done at close range. They could see large numbers of

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The men who saved Monchy. Back Row (left to right): Cpl. A. S. Rose, Sgt. W. Pitcher, Lt.-Col. J. ForbesRobertson, Lieut. K. J. Keegan, Sgt. C. Parsons, Sgt. J. R. Waterfield. Front: Pte. F. Curran, Cpl. J. H. Hillier, Pte. J. Hounsell. (It will be noted that some of the men had received promotions since the Monchy battle.)

enemy soldiers crossing the forward slopes of Infantry Hill, but they reserved their fire to pin down the Bavarians in the Assembly Trench and Shrapnel Trench and to catch small parties attempting to reinforce them. In the first two hours their bullets accounted for forty Germans, the C.O.'s deadly marksmanship being credited with three-quarters of these. And what was of greater significance, by picking off the scouts sent forward by the Germans to ascertain the strength of the force opposing them, the Newfoundlanders kept the enemy in ignorance of their pitifully weak numbers. From their right the Headquarters party could hear the sound of heavy small-arms fire, which seemed to indicate that the Germans had entered Monchy from the south. The Newfoundlanders were to find out later that an enemy force estimated at several hundred strong had developed an attack from the southeast along the St. Rohart road. From the line which they were holding between Monchy and the Cambrai road the 4th Worcester Regiment called down an effective barrage on the advancing Germans, and with their own added rifle and machine-gun fire halted them before they reached the village outskirts.

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Shortly before two o'clock, when enemy snipers had become less active and only an occasional shell was falling on Monchy, Colonel Forbes-Robertson sent his runner back to Brigade Headquarters with a report on the situation and an urgent request for reinforcements. He asked for artillery fire on Machine Gun Wood, which from the amount of movement in the vicinity appeared to be an enemy headquarters. In the fine camaraderie which linked this gallant handful of officers and men in the face of the common danger it is reported that each in turn grasped the hand of Private Rose before he crawled away on his perilous errand. He succeeded in delivering his message safely, and then, despite orders to the contrary, he again braved enemy bullets and shrapnel to make his way back and rejoin his comrades in their firing line. In response to the call for help Brigadier Cayley ordered up the Hampshires from his reserve. Their foremost platoon reached the houses behind the Newfoundlanders at 2.45 p.m.; and at the same time the Divisional artillery began shelling Machine Gun Wood. "The village appeared safer from capture by the enemy," recorded the Battalion war diary at this stage. Thanks to the heroic efforts of Forbes-Robertson and his men Monchy had indeed been saved. But there was still one more threat to come. German accounts declare that the force which the little band of Newfoundlanders held off in front of the village was reduced to sixty men. It waited for reinforcements, but because telephone wires had been destroyed by shelling it could not make its needs known at the rear. At some time during the morning General von Wenninger decided to mount an attack in strength that afternoon. At half-past four the bombardment of Monchy was suddenly intensified, and observers in the village saw two large bodies of infantry massing in the vicinity of the Bois du Sart and the Bois du Vert. Heavy guns of the Sixth Corps artillery went into action against these assembly areas, and Divisional artilleries brought down an effective barrage in front of the village. The attack did not materialize. The regimental history of one Bavarian unit admits that the British placed "an impenetrable barrage east of Monchy." Other German sources, however, imply that von Wenninger abandoned the attack when told by his artillery commander that only sufficient stocks of ammunition were available to hold off one more big assault, and that because of the state of the roads shells expended now could not be replenished that night. So ended the fighting on April 14. The enemy's achievement had been to recover the ground captured by the Essex and the Newfoundlanders that morning and to cut those two battalions to pieces. But they had thrown away the opportunity to retake Monchy, and the end of the day found the position of the front

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line unchanged. When the British captured Monchy-le-Preux on April 11, they had neglected to take the necessary steps to put the place into a strong defensive state against the counter-attack that must surely have been expected. Instead, the G.O.C. Sixth Corps decided to protect his gains by advancing his line to Infantry Hill and the neighbouring high ground. As we have seen, the gamble had failed. One thing seems certain. Had Monchy fallen to the Germans there is little doubt that they would have reinforced it adequately against subsequent assault by the British. Probably General de Lisle was not greatly exaggerating when he declared to the Newfoundlanders that if Monchy had been lost to the enemy on April 14, 40,000 troops would have been required to retake it. Such is the measure of the achievement of the ten men who saved Monchy. As soon as it was dark the platoon from the Hampshires came forward and relieved the Newfoundlanders. But there was still one more contribution to be made to the day's heroism. Before they withdrew, Lieutenant Kevin Keegan went out with two of his men to bring in five wounded Newfoundlanders who were lying in a portion of the Assembly Trench unoccupied by the Germans. Back at Battalion Headquarters Forbes-Robertson collected another two dozen N.C.O.'s and men who had straggled in from the battle. Behind Monchy they met the Battalion transport coming forward to take back the machine-guns. But there were none to be taken back. Instead they carried back to Arras the remnants of the Regiment to join the ten per cent reserve. At Ronville, a southern suburb of Arras, the Battalion counted its losses. The number listed as "missing" or "wounded and missing" amounted to a staggering 338. During the next few days the return of wounded men to the Battalion and their reports of having seen their comrades killed reduced the figure of the missing to 296. It would be a long time before this total could be further broken down. With the battlefield in German hands it was not possible to search for the bodies of the fallen; and it was the end of May before information as to the identity of those who had become prisoners of war began filtering back through the International Red Cross. Indeed, the names of 77 of the Newfoundlanders captured at Monchy did not reach the Newfoundland War Contingent Association in London until July 20. From various conflicting statistics of the Newfoundland losses incurred from April 12 to 15, 1917, the most acceptable figures, totalling 460 all ranks, show, of those who were not captured, seven officers and 159 other ranks killed (or died of wounds), seven officers and 134 other ranks wounded; there fell into enemy hands three officers and 150 men, of whom 28 died from wounds or other causes while

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prisoners of war. The seven officers who gave their lives were "C" Company's Commander, Captain Rex Rowsellj M.C.; the Battalion Intelligence Officer, Lieutenant Bert Holloway; 2nd Lieutenant Cyril Gardner, D.C.M. and Bar (the former C.S.M. of "C" Company, who had only recently received his commission); 2nd Lieutenant Augustus Alcock, with the ist Battalion only five weeks; 2nd Lieutenant Norman A.Outerbridge (a brother of 2nd Lieutenant Herbert Outerbridge, who had been seriously wounded at Sailly-Saillisel); and 2nd Lieutenants Samuel R. Smith and John S. Stephenson. The gallantry of the handful of Newfoundland officers and men who had held off the Germans in front of Monchy was recognized by a number of immediate awards. Lieutenant-Colonel ForbesRobertson received the Distinguished Service Order, and Lieutenant Kevin Keegan the Military Cross. The seven other ranks were each awarded the Military Medal. The Battalion Medical Officer, Captain J. W. Tocher, attached from the Royal Army Medical Corps, also won the Military Cross. During the action he carried on his work of caring for the wounded in a series of cellars under Monchy, five in all, transferring his aid post from one to another as each in turn was blown in. "It's my move," was his frequent observation that day. His medical sergeant, Sergeant Archibald Gooby, of St. John's, was awarded the Military Medal. "The spirit of the Regiment, in spite of its losses, remains as high as ever," wrote Brigadier Cayley to Sir Walter Davidson some weeks after Monchy. He expressed his deep regret that the Newfoundland Regiment should "twice since they came to France have been practically wiped out." The questionable tactics that had committed the Newfoundland and Essex Regiments (the latter's casualties numbered 602 all ranks) to their hopeless task on April 14 gave rise to an unusual action on the part of the Divisional Commanders of the Sixth Corps. The war diary of the 29th Division records a conference of the three General Officers Commanding and the chief General Staff Officer of the Corps held in Arras on the day after the ill-fated action. They reached the following conclusions: In view of the fact that the Germans are in considerable strength east of Monchy, with flanks thrown out to the north and south of it, it is thought desirable: 1 To concentrate on improving the defences and communications of the Monchy position; 2 After these defences have been made good, to advance simultaneously with the troops north of the Scarpe, rather than to face concentration of the enemy's guns on a small front, which tends to futile losses without adequate gains.

It is rare for officers to go so far as to express, by means of what was in effect a formal resolution, their criticism of their superiors'

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direction of operations. But their suggestions appear to have borne fruit. A pencilled minute added to the record by a staff officer of the 29th Division noted that VI Corps stated that Army Commander concurred in the above resolution, and wished every effort made to render Monchy secure against hostile attack.

The Second Battle of the Scarpe Before the Newfoundlanders left the Arras sector they were to be involved in one more operation - the Second Battle of the Scarpe, though in view of the heavy losses which they had sustained their role could not be a major one. The long-planned French offensive at the Aisne, to which the early Arras battles were the prelude, was launched by General Nivelle on April 16. It proved a tragic failure, the results being all the more disappointing because of the high hopes it had carried. One immediate consequence was to place on the British Armies in France the obligation to continue to drive against the enemy, so as to relieve his pressure on the weakened French forces. FieldMarshal Haig had already planned a general attack to be made jointly by his First, Third, and Fifth Armies on April 20. Bad weather delayed preparations, postponing the offensive until the 23rd. Other modifications reduced the Fifth Army's participation on the right to assistance with artillery fire, and narrowed the First Army's zone of attack north of the Scarpe. The result was that the main attack would be made by General Allenby's Third Army, but on a considerably wider front than that of April 14. The modest objective would require no deep penetration of enemy holdings. The Sixth Corps, once again in the centre of the attack, had as its first objective a line 200 yards west of Infantry Hill. Its second and final goal included the Bois du Sart and the Bois du Vert. These were, in fact, the targets for the 29th Division, which would attack eastward from Monchy with two battalions of the 8yth Brigade, while the only sound battalions of the 88th Brigade (the 4th Worcesters and the 2nd Hampshires) advanced between Monchy and the Arras-Cambrai road. The 86th Brigade was in divisional reserve at Orange Hill and in Arras. Since April 18 the Newfoundlanders had formed with the remnants of the Essex Regiment a composite battalion under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Forbes-Robertson - each unit contributing about 200 all ranks. While holding reserve trenches on Orange Hill the battalion had provided working parties to bury the dead, salvage equipment from the battle area, and carry forward wire and pickets and other materials required to strengthen

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the defences of Monchy. Then, on the evening of the 22nd, orders from Brigade Headquarters sent the Essex detachment back to Arras and moved the Newfoundlanders up to assembly trenches along the sunken road joining La Bergere with Monchy-le-Preux. Their four Companies could between them muster only five platoons. Their positions were less than half a mile in front of Les Fosses Farm, which in regimental annals was to give its name to the fighting that followed. The attack went in at 4.45 a.m. on April 23. Under an effective barrage the Worcesters, with the Hampshires supporting them, reached their initial objective at Machine Gun Wood, but not without incurring many casualties. Farther north the 8yth Brigade gained most of its objectives, but on the 29th Division's southern flank the adjacent I5th Division was held up by the determined enemy garrison in Guemappe. A battalion of the Seaforth Highlanders captured the village, but a strong German counter-attack threw them out again. In the meantime, as the isth Division's left-flanking battalion, the I3th Battalion, The Royal Scots, advanced down the Cambrai road, the Newfoundland "C" Company, consisting of a single platoon, was ordered forward about 500 yards to String Trench, in the isth Division's sector, to guard the 88th Brigade's right flank. Shortly afterwards it was joined by a company of the I3th Middlesex from the 86th Brigade in reserve. All day the Newfoundlanders held their position under continual shelling and machine-gun fire. It is said that the platoon's fortitude was strengthened by the discovery of half a gallon of service rum in the trench. As troops from units of the I5th Division were forced to retire, many found their way back to String Trench. Here Lieutenant Rupert Bartlett earned the Military Cross for his initiative and coolness under fire in reorganizing those who were without officers or senior N.C.O.'s. By late afternoon it was apparent that the main attack had met with only moderate success. On the 29th Division's front a powerful German counter-attack, which developed about 4 p.m., forced the two battalions of the 88th Brigade to abandon most of their gains and withdraw to the old German front line (Shrapnel, Pick, and String Trenches). Once again the Brigade had absorbed more than its proportionate share of losses. The fighting on the 23rd cost the Worcesters 428 casualties; the Hampshires lost 291. The Newfoundland Regiment, already decimated from its struggle ten days earlier, had 13 men killed, and two officers and 48 other ranks wounded. At the close of an unsatisfactory day orders reached the Newfoundlanders to hand over the front line to the Middlesex and march back to Arras, as what remained of Brigadier-General Cayley's units withdrew into reserve.

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There followed for the Newfoundland Regiment three weeks of much-needed rest, which was interspersed with refitting and training. During this period the Battalion circulated, usually by march route, between a number of villages within a radius of a dozen miles of Arras. The two longest stays, each of four nights, were at Bayencourt (where they were less than five miles from Beaumont Hamel) and at Berneville, a hamlet four miles southwest of Arras. The weather was generally good; indeed some of the marching was carried out in heat and dust that made the cold and mud of the Somme seem very far away. Lieutenant-Colonel Hadow had returned from sick leave on May 5 and resumed command of the Battalion. Twice during this period the Newfoundlanders returned to billets in Arras. The first occasion was on the evening of May 2, when the 2pth Division was brought forward in readiness to take part in the Third Battle of the Scarpe, should an opportunity for exploitation be reached. But the attack by the First, Third, and Fifth Armies failed, and the 88th Brigade was not called on to participate. The second recall to Arras, on May n, heralded the Newfoundlanders' final tour of duty in the Monchy sector. On the I4th the Battalion, forming part of the divisional reserve, took over some old German trenches at Tilloy - a couple of miles east of Arras beside the Cambrai road. Then on the iyth the 88th Brigade returned to the line, and the Newfoundlanders moved about a mile northward from Tilloy to take over dug-outs in Railway Triangle a switching point on the railway, just south of the River Scarpe. Here they came under occasional shelling, which brought only light casualties. The Battalion had no part in an unsuccessful night attempt by the 8yth Brigade on May 19 to seize Infantry Hill from a thoroughly alert enemy. On the evening of the 25th the weakened Companies took over a section of the front line i coo yards north of Monchy. During the next four days the enemy's artillery was fairly active, and scored several direct hits on the Newfoundland trenches, but fortunately without causing any casualties. The 29th Division was to make one last attempt to reach Infantry Hill. Its attack, launched on May 30 by the 86th Brigade, was a costly failure. But again the Newfoundland Regiment had no share in the operation, for it had been relieved by the Essex Regiment on the previous night. The Battles of Arras had come to an end, and some time must elapse before Field-Marshal Haig could mount his next offensive. There was thus an opportunity for the many divisions which had incurred heavy losses during the April and May operations to rebuild and spend some time in training the drafts of new men with which they were being reinforced. For the Newfoundland

The Fighting Newfoundlander

The Ist Battalion, headed by Lt.-Col. Hadow (right), Major Forbes Robertson, and the Adjutant, Lieut. K. J, Keegan, march back to billets at Berneville after the fighting at Monchy-le-Preux and Les Fosses Farm.

The Regimental cobbler at work at Berneville.

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9>

The^rnarcrnng Battalion swmgs through the ma.n street of Bcrnevflle, May

1917

Battalion the chance to recuperate came none too soon. Its fighting strength at the end of may was down to II officers and 210 other ranks. On June 4 the Newfoundlanders marched to the station at Arras and boarded a train which carried them thirty miles to the south-west to Bonneville - one of the first villages in which they had been billeted when they arrived in France fourteen months earlier

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Prisoners of War For the 150 Newfoundlanders who were overrun and captured on the slopes of Infantry Hill and in front of the Bois du Vert there now opened a new existence - an existence of harsh treatment for many and severe privations for all, that was to last for the remaining nineteen months of the war. The story of their individual experiences would itself fill a book, much of which would not make pleasant reading. Space in the present volume allows only brief reference to certain conditions which may be considered representative of what the majority had to face. It was the Newfoundlanders' misfortune to have been captured at a time when the German military authorities were angered over the British Government's delay in replying to a request that all German prisoners of war be withdrawn a distance of not less than thirty kilometres from the firing line. In an attempt to enforce British acquiescence the Germans decided on retaliatory measures. On April 20 they issued a circular letter addressed to all British prisoners in their custody. It declared that all "English prisoners" taken in future would be kept as "Prisoners of Reprisal" and would be subject to the following punishment: Very short of food, no beds, plenty of hard work, also to be very near the German guns - under the English shellfire. They are to receive no pay for working, no soap for washing or shaving, no baths; no boots to wear. Everything we can possibly do to harm and injure all English Prisoners of Reprisal will be done by the German Military Command.

The letter went on to state that all prisoners would be provided with writing materials so that they might write to their relatives and to "all persons of influence in England" telling of the bad treatment which they were receiving. This ill treatment would continue until the British Government acceded to the German request, when prisoners would be removed to camps in Germany, where they would be well cared for. There was a final warning threat: "Remember you are under the IRON HANDS OF DEUTSCHLAND." The reprisal centre to which the Newfoundlanders (who were of course classed as "English prisoners") were taken was in an old fort outside Lille. Here they were held for a period of from one to four weeks in conditions of deliberate ill treatment. Some who were there recall that they were herded into damp cells thirty feet by ten, about 100 men to a cell. At first there was only the stone floor to lie on - later some eight-inch boards were thrown in, and a few had the dubious comfort of trying to sleep on one of these. Rations were exceedingly meagre. Seven o'clock breakfast was a

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cup of "coffee" brewed from burnt beans. Noonday brought a very watery cabbage soup and one slice of black bread. With no utensils provided, steel helmets took the place of soup bowls. "For supper," recalls one veteran, "we had a good meal of nothing at all, which was as good as a change." Although the Newfoundlanders were in good physical condition when captured, this starvation diet rapidly sapped their vigour, and the end of their incarceration at Lille found many barely able to walk. When they reached their new quarters some lacked the strength to climb into an upper bunk. It was after Lille that the Newfoundland prisoners began to be split up. Each successive move separated them more and more from each other. In June, 1918, a survey by the Pay and Record Office in London showed them scattered through no less than twenty-six prisoner-of-war camps in Germany, Belgium, and Poland. Many found themselves the only Newfoundlander in his particular camp, and in few cases were there more than half a dozen together. (The exceptions were at Schneidemuhl, where there were 18, Altdarn 16, Friedrichsfeld 13, and Parchim 20.) The return revealed that of the 176 Newfoundlanders who had become prisoners of war, 25 had died in captivity, 13 severely wounded had been returned to the United Kingdom, seven others had been released to internment in Switzerland, and one had escaped.* There still remained 130 in German hands. Final figures after the Armistice showed that 32 Newfoundlanders succumbed while prisoners of war. Most Newfoundlanders who were prisoners will agree that once they reached regular prisoner-of-war camps conditions became much more tolerable. The food they received was still terribly inadequate, but they came to realize that the German people, particularly in the last year of the war, were themselves not far from the verge of starvation. The question of food assumed a place in men's lives completely out of proportion to the attention given it under normal conditions. Food was the one topic of conversation among the prisoners. It was the only thing that really mattered. "We were children again," one ex-prisoner recalled, "food being to us exactly as candy is to them. Dividing the bread ration was the best of fun. One way was to make tickets and number them, then cut the bread into slices. Each man would *This was Private E. Moyle T. Stick, a brother of two officers of the Regiment, Captain Len T. Stick and Captain J. R. (Bob) Stick, M.C. Escaping from an internment camp in Prussia, after narrowly avoiding recapture on more than one occasion, he succeeded in crossing the border into Denmark, from where he made his way to Norway. He was subsequently awarded the Military Medal for his services to his country.

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then draw a ticket, and Number Five would draw five slices of bread and so on." In order to supplement their frugal diet prisoners would risk punishment by surreptitiously making their way past the guards to steal a few potatoes from a neighbouring field; and the concealment on one's person of biscuits or other items pilfered when cleaning up the buildings where provisions were stored became an art in the practice of which success meant a welcome addition to the evening meal - failure, twenty-one days of solitary confinement on bread and water. But it was the fortnightly food parcels sent through the Red Cross and other organizations that enabled many of the Newfoundlanders to survive. "These parcels are the only thing we live for," wrote Lieutenant "Sandy" Baird from a prison camp in Karlsruhe, before he was transferred to a Swiss hospital as a grand emblesse, unfit for service, his weight down to 112 pounds. "When they arrive we flock to the parcel room like children, and we are only satisfied when one arrives." What should be sent in the parcels was always a popular topic of conversation in the camp, and Baird listed the items which the prisoners longest there had told him were most in demand: Butter, biscuits, dripping, jam (marmalade), milk, sugar, tea, cafe-au-lait, bacon, sausages, tinned meats, sweet puddings, tinned fruits, chocolate, Quaker oats, rice, pipe tobacco.

Baird went on to suggest one special treat that all Newfoundlanders would especially enjoy. As I am writing I am thinking how nice it would be to receive some of that hard biscuit made in St. John's by Harvey & Co., namely hard tack. It would keep well, and soaked overnight, the next morning fried with a little bacon fat or dripping, would make an excellent breakfast. We have to think all manner and means out here.

As we have noted in a previous chapter (see page 226), thanks to the untiring and devoted efforts of the War Contingent Association, once the location of each Newfoundland prisoner was known the fourteen-pound food parcels reached him regularly. By June, 1918, acknowledgments had been received from 147 prisoners who had received them. In addition, 125 had acknowledged parcels of clothing sent to them by the Pay and Record Office. The standard of nutrition on which the majority of the Newfoundlanders were forced to subsist would not allow them to engage in heavy physical labour; and the tasks which they performed to earn their daily pay of two pfennigs were in the main not particularly arduous, or were of short duration each day. Corporal Whitfield Bannister, of "D" Company, recalled loading railway cars at the mining town of Denain, between Cambrai and

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Officers of the ist Battalion at Berneville, May, 1917. (By Courtesy of the Imperial War Museum)

Valenciennes; Private Eli Cook., of "B", worked at repairing roads, constructing duckboards, and later doing harvesting on a farm in German-occupied Poland. Before he got a job cutting timber, Private William Noseworthy, "C" Company, was employed in loading shells on to ammunition wagons for transport to the front; Private John Vaters also worked in the woods, and like Private Jack Snow, of "D" Company, was hired out to farmers in East Prussia, to work with Russian prisoners in the fields. Private Albert Martin, who was taken prisoner at Cambrai in November, 1917, was put to work in the coalmines of Westphalia. He recalled that only the Red Cross parcels kept him alive - the Russians who were employed with him dying in scores. He survived to become, forty years later, the Honorary Lieutenant-Colonel of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment of today. By early 1918 it seemed to many of the Newfoundlanders that their guards realized the war was going against Germany. In several cases vigilance was relaxed, and the treatment of the prisoners showed a more tolerant attitude. There finally came a day when in each camp a German officer or N.C.O. announced to the prisoners that an armistice had been signed. The day for which all had waited so long had come at last. The long period of hunger and hardship, and in many cases utter isolation from fellow countrymen, was over.

CHAPTER XI

The Steenbeek and the Broembeek Two engagements marked our trail Along the ridge of Passchendaele.

The Windsor Draft Once again the ist Battalion was in urgent need of reinforcement. At the end of May its strength was down to onequarter of establishment. A series of drafts totalling 500 men, which arrived from the 2nd Battalion during June and the first week of July, were required to bring its numbers up to the point when it could again go into action. But the capacity of the Depot in Scotland to keep the ist Battalion reinforced was, of course, dependent upon the drafts of recruits which crossed the ocean from St. John's - a fact which the Newfoundland Government fully realized. In November, 1916, after Gueudecourt, Governor Davidson had told Lieutenant-Colonel Whitaker at Ayr, for the information of the Army Council, that drafts from Newfoundland would be forthcoming at regular intervals, his Ministers having undertaken "to secure monthly 150 new recruits." This promise, which would have sent 1800 reinforcements a year to the United Kingdom, unfortunately could not be implemented. Recruiting in the Colony during 1916 provided only 1087 men accepted for service with the Newfoundland Regiment (1123 were rejected), compared with 1418 acceptances in the previous year. The first six months of 1917 brought in 513 (690 rejected), against 709 for the same period in 1916. Three drafts left St. John's in 1916 - the 163 all ranks required to complete "H" Company, on March 23; and the July and August drafts of 505 and 242 respectively to replace the losses at Beaumont Hamel (see above, page 284). After that there were difficulties over shipping, and other problems arose. For a period of seven months - from September, 1916, to April, 1917 no reinforcements from Newfoundland reached the Depot over-

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seas. The gravity of the situation was emphasized in a telegram sent to Governor Davidson in mid-February by Sir Joseph Outerbridge, who was visiting the United Kingdom. He had seen Colonel Hadow (then on sick leave) and had been told by him of the need for having ample reinforcements on hand in view of the expected spring offensive. "We must all recognize," warned Sir Joseph, "that unless the Regiment can be kept up to strength, it will inevitably lose its identity, which would be most regrettable considering the reputation already gained." What brought about this serious interruption in the movement of much-needed reinforcements? During October, 1916, the Transport Committee of the Patriotic Association had arranged for the next draft of troops, which would number 120 men, to be carried on the S.S. Florizel to Halifax, proceeding thence to England by the S.S. Southland, which was due to sail on December 7. Towards the end of November, however, an outbreak of measles brought a ruling by the Senior Medical Officer at St. John's, Major Cluny Macpherson, that the dispatch of the draft should be delayed three weeks. Then a new problem arose. On November 28 Governor Davidson received disquieting information from the Admiralty that two enemy submarines were operating in the western Atlantic. He at once called a meeting of the Standing Committee to consider what should be done. The matter was complicated by uncertainty as to the number of men to whom the medical authorities would give clearance to proceed. After much discussion a motion to send the troops by rail to Halifax to connect with the Southland's sailing was defeated, and it was agreed to postpone movement of the draft indefinitely. An inquiry sent by Governor Davidson to the Governor-General as to the possibility of having the Newfoundland draft cross the ocean with Canadian forces brought the reply that no space was available on any troopships sailing from Canada until some time in February at the earliest. By the end of 1916 the number of recruits who were ready to move overseas had risen to 300, and during January the Transport Committee once more arranged for a sailing from St. John's by the Florizel on January 31, to connect with the S.S. Saxonia leaving Halifax on a regular sailing early in February. But these plans went awry when during the last week of January the Admiralty advised Governor Davidson that at such short notice it was impossible to arrange for the necessary convoy, without which passage for the Newfoundlanders aboard the Saxonia could not be sanctioned. Another emergency meeting of the Standing Committee was held on January 30. No doubt a majority of the members felt that it was better to get the draft

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away, even if only as far as Halifax. A decision was reached to embark the troops on the Florizel as arranged, and to hold them in Halifax until new arrangements could be made for going overseas. Early next morning a telegram went off from Sir Walter Davidson to the Duke of Devonshire requesting barrack accommodation for six officers and 294 other ranks (the number was actually 319 all ranks) until such time as transport arrangements from Halifax satisfactory to the Admiralty could be concluded. After a decidedly rough passage from St. John's the Florizel docked at Halifax on the morning of February 3 with more than 300 troops aboard, including three stowaways. In charge of the draft was Major Alexander Montgomerie, Officer Commanding the Depot at St. John's. The Newfoundlanders at once entrained for Windsor, Nova Scotia, forty-five miles across the peninsula. Here they were given accommodation in barracks which had been converted from an old sawmill, the officers being put up at the Victoria Hotel. Little did the men think as they looked over their new quarters, which seemed rather on the small side, that they were destined to be confined in them for the next ten weeks. The bouts of sickness which had affected the draft at St. John's continued to plague the Newfoundlanders. During the first half of February several more cases of measles developed. A number of the men went down with influenza. It seemed difficult to build up the troops' resistance against infection. The weather was unpleasantly changeable - one day cold, with the temperature around zero, and the next decidedly mild, accompanied by rain or snow. There was no armoury in which the men could train under cover, and conditions out of doors were not conducive to progress. On February 19 the Medical Officer, Major Lament Paterson, diagnosed two cases of mumps, and in the next two days four more cases made their appearance. The Saxonia, sailing from New York for the United Kingdom, was due to call at Halifax on March 3, and 300 passages had been booked on her for the Newfoundlanders. But on February 27 five more went down with mumps, and next day the military authorities at Halifax informed Major Montgomerie that on instructions from Ottawa sailing orders had been cancelled. (Later a bill came from the shipping company for the unused berths - 14 cabin passengers at the full fare of $50.00 each, and 286 steerage at $35.00, for a total of $10,710. It would appear to have been an excessive charge, particularly as the Saxonia had been able to pick up 100 saloon passengers from a sister ship which was disabled in Halifax. The claim was queried by the Transport Committee of the Patriotic Association, and the company eventually settled for $5000.)

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The medical situation showed little improvement during March. "We have been unable up to the present to check the spread of mumpsj" Major Montgomerie wrote to Governor Davidson from Mills Barracks on the I2th. He described the "heroic measures" that were being taken. Headquarters Military District No. 6 at Halifax had opened King's College Hospital in Windsor for cases of infectious disease from units in the area, and the Newfoundlanders had sent seven cases of measles and twenty-seven of mumps there. There were also three soldiers in a cottage hospital undergoing treatment for pneumonia. "Every morning," wrote Montgomerie, "Major Paterson takes the whole parade and sprays them with a peroxide solution. The Barracks is also thoroughly saturated with a peroxide solution." While they waited in Windsor, the Newfoundland recruits carried on what training their limited facilities and an almost total lack of equipment allowed. Route-marches, Swedish drill, platoon drill, and squad drill figured prominently in the training time-tables that appeared in Daily Orders. Montgomerie, whose organizational experience served him well in dealing with the many unexpected administrative problems arising from the unplanned stay in Windsor, was fortunate in having with him, besides the Medical Officer, six young subalterns, of whom five had seen service with the 1st Battalion and were returning from convalescent leave in Newfoundland. The people of Windsor did what they could to make the Newfoundlanders' stay less trying. There was a public reception for the troops, and a number of them were invited into private homes. There finally came a day when the draft was given a clean bill of health and allowed to proceed on its way. On April 16 the Newfoundlanders moved to Halifax, leaving behind them twentyfive of their number. The majority of these, suffering from various complaints, were too ill to leave hospital; one, Private Levi Williams, of Pouch Cove, died on February 15 from meningitis and was buried in the Church of England cemetery at Windsor. It was necessary to divide the draft into three ships. Ninety-two men under Lieutenants Charles Strong and George Hicks boarded the Ansonia; Major Paterson and Lieutenant Ernest Churchill took 100 men on the Grampian, Next day the remaining 100 embarked in the Northland with Major Montgomerie, and Lieutenants Vincent Cluett and Sydney Frost. Of these officers, Strong, Hicks, Frost, and Churchill had all seen service in Gallipoli, and the first three had received their wounds in France. The three ships sailed together on April 18, and on the 3Oth Premier Morris cabled from London that he had that day returned from Ayr, where he had found the Newfoundlanders

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in excellent health and spirits and "the Windsor draft all well." So concluded one of the most protracted passages from Newfoundland to England since the days of sail. By the time that Major Montgomerie's charges left Halifax, other drafts had either crossed the ocean or were on the way. No misfortunes attended the movement of a group of 104 all ranks which left St. John's aboard the Florizel on St. Patrick's Day under the command of Major George Carty. (Carty, who had commanded "A" Company at the beginning of the war, was boarded unfit for active service in July, 1916. He was then employed as a draft-conducting officer, and later received the command of the Depot at St. John's.) After a brief stay in Halifax, where they were attached to the 246th Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force, the Newfoundlanders sailed on March 29 for England on H.M.T. Missanabie. They were followed from Halifax on the last day of April by a small draft of 50, which had left St. John's on the 9th under Lieutenant Ken Goodyear, hoping to have joined the Windsor draft before it sailed. The pattern that had been established for getting Newfoundlanders across to the United Kingdom seemed a satisfactory one. "We propose to send further drafts - in small numbers - to Halifax by the S.S. Florizel," Governor Davidson wrote to the G.O.C. Military District No. 6 in April, "in the hope that you will kindly help them, as you have helped with the others, both in their temporary quarters at Halifax and in facilitating their dispatch to the United Kingdom." Another draft of three officers and 182 other ranks - together with 99 all ranks for the Newfoundland Forestry Corps (see below, page 471) - left Halifax on May 28. Then came another lapse, for late in June the Canadian Government sent word that there would be no accommodation available on trans-Atlantic transports until some time in August. Altogether it had been a frustrating time for the Governor and his Ministers, who were receiving polite but insistent reminders from the Army Council of the urgent need for accumulating at the Depot in Scotland the reservoir of manpower necessary to keep the ist Battalion at full strength. From Ayr to Barry Soon the authorities in St. John's had a new problem to worry about. It was one which demonstrated clearly the difficulties arising from the duality of control under which the Newfoundland troops overseas, and particularly the Commanding Officer of the 2nd Battalion, were trying to carry out their tasks.

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During the summer of 1916 a proposal to transfer the and Battalion from Ayr to Barry, in Forfarshire, beside the Firth of Tay, had been strenuously opposed by Newfoundland. The Prime Minister, who was in London at the time, had hastened to Edinburgh to represent to Major-General Ewart, G.O.C. Scottish Command, that such a move would cause much dissatisfaction among the members of the Regiment in Ayr, and would seriously injure recruiting in Newfoundland. In the face of these objections the proposed move was cancelled. The question was reopened in 1917. On the last day of June Lieutenant-Colonel Whitaker cabled Governor Davidson that the 2nd Battalion was under orders to move to Barry. Back came a reply from Premier Morris: "Do you want me to act re removal of Battalion? To whom should I cable?" The battle was on. On July 3 the Governor addressed a protest to the Secretary of State for the Colonies expressing the great disappointment of his Ministers at the proposed transfer. He declared that officers and men at Ayr were "strongly and unanimously opposed." He pointed out that the move would lead to unnecessary personal expense and considerable cost to the Government. Ayr was particularly suited to the work which the Battalion was doing, the men were happy and satisfied there - Sir Walter did not mention how many had married Ayr girls - and that not only would training be certain to suffer if the move took place, but (and this next point was not clearly explained) recruiting in the Colony would be adversely affected. The Battalion moved to Barry on July 3, and the Secretary of State's reply to Governor Davidson was such as to suggest that someone had managed to blow up a storm in a teacup. The Army Council was quoted as stating that the move to Barry was only temporary, and had been ordered so as to give the Newfoundlanders the advantage of being brigaded with other troops for training under the supervision of a brigadier who had recently returned from France. It is not hard to imagine the probable puzzlement of the British military authorities at the Newfoundland protest over what must have been regarded as a perfectly normal training move. The Army Council's explanation however failed to satisfy the now thoroughly-aroused Prime Minister. On the day following its arrival he addressed a nine-page letter (triple spaced) to Sir Walter Davidson setting forth the arguments for keeping the Battalion in Ayr. Analyzing strength returns, he pointed out that at the time of the move deductions of 225 men under orders for France, 200 under quarantine for measles, and a further 150 unfit for active training, would leave only about 250 men actually available for training with the brigade, "which

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was the ostensible reason for transfer to Barry." The real reason, he suggested, was a complaint which Colonel Whitaker reported had been made by the Chief Constable of Ayr about the unruly behaviour of Newfoundland soldiers in the town, a report that had been forwarded to Headquarters, Scottish Command. In the Premier's opinion the credit of the Colony and the honour of the Regiment were involved. Newfoundland should demand the fullest investigation. He was certain that the Chiefs complaint grossly exaggerated a street row. "I have no doubt," he conceded, "our men have individually, from time to time, kicked up a shindy in Ayr, but nothing that an intelligent person would cavil at, and what is common to all soldiers and sailors when off on a holiday." He condemned the tone of the Chiefs letter, which implied that the Newfoundlanders were "a set of lawless savages, absolutely out of control, and without any respect for their own officers or the civic authorities. I think," the fireeating Sir Edward went on, "Your Excellency will agree that this is a downright libel on our men and an insult to the Colony for which sufficient reparation cannot be made. . . . Inaction on our part would practically amount to a plea of 'Guilty'." Sir Walter took his time to consider the Premier's protestations. As a Scotsman living in Newfoundland he was in a good position to see both sides of the question. He recalled the traditional respect for law and order that characterized the attitude of the members of the average community in his homeland. He also knew well the basic integrity of the fine young men who had crossed the water in answer to the call to service; but he knew too their independent and impulsive spirit, that resisted domination (real or imagined) and would brook no restriction that might seem to them unfair. He would have endorsed the viewpoint of one of their officers who said, "Newfoundlanders are from hard West of England stock. If you can win their affection and confidence you are O.K., but you can't ride them." Sir Walter doubtless had a pretty fair idea of the kind of trouble likely to arise if local constables, in attempting to maintain order in the streets of Ayr on a pay night, forgot that Newfoundland soldiers resented being arrested by any except their own regimental police. Wisely he decided that the matter had gone far enough; and he was able to bring Sir Edward Morris to his way of thinking. On September 17 he wrote to Whitaker to that effect, expressing his deep regrets at the friction which had taken place. "I rely on your tact and judgement," he told the C.O., "to ensure that for the future the most complete harmony will exist between members of the Regiment and the civil authorities." Lieutenant-ColoneJ Whitaker's position in the controversy had

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been an invidious one. Whatever may have been his own feelings in the matter, his responsibility to the Newfoundland authorities had compelled him to make their objections known to his military superiors in the United Kingdom; and they in turn saw his attitude as approaching insubordination. "I have felt somewhat dissatisfied, all through," General Ewart was later to write, "with the unwillingness displayed by Lieutenant-Colonel Whitaker to fall in with the decision of the military authorities that it would be in the interests of the 2/1 st Newfoundland Regiment to move temporarily to Barry Links in order that the Battalion might have the advantage of being under the supervision of a Brigadier-General who had had experience at the front." Such are the results of striving to serve two masters, even when the unfortunate servant finds himself forced into a situation in which he is deprived of any choice in the matter. Once the members of the 2nd Battalion had recovered from the regrets that many must have had over their severance, even though temporary, from the Auld Toon of Ayr, they found their new location pleasant enough. As with every other place to which they came in Scotland it was not long before the Newfoundlanders were making new friends among the local inhabitants. Within easy walking distance or bus ride of the big tented camp on Barry Links were many small communities in which the visitors from the old Colony were given a warm welcome. Close by was the little town of Barry itself, with a population of 4000, and spread along the coast were several fishing villages, popular with summer visitors for sea bathing and golf - Carnoustie, Monifieth, and Broughty Ferry at the wide mouth of the Firth. All these places became familiar to the Newfoundlanders, for whom in years to come the name of each would call up many a happy memory. From these friendly communities more than one member of the Regiment brought back with him to Newfoundland a charming Scottish lass as his bride. Carnoustie was a favourite spot. It boasted a comfortable hotel to which senior ranks repaired to quench their thirst on a warm summer evening, and a number of inns in the village provided adequate entertainment for the rest of the troops. On a Saturday night the streets of Carnoustie were always crowded with khakiclad visitors from the big military camp, included in which would be a good proportion of Newfoundlanders. Ten miles to the south-west, beside the famous long Tay, Bridge, was the royal borough and port of Dundee. A city of 160,000, Dundee could offer a richer variety of attractions than the smaller communities in the neighbourhood. Although a bit far afield for frequent visits, it was a popular place for a few days' leave.

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When the members of the 2nd (Reserve) Battalion returned to Ayr at the close of the summer, they received a warm welcome from the townspeople. They found that the Depot no longer had the use of the Racecourse, for plans were under consideration to bring an American flying squadron there to train. In its place additional quarters were provided in Prestwick, and the Russell Street School in Ayr was turned over to the Newfoundlanders. Training was resumed at a stiffer pace than ever, for the time between the arrival of new reinforcements from Newfoundland and their moving forward to France was all too short. Each departing draft received a royal send-off from the citizens of Ayr. The troop train invariably left in the evening. Regimental Sergeant-Major Murdoch MacKay would always strictly admonish the N.C.O.'s to be sure to keep good marching order and to avoid a repetition of the exuberant scenes that had attended the departure of the previous draft. Everything would start off with due decorum. With the Band cheerily quickstepping, the troops would march out of the barracks keeping perfect time. But in the street beyond they would meet the people of Ayr - and in moments the column would be engulfed. "What a night to recall," writes an officer of the Depot Staff who saw the scene repeated many times. The surging crowds; the trickling stream of khaki; the shouts and tears and singing; the manful attempts of the bandsmen to make themselves heard; and, above all, our singing, for we were always noted for our buoyancy! Finally the last man presses himself through the turnstiles, and soon the troop train is pulling out to the air of Auld Lang Syne and the roar of the farewelling crowd.

Truly can it be said that the Newfoundlanders in Ayr did indeed "share the hearts of the people." The Ypres Front Again The French failure at the Aisne and the inconclusive termination of the Battles of Arras meant that Allied leaders had to devise a new strategy for the Western Front. A Franco-British military conference in Paris on May 4 reached agreement that the original plan of a massive breakthrough in 1917 must be abandoned. Instead, Allied efforts in the West that year would be confined to attacks with limited objectives, designed to continue wearing down the enemy and preventing him from mounting a counter-offensive. The campaign to bring victory would have to be postponed until 1918, by which time American troops would have reached France in considerable numbers.

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Sir Douglas Haig now found himself able to turn to an operation which he had long wished to undertake - an offensive through Flanders with the object of securing the Belgian coast and reaching the Dutch frontier. In seeking the British War Cabinet's approval of his project Haig had the backing of the First Sea Lord, Admiral Sir John Jellicoe, who was insistent that the enemy must be deprived of his submarine bases on the Belgian coast that summer if Britain was to survive the blockade by German U-boats. The nature of the terrain dictated that the main effort must be made north-eastward from the Ypres area; for south of a belt of sand dunes along the coast the way was blocked by inundations along the lower Yser - the work of Belgian engineers who had let in the sea to stem the German advance in 1914. The Germans had to be expelled from their prolonged tenure of the ridge which stretched from Gheluvelt (on the Menin Road) northward through Passchendaele to Staden (on the railway running north-eastward from Ypres to Thorout). Once this had been secured, Haig foresaw "opportunities for the employment of cavalry in masses." A prerequisite to clearing the Germans from this high ground was the capture of the spur which extended to the south - the Messines Ridge. On June 7 General Plumer's Second Army assaulted this ridge after the defenders had been completely demoralized by the detonation under the crest of nineteen huge mines with a total of nearly a million pounds of high explosive, the noise of which was heard in England. Within a week the battle had ended in outstanding success. Plumer's forces had straightened the front line from Armentieres to the Menin Road, thereby ending German domination of the Ypres Salient from the south. The exploitation that should have followed the victory was unhappily delayed. In London the War Cabinet hesitated to give the green light, fearing that Haig was attempting to do too much in undertaking a large-scale offensive without substantial aid from the French, whose armies, weakened by casualties and low in morale, were reported to be on the verge of mutiny. In Flanders an elaborate programme of regrouping for the main effort made more than one postponement necessary. Finally on July 31 the Fifth Army, commanded by General Sir Hubert Gough, attacked with nine divisions on a seven-mile front extending from Boesinghe (three miles north of Ypres) to Mount Sorrel, south of the Menin Road. The centre of the advance was directed to the north-east between the parallel Ypres-Staden and YpresRoulers railways. On Gough's right General Plumer's Second Army, and on his left the French First Army, had the task of exerting strong pressure on the Fifth Army's flanks.

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There was a good start, as the British formations overran the German forward zone with relative ease, retaking the ruins of St. Julien and Frezenberg, seized by the enemy in 1915, and capturing more than 6000 prisoners. Then the defence stiffened, and counter-attacks drove back the spearhead of the advance. The greatest British gain had been made on the right flank, between the Menin Road and the Ypres-Roulers railway, where the enemy was driven from the Bellewaarde Ridge - the crest of which had become very familiar to Newfoundlanders as their eastern skyline during their summer sojourn in the Salient the previous year. That night heavy rain began falling, and the innumerable shell holes with which the ground was pitted by an over-prolonged bombardment quickly filled with water, while the shattered soil between disintegrated into mud. Worse still, the heavy shelling had destroyed the intricate system of little canals and "beeks," or ditches, with which the careful Flemish peasant drained his low-lying fields, so that once the ground was soaked the continual precipitation had to lie where it fell. On August 2 Haig called a halt. In the three days of the Battle of Pilckem Ridge, first of eight battles collectively named the Battles of Ypres 1917 (or Third Ypres) the average gain was barely half way to the first day's objectives. It had cost more than 31,000 casualties to advance the line 3000 yards. From the Ypres-Roulers railway to the boundary with the French First Army on General Gough's left the Fifth Army's front line now lay along the banks of the Steenbeek - in dry weather an insignificant ditch-like stream which trickled in a north-westerly direction through St. Julien and on the near side of Langemarck to enter the Yser Canal (after several changes of name) some eight miles north of Ypres. Describing the results of July 31 as "highly satisfactory," FieldMarshal Haig's Headquarters issued instructions on August i calling for the advance of the infantry to continue as soon as the necessary artillery preparation had been carried out. Fifth Army Headquarters tentatively fixed August 13 as the date for a resumption of the main offensive. But first it was necessary to relieve the divisions that had taken part in the Pilckem Ridge battle and had afterwards had to contend with the rapidly deteriorating conditions of weather and ground. On August 8 the 29th Division took over from the Guards Division the extreme left of the Fifth Army's front. General de Lisle's new sector extended for a mile from the Ypres-Staden railway north-west to General Gough's boundary with the French First Army. The battleground to which the Newfoundland Regiment and the other units of the 29th Division were about to be committed

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represented the war's ultimate in horror, surpassing even the nightmare of the Somme. It was a dreary, sodden waste, characterized by a succession of slimy canals, swollen beeks, and stagnant sloughs and inundations - the whole perforated like the pores of some giant sponge with the water-filled craters from a million shells. Sir Douglas Haig himself portrayed the dismal scene in an official dispatch as he sought to show why "operations of any magnitude became impossible": The low-lying, clayey soil, torn by shells and sodden with rain, turned to a succession of vast, muddy pools. The valleys of the choked and overflowing streams were speedily transformed into long stretches of bog, impassable except by a few well-defined tracks, which became marks for the enemy's artillery. To leave these tracks was to risk death by drowning, and in the course of the subsequent fighting on several occasions both men and pack animals were lost in this way.

The average soldier who fought in the Third Battle of Ypres, hating discomfort more than he feared danger, would carry with him to his grave no grimmer memories of the war than those of having to exist in sodden trenches, where any attempt to construct a dug-out for protection against the enemy's artillery fire would simply produce a water-filled sump hole; of the physical strain of toiling through liquid mud in order to fight; and then of having to consolidate, as best he might, in a shell hole in which the waist-deep water might be tinged with the blood of a fallen comrade. Well might the whole ghastly experience be called "the abomination of desolation." After its withdrawal from the Arras battles at the beginning of June the 29th Division had been given time to absorb the 8000 reinforcements required to replace the havoc wrought in the fighting about Monchy. The concentration for the Flanders offensive drew the Division northward at the end of the month - one of eight divisions to be transferred from the Third Army to help make up the eighteen which General Gough would have under his command for the coming battle. The 29th found itself once again part of the Fourteenth Corps, with which it had fought at Sailly-Saillisel. Each of the four corps in Gough's front line would assault with two of its divisions, keeping the other two in support for subsequent operations. As one of the support divisions for the Fourteenth Corps, at the end of June the 29th Division was holding reserve positions three miles north of Ypres, immediately east of the Yser Canal. Here it remained throughout July, training its new reinforcements and engaging in rehearsals at various levels of command for the forthcoming battle.

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The Newfoundland Regiment had spent most of June in billets at Bonneville rebuilding its strength and carrying on training. There had been some recreation - two highlights were the Divisional Horse Show on the i6th and the concert which followed it that evening. By July i the Battalion had received drafts totalling 17 officers and 477 men, and each company could muster four officers and 120 other ranks, with five officers and 35 other ranks in Regimental Headquarters. On June 27 the Battalion marched the eight miles to Doullens and took train northward to Proven, four miles north-west of well-remembered Poperinghe. After a week in the area between Proven and Woesten (six miles to the east), during which demands for working parties for employment on road construction and maintenance completely disrupted training schedules, the Newfoundlanders moved forward to the Yser Canal to relieve a battalion of the 87th Brigade. Their new position was at the extreme left end of the perimeter which had for so many months formed the British front line encircling the Ypres Salient. Three Companies held the foremost and support trenches on the east side of the Canal, with the fourth in reserve on the west bank. For all except the men in the fire trenches there was a continuing round of toil, for the 29th Division was now responsible for maintenance tasks hitherto performed by two companies of Royal Engineers and a pioneer battalion. The work of revetting wet trenches and building new ones occupied the waking hours of every available man in the Battalion. Nightly carrying parties bore their share of moving the more than 3000 tons of stores transported forward by the 29th Division during its three weeks' tour. And all the time there was the continual harassment of hostile shelling: from July 6 to the I2th, when they were relieved, the Newfoundlanders lost ten killed and twenty-three wounded. A digression came for a small group of Newfoundlanders on the night of the relief. For the past two weeks a party of some thirty members of the Regiment had been undergoing special training by Major Forbes-Robertson (who had reverted to his former rank on handing over the ist Battalion to LieutenantColonel Hadow). They were referred to rather dramatically as "The Raiders," a designation which carried with it the additional attraction of immunity from working parties. They were detailed to make their first raid on the night of July 12/13, and shortly after midnight they entered the German front-line trench in search of a prisoner. They drew a blank, for the trench proved to be unoccupied, and the approach of dawn forced them to return empty-handed. Five nights later the raiders repeated the venture, this time more successfully. Having cut their way

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through the enemy's wire, they got into his fire trench and secured a soldier of the iO2nd Saxon Regiment, killing a reported five others who were withdrawing down a communication trench. The raiders themselves suffered no casualties. The night's exploit brought recognition of the gallantry displayed by Corporal Frank Best, a Blue Puttee who had served in Gallipoli and had been wounded at Beaumont Hamel and Gueudecourt. Best was awarded the Military Medal on August 8, just two months before he was to meet his death at the Broembeek. Another St. John's man, Lance-Corporal Harold Lidstone (who was to die at Marcoing in November), was similarly decorated for his heroic conduct in the raid. For the remainder of July the Newfoundlanders trained with the rest of the 29th Division in various camps in the Proven area. There were Battalion rehearsals under the scrutiny of BrigadierGeneral Cayley and General de Lisle. On one occasion the Battalion crossed the Franco-Belgian border to take part in a Brigade exercise at Herzeele, five miles west of Proven. (Of this effort the 88th Brigade's war diary recorded: "Exercise not satisfactory. Done over again.") On July 31 the great offensive started, and messages came in during the day telling of successful advances by the Fourteenth Corps' assaulting formations, the Guards Division and the 38th (Welsh) Division, attacking respectively left and right of the Ypres-Staden railway. By nightfall both had crossed the northern end of the Pilckem Ridge and lined up along the Steenbeek, within half a mile of Langemarck. The Battle of Langemarck When the 29th Division moved up from reserve on August 8 to take over from the Guards the sector north of the Staden railway, plans for the resumption of the Fifth Army's offensive were well advanced. The Army's task was to capture the enemy's Gheluvelt-Langemarck position, the rearmost of three defence lines which the Germans had been holding around the Ypres Salient since the summer of 1915. Extending northwestward from where the Menin Road mounted the Gheluvelt plateau, and passing in front of Polygon Wood (a name to become well known to Newfoundlanders a year later) and Zonnebeke to Langemarck, the line had been among the first day's objectives when the offensive opened on July 31. Beyond lay the formidable Flanders Lines, constructed more recently as a northern extension of the Hindenburg Line, and as yet unmanned. Once again the Fifth Army would attack with four corps

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abreast. The main weight would be on the right, between the Ypres-Roulers railway and the Menin Road, where the enemy held the Gheluvelt plateau as a bastion to his entire Flanders position. On the Army left the Fourteenth Corps would strike astride the Ypres-Staden railway, with the 29th Division on the left and the 2Oth on the right, in front of Langemarck. The final objective was a little less than a mile beyond the Steenbeek about 300 yards short of another small stream which angled across the front and bore among other names that of the Broembeek. The attack, originally set for the morning of August 13, was thrice put off for twenty-four hours. Two of these postponements were because of heavy rain which soaked the battle area, and the other in order to enable reliefs to be made in the Second Corps, which had suffered heavy casualties on August 10 in an unsuccessful preliminary operation against the Gheluvelt plateau. The Newfoundland Regiment received its final operation order from the 88th Brigade on the i ith. The Brigade's attack would be made next to the railway, with the 8yth Brigade advancing on its left. Three successive objectives, the Blue, Green, and Red Lines, were spaced approximately 500 yards apart. These might seem to be limited objectives, but so terrible was the condition of the terrain that no troops could advance more than a short distance without risk of exhaustion. On Brigadier Cayley's 8oo-yard front, capture of the Blue and Green Lines was assigned to the Hampshire Regiment on the right, and the Newfoundland Regiment on the left, each battalion using two companies to take each objective. The task of securing the Red Line was given to the Brigade's remaining battalions — the Essex on the right and the Worcesters on the left. The badly-battered embankment of the railway would aid the right-hand battalions to keep direction; the others would rely on compass, advancing on a bearing of fifty degrees. Artillery arrangements for the attack provided for a creeping barrage which would advance slowly in lifts of 100 yards each five minutes; a standing barrage beyond each objective to allow time for consolidation and for relieving troops to pass through; and a distant barrage to choke off any attempted counter-attack by the enemy. The front line east of the Steenbeek which the assaulting battalions of the 88th Brigade took over after dark on August 14 consisted of isolated lengths of trench full of water, and shell craters in the same state. It had been an exceedingly difficult approach march from their camps in the rear. The plank track over which they were routed was in many places knee-deep in mud, and more than once men had to be dragged out bodily from the tenacious gumbo in which they had stuck. The headquarters taken over by Lieutenant-Colonel Hadow from the battalion

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which the Newfoundlanders relieved was at Captain's Farm, a ruined group of buildings 1500 yards due west of the railway bridge over the Steenbeek. For the Newfoundland companies there was sleeping accommodation of sorts in small steel shelters, styled "baby elephants," each with room for four or five men, or in old German concrete pillboxes. Local actions on previous nights by the 86th Brigade had established outposts on the far side of the Steenbeek, and the possession of this bridgehead made it possible to place in position a number of wooden footbridges over the swollen stream. These twenty-foot spans were placed in pairs side by side to provide a double footway - three of them on each battalion front. During the night of August 15/16 the Newfoundlanders' "B" and "C" Companies, who would attack in the first wave, crossed the Steenbeek and formed up on a taped line along the east bank. Behind them on the west bank "A" and "D" Companies waited close to bridges by which they would move over as rapidly as possible after zero. Promptly at 4.45 a.m., as the eastern sky was paling, the barrage crashed down and the two leading waves began advancing - "B" Company, commanded by Lieutenant Charlie Strong, on the right, and "C" Company, under Captain Grant Paterson, on the left. Almost immediately the enemy replied with a barrage that reached back from the Steenbeek as far as Captain's Farm, but without doing serious damage. The follow-up waves were already filing across the Steenbeek bridges, "A" Company led by Lieutenant Bob Stick on the right, and "D" (Captain Bartlett, M.C.) on the heels of "C" Company. The Brigade's hardest fighting in this phase was next to the railway, where the Hampshire Regiment found itself ahead of the flanking unit of the 2Oth Division, and exposed to enfilade fire from the southeast. The Newfoundland Companies moved steadily forward, picking their way between the shell holes without encountering any strong opposition. Most of the Germans whom they saw showed little will to fight, and either gave themselves up or beat a hasty retreat. The chief trouble came from the concrete pillboxes manned by German machine-gunners. These, however, had a limited angle of fire, and those that continued to offer opposition were outflanked and attacked through the rear entrance. Such an incident occurred when one of the Newfoundland Companies was temporarily held up during the advance by rapid rifle fire, which was coming from a group of four or five German dug-outs. Displaying great coolness and initiative, Corporal Harry Raynes took two of his Company, Privates John J. Peddle and George B. Lacey (all three were St. John's men), and crawled

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A plank road passes a derelict tank in the Passchendaele area.

with them from shell hole to shell hole in a circling movement that brought them unnoticed into the Germans' rear. A few wellplaced bombs ended the enemy's obstructive tactics on this part of the battlefield, some five or six Germans being killed or captured in each dug-out. This courageous act brought Raynes the Distinguished Conduct Medal, and later the French Croix de Guerre; Peddle and Lacey (who was to be killed in action at the Battle of Cambrai in the following November) each received the Military Medal. Another St. John's man, Sergeant (later Lieut.) Thomas J. Dunphy, won the D.C.M. for bombing an enemy blockhouse and disposing of a machine-gun and crew threatening to hold up his platoon's advance. Within an hour of zero reports reached Brigade Headquarters that Captain Paterson's Company had occupied Denain Farm at the left end of the Newfoundland portion of the Blue Line. Both the leading Companies had inflicted a number of casualties, and they were now digging in on the Battalion's first objective. "A" and "D" Companies now passed through, as the advance to the Green Line began on schedule. It was in this phase that the troops

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experienced the hardest going. On the lower ground approaching the Broembeek the whole area was a quaking bog in which the men sank to the knees at every step. More than once a member of "A" or "D" Company had cause to bless the brotherly hands stretched out to extricate him from the inexorable clutches of the slough which was sucking him down. Yet in spite of these tremendous difficulties the resolute spirit of the Newfoundlanders, aided by their superb physical condition, enabled them to keep up with the barrage, which did excellent work in beating down opposition. Only the Battalion's trench-mortar detachment, burdened with their heavy weapon and sixty-four rounds of ammunition, fell behind; but as matters turned out they were not needed during the advance, and they were a decided accession of strength during consolidation. At 7.45 a.m. the Divisional Signals Office logged the following: "Pigeon message from O.C. 'A' Company Newfoundland reports he has taken his objective 200 yards to the right of Cannes Farm, and is consolidating." This was not the only pigeon message that went back from the Newfoundlanders that day. Padre Nangle used to enjoy telling the story of the private from St. John's who was in charge of some of the carrier pigeons. He was a man not blessed with great height, and during the advance to the Battalion's second objective he found himself stuck up to his middle in the bog. There he was forced to stay from early morning to late in the afternoon, with his wicker-basket of pigeons strapped on his back. His plaintive inquiry to passing troops, "What will I do with these pigeons?" brought unsympathetic replies - advice not of the kind normally contained in official military pamphlets. During the morning he decided that it would be a good thing to let the Battalion Commander know how matters were progressing. He wrote a message, couched informally in his own words, telling the C.O. that the boys had gone on and had dug themselves in and were holding their own, and mentioning his own plight. In due time the communication reached Colonel Hadow, who is said to have found its unique form and language, dramatic though the latter was in revealing the situation and the feelings of the author, hardly what might be expected from an officer trained in the signalling procedure prescribed in Field Service Regulations. Nor was the signature one that he could recognize as belonging to any of his officers. Eventually, however, the truth came out, and a party went forward to rescue the pigeon bearer from his predicament. The Newfoundlanders and the Hampshires had now advanced 1200 yards and had taken both their objectives on time; the rest was up to the Worcesters and the Essex. These two battalions

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came forward while the artillery held a curtain of fire just beyond the Green Line, and having formed their attacking waves followed the barrage as it began moving onward again. By noon they had occupied the Red Line and had sent parties forward to reduce a number of enemy-held blockhouses on the near side of the Broembeek. Early in the afternoon the Worcesters reported an estimated 300 enemy grouping behind a cemetery on the left front, but as these attempted to line the north bank of the stream they came under continuous rifle and Lewis gun fire, and were finally dispersed when an alert artillery began registering direct hits on them. Throughout the day the Newfoundlanders held and strengthened their positions. They were harassed during the afternoon by the enemy's guns. From time to time German aeroplanes flew low over the newly-won territory, spraying the closely-packed Newfoundlanders with machine-gun fire. They were undeterred by pot shots from the Battalion's snipers and Lewis gunners, and unmolested by any Allied aircraft. Without doubt the spotting which they did contributed considerably to the accuracy of the hostile shelling. This shelling was the principal cause of the Newfoundland casualties, which numbered that day 103 all ranks. Of these one officer, Lieutenant Harold Barrett, who had won the Military Medal at Gueudecourt, and 26 other ranks were fatal. There was no reliable estimate of enemy casualties, except for the four officers and 113 other ranks made prisoner by the battalions of the 88th Brigade. In his report on the operation Brigadier Cayley paid warm tribute to the determination shown by his troops in forcing their way through the mud and the swamp. He gave it as his opinion that the most satisfactory feature of the day's fighting had been "the manner in which the lessons taught in training were applied by all ranks without any hesitation and with the greatest intelligence." On the Divisional left the 8yth Brigade had done equally well. Indeed, for the 29th Division the achievements of August 16, 1917, had been the most successful since that great day of April 25, 1915, when the Division had carried out the historic landings at Cape Helles, during the course of which the stout-hearted ist Lancashire Fusiliers had won no less than six V.C.'s. On the whole of the Fifth Army's front the 29th had been the only Division to capture all its objectives; indeed, in the Army centre and on the right the Battle of Langemarck had produced virtually no gain. During the next two days the 86th Brigade, relieving the 8yth and 88th, exploited their gains by establishing nine posts on the far side of the Broembeek. This action particularly pleased General Gough, who on ascertaining the full extent of the 29th

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Division's achievements issued an Army Order calling on all other divisions to emulate its example. It was gratifying to the members of the Newfoundland Regiment that their efforts, particularly in the arduous second phase of the operation, had earned them many awards for bravery. No one had shown greater coolness under fire that day than Captain Grant Paterson, who received the Military Cross. Before the attack he carried out the dangerous task of crossing the Steenbeek to lay the tape along which the assault companies were to line up. During the advance to the Blue Line he gave "C" Company courageous and inspiring leadership, and in seizing his objective he personally accounted for a number of the enemy and captured a German machine-gun. Another officer who gained distinction that day was Captain Rupert Bartlett, who added a Bar to the M.C. which he had won at Monchy-le-Preux, besides being made a Cavalier of the Order of the Crown of Italy. Though suffering severely from the effects of gas (the Germans had begun using mustard gas in July), Bartlett led "D" Company over the well-nigh impassable ground between the Blue and Green Lines. On approaching the objective, near Cannes Farm, he personally conducted a bombing attack against an enemy strongpoint, putting the garrison out of action and capturing one of the four machine-guns taken by the Newfoundlanders in the day's fighting. Besides those already named, others to win the Military Medal included Private Arthur Murray, of Adams Cove, for his great endurance and courage in keeping a Lewis gun continuously in action against the enemy for upwards of twenty-four hours, though his advanced position was filled with mud and water to a depth of three feet; Corporal Ebenezer Wiseman, of Boot Harbour, and Privates Frank Dawe, Killigrews, and John H. Simms, Fogo (who died of wounds next day), for rendering similar valuable service with their Lewis guns under the most adverse conditions of mud and hostile fire, both during the advance and in consolidation; and Lance-Corporal John Rose, Clarke's Beach, and Private George Mullen, of Wesleyville. With these names must be recorded those of four men whose special task was the care of casualties. The heroic exertions of Sergeant Arthur Hammond, the Battalion Ambulance Sergeant (who had been in charge of the Medical Detachment since its formation at Pleasantville in 1914), and three of his stretcher bearers - Privates Thomas J. Meaney, Riverhead, St. Mary's; Heber Spurrell, Pools Island; and Patrick O'Neill, Fermeuse - in laboriously making their way a number of times through the floating swamp under heavy fire to bring in wounded Newfoundlanders, earned each a wellmerited Military Medal.

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When the ist Battalion was relieved by troops of the 86th Brigade on the morning of August 17, it moved back behind the Yser Canal to spend a short period in a camp near Elverdinghe. An entry in orders that day announced that the Battalion's secondin-command, Major James Forbes-Robertson, D.S.O., M.C., had been appointed to command the i6th Battalion, The Middlesex Regiment, the unit which had replaced the ist Royal Munster Fusiliers in the 86th Brigade's order of battle. It was a welldeserved promotion. During the period in which ForbesRobertson commanded the Newfoundland Regiment in the absence of Lieutenant-Colonel Hadow, the unfavourable reaction which his decidedly uncompromising attitude had provoked after Beaumont Hamel had become considerably modified; and his courageous performance at Monchy had earned him the admiration and respect, if not the affection, of the whole Battalion. He left behind him many friends among the Newfoundlanders, and when in April, 1918, by this time in command of the ist Battalion, The Border Regiment - his old regiment - he won the Victoria Cross in helping to stem the German advance near Estaires, the Newfoundland Regiment took pride in sharing his distinction. The seven weeks following the Battle of Langemarck saw the Newfoundlanders shuttling from one camp to another in the rear area about Elverdinghe and Proven. There were two brief tours in the line in front of the Canal Bank - from August 20 to 24, forward of Cannes Farm, and again for four days at the end of September, when Battalion Headquarters were at Wijdendrift, a mile north-west of Langemarck. On this latter occasion the Battalion suffered thirty-four casualties from shelling and from attack by enemy aircraft. The German artillery was sending over an increasing number of shells filled with mustard gas; and on September 29 a concentration of these on the 88th Brigade Headquarters resulted in all its personnel being badly gassed. The longest and most recuperative spell for the Newfoundlanders was their stay for three weeks at Penton Camp, just outside Proven. The 29th Division was in reserve, having been relieved by the Guards Division on August 28. There was time for relaxation - and as usual the Battalion participated wholeheartedly in the various Brigade sports and field days. An eighteen-mile march took them once more to Herzeele in midSeptember for three days of Brigade training. After the second tour in the line there was a week spent in reorganizing and in generally getting ready for the next battle. On October 4 the Battalion celebrated the third anniversary of the departure of the First Contingent from St. John's. The afternoon was devoted to sports, the athletic events being supplemented by such military

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contests as competitions in Lewis gunnery. The troops enjoyed a special dinner, and in the Officer's Mess the guests of honour were Brigadier-General H. Nelson, who had taken command of the 88th Brigade when Brigadier Cayley was gassed, and Lieutenant-Colonel Forbes-Robertson, D.S.O., M.C. At night the 29th Division's Concert Party, which had made a successful debut at Proven a short time before, entertained the troops with a first-rate performance which was received with tremendous enthusiasm. During all this time the weather was exceptionally fine, so good indeed that on the higher ground in the battle area dust was replacing the mud of August. It was unfortunate that the process of regrouping in the Second and Fifth Armies cost Sir Douglas Haig three weeks of excellent campaign weather - a loss that was later to be deeply regretted. The offensive was resumed on September 20, with General Plumer's Second Army advancing astride the Menin Road against the Gheluvelt plateau, and the Fifth Army keeping pace on the left. The Battle of the Menin Road Ridge, as it was called, achieved all that was intended of it, and it was followed by the successes of Polygon Wood on September 26, and Broodseinde (half a mile east of Zonnebeke) on October 4, on which day the two Armies took 4700 German prisoners. After these operations British troops were at last in possession of the long-fought-for Gheluvelt plateau and the southern half of the long ridge reaching northward through Passchendaele to Staden. It seemed as though the next effort might win the important high ground about Passchendaele; and Sir Douglas Haig now issued orders for a renewed attack on the morning of October 9. But on the evening of the 4th the rains came again. Before the Battle of Poelcappelle The Battle Honours "Langemarck, 1917" and "Poelcappelle," emblazoned on the colours of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment may at first glance mean little to the casual observer who for this period of the war is looking for the names Steenbeek and Broembeek. There is a logical explanation for the absence of the more local designations. When classifying and naming the many operations in which the forces of the Commonwealth fought during the First World War, the Imperial Battles Nomenclature Committee (whose designations formed the basis for the awards made by the Battle Honours Committee to the participating units), in the interests of keeping the list of honours a manageable size, was compelled as a general rule to recognize

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by name only those battles in which a substantial number of troops had taken part. Lesser engagements, important though each might be to the individual unit or units involved, had to be grouped under the designation of the larger operation of which they formed a part. There was one notable exception. Acknowledging the tremendous significance to Newfoundlanders of the name Beaumont Hamel, the authorities granted the Royal Newfoundland Regiment the unique honour "Albert (Beaumont Hamel)" - a "bracketing" of honours which was to provide an important precedent for a parallel form of award to certain Commonwealth units in the Second World War. As already noted, the Newfoundland Regiment's arduous advance from the Steenbeek on August 16 formed part of the wider Battle of Langemarck. In like manner the Battle of Poelcappelle, fought on October 9, 1917, is the official name for the operations which included the action by the Newfoundlanders at the Broembeek. The successful outcome of the Battle of Broodseinde on October 4 encouraged Field-Marshal Haig to press on with the next stage in his campaign. In capturing Broodseinde the Second Army had breached the foremost of the enemy's three main Flanders positions. It was imperative that he should as far as possible be prevented from installing himself firmly in those to the rear, by hitting him again before he had a chance to bring up reliefs for his battered front divisions. The general plan for October 9 was that the leading brigades of the Second Army should break through the Flanders II Line and pursue the retiring enemy northwards well beyond Passchendaele; while those of the Fifth Army were to gain the Flanders I Line behind Poelcappelle, a village 3000 yards east of Langemarck. Unfortunately the weather was contributing little to the fulfilment of these plans. The rain which had begun falling on the 4th continued for three days, and on the yth Generals Plumer and Gough told Sir Douglas Haig that, while willing to carry on, they would nevertheless welcome a closing down of the campaign. But Haig was determined, if possible, to secure the high Passchendaele ridge for a winter position; furthermore, he urged the necessity of continuing to attack in Flanders in order to keep German pressure off the French farther south. The attack on the morning of the 9th would only be postponed if absolutely necessary; but a planned afternoon attack by reserve brigades was cancelled. In General Gough's sector the Eighteenth Corps was directed against Poelcappelle, the western outskirts of which were already in British hands. On the Army's northern flank, the Fourteenth Corps was to advance with three divisions to the southern edge of Houthulst Forest, a wooded area some three miles long lying to the west of

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the Staden railway. The 29th Division, starting from the River Broembeek, would attack in the centre on a two-brigade front astride the railway, with the 4th Division on its right and the Guards on its left. Although the operations known collectively as the Third Battle of Ypres were to drag on until the final Canadian effort at Passchendaele on November 10, for the 29th Division the Battle of Poelcappelle was the last fight in the series. And with the possible exception of July i, 1916, there was more elaborate staff work in preparing for October 9 than any other engagement in which the Division took part. The order for the operation reached the Newfoundland Regiment on the 7th at Cardoen Camp, a mile and a half west of Elverdinghe. As in the Steenbeek battle the advance would be made to three successive objectives, the first two representing bounds of about 500 yards, the final one 700 yards beyond the second. On the 88th Brigade's front it would be the role of the 4th Worcesters to carry the attack as far as the second objective the Blue Dotted Line. The Newfoundlanders were to take over in the final phase, advancing to capture the third objective, shown on map traces as the Green Line. The 2nd Hampshire Regiment, in brigade reserve, would be ready to deal with any counter-attack, and to carry out such exploitation as opportunity offered. Examination of the map will show that the Broembeek, after flowing in a south-westerly direction parallel to the railway for a couple of miles, suddenly alters course by almost ninety degrees, to cross the track and continue to its junction with the Steenbeek two miles farther west. It was this lower portion of the stream which forward troops of the 29th Division had reached on August 16 and the following days. The change in the river's direction was significant to the Division's forthcoming attack, for it meant that while the 86th Brigade on the right would advance up the left bank of the Broembeek without having to make a crossing, the 88th Brigade was faced with the difficulty of having to begin its operation with an attack across the swollen watercourse. As will be seen, this condition, in spite of careful planning, was to result in a certain amount of confusion and a mixing of the units taking part. A novel feature of the operational plan as set forth in the Divisional Order was the proposed employment of four tanks to aid the 29th's attack, although these would be acting quite independently of the infantry. Infantry-cum-tank tactics were still a thing of the future. It was intended that the four would move forward through Poelcappelle at zero along the road running north-westward to Houthulst Forest, and reduce known enemy

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strongpoints along this route - specifically Conde House, Tranquille House, and Egypt House, on either side of the Blue Dotted Line. Probably foreseeing that the armoured vehicles might encounter difficulties in the mud (an assumption that proved to be correct), the order emphasized the independent nature of the tanks' activities: "Infantry should on no account wait for the tanks, but should follow the barrage closely." On the evening of October 7 the Newfoundlanders left Cardoen Camp and marched through pouring rain to Canal Bank, on the west side of the Yser, where they spent the night in dug-outs about half a mile south of the Staden railway. Next day Company Commanders were taken forward to observe the ground over which they were to attack. The value of this reconnaissance was to be proved in the ensuing action, for in that desolate area, except for the railway embankment, landmarks recognizable from the map had been obliterated. As the Newfoundlanders busied themselves with a last-minute check of equipment in readiness for the morrow, they could see on all sides the tremendous preparations that were being made for the next day's battle. Fortunately poor visibility kept German aircraft out of the skies, and the whole countryside to within half a mile of the enemy's front line was one great hive of activity. Gun teams were struggling to bring the field artillery forward; and when the sweating horses became bogged belly-deep in the mire, manpower took over and dragged the guns into position. Engineers were busy building bridges and roads that would enable wheeled traffic to get forward as the infantry advanced. In the meantime long lines of pack mules were further trampling the duckboard tracks into the quagmire as they picked their way forward with their burdens of ammunition and battle stores. At 4 p.m. Colonel Hadow held a conference of his Company Commanders in the dug-out that served as Battalion Headquarters. It so happened that not one of these officers had taken part in the Steenbeek operation. "A" Company was now commanded by Captain J. A. Ledingham, "B" Company by Captain J. Nunns, and "C" by Captain Kevin Keegan, M.C. In command of "D" was Lieutenant George Hicks, who had taken over that morning when Captain Gerald Harvey was wounded by a shell fragment during the reconnaissance. With characteristic thoroughness the C.O. went carefully over every detail of the Battalion plan, ensuring that each officer was completely familiar with barrage times and the objectives assigned to his Company. Then watches were synchronized and the Colonel dismissed his officers with the words: "Now, gentlemen, see that all your battle stores are complete and that you are ready to march off at nine sharp."

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The rain had held off during the day, but at eight that evening it came down again in torrents, and the crossing of the Yser Canal was made in inky darkness. For two-thirds of the way forward the long files of men shuffled along the slippery duckboards. Then these petered out, and it was a case of wading in the mud, now skirting a shell crater, now stumbling into one, guided only by the light of the shells bursting overhead. An officer who went through it all recalls the scene: That dreary march, made ten times worse by heavy, rain-sodden equipment, must still be imprinted on the minds of all who did it, and yet not a man fell out. With dogged footsteps they trudged on. Occasionally the word was passed up, "Halt in front." A gap had occurred in the line, and it was imperative that these rear files should catch up.

And if corroborative evidence of the Battalion's stamina and perseverance be needed, it appears in the 88th Brigade's report of the operation: The Newfoundland Regiment was watched passing a point half a mile short of the Assembly Area. In spite of the difficulty of the march, discipline was excellent and the men appeared in good fettle.

It was nearly two o'clock when the tired marchers reached the front line. It had taken them five hours to cover as many miles. Zero hour was not until 5.20 a.m., and for a short while the weary troops found what rest they could, some in muddy shell holes, others in dug-outs and abandoned German concrete pillboxes. Dawn was still an hour away when, at 4.25, N.C.O.'s moved quietly from shelter to shelter rousing the dozing troops. Through wise forethought on the part of the staff there was an issue of hot tea and rum, poured from petrol cans which had been brought forward in packs stuffed with hay. The Fighting at the Broembeek Five o'clock came, and all was still dark and unnaturally quiet. The heavy bombardment of enemy strongpoints that had been going on for days had ended. It seemed as though the hoped-for surprise was going to be achieved. The Worcesters were already formed up along a taped line which ran from the battered ruins of 't Goed ter Vesten Farm to just west of the railway, about 150 yards south of the River Broembeek. Another 150 yards to the rear were the four Newfoundland Companies - "D" on the right and "A" on the left in the front wave, and "C" on the right and "B" on the left in support. At 5.10 a Very light soaring into the air from the far side of No

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Man's Land helped to intensify the suspense that gripped the silent, waiting men. But if the German signal meant anything, there was no sign of any reaction from the enemy's lines. A few minutes later a solitary shell was heard whining far overhead, followed a minute later by the sharp bark of a French 75. Then promptly at 5.30 came pandemonium as the barrage crashed down. At once the spell is broken; all are on the alert, impatient to advance. The shells fall so close to the forward troops that they almost seem to singe one's hair in their passage. On the far side of the Broembeek the enemy's front defences are blotted out in bursting fountains of mud and water. Over on the left front Bear Copse, a dreaded nest of German machine-guns, which the fog of early October has spared from destruction during the preliminary bombardment, receives special treatment from fifty Stokes mortar bombs, and ceases to be a source of trouble. As the barrage advances, the Worcesters start to cross the river, which is here about fifteen feet wide and three feet deep. It was planned that each of the attacking brigades would have a number of light footbridges and bridge mats for their passage of the water barrier; but because of the extreme difficulty of bringing these forward each required four bearers, two at either end, trying to walk abreast on a narrow duckboard - they do not arrive in time, only one reaching the Worcester Regiment. Fortunately an existing crossing is found at the demolished railway bridge, and elsewhere the assaulting companies wade through the chilly water. Though the Broembeek is thus passable to infantry, it is enough of an obstacle to cause a good deal of disorganization among the two units trying to cross; and companies of the assaulting Worcester Regiment and the supporting Newfoundland Regiment become badly mixed. The result is that a number of the Newfoundlanders, who, as noted above, were not intended to go into the lead until after the second objective had been captured, find themselves engaged prematurely. "Now it is clear daylight," recorded the officer in charge of "D" Company. We find that every Company of our Battalion forms the first line of the assault. The 4th Worcesters, our old friends, seem to have been outstripped, and they form supports. All ranks now settle down to the systematic advance, and with rifles on guard they go forward.

The barrage was everything that could be expected. One platoon sergeant of "C" Company described it as the best he had ever seen, classifying it "too per cent perfect." It was just as well that this should be so, for the Germans occupying the shell holes beyond the Broembeek were found to be in larger

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numbers than expected, and there were many more in small dugouts burrowed in the sides of the railway embankment. For this reason it was probably fortunate that Newfoundland platoons were on hand to assist the Worcesters in mopping up, even though this departure from planning meant a subsequent lack of fresh troops for committing against the final objective. Early in the attack Captain Ledingham was struck down, and Lieutenant A. L. Summers took over "A" Company. Not long after this. Captain Keegan was wounded, and the command of "C" Company devolved upon Lieutenant E. A. Chafe. There were frequent checks from machine-gun fire and sniping coming from German pillboxes which had withstood the barrage. Systematically these were put out of action by small parties of courageous men boldly and skilfully led. Sergeant Roderick Purcell, in charge of No. 12 Platoon, recalls being held up by fire from a machine-gun in a pillbox directly in his platoon's line of advance. Remembering his Company Commander's instructions, "Never ask your men to do anything you wouldn't do yourself," he waved his platoon to ground and started crawling towards the left of the German strongpoint. His judgement proved sound, for when within twenty yards of the position he found that the entrance was on his side. Reaching into his tunic for a Mills bomb - and waiting, he remembers, for his heart to slow down - he pulled the cotter pin and hurled the grenade with deadly accuracy. After the explosion he saw two hands appear in the opening, followed by their German owner, and then by another soldier. As Purcell walked towards them two more appeared, each with arms raised in surrender. "All I could say," relates the St. John's sergeant, "was "Thank God'." By that time other members of 12 Platoon were on the scene, and the advance was resumed. The D.C.M. that Purcell received for his deed was one of thirty-three decorations won by Newfoundlanders in the day's fighting. The first objective, a Green Dotted Line on the map, has no recognizable features on the ground. It is identified mainly by a 45-minute pause in the barrage. Its capture by the Worcesters is reported before seven o'clock. By this time "A", "C", and "D" Companies - all three now commanded by junior officers - have sorted themselves out pretty well on the left side of the railway; "B" is on its right. From all appearances things have been going well on either flank; a good sign is the number of prisoners trudging back towards the Steenbeek. To this the Newfoundlanders have made their contribution. A message received at 7.05 a.m. at the main Divisional Headquarters from General de Lisle's forward Headquarters, reads: "One officer 417 Regt

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and 45 other ranks 417, 171 and 172 Regts passed at 6.30 a.m. captured by Newfoundland Regt soon after crossing Broembeek." As the morning wears on, the Newfoundlanders, moving now towards the second objective, come up against Pascal Farm, the rubble of which half conceals a group of concrete machine-gun posts. Coolly the attackers go about the business of eliminating this hornets' nest by carefully-rehearsed tactics of "fire and movement." In successive rushes by sections, each covered by authoritative rifle fire, the Newfoundlanders close in on the position, and a few well-placed bombs complete the job. Shortly before ten o'clock Divisional Forward Headquarters relays a message received from the 4th Worcesters, reporting that they have reached the Blue Dotted Line and that the Newfoundlanders are going through. Then the task became tougher. Between the second and third objectives the road from Poelcappelle to Houthulst Forest ran diagonally across the line of advance, and along this road the Germans were holding a number of farm buildings which they had converted into blockhouses. So far these had not been molested, for the tanks which were to have reduced these strongpoints had been prevented by the state of the ground from taking any part in the battle. Advancing against growing resistance, the Newfoundlanders allowed the barrage to outdistance them, and the Germans, seizing their opportunity, opened up a brisk fire which brought numerous casualties. Trouble was seen to be threatening from Cairo House, a group of buildings surrounded by orchards on the left of the Newfoundlanders, and actually on the front of the Irish Guards, who were advancing on the Guards Division's right flank. Timely liaison with the Irish by the commander of "D" Company resulted in one of their companies launching a successful attack on the German position. The watching Newfoundlanders were now treated to a striking demonstration of discipline and valour as the Irish Lewis gunners stood erect, their shoulders providing a rest for the heavy weapons which their comrades were keeping in continuous action against the foe. About 400 yards beyond the lateral road the Newfoundlanders were forced to dig in. It was then about half-past ten. On the left the Guards Division had reached its final objective opposite Houthulst Forest; but east of the railway, where units of the 86th Brigade had encountered extremely marshy ground, progress had been slower. The left end of the Newfoundland Battalion's positions was practically at the Green Line, but on the right, where the upper Broembeek marked the boundary with the 86th Brigade, German retention of .Taube Farm, east of the stream, had halted

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the attackers a good 500 yards short of their objective. LieutenantColonel Hadow had moved his Headquarters up to Pascal Farm, and from here a message went back to Brigade reporting "very heavy shelling" and requesting further supplies of small-arms ammunition. By midday the Newfoundlanders had consolidated their new holdings, which covered a front of about 450 yards. But the line was thinly occupied, for, as we have seen, the Battalion had fought over a considerably greater distance than originally planned, and casualties had amounted to some thirty-five per cent of strength. Lewis guns were pushed forward to points of vantage on both sides of the railway, and a number of riflemen took up positions on the embankment itself. There was little time for rest, for early in the afternoon enemy troops were seen assembling at Taube Farm for the inevitable counter-attack. As the Germans filed forward to the point of assembly in groups of ten or twenty, they presented excellent targets to Newfoundland rifles and Lewis guns. Their fire was effective in keeping the counter-attack from materializing, and eventually at 5 p.m., thanks to the efforts of the Adjutant, Captain Bert Tait - who having come forward under shelling to assess the situation, braved the fire of enemy snipers in making a reconnaissance of the whole line and carried back a request for artillery support - the Divisional guns brought down a concentration on Taube Farm which effectively ended any threat from that quarter. Soon, however, trouble arose on the other flank. All afternoon small enemy groups had been trying to worm their way forward against the Newfoundland positions, and just at dusk a large bombing party attacked the point of junction with the Irish Guards. Concentrated rifle fire from the Newfoundland left company drove the Germans back, temporarily saving the situation. The Guards had suffered heavy losses, particularly in officers, and with their left flank exposed they were forced to withdraw to avoid encirclement. As a result of this retirement, the Newfoundland Battalion found itself with an unprotected left flank, and perforce it had to pull its own line back some 200 yards. There the battle ended. Late that night the 2nd Hampshires came forward and relieved the Newfoundlanders in a line that ran about 50 yards in front of the Poelcappelle-Houthulst road. As in the fighting of August 16 the Battle of Poelcappelle had produced the greatest - indeed the only appreciable - gains on the northern flank, in the Fourteenth Corps' sector. The advance of the 29th and the Guards Divisions had not been matched elsewhere on the front of the Fifth and the Second Armies. In three

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days the launching of the First Battle of Passchendaele would initiate the ghastly conflict in the mud that was to drag on for four more weeks before the Commander-in-Chief finally called a halt to the fruitless struggle. But the Newfoundlanders would be spared participation in this. On October u the 29th Division, having suffered 4700 battle casualties in the past two months 1100 of these since the morning of October 9 - handed over to the i yth Division, to begin a period of nearly six weeks out of the line. As the Newfoundlanders prepared to leave, temporarily at least, this "slumland of the war," they could look back on their latest action with the satisfaction that comes from a difficult task well done. Once again good training, physical stamina, and high morale had proved their value in battle. The Battalion had made its full contribution to its Division's successful advance. It had captured a fair proportion of the 250 prisoners who passed through the Division's Collecting Cage ("They appear downhearted," reported one observer a bit obviously), and it had inflicted on the enemy an unrecorded number of other casualties, judged by one officer to be "several hundred." Early on the loth a signal from Colonel Hadow to Brigade Headquarters estimated his own losses at eight officers and 250 other ranks. Later figures confirmed Newfoundland casualties of 67 killed and 127 wounded. Besides Captain Ledingham the Regiment had suffered the loss of three other officers. Lieutenant Frank O'Toole, also of "A" Company, died on October 12 of wounds received during the battle; and among the wounded and missing, later listed as killed in action, was Lieutenant Samuel B. Cole. While he was engaged in bringing forward stores on the night of the 9th, the Battalion Transport Officer, Lieutenant Stanley Goodyear, of Grand Falls, was struck by a shell at a particularly dangerous section of the route near Langemarck, and instantly killed. Stan Goodyear had served with the Transport Section since its formation, and the men of the Battalion had learned from experience that whatever the circumstances they could always be assured of rations reaching them in the front line when he was in charge. Among the many stories told of this colourful soldier was that of an occasion when the Battalion was in the line and desperately short of rifle and machine-gun ammunition. The Germans were heavily shelling the lines of communication, and the transport of a number of units was halted along the road waiting for a lull in the firing to let them forward. When the Newfoundland wagons and Umbers arrived on the scene, Goodyear was ordered by a brigadier-general who was in charge of the situation to pull into the roadside and wait his turn. But Stan, knowing the Regiment's great need, had other ideas. He is said to have quietly passed the warning back to

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his drivers, "Prepare to gallop," and then, placing himself at their head gave the order to gallop. At full tilt the column charged past the surprised general into the danger zone. Miraculously the wagons got through without loss, and the ammunition that reached the Battalion enabled it to hold on and save the day. Before the end of the year a well-merited Military Cross came posthumously to Lieutenant Stanley Goodyear. Six others won the Military Cross or Bar. Captain Tait received the award for the resourceful way in which he organized the Battalion's formingup on its assembly position in particularly trying circumstances, as well as for his prowess later at the final objective. Lieutenant Hicks won his for the skill and courage with which he led his Company throughout the battle, especially in repelling the final counter-attack on the left flank. Two other Company Commanders to win the M.C. for their courageous leadership during the advance and in holding their objective were Captain Joseph Nunns, of "B" Company, and Lieutenant Eric Chafe, who had taken over "A" Company when Captain Ledingham was killed. Captain Kevin Keegan, who until he was wounded had led "C" Company with great distinction, received a bar to the M.C. which he had won at Monchy. The unusual award of the Military Cross to a non-commissioned officer paid special tribute to the valour of Company Sergeant-Major Albert Taylor, also of "A" Company, who attacked and put out of action the machine-gun that had killed his Company Commander, besides accounting for many Germans with his bayonet. Taylor, whose home was in Charleston, Bonavista Bay, was later to receive a "periodic" D.C.M., and at Keiberg Ridge, in September, 1918, a Bar to his Military Cross. This highly-decorated Newfoundlander died of wounds less than a month before the close of hostilities. Besides Sergeant Purcell, four Newfoundland soldiers won the Distinguished Conduct Medal at the Broembeek. Sergeant James J. Murphy, of Holyrood, and Private William Sutton, Burgeo (who later received also the Belgian Croix de Guerre), were jointly responsible for leading a party against a stubbornly-resisting enemy blockhouse, capturing a machine-gun and seventeen Germans. Sergeant Charles P. Spurrell, St. John's, showed great courage and initiative in similarly attacking a pillbox, which yielded another machine-gun and three prisoners. Corporal Levi Hollett, New Harbour, Trinity Bay, was awarded both the D.C.M. and the Belgian Croix de Guerre for his single-handed action in destroying a sniper's post and capturing a dug-out from which the enemy were firing on his platoon. Typical of the bravery and devoted service which brought the M.M. or Bar to twenty other ranks of the Battalion was that of

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Corporal Alexander Adams, from Arnold's Cove. As a signaller he worked incessantly under heavy shellfire all day laying wires to keep the forward troops in communication with Battalion Headquarters. When these lines were frequently cut by enemy shells, without hesitation he went out to repair them, dangerously exposing himself to fire as he worked. So it was with many others who in performing their duties as runners or stretcher bearers displayed an endurance and a spirit of self-sacrifice that was unsurpassed by the assaulting troops in the forefront of the battle. These are the others who were awarded the Military Medal for their bravery at the Broembeek: Pte. Jacob Abbott, Wesleyville; Sgt. Ernest P. Aitken, Botwood; Pte. Hugh P. Bowden, Wesleyville; Lance-Cpl. Augustus Bulgin, Farmers Arm, Twillingate; C.S.M. Ernest Butcher, St. John's; C.S.M. Harold S. Butler, Burin; Pte. John Davis, Conche; Cpl. James Dunn, Hopeall; Sgt. Ernest Goudie, Port Anson; Sgt. Alexander Hennebury, St. John's; Sgt. Walter Jewer, Botwood; Cpl. Patrick Q. McDonald, Grand Falls; Lance-Cpl. William Moore, Bay Roberts; Lance-Cpl. John E. B. Nichol, St. John's; Pte. Levi Paddick, Grand Falls; Cpl. Chesley Pafford, St. John's; LanceCpl. Frederick S. Rees, Lance Cove, Bell Island; and Cpl. Harry Tansley, a Cardiff sailor who had enlisted in St. John's. Private Thomas J. Meaney added a Bar to the Military Medal which he had won eight weeks earlier at the Steenbeek. Of all these heroes the Regiment, and the people of Newfoundland, might be supremely proud. After handing over to the Hampshires in the early hours of October 10, the ist Battalion carried out a succession of reliefs which brought it on the morning of the i ith back to Elverdinghe, where it entrained for Swindon Camp in the Proven area. Here the Newfoundlanders received visits on October 15 from the Prince of Wales and from the Corps Commander, the Earl of Cavan, who came to congratulate the Battalion and bid it farewell on leaving the Fourteenth Corps. Less welcome visitors were several German aircraft which bombed the camp on two successive nights, fortunately without causing any casualties. On the iyth the Newfoundlanders moved once again - this time to a rest area, where they might forget for a while the mud and misery of Flanders. A train carried them to Saulty, on the Arras-Doullens road, from where they marched to Berles-au-Bois, a quiet little village ten miles south-west of Arras. Here they found comfortable billets which they were to occupy for the next month - a period which would allow the Battalion to rebuild its strength with drafts of new reinforcements and train vigorously for one more battle in 1917.

CHAPTER XII

Cambrai Gouzeaucourt, Assembly point for drive intense To break the Hindenburg defence In front of Cambrai.

A Ministry of Militia On August 4, 1917, as the war entered its fourth year. Governor Davidson dispatched to the Motherland an expression of Newfoundland's continued devotion to the cause of freedom: The people of Newfoundland have in the city of St. John's and in every town of the Colony this day, with every sign of steady courage, passed the subjoined resolution: "That on this, the third anniversary of the declaration of a righteous war, this meeting of the citizens of St. John's records its inflexible determination to continue to a victorious end the struggle in maintenance of those ideals of liberty and justice which are the common and sacred cause of the Allies."

The message went on to pay tribute to the leadership of Sir Douglas Haig, and concluded with the pledge: My Ministers bid me say that the people of Newfoundland, with growing energy, will do all they can in aid of the magnificent Armies under his command.

For three years the Colony's war effort had been ably directed by the Patriotic Association of Newfoundland, which had in effect been the War Department of the Newfoundland Government. As noted in an earlier chapter, the Association had been formed by Governor Davidson in 1914 to keep the conduct of military affairs in Newfoundland outside the range of local politics. Its leaders, men and women representing all sections of the community, had given unstintingly of their time and exertion in providing wise management and setting a worthy example of devoted service. Through the untiring efforts of the Patriotic Association Newfoundland had sent two battalions across the ocean and was main-

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Members of the Women's Patriotic Association of Newfoundland worked devotedly throughout the war providing comforts for the boys overseas.

taining them at strength; while at home the Association had organized the many and varied phases of war work in which the people of the Colony had enthusiastically engaged with outstanding results. By May, 1917, contributions to thirteen different funds sponsored by the Patriotic Association totalled $300,000. Among these projects were the Newfoundland Patriotic Fund, for providing assistance to the families of men enlisted in the Newfoundland Regiment or in the Royal Naval Reserve; the St. John Ambulance Cot Fund, which had endowed 238 cots in British military hospitals, as well as making grants to London hospitals in which Newfoundland soldiers had been cared for; the Aeroplane Fund, from which four aircraft had been given for service with the British Expeditionary Force, together with one contributed by private individuals; and such lesser though just as worthy objectives as the "Mayolind" Tobacco Fund and the "Fish and Brewis" Fund. In addition, its sister organization, the Patriotic Association of the Women of Newfoundland, had raised more than $200,000, including the cost of two motor ambulances presented to the 29th Division. By the summer of 1917 political partisanship, the existence of

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which had made the Patriotic Association necessary, had moderated considerably. Perhaps it was that three years of sharing in a united war effort had effectively demonstrated the fruits of co-operation. In August the Opposition joined with the Government to form a National Ministry. One of the first acts of the new administration was to create a Department of Militia. The Canadian Government was asked for information on the organization and activities of its Department of Militia and Defence; and early in September the incumbent of the new post in Newfoundland, the Honourable J. R. Bennett, former Colonial Secretary, spent two weeks in Ottawa accompanied by members of his staff, studying the methods employed in the federal Department. The responsibility for administering all matters relating to the military establishment in Newfoundland was entrusted to a District Officer Commanding and his staff. First to hold this position was Major Alexander Montgomerie, who since June, 1916, had commanded the Depot at St. John's. The formal transfer of the executive functions of the Patriotic Association to the new Ministry of Militia was completed speedily and smoothly. As the organization which had rendered such outstanding service to the Newfoundland Regiment and the Colony's total war effort disbanded, its Chairman, Sir Walter Davidson, wrote expressing the Association's gratitude to the heads of the various standing committees and others who had made special contributions. In the ordinary course of business, letters deal with difficulties which have to be surmounted, and mention is rarely made of the good results which have been achieved. The Association has now empowered me to tell you how much we appreciate your work and how glad we are that our good fortune has associated you with our Regiment.

Before long, Sir Walter was to sever his connections with the Colony which he had served as Governor for five years. In the late autumn of 1917 he left Newfoundland to become Governor of New South Wales, his place being taken by Sir Charles A. Harris, who came from nineteen years of service with the Colonial Office. It is difficult to over-emphasize what the Newfoundland Regiment owed to the departing Governor. In a tribute paid by Sir Edward Morris at a farewell ceremony in London arranged by the Newfoundland War Contingent Association, the Premier declared that for practically the whole three and a half years of war up to that time Sir Walter Davidson had "acted as a Minister of the Crown and done all the work that a Minister of Militia would do in that respect." Sir Edward drew attention to the way in which the Governor had risked his prestige in "going down into the hurly

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burly of ordinary departmental work," instead of following the traditional practice of taking no action without first having behind him his responsible Ministers. Yet successful results had proved the wisdom of his methods. On behalf of the Patriotic Association the Prime Minister then presented Governor Davidson with a gold watch in recognition of his services as the Association's chairman. In acknowledging the gift Sir Walter credited Sir Edward Morris with having from the beginning seen two points very clearly: "The people were loyal to the King. The war must be kept out of politics." In an old colony like Newfoundland traditions lived long; and none was more firmly founded than the devotion to the personal cult of the King and the Royal Family. In lighter vein Sir Walter recalled some illustrations of the influence of tradition which he had unexpectedly encountered when trying to explain the war to Newfoundlanders. He spoke of visiting a southern outport inhabited mainly by Orangemen and men from Devon and Dorset. "What, fight the King of Prussia?" they exclaimed. "He is the bulwark of Protestantism." In other places he would meet the protest: "What, fight with the French? Why, we've always fought against the French." And when a picket was sent to a distant bay which a German submarine was reported to be intending to use as a base, the women of the community rushed their men indoors with the frantic warning: "The Press Gang is out!" On leaving Newfoundland Sir Walter had relinquished command of the Newfoundland Regiment and had received the appointment of Honorary Colonel. Now he had just returned from France, where he had spent two days with the ist Battalion. As he watched officers and men marching back from action to their billets, the parade had not been a long one. The Battalion could muster only 250 bayonets, for it was returning from a fourteenday battle in which the number of casualties it had sustained was surpassed only by those suffered in the costly encounters at Beaumont Hamel and Monchy. The name Cambrai had been worthily added to the Newfoundland Regiment's growing list of battle honours. "The Great Experiment" When the tired men of the Newfoundland Regiment reached Berles-au-Bois late on the night of October 17, 1917, they were in much need of a period of recuperation after the strain of fighting in the ghastly conditions which they had

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experienced at the Third Battle of Ypres. There were a few days of complete rest before the Battalion embarked on an intensive programme of training. Ceremonial drill had to have its place in the schedule, for an inspection by the Divisional Commander, Major-General Sir Beauvoir de Lisle, was in the offing; and in any case it was recognized by those in authority that a rigorous application of "spit and polish" could not be improved upon as a builder and maintainer of morale. Then came practising attack formations on alternate days, sometimes by the Battalion alone, sometimes with the rest of the 88th Brigade, now under the command of Brigadier-General H. Nelson, D.S.O. All knew that a return to combat would not be long delayed. Training was directed towards regaining the power to manoeuvre - an accomplishment little in demand during the long periods of trench warfare which had heretofore characterized operations in France and Flanders. This meant emphasis on "fire and movement" at all levels of command and on placing greatly increased reliance on the initiative of all commanders. Nor was the importance of having all ranks in the best physical condition neglected. There were long route-marches across country in full fighting equipment - which meant a load of sixty pounds per man. There was talk now of employing tanks in a closer role with infantry. A number of these unfamiliar engines of war were assigned to assist the Division's training, and each battalion practised advancing behind them. The Newfoundlanders had not seen tanks in operation at such close quarters before, and with no little awe (mingled with supreme satisfaction that these powerful machines would be on their side) they regarded the ease with which they could flatten barbed wire obstacles with their two-footwide caterpillar treads, demolish or surmount breastworks, and roll their way across hostile trenches. Earlier in the war the area about Berles-au-Bois had been in German hands, and part of the fatigue duties imposed on each battalion was to provide working parties to salvage the rusty barbed wire from the entanglements which still ran the length of the old trenches, hindering the training of the troops and the efforts of the French farmers to get their fields back into cultivation. The weather was not of the best - frequently it rained, and the early days of November were cold and windy. But when conditions permitted, there was time for a game of football or an occasional cross-country run. At night there were visits to the "Music Hall," a wooden building which had been erected as a temporary theatre for the 29th Division's Concert Party. These talented performers provided excellent entertainment, one of the highlights of which, during this pre-Cambrai training period, was

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a scene from the opera Faust, with the role of Marguerite being charmingly played by "Queenie," a young R.A.M.C. orderly who was the troupe's principal female impersonator. Rumours of an impending battle gained weight when on November 12 Colonel Hadow and his Acting Adjutant, Captain Bert Tail, together with other officers and similar representation from every battalion in the Division, were taken by bus to Peronne, about thirty miles to the south-east, where they stayed the night. Next morning they drove up the Cambrai road as far as Gouzeaucourt, a village about two miles behind the front line. The party spent the morning looking over the ground in the vicinity, each officer familiarizing himself with the location of the area in which his troops would later assemble, and how it might be approached in the dark. Their reconnaissance completed, they loaded up for the slow drive back to Series, which they reached at two-thirty next morning. Then the tempo in the Divisional area quickened. Tactical exercises for Brigade and Division occupied three successive days, and on the morning of the lyth the Newfoundlanders bid good-bye to their billets at Berles. With other units of the Division they marched to Boisleux au Mont, eight miles away, to board a train for Peronne. There followed a cramped, wearisome ride of seven hours: it was almost midnight when they reached Peronne and received orders to dismount. But their journey was not over. It was no capricious timing that had trains bearing the units of the 29th Division arriving in Peronne at dead of night. A vast concentration of troops was taking place behind the British front, and to preserve the secrecy which was essential to the success of the forthcoming operations it had been planned that the approach to the assembly areas would have to be made by marching on three consecutive nights. As the weary Newfoundlanders, heavily laden with extra rations and equipment, fell in outside the railway station, they were given strict orders against smoking or showing a light while en route. A march of six miles northward from the Somme through the darkness brought them at about 2.30 a.m. on the i8th to Moislains, beside the unfinished Canal du Nord. Here they remained until late afternoon. Dusk was falling when they broke camp and began moving forward again, this time to Sorel-le-Grand, a village about five miles away. Through the hours of daylight on the I9th the troops were closely confined to their huts. This precaution against observation by the enemy was aided by foggy weather, which kept hostile aircraft out of the sky. The Battalion made last preparations for battle. Company and Platoon Commanders carried out a final inspection of their men's rifles and equipment and the miscel-

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Cambrai

laneous war stores that each must carry into action. Everything was surprisingly quiet - for this sector was just now one of the most inactive of the whole front. Yet a scant six miles to the east were the formidable defences of the Hindenburg Line, in and beyond which the battalions of the 29th and many another British division were to seek their objectives on the morrow. Early proposals for an attack on the Hindenburg Line in front of Cambrai had been made in April, 1917, but the project had remained in suspense during the prolonged offensive in Flanders. A planning staff at Third Corps Headquarters worked on the project during the summer, and in mid-October Sir Douglas Haig gave approval for the Third Army to undertake such an operation, to be launched on November 20. From his depleted infantry resources - he had had to send five divisions to Italy, and more were asked for - Haig assigned the Third Army nineteen divisions and no less than 278 fighting tanks (as well as 98 more to be used for carrying supplies, dragging wire away from the cavalry routes, and providing wireless and telephone communications). Preparations went vigorously ahead for the "great experiment." In siting their strong Siegfried-Stellung in the Cambrai sector the Germans had taken advantage of two major obstacles in the Allied path: the valley of the Escaut, or upper Scheldt, through which ran the canal linking St. Quentin with Cambrai and the River Sensee; and half a dozen miles to the west the unfinished Canal du Nord, which though fully excavated was without water. The main position, consisting of an Outpost Zone, a Battle Zone, and a Support Line - the whole some 3000 yards in depth - was based on the Canal du Nord, where it crossed the highway from Bapaume to Cambrai. Three miles south of this road the system turned south-eastward to run from the village of Havrincourt to Banteux, beside the St. Quentin-Cambrai road. In the Outpost Zone, which lay behind a well-wired series of disconnected lengths of trench, a number of farmhouses and other isolated buildings had been organized as self-contained centres of resistance. The forward defences of the Battle Zone consisted of a double line of deep trenches 250 yards apart, each having been dug twelve feet or more wide at the top with a view to making it impassable to tanks. The Support Line, consisting also of a wellwired front and support trench, formed the rear edge of the Battle Zone. About 5000 yards to the rear of these defences, immediately behind the St. Quentin Canal, the Germans had constructed still another system of trenches - known by them as the Siegfried II position, and by the British as the Masnieres-Beaurevoir Line. The towns through which it ran, .Masnieres (where the canal was

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bridged by the St. Quentin-Cambrai road), and Crevecoeur and Marcoing to the east and west respectively, were all fortified for a strong resistance. When they selected the six-mile sector of the Hindenburg Position between Havrincourt and Banteux for the Third Army's offensive, the British planners were under no illusion regarding the magnitude of the task confronting the forces of General Sir Julian Byng. (Byng was given command of the Third Army in June when General Allenby left to take charge of operations in Egypt and Palestine.) But the open terrain, unscarred by any previous fighting, offered an excellent opportunity for the employment of tanks - not in the "penny packets" in which they had hitherto been used, but in a mass attack that would exploit to the full their demoralizing effect upon an unsuspecting enemy. The credit for influencing G.H.Q. to the momentous decision to make full utilization of the new arm must go mainly to two men - the Commander of the Tank Corps in France, BrigadierGeneral H. J. Elles, and Brigadier-General H. H. Tudor, who commanded the artillery of the 9th Division. It was this latter progressive soldier who initiated the idea of a surprise attack. Up to this time it had been the practice of the artillery to register their guns before an operation by employing a trial-and-error method of firing on enemy targets, corrections being made by observations from ground or air. Unfortunately, even when there was no preliminary bombardment, this artillery registration invariably warned the enemy that an attack was to be expected. Tudor proposed that this preliminary ranging be dispensed with, and that instead guns would be laid by applying principles and methods of survey, including calculations of corrections needed for changes in the weather. The tanks would crush the hostile wire, and thus obviate the need for earlier attempts to cut the wire by artillery fire. Furthermore, by having the infantry advance behind the tanks, they would not have to lean closely on the barrage - a barrage which on this occasion was bound to be dangerously ragged when fired by unregistered and uncalibrated guns. General Tudor's contribution to the planning of the Cambrai operation is of particular interest to Newfoundlanders, for it was under his command, as G.O.C. 9th Division, that the Newfoundland Regiment was to fight its final battles of the war. The Third Army would strike with the Fourth Corps on the left (employing three divisions abreast), and on the right, carrying the weight of the attack, the Third Corps, commanded since its formation in 1914 by Lieutenant-General Sir W. P. Pulteney. At the beginning of the operation the 29th Division would be held in the Third Corps reserve, while ahead of it three divisions, from

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right to left the i2th, 2Oth, and 6th, were given as objectives the main Hindenburg Line and Support Line on a io,ooo-yard front extending north-westward from Banteux. When these were taken, the 29th Div'n was to advance and capture Masnieres, Marcoing, and Nine Wood (1000 yards north of Marcoing) - respective objectives of the 88th, the Syth, and the 86th Brigades. The three brigades would then cross the St. Quentin Canal and seize and consolidate the Masnieres-Beaurevoir Line on a three-mile front. As soon as this was accomplished, the five divisions of the Cavalry Corps would begin passing through at Masnieres and Marcoing, to capture the city of Cambrai, Bourlon Wood on its dominating hill over on the left flank, and the crossings of the Sensee River north of the city. In succeeding phases divisions from four other corps held in reserve would clear Cambrai and the whole quadrilateral bounded by the two canals and the Sensee. It was a bold scheme, this planned breakthrough by massed tanks and exploitation by large numbers of cavalry. The success of the whole operation would depend upon the ability of the troops of the 29th Division to secure Masnieres and Marcoing and establish strong bridgeheads on the far side of the St. Quentin Canal. The Battle Begins Tuesday, November 20, was one hour old when the Company Sergeant-Major of each Company of the Newfoundland Regiment made the rounds of the huts at Sorel, arousing their sleeping comrades. With the return of consciousness there came to each man the realization that this was the day of battle; and although there were studied attempts to preserve an outward indifference, beneath the apparent calm was the feeling of tenseness that always preceded zero hour. Company by company the men fell in, and by 2.30 a.m. all were ready. Five minutes later came the signal to march, and with Headquarters leading, the Battalion moved off along the road to Gouzeaucourt - 17 officers and 536 other ranks. All were heavily laden. Each man carried about 72 pounds weight, which included 170 rounds of small-arms ammunition, together with a flare and two Mills bombs, and for three men out of four either a pick or shovel. After the Newfoundlanders had been marching for two hours a left turn at Gouzeaucourt brought them to their assembly area a mile to the west. Earlier that night some hundred tanks had begun moving forward from the shell-battered village, where they had been in hiding during daylight, each camouflaged to simulate the ruins of a house or a barn. Now the reconnaissance made a week

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previously paid good dividends. Every road and track junction along the route had a waiting picket to give directions, and the ground allotted for each battalion's assembly had been measured and taped out. At a pre-arranged spot the Newfoundland Regiment split up into small groups, and a guide led each by a separate route to its assigned position. These guides were specially-selected men from the Regiment, who, under the command of an officer, had on the previous afternoon reconnoitred the route assigned to each, in order that as far as possible there should be no misdirection or confusion in reaching the assembly points. It was five o'clock, and still dark, and with more than an hour to go the men lay down in the grass and waited for zero. This came at 6.20, as with a mighty roar a thousand guns burst into action against the German positions. A moment later the startled defenders heard the clatter of the tanks and saw with terror the long line of iron monsters plunging down upon them through the gloom of a fogfilled dawn, spitting fire from their machine-guns and smashing down the wire entanglements in their path. Then they were upon them, flattening machine-gun posts, crew and all, and turning to sweep the length of the trenches with their fire. The unusual width of the trenches proved no serious obstacle to the tanks, which dropped enormous fascines of tightly-bound brushwood, each weighing a ton and a half, into the gap to assist their crossing. Behind the armour came waves of infantry, rounding up those Germans who having neither fled at the approach of the tanks nor given their lives in bravely attempting to resist the inexorable advance were now surrendering in droves. As the assaulting divisions pressed steadily towards their objectives, meeting virtually no opposition, the three brigades of the 29th began moving almost due northward to occupy their forming-up trenches in the original British front line. So great was the mass of troops of all arms trying to get forward that delays on the limited routes were frequent; and at one time the Newfoundlanders were halted with various other units for two hours in a ravine about a mile behind the front. Fortunate it was that the enemy's artillery had been silenced or was otherwise occupied, and thus missed the opportunity afforded by so favourable a target. At 8.45 the Battalion reached its position in the trenches just north of the village of Villers Plouich - trenches from which the troops of the 2Oth Division had jumped off two and a half hours earlier. There was a sorting out and a lining up of companies, and shortly after ten o'clock a single note on the bugle conveyed the order to the units of each brigade to advance. Ahead of each brigade rumbled four tanks. Had an airborne observer been able to penetrate with his gaze

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the mist and smoke that overhung the captured Outpost Zone and Battle Zone of the Hindenburg Line, he would have witnessed an impressive sight as the twelve battalions of the 29th Division moved forward simultaneously. Like the two brigades directed on Marcoing and Nine Wood, the 88th Brigade placed its four battalions in a diamond, or artillery, formation - the long axis extending 1800 yards, and the shorter lateral 1200 yards. At the point, acting as an advanced guard, was the Essex Regiment, with the Newfoundlanders and the Worcesters respectively on the left and right flanks, and the Hampshires bringing up the rear. Employment of this particular formation placed the flanking units in a position to envelop any resistance that the foremost battalion might encounter. Following the same pattern within his Battalion, Colonel Hadow placed "A" Company, commanded by Captain Robin (Bob) Stick, at the point of the diamond; "D" Company under Captain Herbert Rendell on the left; "B" Company under Captain Bert Butler on the right; and "C" under Captain Grant Paterson in the rear position. The 88th Brigade's route lay north-eastward over Welsh Ridge, a high spur of ground 40x30 yards south of the St. Quentin Canal. After crossing the captured trenches of the main Hindenburg Line the Newfoundland Companies deployed into an open attack formation, in order to offer less of a target to any German machinegunners who might still be active in the Support Line. As the men advanced, they were struck by the difference between the nature of the terrain here and that to which they had become accustomed in previous operations. Instead of struggling through heavy mud over barren ground pitted with water-filled shell holes, they found themselves walking in an almost leisurely manner over unspoiled fields in which long grass and a profusion of thistles and nettles were growing knee high. There was even an occasional hare darting out from underfoot, inviting a belated prod of the bayonet as it scurried past, or even from some hearty soul a futile rifle shot. Then came the first signs of German resistance. Enfilade fire from a flanking machine-gun sent the Newfoundlanders to ground. A small party went out and silenced the enemy gun; but subsequently a sudden burst of fire from another strongpoint hit several members of Battalion Headquarters, including Regimental Sergeant-Major F. P. LeGrow. It killed Lieutenant Walter Greene, who had won his D.C.M. at Caribou Hill - the first of three Newfoundland officers to fall that day. But the advance went on. Later, in referring to the difficulties encountered by the Newfoundland Regiment on the Brigade's left flank, General de Lisle was to record in his report of the day's fighting: "With their

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accustomed dash they broke down all opposition, using covering fire from rifles, machine-guns, and a Stokes gun." One of the checks to the Newfoundland advance came in unusual circumstances. A series of bursts of machine-gun bullets holding up "B" Company could not be accounted for; since the earlier passage of the tanks and the nature of the ground on the flank from which the fire was coming precluded the possibility of any German machine-guns being within range. Then a reconnaissance by the Battalion Signalling Officer, Lieutenant Gerald Whitty, who was later that day to win the Military Cross for leading a charge against the enemy, solved the mystery. Accompanied by a sergeant, Whitty reached a spot from which he observed that the fire was coming from a disabled British tank. Working his way forward to the derelict, he discovered the sole surviving occupant to be the tank sergeant, who, deranged by the horrible death of his comrades, the terrific heat of the confined space within the tank, and the maddening pain of a face half shot away, was firing indiscriminately at any living target he could see. As Whitty engaged him in conversation through the tank door, an enemy bullet struck the demented sergeant and mercifully released him from his misery. As the units of the 88th Brigade came down the north-eastern slope of Welsh Ridge, the Essex, in the lead, were held up when the four tanks ahead of them ran into trouble. These became involved in a duel with a battery of field guns 200 yards away. They knocked out one of the guns, but three of the tanks received direct hits; and when, a little later, the fourth developed engine trouble, the Brigade was left without armour. Nevertheless the Essex, with assistance from the Newfoundlanders and the Worcesters, went forward and captured the guns, and with them 150 prisoners. The Brigade was now well into the Hindenburg Support Line, and the Newfoundlanders found themselves busy clearing numerous deep dug-outs in which small German garrisons were still sheltering. Finally they were out in the open, looking down a gentle slope to the St. Quentin Canal about 1000 yards away. In preparing for the battle, officers and N.C.O.'s had memorized the position of their objectives on large-scale maps and photographs, and now the view before them seemed but an enlargement of that carried in their minds. To the left lay the village of Marcoing, and to the right Masnieres, with the spires of Cambrai looming up in the distance. Half a mile directly ahead was a small wood, some 300 yards across, to which the Newfoundlanders made their way against relatively light opposition. This was Marcoing Copse, from which they were to launch their assault on the Canal. Five

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hundred yards to the north-east they could see the lock on the western outskirts of Masnieres at which they were to effect their crossing. But because of the earlier delay in the Brigade's advance, Masnieres had not yet been taken. The enemy had found time to strengthen his defences there and to reinforce the southern suburb of Les Rues Vertes; and although the Worcester Regiment had pushed forward on the right and captured a lock farther east, the Essex, who had been assigned the capture of the town, were still held up at the iron bridge linking Les Rues Vertes with Masnieres the only structure strong enough to carry tanks over the Canal. The Germans appeared determined to deny the attackers any further crossing places, and the Newfoundlanders found the approaches to the lock in their sector heavily swept by machinegun fire and well covered by snipers in the upper stories of houses along the canal bank. Then most opportunely a tank which had been patrolling the bank and firing into the outskirts of Masnieres came to the aid of the Newfoundlanders. From its two sixpounder guns it pumped shell after shell into the Germans garrisoning the lock, and as they broke in precipitate retreat, peppered them with its machine-guns. The Newfoundlanders were quick to capitalize on the situation. Small parties organized by the various Company Commanders crept forward to the bank and rushed the footbridge beside the lock. Captain Grant Paterson particularly distinguished himself in leading his men in this attack; his contribution to the capture of the bridge and the subsequent securing of the adjacent lock brought him a well-merited Bar to his Military Cross. It was then about 1.30 p.m. On the far side the leading Newfoundlanders took shelter in an old building preparatory to making a dash to the railway track which paralleled the Canal at a distance of some sixty yards. Withering machine-gun fire swept the intervening space, and several attempted sallies were driven back with costly casualties. Then Captain Butler, M.C., calling on his men to accompany him, charged forward into the hail of bullets, followed by cheering Newfoundlanders. They reached the railway and silenced the enemy gun. Butler, who was wounded in the attack, won the Distinguished Service Order by his heroic action. But beyond the railway the attackers could not go until the capture of Masnieres should secure their right flank. The two brigades on their left had met much lighter resistance than had the 88th. The 8yth found Marcoing free of Germans, and farther north the 86th had taken Nine Wood and the village of Noyelles beyond. The Newfoundland Regiment thus had no worries about its own left flank. There had been further setbacks, however, in the attempts to take

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Masnieres. In trying to cross from Les Rues Vertes over the main iron bridge, which had been partly destroyed by German mining, a British tank crashed through into the Canal, bringing down the whole structure, and with it all hope of getting armour and artillery into the bridgehead. About mid-afternoon a heavy drizzle began falling. With an advance to the Newfoundland objective in the Beaurevoir Line for the time being out of the question, Colonel Hadow turned along the Canal in an attack against the western part of Masnieres. Immediate opposition came from a German machine-gun which was covering the road between the railway and the Canal. Its fire cost the Newfoundlanders many casualties until Lieutenant Arthur Herder and his Stokes Mortar section set to work and put the offending weapon out of commission. The advance towards Masnieres continued a few more yards, when it again ran into trouble. This came from north of the track, where on the lower slopes of a ridge rising towards the village of Rumilly on the far side of the Masnieres-Cambrai road, a nest of Germans were manning some disused gun pits. It took most of the remaining daylight - the sun set at 4.03 that day - for the Newfoundlanders, using rifle, bomb, and bayonet, to free the area. The situation in Masnieres was still uncertain, though the Hampshires had crossed the Canal east of the town and with the Worcesters were now attacking from that flank. Furthermore, just before sunset a squadron of the Fort Garry Horse had crossed by the lock which the Worcesters had seized, and had ridden up over the Rumilly Ridge — the only cavalry that day to engage the enemy in mounted action north of the St. Quentin waterway. As darkness fell, Colonel Hadow halted the Battalion and took up a position at the foot of the ridge, forming a defensive flank facing Masnieres. Captain Tocher and Ambulance Sergeant Arthur Hammond had set up their aid post in one of the old gun pits, and all the wounded were safely evacuated. "As usual," wrote the Acting Adjutant, Captain Tait, "this branch of the Battalion lived up to its high reputation, and showed great bravery and resource under the heaviest fire throughout the whele operation." Besides the awards for gallantry already cited, three other decorations were won by Newfoundlanders on November 20. There were two D.C.M.'s - to Company Sergeant-Major Albert Janes, of Hants Harbour, Trinity Bay, one of the first men to cross the canal bridge; and to Sergeant Albert Davis of Greenspond (he had won the M.M. at the Broembeek), who had kept his company moving by running forward alone and killing two snipers who were holding up its advance. Company Quartermaster-Sergeant Ernest Cheeseman, of Port au Bras, Burin, earned the M.M. by

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his courageous leadership during the bitter fighting for the bridge. Throughout the evening of the 2Oth a large number of local inhabitants living along the canal bank came forward to give their liberators an enthusiastic welcome. Most of them were elderly folk, some of them women carrying their children, and each one was burdened with a few household possessions bundled up in a table cloth or shawl. Weak with privation, they streamed back through the Newfoundland lines to find safety and good food. During the night, under orders from Brigade, two mopping-up parties joined with similar groups from other battalions in clearing Masnieres, and by dawn all the town except the northern tip and a pocket of Germans holding out in some catacombs in the centre was free of the enemy. In the early hours of the 2ist the survivors of the Canadian cavalry squadron made their way on foot into the Newfoundland lines, bringing with them sixteen prisoners. Their commander, Lieutenant Harcus Strachan, who was to receive the Victoria Cross for his daring leadership in the exploit, told of his squadron's fight in overrunning a German battery and cutting down disorganized parties of infantry north of Masnieres. The rain continued throughout a nasty, cold winter's night. The Newfoundlanders, out in the open, had no blankets, but they had plenty to do with pick and shovel. After that, dog tired as they were from being three nights on the move, sleep came readily. For the Third Army November 20 had been a day of spectacular achievement, though falling short of all that had been hoped. The forces under General Byng's command had overcome the formidable Hindenburg Position, advancing from three to four miles on a four-mile front. They had captured more than 4000 prisoners and accounted for 100 enemy guns, at a cost of 4000 British casualties. The new tactics of unregistered bombardment by the artillery and the employment of tanks en masse had proved eminently successful. Yet the offensive had lost momentum and come to a halt just when it should have swept onward to an overwhelming victory. No gap had been made in the German defences between Marcoing and Masnieres to allow the exploitation by the cavalry across the St. Quentin Canal; and on the left the attack that was to have captured the tactically-important Bourlon Wood had not been delivered. Unfortunately the Third Corps had no fresh infantry in reserve; the nearest reinforcements were eight miles behind Havrincourt. On the other hand the Germans were recovering rapidly from their initial shock. They had been favoured in the fortuitous arrival in Cambrai, on November 19, of the loyth Division newly come from the Russian front. During the morning of the 2Oth its infantry was hurried forward, to meet the British attack, the

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22yth Reserve Regiment reinforcing the Beaurevoir Line in the vicinity of Masnieres with two battalions. The 29th Division's advance against what was expected to be a relatively lightly-held rear position thus met fresh troops in some strength. Other enemy reinforcements were on their way. Indeed at 11.30 a.m. on the 20th the Brigadier-General, General Staff, at Third Corps Headquarters called his opposite number at Third Army to ask "whether, in view of the reported presence of two unsuspected German divisions in the Cambrai area, the 29th Division should be instructed not to go as far as its original objective (i.e. the Masnieres-Beaurevoir Line beyond the St. Quentin Canal)." But the reply ordered no change in plan, on the grounds that these enemy formations "might become involved in the general debacle if we acted quickly." Late on the 2Oth General Pulteney issued orders for a joint attack by the 29th and 2Oth Divisions to be launched next morning at eleven o'clock. General de Lisle's forces were to capture the Masnieres-Beaurevoir Line as far to the right as Crevecoeur (two miles east of Masnieres); the 2Oth Division, pushing along the near bank would cross at Crevecoeur and join hands with the 29th. In preparation for the operation, the Newfoundland Regiment was ordered to move across Masnieres to a beet-sugar factory on the east side of the town, where it would form the brigade reserve. As the Newfoundlanders marched along the canal road, concealed from enemy view by a high brick wall on their left, a solitary shell crashed into the centre of the column, killing ten men and wounding fifteen more. It was a tragic occurrence, for this chance shot was the only one that landed anywhere in the vicinity at that time. Among the victims was Provost Sergeant Walter Pitcher, M.M., one of the defenders of Monchy, who with a mopping-up squad on the previous evening had brought in two dozen prisoners. Another was the Regiment's leading sniper, Lance-Corporal John Shiwak from Labrador. He was buried that afternoon in Masnieres, close to the spot where he fell. His loss was keenly felt throughout the Regiment, for his matchless marksmanship and his skill as a scout and an observer together with his reliability and good nature had won him many friends. In his last letter to his writer friend, Lacey Amy (see above, page 210), Shiwak had expressed a great longing for his distant home - his father, his two sisters, and his Eskimo hunting companions. "There will be no more letters from them until the ice breaks," he said wistfully. "He had earned his long rest," wrote Amy in tribute. Out there in lonesome Snipers' Land he lay, day after day; and the cunning that made him a hunter of fox, and marten, and otter, and bear, and wolf brought to him better game.

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And all he ever asked was: "When will the war be over?" Only then would he return to his huskies and traps where few men dare a life of ice for a living almost as cold. John Shiwak - Eskimo - patriot.

An Interlude in the Fighting The joint venture by the 2Oth and 29th Divisions on November 21 did not materialize as planned, for the tired battalions of the 88th Brigade, which was to have led the attack north of the Canal, were in no condition to take part. A brigade of the 20th Division reached the outskirts of Crevecoeur, but was unable to force a crossing. During the day the Newfoundlanders finished clearing Masnieres and were ordered to remain there as a "counter-attack battalion." Battalion Headquarters was established in the catacombs - a maze of deep, wide tunnels radiating from a large central chamber that had been carved out of the chalk on which the town was built. During the hours of darkness the Companies remained on the alert above ground, but with the coming of daylight they descended into the spacious tunnels for a period of rest undisturbed by hostile shelling. In the first two days of the battle the Regiment had suffered casualties of 10 officers and 238 other ranks, of which three officers (Lieutenants Walter Greene, John Edens, and James Tobin) and 50 other ranks had been fatal. Another officer, Lieutenant Vincent Cluett, was to die of his wounds five days later at St. John's Hospital, Etaples. The Third Corps had now reverted to a state of defence, while to the north the struggle for possession of Bourlon Wood continued. For the next week the 29th Division, having given up Noyelles to a neighbouring formation, occupied the curving three-mile front of Marcoing-Masnieres-Les Rues Vertes with two brigades, the third always being kept in reserve in the cellars of Marcoing. First to go into reserve was the 88th Brigade, whose battalions had been the hardest hit of any in the Division. On the night of the 22nd the Newfoundlanders, relieved by LieutenantColonel Forbes-Robertson's i6th Middlesex Regiment, of the 86th Brigade, marched through the silent streets of Masnieres out to the lock which they had won two days earlier. Crossing by the footbridge they continued on past Marcoing Copse to Marcoing itself, where they found rough quarters in the cellars of houses that had been partly demolished by shellfire. For the first time in several days the men enjoyed hot food. At Masnieres keeping the Battalion supplied with rations and ammunition had meant a long carry by parties of men sent to meet the transport people at a

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plank bridge, which the pack mules refused to cross after one had slipped off into the Canal. At Marcoing, however, the Battalion Transport Section was able to bring its vehicles right into the village, which was wholly on the south side of the Canal, and the Newfoundland Companies welcomed the arrival of their cookers. The Battalion's first stay in Marcoing lasted three days. Initially many took advantage of the opportunity to collect souvenirs and explore the first captured German garrison town that they had encountered. Then the relative quiet was broken on the 23rd, when the enemy's field guns completed registration; and from then on both Marcoing and Masnieres were under continual shelling. Because of the heavy losses which the Battalion had sustained it was found necessary to reshuffle the four Companies, reducing them to two. The reorganization left Captain Rendell commanding the combined "A" and "D" Companies, and Captain Paterson "B" and "C". During this period Padre Nangle came up from the ten per cent. He had recently returned from leave in St. John's, where in the interests of recruiting and to benefit the funds of the Patriotic Association he had delivered a lecture to a large and enthusiastic audience in the Casino Theatre describing the activities of the Regiment. Now his main concern was with those who had fallen in the recent fighting. With a party of men he scoured the area surrounding the lock and the road along the Canal. Tenderly the bodies of the dead Newfoundlanders were collected and carried back to the edge of Marcoing Copse, where they were interred in a temporary cemetery. From the 25th to the 28th the Battalion occupied trenches on the north side of the Canal facing the Beaurevoir Line, returning to the Marcoing cellars after a relatively uneventful tour of duty. On November 29 Major Bernard, who was in charge of the ten per cent, received instructions from Colonel Hadow to send forward every available man. Accordingly, after dark that evening seventy-nine reinforcements arrived under the command of Captain Rupert Bartlett, M.C. He was to be killed next day, as the front exploded into activity. The German Counter-Stroke By November 29 the British advance had achieved its maximum gains. The Third Army's front line enclosed a salient roughly rectangular in shape, some nine miles wide from north to south, and about four miles in depth. On the left the holding included the Bapaume-Cambrai road as far forward as Bourlon Wood, the greater part of which was in

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British hands. From there the front angled south-eastward to a point midway between the St. Quentin Canal and the CambraiPeronne road to beyond Banteux, which had remained in the enemy's possession. The only ground held by British forces on the far side of the Canal was the 29th Division's narrow bridgehead about Masnieres. In concentrating his efforts to achieve greater success on his northern front, General Byng had left his dangerously-exposed long right flank very weakly held, not only in the region gained by the Third Corps, but farther south on the original front, where the left-hand division of the Seventh Corps was responsible for nearly 12,000 yards of line. Reports reaching Third Army Headquarters on November 28 and 29 of considerable railway movement towards Cambrai were discounted by assurances from Intelligence sources that the enemy had suffered too heavy losses in Flanders and in the present battle to be able to mount an effective counter-offensive. But Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria, whose group of three armies held the front from the Belgian coast to south of St. Quentin, had other ideas. On November 24, he put in hand preparations for a counter-blow to be delivered "at an early date." From up and down his own front and from other army groups he drew divisions into the Cambrai area, concentrating the bulk of them on the eastern side of the British salient. On the 27th he received General Ludendorffs orders for an attack to be launched by the Second Army on November 30 - the main blow to be delivered from the east with the object of driving in the British flank and rolling up the salient towards the north. The concentration of German forces along the Canal continued. By the morning of the 3Oth the four British divisions holding the line from Marcoing to Epehy (three miles south of Gouzeaucourt) - the 29th, 2Oth, I2th, and 55th (of the Seventh Corps) - were opposed by no less than nine German divisions. On the evening of November 29 the Newfoundland Regiment, which only the night before had gone into reserve, received orders to carry out a relief in front of Masnieres. At 5.30 next morning Company Commanders met with Colonel Hadow at his headquarters below the church in Marcoing to plan a reconnaissance; but before they could put this into effect the enemy began heavily shelling the town. By seven o'clock the fire had increased to an intense bombardment - obvious signs of an impending attack. The whole of Marcoing was enveloped in dense black smoke, and the streets were filled with flying masonry as buildings were blown to pieces. Soon word came back that the two battalions of the 86th Brigade holding Masnieres and Les Rues Vertes were being engaged from the direction of Rumilly and Crevecoeur, and that

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the neighbouring brigade of the 2Oth Division to the south was falling back. At ten o'clock an urgent message reached Colonel Hadow from Brigadier-General Nelson, instructing him to move out with other battalions of the 88th Brigade to support the 86th Brigade's right flank. The heavy bombardment made it impossible for the Newfoundland Battalion to march to its designated position near Marcoing Copse, and accordingly Companies were directed to make their own way to the point of assembly. It was eleven before Company Commanders had gathered together their platoons from their scattered billets and led them in succession out of Marcoing. As they approached the Copse they were met, not by the other units of their Brigade, but by German soldiers advancing in order from the direction of Les Rues Vertes. These were forward troops of the 3Oth Division, which had been brought northward from Laon, in the German Crown Prince's group of armies. With other formations they had smashed through the left flank of the British 2Oth Division and were now attempting to encircle the 29th Division's bridgehead. Without hesitation Captains Paterson and Rendell deployed their commands and attacked with lowered bayonets. Steadily the Newfoundlanders, their platoons making short, vigorous rushes, stemmed the German tide in their sector. On their right the Essex, and beyond them the Hampshires and the Worcesters, extended the Brigade's line to the south - their efforts coordinated by the Brigade Major, Captain J. K. McConnell, who, astride a transport horse rode bareback up and down the line, always seeming to appear where the fighting was thickest, to direct the "fire and movement" of the grimly determined troops. By nightfall the four battalions, ably assisted by the ist King's Own Scottish Borderers from the 8yth Brigade reserve, had forced the enemy back almost a mile to beyond General de Lisle's right flank at Les Rues Vertes. As darkness fell, they dug in along a 5OOO-yard front stretching back from Les Rues Vertes to the left of the 2Oth Division, which had retired to the Hindenburg Support Line. For the Newfoundlanders November 30 had been another costly day. That night Colonel Hadow wrote in his diary: "Our strength in morning, 9 officers, 360 other ranks; at night, 8 officers, 230 other ranks." The Regiment's bitter fighting that day had been illumined by many an act of heroism. Typical of the devotion of the Newfoundland soldier to duty was the unselfish service under fire of one of the Battalion runners, Private Henry Knee, of Badger's Quay, Bonavista Bay. He had been detailed for duty at Brigade Headquarters, and in the words of the citation which accompanied his subsequent award of the Military Medal, "whenever a message

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had to be sent by runner, although not his turn, he invariably volunteered, and on all occasions his courage and cheerfulness were conspicuous." Captain Herbert Rendell, who throughout the day demonstrated his skill and initiative in directing his composite company, won the M.C. for personally leading a bombing party to recover a vital trench from which enemy shelling had forced a temporary Newfoundland withdrawal. For the next twenty-four hours the Newfoundlanders and the other battalions of the 29th Division clung to their narrow holding astride the St. Quentin Canal. The chief enemy activity came from machine-gun fire and sniping. The Battalion lost its mortar officer when Lieutenant Arthur Herder was fatally wounded by a sniper's bullet as he was going from one to another of the posts that the remnants of "B" Company were holding. His loss left Sergeant Charles Parsons temporarily in charge of the Company, and the skilful leadership that he displayed brought him a Bar to the Military Medal which he had won at Monchy. Farther south the Germans had driven in the Third Army's right flank to a depth of two miles, capturing three villages and reaching the outskirts of Gouzeaucourt. After darkness fell on December i, Masnieres and Les Rues Vertes at the tip of the 29th Division's eastwardthrusting salient, which during the afternoon had been under furious bombardment and repeated infantry attacks, were evacuated. As the exhausted battalions of the 86th Brigade went to the rear for a much-needed rest, the other two brigades pulled their inner flanks back to a line just east of the lock captured by the Newfoundland Regiment on November 20. On the following night the 87th Brigade, holding Marcoing and the defences north of the Canal, was replaced by a brigade of the neighbouring 6th Division. The relief left the battalions of the 88th Brigade (with the South Wales Borderers attached from the 87th) alone holding the 29th Division's diminished front -a sector extending 2000 yards southward from the Canal in front of Marcoing Copse. At the left end of this line the Newfoundlanders dug in beside the lock.

The End of the Battle Monday, December 3, was a day of crisis which brought a strong renewal of the German counter-stroke, and a British decision for a withdrawal all across the Third Army's salient. For the Newfoundland Regiment it was one of the most difficult days of the entire Cambrai battle. At 7 a.m. the enemy started a crushing bombardment all along the Canal bank. As the

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morning wore on, his trench mortars began blasting the Newfoundland position with deadly accuracy. A section of trench on the Battalion's left was flattened - many of its garrison being blown out of their posts. As waves of German infantry came along the valley of the Canal, the Newfoundlanders were forced to abandon this portion of their holding, so that their line now touched the Canal a little west instead of east of the lock. Towards the end of the morning Brigadier Nelson reported to Divisional Headquarters that his left was very hard pressed, with the "South Wales Borderers and Newfoundland Regiment almost wiped out by shellfire." Yet somehow the German onrush was halted and Marcoing was saved. At nine that evening the Hampshires came forward from brigade reserve to relieve the Newfoundlanders, who found a night's rest in some old German dug-outs about half a mile to the rear. They had lost in the day's fighting one officer - Lieutenant George Langmead, who received mortal wounds - and seventy other ranks killed, wounded, or taken prisoner. Once again members of the Regiment had performed many individual acts of sterling courage. Such was the example set by Sergeant Leo Fitzpatrick, who hailed from the isolated outport of Conche, far up the north-western tip of Newfoundland. Fitzpatrick had won the Military Medal at the Broembeek eight weeks before. Now read the citation that accompanied his award of the Distinguished Conduct Medal "for conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty." He was the first to come forward when volunteers were called for to retake part of a trench which had been lost. He, leading a squad along the trench, succeeded in rescuing a wounded officer who had been left behind. Though on first encountering an enemy bombing party he withdrew through lack of bombs, he procured some of the latter, and eventually drove back the hostile party, killing two of the latter himself.

Recognition of the faithful service rendered at all times by the medical section of the Battalion came in the award of the Military Medal to three stretcher bearers - Privates William Fowlow, of St. John's; Hubert Dibben, of Bull's Cove, Burin; and John Hennebury, of Quidi Vidi. During the entire period of the Cambrai battle they devotedly performed their task of bandaging and bringing in the wounded, coolly disregarding the withering machine-gun fire to which they were constantly exposed. In addition to the decorations we have mentioned, Sergeant Ernest Goudie, of Port Anson, received a Bar to the Military Medal which he had won at the Broembeek. Others to win the M.M. at Cambrai were Private Manuel Bennett, of Flat Bay, St.

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George's; Private John J. Collins, Placentia; Lance-Corporal Thomas Cook, Trinity East; Corporal James G. W. Hagen, St. Pierre, Miquelon; Sergeant Edward Joy, St. John's; Corporal Ralph LeDrew, Harbour Grace; Private John Loveless, Seal Cove, Fortune Bay; Private Leo Moore, St. John's; Corporal Thomas Pittman, Little Bay East, Fortune Bay; Private Pierce Power, Corner Brook; Lance-Corporal Alfred J. Stacey, Sound Island, Placentia Bay; and Sergeant Marmaduke G. Winter, St. John's. These and many other individuals worthily upheld the traditions of their Regiment in its struggle to seize and hold the Marcoing-Masnieres bridgehead. But very soon the proof of the Regiment's prowess as a collective whole was to be established for all time. Two weeks after the battle had ended, Governor Harris was notified by the Secretary of State for the Colonies that "His Majesty the King had been pleased to approve the grant of the title 'Royal' to the Newfoundland Regiment." It was a signal mark of the Royal favour in recognition of the splendid performance of the men of Newfoundland in the Ypres and Cambrai battles. This was a unique honour, for no other regiment of the British Army was to have such a distinction awarded to it during the First World War while fighting was still in progress. Indeed, in the whole history of British arms, only two previous instances are recorded of the prefix "Royal" having been conferred while the nation was still at war - one in the year 1665, to the Royal Regiment of Foot of Ireland, and in 1885 to Princess Charlotte of Wales' Royal Berkshire Regiment (see letter on next page). After the passage of 101 years a regiment raised in the ancient Colony could once again proudly bear the title - "The Royal Newfoundland Regiment." At nine-thirty on the morning of December 4 General Byng, who had been receiving daily visits from the British Commanderin-Chief, issued orders for the Third Army's withdrawal to a line through Flesquieres which followed approximately the old Hindenburg Support System - a position which Sir Douglas Haig considered would make a good winter line. The retirement, which was carried out successfully that night, meant relinquishing to the enemy Marcoing and Bourlon Wood and a number of intervening places which had been won at great cost. In terms of ground gained and lost the "great experiment" in front of Cambrai had produced little profit. In the Third Army's left centre, about Havrincourt, the final British line represented a net advance of two miles on a five-mile front; but on the right the great German counter-stroke had pushed in some four miles of General Byng's flank to a depth of two miles. British losses in the battle numbered

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more than 40,000; German casualties probably exceeded this figure by 5000. It was natural that there should be a post-mortem over the unsatisfactory results of the British offensive. A report from the Third Army to a critical House of Commons blamed the reverse on the lack of training of junior officers, N.C.O.'s, and men, as well as the poor visibility, the enemy's gaining of surprise, and the lack of liaison between the British formations. Later, General Jan Smuts, whom the War Cabinet consulted as an independent military authority, absolved senior officers "down to and including corps commanders" (though it may be noted that subsequently two of the three corps commanders concerned were replaced), but he expressed doubts regarding the performance of some brigade and regimental commanders. He agreed that the training of junior officers and N.C.O.'s demanded immediate attention. In the face of these reports, which called into question the fighting efficiency of the troops under his command, Sir Douglas Haig assembled a Court of Inquiry to make a full investigation into the facts. While the Court carefully refrained from criticizing higher commanders, it was clear from the evidence presented that the Third Army Headquarters, closely preoccupied with the fighting on the Bourlon front, had paid too little attention to the vulnerability of its eastern flank. "Had he appreciated the need," comments the British Official History, "General Byng might well have asked for reinforcements or pressed for the relief of the tired divisions of the Third Corps." But there could be no criticism of the performance of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment and that of the other units of the 29th Division, whose gallant defence of Masnieres had thwarted the enemy's intention of rolling up the Third Army's salient. From Brigadier-General Nelson, who after the battle had collapsed as a result of the tremendous and continued strain to which he had been subjected during the fighting, came this warm tribute to the units of the 88th Brigade: I don't care what happens to me now; I have commanded the most wonderful troops in the world, who have fought the best fight any man can see and live. I feel my career has been crowned.

Similar commendation came from every level of command, including the Commander-in-Chief, who praised the 29th Division's contribution as having had "most important results upon the course of the battle," and having been "worthy of the best traditions of the British Army." Seven years later the Field Marshal came to St. John's to unveil Newfoundland's National War Memorial. Speaking at the ceremony he selected a single episode - the 29th Division's heroic

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resistance against the German counter-attack on November 30, 1917, and the following days - to illustrate the "high courage and unfailing resolution" of all ranks of the Newfoundland Battalion that had fought under his command. "The story of the defence of Masnieres and of the part which the Newfoundland Battalion played in it," he declared, "is one which, I trust, will never be forgotten on our side of the Atlantic." Another Christmas in France Once more the Regiment had gone through the searing experience of a major battle, and there was need of a period of recuperation - time to get over the physical and mental strain of long hours of fighting or standing on guard with little chance of sleep, time to heal the hurt of the loss of close comrades suddenly called by death, time to reinforce and rebuild in readiness for the next summons to action. From their reserve positions behind Marcoing the Newfoundlanders carried out an early morning seven-mile march to Etricourt, some half-dozen miles west of Gouzeaucourt. That evening they boarded a train, which carried them only fifteen miles before one of a shower of shells sent over by the enemy's artillery as a parting gift struck and overturned the engine. All were forced to dismount for transfer to another train, the long wait in the cold for its arrival being enlivened by the appearance overhead of a hostile aeroplane which dropped several bombs, without however causing casualties. The relief train carried the Battalion westward to Mondicourt, near Doullens; and the journey ended with a march of three miles to Humbercourt, in the general rest area that had become familiar to units of the 29th Division. The Battalion enjoyed a stay in comfortable billets for twelve days at Humbercourt. It was here that Governor Davidson paid his first visit as the Regiment's Honorary Colonel. The Newfoundlanders, formed up in a field for his inspection, made a brave show. "I spoke to the men (not well, for my heart was too full)," Sir Walter wrote afterwards, "and then they gave me a cheer and marched off the ground as if they were a battalion of Guards . . . The whole swing and turn-out was as gay and as saucy as could be, all the men with a smile to greet me and looking very strong and fit, although you could see that some of them needed a week's sleep." Sir Walter's final action while he was in France was typical of his interest in the Regiment and his concern for its welfare. When he saw Sir Douglas Haig, he made strong representations

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that the men who had been overseas for three years should be granted furlough at home and the opportunity (which came annually to the soldiers of the B.E.F. who lived in the British Isles) of seeing their wives and families. But the Commander-inChief had to turn down his request, explaining that the manpower situation at that time was so serious that he could not afford to lose, even temporarily, the many thousands of seasoned veterans of three years' service whose homes were in distant Dominions. Yet Sir Walter did not miss the opportunity of getting in a word on behalf of recruiting in the Colony, as the following telegram from Field-Marshal Haig shows: To Officer Administering Government Newfoundland: The Newfoundland Regiment has again done fine service in the operations near Cambrai. I hope the Colony will keep this splendid Regiment up to full establishment and speedily send the men required to replace those who have given their lives and those temporarily disabled by wounds in the service of their King and Country. The Honorary Colonel Newfoundland Regiment who is now in France desires to associate himself with me in the hope that vacancies in the Regiment will be filled at once by men as good as those now serving in it.

"That telegram," commented Sir Walter Davidson when he received a copy, "is worth five hundred good men." Mid-December brought the kind of winter weather with which Newfoundlanders were familiar. Snow began falling on the i6th, and by next day it lay six inches deep, with heavy drifts in many places. On the morning of the i8th the Battalion marched away from Humbercourt towards the north; for the 29th Division had received orders to join the Fourth Army in the Hazebrouck area. The deep snow made hard climbing up the steep hill out of Humbercourt, and it was after dark when the tired men reached Boubers-sur-Canche, after trudging fourteen miles in the cold over indifferent roads. An overnight stay, and then on another dozen miles down the valley of the Canche river to Le Parcq, two miles east of Hesdin. Finally, on December 20, a seven-mile march brought the Battalion to the village of Fressin, and the comfort of good billets. This continuous moving placed a strain on the Battalion's billeting party, which on this occasion consisted of the four Quartermaster Sergeants, equipped with a horse and cart to carry their blankets and other gear. Having seen their incoming troops safely lodged for the night, they would set out at about 8 p.m. for the village picked for the next stop, generally arriving there in the small hours of the morning, and immediately arousing the Mayor or Town Clerk. These individuals, it is reliably reported, seemed to bear no resentment at being awakened at 4 a.m. They would

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Men of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment resting in the snow between Hesdin and Fressin, December 20, 1917. (By Courtesy of the Imperial War Museum)

immediately find accommodation for the party, and later in the day would point out to them the billets which were available for the Battalion. Having made their allotments for the various companies, the members of the billeting party would repair to a cafe for a meal, and then retire for a few hours' sleep before being awakened by the incoming troops. On the day after its arrival in Fressin the ist Battalion, Royal Newfoundland Regiment, said good-bye to its Commanding Officer, Lieutenant-Colonel A. L. Hadow, C.M.G. His temporary successor was Lieutenant-Colonel J. R. Meiklejohn, D.S.O., of the Border Regiment. Colonel Hadow had commanded the Battalion in eight major operations in Gallipoli, France, and Flanders. The heavy responsibility which he bore had taken its toll of his health, and in mid-November orders had come from the War Office for him to be invalided home for other employment. But with the important Cambrai operation in the offing General de Lisle had kept him in command, and under his

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directioiij as we have seen, the Regiment had gained new distinctions. Reference has already been made (above, page 229) to Colonel Hadow's great contribution in building the Regiment into a first-class fighting unit. The proof of this came in the battles in France and Flanders; and there exists no finer testimonial to his leadership than the splendid record of the Battalion's service during and subsequent to the two years in which he was its Commanding Officer. Now Christmas was less than a week away, and preparations for proper observance of the day were in full swing. Who was there among the troops who was not profoundly grateful that the day would be spent out of the trenches? Parcels had arrived from home, bringing lovingly-chosen gifts and an assortment of delicacies to add to the festive fare. There was even a shipment of spare ribs to some lucky recipients. "We bought some cabbage," wrote one officer delightedly, "and had a good old Newfoundland meal of pork and cabbage." Everything possible was done to make

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the occasion a happy one for the men. Regimental funds purchased enough turkeys (at 50 francs, or $10 each) to give every man in the Battalion his share. The Sergeants' Mess secured two geese and an ample supply of vegetables, as well as the temporary services of a French chef. From an army canteen ten kilometres distant, thoughtful providers laid in a good stock of Christmas cheer for the Officers' Mess. A two-day snowfall that clothed the village in white added the final touch in setting the stage for a traditional observance of the festival. Christmas Eve brought a pay parade, and that night every cafe in Fressin was the scene of much good-humoured merriment, as voices joined in singing old familiar strains. It is recorded that as midnight struck a number of the sergeants paraded the streets, giving spirited imitations of the Battalion's bugle band, and finishing up at the local chateau, where they extended warm season's greetings to the new Commanding Officer. Reveille on Christmas morning woke the Newfoundlanders to clear skies overhead and crisp snow underfoot. After morning service cooks, sergeants, and officers were busy setting the tables there were even white tablecloths - and getting all things ready for the troops' dinner. Shortly after midday the boys sat down to a hearty meal, which was served in traditional manner by their officers, who were assisted by a number of the good ladies of the village and their daughters. After the Christmas pudding, washed down by good English beer, came speeches by the Company Commanders. On so festive an occasion, and with so responsive an audience, it required no great heights of eloquence to evoke enthusiastic applause. For once friendly rivalry was forgotten as speakers paid tribute to the sterling qualities of companies other than their own. "It was the happiest Christmas spent on active service," recalled Captain Grant Paterson, a Blue Puttee who had known them all, "and the last for many who sat at that table." At night it was the turn of the Officers' and Sergeants' Messes. Many familiar faces were missing, and comrades for whom the Last Post had sounded were remembered in the after-dinner toasts. The evening passed in speech-making and singing and swapping yarns. At midnight some of the officers wandered over to the Sergeants' Mess, the C.O. accompanying them to repay the call of the previous night. So ended one more Christmas away from home. For a brief space of time the Newfoundlanders had been able to forget the ugliness of war in observing the birthday of the Prince of Peace. And if some of the usual accompaniments of the occasion were of necessity missing, the deficiencies were more than made up for by the spirit of good will that was abundantly present on every side.

CHAPTER X I I I

The German April Offensive Then came the April German thrust. We were withdrawn and swiftly rushed To region of Armentieres, And thrown into the battle there.

Newfoundland Week in London Before moving on to the ist Battalion's operations in the final year of the war, we pause for a brief look at events that had been taking place in the United Kingdom and in Newfoundland having a bearing on the story of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment. First comes the recognition paid to the Regiment in the observance of Newfoundland Week. During the summer of 1917 a group of Imperial institutions in London conceived the idea of making the 42Oth anniversary of the discovery of Newfoundland the occasion for bringing the ancient Colony more closely before the British public and providing an opportunity to pay tribute to the heroism of Newfoundland's soldiers. The project was well supported by the London press. "Why should London be asked to observe Newfoundland Week?" asked The Times editorially, and went on to reply: Newfoundland is our oldest Colony. It is outside the usual lines of world traffic and until recent years few strangers called there. Its total population is far less than Camberwell and only a little more than St. Pancras - fishermen, lumbermen, planters. Can a small, remote, and comparatively poor community like this act in a way that will stimulate the whole spirit of the Empire? The deeds of the Newfoundlanders show that it can.

Six organizations joined in sponsoring Newfoundland Week: the Royal Colonial Institute, the British Empire League, the Victoria League, the British Empire Club, the Overseas Club, and the Newfoundland War Contingent Association. They were faced with the difficulty of finding Newfoundland soldiers to participate; for the ist Battalion was fighting in Flanders, the 2nd (Reserve) Battalion was training in Scotland, and apart from the administra-

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The Regimental Band, headed by Sable Chief, sets out from Chelsea Barracks to play at the 3rd London General Hospital during Newfoundland Week, September, 1917.

During an interval in the band concert in the grounds at Wandsworth the C.O. of the 3rd London General Hospital, Lt.-Col. H. E. Bruce Porter, admires Sable Chief, who is led by Pte. Hazen Fraser. Colonel Bruce Porter stands between Lady Morris and Mr. E. R. Morris, both members of the Executive Committee of the Newfoundland War Contingent Association.

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The Band, conducted by Bandmaster L. L. Worthington, plays outside the Royal Exchange, September 24, 1917.

tive staff at the Pay and Records Office the only Newfoundlanders in London were those who were recovering from their wounds at Wandsworth and other military hospitals. Fortunately the Regimental Band was available; and arrangements were made for it to visit London. The Band arrived from Ayr on Saturday morning, September 22, and after playing briefly at King's Cross Station was taken by bus to Chelsea Barracks - its headquarters during the stay in London. That afternoon the Band gave a concert in Hyde Park before an enthusiastic crowd estimated at 10,000. The Daily Mail's music critic remarked in compliment: "This body of thirty picked players is more than able to hold its own with military bands of far greater resources." He found the Regimental March "not unlike our 'Sir Roger de Coverley,' with perhaps even more spring in it." This was a more tactful appraisal of "The Banks of Newfoundland" than that given by another newspaperman, who wrote: "London heard the curious march of the Regiment, a mixture of Irish and Red Indian strains, as stirring as it is weird!" The Band had a very full week, with at least two concerts each day. On the day after its arrival it played in the grounds of the 3rd London General Hospital at Wandsworth, the hospital at which some 1500 wounded Newfoundlanders had already received treatment. It was a lovely sunny, Sunday afternoon as Band-

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master Worthington conducted his musicians in a programme of popular airs that delighted the scores of Newfoundlanders in the audience. Wherever the Band went in London it was accompanied by the regimental mascot, Sable Chief, led by young Private Hazen Fraser, and on this occasion the big black dog found himself greeted with great delight by many a veteran who had not seen him since early days at Ayr. Wandsworth was only one of six hospitals or convalescent homes, including St. Dunstan's Hostel for the Blind, at which the Band played during its crowded itinerary. On Monday morning there was a concert outside the Royal Exchange, in the heart of the City. Although the hour marked the high tide of the morning's business, thousands of City men and women took time from their duties to enjoy the programme. As the Band played "If You Were the Only Girl in the World," from the popular revue, "The Bing Boys are Here," girl conductors on the big red London buses brought their vehicles to a halt so that with their passengers they might catch the familiar strains. The following day saw the principal event of the tour - the matinee at His Majesty's Theatre in aid of the British Red Cross Society's Prisoners of War Fund. The concert, which was attended by many dignitaries, including the Duke of Connaught, was a gala occasion. In addition to the contributions of the Newfoundland Regimental Band there were orchestral selections conducted alternately by Sir Alexander Mackenzie and Sir Thomas Beecham; and among the distinguished artists assisting in the programme were such well-known performers as Miss Violet Lorraine, Mr. Alfred Lester, and Mr. George Robey. Sable Chief was there with a collecting box on his neck, and his efforts helped materially to swell the receipts for the Prisoners of War Fund. Before leaving London the Band had the honour of playing in the forecourt of Buckingham Palace before His Majesty King George V. A large crowd of people had gathered, including several brakeloads of wounded soldiers. Two interested spectators from a window in the Palace were the Queen and her daughter, Princess Mary. The event was of peculiar significance, for it marked one of the first associations of Newfoundland soldiers with the Princess, who forty-six years later was to honour the Regiment by becoming its Colonel-in-Chief. At the conclusion of the performance Bandmaster Worthington was summoned to the King's presence to receive on behalf of the Band their Majesties' congratulations. Before parting, His Majesty bestowed on Mr. Worthington the medal of the Royal Victorian Order. Among the various, ways in which Newfoundland Week helped

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to focus the attention of Londoners on the Colony was the publication in the daily press of a number of complimentary articles and poems. The Daily Telegraph praised the achievements of Newfoundland's soldiers in a seven-stanza tribute which concluded proudly: Now when this war is over and peace shall reign once more, May God send down his blessing on our dear old Island shore; And may the future ages to our countrymen attest, That our boys who fought for England were "better than the best."

This laudatory effort came from the pen of James Murphy, who may well have been one of eight James Murphys whose names appear on the Regiment's nominal roll. The Times published a poem written specially for the occasion by P. E. Goldsmith. It expressed Britain's gratitude to a land that after nearly 500 years could Give back all that there is to give, The young who die so the Land may live.

The moving lines of the poem became part of Newfoundland's war heritage; the final stanza has been quoted many times. There lies a Land in the West and North Whither the bravest men went forth, And daunted not by fog nor ice They reached at last to a Paradise. - A Land to be won by those who durst, No wonder the English chose it first, And they named it Newfoundland at sight; It's rather the Land of Heart's Delight.

On the way back to Ayr the Regimental Band visited Sheffield and Liverpool. Each of these cities, at the instigation of the Imperial Air Fleet Committee, had raised the money to purchase a first-class aeroplane which was to be presented to Newfoundland and used in the Colony's name on the fighting front. At Sheffield the Band played at the presentation ceremony, which took place before a huge crowd of 80,000. The Lord Mayor of Sheffield handed over the gift aeroplane to a representative of the Air Fleet Committee, who then turned it over to the Newfoundland Government. After Lady Morris, wife of the Prime Minister of Newfoundland, had broken a bottle of wine over the propeller and christened the aircraft "Sheffield," it was finally accepted by an officer of the Royal Flying Corps on behalf of the Air Ministry, for use on the Western Front. A similar procedure accompanied the presentation of the Liverpool aeroplane. Before the end of the year the Band was once more back in

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London, this time to take part in the Lord Mayor's Show on November 9. The historic four-hour procession through the streets of the capital took the form of a naval and military pageant. After the long parade of representatives of the various voluntary services and detachments from the United Kingdom's fighting forces, followed by two British tanks and a number of lorries carrying captured enemy guns and equipment, the honour of leading the contingents from the colonies fell by right of seniority to the Newfoundland Regimental Band and a small detachment from the 2nd Battalion. Recruiting - The Final Effort When the Department of Militia came into being in Newfoundland in August, 1917, one of its first concerns was the continuing provision of reinforcements for the Regiment overseas. The decline in returns from recruiting during the first half of 1917 has already been noted (above, page 370), and during the late summer the number of men offering to serve had fallen far below requirements. Nevertheless there was hope that another recruiting drive backed by the full prestige of the National Government might meet with success; and it was decided to conduct a determined campaign during the final three months of the year. The campaign opened with a stirring appeal by the Minister of Militia, the Honourable J. R. Bennett. He spoke of the splendid name which the Newfoundland Regiment had established for itself overseas, and he called on the young men of the Colony to demonstrate that they were made "of the same good stock as those who won distinction in the British line." He announced the Government's decision to pay separation allowances to married men and others with dependents. And he warned that if the appeal for recruits failed to bring the necessary response, only two courses would remain open to the Government - either to withdraw the Newfoundland Regiment as a separate unit, or "to be reluctantly compelled to consider other means of acquiring men to keep our fighting forces up to the required strength." Organization of the drive was carried out by the office of the District Officer Commanding. In St. John's two branch recruiting offices were opened, one in the centre of the city on Water Street, and another at the Railway Station. There were public meetings at which leading members of the Government spoke, and pictures of the Regiment were shown. The Band of the Regimental Depot paraded Water Street nightly while the fishermen were in port,

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and special recruiting teams of returned soldiers visited the schooners in the harbour to tell the fishing crews about the serious situation in which the Regiment found itself through lack of reinforcements. Other recruiting stations were opened at various points across the country. At the end of October, Grand Falls, whose recruiting record was unsurpassed by any other community outside St. John's, sent 24 more men to the colours - 15 for the Army, eight for the Forestry, and one for the Navy. Final returns from the three months' campaign showed 528 volunteering for service in the Regiment, compared with 501 in the corresponding period of 1916. The total number accepted, however, was 344 against 236 in the previous year.

The wreck of S.S. Florizel off Cape Race, February 24, 1918.

It was becoming increasingly obvious to the Government that the time had come when they could count on public support for the introduction of some form of compulsory service. Britain had abolished the voluntary system of enlistment as early as January, 1916. Canada had passed a Military Service Act in August, 1917. Now from all parts of the Colony were coming resolutions urging the adoption of conscription in Newfoundland. This course, said one typical submission, would be "the only fair and equitable way to keep the Newfoundland Regiment in existence, and to ensure that the sacrifices already made by those who have voluntarily answered the call of duty shall not have been made in vain."

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One more effort at voluntary recruiting was put forth. To introduce it the Governor, Sir Alexander Harris, addressed a personal appeal to all the people of Newfoundland. It was an impassioned call to service. He referred, in passing, to the loss of the Florizel, which on February 24 had been wrecked off Cape Race in a blinding snowstorm with the loss of ninety-four lives. In your sea-girt home you have, I know, your own dangers and anxieties to face. As I write this my mind is still full of the appalling disaster to the Florizel. But War you do not realize; you are beyond the sound of the guns which, in the south-east corner of England, I have heard day after day breaking in upon the beauty and calmness of the summer air. That awe-inspiring rumble of the guns which I ask you to imagine - that lurid light on the horizon which I ask you to picture - are the signs of a terrible struggle for Right - of a mighty effort to save from ruin, not only France, but every bit of free soil in the world, including this Island of which you are so proud. The awful struggle seems to be approaching its climax now, and your close kinsmen are in the middle of it.

On April 9 - by coincidence a significant date for the ist Battalion (see below, page 448) - Governor Harris received from London a cablegram containing a statement by the Army Council that the Royal Newfoundland Regiment was short of its authorized War Establishment by 170 men, and that the number of men under training in England was not sufficient to make up this deficit. The message continued: Since very heavy fighting must be anticipated, at least 300 men will be required from Newfoundland as early as possible in order to bring the Battalion up to strength, and an additional sixty men per month will be required to maintain it in the field. His Majesty's Government trust that your Government will be able to supply these men.

"I suggest that the publication of this telegram will be an opportune appeal in support of your campaign," noted Sir Alexander in passing the message to the Colonial Secretary. Two days later a large group of returned soldiers and rejected applicants for enlistment met in the Catholic Cadet Corps Hall in St. John's to organize a Returned Soldiers and Rejected Volunteers Association. The meeting, which included LieutenantColonel W. F. Rendell and Major George Carty and nine other officers who had come back from service overseas, put on record the following pledge: "That we will be united in and for one cause only, i.e. the upkeep of Our Royal Newfoundland Regiment at the front." The following day, April 12, 1918, was observed throughout

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the city of St. John's as Soldiers' Day. Water Street was bedecked with bunting, patriotic emblems adorned every window, and the shipping in the harbour had all flags flying, as the whole community turned out to honour its Regiment, and at the same time stimulate the recruiting without which its continued existence was endangered. The parade in the evening was one of the largest in the city's history. More than 1200 took part, including 250 returned men, half of them borne along the route in carriages, some 500 rejected volunteers, about 50 newly-enlisted recruits, and 400 lads of the various city brigades. There were eight eloquent speakers in the recruiting meeting which followed, and at its conclusion 51 young men came forward to volunteer. As conscription loomed closer, other last-minute efforts at voluntary recruiting in the Colony brought the total enlistments for April to 725, the best monthly figure since the beginning of 1915. In any consideration of the conscription issue in Newfoundland two points should be kept clearly in mind. First, it must be remembered that, apart from the telegraph wires, virtually the only communication with the 1200 outports scattered around the 6000 miles of rugged coastline was by small coastal steamers, making at best weekly, and at worst monthly calls. Save in the immediate environment of St. John's, there were no main roads connecting the outports with the capital or with the single railway line which traversed the island. The result was that the amount of foreign and even war news reaching the outports in those days was extremely scanty. Secondly, and more important, is the fact that by this stage of the war more than 8000 Newfoundlanders had enlisted in the Army, the Royal Navy, and the Mercantile Marine - a greater enlistment per capita of population than any other country in the British Empire, excluding only the United Kingdom. A special session of the Legislature passed the Military Service Act, which was proclaimed on May n, 1918. The administrators of the Act called up only one class of men, totalling 3629, of whom 1573 were found medically fit. It was not until September that the first of these new drafts crossed the ocean for further training in Britain; and before any of the men were placed on active service across the Channel the signing of the Armistice on November n brought hostilities to an end. Newfoundlanders could thus take pride in the fact that the actual fighting strength of the ist Battalion throughout its campaigning in the different theatres of war was composed entirely of men who had voluntarily offered themselves for service. It was a unique record enjoyed alone by the Royal Newfoundland Regiment among the units, Allied or Enemy, which fought in the First World War.

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After January, 1918, the destination of the reinforcement drafts from Newfoundland was no longer Ayr. Late in January the 2nd (Reserve) Battalion of the Regiment was transferred to Hazeley Down Camp, near Winchester. The move came about the same time as a change in Commanding Officers. On January 26 Lieutenant-Colonel C. W. Whitaker handed over command of the Battalion to Lieutenant-Colonel R. A. Bernerss D.S.O., Royal Welch Fusiliers, an officer who had had operational experience in France. As noted earlier, Colonel Whitaker had incurred the displeasure of Headquarters, Scottish Command, when he appeared to support the Newfoundland Government's protest against the move of the 2nd Battalion from Ayr to Barry. He had found himself in the unenviable position of having to try to serve no less than three masters. As Officer Commanding the Reserve Battalion he was subject to the orders of the G.O.C. of the Area in which it was stationed; as C.O. of a Battalion of the Newfoundland Regiment he was also under the direct orders of the Governor, who was the Colonel of the Regiment; and as Senior Officer of the Newfoundland Regiment in the United Kingdom he had in many respects been directly responsible to the Government of Newfoundland. "The mistakes I have made," he wrote after relinquishing his command, "have been due principally to my failure to bring these three positions into harmony." During Colonel Whitaker's two and a half years in command more than 2000 reinforcements had received their final training before going on to France to join the ist Battalion, where their record as soldiers was to speak for itself. Perhaps more than any other British officer Whitaker had come to understand the temperament of the men who were placed in his hands, and to recognize that because of their natural independence they required (in the words of the Minister of Militia when expressing to him the Government's appreciation of his work) "a particular sort of handling in order to get the best service out of them." Mr. Bennett's recognition of Colonel Whitaker's contribution was no empty tribute. A Newfoundland officer who served for a considerable length of time with the 2nd Battalion had this to say of its C.O.: "His affection and admiration for the Newfoundlander were absolutely genuine, and I believe he was broken-hearted when he left the Battalion." Officers and men soon realized that the Commanding Officer who took over at Hazeley Down was a strict disciplinarian. Lieutenant-Colonel Berners was a man of strong character, and he demonstrated tireless energy and boundless enthusiasm in raising and maintaining the efficiency of the 2nd Battalion. During the relatively short time that he was in command he introduced a

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number of improvements in training methods, drawn from his overseas experience; and he left his mark on the Battalion when he departed in July to take command of a brigade hi India. The Newfoundlanders did not take long to adjust themselves to their new station; though members of the permanent staff at first missed the pleasant associations they had formed at Ayr. At Hazeley Down Camp the troops were comfortably accommodated in well-built army huts, while a few of the senior officers had the privilege of "living out" in the nearby village. The old cathedral town of Winchester held much of interest for some, but it was a fairly long trek from the Camp, and not all relished the exhilaration of the long walk over the Downs. The neighbouring villages offered little of attraction to the majority of the men, so that off-duty hours were pretty much spent in camp, patronizing the good canteen and the recreation hut, and enjoying the fairly frequent shows staged by visiting concert parties. London, only ninety minutes away by train, was the popular destination whenever leave came around. A Return to Flanders In France, the Newfoundlanders' stay at Fressin lasted for a little more than a week after Christmas. On New Year's Day Colonel Meiklejohn relinquished his temporary command of the ist Battalion to Lieutenant-Colonel J. S. Woodruffe, of the Royal Sussex Regiment. The new C.O., who soon gained the respect of all ranks, was with the Battalion for only six months. As might be expected, he was not the first British officer to find in the Regiment certain preferences, particularly in the matter of diet, which were unfamiliar to him. When invited to sample some caplin - the small, smelt-like fish which a true native of the island enjoys nibbling in an uncooked state after it has been salted, dried, and smoked - "our C.O.," reported one of the few members of the Regiment who was himself not a Newfoundlander, "tasted a bit and it nearly made him sick!" The frosty weather of Christmas persisted, and the Battalion's move northward towards St. Omer during the first week in January involved two days of marching over snow-covered, icy roads. There were few complaints, however, for all found the cold very much to be preferred to rain and its ever-accompanying mud. The Newfoundlanders were now billeted at Zudausques, a small village four miles west of St. Omer. Here they remained for a fortnight, training with the other battalions of the 88th Brigade,

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which were in rest near by. While the Regiment was at Zudausques a number of officers arrived - some rejoining after an absence in hospital, others making their first appearance in commissioned rank. Among the latter was a young subaltern who had come over with the Windsor Draft and had later been commissioned at Ayr. Who could then have foreseen that there would come a day, fortyfive years hence, when this same keen young officer. Lieutenant Harry Mews, would, as Mayor of St. John's, confer the Freedom of the City upon the Royal Newfoundland Regiment of that later day? There was little immediate prospect of being called on to take part in offensive operations. The thinking at the highest military levels at that time was that when activities reopened on the Western Front, the enemy could not be denied the initiative. Indeed, on the day that the Battle of Cambrai ended, Sir Douglas Haig bluntly told his Army Commanders: . . . the general situation on the Russian and Italian fronts, combined with the paucity of reinforcements that we are likely to receive, will in all probability necessitate our adopting a defensive attitude for the next few months. We must be prepared to meet a strong and sustained hostile offensive. It is therefore of first importance that Army commanders should give thenimmediate and personal attention to the organization of their zones for defensive purposes and to the rest and training of their troops.

Each formation had to take its turn in the front line, however, and on January 18 the 29th Division took over the Passchendaele sector. On the previous day the Newfoundlanders had begun moving forward. There was an early-morning six-mile march to the railway at Wizernes, from where a four-hour train journey by way of Hazebrouck and Poperinghe brought them to Brandhoek, four miles west of Ypres. It was a camping ground familiar from a week in rest there in August, 1916. Then came a further trek forward to Hasler Camp, beside the ruins of Saint Jean, on the Ypres-Gravenstafel road, where the Battalion spent a week supplying daily working parties of 150 men. Under G.H.Q.'s policy of preparing strong defences to meet a German offensive in the spring, the Ypres sector was receiving less attention than the front held by the Third and Fifth Armies from Lens south to St. Quentin. Nevertheless there was a considerable amount of work to be done by the 29th and its neighbouring divisions. The Newfoundlanders saw little change in the general area in which they had fought three months earlier. It was still a land of desolation. Between the unwired, shallow slits that served as trenches the dead of friend and foe alike still lay unburied. Positions of support and reserve hardly existed as such. The

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ground was a mass of water-filled shell holes, and before any trenches could be dug there was extensive draining to be done. An imperative task was that of constructing and improving communications - roads from the rear area, and ahead of them tramways, slab or plank roads, and duckboard tracks leading to the front line. The Newfoundland working parlies found themselves assigned to building a tramway in the vicinity of Kronprinz Farm, three-quarters of a mile north of the site of Gravenstafel village, and within a mile of the front line atop the Passchendaele Ridge. A spell of mild weather early in the New Year had dispersed all the snow, but a welcome return to lower temperatures brought a temporary hardening of the mud underfoot. In speaking of that winter of 1918, Captain George Hicks, M.C., who was then Transport Officer, recalls that he seems to have spent most of his time hauling rations up to Waterloo dump, at the base of the Passchendaele Ridge, and bringing back rusty rifles. His transport underwent many a shelling as it carried out its nightly chore - twelve miles up and twelve miles down. The loaded Umbers would leave Ryde Camp, in the vicinity of Vlamertinghe, at four each evening, getting back about three next morning. The route lay through battered Ypres, on up the St. Julien road to Hasler Camp, and thence to the Waterloo dump. An ever-present danger was that of meeting other transports coming out at stretch gallop. "If you were not out of the way," says Hicks, "you were in trouble." He speaks from the experience of having had the side of his boot, as it lay in the stirrup, shorn off completely by some metal projection of wagon or harness of a convoy speeding to the rear. The 88th Brigade acquired a new commander in BrigadierGeneral Bernard C. Freyberg, V.C., who had won his high distinction for valour when commanding a battalion of the 6yd (Naval) Division at the capture of Beaumont Hamel. There is little doubt that this young commander (a brigadier-general at 29, he rose in the Second World War to the command of the New Zealand Corps in Italy) was the most popular of all the brigadiers under whom the Newfoundlanders served. They were drawn to him particularly by his free and easy manner, which almost seemed to make him one of themselves. He was fond of chaffing the Newfoundlanders about their association with the fisheries, and on one occasion he suggested a new coat of arms for the Regiment: two cod "rampant" supporting a seal "couchant," the whole surmounted by three crowns in recognition of the Regiment's designation "Royal." Many anecdotes are related about his complete absence of selfimportance. On one dark night when Freyberg was standing

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behind a sentry on the edge of No Man's Land, talking to a Newfoundland officer, he was roundly rebuked by the sentinel, who without turning his head growled at him, "Where do you think you are? At Rawlin's Cross in St. John's?" "That's right," rejoined the Brigadier, completely unabashed. Another story tells of his being caught standing on the parapet by an enemy flare, which brilliantly illumined the whole area. Realizing that the keen eyes of enemy snipers were probably upon him, Freyberg stood stock still, with both arms stuck out at different angles, calling softly to those in the trench behind him: "Look, I'm a tree." It was on January 26 that the ist Battalion took over part of the front line for a four-day period. The unit war diary's entry for the 2yth summed up matters tersely but adequately: "Very misty; situation very quiet; little artillery activity; wiring front line at night. Casualties: O.K. I killed and i wounded." The Battalion, still considerably under strength, retained its division into two companies. No. i Company ("A" and "B"), commanded by Captain Bob Stick, occupied posts in the front line north of Passchendaele, near Vindictive Crossroads, the final objective captured by the Canadian Corps in the previous November. In close support were two platoons of Captain Herbert Rendell's No. 2 Company ("C" and "D"), the other two being farther to the rear near Goudberg Farm. Colonel Woodruffe had his headquarters at Mallard Crossroads, at the south-western tip of the long Bellevue spur, which carried the main road from Gravenstafel to Mosselmarkt and Passchendaele. After their relief on the 3Oth the Newfoundlanders had two days manning support positions at Bellevue, during which their working parties went back to tramway construction, while carrying parties, heavily laden with rations, ammunition, and supplies nightly trudged forward over the slippery duckboards to the foremost trenches. Then came the blessing of a whole month out of the line. Late on February 3, as the 88th Brigade withdrew into divisional reserve, the Battalion marched to Wieltje Station and boarded a train for the short run back to Brandhoek and their former training area. Actually the men were to spend more time with pick and shovel than with rifle and bayonet. In preparation against the expected German offensive G.H.Q. had ordered the construction of a series of rear defences reaching as far back as St. Omer, more than a score of miles behind Ypres. There were no less than five lines of trenches to be dug between Ypres and Poperinghe, the middle one of which T- the Brandhoek Line owed its existence in large measure to Newfoundland working parties. This country behind Ypres was beyond the high tide of the enemy's advances thus far in the war, and to the Newfound-

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landers the small, well-cultivated farms, with fields whose greenturning grass was already forecasting an early spring, provided a delightful change from the Passchendaele wilderness they had just left. It was a decided administrative convenience to have a whole company comfortably quartered in a barn with its officers billeted in the farmer's house across the yard. It was a treat to be able to purchase plenty of fresh milk and butter and eggs. Morale was high; and the thought that the enemy might be planning an allout attack daunted no one. It was common knowledge around the billets that the B.E.F. was stronger and better equipped than it had ever been. "So let Fritz come, and if he does, very few of his kind will go back again!" February, the short month, passed quickly. On the I2th the 29th Division pulled back into the Eighth Corps reserve, and the Newfoundland Battalion found itself at Steenvoorde, where it immediately spent two full days brushing up on ceremonial drill. The Brigade order for the forthcoming parade ran to a five-page booklet. The ceremony took place on the i6th, and the Divisional Commander presented a number of Newfoundlanders with medal ribbons that they had won in the Cambrai fighting. On the I9th the Battalion, its numbers increased by a draft of 173 reinforcements, marched forward to Poperinghe, to renew acquaintance with the town that held such pleasant memories of the late summer of 1916. But for most of the Newfoundlanders the week's stay at Poperinghe gave little time for relaxation. The demand for work parties had not eased, and the Battalion had to find 200 men daily to labour on the construction of defences between Ypres and Passchendaele. Then back to Steenvoorde for the first week in March. The Brigade held a field day on the 4th, during which the Royal Newfoundland Regiment was placed in reserve, later moving up to repel a counter-attack simulated by the movement of an alarmingly-large number of red flags. It was the last time that Major-General de Lisle would be watching an exercise by the 88th Brigade as Divisional Commander: on March 12 he left the 29th Division to command the Thirteenth Corps, his place being taken by Major-General Douglas Cayley, the 88th Brigade's former commander. The role of an infantry battalion in the counter-attack was one in which the Newfoundlanders, and many another battalion of the British Army, were destined to gain considerable experience before many weeks had passed. Just now they could feel reasonably pleased with themselves, for, according to the 88th Brigade's war diary, General de Lisle had been favourably impressed with the performance, calling it "one of the best field exercises he had seen." On March 7 the Newfoundland Battalion returned to the front

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line, as the 29th Division once again took over the sector north of Passchendaele. "Special raiding party under 2/Lt. Mifflin moved to Hasler Camp," recorded the unit war diary on the yth, foreshadowing good work against the enemy that within three weeks was to bring this officer, who hailed from Bonavista, the award of the Military Cross. Battalion Headquarters was now at Bellevue, together with a reserve Company; two Companies held the front line at Vindictive Crossroads, with the remaining one in support at Mosselmarkt. On the night of the i ith "C" Company, holding the right flank, was caught in a sharp bombardment which accompanied an unsuccessful enemy raid against two adjacent battalions in front of Passchendaele. The casualties on this occasion accounted for the greater part of the Regiment's losses during its week's tour - one officer (Lieutenant Robert Kershaw, a veteran of Gallipoli) and 12 men killed, and another 54 wounded. During the next three weeks the Battalion had two more short turns in the line (of five and four days). The rest of the time was divided between Hasler Camp at Saint Jean and the billets in Poperinghe. But regardless of where Battalion Headquarters might find itself, the work of digging and wiring defences went on unceasingly. These positions in a planned "battle zone," copied from the system of defence employed by the enemy, consisted principally of a series of inter-supporting small redoubts or "keeps," each designed to hold a company or half-company. Square Keep, Plum Keep, Rat Keep, Pickelhaube Keep - to many Newfoundlanders these names were synonymous with long hours of back-breaking toil in that Flanders spring of 1918. Then on March 21 came news that intensified the activity of digging and wiring. At daybreak that morning, behind the most concentrated bombardment in the history of gunfire, seventy-one German divisions launched a massive attack along a fifty-mile sector extending from the River Scarpe to the Oise. The blow fell across the front held by the British Third and Fifth Armies. Although it had been long expected (even the date of its launching had been correctly forecast a week before), the defenders were unable to stem the German tide. (It was said later that British staffs had misinterpreted the German defence methods which they were trying to copy, and as a result had left too great a proportion of their forces in the forward zone disastrously vulnerable to the enemy's initial onslaught.) By nightfall the attackers had overrun the forward zone and in many places were well into the battle zone. So elated was the Kaiser with the news from the front, that he immediately bestowed on FieldMarshal von Hindenburg the Iron Cross with Golden Rays, an award that had last been made to Blucher in 1814. Within a week

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the Germans had penetrated to a depth of thirty miles, and by the time the offensive had been fought to a standstill on April 5, the British Armies and their French reinforcements had suffered nearly a quarter of a million casualties. Then it was the turn of the forces in Flanders. The Lys Offensive The original plan for the German spring offensives had been laid at a staff meeting conducted at Mons by von Hindenburg's Chief of Staff, General Ludendorff, nine days before the opening of the Battle of Cambrai. (In that year of 1917 the date of the meeting, November n, had no special significance.) Foreseeing that the imminent collapse of resistance in Russia would release large German armies for employment on the Western Front, Ludendorff decided to concentrate in a single effort an all-out attack that would beat the British Annies before American forces could arrive to turn the scale in the Allied favour. During the winter German divisions underwent special training in offensive tactics. There was an overriding emphasis on maintaining momentum. Pockets of resistance that could not be overcome would be bypassed, to be dealt with by reserve formations. Counter-attacking infantry and tanks would be handled by infantry in the rear. In a later war such tactics were to earn the name "blitzkrieg." In the form finally adopted the German plan called for an initial breakthrough to the Somme on both sides of Peronne; the German right would then wheel northward, rolling up the British flank. This was operation "Michael," to be launched on March 21. It was expected that the British would react to "Michael" by moving in all their reserves from the north. This would pave the way for operation "George," to be launched in Flanders, in the region of the plain of the River Lys, from south of Armentieres to north of Ypres. But before "George" came to life, the unexpectedly heavy losses and the battle fatigue which the Germans had experienced in the fighting thus far brought a modification in plans. Operation "Michael" had won Ludendorff a great victory, but less than he had hoped for. A subsidiary attack (operation "Mars") launched by nine divisions against Arras on March 28 was stopped in its tracks by four stalwart British divisions standing astride the River Scarpe. Ludendorff had optimistically counted on this effort to produce a breakthrough to Boulogne. Instead he was reluctantly compelled to call it off at the end of the first day. Already "George" had been renamed "Georgette" - an attack on

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a reduced front of twelve miles from Armentieres to the La Bassee Canal, with possibly a subsequent enlargement to include Ypres. The two most northerly of Prince Rupprecht's group of armies were entrusted with "The Lys Offensive of the 9th April" (the name which military historians have come to give to "Georgette"). On the opening day of the attack the German Sixth Army would launch nine divisions against the La Bassee-Armentieres sector of the front held by General Sir Henry Home's First Army; on the following day the German Fourth Army would extend the battle front north of Armentieres, with an attack against the Messines Ridge. Beyond Messines relatively high ground appeared again in the series of low hills south-west of Ypres - generally called the Flanders Hills - extending from Mont Kemmel in the east to Mont des Cats seven miles farther west. German possession of this dominating rise would almost inevitably compel an Allied withdrawal from Hazebrouck to the south and from Poperinghe and Ypres to the north. After that it was only forty miles to Boulogne and Calais. Operation "Georgette" was preceded by an intense gas bombardment on Armentieres on the night of April 7/8. An estimated 30,000 to 40,000 shells, many of them containing mustard gas, fell on the town, inflicting more than 900 gas casualties on the defending troops of the 34th Division and extensive losses on the civilian population. Responsibility for General Home's northern wing - the army boundary was just north of Armentieres and south of Bailleul - rested with the Fifteenth Corps, which had in the front line the 34th and 4oth Divisions, and the soth in reserve. All three had fought, and had suffered heavy casualties, in the German March offensive. Holding the southern part of the seventeen-mile front between Armentieres and La Bassee on the morning of April 9 were the 2nd Portuguese and the 55th Divisions of the Eleventh Corps, which had as reserve another division that had been engaged in the March battle. The Portuguese Division was the survivor of a Portuguese Corps of two divisions which had occupied this part of the front throughout the autumn and winter. Being waterlogged in the rainy season, this was a quiet sector; in three years the ground had never been dry enough for a major attack before May. But the spring of 1918 came early, and as though to make up for the heavy precipitation of the previous autumn the weather was exceptionally dry. In these circumstances the unfitness of the Portuguese to withstand an attack was well known to Sir Douglas Haig's Headquarters. Both divisions were considerably below establishment; and their morale had reached a low ebb when the Portuguese Government which had sent them to assist the British

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was replaced by an administration that was opposed to cooperation with the Allies. Early in April the Corps Headquarters and the ist Portuguese Division were withdrawn for reorganization. There was no immediate replacement, and the 2nd Division, now under command of the Eleventh Corps, had to spread out northward to cover the gap. Orders were issued for this division to be relieved by the battle-worn soth Division on the evening of April 9. But that morning the German Sixth Army struck, and the main weight of its assault fell on the sector manned by the luckless Portuguese. Hit by no less than four German divisions, the three weak Portuguese brigades broke in confusion. A few posts held out bravely, but the great majority of the troops, throwing aside anything that might impede their hasty flight, streamed westward, blocking the roads and seriously impeding the British reserves that were being rushed forward in an effort to halt the debacle. Farther south the 55th Division, which had not been in action since Cambrai and was thus well rested, held the Eleventh Corps' right flank firm; but northward in the Fifteenth Corps' sector the battle-worn 4Oth Division was rolled back. By nightfall on the 9th the Germans had opened a gaping hole in the First Army's holding, ten miles wide and five and a half deep. Around this pocket the two British corps had thrown a thin line by using all their available reserves. Sir Douglas Haig, surveying the resources which the March fighting had left him, could look only to the north for help. From the Second Army (the name had been changed back from Fourth Army when General Plumer, returning on March 17 from command of a British contingent in Italy, took over from General Rawlinson) Haig obtained the promise of two divisions the 49th and the 29th. Two of the latter's brigades, the 86th and the 8yth, would arrive by bus from Poperinghe that same night; the 88th Brigade, still in the Passchendaele trenches, would follow on the loth. On April 9 the Royal Newfoundland Regiment was completing a four-day tour in the front line, and was due for relief that evening. It was i a.m. on the loth before the hand-over was complete and Companies had begun a five-mile march through the darkness to Van Hugel station, half a mile north-east of Wieltje. Here they boarded a train for St. Jans-ter-Biezen, three miles west of Poperinghe. As they passed through Poperinghe, shells from long-range enemy guns were falling on the town, for it was the second day of "Georgette," and the German Fourth Army had begun its assault at 5.15 that morning. All thoughts of rest and billets were thrust aside as orders reached the Newfoundlanders to embus with the rest of the 88th Brigade. As the loaded lorries

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began rolling southward shortly after 2 p.m., it was generally expected that the Brigade was on its way to join the rest of the 29th Division. (The statement in the Battalion war diary that the Newfoundlanders were bound for the Somme appears to have had little basis in fact.) The 88th Brigade had lost the Essex Regiment in February, when a general shortage of reinforcements had reduced every British brigade in France to three battalions. Brigadier Freyberg had, however, temporarily attached to him the divisional pioneer unit, the i st Battalion of the 2nd Monmouthshire Regiment. A two-hour ride across the Flanders Hills brought the Newfoundlanders to Bailleul, seven miles behind Armentieres. But instead of continuing southward to join the other brigades of the 29th Division - which had gone into action at the centre of the German penetration near Estaires - the 88th Brigade found itself diverted to meet a critical situation which had developed east of Bailleul. The German strategy had been for the Sixth Army's attack on April 9 to bypass Armentieres, counting on the next day's advance by the Fourth Army north of the Lys to leave the town in an untenable salient, which could then be pinched off from north or south. This threat to Armentieres had forced General Home during the morning of the xoth to order the 34th Division to evacuate the town; and when the 88th Brigade arrived on the scene that afternoon, the withdrawal along the Armentieres-Bailleul road had already begun. To cut this avenue of escape troops of three divisions of the German Sixth Army were advancing towards the railway which paralleled the road at a distance of 1000 yards to the south. At the same time the narrow salient was endangered from the north, where the 25th Division, on the Ninth Corps' right flank, had been forced to give up Ploegsteert and had pulled back to the eastern edge of Nieppe, a couple of miles up the road from Armentieres. It now became the task of Brigadier-General Freyberg's brigade to secure the road against the threat from the south, for which purpose it was placed temporarily under command of the 25th Division. The Battle of Bailleul It was a little after four when the Newfoundlanders debussed at La Creche, a village a mile and a half east of Bailleul. The scene on the Armentieres road was one of utter confusion, as retiring transport, bodies of formed troops, stragglers on foot, and refugees riding in carts or pushing wheelbarrows laden with their belongings, jostled one another in a turbulent stream flowing back to Bailleul.

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It was the kind of challenging situation that suited Brigadier Freyberg. Having deployed his battalions, he moved them across the fields south of the road, sending out patrols to determine the enemy's location. It was found that the Germans had occupied the village of Steenwerck, about three-quarters of a mile south of the railway, and were being engaged over open sights by a British field battery, which, without escorting infantry, had its horses standing by, ready to be hitched up at a moment's notice. As the leading Newfoundland Companies, "C" and "D", approached Steenwerck Station, they came under machine-gun fire and suffered some casualties - their first in the Battle of Bailleul. The low railway embankment was as good a defensive position as could be found, and here Freyberg halted his foremost troops, spacing his units along the track for a distance of a mile and a half. They held these positions through the remaining hours of daylight, warding off attempts by parties of German troops to probe forward to the railway, and enabling the British guns to be withdrawn safely. When night fell, the Brigade dug in on a front of two battalions, Unking the left wing of the 40th Division with the troops of the 34th, now holding positions south and east of Nieppe. The Royal Newfoundland Regiment was withdrawn into reserve for a brief rest, during which it was held in readiness for action as a counter-attack battalion. On the morning of April 11 the 88th Brigade came under the orders of the G.O.C. 34th Division, Major-General Sir Lothian Nicholson; though in the rapidly-changing situation, when control by headquarters in the rear was virtually impossible, the actual fighting was mainly a brigadiers' and soldiers' battle. In their hutments in an abandoned camp near Brigade Headquarters the Newfoundlanders had been able to get some sleep, long overdue from their recent tour in the Passchendaele trenches and their subsequent movements. About midday they were shifted to a new position in the vicinity of De Broecken, a farmhouse 1000 yards north of the Bailleul-Armentieres road, in order to protect the 88th Brigade's left rear from encirclement. At dusk the 34th Division's infantry which had been occupying Nieppe and the surrounding low ground were withdrawn through the 88th Brigade - two brigades retiring along the railway and two along the main road. The withdrawal abolished the narrow salient in which General Nicholson's own troops and those of his attached brigades had been crowded for the past two days. It was on this day that Field-Marshal Sir Douglas Haig issued his challenging Order of the Day. It set out the seriousness of the situation, while declaring that in spite of having thrown 106 divisions into the battle the enemy had made relatively little

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progress; it praised the determined fighting and self-sacrifice of the British and Dominion troops, and assured them that the French Army was hastening in great force to their support. It concluded: There is no other course open to us but to fight it out! Every position must be held to the last man: there must be no retirement. With our backs to the wall, and believing in the justice of our cause, each one of us must fight on to the end. The safety of our homes and the freedom of mankind alike depend on the conduct of each one of us at this critical moment.

April 12 was a day of crisis, as renewed German assaults broke through on the First Army's front west of Estaires, forcing the Eleventh and Fifteenth Corps back some three miles, so that the latter's left was now to the rear of Bailleul. In front of Bailleul, however, the 34th Division managed to maintain its positions, despite heavy German onslaughts. Two of General Nicholson's badly-hit brigades were holding the southern outskirts of the town. The 88th Brigade, facing generally east, was extended along a curving front of 5000 yards from Steenwerck Station to the Bailleul road behind Nieppe. Early that morning "A" Company of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, under Lieutenant Eric Chafe, M.C., was put into the front line between the 2nd Hampshires and the Monmouths on the left; and at noon, as enemy pressure increased, further support came with the arrival of Captain Paterson's "C" Company, accompanied by LieutenantColonel Woodruffe at the head of a party from Battalion Headquarters. The desultory shelling that the Germans had kept up all morning increased about 2 p.m., and at four o'clock they launched a strong attack against Brigadier Freyberg's left. The Monmouthshire Regiment, which had been ordered to hold its ground astride the Bailleul road at all costs, was cut off and suffered 486 casualties. In order to cover the resulting open flank, Lieutenant Lorenzo ("Sandy") Moore, of Grand Falls, in command of "C" Company's left-hand platoon, swung his men around to face north against the enemy, catching them in enfilade with their fire. There was a stubborn fight, but eventually the platoon was overwhelmed, and those of the gallant little band who had not already fallen were made prisoner. Moore, shot grievously in the neck, was picked up by a two-man German patrol, one of whom was all for finishing him off. The other's "Nein, nein," were welcome words indeed to the wounded officer, who was then bandaged and taken to the rear, to end the war in a German prison camp. This heroic resistance enabled the remainder of "C" Company to fall back in good order to a light railway running north-eastward from, Steenwerck Station. Here Captain Paterson,

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collecting stragglers from a broken unit on his left, prepared to make a stand. He was joined on the right by "A" Company and Battalion Headquarters, which had been holding off a German thrust south of the Bailleul road. On the Newfoundland left the timely arrival of Captain Charlie Strong with "B" and "D" Companies from reserve put the whole Battalion in the front line. The newcomers prolonged the flank farther around to face an enemy penetration to the north. It was near dusk when the Germans launched their last attack of the day. The grey-uniformed figures, many of them carrying machine-guns, pressed forward with clockwork precision, halting at intervals to lie down and fire. The low embankment of the railway was just high enough to afford the Newfoundlanders a minimum of protection; and as the attackers came towards them they aimed at the buttons on their tunics, keeping up a merciless fire which could not miss such close targets. "It was almost like Beaumont Hamel again," said an officer of "C" Company, "but this time we were the ones on the defensive." The Germans were halted and driven back in what the 88th Brigade's report on the operation later called "a brilliant counter-attack." Then, on orders from the Brigadier, the Newfoundlanders fell back with the remnants of the Monmouths to the De Seule crossroads, where a lateral road from Neuve Eglise came in from the north. Lieutenant Harry Mews (he and Captain Paterson were the only officers surviving in "C" Company on April 12) was detailed with a party of riflemen and Lewis gunners to cover the withdrawal. He recalls that the men were so fatigued that they had to be forced to keep moving to prevent them from falling asleep. The Newfoundlanders were now relieved by a battalion of the Northumberland Fusiliers (of the 34th Division's iO2nd Brigade), and having supplied a party to help wire the new position, they returned to their reserve location, to await another call to counter-attack. That call came on the following afternoon. Throughout the morning of the i3th the enemy again subjected the 88th Brigade's hastily-dug trenches to continuous shellfire, without however doing much damage. In falling back on the I2th} the 34th Division had gained the advantage of now being on the lower slopes of the Ravelsberg Ridge, lying between Bailleul and Neuve Eglise - positions which made possible observed artillery support over the plain to south and east. It was an advantage that General Nicholson sorely needed, for that day his six tired brigades were opposed by no less than six divisions of the 2nd Bavarian Corps of the German Sixth Army. There was further good fortune in the fact (as later reported by the German Fourth Army) that

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as a result of poor staff work between the Bavarian Corps and the neighbouring Tenth Reserve Corps north of the inter-army boundary, attacks that were to have been delivered simultaneously went in at separate timesj so that in each case the inner flank was left exposed to British counter-attack. "As a result of this incident," recorded the Fourth Army, "the rest of the day was passed in acrimonious discussion between the headquarters of the two Armies." But this did not prevent German commanders at lower levels from launching attacks; and a particularly determined one coming in about 5 p.m. penetrated the British line near De Seule. The Germans advanced astride the De Broecken road, until at about half-past six they ran up against the Newfoundland "D" Company, under the command of Captain John Clift. As they caught the Germans in the open, Clift's men had excellent shooting and exacted a heavy toll. Before the action was over all Colonel Woodruffe's companies were involved. They eventually halted the attackers, who at one point were within twenty-five yards of the Newfoundland line. Clift's coolness and skill in directing his company in the initial stages of the action brought him a wellmerited Military Cross. There followed a couple of hours of suspense, a period of wondering whether the enemy would renew his efforts, and then word came that the whole Brigade had been ordered to withdraw to the Ravelsberg Ridge and to dig in on a previously-selected line reaching from Bailleul to Crucifix Corner. White tapes laid on the ground guided the Battalion back to its new position, where the weary troops set to work with their entrenching tools. But so fatigued were they that it is reported that when Brigadier Freyberg made his early morning rounds on the i4th, he found the majority of his men sleeping in half-finished trenches not more than eighteen inches deep. The Battalion's withdrawal to higher ground almost resulted in the loss of a portion of the Regimental transport, including the Transport Officer, when a convoy of five wagons of rations, moving down the road from Bailleul to the position the Newfoundlanders were presumed to be holding, was suddenly surprised by Very lights and the chatter of machine-guns. Only one of the fastest turn-arounds on record and a good knowledge of side roads in the area saved the Regimental rations and made possible their safe, though belated, delivery on the ridge. Sometime about 4 a.m. the hungry troops had their first meal in twenty-four hours. The task of keeping the Newfoundlanders supplied during the fighting in the Bailleul area had confronted Captain George Hicks, M.C., with many problems. He had followed the Regiment in its

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hurried move from Poperinghe, bringing his first-line transport as far as St. Jans Cappel, two miles north of Bailleul, before withdrawing it into the hills at Boeschepe. In the opening days of the battle it had been no easy matter to get the ration wagons forward against the tide of civilian refugees and retiring troops that blocked the roads. Each night, when the rations had been delivered, there was always the possibility, in view of the enemy's progress, that the transport lines might not be in the same place when the wagons returned. Indeed, there had to be a rapid retirement to Steenvoorde on the morning that the Transport Officer awakened to find his vehicle park at Boeschepe being shelled with mustard gas. It was at Steenvoorde that the Transport Section carried out an errand of mercy characteristic of the Regiment's friendly relations with the local populace. Major Bernard, who as second-incommand was held back with the ten per cent and the transport, received orders to rescue a French family whose home was in danger of being overrun by the enemy; and in consultation with the T.O. it was decided to risk the loss of two wagons and four horses in the attempt. Some uneasiness was experienced when evening drew near with no sign of the drivers. Then, just at sundown, the two wagons were sighted approaching the lines at full gallop, loaded with beds, furniture, and miscellaneous household possessions. In place of his steel helmet, each driver wore on his head a woman's hat. "It was to be seen," recalls Captain Hicks, "that they had no pain." Their condition was the result of the hospitality of the Frenchwoman, who, overjoyed at her rescue with all her belongings, had given her deliverers the freedom of her wine cellar. The pressure by Prince Rupprecht's armies continued. All along the front General Plumer (who on April 12 had taken over from General Home the First Army's left wing as far south as Merville) was finding it necessary to shorten his line wherever this could be done by an orderly withdrawal without incurring costly casualties. April 13 had seen the beginning of a gradual evacuation of the Ypres salient. During the next three days British units fell back from Passchendaele, Poelcappelle, Langemarck, Polygon Wood - places whose gaining had cost so much good blood. By the morning of the i6th the methodical retirement had brought the line back to Pilckem Ridge. At the White Chateau, familiar to the Newfoundlanders from the summer of 1916, it was only a mile from Ypres. The price of duty is sacrifice, and for the Royal Newfoundland Regiment the fighting in front of Bailleul during the last fortyeight hours had been no exception. The Battalion had suffered

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casualties of six officers and 170 other ranks. Among the mortally wounded was Captain Strong, who had been hit in the chest by shrapnel just after he brought his companies forward on the evening of the I2th. He died in a Canadian Casualty Clearing Station next day. Of all the officers that veterans of the Regiment would remember with affection and pride, none held a more treasured place in memory than Charles St. Clair Strong. His cheerful friendliness and his soldierly qualities endeared him to all, by whom he was known as "the smile of the Battalion." He kept a white light on his torch in all ways that he trod. And men, for his living, were cleaner and nearer to God.

Regimental No. 30 was one of the first Newfoundlanders to enlist, sailing on the Florizel as a colour sergeant. Many recalled the excellent work he had done in training the men selected for the June raid in 1916, a raid in which Strong was wounded. After a year's absence from the ist Battalion he was back in action for the fighting at the Steenbeek and the Broembeek. In a copy of The Story of the 29th Division, on the page which describes Strong's last action with the Regiment, the book's owner, Captain Bert Dicks, himself the bearer of a regimental number in the low thirties, was to pencil this marginal tribute: "Charlie, one of the best that ever wore the Red Triangle." Another popular officer to lose his life in the battle was Lieutenant William E. Barnes, who died at Etaples on April 13 of wounds received the previous day near Nieppe. Three Newfoundlanders won the Distinguished Conduct Medal for their gallantry in the battle. Sergeant (later R.S.M.) Ernest Gullicksen, of Traytown (who was also to receive the Belgian Croix de Guerre and the Medal of Honour with Bronze Swords), setting his men a superb example of coolness and pluck under fire, held on to his post until practically surrounded. His action contributed greatly to "D" Company's resistance against the enemy; and subsequently, when ordered, he carried out a successful withdrawal, which was attended by remarkably few casualties to his men. Acting Company Quartermaster-Sergeant William Haynes, of Catalina, was cited for boldly leading his platoon in a successful counter-attack when the Germans broke through on the Battalion's left; and the award to Private Thomas Pittman came as further recognition of this soldier's devotion to duty and his particular efficiency as a Lewis gunner that had already won him the M.M. at Cambrai. Among others who gained distinction were Sergeant Charles Curnew, of Curling; Private William Roy Saunders, of Carbonear; and Private Samuel White, of Carmanville, Fogo. Curnew exhibited great skill and bravery in leading

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his platoon over open ground to their objective, and then ignoring flying bullets as he moved up and down the line directing the fire of his men. Saunders was cited for persevering in the advance, though wounded, to bring all his Lewis gun carriers to their assigned position. When the N.C.O. in charge of White's party was wounded, this intrepid private took command, and with commendable initiative fought off a number of German attacks until ordered to withdraw to another position. All three men received the Military Medal. Lieutenant-Colonel Woodruffe, who had displayed skilled and courageous personal leadership throughout the battle, was awarded the Distinguished Service Order. In almost every engagement there will occur some unexpected incident that at the time may seem fraught with serious consequences, but viewed in retrospect reveals its lighter side. Such an episode that took place during the fighting about Nieppe is recalled by one of the Newfoundland officers. He had been ordered to go forward with a small party to reinforce or relieve an advanced post that had been out of touch for some time. To one Private Bob Shannahan, who hailed from Cape Broyle, was entrusted the responsibility of carrying the rum jar. Crouched low, with their tin hats well down over their eyes, the little group made their way forward, with bullets flying all around them. They reached the post, only to find it unoccupied. Last to arrive was Private Shannahan, his fingers gripping only the handle of the rum jar, which had been shot away. His first words revealed his full realization of the enormity of the catastrophe: "My God, Mr. Mews, we've lost the bloody war!" The Battle of the Lys was to continue for two more weeks, until on the last day of the month Ludendorff called it off - its main objectives untaken. But the Newfoundlanders were involved in no more heavy fighting. On the i5th the Battalion marched back to Croix de Poperinghe (two miles north of Bailleul); but their stay in Nissen huts there was for less than twenty-four hours, as with the enemy's capture of Bailleul and the Ravelsberg Ridge they were hurried forward to dig in with the rest of the 88th Brigade in support positions. On the i8th they took over part of the front line, about half-way between Croix de Poperinghe and the ridge. Here they experienced two bombardments, but fortunately without serious loss. It was after one of these shellings that Private Freeman Bendell, of Clarke's Beach, and Private Nathan Yetman, of Bell Island, volunteered to make a reconnaissance of posts believed to be occupied by the Germans. The coolness and skill with which the two men accomplished their mission, bringing back valuable information to their Company Commander, earned each the Military Medal.

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During the whole of its participation in the Battle of Bailleul the Regiment had maintained its high reputation as a fighting unit; its brilliant counter-attack at De Seule had re-established a dangerously-threatened situation, and as part of the 88th Brigade it had consistently helped to provide a rallying point on which pivoted the defence by the other brigades of the 34th Division. There had been many acts of bravery in addition to those already cited, including many that will never be recorded. The right of the Regiment to emblazon the name Bailleul on its colours derived in no small measure from the heroism of these other Newfoundlanders, who also gained recognition by the award of the Military Medal: Sergeant Daniel Burge, Bonavista; Lance-Corporal Matthew Brazil, Spaniard's Bay; Lance-Corporal Peter Sullivan, Bay de Verde; Private John Gosse, Torbay; and Privates Harry Snow and Gordon Thomas, St. John's. Lance-Corporal James Hagen received a Bar to the Military Medal which he had won five months before at Cambrai. On April 2i the Newfoundland Battalion was relieved in the line by the 4Oist Regiment of the French I33rd Division. This was one of five infantry and three cavalry divisions which Haig, after considerable bargaining, had induced Marshal Foch to send to General Plumer's assistance in Flanders. At no time can the relief of one unit by another in front-line posts be treated as a perfunctory or routine operation. The enemy had a habit of taking full advantage of any signs that might indicate weakness in defence positions - whether these were provided by evidence of the presence of raw troops, by their unfamiliarity with the area, through incomplete reconnoitring by incoming units, or by confusion in the relief operation itself. The officers and men of the Newfoundland Regiment had been thoroughly trained in relief procedure, and fully appreciating the language difficulty likely to arise in the present instance, they felt somewhat dubious that a successful relief could be carried out. They were disturbed by the fact that the French troops seemed to pay less than ordinary heed to keeping silent, and that the officers of at least one incoming company showed little or no interest in familiarizing themselves with either their own or the enemy's defence positions. Yet they appeared otherwise to be experienced and alert, and they gave evidence of composure and complete confidence to handle any situation that might develop. Still somewhat puzzled, one Newfoundland Company Commander asked his opposite number in the French Regiment whether the latter might not care to study some detailed maps of the area before signing the "Relief Complete" sheet. All was then made clear, when the Frenchman pointed towards Bailleul, now in flames, only two kilometres away,

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exclaiming: "Merci, non. C'est ma patrie,je la connais par coeur." After their relief the Newfoundlanders marched back to farm billets near Steenvoorde, where they were immediately joined by their ten per cent. The Battalion was far below strengths having suffered more than 200 casualties in the fighting at the Lys. Next day there was a short move by bus to the Hondeghem area, three miles north-west of Hazebrouck, as the 88th Brigade was reunited with the rest of the 29th Division, which had also been taken out of the line. "I don't think we have disgraced the Red Triangle/' Brigadier-General Freyberg had signalled Major-General Cayley while the fighting was still in progress. It was an assertion that the G.O.C. 34th Division could heartily endorse. In a Special Order issued as the 88th Brigade left his command, Major-General Nicholson put on record his appreciation of the 88th's services. "The steadiness of the Brigade when covering the retirement from Nieppe," he wrote, "the stubborn resistance put up during the retirement to the Bailleul-Crucifix Corner Line - which undoubtedly saved a serious situation - are exploits of which the Brigade may well be proud. Throughout the period the steadiness, gallantry, and endurance of all ranks has been worthy of the highest traditions of British infantry." Well might the Newfoundlanders take credit for having contributed their share in deserving so warm a testimonial - a contribution which Brigadier Freyberg himself was to put on record: Their counter-attack at De Seule and the steadiness of the troops during the withdrawal to the Ravelsberg ridge was a performance that had a far reaching effect and one that any regiment could be proud of.

Farewell to the Red Triangle The Newfoundlanders were not destined to remain much longer with the 29th Division. The heavy losses they had suffered and the impossibility of immediately replacing these with trained troops, as well as the question of granting to Blue Puttees the leave to return home which was long overdue, brought a decision to withdraw the Battalion temporarily from operations. This meant regretfully severing association with the Division in which they had served for two and a half years. On April 26 Brigadier Freyberg inspected the Newfoundlanders for die last time, walking up and down the lines to bid officers and men good-bye. Three days later they marched away, some 500 strong, to take the train at Ebblinghem. As they swung down the road out of the camp, there was a smart "Eyes Right" to the Divisional

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Commander, who had come to take the salute and wish them God-speed. Drawn up beside him was the Headquarters Band, which played the Newfoundlanders on their way with the haunting strains of "Will ye no' come back again?" In such manner did the Royal Newfoundland Regiment leave the 29th Division, carrying with it General Cayley's glowing farewell tribute: In bidding good-bye to the Royal Newfoundland Regiment on their departure from the 29th Division, I wish to place on record my very great regret at their withdrawal from a Division in which they have served so long and brilliantly. The whole of their active service since September, 1915, has been performed in this Division, and during all that time, the Battalion has shown itself to be, under all circumstances of good and bad fortune, a splendid fighting unit. At Suvla, Beaumont Hamel, Gueudecourt, Monchy, Ypres, Cambrai, and during the last fighting near Bailleul, they have consistently maintained the highest standard of fighting efficiency and determination. They can look back on a record of which they and their fellow-countrymen have every right to be proud. I wish Lieutenant-Colonel WoodrufFe and all ranks the very best of luck in the future.

Late on the evening of April 29 the train unloaded the Newfoundlanders at Etaples, and they marched to the base depot, familiar to many of the later reinforcements as the place where they had spent their first night in France. Next day they went into camp at nearby St. Josse, to begin recuperating and rebuilding. As far as possible the stains of war were removed. The men received new uniforms, and once more spit and polish became the order of the day. Now it was May, and the weather was fine and warm. Before long the war diary would be recording: "Weather much warmer"; "Fine and very hot"; "Temperature still very hot." Five miles from St. Josse, at the mouth of the River Canche, was Paris Plage, its peacetime holiday atmosphere sadly missing; and here the Battalion had its first sea-bathing in many a month. The water was decidedly bracing, but to men who had braved the frigid waters of Topsail in Conception Bay in mid-August, quite endurable. Lunch was followed by drill and then football on the sands. After the strain of the recent fighting the outing was a pleasant change - as one put it, "a regular picnic." Then came word that the Regiment was to be assigned the duty of providing guards at Sir Douglas Haig's Headquarters at Montreuil, six miles up the river from Etaples. This was a distinction indeed, for it was common knowledge that the unit which the Newfoundlanders were relieving, the ist Battalion, The Honourable Artillery Company, was one of the crack battalions of the British Army. Yet just as the Newfoundlanders had confounded

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the critics at Edinburgh when they were given the signal honour of garrisoning the Castle, so now they quickly demonstrated that the splendid record which they had gained as a fighting force was matched by their smart appearance on parade and their efficiency in ceremonial drill. So high was the Battalion's esprit de corps that officers had little difficulty in impressing on their men that the good name of the Regiment as a whole, whether on the battlefield or the parade ground, depended upon the high standard that each individual member strove for and achieved. The Battalion was billeted in Ecuires, a little village a mile outside the walls of Montreuil. Every morning the guard, immaculately turned out, would assemble in the village square, and after a minute scrutiny by the inspecting officer would be marched up the road to Montreuil, to mount guard outside G.H.Q. First Echelon. Frequently on the way to the town they would catch sight of the Field Marshal himself returning from his morning ride. In the evening the guard would return to Ecuires, marching strictly at attention. An Officer who was there recalls an incident which showed how completely the alert guard commander was prepared for any situation that might arise. In the vicinity of General Headquarters were employed a number of members of the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps. ("Since they are not permitted to speak to officers, there is not much use getting excited about it," wrote one Company Commander, a bit wistfully. "Officers cannot be trusted as closely as the private soldiers, apparently.") On the evening in question the guard was marching, smartly as ever, back from Montreuil. As they approached the village square they passed two pretty, young W.A.A.C.'s, who were standing on the left side of the road. A crisp command, "Eyes left!", followed by an "Eyes front!", drew a response whose precision would have done credit to a detachment of the Guards. Unnoticed by the guard commander, Colonel Woodruffe, a regular soldier of many years' service, was standing near by with a group of officers, observing - no doubt with justifiable pride - the smart carriage of his men. But this exhibition of Newfoundland gallantly towards the fair sex in such unexpected circumstances took him completely aback. "I never thought I'd live to see it," he murmured. From early in May until mid-August the Royal Newfoundland Regiment continued to furnish the personal bodyguard for Sir Douglas Haig and to supply the guards (and working parties) for General Headquarters. While performing these duties the Battalion was gradually rebuilding to its normal fighting strength. Drafts varying in size from half a dozen to more than 100 men were arriving two or three times a week. Without delay these

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newcomers were assigned to a Company and put to training. The Battalion was fortunate in having the use of a tented camp at Camiers - near the coast, about four miles north of Staples. Here the Newfoundlanders went, a Company at a time, for from ten days to three weeks of steady training, free from interruption by demands for work parties or anything more distracting than daily dips in the Channel. Many veterans of the Regiment would in after years recall those weeks in the summer of 1918 which the ist Battalion spent in the Montreuil area as among the pleasantest periods of their entire stay overseas. Except for an occasional visit by German aeroplanes (on May 31 the St. John Ambulance Brigade Hospital at Etaples was bombed out) the war seemed fairly remote. On every hand were rich, cultivated fields that seemed the epitome of peace and plenty. Montreuil was famed for its peach orchards, and in May the trees were beautiful with blossom. The local inhabitants had become indifferent to the coming and going of large numbers of Allied troops j but, as always happened, it did not take the Newfoundlanders long to establish the friendliest relations with them. In many respects officers found themselves treated almost like one of the family in the homes where they were billeted, particularly by the children, who gained a special place in the affections of those who were far from their own loved ones. "Excuse the pencil mark across the paper," writes a captain in his letter home. "There is a little girl here named Olga, only five years old, and a cute youngster. She is always crawling up on our backs, and loves to draw lines across our letters while we are writing." The Regiment's duties were not so onerous as to afford no time for recreation. It was "B" Company that introduced basketball to the Battalion. They played the game with a soccer ball, and because all cultivated and pasture land was closely guarded by the thrifty farmers, their basketball court was a patch of hard ground that had more small stones than grass, so that bruised and cut knees were frequent. Basketball was new to most of the men, but enthusiasm compensated for lack of experience, and they took readily to the game. There were baseball games with a team of American and Canadian soldiers from a nearby camp. The Battalion did well in its first encounter to hold the opponents to a 12-10 victory; and in a return engagement an improvement in form on the part of the Newfoundlanders (or a relapse by the other team) resulted in a 10-9 win for the Battalion. At the beginning of June Lieutenant-Colonel Woodruffe left the Regiment, to take command of the 2nd Battalion, The Royal Sussex Regiment. Major A. E. Bernard, M.C., assumed temporary command of the Battalion, pending the arrival at the end of the

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The Hon. J. R. Bennett, Minister of Militia, decorates members of the Regiment at Ecuires, June 23,1918. In the foreground is Major A. E. Bernard, acting C.O. (By Courtesy of the Imperial War Museum)

month of the new C.O., Lieutenant-Colonel T. G. Mathias, D.S.O.j the Welch Regiment. The Battalion received a visit from the Minister of Militia, the Honourable J. R. Bennett, who arrived at Ecuires on June 22 and stayed for a week. On the 23rd he inspected the unit on parade, and decorated a number of N.C.O.'s and men with the awards won in recent operations. On the day that the Minister left for England, a party of three officers and 80 other ranks of "C" Company marched from Camiers, where they had been training for the past fortnight, to take over a camp for the Battalion at Equihen, ten miles up the coast on the southern outskirts of Boulogne. Here the rest of the Battalion joined them during the first week of July. While each Company in turn took a tour at Camiers, the remainder settled down to life under canvas at Equihen. There were calls on the Battalion to supply parties of officers and men for duties of various kinds. In August, detachments of 204 and 113 all ranks were sent respectively to Poulainville, north of Amiens, and Candas, southwest of Doullens, to act as guards and escorts to German prisoners taken in the great Allied counter-stroke of the Second Battle of the Marne. The schedule of training at Equihen was far from strenuous, though discipline was strict. To keep the men fit there were route-marches of up to a dozen miles in length about the surrounding country and along the firm sands at the edge of the sea; and all found plenty of time for bathing and sports. With

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commendable courage the Newfoundlanders accepted a challenge from the Honourable Artillery Company to a series of cricket games. They were no match for these experienced players, but the enthusiasm and enjoyment engendered by these contests were shared equally by both Battalions. July 3 saw the arrival of another distinguished visitor from Newfoundland - the Right Honourable Sir W. F. Lloyd, who had succeeded Sir Edward Morris as Premier. He was in time to see "D" Company march in from its stay at Camiers, and, records the Battalion war diary, he was "deeply interested in the men's foot inspection." Now that the Newfoundlanders were out of the line for some time, there was an opportunity to have the Regimental Band with them. The Band was warmly welcomed when it arrived early in July for its second visit to France - a visit that was to last into September. During the Newfoundlanders' stay at Equihen there is little doubt that the event which assumed the greatest importance for the veteran members of the Regiment was the granting of leave to the Blue Puttees. In the course of his visit overseas the Minister of Militia had been given Sir Douglas Haig's assurance, subject to confirmation by the War Office, that Blue Puttee soldiers would be allowed sufficient leave to let them see their relatives and friends in Newfoundland, provided that this did not entail being absent from the Regiment for more than six weeks. Shortly after Mr. Bennett's return to St. John's the Commanding Officer received word that men of the First Five Hundred who had not been home on sick leave or on duty would be given one month's leave at home, with free passage to and from Newfoundland. The concession was long overdue. Apart from officers, few of the surviving members of the group that had sailed from St. John's aboard the Florizel in October, 1914, were still fully fit for combatant duty in the front line. Most were regimentally employed - with the transport, in the bugle band, at Battalion Headquarters, or as pioneers, cooks, or shoemakers. The first draft, numbering five officers and 50 other ranks, left for England on July 24. Others followed, to be joined by many from the establishment of the 2nd (Reserve) Battalion at Hazeley Down Camp. A draft of 15 officers and 164 men sailed from the United Kingdom on H.M.S. Gloucestershire, arriving at Sydney, Nova Scotia, on August 2; at the same time another group of 10 officers and 70 other ranks, who had missed sailing on the Gloucestershire because their crossing from France was delayed by reports of submarines in the English Channel, were put aboard the S.S. Olympic, bound from Southampton for New York. All received an enthusiastic welcome on reaching St. John's. Large crowds turned out to greet them, leaving them in no doubt of

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the appreciation with which their fellow-countrymen regarded their long service overseas. The month's leave passed all too quickly; but before the time came for officers and men to recross the Atlantic, Governor Harris was presented with a petition that had been circulated in every district in Newfoundland, and which bore 4970 signatures. It asked for favourable consideration of "what we think is the desire of the entire public of Newfoundland, that the boys who have already given four winters in the service of King and Country, and for the honour of Newfoundland, shall be permitted the fifth winter at home on furlough." The petition further asked that some forty members of the original "C" and "D" Companies (the Second Five Hundred), who were still with the ist Battalion, as well as another estimated forty in the United Kingdom, should receive furlough in Newfoundland until the spring of 1919. The request, as far as the Blue Puttees were concerned, was granted. First of all there was a thirty-day extension of leave. Then, with the exception of half a dozen officers who were recalled overseas, these veteran members of the Regiment were held in Newfoundland, most of those who were fit finding employment in various capacities at the Regimental Depot in St. John's or with the Department of Militia. The proposal of furlough for the Second Five Hundred, however, was turned down, on the grounds of the difficulty that would arise in discriminating between these and other deserving cases. By early September the Royal Newfoundland Regiment was once more ready for action. Four months of rest and rebuilding had worked wonders. The new reinforcements had been assimilated into the Battalion, and all ranks were fighting fit - fit to play their part in what were to be the final offensives of the war. On the Western Front the tide had at last turned. On August 8, a day that Ludendorff was to record as "the black day of the German Army in the history of this war," General Rawlinson's Fourth Army, spearheaded by the Canadian Corps at Amiens, had been joined by the French First Army in launching the first of a series of major blows ordered by Marshal Foch, the Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Armies. Gradually the offensive was extended on both flanks. At the end of August General Home's First Army struck athwart the River Scarpe. Canadian forces recaptured Monchy-lePreux, where Newfoundlanders had battled bitterly fifteen months before, and, smashing through the strong German defences of the Drocourt-Queant Line, followed up an enemy withdrawal to the line of the Canal du Nord in front of Cambrai. On September 3 Foch issued a directive for new offensives by British, French, and American Armies along a front extending from Cambrai south-

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east to St. Mihiel. Five days later he visited the King of the Belgians, and after subsequent discussions with Field-Marshal Haig and General Plumer, he added an offensive in Flanders, to be launched "between the 2Oth and 25th September" by a special group of Armies comprising the British Second Army, the Belgian Army, and two French corps. This was the offensive to which the Newfoundlanders would find themselves committed. On September 11 the Regiment was notified that it was going to the Second Army; and the following day brought orders to entrain at Boulogne for the Poperinghe area. Then it was learned that the Battalion would not be rejoining the 29th Division. The news came as a great shock and a grave disappointment to all ranks. Ever since it had been withdrawn in April, hope had been maintained that when the period of recuperation was over, the Battalion would return to the Division with which it had served so long. Towards the end of May, when there had arisen some question that the Regiment might lose its place in the 29th Division, Governor Harris had made strong representations that it was "the desire of the whole of Newfoundland that the old associations should be preserved." Later he happily announced from Government House that he had learned from Sir Douglas Haig of the success of his plea. But circumstances decreed otherwise, for, particularly in wartime, the disposition of a unit is governed by other considerations than its own preferences. The 2nd Battalion, The Leinster Regiment, replaced the Newfoundland Battalion in the 88th Brigade, and long before the Newfoundlanders were once more ready for action, the wearers of the Red Triangle had gone back into the front line. It was thus with feelings of sadness that the Newfoundlanders took down their Red Triangle patches. On the back of his collar each man still wore the circular claret-and-white patch which was the distinguishing emblem of the Regiment. These particular colours had originated with the claret St. George's cross on the white background of the King's Colour, which had been presented to the Regiment on behalf of the Newfoundland Chapter of the Daughters of the Empire in June, 1915, at Stobs Camp. For a time members of the Regiment had worn on each shoulder above the Red Triangle a rectangular claret-and-white patch; and in 1917 had come the change to the circle at the back of the neck, to assist in providing better identification during an advance. Now, in September, 1918, no one of the Newfoundlanders knew what design would replace the Red Triangle on their sleeves. Yet soon there would come satisfaction in the knowledge that the Division of which the Newfoundland Battalion would now form a part was one which had gained for itself a very high reputation indeed.

CHAPTER XIV

The Advance to Victory The War now entered final phase ; And during those momentous days, When clearly writ upon the wall Was presage of the Kaiser's fall, Our lads shared in the circumstance. 'Twas their assignment to advance .

The Newfoundland Forestry Companies We interrupt our story of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment and the dramatic events in which it was engaged during the final fifty days of the war, in order to examine the contribution to victory made by another organized body of men from the island Colony, some of them former members of the Regiment - the Newfoundland Forestry Companies. Well might it have been said of them, as of the forestry units from Canada, that they "helped to defeat the submarine . .. more surely than a fleet of ships." By the time the war was a year old, the havoc wrought by German U-boats on the British merchant fleet had resulted in a serious shortage of timber in Britain. Substantial as were the country's imports of wood in time of peace, her requirements had increased considerably in wartime with the demands of an expanding munitions industry and the need for millions of pitprops, duckboards, and railway ties at the front and along the lines of communication. But the carriage of munitions, food, forage, and other essentials had prior claim upon the depleted shipping, so that is was impossible for Britain to continue to import Canadian timber on a sufficiently large scale to meet her war requirements. It was necessary therefore to begin felling forests in the United Kingdom and converting them into lumber. In earlier days, when depending on "wooden ships and iron men," Britain had realized the value of conserving ample supplies of wood for the future. To achieve this end she had wisely undertaken extensive tree-planting projects. In many cases the young seedlings were set out in places that were difficult of access, in

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order, it would seem, to ensure that the resulting forests would be preserved intact until some future emergency brought the need for their use. One such forest was to be found on the estate of the Duke of Atholl at Dunkeld, in Perthshire, close by Birnam Wood, perpetuated in Shakespeare's Macbeth. A former Duke had laid out the plantation about the close of the Napoleonic Wars, and the timber was now ripe for felling. It was said that 44,000 trees were growing here, atop Craigvinean, a hill 700 feet above the River Tay. So steep were the hillsides that the forest had escaped the axe through the years that had gone by since its planting. In 1916 engineers and foresters surveying the site decided that, great as was the need for wood, this hill was too precipitous for its wealth of timber to be harvested. Yet within a year the forest on Craigvinean was to meet its masters. In the early summer of 1916 a Canadian Forestry Battalion had crossed the Atlantic (the vanguard of a Corps 22,000 strong), to begin timber operations in Britain's historic forests. The question of similarly recruiting Newfoundland woodsmen for forestry work in the United Kingdom was raised with the British authorities by Premier Morris during his visit overseas in March, 1917. Taking a leading part in the ensuing discussions was a director of the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company, Mr. (later Sir) Mayson M. Beeton, whom the British Government had appointed Director of Timber Supplies, a department of the War Office. In a remarkably short time a tentative scheme emerged for a Newfoundland Forestry Corps, and soon cables were crossing the Atlantic setting forth and agreeing to detailed proposals. From St. John's Governor Davidson had sent, late in March, an offer by the Patriotic Association to raise "500 or more woodsmen and miners to form a Pioneer Battalion of the Newfoundland Regiment," for employment anywhere except in a tropical climate. By return there came from the Secretary of State for the Colonies a lengthy statement of the British requirements. It was proposed to enlist Newfoundland loggers and sawmill hands into noncombatant military units for work in forests in the United Kingdom only. The rate of pay would be the same as that received by members of the Newfoundland Regiment, with extra wages for skilled workmen. Because the foresters would not be in the fighting line, it was possible to relax the physical standards for the medical examination of applicants for enlistment; and recruits would be organized into companies under the command of Newfoundland officers who were unfit for further service at the front. Finally, His Majesty's Government was prepared to bear all costs of raising and maintaining the forestry units from the date of enlistment until their return to Newfoundland.

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These terms were promptly accepted by Governor Davidson, whose cable of April 3 assured Mr. Walter Long, "We are sanguine of a ready response." Two weeks later he notified the Secretary for the Colonies that his Ministers had approved a decision of the Patriotic Association to raise five Forestry Companies of too men each, or more if required; to defray all preliminary expenditures up to the date of embarkation; and to dispatch 500 men by May 15, if transportation were obtainable. All would be picked men, and all would bring their own tools. A direct channel of communication was arranged between the Governor and Mr. Beeton, who, as Administrative Officer of the Newfoundland Forestry Corps, was to provide the chief liaison with the British authorities. Beeton's reply to this statement of Newfoundland's intentions displayed only moderate enthusiasm: "This makes a satisfactory start. Hope at least 1500 will be raised ultimately." Recruiting for the Forestry Companies was initiated by an appeal to the "Men of Newfoundland," published in the daily press, in which Governor Davidson called on lumbermen and all skilled workmen not eligible for the Newfoundland Regiment or the Royal Naval Reserve to enlist for service in the forests of the United Kingdom. At the same time the Patriotic Association assigned the responsibility of raising the Companies to a Forestry Committee, under the chairmanship of Mr. W. B. Grieve, who had been serving as Honorary Secretary of the Association's Recruiting Committee. Of the other members of the Forestry Committee two men were able to make particularly valuable contributions: Mr. William Scott, Manager of the A.N.D. Company at Grand Falls, and the General Manager of the Albert E. Reed Company at Bishop's Falls, Mr. A. Harris. Besides taking a leading part in recruiting in their mills, these two gave useful technical advice regarding the type and amount of equipment to be taken. Many recruits came forward, both from the city of St. John's and from the ranks of those employed in the timber industry. The initial response, however, was not as great as had been hoped for. It was well into August before the first 300 had been enrolled. In due time a total of 498 officers and men were accepted from Newfoundland; and with two others who enlisted in Great Britain the number required for the five Companies was complete. An additional 278 who volunteered for service were unable to meet the modified physical requirements. Those who enlisted showed a strange mixture of youth and age. Some were lads in their teens, too young to fight in France; some were former members of the Newfoundland Regiment who had

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fought and been wounded in Gallipoli or in France, and were no longer fit for active service; others were veterans of sixty years or more, too old for the fighting lines. One thing the majority of the recruits had in common - they were practical lumbermen, and they welcomed the opportunity now afforded them of making their contribution to the King's service. An added impetus to recruiting came when Mr. Scott received instructions from the A.N.D. Company that falling overseas markets because of the shortage of shipping made it necessary to curtail the cutting of timber during the next winter's operations in Newfoundland to one-fifth of normal. This would reduce the Grand Falls labour force by 1500 men, the majority of whom might be considered potential recruits for the Forestry Corps. Selection of officers for the Corps was made by Governor Davidson in consultation with the Forestry Committee. Sir Walter commissioned as Commanding Officer Mr. Michael S. Sullivan, of Placentia, a good businessman and a capable organizer who had had considerable administrative experience as the A.N.D. Company's purchasing and distributing agent in St. John's. Initially holding the rank of major, he was promoted to lieutenant-colonel in January, 1919. To compensate for this officer's lack of military experience, the Governor appointed as Adjutant Captain Hector H. A. Ross, a veteran officer of the Newfoundland Regiment who had been hit by a Turkish bullet at Caribou Hill (see above, page 179), and had again been wounded in France. Quartermaster-Sergeant W. T. O'Rourke, of the Regiment, became Quartermaster, in the rank of lieutenant. The first Company Commander to be commissioned was Mr. William H. Baird, of Norris Arm. Subsequently "A" Company was commanded by Captain Hugh W. Cole, Woods Manager at Badger for the A.N.D. Company; and "B" Company by Captain Harry S. Crowe, of Millertown, who transferred from the Canadian Forestry Corps in France. Another Newfoundlander with a combined lumbering and military background who became an officer was Captain Joe Goodyear, of Grand Falls; his brother, Lieutenant Ken Goodyear, brought to the Forestry Companies valuable experience as a transport officer. Both had been seriously wounded in action with the Regiment. Despite the original intention to raise five Forestry Companies, "A" and "B", expanded beyond the planned establishment of 100 men each, were the only two to come into existence. The first detachment of foresters, 99 strong, taking with them their axes, saws, and peavies, left St. John's for Halifax aboard the S.S. Florizel on May 19, 1917. Captain (soon to be Major) Baird was in charge. A second draft of 170, under Major Sullivan, was

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dispatched during July; and smaller drafts continued to cross the ocean during the following winter and spring. While the first arrivals waited at the Depot in Ayr, Captain Baird and his officers, accompanied by Mr. Beeton and representatives of the Scottish Branch of the Timber Supply Department, inspected possible sites for the operations of the Company. They visited Dunkeld, and despite the gloomy reports from earlier surveys, it was agreed that the task was within the capabilities of the Newfoundlanders. "This involves very large labour-saving operations," Beeton cabled Governor Davidson in mid-June. He pressed for the dispatch from Newfoundland of as many skilled mill hands as possible. On arriving at Dunkeld the Newfoundlanders went under canvas. They established two camps: one high up the hill for the men engaged in felling the trees, and a lower one for those employed in the sawmills. Visitors to the area were surprised to see what were virtually replicas of Newfoundland lumber camps in the heart of Perthshire. The weather was not particularly kind, and frequently the men had to endure the discomfort of having to sleep in their tents in wet clothes. The number attending daily sick parade was large enough to draw from Major Sullivan a suggestion that medical examinations in St. John's might be a little stricter. There was a considerable improvement in health, however, when the men went into huts, which they built from lumber that they themselves had sawn. At first the Newfoundlanders found that their scale of rations (the same as allowed Scottish civilians) was inadequate for the heavy toil in which they were engaged. While this matter was being adjusted with the War Office, the foresters were grateful for a shipment of sixty quintals of codfish furnished by the A.N.D. Company. The main technical problem confronting the foresters was how to transfer the great logs down the hill from the upper levels where they were cut. Local timber men considered that this could be done only by building a mountain railway, equipped with winding drum and steel cables - an operation that would involve a considerable expenditure and much delay. The Newfoundlanders, bringing their own proved techniques to the problem, devised the solution of erecting a giant log chute. Its length of 3000 feet is reputed to have made it the longest in the world. In order to make the logs slide easily, hoses brought water from a nearby rivulet. The result was almost too successful, for as friction smoothed the sides of the chute, the logs began to run wild. The tremendous momentum acquired by a fifty-foot spruce log, bigger than a barrel in girth, can well be imagined, as it came hurtling down at a speed of sixty to eighty miles an hour. When such a giant jumped

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the sides of the chute, it would gouge great chasms in the hillside and present a serious threat to the safety of the men working below. (Private Gerald Hogan was killed in August, 1918, when struck by a flying log in similar circumstances. His was one of three accidental deaths in the Forestry Corps, the others being those of Private Selby Taylor, killed in March, 1918, and Private A. H. Wyatt, who was drowned in December, 1918.) This problem the Newfoundlanders solved by installing simple but effective braking devices at intervals down the hill. Two massive logs were sunk vertically, projecting fifteen feet into the air, one on each side of the chute. From the tops of these were hung by stout chains two more logs joined at their base to form a "V", which, protected by an iron shoe, rested in the chute. By means of these brakes the downrush of each log was retarded to a manageable speed. At the base of the chute a vast depression was excavated, and the same rivulet was diverted into it to form a large pond, into which the logs would plunge before being floated to the waiting sawmill. The mill installation had many ingenious devices introduced by the experienced lumbermen from the A.N.D. Company to speed production. It is reported that at first Scottish woodsmen were inclined to feel resentment at what they regarded as the unconventional methods employed by the newcomers from overseas. To them the cutting of trees was a serious matter, to be conducted with a certain stateliness, and, above all, sparingly. Now they saw with dismay a whole forest being levelled light-heartedly by a bustling band of strangers who apparently had no respect for the traditional way of doing things. "These men work as though they are fighting against time," complained one old Scottish factor. And back came the unabashed reply from a sturdy Newfoundland logger, "We are. That's what we are here for." It was not long before officers and men were enjoying the fine Scottish hospitality which had been extended so liberally earlier in the war to the members of the Newfoundland Regiment. "All • the famous mansions and castles on Tay side are open to the officers," reported Sir Walter Davidson on his visit to Dunkeld in December, 1917. A mile or two down the valley a hospital for foresters disabled by illness was established in historic Dalguise Castle, through the generosity of its owner. The men found a ready welcome in the homes in the neighbourhood. "They took us to their hearts and their hearths," recalls one forester. Week-ends provided an opportunity for trips to Edinburgh to see the sights of the old city. Some hired bicycles to explore the grandeur and beauty of the historic Scottish countryside. One of these wayfarers, Corporal William Woodford, of St. John's, describes the

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experience of having "high tea" in Loch Lomond Castle. There were all the trimmings, "including two waitresses to serve four of us, a butler standing majestically in the background, ever ready to anticipate your slightest wish, as well as a footman standing rigidly at attention near the door. The food was delicious, and plentiful, the service impeccable. One of the mysteries of Scotland to me was how in the name of goodness did they manage to do it for one and sixpence - thirty-six cents!" Like their brothers in the Newfoundland Regiment, the foresters were fully alive to the advantages of making a good impression when on leave by being well dressed - even to the extent of wearing, completely without authority, uniforms that closely resembled the pattern prescribed for officers. The obliging tailor who looked after their needs (on an instalment basis) would furnish them with a well-fitted tunic of the finest khaki cloth, with oversized patch pockets, and fancy braided leather shoulder cords; breeches that bagged hugely, made from whipcord of the brightest hue; the best grade of Fox puttees, spiralling snugly around the calf; ox-blood coloured boots, whose shine put the electric lights to shame; the whole topped with the most rakish style of officer's cap, having a peak as long as a jockey's. Little wonder that Newfoundlanders on leave could cut a dash which no regulationdressed Imperial forces could hope to emulate. Of all the hospitality extended to the Newfoundland foresters during their stay at Dunkeld, none was more keenly appreciated than the permission granted them by the Duke of Atholl to shoot game on his estate. The woods abounded with rabbits, hares, grouse, and partridge, and a Newfoundland sportsman might even sight an occasional mountain deer to remind him of his native caribou. Brought up in a country where no private rights of ownership restricted their hunting, the Newfoundlanders were quick to appreciate the generous concession which had been given them. As long as they were on this estate they responded by leaving their host's deer strictly alone, shooting only small game with which to provide variety in the camp pot. By the middle of the winter the mountainside of Craigvinean had been denuded of timber, and one company was working on another block of forest at Blairgowrie, eight miles from Dunkeld. In all, the foresters of Newfoundland cleared 1200 acres of timberland belonging to the Duke of Atholl, before moving, early in 1918, to a new scene of operations farther up the Tay valley. The new location was at Kenmore, near Aberfeldy, at the eastern end of Loch Tay. Here, on the estate of the Marquis of Breadalbane, a block of 800 acres of magnificent timber clothed Drummond Hill, whose steep sides sloped down to the Loch.

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Once again the ingenuity of experienced Newfoundland woodsmen solved a problem in transportation. It was decided to build large scows on which the sawn lumber could be floated along the fifteen miles of Loch Tay to Killin, at the western end, where rail facilities were available. Calls went back to St. John's to recruit from the Grand Falls area men who were expert in scow-building. In October, 19185 as another winter approached, and the requirements of the Timber Supply Department showed no signs of lessening, Mr. Mayson Beeton put forward a proposal to send to Kenmore from the Depot at Winchester 300 men of the 2nd Battalion who were suitable for forestry work. These would provide the Forestry Companies with the additional strength needed to carry on their programme, and when required for drafts to France, they could be recalled to Winchester. Beeton cited the further advantage of acclimatizing the men to a "European winter," as well as relieving the congestion in the Depots at St. John's and Hazeley Down. It took governmental wheels a long time in turning before a decision was reached. When the Minister of Militia received Beeton's suggestion, which was endorsed by both the O.C. of the 2nd Battalion and Major Sullivan, he was hesitant about giving his approval, and he referred the matter to the acting Prime Minister, Sir Michael Cashin. "As the above involves a large and serious question of policy as to whether we are justified in putting men who have enlisted in the Regiment as fighting men, to other employment," he wrote, "I refrain from taking any action in respect thereto without first having the advice and direction of the Executive Government." Shortly after the Executive Council had given its opinion that any transfer to the Forestry Companies should be on a voluntary basis, the signing of the Armistice in November lessened the urgency attending the timber operations. Only a relatively small number took advantage of the opportunity to transfer. Work at Kenmore continued through the early part of the winter, but by January, 1919, the foresters were preparing to close down their operations. It was a matter of some regret that unavoidable circumstances had prevented the project on Loch Tay from being completed. Yet the men of the Newfoundland Forestry Companies could take pride in having met the successive challenges which had confronted them from the beginning. A letter to Major Sullivan from the Assistant Collector of Timber Supplies in Scotland expressed warm appreciation for what they had accomplished: You have tackled two of the most difficult operations which have come within the scope of the Department's work in Scotland. The first has been finished with complete success. We greatly regret, and I know you regret, that the second

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should be left uncompleted, but since the end of the war was an uncertain date, we have always known that this risk had to be run in our larger operations. The 3OOO-foot chute which you constructed at Craigvinean will long be remembered as marking an epoch in forest utilization in Scotland. If it had not been for the difficulty of arranging matters with the Railway Company at Killin, I have no doubt that the floating of the timber down Loch Tay, as you proposed, would have lent similar distinction to your work at Kenmore. I am sorry to think how much you have been hampered in that case by the difficulties of the road transport . . . . All of us in this office, who have had occasion to work with yourself, Major Baird, and your other officers, will look back with pleasure to the two years you have spent with us in Scotland. I shall be grateful if you can find any means of conveying our thanks to both officers and men.

It was a well-deserved tribute to those men of Newfoundland who, barred from service with their fighting brothers in the front line, had nevertheless done that for which they were best fitted and had done it very well. To the 9th Division September 13,1918, fell on a Friday. It was the day on which the ist Battalion, Royal Newfoundland Regiment, joined the formation with which it was to serve for the remainder of the war. If there were any in the Regiment inclined to be superstitious, they probably did not miss the opportunity of uttering gloomy prognostications about the unpropitious timing of the move. But any such despondency must undoubtedly have been dispelled by the royal send-off given to the Battalion. As the Newfoundlanders marched out of Equihen Camp, officers and men of the Honourable Artillery Company lined the road and cheered the departing troops. For the first two miles the Battalion swung along to the drums of the H.A.C. Then the British unit's regimental band took over, leading the Newfoundlanders to the Boulogne station, and continuing to play until the train pulled out. Like all French troop trains, this one was by no means the last word in comfort and speed, and it took nearly seven hours, travelling a roundabout route by way of Calais and St. Omer, to cover the sixty miles to Esquelbecq, a village thirteen miles west of Poperinghe. Here the Newfoundlanders spent the night, marching next afternoon in pouring rain to Wormhoudt, three miles nearer Poperinghe. The Battalion now found itself part of the 28th Infantry Brigade, of the 9th (Scottish) Division, whose G.O.C., Major-

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General H. H. Tudor, has already received attention in these pages (above, page 408). The 9th Division had earned a distinguished name for itself. One of the first divisions to be formed in Kitchener's New Armies from the "First Hundred Thousand," it had moved to France in May, 1915, and had fought in the major British battles on the Western Front - at Loos in 1915, at the Somme in 1916, Arras and Passchendaele in 1917, and in the German offensives of March and April, 1918. It was to have the honour of being one of the most mentioned divisions in Sir Douglas Haig's Despatch of October 21, 1918. The Division's three brigades were the 26th (Highland) Brigade, the 2701 (Lowland) Brigade, and the 28th Brigade. Lack of reinforcements to replace the heavy losses suffered at the Battle of Loos had compelled a reorganization early in 1916, when the 28th Brigade was disbanded and replaced by a South African Brigade. In April, 1918, the South African regiments were amalgamated into a composite battalion, and two Scottish battalions were brought in from other divisions, to form the 28th (South African) Brigade. The South Africans left in September, 1918, to rebuild into another brigade of their own. On their departure the 28th Brigade was reconstituted to include the two battalions already under command (the 2nd Battalion, The Royal Scots Fusiliers, and the 9th Battalion, The Scottish Rifles), and a third Scottish unit to be available shortly, the loth Battalion, The Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. A delay occurred, however, in the transfer of the Argylls, and in their place the ist Battalion, Royal Newfoundland Regiment, was posted to the 9th Division, "to temporarily complete the establishment of the 28th Infantry Brigade." Like so many "temporary" arrangements, however, this one became permanent until the war's end. The Newfoundlanders stayed only five days at Wormhoudt, carrying out final "attack training" and being fitted out for battle. On the morning of September 18 they joined in Brigade manoeuvres with the other battalions of the 28th. They were favourably impressed with their new brigadier, Brigadier- General J. L. Jack, D.S.O., of the Cameronians, a soldier of considerable experience in the field. In subsequent operations his daring and skilful leadership and his complete disregard for his own safety he disdained to wear a steel helmet - would bring him the nickname "Mad Jack." On September 20 the 9th Division, now with the Second Corps (Lieutenant-General Sir Claud Jacob), of General Plumer's Second Army, took over a sector of the front east of Ypres. The Newfoundlanders' move forward to the firing line began very late on the 19th. It was near midnight when the Battalion entrained for

The Advance to Victory

On their return to Ypres in the late summer of 1918, the Newfoundlanders found the famous Cloth Hall in ruins.

Proven, with a full complement of officers and a strength of 724 other ranks. From Proven they marched to Siege Camp, northeast of Vlamertinghe, and on the evening of the 2Oth they relieved a battalion of the 26th Brigade in the front trenches. The 28th Brigade's sector lay between the Menin Road and the YpresZonnebeke road. On the right, Lieutenant-Colonel Mathias' front line ran for 700 yards northward from Hellfire Corner. This was a little more than 1000 yards to the rear of the position which the Battalion had occupied in the months between Beaumont Hamel and Gueudecourt. The Newfoundlanders were glad to find as neighbours old friends of the 88th Brigade; for the 29th Division held General Jacob's right flank. To a number of Newfoundland officers and men the ground ahead of them was very familiar. The trenches they occupied were those of the X line which they had helped to dig two years before. In front of them lay Rifle Farm and Railway Wood, now battered beyond recognition. It was frustrating to contemplate this waste of rusted wire, mud, and shattered stumps, which had been gained at such tremendous cost, and then so rapidly lost again. Yet there was a feeling that this time things would be different, that the situation now was full of promise. There was

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hope, verging on confidence, that the forthcoming offensive would bring the war to an abrupt and successful conclusion. By the time September entered its third week Marshal Foch, after several conversations with Sir Douglas Haig, had settled the sequence of the four great hammer-strokes which Allied Armies were to deliver in a grand offensive from the Meuse to the Channel. The attacks would be launched on successive days. On the extreme right, Franco-American forces would strike on September 26 between the Meuse and Rheims. On the following day the British First and Third Armies would attack in the centre on either side of Cambrai. September 28 would initiate fighting in the north - an offensive by the G.A.F. (Groupe d'Armees des Flandres), consisting of the Belgian Army and the British Second Army, with two French corps in reserve, the whole under the command of the King of the Belgians. Finally, on the 29th, the British Fourth and French First Armies would join in the general drive by attacking in the St. Quentin sector. It was the Allied Commander-in-Chief s design that the principal effort was to be made on the extremities of the long front of attack. As the advances in these two sectors converged, the frontages of the central Armies would be considerably reduced. A final note addressed by Marshal Foch to his senior commanders on September 27 emphasized the importance of maintaining the momentum of the advance in the forthcoming operations. He called for unceasing efforts to break through, and for continued action to deprive the enemy of time to recover from his disorganization. "The battle now depends," he wrote, "on the determination of corps commanders and on the initiative and energy of divisional commanders." Once more, I repeat, the last say in battle comes not from the endurance of the troops alone, who never fail if appeal is made to them, but also from the impulse of the commanders.

As will be seen in the battles ahead, at the higher levels of command - brigade, division, and corps - the Newfoundlanders were to be fortunate in their leaders. Not for nothing was Winston Churchill, no mean judge of ability, to describe Sir Hugh Tudor as "an iron peg hammered into the frozen ground, immovable." The Battle of Ypres, 1918 Instructions for the Group of Armies of Flanders, issued by Albert's Chief of Staff "in the name of the King," called for an attack on a sixteen-mile front from Dixmude

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to St. Eloi (three miles south of Ypres), to break the enemy's line of resistance and capture the long Passchendaele Ridge as a base of departure for an immediate further advance. On the left the Belgian Army was given as its initial objective the line Clercken (ten miles north of Ypres) - Staden- Passchendaele -Broodseinde. General Plumer's objectives extended this line south-eastward along the crest of the main ridge to its junction with the Messines Ridge, east of Mont Kemmel. The Second Army's attack would be made by the Second Corps on the left and the Nineteenth on the right, the inter-Corps boundary running eastward through Zillebeke. The 9th Division, forming General Jacob's left wing, would assault eastward between the Menin Road and the road from Ypres to Zonnebeke. General Tudor planned to attack with two brigades - the 26th left and the 28th right. His final objective for the first day was on the main Passchendaele Ridge, extending northward from Polygon Wood to a point about 500 yards south of Broodseinde. To reach this line would require the capture of a series of intervening rises on the 28th Brigade's front in succession the Bellewaarde Ridge, the southern tip of the Frezenberg Ridge, and the high ground about Westhoek. Brigadier Jack's front of 700 yards was a little more than half that of his left-hand neighbour. This was to ensure that he would have sufficient strength in hand, after the capture of the Frezenberg Ridge, to press home the attack along the main ridge, the highest part of which lay in his sector. His attacking wave comprised the 2nd Royal Scots Fusiliers on the left and the 9th Scottish Rifles on the right, with the Royal Newfoundland Regiment in close support. His final instructions, addressed to all ranks of the 28th Brigade, were characteristically informal: Brigadier has heard of your gallantry, has seen your smartness, and prays you use your wits. Keep as close as you can to i8-pdr (Pipsqueak) barrage. It's there, so don't go into it. Never mind your dressing . . . . Surround pillboxes and machine-guns. They can only fire one or two ways . . . . Push steadily forward in your little groups, using slow covering fire when necessary, and stick roughly to your own line of advance. Good luck.

Zero was at 5.30 a.m. on the 28th, shortly before dawn. The German position was known not to be garrisoned in great force; its real strength lay in the superior observation which it afforded over the whole Ypres Salient, and the difficult nature of the shelltorn and mud-covered ground over which the assaulting formations would have to advance. Nevertheless the Belgian Army had insisted on a preliminary artillery bombardment on its front, to last for three hours. General Plumer, however, could see little

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good purpose in firing for a long time in the darkness at enemy lines which were not clearly defined, and his Second Army's attack was made with no artillery preparation. At half-past two the Belgian bombardment opened to the north with a violence surpassing that of any artillery fire which veteran Newfoundlanders could recall. To those who had not previously been in action - they comprised fifty per cent of the Battalion this tremendous display of gunpower was both awe-inspiring and heartening. They watched and listened in amazement, and their excitement mounted as they waited for the dawn. Then at fivethirty the British barrage began with a concussion that shook the ground, while the light from the muzzle flashes of the guns and the bursting of exploding shells turned darkness into day. Heavy rain was falling as the Scottish Rifles and the Fusiliers began advancing behind the creeping barrage. It was soon apparent that the enemy had been taken completely by surprise: possibly the absence of a preliminary bombardment had deceived him into believing that the assault would be delivered only on the Belgian front. The Newfoundlanders followed close on the heels of the assaulting battalions, "B" Company, commanded by Captain Sydney Frost, in the lead on the right, opposite Rifle Farm, and "D" (Captain Herbert Rendell) on the left. Now it was that the Battalion profited by the experience of officers who had been here in 1916: for their knowledge of the ground, from which all landmarks shown on the map had long been obliterated, enabled them to keep their platoons moving in the designated direction. It seemed to the advancing troops that full daylight would never come, for the heavy clouds that hung low over the battlefield were thickened by a smoke barrage which proved valuable in concealing the attackers from enemy eyes, so that pillboxes and tunnelled dugouts were isolated and captured with greater ease than might have been hoped for. What light German resistance there was the forward battalions readily handled, and the Newfoundland Companies had little more to do than maintain direction and keep in touch with the attacking waves. Occasional bags of prisoners drifted to the rear, and before long several in the Regiment were puffing contentedly the good cigars with which German officers were usually well supplied. The drenching rain soaked everyone to the skin, but in the triumph of success no one seemed particularly to care. The Newfoundlanders picked their way steadily forward, passing on their right long-remembered Y Wood, and mopping up on both sides of Bellewaarde Lake. There was a momentary bit of trouble for "B" Company from a German machine-gun in Chateau Wood, but this was quickly cleared up with assistance from troops of

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the 29th Division advancing through Hooge. Then the Newfoundlanders were over the crest of Bellewaarde Ridge and moving on through Westhoek, which the leading troops had reported captured at eight o'clock. From there the Newfoundland Companies had simply to walk across the low ground and up the slope of the main ridge. By midday they were at Polygon Wood, the first day's objective, settled in and organized for defence. The rain had now stopped, and the sun's warmth began to dry out sodden uniforms. During the afternoon a battalion of the 27th Brigade passed through from reserve, to establish a line half a mile to the east. At four o'clock the Newfoundlanders made a short move forward to Polygon Racecourse, where they dug in for what proved to be an unpleasantly chilly night. Yet the day's success had boosted everyone's morale to a high level. In an advance unprecedented in its operational experience the Battalion had pushed forward three miles, and at a cost of only fifteen casualties. Keiberg Ridge To maintain the momentum of the general offensive the G.O.C. Second Corps now ordered the 36th Division to come forward and attack between the 9th and 29th Divisions. It was directed on Terhand, a village three miles east of the main ridge, and about two miles north of the Menin Road. General Tudor's role for September 29 was to cover the 36th Division's left flank and to conform on his own left with the Belgian Army's advance on Moorslede (two miles south-east of Passchendaele). This would bring the 9th Division against Keiberg, a village at the end of a spur of high ground running south from the main ridge at Passchendaele. To give the men as much rest as possible, and to allow time for the 36th Division to come up into line, after consultation with the Belgians the resumption of the advance was timed for 9 a.m. The 28th Brigade led the 9th Division's attack, with the other two brigades in close support. Brigadier Jack had the Royal Newfoundland Regiment on the left, next to the Belgian 8th Division, and thus opposite the southern tip of Keiberg Ridge. On the right were the 9th Scottish Rifles. From forming-up positions on the western slope of Passchendaele Ridge, just south of Zonnebeke, the Newfoundlanders began advancing shortly after nine. "A" Company was on the right, "C" in the centre, and two platoons of "B" on the left. The rest of the Battalion followed in support. The attack went in with no artillery barrage, but some smoke shells were fired to give a measure of cover from enemy view as

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the troops came down the forward slope of the main ridge. This planned protection proved ineffective, for as soon as the leading Companies crossed over the crest, they were shelled with high explosive and shrapnel. Three direct hits virtually wiped out one platoon, and all along the line casualties mounted. Other than keeping up with the Belgians, the Newfoundlanders had no designated objectives. "March on a compass bearing of 102 degrees" had been the order. Now they were in the valley, and experiencing troublesome rifle and machine-gun fire from Celtic Wood, over on the right. A brief sally by the leading platoon effectively dealt with this resistance; two machine-guns were captured, and a number of prisoners with them. As the Newfoundlanders began the ascent of the Keiberg Ridge, they continued to put into practice the Brigadier's advice, pushing forward in short rushes by twos and threes, under cover of each other's fire. The forward troops were within 1000 yards of Keiberg village, when they came under close-range shelling from a six-inch gun, which was firing over open sights. Captain Frost, in command of "B" Company, realized the seriousness of the situation, for this opposition threatened the advance not only of the 28th Brigade, but that of the flanking Belgian division to the north. The gun was protected on either side by a machine-gun, whose fire made a direct frontal assault impossible. Without loss of time Frost pushed his Lewis guns out to either flank to give covering fire, and directed one of his platoons to work around and storm the enemy position from the south. The platoon was commanded by one of the youngest Newfoundland subalterns, Lieutenant Albert Taylor, who had already shown his prowess by winning the M.C. at the Broembeek, as well as a periodic D.C.M. With admirable skill and courage he led his men forward by short bounds, taking full advantage of the protective fire of the Lewis gunners. Although frequently exposed to German bullets, the little party reached their goal, capturing the big gun and both machine-guns. The daring feat brought Taylor a Bar to his Military Cross. Captain Frost's prompt and skilful handling of the situation, which resulted in restoring the momentum of the advance, was typical of the dash and determination with which he led "B" Company throughout the day. He was awarded a well-merited Military Cross. Captured with the gun, which was a new one, manufactured that year, was a quantity of ammunition. A day or two later a British siege battery supporting the Newfoundlanders had it in action, giving the enemy a good dose of his own medicine. Throughout this episode Frost had kept in close liaison with

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the Belgians, and as soon as the obstacle was overcome, they were able to advance and secure the Keiberg Ridge north of the village. "B" Company, pushing forward to Keiberg itself, encountered a trench full of German soldiers, who showed little inclination for fighting. Some were killed, and there were wholesale surrenders. The village was taken without trouble, and the clearing of a pillbox on the crest placed the southern end of the ridge securely in the Newfoundlanders' hands. All this had taken less than an hour, and it was shortly after ten when the eastward advance continued down the forward slope of of the ridge. Ahead, in marked contrast to the devastated area through which they had passed, the Newfoundlanders saw pleasant undulating country covered by unspoiled farmlands, with open green fields bordered by tall poplars and unbroken hedges. Over on the left, a couple of miles to the north-east, the town of Moorslede, standing on rising ground, marked the next Belgian objective. Across the valley, directly in front of the Newfoundland Battalion, was the village of Waterdamhoek; while to the south-west the church steeple of Dadizeele provided a landmark to guide the extreme right of the Battalion. As they descended Keiberg Ridge, the Newfoundlanders cleared several farmhouses without encountering serious opposition. But in the valley resistance suddenly stiffened. The leading troops of the Second Corps had come up against the Flanders I Stellung, with which Prince Rupprecht's forces had some slight hopes of checking their opponents' advance. Compared with many of the strong German defences which the Newfoundlanders had encountered earlier in the war, this was no formidable position. The line, which depended mainly upon a series of farmhouse strongpoints behind thick belts of wire, was laid south from Ostend through Moorslede, passing between Keiberg and Waterdamhoek, and through Terhand to a point on the River Lys, three miles south-west of Menin. Some two to three miles behind this was a second Flanders position, which opposite the British Second Corps ran southward through Ledeghem to Menin. Until the 36th Division could capture Terhand the rest of the Second Corps was to experience trouble with Flanders I. From innocent-looking farm buildings steady machine-gun fire opened up on the Newfoundlanders. To aggravate matters, an enemy aeroplane appeared, and making passes forward and back at what seemed to be a dangerously low altitude, peppered the forward troops with bullets. All the Lewis guns in the Battalion were turned on the marauder, but without success. The Newfoundland casualties mounted. A tragic loss came with the death

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of "D" Company's Commander, Captain Herbert Rendell, M.C., an officer of long experience in the Regiment, who was killed by a sniper's bullet. It was the second officer fatality of the day. A little earlier Lieutenant Lionel Duley, one of the youngest and most promising subalterns in the Regiment, had been seriously wounded, as it later proved, mortally. Without the support of a single field gun, or even a trench mortar (for the rapid advance had put the Battalion out of touch with the artillery), it was impracticable to attempt further attack. A message was sent back for reinforcements, and shortly after three o'clock, troops of the 26th and 2yth Brigades were seen coming over the Keiberg Ridge. On the right the 36th Division had finally reached Terhand, and the whole line now moved forward, breaking through the German position on a front of 4000 yards. The three Brigades of the 9th Division did not halt until, soon after 4 p.m., they had established themselves near the Menin-Roulers road in front of Flanders II Stellung. The 26th Brigade had taken Dadizeele, and General Tudor's front line was now ahead of both his flanking divisions. Beyond this salient was Ledeghem, east of the Menin-Roulers railway and behind the Second Flanders Position. The town was too strongly held for attack until the 36th Division and the Belgians had drawn level. It was a case of digging in for the night - a night which again turned out to be cold and wet. The Newfoundlanders held an outpost line east of the village of Strooiboomhoek, 1500 yards north of Dadizeele. They were becoming very weary after fortyeight hours of fighting and marching without sleep; and so it was cheering to learn, at dawn on the 3Oth, that the Battalion was to have a day's rest in reserve. With the remainder of the 28th Brigade they marched back a couple of miles to some ruined houses in the vicinity of Keiberg, where they found shelter from the incessant rain. A hot meal and a ration of rum as usual proved excellent restoratives, after which Platoon Commanders saw that their men took prompt and vigorous action to avert the danger of trench feet, which the two days of constantly wet boots and socks had invited. Since the battle opened on September 28, the Newfoundlanders had advanced a distance of nine miles, during which their casualties had numbered a little over 100. That the figure was not higher could be credited to the skilful manner in which all ranks had observed the rules of "fire and movement," making their way forward in short rushes under the cover of accurate fire from their comrades. The fighting on the 29th had brought the Regiment twelve major decorations for bravery. In winning the Military Cross Lieutenant Harry Williamson, of Grand Falls, had

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shown the kind of inspiring leadership that contributed so greatly to his Battalion's success in action. When, after the capture of Keiberg Ridge, a German machine-gun opened fire from a flanking point which had been bypassed, he dashed over with his runner and shot both the crew of the gun with his revolver. Later in the day, after Captain Rendell had been killed, Williamson took command of "D" Company and led it with distinction for the remainder of the battle. Another Grand Falls man, Sergeant Reginald Stanford, also of "D" Company, won the D.C.M. for his daring capture of two machine-guns which were holding up his Company's advance. In attempting to outflank these, Stanford lost five of six men in the first 100 yards. Covered by his remaining companion, the daring sergeant went on alone against the Germans. "As soon as he got within sixty yards," stated his citation, "he threw a bomb, and dashing in, bayoneted two, shot another, and captured the two guns." A second D.C.M. was won by Private James O'Quinn, of South Branch, for his gallantry in running messages under heavy fire until hit by a bullet from the hostile aircraft east of Keiberg Ridge. In addition to these awards, six members of the Regiment received the Military Medal in recognition of their work, at great personal risk, in putting enemy machine-guns out of action: Sergeant Gregory Greene, Bell Island; Lance-Corporal John O'Rourke, Holyrood; and Privates Newman Gough, of Elliston; Albert Lee, of Riverhead, St. Mary's; A. J. Murphy of Harbour Buffet; and Bramwell Booth Reid, of Heart's Delight. Private George Mullett, M.M., of Wesleyville, whose courageous work in carrying messages under shelling and machine-gun fire helped keep his Company in touch with the Belgian Army's right flank, was awarded a Bar to the decoration he had won at the Steenbeek. Ledeghem and Beyond The Newfoundlanders' stay in reserve lasted until the night of October 2, when the Battalion again moved up to the front line. On the previous day an attack by the 2yth Brigade had driven the enemy out of Ledeghem, but with no flanking support for the 9th Division the village could not be held. The sector which the Newfoundlanders took over included Ledeghem station and some 500 yards of the railway track along the west side of the town. Platoons sought cover wherever it was available - some in railway cuttings, others behind piles of gravel or railway ties, others in abandoned houses, or even in refuse pits.

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These positions they held for four days, repulsing German efforts to dislodge them, and each day, by means of observation and reconnaissance patrols, learning a little more about the enemy's dispositions. One evening a party of four German soldiers walked into the station, "as bold," reports one who was there, "as if they were going to take the next train for Brussels." The six days' rations which they carried, together with their sniper's rifles, revolvers, and stick bombs, suggested that they had been detailed to establish a sniping post in the station, unaware that the Newfoundlanders were there before them. They were found to be in a communicative mood and were promptly hurried off to the Brigade Intelligence Officer. On the afternoon of October 3 the Germans began vigorously shelling the Newfoundland lines, and at the end of an hour their infantry were seen advancing in a counter-attack. But the Newfoundlanders were ready, and not a German managed to reach within 50 yards of the Battalion's forward positions. The repulse owed much to a number of deeds of gallantry by individuals and small groups of the Regiment. One such exploit was that of a soldier of "B" Company, Corporal Richard Power, who hailed from Cupids. When his Lewis gun was destroyed by an enemy shell, Power seized a captured German machine-gun, and moving forward to a well-advanced post, caught the attackers with enfilading fire, killing or wounding many. A number of the Germans recognized from its sound that the gun was one of theirs, and believing that their own gunners were firing on them, fell back in disorder. Power's coolness and courage brought him one of three Distinguished Conduct Medals won by Newfoundlanders that day. Another went to Private William Anthony, of Seal Cove, Conception Bay. Braving the barrage that preceded the German attack, he went out alone with his Lewis gun some 150 yards to a point from which he engaged the enemy continuously during the action, causing them many losses. The third was awarded to Corporal Charles Carter, of Belleoram, Fortune Bay, who worked his way forward with his section through a timber yard to outflank an enemy machine-gun which was assailing the Newfoundland line. From his advanced position his fire silenced the offending German gun and continued to harrass the enemy during the entire counter-attack. Five Newfoundlanders received the Military Medal for their heroic actions on October 3. Sergeant Wilfred Woolfrey, of Lewisporte, and Corporal William Joy, of Harbour Main, won their awards for their good work in going out into No Man's Land to take a heavy toll of the advancing Germans with their Lewis guns. Privates Michael Walsh, of Bellevue, and John Mooney, 'of

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Placentia, exposed themselves to sniping and machine-gun fire as they calmly reported the enemy's movements from an isolated observation post in the station roof. Private Alexander Adams, of Arnold's Cove, added a Bar to the M.M. he had won at the Broembeek, by going out under heavy fire to repair a broken telephone line and thereby restore communications between Battalion and Brigade Headquarters. In addition to these awards, mention should be made of the granting of the Military Medal in recognition of the devoted service of Private John Clarke, of Dunfield. On the night of October i he reconnoitred a route forward under damaging fire, and then guided up to the front line a convoy of pack-horses bearing much-needed ammunition. Another member of the Regiment who displayed great courage when not actually engaged in combat was Sergeant Albert Rose, M.M. (later commissioned), whose work on the night of October 4 won him the D.C.M. When intense shelling scattered the Battalion ration party, of which he was in charge, Rose coolly went about the task of dressing the wounded and collecting the rations, all of which he ultimately delivered to the appropriate Companies. When the Newfoundlanders were relieved on the night of October 6/7, they went into bivouacs near Keiberg, and for the first time since September 28 were able to wash and shave. There followed an uneventful week, during which Companies replenished their battle stores and sought to remedy all kit deficiencies among their men. Worthy of note was the resourcefulness of one Company Commander who made a laudable attempt to secure a reissue of iron rations for his hungry men (who were obviously no better than their fellows in conserving these for an emergency) by testing Adjutant Raley's resistance with the following memorandum: Iron Rations short - 135. I certify that biscuits of above rations were all eaten by rats.

The heavy artillery had now come forward, and batteries of 9-2-inch guns and 12-inch howitzers were in position a mile or two behind the front line. Yet not all the forces under King Albert's command were ready to resume the offensive. The successful advance of the Flanders Group of Armies, which had resulted in the capture of 10,000 Germans and 300 guns, had been costly to the attackers. The Belgian Army reported its losses for September 28 and the five days following as 4500, including fifty per cent of its officers. In the same period the Second Army's casualties had been 303 officers and 4392 other ranks. Both Annies needed time to reinforce and reorganize; there was much

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to be done in building up lines of communication and supply services. Despite the impatience of Marshal Foch, who wanted to keep his northern flank moving in line with the offensives in the centre and the south, it was decided that the attack could not be renewed before October 14. The principal role in the G.A.F.'s new offensive (which the Second Army came to call the Battle of Courtrai) was to be played by two French Corps which had been inserted in the middle of the line, with orders to capture the plateau north of Roulers and to press eastward towards Ghent. The Second Army received orders to form a flank guard for these operations by gaining and holding the line of the Lys down as far as Harlebeke, below Courtrai. General Plumer's right-hand Corps was already aligned along the north bank of the Lys at Comines. He directed the Tenth, Nineteenth, and Second Corps (from south to north) to push forward to the river, and to be prepared to establish bridgeheads on the far bank. Since the Lys flowed in a generally north-eastward direction, it will be observed that the Second Corps had farther to go than its neighbours to the south: the 9th Division, on General Jacob's northern flank, was called on to make the longest advance of any formation in the Second Army. General Tudor's objective was the railway line running north from Courtrai. As the crow flies, this was five miles east of Ledeghem. There was no illusion among the formations of General Plumer's Army that the enemy's resistance was beginning to crumble. The pause in operations had given the German Fourth Army time to strengthen its lines of defence, most of which had been in a rather embryonic state. Although Germany had begun exchanging notes with President Woodrow Wilson on the possibility of an armistice, for the time being fighting would continue in full force. On October 12 von Hindenburg had sent a warning to the Groups of Annies on the Western Front: Diplomatic action to end the war has begun. Its result will be more favourable the greater the success in holding the forces together, in retaining possession of conquered territory and in inflicting damage on the enemy . . . . I beg the Groups of Armies to consider very earnestly the situation before agreeing to any retirement.

A V.C. for the Regiment Zero hour for the attack was 5.35 a.m., and just before dusk on the evening of the isth the assaulting battalions began moving forward from their camps. As the Newfoundlanders, strung out in single file, followed the narrow track

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assigned to them, they were greeted by a wicked shelling. It was obvious that the enemy's aerial observers had not been idle during the lull in hostilities, for the approach routes of every battalion came under similar artillery attack. By taking a zig-zag course across their path the Newfoundlanders managed to escape serious loss. Shortly after midnight Commanding Officers reported in person to Brigadier Jack that their Battalions were in position. The 2nd Royal Scots Fusiliers had lost 50 men on the way forward; the Newfoundlanders, who were to assault on the Fusiliers' right, reported 15 casualties. The troops waited out the remaining hours of darkness stretched along the railway track north of Ledeghem; for jumping-off trenches such as they had used in so many previous assaults were non-existent here. The attack went in on time under a barrage of shrapnel and thick smoke fired by field guns only 200 yards behind the infantry. Even closer were the heavy machine-guns, firing over the heads of the advancing troops. With "B" Company leading on the right and "D" on the left, the Newfoundlanders got off to a good start, quickly outflanking and silencing three pillboxes, each manned by 15 to 20 Germans. The capture of one of those strongpoints resulted from the initiative and daring of two men, Privates Edward O'Brien, St. John's, and Heber Trask, of Elliston. Dodging bombs thrown at them they dashed forward and bayoneted three Germans outside the pillbox. Then, having first tossed in a grenade of their own, they entered and captured an officer, 34 men, and two machine-guns. Unfortunately neither lived to be invested with the Military Medal which his brave deed won for him. Then it suddenly became completely dark. The heavy concentration of smoke (the barrage had included two smoke shells to one of high explosive) combined with a thick ground mist to produce a fog as dense as any "peasouper" that Newfoundlanders could recall from leaves in London. Visibility beyond a yard was nil. Men could not see their own feet. The Battalion was automatically split into little groups of two or three, who could keep in touch with one another only by shouting. A Company Commander describes the complete feeling of isolation experienced by officers and men: It was no longer a brigade attack, nor that of a battalion, nor a company, platoon or section; it was each individual for himself, and, as I firmly believe, God for the British Army - up till twelve o'clock, anyway. In the afternoon He may have given the Boche a few hours, but we can certainly claim Providence was with us until midday on the I4th October.

What proved a barrier to the Newfoundlanders' advance was a

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deadly blow to the enemy. He was deprived of the use of the machine-gun, his chief weapon of defence. A few of his gunners maintained an aimless and desultory fire, but the majority were forced into inactivity, and with grim foreboding awaited what might come. Speed and direction were what mattered now to the attackers. It was slow going, for besides the numerous small streams in their path, they encountered wire entanglements recently strung by the Germans and their enforced civilian labour. It was not unusual for a small party groping forward to bump into houses before they could see them, giving their heads some nasty knocks. Nor were humorous episodes lacking. One Company Commander and his runner tripped over an enemy machine-gun, to land sprawling into the arms of two surprised Germans, who took it as a great joke. One of them who could speak English accepted the officer's apologies with "That's all right," and immediately proffered a bag of sugar cubes as ransom for his life. Almost every house yielded prisoners, and before long the accumulation of captives was becoming an embarrassment, as a party of two or three Newfoundlanders would find itself saddled with an enemy group three or four times as large. One officer dealt with such a situation by herding sixty-six Germans into a cellar under the charge of an N.C.O. and a private soldier, with orders to march them back to the Prisoner of War Cage when the fog lifted. On the way back the N.C.O. was wounded; but before the day ended the private returned bearing documentary proof of a task completed: Received from Pte. Pelley, Nfld. Regt. 66 O.R. Beche (sighed) Cpl. Wigh I/C Advanced Cage P.O.W. 14/10/18 9th Div.

A number of the unoccupied houses showed evidence of the haste with which the Germans had departed. Finding breakfast still cooking on the stove, the Newfoundlanders would quickly make up for the meal which their early-morning start had compelled them to forgo. Some members of the Battalion are said to have breakfasted at least eight times, taking particular satisfaction in finding plenty of coffee, with no shortage of sugar. It was about half-past ten when a breeze sprang up, sufficiently strong to disperse the fog and the smoke. The forward Newfoundland Companies had cleared the handful of houses at Neerhof, and on the left the village of Rolleghemcappelle had fallen to the 26th Highland Brigade, which had come forward to fill a gap developing between the Newfoundlanders and the Belgians. Now

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a serious situation developed. Flowing diagonally across the Newfoundlanders' path was the Wulfdambeek, a stream in some places five or six feet deep, and too wide to jump. The watercourse was in full view of the enemy on the rising ground to the east, and as the sun shone out, it quickly became apparent that his field guns had the range perfectly. Section after section of the Newfoundlanders were wiped out in attempting to bridge the Wulfdambeek. Finally they were across, some by wading, others by swimming, though a number were bit in mid stream, of whom a few found a watery grave. The depleted platoons pushed on 1000 yards to De Beurt Farm, at the top of the ridge. Here the Battalion was again held up by shelling, which was coming from the direction of Drie-Masten, about 600 yards to the south-east. A call by means of rockets for supporting gunfire against the hostile battery brought no response, for the advance had put the British guns out of contact. Something had to be done quickly to stop the withering German fire before the Newfoundlanders were annihilated. Attempts by various officers to reconnoitre to right or left with small parties resulted only in more casualties. In this critical situation a platoon officer of "B" Company, Lieutenant Stanley Newman, led his men forward to the right with the object of outflanking the German battery. By clever manoeuvring the little party succeeded in reaching the depression south of the ridge, where they were within point-blank range of the German field guns, and under fire from the machine-guns protecting the battery. In the platoon's Lewis gun detachment was a young soldier from Middle Arm, White Bay, Private Thomas Ricketts, who was only seventeen years old. Two years previously he had advanced his age to eighteen in order to join the Regiment, and he had then come over with the Windsor draft. He first saw action at the Steenbeek; and he received a bullet in the right leg at Marcoing, rejoining the Battalion in time for the fighting at Bailleul. What now took place in front of Drie-Masten is described in the following extract from the London Gazette (of January 6, 1919). Pte. Ricketts at once volunteered to go forward with his section commander and a Lewis gun to attempt to outflank the battery. Advancing by short rushes under heavy fire from enemy machine-guns with the hostile battery, their ammunition was exhausted when still 300 yards from the battery. The enemy, seeing an opportunity to get their field guns away, began to bring up gun teams. Pte. Ricketts, at once realizing the situation, doubled back 100 yards under the heaviest machine-gun fire, procured further ammunition, and dashed back again to the Lewis gun, and by very accurate fire drove the enemy and the gun teams into a farm.

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His platoon then advanced without casualties, and captured the four field guns, four machine-guns, and eight prisoners. A fifth field gun was subsequently intercepted by fire and captured. By his presence of mind in anticipating the enemy intention and his utter disregard of personal safety, Pte. Ricketts secured the further supply of ammunition which directly resulted in these important captures and undoubtedly saved many lives.

In this way did a member of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment become the youngest winner of the Victoria Cross in the British Army. The point was emphasized at the investiture, which took place at Sandringham on January 21, 1919. On the previous day the King and Queen had suffered a sad loss in the death of their youngest son, Prince John; but with characteristic thoughtfulness His Majesty, learning that Ricketts was due for an early return to Newfoundland, arranged for a private ceremony at York Cottage. By a happy coincidence there was also present the oldest living V.C., General Sir Dighton Probyn, eighty-five years of age, who had won his decoration in the Indian Mutiny, sixty years before. After the investiture King George introduced the youthful Ricketts to Princess Mary and the others in the room, saying: "This is the youngest V.C. in my army."* Sergeant Thomas Ricketts, V.C., wearing the Victoria Cross and t: the Croix de Guerre with Gold =, Star

*The only other Newfoundlander to win the Victoria Cross in the First World War was Private John Bernard Croak, who was born in Little Bay, and served with the 13th Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force. The action took place on August 8,1918, during the opening stage of the Battle of Ameins. How remarkable that the outports where Ricketts and Croak were born were in adjoining bays on the north-east coast of Newfoundland - as the crow flies not more than thirty miles apart!

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Lieutenant Newman, who after the battery had been taken led his platoon on to the next farm and captured an ammunition wagon and several more prisoners, received the Military Cross. Ricketts' section commander, Lance-Corporal Matthew Brazil, M.M. (see above, page 458), whose cool work with the rifle helped provide covering fire for the final assault of the German gun position, was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal. The Battalion was now able to reorganize and press onward. But there was not much more progress to be made that day, for a mile to the east the Germans were holding a wired position around Laaga Kapel Wood and the Bois d'Heule. The Newfoundlanders met brisk machine-gun fire from the hamlet of Steenbeek, between the two woods. Then they encountered an old friend. From the right flank a mounted officer came galloping towards them. He proved to be Brigadier-General Freyberg, who was visiting his troops of the 88th Brigade in the front line as usual, despite the enemy fire. When within hailing distance he shouted, "Who are you?" "Newfoundlanders," was the ready reply. "Thank God, my left flank is safe," exclaimed the Brigadier, as he wheeled his horse preparatory to galloping off. "Now for my right." Of this unexpected testimonial to the Regiment's reliability a distinguished Newfoundland journalist, the Honourable Dr. John Alexander Robinson, was to write: The Royal Newfoundland Regiment received many tributes of praise during the war from impartial and disinterested quarters, but General Freyberg's involuntary words will, I think, appeal to most as the greatest of all, greater even than the "better than the best," which however grateful to our pride in the gallant sons of our loved land, savours of extravagance.

As dusk fell, the Battalion dug in on a line 500 yards west of Steenbeek. The day's advance of three miles had placed the 28th Brigade farther east than any other troops of the Second Army. For the Royal Newfoundland Regiment it had been a strikingly successful day. There was a count of 500 prisoners and 94 machine-guns, besides the five field guns taken at Drie-Masten, three other guns, and vast supplies of ammunition. But as in previous operations there was the same sad story of heavy casualties. The Battalion had lost two gallant young officers, Lieutenant Frank Burke, who was commanding "A" Company, and "B" Company's Lieutenant Albert Taylor, who had earned a Bar to his Military Cross only two weeks before. Among the rank and file there had been many killed and wounded. At dawn on the I5th the Battalion could muster only 300 rifles.

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The fighting on October 14 had demonstrated once again that the Royal Newfoundland Regiment did not lack dauntless men ready to risk injury or life itself in the performance of their duty. In addition to those already named, tribute must be paid to three winners of the Distinguished Conduct Medal. From an exposed point east of Ledeghem Privates Arthur Whalen, Point Leamington, and Thomas Corbin, Corner Brook, engaged with their Lewis gun two enemy machine-guns that were enfilading their platoon. When the tripod of their gun was shot away, Corbin supported the weapon on his shoulder while Whalen continued to operate it, finally outfighting and killing the German gun crews. Private Samuel Greenslade, of Long Pond (near Manuels), braved machine-gun fire from an enemy-held farmhouse to close in on the position. Then firing through one of the windows with his Lewis gun, he held a dozen Germans at bay until his section advanced and captured them. Four Newfoundlanders were awarded the Military Medal for their heroism that day: Privates Andrew Smith, Dildo, and William King, St. John's, for their devoted service as Company runners in carrying messages all day over ground swept by enemy fire; Private Hamer Gardner, British Harbour, who with great presence of mind saved an ammunition convoy when it came under a heavy barrage, by hitching up and galloping it forward out of the shelling, to bring the attacking troops the ammunition they needed; and Corporal Richard Power (winner of the D.C.M. only eleven days earlier), for attacking a German pillbox which was defended by two machine-guns, and holding them in combat with his Lewis gun until, under cover of his fire, his own section closed in and captured the position. When the 9th Division's advance was resumed on October 15, the 26th Brigade took over the lead. The attack went well, for the Second Army's success of the previous day, combined with sweeping gains made by British Armies farther south, had brought an order for a general retirement across the Lys by the German Fourth Army. The Highland battalions encountered only a few rearguards manning machine-guns and trench mortars, and by noon they were at the railway which ran north from Courtrai. The Newfoundlanders, following behind with the rest of the 28th Brigade, were able to march in column of route. About mid-morning the Battalion began to encounter liberated Belgian civilians - first in ones and twos, and then in their hundreds - each with the jubilant cry, "Allemand parti." They showed every sign of happiness as they trudged along bearing baskets or bundles containing a few of their dearest possessions, and what Army terminology would describe as "the unexpended

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portion of the day's rations." Later the marching troops met carts pulled by dogs, and wagons drawn by oxen, or occasionally by a very thin horse or donkey. All were heaped high with furniture, clothes, and all manner of household goods, and seated on top of the pile would be a feeble-looking old grandfather or grandmother. Soon the road became badly clogged, as from the rear came crowding a stream of military traffic - infantry transport and cookers, cyclists, light artillery, armoured cars, and motor machine-guns. By late afternoon the attacking Brigade was within a mile of Harlebeke - the goal of the Second Corps, three miles downstream from Courtrai. But the canalized River Lys interposed, and the retiring Germans had blown all bridges. The Newfoundlanders billeted for the night in farmhouses near St. Catherine Cappelle, a village three miles north of Courtrai, and just west of the railway. "On the i6th," wrote an officer of the Battalion, "we cleaned arms and ammunition, rested, and ate. Such feeds of potatoes, cabbage, carrots, and turnips! We did enjoy it, especially as the ration of vegetables in the Army at this time of year is by no means good." From the Lys to the Scheldt For four days the Battalion remained in reserve, spending the time in drilling and practising various methods of crossing water barriers - an exercise that involved, among other things, learning how to deploy rapidly after defiling over a narrow bridge. On October 16 and 17 there were separate attempts by the 36th and 29th Divisions and the ayth Brigade of the 9th Division to gain a foothold over the Lys, but in every case the strong German reaction forced a withdrawal of the bridgeheads. In response to orders from General Plumer, the Second Corps, which held a front extending six miles north-east from Courtrai, began preparing for a major crossing of the canal on the night of October 19 by three divisions abreast. The Army Commander was anticipating the last General Directive to be issued by Marshal Foch, which on the morning of the I9th instructed the Group of Armies of Flanders to march in the general direction of Brussels. The Second Army's next objective was the River Scheldt, ten miles east of the Lys, but the G.O.C. Second Corps was content first to name a line only three miles ahead. The night of October 19/20 was fine, and an almost full moon gave the assaulting battalions enough light for their task - a task that was indeed no easy one. In the 9th Division's sector the canal

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averaged a width of fifty yards between its steep banks, and at its shallowest part it was six feet deep. And the enemy had had three full days in which to prepare his defences and bring up reserves. To have attempted a daylight crossing in the face of withering machine-gun fire would have been to invite disaster. By 11 p.m. the Royal Engineers had their bridges in place and their pontoons and rafts ready in front of the 9th Division. General Tudor was attacking with four battalions, two from each of the 26th and 28th Brigades. On his right, the 29th Division would assault simultaneously, and on his left the 36th Division, a little later. As soon as it was dark, Brigadier Jack's forward battalions, the Royal Scots Fusiliers and the Scottish Rifles, formed up in front of Bavichoke, opposite the village of Beveren, a village a mile downstream from Harlebeke. Behind them were the Newfoundlanders, under orders to follow across before dawn. Throughout the evening the enemy, who evidently expected a crossing, had kept the assembly area under vigorous fire from guns and mortars. To a Newfoundland subaltern serving as Brigade Intelligence Officer, Lieutenant Frank Hopson, of Grand Falls, fell the dangerous assignment of taping the positions for the assaulting battalions. His skilful performance of this task, and his subsequent bravery in making reconnaissances across the Lys brought him the Military Cross. At eleven-fifteen the supporting barrage began falling on the line of the Harlebeke-Beveren road. The alert enemy at once responded with heavy and accurate artillery fire. One of the two barrel bridges assigned to the 28th Brigade was destroyed and the other badly damaged, and there was a delay in launching the rafts. Notwithstanding these setbacks, within two hours the leading battalions were on the far bank. They were followed across shortly after four o'clock by the Newfoundlanders, paddling on rafts or gingerly stepping along the damaged bridge, which being without handrails and having its eighteen-inch-wide duckboards submerged under two feet of water in the centre of the stream, presented a nice challenge to soldiers laden with sixty pounds of battle impedimenta and acutely conscious of shells bursting within a few yards of them and bullets whistling past on all sides. Amazingly, there were few casualties, and 100 yards in from the right bank the Newfoundlanders formed up their Companies and waited for the dawn. At six o'clock on the 2Oth a renewal of the barrage set the advance once more in motion. Initially the opposition was relatively light. Deerlyck, 3000 yards east of the Lys canal, was captured by the leading battalions at eight o'clock, and when the Newfoundlanders arrived an hour or so later, they were hard put

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The Advance to Victory Near the point where the Royal Newfoundland Regiment crossed the River Lys on October 20, 1918, stands this Caribou Memorial, the only one to be erected on Belgian soil.

to it to resist the hospitality showered upon them by the exulting citizens. The troops found themselves literally dragged into cafes and estaminets, to be plied with coffee and cognac. All along the route the Battalion's advance was a triumphal progress. From farms and village homes the civilians would come running with offerings of food and drink for those whom they hailed as their deliverers from slavery. The Newfoundlanders were struck by these people's complete disregard of the shells and bullets that were falling about them. It was doubtless a fearlessness born of ignorance, for many became casualties. Half an hour after the Battalion had left Deerlyck, the enemy shelled the civilian-filled town with gas and high-explosive, killing a reported 100 of the inhabitants. The news of this brutal act enraged the Newfoundlanders. In the afternoon resistance stiffened considerably. The Battalion had now taken the lead, with orders to capture the village of Vichte, two and a half miles beyond Deerlyck, and to push on towards the Scheldt, regardless of how flanking units were progressing. The ground now rose slightly to form the watershed between the Lys and the Scheldt; and several low spurs branching from the height of land gave the Germans advantageous positions from which to check their pursuers. Even to the most optimistic the prospect did not look very cheerful, particularly as, because of the late arrival of the Brigade order, what was to have been a

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supporting barrage for the attack was fired while the Newfoundland companies were still a mile away. In the circumstances they did well to capture the railway station and gain a foothold in the western outskirts of Vichte. They were unable to advance farther in the face of artillery and machine-gun fire coming from front and flank. It was here that Private Maurice Power, of Dunville, won the Military Medal by his cool courage in going forward 600 yards in the face of heavy machine-gun fire to reconnoitre the enemy's positions, and bringing back valuable information, as well as four German snipers whom he had captured single-handed. With only one officer per company left unwounded, the Battalion dug in half a mile west of Vichte, to spend a miserable night in pouring rain. These positions the Newfoundlanders held throughout October 21, waiting for the 36th Division to draw level on the left. That evening, on their relief by a battalion of the 2yth Brigade, they marched back to Harlebeke, where they were given billets described by the unit war diary as being "exceedingly bad." There followed two days of parades and rehearsing for the next attack, whenever that should come. For a march past on the 23rd the Royal Newfoundland Regiment could muster only 256 all ranks. All the battalions of the 9th Division, indeed most of those of the Second Army, were similarly under strength, for in the continuous advance since September 28 there had been little or no opportunity to receive reinforcements. The relief of the 9th Division could not be postponed much longer, but before his troops were withdrawn General Tudor was extremely anxious — as indeed were most of his officers and men - to reach the Scheldt, which was still five miles by road beyond Vichte. On the evening of the 22nd, as reports came in of increased enemy resistance west of the river, General Plumer gave orders for a combined attack by the Second, Nineteenth, and part of the Tenth Corps, to be delivered on October 25 with the support of all available artillery. The Last Ridge On the evening of the 24th the Newfoundlanders marched forward to their assembly area near Vichte, finding shelter in farmhouses just south of the Courtrai-Brussels railway. There was little sleep, for the enemy's guns kept up a harassing fire all night. One of "D" Company's billets received a direct hit, which wiped out practically the whole platoon housed there. The 9th Division's final attack of the war went in at nine next morning. The first objective was the crest of the long

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The Advance to Victory

Ooteghem-Ingoyghem Ridge, which lay athwart the road from Harlebeke and Vichte. Rising 150 feet above the surrounding country it formed the last barrier before the River Scheldt. It was strongly held by two German machine-gun battalions, supported by batteries of artillery whose fire was directed from observation posts on the heights beyond the river. General Tudor assaulted with the 26th and 28th Brigades abreast, each having two battalions forward, the Royal Newfoundland Regiment advancing in support of the Royal Scots Fusiliers and the Scottish Rifles. The Newfoundlanders' "B" Company was temporarily attached to the Rifles, to guard the Division's extreme left flank. It was soon apparent that the enemy was resolved to dispute every inch of the way. The 28th Brigade almost immediately came under a fierce counter-barrage, and its ranks were swept with gusts of machine-gun fire. Every farmhouse was a centre of resistance, to be taken only in furious fighting. "B" Company was constantly exposed to enfilading fire from the north, where the neighbouring 36th Division had been held up by particularly strong resistance. Not until mid-afternoon did Brigadier Jack's forward battalions clear In